Britannia antiqua illustrata, or, The antiquities of ancient Britain derived from the Phœenicians, wherein the original trade of this island is discovered, the names of places, offices, dignities, as likewise the idolatry, language and customs of the p by Aylett Sammes ...

A DESCRIPTION OF THE Renowned Island OF BRITAIN IN GENERAL.

CHAP. I. A Description of Ancient BRITAIN.

BRITAIN, the most Renowned Island of the whole World, was called by the Ancient Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, afterwards it took the name of BRITANNIA, but more truly, BRETANICA, from the Adjacent I∣slands called, BARAT-ANAC, or BRATANAC by the Phoenicians, from the abundance of Tynn, and * 1.1 Lead-Mines, found in them. It was alwaies esteemed a very considerable part of the World, even in the height of the Roman Empire, and much celebrated in the Writings and Monuments of the Graecians; and, as if the Genius of this Nation did prompt the Inhabitants, and insensibly lead them to Trade and Traffick, we find that besides that, the Island received its name from it,

insomuch, that, in the first Ages, it was frequented by the Ablest Merchants, and Skilfullest Marriners, the Phoenicians; who carefully, and studiously concealed this Treasure from the World, being exceeding jealous, least the source and head of their Trade being discovered, the busie Graecians might put in for sharers; And least the fruitfulness of the Soyl, the pleasant and delightful scituation of the Country, might tempt those of their own Nation to neglect their Barren Soyl, and betake themselves to this more temperate and blessed Clymate; we read, that, by a publick Edict of those States, care was taken to prevent it, yea, all possible means used too, to stop the current which was visibly turning that way.

In this condition BRITAIN continued during the time the Phoenicians flou∣rished, sending forth its Commodities to the Straights, and to all the Mediterranean Seas, as likewise thorough Gaul, by Land, to Narbo, where the Phoenicians held a publick Mart.

About the declining of the Phoenician State, the Graecians began to Trade into these parts, and they, who before had only heard of the Bratanacks, which in the same sence they called Cassiterides, or the Tynn Islands; now learnt the way to them, and conformed themselves to the Name the Phoenicians had given them, calling them first the Bretanick Islands, afterwards Britanes.

Upon the encrease of the Roman Empire, and the fall of Carthage, the Trading began to decrease, and the Graecians, for fear of that powerful State, discontinued their Voyages into the Western Seas. And it may be supposed, that Britain lay idle during the space of a hundred and seventy years, till Julius Caesar's arrival.

From this Time begins Mr. Cambden's Antiquity of this Nation, and the first Discovery of it, not admitting its Name to be known much earlier in the World; Nevertheless I question not, but they that shall read the ensuing Chapters, concern∣ing the Phoenician Voyages into these parts, will be better satisfied touching the great trade of Tynn and Lead exported from them. If the love of my Country has not blinded me, it seems far more evident that it received its Name from its Trade (for which in all Ages it has been renowned) than from any barbarous Cu∣stome of painting, or dying their Bodies, wherewith the Adherents to that opinion have too severely, and with too many Circumstances, branded the Inhabitants there∣of.

In evidencing this Opinion, I have not made use of any of the British Histories, because their credit in the World is but small, but have grounded it upon the Autho∣rity of Greek and Roman Authors, some of which, as Timagenes, Polybius, and Festus Avienus, had made great Enquiries into Phoenician Records, and for that * 1.2 reason were more able than others, to give a true account of the Trade of that Na∣tion relating to Britain. So that for the present, granting the Bretannick Islands to be so well known to the Ancient World, it will not seem fabulous, that Orpheus, but more truly Onomacritus called them of old, The Seat of Queen CERES; as after∣wards * 1.3 they were stiled, The Granary of the Western World.

Neither will it seem Ridiculous what Mr. Cambden mentions, namely, That they * 1.4 were supposed to be the fortunate Islands so much celebrated by the Ancient Poets, where the ELYSIAN FIELDS, and HELL it self might be placed. Let us consider, that upon the first discovery of them by the Phoenicians, they were to the then known World, just as the West Indies were at first to Europe, and that by the small progress the World had made, so early, in the art of Navigation, the Voyage to them was as long, and as difficult. Add to this, the many Stories the Phoenicians might relate to them, especially to the credulous Greeks, and in a fabulous Age, when the digging in Mines might be interpreted, A discent into Hell; and Chule, in the Phoenician Tongue, signifying Night and Obscurity, might be called, The Kingdom of Darkness. No doubt on the other side; The pleasant scituation of BRITAIN, the Remoteness of it from the busie and careful World, the flowry Vallies curiously deck'd by Nature, watered by Rivers, and defended by Woods, Hills, &c. To pass over many other advantages wherewith this Island is blessed above other Nations, when they came to be related, by the Phoenicians, to that Nation, it created in them the Idaea's of another World, and might be the ground-work of those Elysian Fields, and Places of Rest, to which Vertuous Souls were carried after their departure out of a temporal Being.

This was the Opinion of the Ancient Greeks concerning BRITAIN in those daies, when they had the knowledge of it by Hear-say only, from the Phoenicians, which doth evidently appear, if we consider, that upon the Real discovery of it by them, and their better Acquaintance in these parts, they left not off to hunt after those Imaginary places, still believing (according to the Ancient Tradition) that they were here only to be found. And this gave occasion to the Story of Isa∣cius Tzetzes, a Greek of no small Repute and Credit with M. Cambden; namely, * 1.5 That JULIUS CAESAR was carryed from Gallia into I know not what Western Islands, where the pleasantness of the place invited him to tarry, had he not been ob∣liged to depart by the Inhabitants, and so forceibly carried back by the same Spirits that conveighed him thither. And, although this be but a Fable, yet it shews the Opinion of those Times, and the strong belief they had, that here were the For∣tunate Islands, and the Elysian Fields.

This Famous Island is in Length, from Dunsby-Heate, the farthest Promontory in Scotland, to Dover, DC and odd miles, and in Breadth, from Dover to the Point of Belirium, or the Lands-end, CCLXXX, or as some reckon it, from the Lyzazd Point in Cornwal (which lyeth on the Latitude of 50 degrees, and 6 mi∣nutes) to the Straythy-head in Scotland (in the Latitude of 60 degrees, and 30 mi∣nutes) it extends in Length DCXXIV Miles, and from the Lands-end in Cornwal (scituated in 14 degrees, and 37 minutes of Longitude) unto the Island Tennet in the East of Kent (lying in 22 degrees, and 30 minutes) it is in Breadth CCCXL Miles.

Mr. Cambden, who measures it according to its Compass, makes, from the Point * 1.6 Tarvisium to the Cape Belirium DCCCXII miles, from Belirium to the Fore-land of Kent CCCXX miles, from the Fore-land to Tarvisium DCCIV miles. But in his Account, he allows for the turnings and windings of the Shoars, so that in Compass it is MDCCC XXXVI miles, almost two hundred less than what Caesar re∣ported in his daies.

For its Greatness it was esteemed by the Romans, at the first discovery of it, to be a NEW WORLD, and if we curiously look upon the Form of it, as all Europe represents a great Dragon, so this Island hath some resemblance of a huge Snake, whose Head, with a wide and gaping Mouth, looks towards Norway, and part of Denmark, and his Tail to the West.

Ptolemy describes it under five Parallels, whereof the first is the sixteenth from * 1.7 the AEquator, in the middle of which Parallel the most Southerly part of it is placed, being 52 degrees from the AEquator, and the most Northerly part of it is in the 62 degrees of Latitude. But Ptolomy herein has too much streightned it, and bending the North part of it far more to the East, towards Germany, than it should be, he has taken away from its Latitude. Some, to cure this, have car∣ed it higher Northward, but gave it no more Latitude than it had before, to remedy which, others have thrust it two degrees more Southwardly.

The truest Calculation is, That the most Southwardly parts lie in the Latitude of * 1.8 50 degrees and 6 minutes, in the beginning of the sixteenth Parallel, and eighth Cly∣mate, and the most Northwardly, in 60 degrees 30 minutes, in the six and twen∣tieth Parallel, or thirteenth Clime. So that the longest Day in the South parts will be 16 hours, in the Northern, 18 and a half. Upon the North and South, it pointeth to the Ocean, on the West, it hath Ireland, on the East, we may measure its extent by the Continent, for it lieth in the same Latitude with part of France, Flanders, Zealand, Holland, Lower Saxony, and Denmark, so that there can be no certain Rule given (as in lesser Kingdoms) of the temperature of the Air, the na∣ture of the Soyl, the strength, growth, or proportion of the Inhabi∣tants.

It is now, as it was when the Romans first discovered it, that there seems to be many Nations in it differing in the make and proportions of their Bodies. The more Northward we go, the People seem to be sturdier, bigger made, and in their Limbs more resembling the Germans, hardy and stout, and enured to Labour and Cold, and to be of the same nature with the Daues and Saxons, in the latitude of which Kingdoms they lie.

The Southwardly parts contain Men of neater strength, and more compact Limbs, and what they want of the proportion of the others, they make out in their quick∣ness and agility, being hardy, and not unweildy, having not less strength, but a better management of it. In a word, they seem to joyn the quick and brisk temper of the French, with the staid and more fixed Humour of the Germans, and as the People differ in the temperaments of their Bodies, so in this vast Kingdom are many Countries, Cities, Towns, Villages, Colleges and Free-Schools for the promoting of Learning, Hospitals and Alms-houses for the Relief of the Poor and Maimed, not inferiourto any in any other part of the World beside. Divers Languages, Customes, and Usages, which are not contrary one to the other, but by the mixture of the Gen∣try, and the happy union of this Nation under one Monarch, do meet together in the making up of the best compacted Kingdom in the World.

The Languages in Britain are these.

• 1. THE first, is the ENGLISH, which is most purely and elegantly spoken in the Southern parts, and especially at London, and it extends thorough all the hither parts of Scotland, being the General Language of the most refined sort of that Nation, who are called by the more Northern People, Sassons, as we are by the Welch.
• 2. The second, is the BRITISH Language, and is spoken by the Inhabitants of North and South Wales, although with great difference of Dialect.
• 3. The third, is the CORNISH and DEVONSHIRE Tongue, differing both from the British and English, and not to be understood by either; but it agrees most with the British, but especially of the Britains of Armorica, or Britain in France, and those Words they preserve common with both those Nations, seem to retain in them the foot-steps of the most Ancient British Language, and have in them the very Idiom's of the Phoenician and Greek Nations.
• 4. The fourth, is the Language of the Wild SCOTS, and differs very little from the Irish in the common Appellative Names, it agrees very much with the Welch, as doth likewise the Irish, which argues, that before the Romans, and afterwards the Saxons had incorporated themselves in this Island, the Language of all the Inhabi∣tants was much the same, and that Ireland was rather peopled from Britain than from Spain, as some have imagined.
• 5. The fifth, is the Language of the ORCADES, or ORKNEY Isles, with those parts of Britain that shoot out upon them, there is spoken the Gothic, or Danish Speech, which argues them to have been formerly subjected to the Princes of Norway. It is a rough and unhew'd Language, and is the root of the Dialect spo∣ken more refined by the English, more roughly by the Dutch, and the Inhabi∣tants of Upper Saxony and Denmark. It is the very husk of the Teuto∣nick.

The whole Island divided into Britannia Major, as ENGLAND, and Minor, as SCOTLAND, England being the Greater (and of more particular concern to our present discourse) is in Length, by the computation of some, CCC LXXXVI miles. Cluverius reckons, from Weymouth to Berwick upon Tweed, CCC XX, or LXXX German miles. So that in Compass it is about MCCC miles, * 1.9 reckoning the Creeks, and windings of Promontories. By computation it contains thirty Millions of Acres, and is the Three hundred thirty third part of the Habi∣table World, almost Ten times as big as the United Netherlands, and is to France as 30 to 82.

And thus much for the Extent of this ISLAND, upon which account it was called by the Ancients, a NEW WORLD, and upon a better survey of it, The Great Island. As for the temperature of the Air, as I said before, it is different according to the many Clymates it runs thorough. But concerning the South∣wardly parts of it, or Britannia Major, I will only Cite some Impartial Judges.

First, Caesar, who was well experienced in the nature and climate of Gaul, writes, That BRITAIN is a more Temperate Country, and is not subject to the sharp and * 1.10 nipping colds of the Continent. The Reason is given by Minutius Foelix, namely, That it is refreshed by the warmth of the Sea, flowing round about * 1.11 it.

Experience teacheth us, that the extremity of cold in this Country is blown off from the Continent, and proceeds not from the North, but Northeast-winds; and as it hath not those Colds in Winter, it is not burnt up with immoderate Heats in Summer. Here are none of those violent Thunders and Lightnings which are so frequent on the Continent, nor do we ever hear of Serenes wherewith those hotter Climates are infested. The heat of the Weather is allayed by gentle Winds, and continual Breezes, and the Earth cooled and nourished with mild and moderate showers.

Tacitus speaketh very much of the temperate, and happy scituation of it, for * 1.12 he saies, There is nothing deficient in it but the Olive and the Vine, which only grow in hotter Countries. But they that shall consider it more truly, namely, that there are many places at this day called Vineyards, in ENGLAND, where in all proba∣bility has been made Wine, will have small cause to complain of the Country in this particular, but will rather attribute it to the cheap and easie importation of that Commodity, and better improvement of the Ground.

But it is a great wonder to hear, what one Brietius of late hath written concern∣ing * 1.13 the Temperature of the Air in BRITAIN, which, because it is the production of his own Brain, and never heard of before in the World, it will not be amiss to mention it.

[Every One and twenty year (saith he) the Plague rageth in BRITAIN, which proceedeth from the extream Heat of every Seventh year, which Heat is far greater the Third seventh, for then the Waters lying in holes, putrifie and corrupt, and cer∣tainly cause a Pestilence.]

This Cycle of One and twenty years, and the Plague ensuing upon it, as it smells * 1.14 too much of the Cabbalistical number, SEVEN, to be true, and to be believed, concerning any Nations; so is there not the least appearance of any likelyhood in it relating to Britain. The Plague hath alwaies been observed more to be brought into this Island, than bred in it, and the Contagion hath been kept up by the Crowds of People, rather, than the malignity of the Air.

Tacitus, amongst the rest of his Observations upon the BRITAINS, saies, * 1.15 [That they generally lived to a great Age, which he attributes, especially to the Air, and Climate of the Country.] And perhaps the same Remarks might be made of the present Inhabitants; But certainly, if they are not so Healthy as formerly, it is not the fault of the Country, but the difference of Times, the Luxury of the People, the Trade of other Nations, crowding their Persons and Interest toge∣ther, and bringing oftentimes the Infections, as well as Commodities, of other Countries.

Generally, the Soyl of this Country is very Fertile, abundantly watered throughout with Springs and small Rivulets, adorned with pleasant and fruitful Valleys, easie and gentle Hills; nay, the Ground which lies waste in ENGLAND, and neglected (by the Judgment of some) far exceeds the Soyl of many Provinces on the Continent.

What Opinion the Romans had of it, may be gathered out of the words of an Oratour to Constantius, the Father of Constantine. [It was no small damage (saies he) to the Commonwealth, to loose the very bare Name of BRITAIN, to forego a Land so plentiful in Corn, so rich in Pasture, so full of Mines, and veins of Mettals, so accommodated with Havens, and for Circuit so large and spaci∣ous.]

And as these things relate more particularly to the Southern part of this Island, viz. Britannia Major, in which the Romans were most conversant: so we may reckon the great price and value they put upon it by their care and diligence, de∣fending it, fencing it in (like a precious Garden-plot) with a Wall of Eighty miles in length, from Tinmouth on the German Sea, to Solway-Frith on the Irish Sea, least the Caledonian Boars (as one calls them) might root it up.

The Saxons, who followed them, did not think this sufficient, till they had se∣cured it from the Cambro-Britain Foxes, and that with a Ditch of Ninety miles in length.

The Normans, who had forsaken France to take possession of it, had not less thoughts of it, as may appear in their Doomsday-Book, viz. the black Book of the Exchequer, wherein it is called, a Paradice of PLEASURE.

And, if we add to this the Judgment of the Phoenicians and Graecians, we may see that in all Ages the Possession of it did highly esteem and commend it.

It would be endless to speak of all things particularly, which the whole ISLAND plentifully produceth, insomuch that as it is separated from the rest of the World, so it bringeth forth all things sufficient for the life of Man; And if I should here reckon up all the sorts of Grain it beareth, the abundance of Cattle, their several kinds and uses, the plenty and variety of Fish, Fowl, Fruit, Roots, &c. I should seem to Strangers, rather to number the works of Nature, than set forth the Plenty of an Island.

As it affordeth all Food necessary, so it yieldeth to the Inhabitants Rayment also, as likewise all Materials for Architectures, Firing, the necessaries of War, and all Conveniencies that serve for Profit, or Recreation.

It produceth a great quantity of Tynn, Lead, and Iron, it wants not Silver Mines, likewise Brass and Copper, it hath Quick-silver, Antimony, Sulphur, Black-Lead, Orpiment Red and Yellow, Allom, the natural Cinnabarum, or Vermillion, Bitumen, Chrysocolla, Coperas, the Mineral stone whereof Petreolum is made, Cole, Salt-Peter, Salt-Soda. And, as (if this was not sufficient) like a kind Mother, it yield∣eth Physick to the Inhabitants, it hath many Medicinal Springs in it of great use and benefit, Hot Baths for the ease of Maims, Bruises, Inward Aches, and Pains.

Add to this the number and conveniencies of its Ports and Havens, and the most ecellent Ad vantages it hath from all parts of the World to take in Trade and Mer∣chandize, and we may safely conclude, there is not any One Kingdom in the World that can be compared with it.

No wonder therefore that it hath been possest by several Nations, and coveted by many more, being a Country (as One saith of it) like the TREE in Paradice, good for Food, pleasant to the Eye, and to be Desired. And whereas some Countries are still held by their Aborigines, none thinking it worth the while to dispossess them, it is harder to find out the first Inhabitants of this ISLAND, than to number up the General Vicissitudes and Changes it hath underwent.

CHAP. II. The first Inhabitants of BRITAIN.

IT is in Great Kingdoms as in Mighty Rivers, the higher we trace their Original, the more we are to seek from whence their principal Head and Scource doth proceed; And as Objects, by distance, are contracted till they scarce become visible to the eye, and those things by far removal off, seem to be in one lump, which, in themselves are really separated: So it happens that, amongst many pretenders to the first Plantation of a Country, it is hard to discern, to which the Priority is to be given, and the Map of the Ancient World, by time, is reduced to so small a compass, that the many Colonies, like little Rivulets, seem to meet in one point, and have so dar∣kened and obscured the lines and traces of Antiquity, that of necessity recourse must be made to Probable opinions, and conjectures, those Artificial Glasses, by which the foot-steps of time are laid more wide and open.

In the enquiring out the first Inhabitants of this Island, I do not intend to build any thing upon the British Histories, but will altogether wave them in this place, neither relying on their Authority, nor questioning their Truth, in which pro∣ceeding, I hope, I shall not incur the displeasure of any, seeing I shall put them in a Treatise particularly by themselves. Neither will any one, I hope, be offen∣ded, if contrary to the Judgment of some, I cannot suppose this Island to be Peo∣pled so soon as it is usually imagined. And, I think, to the true stating of this matter, some Remarks and Observations will not be amiss, touching the encrease of Man-kind in the Primitive Ages of the World, nor do I take it to be beside my purpose, to make some reflections on the slow motion and progress of Colonies, occasioned by their ignorance of Passages, and the little knowledge they had of the conveniencies of the Countries they arrived at, all which they could never learn, until they had tarried and made some experiment of them; To which may be added many other circumstances, as the want of necessaries of Travel, and the small improve∣ment of Navigation, as to long voyages by Sea.

Touching the great and extraordinary encrease of Mankind, supposed after the Flood, the Scriptures make no mention of it. Noah had but three sons, Japhet seven, Shem five, Ham four. The greatest number was Jocktans, who had thirteen, a thing not unusual even in our daies. Neither was the advantage of Polygamy so considerable, as to swell the numbers of them to so great a height as is supposed. Jacob with his Wives and Concubines had but twelve sons, and Solomon but one.

But we shall see the Product of Mankind better, if we take a measure and survey of them some hundreds of years after the Flood.

From the Flood to Abrahams daies are reckoned CCXCII years, and yet the Land of Canaan so fruitful, and so nigh to Armenia was not fully Peopled, as by his words to Lot may be gathered, [Is not the whole Land before us?] CC years after, Simeon and Levi, without any other assistance, destroyed a whole City.

Afterwards, when Jacob went into AEgypt, the pleasant Land of Gosben lay empty, and we may judge of the Inhabitants of all AEgypt, by the single Progeny of Jacob exceeding them, which Progeny, by a particular blessing of God, encreased; yet in CCC years to the number only of Six hundred three thousand five hundred and fifty, besides Levites and Children, which being added in proportion will not make at farthest, two parts of three of the Inhabitants, of either London or Paris, and are a very small quantity to the Peopling of a Nation.

The Phoenicians afterwards driven out of their Seats, by the Israelites, possessed many parts lying upon the Mediterranean, in Spain, Africa, Italy, and other places of Europe and Asia, which could not be supposed to be very well Peopled. How then can we imagine that Britain (lying so far West, having such a vast Continent between it and Armenia, and being secluded by the narrow Streights, from being easily accessible by Sea) should be Peopled in so short a time when far nearer places lay empty, and desert?

If any one object and say, That the Islands of the Gentiles (among which Britain is one) were given to Japhet and his Sons, and therefore Britain was not so long before it was Peopled; Let them consider, that by Japhet and his Sons, is meant his Pro∣geny, and that in order to the enjoying of his Patrimony, and taking their Pos∣session thereof, the delivery of a Turf to him or his Sons was not necessary, but sufficient that his Seed inherited the Blessing.

Some there are, who to shew the great encrease of People in the East, after the Flood, have instanced in Ninus his Army, whom Eusebius saies, lived CCL years * 1.16 after the Deluge: His Army (by Herodotus) is reported to consist of One Million seven hundred thousand Foot, Two hundred thousand Horse, and of Sythed Cha∣riots above Ten thousand, an incredible number in any Age, and which might startle us if the Author was not sufficiently known. But how came it to pass, that the Assyrian Empire, in One hundred years time, afterwards should be grown so low, as with its Confederates, not to be able to resist Abraham and his Three hundred men? What is become of all this Horse and Foot, that they did not at least, hin∣der him in prosecuting his Victory? Certainly, as Herodotus hath out-stretched himself in the number of the Army, so has Eusebius in his Chrono∣logy.

Justin makes Ninus to be later than Tanaus King of the Getes, which Tanaus lived * 1.17 about the time of the Argonauts, and Bishop Usher hath placed his Reign in the year of the World MMDCCXXXVII, and after the Flood MLXXXI, or thereabouts, so that we see almost a Thousand years difference in the circumstances of the Peo∣pling of Assyria.

Thus much being said in short concerning the encrease of Mankind after the Flood, namely, that their Colonies were not so great and numerous, as sufficiently, to possess Asia, and all those pleasant and delightful Countries about Armenia, in the space of four or five hundred years. Let us consider whether it be reasonable to suppose our Fore-fathers, of so uneasie and restless a disposition, as to be continually wandering from place to place, and hunting after new Countries, having no Necessi∣ties to move them thereunto. Can we think that they could be drawn into the North, into the cold and barren Countries of Sythea, and Germany, to pass thorow the neck of Scandia, and overcome the ascents and difficulties of the Mountain Tau∣rus, if they had not been reduced to it by those exigencies of affairs, by which, naturally, every Nation is obliged, upon the too great encrease of its Inhabitants, to cast out the worst of its People, and disburthen it self of the superfluity of them. Nor can we easily suppose, that one and the same Leader could induce his followers to accompany him into Countries, wherein they were to undergo the speedy and sudden changes of Weather. It is more reasonable to think, that Colonies crept on by degrees, and every succeeding Generation added one step to the progress of their Fathers, and so Mankind insensibly, in different parts, was accustomed to different Climates, which became easie and familiar to them, by reason that by long time, and short journies, they rather stole into them, than suddenly jumpt upon them.

But granting, that in the first Ages after the Flood, Mankind encreased faster than now it does, and that the Progeny of Noab did desire to disperse it self over the whole Earth, yet could they not do it because they wanted sundry Materials and Necessaries for it, the forging of Iron, the curious working of it is said to be found long after the Flood, an Art without which there could be no stirring, and suppo∣sing that every Colony did know the way of managing of it, it required time to find out Mines in order to the making of Instruments, which must be supplied in every Country, though not producing that Mettal, and sufficient quantities be-provided before they could go on any further; In like manner they must tarry for the growth

of Provisions in the places where they came, which would take up a year or two, before they could be produced. Neither could Countries in a moment be cleared from Wood, or cleansed from Fenns, with both which the Earth did then a∣bound.

Sir Walter Rawleigh reports, That, the Spaniards, in some parts of America, scarcely proceeded into the Continent ten miles in ten years, which if they (with all necessary * 1.18 Instruments) could not do, how can we expect that in the first Ages after the De∣luge, Colonies could go on so fast, when they were to encounter with no less dif∣ficulties, and had not the same means to overcome them; And if by this measure we should calculate the progress of the first Planters we might not be far out of the way, but certainly as Europe extends in length IOCCCC German miles, so we might modestly assign so many years to the filling of it, which is four times the speed that * 1.19 Spaniards made in America.

But because it is reasonable to suppose that the first Colonies took the advan∣tages of Navigable Rivers, which were more commodious for Scituation, Carriage, and many other respects: so it is to be imagined, that following those conveniencies they ran out in length far into a Country before they filled the main body of it, and so in Germany might proceed down the Rhine, and so come into these Western parts long before that vast tract of ground was thoroughly Peopled.

This is the only Reason that induceth me to believe, that this Island had Inhabi∣tants at the first coming of the Phoenicians, things being in this condition as to Land Affairs some hundreds of years after the Flood. But let us see what success the World had in Shipping in those Primitive Ages.

In the daies of Solomon, about the year after the Flood MCCLXX, the Phoenici∣ans were arrived to a great perfection in the art of Navigation, they made long Voyages, and imported many rich Commodities into those Parts; and without doubt the greatest improvement of Shipping proceeded from those quarters, which the Gracians themselves cannot dissemble, although they give the Honour sometimes to Danaus, sometimes to Phoenix and Cadmus, whom they will have the Sons of Agenor, so making Phoenix the name of a Man, which (indeed) is the name of a Na∣tion, and a Nation, which in all likelyhood had Shipping far before either Cadmus, or Danaus, as is gathered by their experience therein in King Solomons daies, who lived much about their time.

But the Gracians (who by the AEgyptians were alwaies called Children) made it their business to fasten all the great Actions, and Inventions of the Ancients, upon something of their own Nation, and being better able to write than perform great Matters, they brought down the original of Arts and Sciences to their own low and pitiful Epocha.

Of this I shall have more occasion to speak in treating of the Name of Bri∣tain, wherein their fraud and vanity will be made more evidently to ap∣pear.

Some say, that Shipping was first invented in the Red-Sea, by King Erithras, who is supposed to be Edom, others in the Mediterranean at Tyre, but however it be, the Phoenicians inhabited upon both those Seas, and it is most reasonable (according to Tibullus)

Prima Ratem ventis credere docta Tyrus. * 1.20

To give them the Honour of Invention, who made the greatest progress in it.

If this conjecture be right concerning King Erithras, that he was the first maker of a Ship, and was the same with Edom (as Scaliger supposes) then was Navigation * 1.21 begun in the year after the Flood CCCC, or thereabouts, and being brought into the Mediterranean by the Phoenicians, there began an easie way of transporting of Colonies to all those Seas, upon which account, we may suppose they were Peo∣pled long before the Inland Countries, and all the Islands of the Ionians, and all the borders of Greece and Epirus, to Italy and Spain on one side, and the Shoars of Africa on the other to the Streights, received their Inhabitants, before the Continent of Europe was half filled with its Inland Colonies.

Now adding Four hundred years more to the improvement of Navigation, to its first beginning, and it will be much about the time the Phoenicians entered the Streights; about Four hundred years more the Phoenicians had built great Ship∣ping, and were accustomed to long and tedious Voyages, being hired by King So∣lomon. Now it is that we hear of Danaus, and his great Ship Penteconteros, or fifty * 1.22 Oars, in which he arrived out of AEgypt into Greece, which Voyage may be ga∣thered out of an INSCRIPTION upon an old Marble, part of which by time is worn out. It is thus.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 * 1.23 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

By the Learned Selden rendered to this sence.

Since the Ship . . . . came from AEgypt into Greece, and was called * 1.24 Penteconteros, and the Daughters of Danaus . . . . . and Helice, and Archedice chosen from the rest . . . . . and sacrificed upon the shoar in Para . . . . de in Lindus, a City of Rhodes, MCCXLVII.

Having premised thus much concerning the general increase of Man-kind, the slow progression of Nations, and the advantage those People had that lay upon the Midland-Sea, above those that travelled by Land. I will leave the Phoenicians in the Mediterranean and return to those Nations whom I left on their journey in the Continent of Europe, and we shall find them no sooner arrived in these Western parts, and well setled, but the Phoenicians from the Streights followed them.

The Reasons which induce me to believe that this Island was Peopled from the Continent rather than from the Phoenicians or Graecians, as some have thought, and from the Germans rather than the Gauls, are these.

First, The Language, although it hath many Phoenician and Greek words in it, and * 1.25 especially Greek, yet the Idiom of it, as to the main, appears to be Teutonick, and those Words they received either with Trading with the former Nations, or by the Invasion of the Gaules, seem to be much modelled to that Dialect. This could not happen by the mixture with the Saxons in after Ages, because the Armorican Bri∣tains, who fled over in the daies of Cassibelan, retain the same way of Writing and Pronouncing.

Secondly, That it could not be People from Gaule, Caesar methinks makes it * 1.26 evident (where he saies) That the Inlanders of Britain reported themselves to be Aborigines, that is, Home-born, which they could not have done had they agreed in Language with those Gaules that had seated themselves on the Sea-coast of this Island. It would be vanity for any Country to pretend a different original, and to want some distinction in Dialect, the chief Criterion.

Thirdly, The Judgment of Tacitus in this point is, That the Germans planted the * 1.27 most Northern parts of it, which he collects from the make of their Limbs, and * 1.28 several other Circumstances. Add to this, what I shall speak of more fully in the Customes of the Britains, that what Caesar writes of the manners of the Germans, agrees exactly with the description of the Inland Britains.

The greatest Argument produced to make this Island peopled from Gaul, is the confinity of Language between the Ancient Britains and Gauls. The Confinity of Language between the Ancient Britains and Gauls proceeds not from their being one Nation, but from the Graecians and Phoenicians who Traded to both, and the words produced by Mr. Cambden for that purpose, I shall shew to be most of them Phoenician, some Greek, and as for the rest they have little Analogy one with ano∣ther, and that which is, may proceed from the Invasion of Britain by the Gauls, and the intercourse of Druids in both Nations.

Now, in my Judgment, the Phoenicians stand only in Competition with the Ger∣mans, as for the Greek, it is plain, as I shall shew, they were not in these Seas till some hundreds of years after the Phoenicians Arrival. But because the coming of the Phoenicians may (by many) not thought to be so soon, I shall wave them also in this place, and proceed to shew who where the first that peopled this Isle from the Continent.

The Britains call themselves Kumero, Cymro, and Kumeri, and this name is so Ancient among them, that Cymro, Pluraliter Cymri, is become to signifie as much as Aborigines. From this Appellation of themselves Mr. Cambden does think that the first light of their Original does appear. The truth is, the similitude of Name between these Cymri of Britain, and the Ancient people, the Cimbri of the Conti∣nent, in things of so far distance, doth give sufficient ground for a Reasonable con∣jecture; But especially, if we consider what hath been said before of the slow progression of the first Planters, it will seem more Reasonable the Cimbri, were the Fore-fathers of these Cymri, because in Eight hundred years after the Flood the Name of the Cimbri might be in much use on the Continent, and frequent in these parts, which could not be much before that time, as will appear if we consider the true Original and progress of that Nation.

This I will examine more paticularly, because Mr. Cambden seems to derive them from this very same People, but in making them the Sons of Gomer, and Inhabitants of Gaul, he hath committed two great Mistakes, which I mention not in derogation to so Worthy and Learned a Person, but out of sincere meaning, and desire of Truth.

First, He Cites Josephus (who saith) that the Gauls were called, of Gomer, Gowari, Gomaraei, and Gomeritae. Indeed Josephus doth say, that Gomer was the * 1.29 Father of the Galatae, but it must be understood of those Galatae who invaded the Phrygians, and possest themselves of their Seats, for by Gomer is meant Phrygia (as Bochartus proves) and, by Ezekiel, is placed North of Judaea, nigh to Togar∣mah; From these Gauls, Gallograecia, and Galatia, is derived, all which * 1.30 is far enough from being any part of Gallia, properly so called.

Secondly, In the next place the Cimbri are not the Off-spring of Gomer, as will appear by the first Seat and progress of that Nation, besides there is no Authority * 1.31 to believe them descended of him, but rather to the contrary, and all such as have thought so, have had no other Reason but some little likeness in the Name, all which will manifestly appear in the History of the Cimbri, which in short is this.

The Cimbri are supposed to be, the Relicks of the Ancient Cimmerii, who by contraction were called Cimbri. The Original of the name Cimmerii did not pro∣ceed from Gomer, but from the Greeks, who called them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The first, because they lived in the North in a perpetual kind of Winter, and the latter, because they dwelt in a Cloudy and misty Air, for they lived under the extreamest part of the Mountain Taurus, in that neck of Ground called from thence, Taurica Chersonesus. They were a Scythian Nation, and were the Off-spring of Magog; for the Scythians (as Josephus reports) were first called Magogaei, and afterwards Scythae by the Greeks. But of this we shall have occasion, to declare the Judgments * 1.32 of other Authors, in the Antiquity of the Saxons.

These are supposed first of all to have chosen their Seats in Coelosyria, beyond A∣raxis, where Magog built a City, called by the Scyrians after his Name, and after∣wards * 1.33 by the Greeks, in the daies of Pliny, Hierapolis, being driven out of their Seats by the Massagaetes that lived upon Araxis. Passing the River, they possest those vast and wide Regions which lay empty, and which afterwards by the Greeks were called Scythiae. Part of them which lived upon the Euxine Sea and the Bos∣pher, from the feirceness of their Manners and Hellish dispositions were

called Cerberii by the Greeks, in the same sence as they are now called Tartarians.

Afterwards these Cerberii being more civilized, as from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, became 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they were called by the same Greeks, from the scituation of their Country, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but that they were called Cerberii before Cimmerii, Hesychius wit∣nesseth, * 1.34 as also Pliny, who mentions a Town called Cimmerium, which before, he saies, was named Cerberium. And the Ancient Scholiasts upon Homer, in these words

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 * 1.35 There dwelt the People of Cimmeria, Shrowded in Clouds and Darkness.

Instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 read * 1.36 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, so that they received this Name long after the death of Gomer, being not of his Off-spring, nor any thing related to the Gomeri, having an Ancienter Name than Cimmerii, and proceeded from Coelosyria their first Seat, and not from Phrygia, the Possession of Gomer.

The Cimmerii in time, by contraction, were called Cimbri, according to Diod. Siculus, and Plutarch, and being a War-like Nation, they proceeded from Scythia * 1.37 into the Countries called afterwards, Sarmatia, and Germany, and in process of time through several circumstances of Places they possest, they were called by several Names, and the general name of Cimbri was branched out into many particular ones, sometimes they were called Germani, sometimes Celtae, sometimes Galatae and Galli, from their Conquest of a great part of that Country, and their many Victories over it, as Caesar himself witnesseth. And Suidas calls the Cimbri that fought under Brennus, Germans, but the name of Cimbri is Ancienter than either Germany, or * 1.38 Gaule; so it happened that those Cimbri that lived beyond the Rhine, in after-times were called Germans, and they that Inhabited on this side, on their Conquests, were called Galli.

From hence it proceeds that Florus saies, The Cimbri came out of Gaule, and they that sackt Rome, and went into Greece and robbed the Temple of Apollo, Justin * 1.39 calls Gauls.

Pausanias AElianus, and Athenaus, names them Galatae, and others Celtae, but as * 1.40 I said before, as to their Original, they are more truly (by Suidas) called Germans, as also by Livy; so that we see there is great confusion made in the naming of this People, and many Learned Persons not heeding these distinctions, have taken the Aborigines of Gaul to be the Cimbri, when indeed, the Cimbri only possest part of that Country, and by inhabiting the same Seats received the same Name.

In this Errour Mr. Cambden proceeds, not contenting himself to make them the Aborigines of Gaul, but deriving them from Gomeri, whom, he saies, Anciently possest that Country, when the truth is, the Gauls only of Phrygia received that name of Gomari, which was never heard of in any part of the Continent now called France.

Moreover, we are to take notice, that before the Names of Gauls and Germans were found out, both Nations were called both by the Romans and Greeks, Celtae, but afterwards, all the Tract of Ground beyond Massilia, they called Gallia Celtica, and all on this side, to the Hercinian Mountains, and the further parts of Germany to Sarmatia and Scythia, sometimes they named Germania, sometimes simply, Gallia.

Hence it proceeds, that what Plutarch calls the German Tongue, Festus calls the Gaulish, not that the German and Gaulish Tongue was all one, but because the name * 1.41 of Germany and Gaul was often promiscuously used; And because the Cimbri were sometimes called Celtae as they possest part of Celtica, hence it proceeds that the Cimbrian Tongue is made the same with the Celtic, the Celtae being a promiscuous Name of the Germans and Gauls; The Celtic Language is as much the German Lan∣guage as the Gaulish. The want of this distinction also was another cause of Mr. Cambden's mistake.

The Cimbri therefore, though they were called Galli, Celtae, and Galatae, from their Conquest of those People, yet were they a German Nation, as Caesar himself * 1.42 testifies, and proceeding from Scythia, they passed through all the upper parts of that vast Continent of Europe; from their mixture with the Celtae (as I have said) they were called Celtae, and from their Original Celtecythae by the Graecians, a Name which could not be proper to the Gauls, because they were far from being of Scythian Original.

The Cimbri were an Ancient and valiant Nation. Tully writes of them, That it was their joy and delight to die in Battle, and that nothing so much tormented them as to * 1.43 be taken away idly in their Beds. No wonder therefore if they conquered many Nations, distressed the Romans themselves, and were a continual Thorn in the sides of the Gauls.

They possest all the Islands of the Sea called Sinus Codanus, all Jutia, which from them anciently was called Cimbrica Chersonesus, and all the rest of the Provinces of Germany upon the Sea, they had Frisia and Batavia in their Jurisdiction, and all the Sea from the Cimbrick Chersonesus, or Jutia, to both the mouths of the Rhine, that is to the borders of Flanders, was called Cimbricum Mare. They possessed also many parts in the Inland Country, and many Nations proceeded from them, although in after times they had lost their Name, and those were only called Cimbri peculiarly who lived beyond the River Albis, within the Chersonesus.

Caesar makes frequent mention of them, how they infested Gaul, and passed the Rhine with their Armies; Nay, that they had overrun all that Country with the * 1.44 assistance of the Teutoni, another German Nation, whom he constantly joyns with them. Moreover, he saies, that most of the Belgae were of German Original, which Belgae in another place he makes part of Gallia, and in another place he makes part of the Nervii, a People of Gallia, to be descended of these Cimbri.

Thus we see these Cimbri by their Conquest established in many parts of that Kingdom, but especially those that lay upon the Rhine, but even in Caesars daies they were not so mixt, but that they preserved their own Language. For the three Chief People of that Nation, the Celtae, Aquitani, and Belgae, Caesar writes differed in Language, which they would not have done had they been all of one Origi∣nal.

From these Cimbri I have alwaies thought that our Cymri in Britain have been derived, because, for the Reason before mentioned, it is probable Britains were of German Original, and there is no German Nation stands so fair as these Cimbri for it. Besides what Mr. Cambden takes notice of, much conduceth to this purpose, namely, That Grammarian whom Virgil in his Catalects termeth the Britain, Thu∣cydides Quintilian saies was a Cimbrian, but that these Cimbrians should be the * 1.45 Aborigines of Gaul, or proceed from I know not what Gomarii or Gomaraei, the Sons of Gomer, is impossible.

Mr. Cambden saies, Somer signifies, The utmost Border, and therefore it is pro∣bable, that he or his seed seated themselves in these Parts; But seeing that Moses in * 1.46 numbring the Progeny of Noah, seems to give the names of Nations, rather than of particular Men (as many Learned do think) how can we imagine that Moses should have the knowledge of the extreamest parts in Gallia, seeing that God never re∣vealed to him many particulars in Geography, that more immediately related to him.

Somer signifies the same as the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and in all likelyhood was Phry∣gia, of which the Jews had heard of in their daies, for Phrygia signifies the same as Gomer, viz. A Land burnt up, as indeed Phrygia is. And the Greeks (as shall be shewn in another Chapter) did frequently translate the Names of Places from the Phoenicians, or Hebrew Language, into their own; And this is very visibly shewn in the following Map of the Ancient World, wherein the names of Countries and Cities in the Mediterranean, especially are put down as they were called by the Phoe∣nicians, and afterwards by the Greeks.

I am not ignorant what Festus saies, that the Gauls in their Language called a * 1.47 Thief or Robber, Cimber, his words are these, Cimbri linguâ Gallicâ Latrones di∣cuntur, as likewise Plutarch, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Germans, that * 1.48 is, the Celtae (for here Plutarch consounds the two Nations) call Robbers Cimbri,

but the word Cimber, as to its Original signifies no more a Robber or Thief, than AEgyptius, one that is Superstitious, or Chaldaeus, an Astrologer, or Sybarita, a dainty Mouth.

For these Cimbri living in an Age wherein Mr. Hobbs his Status belli was very much in practice, and in a Nation too which disallowed, as Caesar writes, even in his Age, * 1.49 all manner of Propriety among themselves; It is no wonder if by their frequent excursions upon their Neighbours, their Name became a common Appellative of Thieves and Robbers, and more especially if we consider what is reported of them by the same Author, namely, That they esteemed Cities most Honourable which had the broadest wastes about them, and which by grievous Contributions, and frequent Parties had made the greatest spoil and havock of their Neighbours. It was a peculiar sign of Manhood, that the Borderers were obliged to keep off, and yield up their Pos∣sessions, and that none durst adventure to inhabit near them.

Some there are who upon the words of Fesius and Plutarch, give another Ori∣ginal of the name Cimber, viz. out of the German Tongue, wherein Kemtter, * 1.50 Kempher, Kemper, Kimber, and Kamper, according to different Dialects, sig∣nifie a Warryor, and that the words used by Festus and Plutarch, that is to say, Latro, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Robber, are often taken to signifie a Souldier, in a good sence, and that Festus and Plutarch did not intend to say, that the Gauls called a Robber, but a Souldier, Cimber.

To this I Answer, that Latro, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the daies of Festus and Plutarch, were alwaies taken in an ill sence, and that those Authors, if they had had any respect to Kampher, or Kimpher, as the Original of the Cimbri, they would not both have agreed in an absolute word to express the meaning of their Name, especially if we consider, that as Latro and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 wre grown out of use, to express Souldiers in the Greek and Latin Tongues, so neither can Kampher, without a figure and some straining, be brought to signifie a Warryor in the German; Besides it appears more manifest that Kamper or Kimper, a Warryor, hath nothing to do in the derivation of the Ancient Nation, the Cimbri, if it be considered that Kamper proceeding from Camp, in the German Tongue signifying a Field where Souldiers pitch their Tents, seems to be derived from the Latin, Campus, a Field.

Now the name of the Cimbri was long before ever the Latins can be supposed to have carried any thing of their Language into Germany; But Lazius, the Author * 1.51 of this Etymology of the Cimbrians, did not much relie upon the truth of it him∣self, seeing in another place (forgetting what he had written before) he names the Cimbri from I know not what King, called Cambrivius, the Grand-son of As∣chenas.

As the name of the Cimbri, from their continual molesting their Neighbours, was used by the Gauls in their Tongue, to express Robbers; so from the exceeding pro∣portion of their Limbs, being generally men of great and extraordinary Stature, in After - times Cimber came also to be taken for a Gyant. In the Danish Tongue, Pontanus saies, Kimber, Kemp, and Kemper, signifie properly a * 1.52 Gyant.

Now that the Cimbri were in truth very remarkable in this point, as likewise the Cymri of Britain, according to Strabo, who saies, He saw very Youths taller by half a foot than the tallest Men; Caesar largely expresseth by the general Consterna∣tion * 1.53 of his Army, in his march against Ariovestus their Leader.

They were described to the Romans, just as the Canaanites were to the Children of Israel, and we may judge of the dreadful apprehension the Gauls had of them by the like expression they used to Caesar, namely, That they were so exceeding Tall, that other Nations seemed as nothing in their eyes; And that Cimbrian whom Man∣lius encountred, is described by the Romans like a Goliah, of a vast and unweildy * 1.54 Body, but whilst he stood in the rank of his own Army, there was no great dis∣proportion visible in him from the rest, but when he had stalked out some paces, and came higher the Romans, they began to be amazed and astonished at the sight.

And as Kimber, from the great proportion of these Cimbri, came to signifie a Gyant in the Danish Tongue, so from a part of them called Getes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 also came to signifie a Gyant, but as the Nation of the Getes is far Ancienter than 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Gyant,

this word being derived from them, so the Cumerii, or Cimbri, were a People long before either Kampher, Kimper, or Kimber, had any of the aforementioned sig∣nifications, for this cause the Cimbri could not receive their Names from those words, the signification of which they themselves had occasioned.

Many other remarkable Qualities these Cimbri had, which were also taken notice of in the Cumri of Britain, namely, their exceeding swiftness, by which they could lay their hands on the Mayns of their Horses and equal them in their Race, as is witnessed by Caesar. This might give occasion to other significations of the word Kimber in after Ages, among the Germans, viz. to express Strength and Nimble∣ness.

Mr. Sherringham takes notice, that in Norfolk they say a Kemper Old Man, that * 1.55 is, Brisk and Lively.

These Cimbri therefore who are supposed by Mr. Cambden to be the Fathers of our Cumri in Britain, I think that none will doubt, but that they were a German Nation, seeing their Name also continued long after in Germany, and in regard their settlement in Gaul, and upon the Sea parts of it especially came by Conquest and not Primitive possession.

But as all Nations, upon some secret and unknown causes, have often many ebbs and flows, as to matters of Manhood and Courage: so it happened that before Caesars daies, as he himself writes, the Gauls exceeded the Germans in Valour, and possibly then it might be that the Gauls encreasing in Number, and Power, and re∣covering their Ancient Seats, might proceed into Britain also, and here invade part of the Cimbri who had long before placed themselves in this Island; And although these Gauls had obtained the Sea-Coasts, and entred far into the Inland parts, so by long possession came to be called Britains, yet they were looked upon by the more Ancient Inhabitants, as Encroachers only, they esteeming themselves only as the Aborigines of the Island.

I have been more particular in treating of these Cimbri, because from a branch of this very same Nation, in after Ages, our English Ancestors proceeded, Provi∣dence so ordering it, that although the Ancient Cumri of Britain were grievously molested by the Gauls, and afterwards afflicted and kept under by the Romans, yet may they be said to have recovered these Seats again, although not by them∣selves, being but a small Relick, yet by the succession of a People descended of the same Original.

But whether these Cimbri entred the Northern and Eastern parts of this Island, before the Phoenicians arrived in the West, is a thing altogether unsearchable, but I have shewed, in all likelyhood, that it was Seven or Eight hundred years after the Flood before any part of it was Inhabited.

In the following Mapp, I shew the progress of the Cimbri, on the Continent, on one part, and the Voyages of the Phoenicians, from the Streights, on the other.

The Procession of the Cimbri is more Obscure upon the account, that all the knowledge we have of them proceeds from the Greeks and Romans, there being nothing of their Language remaining which we can say was particularly theirs, nor any Records of that, as well as other German Nations, whereon to build any solid foundation of Antiquity; But on the other side, all these Proofs are not wanting in the Voyages of the Phoenicians, their Language is sufficiently known, and by it they may, and are traced, not only through all the parts of the Mediterranean, but on this side of the Streights also, even in Britain it self (as shall be shewn hereafter) a Nation of the greatest Antiquity, being it self One, and Conversant with the most Knowing, and Experienced People of the World.

As Learning and Science is especially got by Commerce, and they were the Wisest People that lived on the Mediterranean, and followed Trading in the Primitive Ages of the World; so that Phoenicians, in this point, exceeded all other People, their Colonies were more numerous, and their Voyages greater, than any Nation besides.

The Greeks did but Copy-out their Actions, and the Names that were given by the Phoenicians, to all places they Traded unto, were translated by the Greeks into their own Language, which will appear in the following Mapp of the Ancient WORLD, wherein the Phoentcian names of the Countries are exactly put down, with the Greeks, in all or most of those places, to which both those Nations, in dif∣ferent times, Traded.

From these Phoenicians therefore, the first Antiquity of this Nation is to be deduced, which will more evidently appear in the following Chapters, wherein it will be manifest, that Britain, as well as the rest of those Nations mentioned in this following Mapp of the Ancient WORLD, received its name of Old from this People, So that to the full understanding of the design of the Mapp, the Reader is referred to the following Chapter, which explains it.

But granting that the Cimbri from the Continent might be sooner in this Island than the Phoenicians, and the Islanders called themselves Cymri, before they were Britains, yet do I not think, that their sooner Arrival hither proceeded from any advantage by a neck and Isthmus of Land, whereby Gallia, and this Island, have been supposed formerly to have been joyned; But because Verstegan is very stiff and resolute in the maintaining of this Opinion, insomuch as he fancies to himself, he has put it beyond all dispute or question; I desire the Readers Patience while I examine all his Arguments, some of which he calls Demonstra∣tions, wherein, if I shall seem more tedious than is necessary, let him consider, that if this Isthmus were admitted, then it would seem beyond dispute, but that the Gauls peopled this Nation, which, for the Reasons before mentioned can not be imagined.

It seems more glorious for this excellent part of the Earth to have been alwaies a distinct Nation by it self, than to be a dependent Member of that Territory to which it hath often given Laws.

[illustration]

[illustration]

A MAP OF EUROPE Wherein is shown the Progresse of the PHOENICIAN Voiages into the most Considerable parts of it With the Antient names of Countrys Cittys, Rivers And Mountaynes of most remarke, as they were Originally called by that Nation and afterwards Varyed by the GREEKS

All which names for the easier reading are sett down in Latin Characters. The name marked with this Asterick x is the Greek the Other the Phoenician and more antient

To which is added the Procession of the antient CIMBRI

A German Nation through the continent of Europe to the Western Seas, Being supposed the first inhabitants of great BRITAIN

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

CHAP. III. The Explication of the Ancient Names of Kingdoms, Islands, Havens, Cities, &c. as well those expressed in the foregoing Mapp, as others, which in that narrow Compass could not be set down, gathered out of the Phoe∣nician Tongue.

BY which may be understood, how, and upon what account most Nations in the World, especially those lying upon the Sea, received their particular denominations in the first Age, namely, from some notorious Customes, Habits, &c. of the People, Scituation of the Place, or such like remarkable Cir∣cumstance, or otherwise (which was most usual) from the different Merchandize they afforded to the Phoenicians who were the first and most Eminent Traders of the World, and gave Appellations to Places, according to their respective Commodities and Manufactures, wherein if we do but seriously consider, for what particular thing each Country, in former time, was most especially taken notice of, and then apply the Phoenician Name of that thing, let it be Custome, Scituation, Trade, or any thing else, and we shall find the Phoenician word so exactly agreeing with the nature of the Country so expressed, that we must conclude it impossible so constant and general an Harmony between them should happen by chance, but rather, that the Names were imposed for some peculiar Reason and design.

And hereby we may plainly see the vanity and fraud of the Greek Nation, who having received the names of Places, as well as most other things of greater concern, from the Phoenicians, either new modelled them according to their own Idiom, or quite changed them in sound though not signification, and then imposed upon the World new Fables of their own, instead of the Ancient Original.

To begin therefore with Europe, Asia, and Africa, the general Divisions of the then known World.

The Greeks.	The Phoenicians.	The Interpretation.
EUROPA, was called by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but why this part of the World was named Europa, Herodotus their Ancient Historian, professeth he knoweth not.	It is probable it was called by the Phoenicians Ur-appa, (from whence the Greeks made Europa) because of the white Complexions of the Inhabitants, above those of Asia and Africa.	Ur-appa, signi∣fies as much as a Country of white Complexions.
ASIA, by the Greeks is said to have taken its name from Asia the Mother of Prome∣them.	Asia, called so from its Sci∣tuation, lying between Africk and Europe, and its Position is so described by Pliny, Mela, and Eustathius.	Asi, in the Phoe∣nician Language signifieth the Country, Be∣tween, or in the Middle.

AFRICA, from Afer the Son of Hercules.	Africa, so called from its plenty of Corn, and all sorts of Grain, for which in all Ages, and by all Authors, it was high∣ly celebrated.	Aphrica, Graecis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifies a Land of Corn, or Ears, in the Phoen. Dialect.
LYBIA, so called from Lybia the Daughter of Epaphus.	Lybia, a Dry and Thirsty Country, per calidas Lybiae sitientis arenas. Lucan.	Lub. Thirsty, Dry.
SPANIA (vulgò Hispania) from Pan.	Spania, so called from the multitude of Rabbats and Conies it produceth, insomuch, that, that Animal was accounted peculiar to that Country. Catullus gives the Epithite, Cuniculosa, to Cel∣tiberia a Province of Spain, and the Baleares Islands adjoyning were so much infested with that Vermin, that they sued to Au∣gustus for Souldiers to destroy them.	Spanija, a Country of Rab∣bats, or Conies.
ITALIA, from Italus, a Calf, or Ox of Hercules.	Called by the Phoenicians, A∣taria, from the exceeding quan∣tities of Pitch it yielded (the letters R and L being easie con∣vertible in the Eastern Tongue) Old Italy contained no more than the Country of the Brutii, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which word signifieth Black Pitch.	Itaria, a Country of Pitch.
CALABRIA, a Province in Italy, called by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the Pitch Country.	Called Calabria, upon the same account as Old Italy.	Calab, in the Phoenic. Tongue, Pitch.
LuSITANIA, from Lusus a Companion of Bacchus.	Had its name from the abun∣dance of Almonds it produced, and which were in great quan∣tities thence exported into all Europe; Insomuch that in that Country, at this day, there are many places which take their names from that Fruit, as Cal∣mende, Castelmendo, for Castro∣almendro, and 2. Almendras, signifying Almonds.	Luz in the Phoenic. Tongue, signifies an Al∣mond, tania is a Greek addition.
GALATIA (which is Gallia) called from Galates, a Son of Hercules.	Galatae and Celtae (or Gauls) so called from their yellow Hair, for which Reason they are stiled by the Latins, Flavagens, and Gr. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a yellow Nation.	Chalath, Chal∣ta, or Chelta, in the Phoen. tongue, Yellow, or Saffron coloured, for the same reason are they termed by the Hebrews, Rhodanim, that is, Yellow.

BRITANNIA (ac∣cording to our home Fables) from Brutus, called by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.	Britannia, from its Tynn and Lead-Mines, which was exported by the Phoenicians from the west Coasts of Cornwal, and the Sylly Islands, which were called therefore by the Greeks, Cassiterides.	Bratanac, a Coun∣try of Tynn.
ALBION, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, White, or Albion the Gyant.	From its high Rocks on the Western Coasts, where the Phoenicians first Landed, called to this day Pens, or from the Whiteness of its Shoars.	Alpin, in the Phoe∣nician Tongue, is a high Mountain. Alben in the same Dialect, is White.
HIBERNIA, cal∣led also Jerna.	Had its Name from its Scituation, being the last Country Westward, further than which the Phoenicians never took Voyages. It may be sup∣posed to be called Ibetnae by the Phoenicians, from whence came Hi∣bernia, likewise Nerne, from whence is derived Jerna.	Iber-nae, the last Habitation, Aher-nae, from which the same Jerna, and it is re∣markable, that, till the discovery of these I∣slands by the Phoeni∣cians, there were ma∣ny places on the west of Africa and Spain that were so named, as being then the utter∣most Habitation.
THuLE, saith Sui∣das, from Thoulis a King of AEgypt.	So called from its Dusky, and Dark scituation, lying in the North.	Chule in the Phoenician Tongue, is Darkness.
CALEDONIA, a Province of Scotland.	So called from its Rocky and Mountainous nature, so that Mr. Cambden derives it from Kaled, Hard, in the British Tongue.	Galebtun in the Phoenician Tongue, is as much as a hard Hill.

Thus have I run cursorily over the Countries of most considerable note, pas∣sing from Asia, and so West-ward to these our Islands. It remains now, that I re∣turn back to shew the same consent and agreement in more private and particular Places, which though not so famous as the fore-mentioned, yet are sufficiently known by all at this day, and were no less frequented by the Phoenicians than the for∣mer.

The Greeks.	The Phoenicians.	The Interpretation.
BALEARES, two Islands in the Me∣diterranean on the Coast of Spain, derived by the Greeks from Bale∣us, a Companion of Hercules.	These Islands were ever Famous, as is notoriously known, for excel∣lent Slingers, upon which account they had their Name from the Phoe∣nicians.	Bal-jaro, a Master at Slinging, or an excellent Slinger, in the Phoenician.

CORSICA, other∣wise Cyrnus, so named from Cyrnus a Son of Hercu∣les.	It received both its Names from the Phoenicians, the former from its Woodiness, the latter upon the ac∣count of its many Promontories shoot∣ing, on all sides, into the Sea, upon which Reason AEthicus, Orosius, Isi∣dorus, all three give it the same Epi∣thite of Multis Promontoriis Angu∣losa, &c. and for its abounding with Wood, whoever reads of the Island cannot but know it.	Carno, or Curno, from whence Kúpros, a Horn, or Promontory, in the Phoen. Chorsi, from whence Corsica, or Corsis, signifies, a Woody place.
SARDINIA, other∣wise Sardo, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from Sardus the Son of Hercules.	This Island received its name from the resemblance it had to the Foot of a Man, therefore it was called by the Greeks, Ichnusa, and Sandaliotis.	Sarad, and Sar∣da, in the Phoenician Tongue, signifies, the Footstep of a Man.
MELITE (now Malta) from the Nymph Melite, of whom Hercules be∣got Hyllus.	Some bring it from the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Hony, with which it never abounded, but it took rather its Name, from the Commodiousness of its Scituation and Ports, lying exactly in the middle between Tyre and the Streights, whither the Phoenicians Trafficked, insomuch that upon all Occasions, either to Victual, or to se∣cure themselves from Tempest or Enemy, saith Diodorus, in several Places this was a REFUGE to the Phoenicians, having within it a Colony of their own.	Melita, in the Phoenician Tongue, signifies, a Place of Refuge, or Sanctuary, &c. and who know∣eth not, that many places in the East Countries have their Names upon the same account, and we call the Mid-way to the East-Indies, The Cape of good Hope, at this day.
GADES, called by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Stephanus, Eustathi∣us, and Suidas de∣rive it thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Neck of the Earth.	The Streights shut up the Medi∣terranean as a Fence or Pinfold, a little passage only being left, and therefore are they called Septum by the Latin, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by the Gr.	Gadir in the Phoen. Tongue, signifieth the same as Septum, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
ABYLA, a Moun∣tain on the Streights, it is sometimes writ∣ten Alyba, the Letters transposed.	Festus witnesseth, that this Moun∣tain took its name from the Phoeni∣cians, and signifieth in their Tongue as much as a high Hill.—Abilam vocant. Gens Punicorum Mons quod altus Bar∣baro.	Ab-illaa, in the Phoen. Tongue, is a high Mountain, so is Al-aba, from whence comes the transposi∣tion Aliba for Aby∣la.
GALPE, another Mountain on the Streights, answer∣ing to Abyla, on the side of Spain.	This Mountain, on the West, is o∣pen like an Urn, or Pitcher, and so is described by the Scholiast upon Juvenal, and by Mela, and therefore had it its Name.	Galpha, in the Phoen. is an Urn, or Pitcher, and in Festus, Calparis is a kind of Vessel.

RHODUS, an Island in the Mediterra∣nean, derived by the Greeks from Roses, which in their Tongue are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.	It took its Name from the multi∣tude of Serpents it produced, upon which very account it was called Ophiusa, by the Greeks, or, an Island of Serpents.	Rod, in the Phoen. Tongue, is a Serpent, or Dragon.
CERASTIS, which is, Cyprus.	So called from its many Promon∣tories, as Stephanus witnesseth.	Keren, in the Phoen. a Horn, or Promontory, from whence comes Kernaa, Kosno, and Kurno.
SICILIA, a Scin∣dendo, because it was cut off from the Continent.	It had its Name from the abun∣dance and excellency of its Grapes, with which it supplied Africa in for∣mer times, as witnesseth Diodorus, who saith, that the Agrigentines once arri∣ved to infinite Wealth by that Trade.	Segulaia, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as much as a Country of Grapes in the Phoeni∣cian Tongue.
SICANI, a People of Sicily.	They inhabited the South and West part of the Island that Buts upon A∣frica, and these only were properly call'd Sicani, and their Country Sicania, and that from their Neighbour-hood with the Phoenicians lying next to them.	Secanim, signifies Neighbours, so are ma∣ny People called in the Land of Canaan, for their Neighbour-hood to the Jews.
SYRACUSAE, the Metropolis of Si∣cily.	It is agreed, it took Name from a stinking and unwholsome Marsb up∣on which it stood, called Syraco, which by its noisom Vapours, oft brought Plagues upon the City.	Syraco, in the Phoen. Tongue signifi∣eth, an Evil Savour.
CHARYBDIS, a place much noted for Shipwracks.	The Waters there run round, and make a Gulph, insomuch as Seneca writes, Hiatu magno profundoque sorbet navi∣gia.	Chor-obdam in the Phoen. signifies, Fora∣men perditionis, a Hole of Destruction, as the Eastern Nations ex∣press themselves in such cases.
SCYLLA, another Rock that answers Charybdis, on the o∣ther side of the Si∣cilian Streight.	No doubt took its Name upon the same reason as Charybdis.	Scol in the Phoen. from whence 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Greek, signifies De∣struction.
AETNA, a burning Mountain in Sicily; the Greeks give no derivation of it, but tell us a fable of the Giant Enceladus, who by Jupiter buried a∣live, under the weight of this Mountain, striving to disengage himself of it, breaths flames and smoàk out of his Mouth and Nostrils.	Without question took its Name from the continual Fire, and Smoak, which in all Ages, and to this day breaketh from it.	Attuna, in the Phoen. Tongue, signi∣fies 2 Furnace, or Chimney. AEtuna, signifies, a smoaky Fog, in the same Dialect.

ITHAGA, an Island of the Cyclades, the known Country of Ulysses.	Received its name from its hard and Rocky soyl, It is like a Nest in a Rock, saith Tully, but I need not bring Testimonies of its barren na∣ture being sufficiently known; yet to see how great the love of ones Native Country is, how often doth Ulysses mourn and pine after it?	Ithac, in the Phoen. Hard, and Rocky.
TINGIS (now Tangier) called by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from Tinge the sup∣posed Wife of An∣teus, slain by Her∣cules.	It was a great Mart of the Phoeni∣cians, who had a Colony in it, ac∣cording to Pomp. Mela. and lying so opportunely on the Streights, from whence they sent other Colonies into Cales and Spain; it was called for excellency, THE MART.	Cigger, a Mart, from Cagger, to Trade, in the Phoen. and Caggar, a Tra∣der. The Greeks, out of Cigger made, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, changing the last Letter, which is frequent, but now called Tangier it hath regained its ancient Termination.

Hitherto I have laid down the Etymology of such Kingdoms and Places as are generally and universally known, they that remain, for that they require some com∣petent knowledge in Geography, to discover where they are, how they bear to other places, and such like Circumstances, which would be too tedious here to be dis∣coursed of; and because they carried other relations to the State of the Phoenicians, then being, than now they do to the World, and had Customes, Conveniencies, Trades and Manufactures, then notoriously known, but now quite left off and changed, it would be too far beyond my present purpose to prove minutely every Circumstance of every particular Place. It will suffice that all that are behind carry the same Reason and Analogy for their Names, as the fore-going, and received them from the same Phoenicians, so that setting down the Name only with the Reason of it, and the Phoenician word signifying that Reason, I shall leave the disquisition of the Truth of every particular Reason to be searched out of Bocartus, and Others, who have treated on this Subject.

Places which took their Names from Gods, or some Sacred Rites eminently practised in them.

The Name.	The Phoen, word.	The Interpretation.
IDalium	From Id-ala.	The place of the Goddess, i. e. Venus.
Delus	Daal, or Deel.	The Island of God, i. e. Apollo.
Inopus, st.	Ain-ob.	The Fountain of Pitho.
Naxus	Nasca.	A Sacrifice of a multitude performed there to Bacchus.
Amustra, called also	Am-astarta,	The People of Astarta, the Phoenician Goodess.
Mutistrata	Mat-astarta.	The City of Astarta.
Onobola	Onbola.	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, consecrated to Venus, who had there her Temple.

Canthele	From Canath-el.	The possession of Saturn.
Carteia	Karthija.	The City dedicated to Hercules, cal∣led Melarthus
Calduba	Caltobal.	The Refuge of Baal, or Jupiter.
Salduba	Saltobal.	The Dominion, or Shield of Ba∣al
Sonoba	Saanobal.	The Prop of Baal.
Onoba	Onobal.	The Strength of Baal.

All Ancient Cities in Spain, taking their Names from Baal, signifying Lord in the Phoen. where the L in the end is left out, as in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and such like Punick words.

Ossonaba, an Ancient Town in Portu∣gal

From Usanobaal.

The Strength of Baal.

Places taking their Ancient Names from the Habits, Na∣ture, Manners, and Arts of the Inhabitants.

Corcyra	From Carcara.	Quiet Possession, namely of the Phae∣aces.
Cretes	Crethin.	Archers, for which those Islanders were famous.
Coa	Cau.	Fine Thread, being the Manufacture of that Island.
Amorgus	Am-oregin.	The Country of Weavors, from the abundance of that Profession there.
Sidon	Czidon.	From Fishing.
Imachara	Amacherim.	From Agriculture, the word signifies the Mother of Plowmen.
Galeotis	Gelaiot.	From Prophecies, in which that City so abounded, that Prophets in the Sicilian Tongue were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
Latium	Lat.	From Inchantments, not from Latendo.
Rhodes, was called, ...Telchinis	Calchis.	An Inchantor, with which sort of Peo∣ple, called therefore Telchines, this Island abounded.
Laestrigones	Lais-tircan.	A Ravenous Lion, from their Fierce∣ness, and therefore the same People are called Leontini, and were of the Generation of Cyclopes.

Places taking their Names from different Animals they afforded or bred.

Philae	From Phul.	An Elephant, upon the same reason, that a City nigh to it is called by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from some Fair there held of that Beast.
Lixus, called also, ...Lizus	Lis.	A Lyon from the abundance of them there.
Bomo	Bohmo.	Cattle, whence it is called by the Greeks, Eubaea, upon the same ac∣count.
Caria	Car.	A Lamb, or Sheep, with which this place so abounded, that the Ionians called Sheep Cara, and Car, from it, or else from the Phoenicians, Car.

But not to detain the Reader too long in a matter so manifest, the rest I will briefly sum up together as they are in Bocartus, from whence the diligent Enquirer into the Original of Places may fetch them, and have full satisfaction to the parti∣culars of their derivation; To proceed therefore with a Catalogue derived from Animals.

From Serpents, &c. these Places take Name.

PElinas, Tenus, Salamin and Neae. From Cocks, Tanagra. From Crows, Lug∣dunum. From Fish, Tagus, Icarus, Hyccara, Curium, Cuarius. From Mice, Gyarus. From Foxes, Selambina, and Suel. From Horses, Caccabe.

From Woods and Groves, the Pyrenaei, Solymi, Anaphe, Ascra, Tabraca, had their denominations. From Pasture, Parnassus and Parnes. From Deserts, Oasis. From Drought and Barrenness, Boeturia, Cosyra, Myconus, Sicinus, Psyra, Jabesa, Sorbio∣dunum, now Salisbury. Fertility, Bizacium, Adrumetum, Chalcia. Fruit, Pepa∣rethum. Barly, Jabaduc. Corn, Ebora. From Vines, Grapes and Wine, Carmania, Chremeses, Inicus, Anapus, Arvisium, Arambys. Figs, Ruspina and Ebusus. From Olives, Zaita and Uzita. From the Turpentine-tree, AEla and Patmos. Saffron, Co∣rycus. Cheese, Cythnus. Hony, Calymna and Alabus.

From particular Stones, Charystus, Achates, Caridemni, Promont.

From Mettals (besides Britain) Thasus, Odonis, Siphnus, Temese, Carcoma, Orospeda, Cassanitae, Debae, Dairi.

From Minerals, Ciniolus and Minius.

From Clay and Mortar, Adramittium, Thebae, Tenedos, Camarus, Camarina.

From abundance of Waters, Tacape and Arelate, took name. Apamia, from being encompast with them. Rhene, Castalia, Castula, from the noise of Water. Gargaphie, Zerbis, Physcus, from their swiftness: Arar, slowness. From Marshes, Boetis, Bagra∣dus, Decranum, Perca, Percusa. From bitter Water, Hymera: from sweet, Holmius: from cold, Asines: from hot and warm, Emmaus and Helbessus.

From Fountains these places are derived, Cyrene, Enna, Enguium. From Fryths, Asta, Menestheiportus, Nebrissa, Onoba, Lusturia. From Foards, Abara, Abroto∣num. From Shoars, Basti or Bastitani. From Havens, Hippo, Olisippo, Hyccara, Cacypara, Rabbotis, Cyclopes, Cicynethus. From their Roads or Ports, Leptis and Lapethus. From Rampiers, Bucra, Herminius, Hermata. From Shipwracks, Ca∣phareus, Saso.

Again, from Fire breaking out (besides AEtna) Epopos, Mosychlus, Lemnos, Li∣parae, were so called. From Heat, Sulchi: from Cold, Calaris. From the North-Wind (called by the Phoenicians, Carban) Carbasia took name: from the South, Lacter: from the West, Jammona.

From Darkness, the Cimmerii. From Greatness, Cibara, Samatho, Symaethus, Cypara. From Length, Motyr: from Breadth, Ampsaga: from Narrowness, Massi∣cytus, Ichus, Ocha, Capsa.

From the gaping of the Earth, Chalcis, Nisyrus. From Bending, Lydia, Hexi, Camicus, Cephalaedis. From its Round form, Gaulus. From its sharp Point, Drepa∣num, Lindus. From its inward Position, Bithinia. From its Corners, Carna and Syme. For extream Distance, Mauritania, Iberia, Cerne, Acabe, the Mountain Cassius.

From Rocks and Stony places, Tyrus, Cilicia, Celenderis, Cragus, Ios, Scyrus, Seriphus, Prepesinthus, Pholegandrus, Cythera, Cytheron, Solois, Dertossa.

Mountains, Ilipa, Ilerda, Illiberis, Gebennae, Allabroges, Elymi, Phocenses, En∣tella, Eryx, Alontium, Abacaenum, Inessa, Hibla, Herea, Maro, Arne, Helicon, Sa∣mos, Zacynthus, Telus, Mylias. From being in low Places, Hispalis, Amyca, Ustica, Nantuates.

From Firmness, Strength and Defence, Amanus, Itanus, Butoe, Neetum, Herbita, took their Names. Byrsa, Cersina, Tarraco, Acesta, Echesta, Acragas, from their Forts. Pachinus, from its Watch-Tower.

From the Pleasantness of the Places, the ELYSIAN Fields (the description and name of which Places, the Greeks had from the Phoenicians, and turned into Fables) Hypsa, Enna, Ichana, Aganippe, Jalissus, Zuchabari. From its Antiquity, Utica took name. From its new Foundation, Carthada or Carthago, which is as much as, The NEW CITY.

CHAP. IV. Whether the First Planters of this Island came by Sea, or Land? and, Whether BRITAIN was ever part of the Continent?

THAT this ISLAND hath been joyned to the Opposite Continent, by a narrow Isthmus between Dover and Bullen, or thereabouts, hath been the Opinion of many: As of Antonius Volsius, Dom. Marius Niger, Servius Honoratus, our Coun∣try * 1.56 man John Twine, and the French Poet Du Bartas.

That this has been the fortune of most Islands in the World, we may read in Pliny, who makes Cyprus to be rent from Syria, Eubaea from Baotia, Besbicus from Bithinia, with divers others; nay, the Confinity of the two Promontories of Calpe and Abyla, in the Streights of Gibraltar, has been the cause why some have imagined, that Europe and Africa were, in Ancient times, conjoyned, and hath given occasion to some Geographers themselves, to make Africk part of Europe.

As these Opinions carry some pleasure with them, by reason of the Novelty and strangeness of them: so do we find, they were most made use of by men of Fancy, rather than Judgment, to imbellish and adorn their Histories with, that they might render thereby more delightful to the Reader; Among which, not to name many, Pliny may be reckoned for one, whom we alwaies find, catching at any thing that was strange and uncoutch'd, and although his History, by some, might be thought the more delightful, yet assuredly, to such as understand it, it proves more sus∣pected, and so, less useful. But that this should be used by the Poets, is no won∣der, whose business is not to follow Truth exactly, but content themselves with the Possibility of things, studying alwaies what Opinion is most pleasant. Of this na∣ture was he, who turned the Verses of Sicily unto Britany.

—— Britannia quondam Gallorum pars una fuit, sed Pontus & aestus Mutavêre situm, rupit confinia Nereus Victor, & abscissos interluit aequore Montes.

Britain and Gaul, was once, one piece of Land, Till furious Billows did divide the Strand; Now Nereus, 'twixt two Cliffs, victorious rides, And washes both the Shoars, with swelling Tides.

We shall find this such a Trade amongst the Poets, that Lucan was hard at work about the Isthmus in Peloponnesus, for after that the Sea had play'd upon it for the space of two or three pretty Ingenious Verses, at last down fell that little Damm, which Five thousand years separated the two Seas; And with no small noise and impetuosity,

Ionium AEgeo, frangit Mare —

I must confess, Judicious Virgil (treating of the Narrow Seas between Sicily and Italy) speaks of the breach the Sea made;

Hesperium Siculo latus abscidit—

but puts in the word Siculum to corroborate his Authority, without which he judged the Opinion too light and trivial. The very Name of Sicily, which before was

called Trinacria, and the Promontory Regium, upon the very Streight of Sicily, be∣tokening by its signification, a BREACH, because at that very place the Sea breaking through the Earth, might be some inducement for any to think it once part of Italy. The constant Tradition in all Ages has been so, and to this day it is ac∣counted part of Naples, or Naples part of it, as mens thoughts shall please to ren∣der it, so that the King of Spain is stiled, REX UTRIUSQUE SICILIAE, But for this Island of BRITAIN, there was never any such Tradition, neither doth there remain any signs or tokens of any name of a place that signifies any thing relating to it, nay, on the contrary, Dover, where this Breach is supposed, as it is derived in great probability, by Mr. Lambard, it comes from the * 1.57 word Dufyrrha, which in the British Language betokeneth, a place steep and up∣right, an evident sign of the Antiquity of those Cliffs, and Breaches, so that what may be gathered out of the Name, is not indifferent, but makes absolutely to the contrary; Indeed, for the Isle of Wight being part of England, there is some pro∣bability from the Name, as it signifies in the British Tongue, SEPARA∣TION.

When Mr. Cambden had sought on both Shoars, to find some Place, or Promon∣tory, whose Name might have any thing in it that signified a BREACH, but find∣ing none, yet will needs set down Vitland, which we call Vitsan, near unto Backness, in all likelyhood, was that Itium Caesar writes of, from whence, into Britain, he Re∣cords, was the best and convenientest passage, and so continued until Vitsan. Haven was quite stopped up. It is to be observed, that in such Breaches, the Name and Memory of the Separation ought to be sought for, on that side of the Shoar which containeth the Minor part of the Division; As for Example, The word SICILY, was given to Trinacria, and not to Italy. And WIGHT, to that little Island, and not to England; For to speak properly, Sicily and Wight were separated from Italy and England, and not Italy and England from them, so that if we enquire for the Memory of this Breach, made between France and England, we must examine our own Shoar, where we can find nothing that makes for it, but absolutely against it.

The word Vitsan (I lately spake of) must be derived from Gwith, or it maketh nothing for their Opinion, and I leave it to any to judge, whether Vitland, or Vit∣sand, formerly called Itium by Caesar, can claim its derivation from thence, or whe∣ther, upon that account, it is any thing more reasonable to ground a Separation once made from the Continent, than by the word Dehofden, by which name the Dutch call their Streights, and which signifies two Promontories, who do conclude, that those Promontories and Cliffs were alwaies so, and that they were never joyned by any neck, or bridge of Land whatsoever.

Richardus Vitus, in his History, Lib. 1. saith, That the Morini who lived on the * 1.58 French side of these Streights, were called so in the Ancient Celtick Language, for Mor, signifies the SEA; Now the great Antiquity of the Celtick Tongue, shall be shewn hereafter in a more proper place, however thus much appears, That from any Name there can be nothing gathered of this Isthmus, for these Morini lived on the Sea-coast, and not upon the end of the Isthmus.

Thus much as to the Name of these Streights, that they have nothing in them, or contiguous to them, that can preserve the Memory of any such conjunction of Shoars, or violent Separation made by the Sea, or dug by the labour of Man, a thing easily to be expected, considering, that less mutations in the World have left some Tradi∣tion behind them. Certainly, such a Breach as this, between two such considerable Countries, must make more noise in the World when ever it happened, than either Sicily, or the Isle of Wight, which to this day do retain some Memory, of being cut off from their Neighbours.

Let us now consider, whether in the Reason of the thing, the nature of the Streights themselves, the position and similitude of the opposite Soyls themselves, and such Arguments are sufficient Inducements to engage any Rational man to believe that Britain was once joyned to Gallia. And it is not to be doubted, but there has been several mutations and changes in the World, before, and since Noahs Flood, Countries in some parts being swallowed up by Earth-quakes, which in these Colder parts of the World are never so violent, as to be able to subvert twenty miles

of dry Land together, and to cast it into the Sea by that force. In the Northern Countries we have only experience of some general Tremblings of the Earth, and where they extend to any length of Ground, bring only fear, not distraction, on the minds of the Inhabitants. For when any Earthquake is united and contracted, the most that we experience is the removal of some Church, or the walking of some little Hill, as it hath been seen often in England, when as in Hotter Countries, , whole Cities have been overturned, nay swallowed up, and for many miles together, Houses shattered and demolished.

This is very easie to be imagined, if we consider the nature of Earth-quakes, and from what Cause they proceed, being very obvious to any that know and consider the AEolopylae, how, by heat, the Wind and Vapours rarified, are forced out in great violence, for the force is augmented by the strength of the Heat in its several Sallys: So likewise must it be with the Earth, which in the Bowels of it having many Concavities that contain Vapours, the greater the external Heats are that rarifie those Vapours, the stronger force will they have, if they can find no vent and passage, for as the heat is greater, so must the passages likewise be more suffoca∣ted, stopt, and choaked up in dry Countries, when as in cold Climates, the moisture of the Earth keeps open its pores, and admits passages for the Vapours, agreeable to its proper nature, and natural Constitution.

From hence it may be concluded, that such a Neck of Ground that is presumed to have been between Britain and Gaul, of that length and breadth, could not (by any Earthquake) be thrown into the Sea. What is alleadged out of Ovid, will make nothing material to our purpose; He brings Pythagoras, whose Soul for many years, by Transinigration, had passed from one to another, and therefore must be wondrous well fraught with the Ocular experience of things, we only hear of, to speak these words,

Vidi Ego quod quondam fuerat solidissima tellus, Esse fretum vidi factas ex aequore terras.

I saw what once was solid Earth, made Sea, And dry Land there, where Waters us'd to be.

This I suppose must have been in those daies of Yore, in which he saies of himself,

Panthoides, Euphorbus eram— * 1.59

May not a very material Objection be offered, and say, That he did not really distinguish the times of his Transmigrating to Fish and Flesh, and so mistook Earth and Water, as he was longer or shorter in the Element.

But to come to the purpose, Verstegan, to make way for this Opinion, quotes Genesis, cap. 14. Omnes hi convenerunt in Vallem sylvestrem, quae nunc est Mare Sa∣lis * 1.60. All these met together in the Wood Valley, which is now the Salt Sea; So that, saies he, many places are now Sea, which have been formerly dry Land. This may be easily granted, where there are Reasons to induce one to believe it: As the shal∣lowness of the Sea, the position of the Ground, as we find to be in the Red Sea, part of which to this day, and a considerable part too, at Low Water, lieth like a great Vally, and Plain of Sand, so that it is made a publick Road for Passengers, the Waters lying on both sides of them, and this I have heard from one who passed through it himself, when he Travelled in those parts. And this part might be that Wood Vally Moses speaks of, which lying so low, might easily by degrees be turned into Sea, but that all the Red Sea should once be a Wood Vally, the depth of it in ma∣ny places, and the steepness of the Shoars, do manifestly contradict it. Not to say any thing, that this very Text may be understood otherwise, viz. Quae nunc est Mare salis, may in the Hebrew bear, Quae nunc est ad Mare salis. It is not to be de∣nied there has been several Changes in the World, as Sea turned into Land, and Land into Sea, although I am perswaded this latter to have happened more rarely, as will be shewn hereafter.

As briefly as I can, I shall Answer, now, Verstegan's Reasons, and take them in order as they lie. The first Reason he gives for the liklyhood of it, Is the nearness of the Land between England and France, not exceeding Twenty four miles, and how one Shoar is exactly answered with a Shoar of like nature; as for Example: Dover Clyffs are of Flints and Chalk, the opposite shoar between Bullen and Calais is of the same substance, I suppose he means Vitsan, Dover Clyffs are broken, and so are they. Again, Calais lies upon a Flat and an Eaven shoar, so does Sandwich, which exactly answers it from Eng∣land, therefore it seems very probable, saies he, that they were once joyned. To Answer this, I will not question, how, and by what Rule he makes his Opposites, nor enquire so strictly, how the Clyffs correspond one with another, for it will happen as the line is laid, and places at a distance may be thought to be one against another as fancy leads the string. I say, that neither the nearness of position of the two Promontories, nor the similitude of Soyl, are sufficient Arguments to make us believe a Conjunction here, more than in any other part of the World. And here I must desire it to be granted, that the Earth continues for many miles together, in most parts of the World, the very same un∣der Water, as it is on the next Neighbouring dry Land, and that in no place, or very rarely, and by accident, there is a mutation of the Soyl just upon the Sea-shoar, I mean, that upon the Sea, the uttermost bounds of the Earth shall be fat and sertile, stony or minerally, and immediately where the Sea begins, it shall be of a different nature.

The want of this Consideration seems to have been the Reason, why men in several parts of the World have thought, by the likeness of soyls, there hath been a Conjuncti∣on of Earth, when, the truth is, it was nothing more but the very fame Vein of ground which ran under Water, from one Country to another.

To Explain this matter, I will set down Des-Cartes his Hypothesis concerning the forming of the Earth, which whether it be true or false, as to the Mechanical way he proceeds in, yet by it this Phoenomenon in Nature may be solved, and serves as well as if it were true. And here I will not treat of every particular Phoenomenon in the for∣mation of this Globe of Earth, which requires a continued series of progression, and depends on a link or chain of Reasons, whereby he establishes and grounds his Opini∣on: But let it suffice for the present that we know, That this Ball of Earth contains in its Centre, Fire, next to that Mineral Earth, made by that constant Furnace which is in it, next to that Water, then Air, above all the Earth on which we live. Which will seem strange to any that have not read his whole discourse; but supposing it for the pre∣sent, the Figure of the Earth in its first formation is thus:

[illustration]

V and F are the Air, part whereof is above, part under the upper Crust of the Earth. E, D, is the Water. M and G, the Mineral Earth, upon which the upper Crust E is supposed to fall. I, the Fire. Now supposing the upper Crust of Earth, E, be dried by the heat of the Sun, it follows in time that it would shrink, and so

wanting the continuation of its parts which is necessary to support the Arch, some of it would fall upon the Mineral Earth, C, whereby the Water D, and Air F, would arise and be uppermost, and other parts of E remain above, yet so hollow within as to keep Water in its Concavity, which drayned through the Earth would produce Springs, and being rarified into Vapours would cause Earth∣quakes.

Now, that which makes to our business is this: Suppose all the distance between 1, 2, 3, 4. to be of a Sandy and Rocky nature, if the breach be in the middle point, betwixt 1 and 4, the shoar 1, and shoar 4, will be of the same Nature, in re∣spect the Earth is the same all along between them, which now is supposed to be under Water between those two Points.

Again, Suppose the Earth between 1 and 4 be of a different Soyl, so that from 3 to 4 is of a sandy and hard nature, and from 1 to 3 of a different Soyl, if the breach be in the point 3, then the shoar 2, and the shoar 4, will be of a different quality.

[illustration]

E, E, E, the upper Crust of the Earth, 1, 2, 3, 9. V 6, the several Breaches, the Breach at 9 and V makes the Mountain, whose top is at 4, the Concavity at F. From 2 to 8, as likewise from 7 to X, the Water is above the Earth, and maketh two Seas, the shoars whereof are at 8 and X; from 8 to 9, and so to X, is dry Land.

And because, in the Nature of the thing, it is more reasonable to imagine the Breaches to be made where the Soyls differ, therefore it happens that different and opposite Shoars are most commonly of a different Nature, yet it follows not, that Shoars of the same Nature and Soyl ought to be imagined of later date in their Sepa∣ration, than those which are of a different Nature; neither is it material, whether the Shoars be steep and Cliffy, or whether plain and eaven, or whether they answer one another, or no. For we find, in sounding of the depths of the Seas, Hills and Valleys, as well as on the dry Land, neither does it follow more, that the Cliffs of Dover and Bullen were a continued Ridge of Hills, than that Highgate, and Penman in Flint-shire, are.

All that I think worthy to be observed is this, that where a Shoar is high and steep, there, as to the main matter, the further you go from Shoar for some distance, the fewer fathom of Water you find. And on the contrary, where a Shoar is plain, by degrees you go deeper and deeper, and in this also you must allow for height of ground, which often casually happens in the bottom of the Sea, as well as on the dry Land.

The Reason of it is this, because that Arch of Earth which we called Mineral Earth, and was formed under Water, being a less Circle of vast proportion, as in∣cluded by two Outward ones, could not have Superficies enough for the upper Earth to lie upon it, for where the fall is greater and steeper, of necessity not far off must

there be some Ascent proportionable, as we find Dover and the opposite Clyffs ex∣actly in the mid-way, an Ascent of ground called the Riff, or Trowen Shoal, not sandy, but of a Rocky substance, scarce four Fathom deep at low Water, the farther you go from it East or West being deeper and deeper, still, as afore, allowing for casual and accidental Hillocks in the bottom.

From all which, I think, that the similitude of Soyls, and equality of Promon∣tories, are no Argument to make us believe (that after the general ordering the Earth) Dover and Bullen were more joyned than any other parts whatever, but were Pri∣mitively disjoyned, as other Nations were. And this Argument will hold good, whether, according to Des Cartes, we suppose the Earth above the Water, as a Po∣stulatum only and no further, or whether, with Moses, we certainly believe that the Waters were above the Earth, for according to both the Earth must shrink, and by ascent and descent, gather it self together to make room for the Waters, which in its hollow or concave places were to be gathered together.

As for Verstegans Argument, That there is nothing broken but what was whole; I think he might have joyned the two Promontories, as easily, with any other Principle, as two entire parts joyned make a whole, or that the Parts are less than the whole; Of the same force is his Observation, That steep places near the Sea are called Cliffs, when as in the In-lands they are rather called Hills, or Mountains, and this he would have to intimate as much, as if they had been cleaved from some other Promontory. According to his Principle, Nothing is broken in Nature, that hath not been whole, a Principle undeniable, yet makes no more for the Cliffs of Dover than any other in the World, which are not answered by other Cliffs as perhaps Dovers are.

These are his Reasons that shew the probability of such a Breach. Let us now examine his Arguments by which, he thinks, he has put it out of all doubt, Such as he calls evident Reasons, and remarkable Demonstrations, which, he saith, ought to be admitted as sufficient as Authors, nay beyond some who deliver it by Hear-say; but to give my Judgment in this case, I should think the least Tradition in Antiquity, that there was such athing, to be of more force than all his Demonstrations, to perswade and convince a man of so great a change in the World.

Although to him it might seem never so easie and common, yet we read, that some who had rashly undertook to cut the Isthmus of ground on which Corinth stood, they were daily and hourly terrified and affrighted with Noises, and hideous Out-cries, and their works, notwithstanding all their diligence, went backwards. Nature will not easily permit such Changes, whether it proceeds from guilt of mind, being a pre∣sumption that naturally would startle humane nature; to set surer bounds to Kingdoms than first ordained, or whether it proceeds from the hardness or impossibility of such an Attempt, sure it is, the Work was discontinued to this day, notwithstanding all the Conveniencies may be alleadged for it; for such a Cutt would needs make the Trade to the Archipelago much shorter and safer, when all the Cyclades, those little Islands, or great Rocks, might thereby be avoided: yet if we compare that Isthmus to this Neck of Land which is supposed to joyn Britain and Gaul, what a petty business it was, either for the Sea sooner to break it down, or for Man to remove it?

The first Demonstration he gives us, is, That the Neatherlands, not only those parts of Holland and Zealand, which at any time, by Cutting the Banks, may be turned into Sea, but great part of Flanders and Brabant, which lie so high that they can never be made Sea any more, have in former times been Sea, and he quoats Hubert Thomas, sometimes Secretary unto Frederick Count Palatine of the Rhine, who, in his description of the Country of Liege, saith, that the Sea hath come up even to the Walls of Tongres, and that there remains to this day, great Iron Rings, to which the Ships, that there sometime Arrived, were fastened. Now Tongres lies almost an hun∣dred English miles from the Sea, having many pleasant and fertile Countries between that and the Sea.

That these Provinces have formerly been Sea, the Eaveness of them are Argu∣ments, besides the nature of the Soyl, which in Flanders and Brabant is Sandy, besides, in digging (in many places) two Fathom deep, are found innumerable shells of Sea-fish, and in many places great Bones of Fishes, which argues those places

formerly to have been the Sea-shoar, because Shell-fish is naturally bred and nou∣rished in the Flats, and Shoar, and not in the Deep; So that Holland and Zealand, must be supposed to have been deep Sea, because in none of those Provinces are any * 1.61 Shells found under ground; moreover in Brabant, there hath been dug up Anchors, and when that famous Cut was digged from Brussels, unto the River of Rupel at Willebrook, begun Anno Christi 1550, and ended Anno 1561, through Corn-lands, Wood-lands and Meadows, for fifteen English miles; an Undertaking that shews the Richness of that City; In those daies, there was found among other things the Bones, or Anatomy of a Sea-Elephant, the Head of which being reserved, Verstegan himself saw.

Now the cause why those places were Sea, and afterwards became Land, Verstegan thinks can be no other than this, That the Isthmus of Ground between France and Eng∣land kept up the Northern Seas, so that wanting passage they over-flowed those Countries, and when they had workt themselves through this Neck of Land, they left these Coun∣tries dry, so that never since they could be over-flown by the Sea; I mean, those higher places of Flanders and Brabant: And that this could not be the Reason, I hope to demonstrate by several Arguments.

He himself does acknowledge, that in some Vineyards of Campagne of France, a high and Hilly Country, many shells of Fishes has been dug up, which he attri∣butes to Noah's Flood; and why, by the same Reason, may not those in Flanders and Brabant have the same Originals, seeing they lie so deep under ground as two fathoms, which argues a great Land-flood that could cover them with so much Earth.

Neither does the multitude of them in Flanders, or the paucity of those dug in the Vineyards, any thing alter the case, for without doubt, the Waters in the Flood could not so easily carry them to the tops of Mountains, but that the greater number would stick in the Low Countries, as is plain in those Firr Trees which were found in the Neatherlands, and in some low Grounds of Lancashire, and other parts in England, with their Roots to the south, and their Heads to the north, which Firr-trees never grew on those Grounds naturally, as it is a Tree of the Mountains, and thrives not but on craggy and barren Hills, as the abundance of them in Upper-Germany do witness.

But supposing those Parts to have been Sea, those Iron Rings which, they say, are yet at Tongres, do shew, that they have been Sea a great while since this Isthmus was broken down; For in the daies of Julius Caesar, seventeen Hundred years ago, there was no such thing, nor any memory of it, but the passage from Itium and Ges∣soriacum, into Britain, was by Sea.

Now that Iron Rings exposed to the Weather, and Rust, should continue for Se∣venteen hundred years, nay this supposed Isthmus, in all Reason, must have been some Hundreds of years before Caesars time, otherwise he would have Recorded so memorable an Action, I leave to any Rational man to judge whether it be possible so to be; the like may be said of those Anchors found under ground, and not unlike of the Sea-fish bones and shells, though it is more probable that they being genera∣ted in the Sea, and preserved in a Ground that retained the natural Saltness of the Waters that flung it up, might be preserved longer than Iron, which, by Moi∣sture, quickly rusts and moulders away into its first Natural constitution, Earth.

Besides, if this passage of Water through the Isthmus sunk the Sea northward, then that Sea which was south of this Isthmus must rise but upon the very Coasts of Sussex and Dorcet-shire, which lie south of it; the Inhabitants do shew several Marks, to which, they say, the Tide once did rise, which upon the Level is very much higher than now it flows, and this doth not happen among them only, but the whole World over.

England is full of those Marks, and so are other Countries; and, I think, it ariseth from a general decay of Moisture in the Universe, and that the Earth continually grows dryer and dryer. And, although the Sea may be said to gain in some places (that is) where the Earth fell lower than the Waters, and had nothing to preserve it from being Sea but some continued Ridge, which, by accident, kept the Sea out, and which as soon gone, the Sea broke in; yet as to the whole, the Land hath gained on

the Sea, as all parts of the World do evidence: Delos was not alwaies visible, great part of Egypt was Sea in Homers daies, and Venice to this day keeps Marks of the falling of their Waters, of which latter Ages have been very sensible; nay, they have a Tra∣dition among them, That the Sea, in future times, will forsake their City, and that then the Government thereof, and the City it self must be destroyed.

But to return to England, I my self have examined many Coasts both on the East and West parts of it, so that in most places I find there are plain grounds, sometimes half a mile, sometimes a mile broad, which lie between the Sea and some Hills, which Hills, by their steepness and being broken off, seem once to have been washed by the Sea. The soyl of those Meadows now lying higher than the Sea, do argue much that they were once part of it: Neither could I find any other Reason, excepting the ge∣neral decay of the Sea in all Parts, why those Coasts once lying under Water, ever became dry Lands. That this has happened in other parts of the World is plain, viz. That the Water hath left many places it once possessed; Hybanda, an Island once of Ionia, in Pliny's daies, was Two hundred stadia from the Sea, likewise Ortygia is now become a Peninsula, by a neck of Ground the Sea hath either left, or flung up.

I am very certain there are many more Examples in the World of Peninsula's made, than destroyed.

But I leave this to others to judge, whether this be the true Reason or no, Why the Neatherlands, and some parts of England, formerly Sea, are now become dry Land, and so will proceed to shew, That such an Isthmus of ground between Britain and Gaul, could not be the cause why they were drowned. Here the cause is not the same (as Verstegan suppo∣ses) between these Seas and the Mare Rubrum, that is, the Red Sea; For although it might be dangerous to cut the Isthmus, and so let the Red Sea into the Mediterrane∣an, by reason that the Red Sea was the higher, and so inconveniently might be drayned on one side, and several Countries on the other side lying on the Inland-Sea might be drowned, yet the cause could not be so as to this Isthmus between France and Eng∣land, as is represented in this following Figure:

[illustration]

Here I am not to be understood, as though I speak of the Lunary Tide, but of the general and constant Flux of Waters. Let A be this Isthmus that disjoyns C France, and B Britain, D D D the North Sea, about the thirteenth Parallel, and uttermost parts of Scotland; now this North Sea equally slows upon the Isthmus A, and the same opposite Parallel E, so that when the Flood is at A, or between Dover and Bullen, it will likewise be the same time at E, about South Wales, and so going round about the Point F, it comes to the other side of the Isthmus A, and there raises the Waters at G; so that the passage of the North Sea lying so open by E and F, there can be no difference of the height of Waters at A and G, which cannot be in the Red Sea, there being no passage for the Red Sea into the Mediterranean, nor is it possible that the Waters of the Mediterranean can be raised on the other side of that Isthmus, by the Red Sea, there being no way for the Waters of the Red Sea to come into the Mediterranean but round about Africk, and so thorow the Streights of Gibraltar.

The like may be said of that Isthmus of ground in the West Indies, between Pan∣nama and Nombre de Dios, for now there is no passage from the Pacifick Sea (Core Mar del Zur) into the Atlantick Ocean; so that one Sea may be higher than another, but it cannot be so with this English Isthmus, as hath been already shewn.

But granting that the North Sea, about Britain D D D, be higher than the Southern Sea coming in at F, yet will not the Shoar H, which we suppose to be Holland and the Neatherlands, be any thing the more under Water, by reason of the Isthmus A stopping the passage of the Water, because, as was said before, of the free course of the Northern Sea, by E, F and G, to the same Isthmus on the South∣side.

So, that if we could make an Isthmus from England to France, yet would it not endanger the Low Countries, as we see in the Isthmus in Peloponnesus, the Sea is equally high on both sides because of the short passage the Waters have round that Peninsula; so although the nature of one side of the Sea and its scituation should be higher, yet it comes to a Level, because in so short a turn it would raise the Waters on the other side.

But how comes it to pass, that the Sea on the North side of the Isthmus is higher than the South, when as the Inland Sea, lying on the north and west of the Red Sea, is lower? But this (amongst Verstegans other Opinions and Demonstrations, saies) is plain, as from the Current of Water which runs from the North Sea; so that Old Shippers of the Neatherlands say, The Voyage from Holland to Spain is shorter by a day and a halfs sayling, than from Spain to Holland: This may proceed from several Reasons, as the insensible quickness of some Winds from some Corners over others, and the conveniency of Sea-Marks, which are not the same in going, and returning, although in the same Voyage.

The Arguments to prove, that the Sea was higher on the North side, than the South side of this supposed Isthmus, are taken from the sundry flats on the North side, where∣by the bottom of the Sea is supposed to be higher than the bottom of that Sea on the South side, and consequently, the SEA also.

To consute this, let us first consider, If there had been such an Isthmus of Land, the Sea working forceably upon it from the North side, would have carried the Earth of that Isthmus southward, so that for some space of Sea, the bottom would be shal∣lower Southerly than Northerly; but we find it to the contrary, for on the North side the Ryff, which is supposed a Relick of that Isthmus, we find twenty five Fa∣thom, on the South twenty seven, besides farther you go Northerly the deeper the Sea is, excepting some Shelves, as off of Harlem, eight or nine miles within the Sea, be∣gins, De breed Verthien, reaching along the Coast of Holland to the Plain of Ame∣land, where it endeth.

To manifest this, I will set down the sounding of the North-Sea from the Fore∣land.

Depths of the North Sea from the Fore-land.

IN the Channel, from England, Fore-land, and the Sands of Flanders, you have twenty four Fathom; without the Shoald, between Zealand and the Texell, is twenty six Fathom, as far as the Shoald which the Fishers call Dog sand, or Doggar bank. In the Channel on England side, over against Yarmouth, is thirty five Fathom: And against Flambrough and Scarborough point, is thirty eight Fathom, where the White-shelf, called Dog-sand beginneth, from nine to sixteen Fathom, and so reaches Northward, so that the Depth encreases Northwards, excepting these Shoalds.

All these things laid together, any Judicious mans Opinion may be convinced, that the Isthmus here supposed is a meer Fiction, and that it could not be the cause of drowning the Neatherlands, they having been Sea long after this Isthmus could ever be in the World, as I have shewn. Were there an Isthmus now risen out of the Earth, it could not in the least endanger the Neatherlands.

I shall add this, that in those Countries that are Peninsula's, we see the Isthmus lies on the end, and not on the sides of the Country, and where the Sea hath made a separation, yet there has remained some Neck of Ground that hath shot it self into the Sea, sharper and sharper, till it ended in a Point, an evident sign that the Sea has wrought away the Earth before it. But to make a Neck of Ground on the flat part of England and France, of twenty miles in length, and six in breadth, to be joyned to a Couple of plain and flat Clyffs, seems rather to build a Bridge, than to evidence an Isthmus.

As for that Argument, How Wolves and Foxes came into England? I think it alto∣gether unnecessary to build them a Passage; for the same Reasons that induced Noah to preserve their kind, would also perswade men to Transport them; for their nature was not unknown to Noah, neither are those Creatures without their use, in Countries that are not thoroughly Inhabited, God having so ordered the natures of Animals, that one should destroy another, least the Beast of the field should too much increase upon Man! So that in Countries that are not thorowly Planted, at Ire∣land, and some parts of Scotland, it has been a great question, whether they do not more good than harm, seeing that any Nation, when it is fully Peopled, can destroy them at their pleasure? as England hath done, by the Order of King Edgar, and Others, when the Tribute of the Welch Princes was, so many Wolves Heads yearly, till at last there was none remaining.

If there were nothing else but the Recreation they afforded in Hunting, and do yet afford, where the Inhabitants are not so many, but they can suffer sometimes loss of Cattle; I say, if there were nothing else, we may easily suppose, that the First Planters of Countries, after they had setled themselves, would cause them to be Im∣ported for their Pleasure.

The World in its Infancy was much given to Hunting, as Nimrod is said, to be a great Hunter before the Lord, so was Esau, and Zenophon makes his young Cyrus take great delight in slaying of Wild Beasts; so that though these Wolves have been the destruction of two British Princes, Madan and Memprcius, yet they have been the delight of many more. There is no one Conveniency in the World, but some Inconveniencies or others may attend it.

Now the Reason why Foxes and Wolves are not convenient for such Islands, as Wight, &c. and so are never Imported into them, is, because those Islands, being small, cannot admit of them, either for sport or safety, by reason they must be mixt with Inha∣bitants, for so small an extent of Ground, hath none or very little waste ground, where the Recreation can be carried on without mutual invading of Propriety; whereas in so large Countries as England, where there has been more waste ground than now there is, they have afforded most excellent sport, with little or no peril, or inconvenience.

But, if this Argument should hold against England, it would in like manner a∣gainst many other Places in the known World, there being divers Islands that are far distant from the Continent than this is, and which were never supposed to be joyned with it, and have abounded with the very same, or as noctious Animals as these; And so in many places in the East Indies, as Java, Sumatra, and other large Islands, and of all the West Indies in general; for supposing that the vast Continent northward of New England, should joyn with some parts of the Continent of the Old World, yet were it impossible that way to bring those Creatures, by reason of the vast Ice and Snows, covering the Earth, would yield no nourishment for them in their passage, by reason there are no Beasts to prey upon in those Climates, unless the Deer, and the Bears, which, as Sea-men witness, abound in those parts under the Cold, the first for their swiftness, the other for their fierceness and strong natures. And if the Cold in those Countries do not stop or destroy them, want of necessary food would do it. Neither is it supposed for Beasts of Prey, to have any natural desire farther than the present Object, or that they would leave the Flocks and Herds in pleasant and fertile Countries, over which they had dominion, to seek out new Acquests in cold and soli∣tary places. On the South parts of America there is no passage for them, unless we suppose the Streights of Magellan once to have been conjoyned, a thing not easily to be granted to these Isthmus Makers; and what is as Ridiculous, as some Atlantick-Islands lying not far off Africa, should extend either to the Caribee-Islands, or St. Domingo.

Granting a Passage at the Magellan Streights, yet the Heat of those Parts would stop their passage as much as the Cold on the Northern side, there being Beasts in the temperate parts of America, that can as little endure the heat of some, as the extream cold in other places.

St. Augustine, treating of this Subject, after he had laid down, that they were trans∣ported for the delight of Man (meaning the Islands of the Old World) for as yet, many Centuries after the New World was not found, had recourse to the Ministery of Angels, and much more had it been necessary, had he lived in our daies, since, by the improve∣ment of Navigation, the New World hath been discovered, and several Islands in the Atlantick-Ocean. To instance in Barmudas, some hundreds of Leagues from any Continent, which nevertheless when they were discovered, abounded in some sorts of greater Animals.

I remember, in reading the Prodigies of Old Rome, in observing of which some Authors were very diligent, it is reported, that once, in viâ Fornicatâ, it rained a Calf, if true, was it not a work of the Prince of the Air, to terrifie and amaze the Peo∣ple by so sudden a surprize? I question not, but the Transporting of Wolves and Foxes, will be rather thought a work of the Devil than Angels, especially by those that receive damage by them.

And in the stories of New Rome, which are very busie in employing of Angels, I find but one Monument of their Actions in this nature, and that is Our Ladies Chappel of Loretto, so that we will leave this solution of the Doubt, and pass to the third Way, the same St. Augustine proposes, and that is this, in his own words, follow∣ing:

[But if they sprung out of the Earth, according to their first Original (when as, God said, Let the Earth bring forth a Living soul) then it appears much more evident, That all kind of Living Creatures were in the Ark, not so much for the increase and propa∣gation of them, as to figure out sundry Nations for the Sacrament of the Church, in case the Earth brought forth many Creatures in those Islands, whereunto they could not pass.]

Here we see, St. Augustine grants, that the Earth might bring forth Animals after the Flood, by that spirit of Generation that God had first infused into it. This I leave to Divines to judge, as it is a mystical Relation, between the kinds of Beasts in the Ark, and those that were to spring out of the Earth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, it is a flight peculiar to St. Augustine, whose volatile Soul often dived into those Depths, common Capacities are not able to fathom.

In my serious thoughts, this Solution seems more rational than the other, for who can ever imagine, that all Beasts of the Earth in their different kinds, every kind should have one beginning of its Race to which it referred its Original, and that

they had some principal who might be reckoned to be

Dux gregis ipse caper —

It is sufficient that the Ark bore the types and forms of all Species, and that the Earth in producing living Creatures, was to be subject to those Patterns God had preserv'd for it, and not to be extravagant or deficient in the number of the Species, and their forms, but to keep exactly to all those lines that God had drawn in those Creatures in the Ark, he having shaped them to that proportion of Limbs and strength, and distinguisht them in their several Natures and Capacities, as in his Infinite Wisdom he fore-saw would be most convenient for Mans use, and answerable to the Earths production. And this order and government of Nature we find in the least and minute Insects, which although they be various in their kinds, yet doth not one kind interfere with another, but a steady and certain method may be discerned in their Production, one answering another in the same kind exactly, that it is a great won∣der to see the uniform symetery of their Parts, in so small and little Models, so en∣tirely preserved.

Hugo Grotius, in his Notes on his first Book, De veritate Religionis Christianae, * 1.62 speaking of the Traditions of the Heathen corresponding with the Doctrine of Mo∣ses, concerning the production of Animals, quotes divers Authors, and amongst the rest Sanchoniathon, who all with one consent agree, That all kinds of Creatures sprang * 1.63 out of the Earth, and that it was the certain Traditions of those Ancient times, wherein is also particularly described the manner of their Productions, with the dif∣ferences of Fish, Beasts and Fowls, in the nature of their Generation, viz. How the Earth, being in the nature of one great Bogg, or Moor, which must be imagined so to be, and so to continue long after the general Deluge, out of the watery part of it produced Fish, whilst that part had more spirit, and was more refined, gave being to the Fowls of the Air, who following the volatile nature of their Original, took wing, some more, some less, according as they consisted of a grosser or purer sub∣stance, whilst the earthlier and drossy part of Matter gave being to those Creatures which are stiled Prona naturâ, & humi fixa, heavily creeping upon that Earth, from whose deadest part they proceeded.

Not withstanding all this, we ought not to expect these Procreations from the Earth, who long since have disburthened it self of those Forms at first it retained in its womb, when it was pregnant with the Species of all Creatures, it having long since lost its Moisture which then opened its Womb, so that it is now become the dead Supporter, and final Receiver of its former and primitive Births; yet in some parts of it, as in Egypt, where the Soyl is kept fat and moist by the Inundation of Nile, there is daily experience of its generations, though small and abortive, as in Mice, and such like Vermin: Creatures, though little in comparison of what it hath brought forth, yet great, in respect to what in other Places it produces. These re∣main now the only Instances, and Monuments, of that wondrous fertility it once enjoyed: so I think, to bring the Originals of all Creatures from any particular quarter of the Earth, is a great disparagement to its other Parts. As the Jews fancy their Country the Navel of the Earth, this would be to make its Womb at Babylon, or some part of Mesopotamia, where ever the Garden of Eden was.

Now, to return to England, I think it not necessary at all to build any Isthmus, in order to the bringing in of Wolves, or to solve such a little piece of Philosophy, to make this Ancient and Renowned ISLAND, once a hanger on, or part of the Continent.

It was ever the Glory and Safety of GREAT BRITAIN to be environed by the Sea, and to command those Waters that encompass it, and whilst other Nati∣ons are subject to daily Incursions, being separated only by Rivers, Hills, or Valleys, and imaginary Lines, by turns, one Kingdom often Elbows out another; But Na∣ture has set BRITAIN such distinct Bounds and Limits, that its Empire is pre∣served entire; and as it abounds in All things, both for the necessary delight and support of Man, and needs not the World to sustain it, so was it alwaies esteemed, and called, Novus Orbis, & Orbis BRITANNICUS, by reason of its Great∣ness, and especially Separation from the Continent, for proceeding from the East

through that vast Tract of Ground which contains so many Empires and King∣doms, and arriving on the Coasts of France, Normandy, Picardy, and the Low Countries, ones Fancy tired with so long a Progress, would naturally imagine that on that Shoar was the uttermost bounds and limits of the Earth, and that there was nothing Westward but a vast Ocean. But as soon as the British Island discovered it self by its High and White Rocks, it is no wonder it should be called, a distinct WORLD by it self, being of so large an extent, that for many years after the Romans had discovered it, it was not known whether it was an Island, or the be∣ginning of another Continent Westward. That it ever was joyned Eastward to the Continent of France, as there is no Tradition for it, so there is no real Truth in it, and so I shall leave it, as I found it encompast by the Sea, with these Verses (out of Mr. Cambden) upon the Streights, the matter of which, I question not, will be verified in all Ages to come.

— Gemini quà janua Ponti Faucibus angustis, latéque frementibus undis Gallorum, Anglorumque vetat concurrere terras.

— The British and the Gaulish Shoars The SEA at distance keeps, through every Age, Least the two LANDS each other should engage.

CHAP. V. When BRITAIN was first known to the Phoe∣nicians, And how it received its Name from them.

HAVING shewn that BRITAIN was originally an ISLAND, and in the greatest probability Peopled from the Continent by the Cimbri, a German Nation; I come now to Treat of the Phoenicians, who although lived upon the most Easternly part of the Mediterranean, as Tyre and Sidon, yet by the advan∣tage of Shipping, and the many Colonies they had upon the Streights, are supposed not to be long after, if not contempo∣rary with the Cimbri in this Island. And from these Phoeni∣cians are the first Antiquities of this Nation to be derived, upon the account, that their Voyages hither may be proved by the Authority of the best Authors.

Their Language is sufficiently known, being a Dialect of the Hebrew, or Syrian Tongue, by which Language they are traced through all the Coasts and Islands of the Mediterranean Sea, giving Names to those Countries they Arrived at, according to the respective Commodities they afforded, or the nature of the Soyl, or some such notorious qualities, which Names, though a little varied by the Greeks, and after∣wards by the Romans, remained till the fall of those Empires, and many of them remain unto this day.

And as they gave Names to all places on the Midland-Sea, so passing the Streights they gave name to this ISLAND.

The truth of this will appear, when I shall have shewn that they were here long before the Greeks, and that the Greeks did take the name of BRITAIN, as well as of most other Countries, from them; And before I proceed, I will here speak something of the Custome of the Greeks in giving Names to places, they being not so early Marriners as the Phoenicians, and finding that all Countries had received some denomination or other from these Traders, they took the Phoenician Name and translated it into a word of their own, agreeing with it either in signification, or sound, The latter of which waies was the most ingenious, because by so doing they preserved something of the true Original, which will appear plainly in the fore-going Mapp of the Ancient WORLD, I have collected for that purpose. Thus from Cham they made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Copher, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Nahal, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Brat-anac, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the like, and had they done no otherwise, certainly the Original of names of Places had not been so obscure.

But we may find that in other Countries they were not so sincere, as when they changed some material Letter, and then placed some fable or other of their own In∣vention, for the derivation of that Country, as making the Phoenician Itaria, or the Country of Pitch, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and so derived it from a Calf, so Borsa became 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Aschenas, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Goghasan, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the like, upon all which some ridiculous story or other depends.

But, the greatest falsification was, when they understood the sence and meaning of a Phoenician Name, they translated it into a word of their own Language, agreeing in signification, but not sound; thus Gomet they made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Noammon, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Brat-anac, the Countries of Tynn, Cassiterides.

The Phoenicians therefore being the first Traders, from them are the Names of this Island, ALBION and BRITANNIA, to be derived, and that it may appear more evidently, I will first prove by sufficient Authors, that they first Traded hither and that very early. In the second place, from several Arguments drawn from the

Greek Writers themselves. Lastly, from the foot-steps of their Language, as likewise their Customes and Religions setled in this ISLAND; of all which I shall make manifest in their Order.

THE first discovery of this ISLAND, as may be gathered by Ancient Hi∣stories, was by the Phoenicians, some say by Hercules, others by Himiclo, who was sent with a Fleet through the Streights to discover the Western Seas, which he did [as Fuller reports] by the help of the Load-stone, which he will needs have the Carthaginians to have known, and to have kept as a great Secret.

But as their Voyages by Sea were so Famous and many, it gave occasion to Fuller to think, that they exceeded other Nations by the vertue of this Secret, so have we seen by what Motives he was mistaken; for because this Stone was called Heraclea, he imagined the Name might be given it from HERCULES, in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and not from Heraclea, a City in Magnesia (from whence also it was called MAG∣NES by the Latins) because, saies he, it would have then been called Heracleotis, not Heraclea, not considering, or at least dissembling, if it was to be derived from HER∣CULES, it ought to be rather from the Greek Hercules than the Phoenician, because the Greek Hercules was in Lydia, and resided about Omphal, where he might find this Stone, for Magnesia is part of Lydia.

I presume, it will never be granted that such a Secret, so useful and advantagious for Mankind, if it was known to the Phoenicians, could ever have been lost. For granting that some Arts, once known to Mankind, have been by time forgotten, yet we shall alwaies find, that they rather concerned the pleasure and luxury of Man, than his real profit, and which were supplied by others with greater ease, and no less delight.

However it be, we shall find that the Phoenicians were the first that discovered these ISLANDS long before the First Olympiad, [The beginning of which, ac∣cording to the Julian Account, was Anno 3938, from the Year of the World 3256, from the Temple, &c. 263.] as I shall prove by and by.

Strabo, in his third Book, writes thus: First of all the Phoenicians Traded thi∣ther, meaning the Cassiterides, now called the Isles of Scilly, not divulging this Voy∣age * 1.64 to any, and he reckons up the Commodities of the Country, Tynn, Lead, and Skins, which they exchanged for Salt, Earthen-Pots, and Brazen-ware; and Pliny writes, That Lead was first brought into Greece out of those Islands, by * 1.65 Midacritus. * 1.66 And although these ISLANDS were not yet known to the Graecians, by reason the Phoenicians kept them so private, yet Herodotus makes mention of them in these words: [I know not, saies he, the Islands CASSITERIDES from whence comes all our Tynn] for the Graecians bought their Tynn, and Lead, either immediately from the Phoenicians, or the Veneti, or from the Narbonienses, to whom it was brought by Land (as Diodorus in his fifth Book witnesseth) a Journey of Thirty daies, so that tis plain, they had only heard of the Islands from whence those Com∣modities came, and had never seen them.

Mr. Cambden himself Learnedly proves, that these Cassiterides were the Scilly * 1.67 Islands by their scituation, described by Solinus, Diodorus, and Enstathius, and also by the Mines of Tynn and Lead, which are not found in any but in these BRITISH Islands.

Ortelius, makes the CASSITERIDES to be those Islands including Cornwal * 1.68 and Devonshire, and that England and Ireland were called by the Ancients CASSI∣TERIDES, of which I shall speak more at large anon.

Now, because these Islands were the first of all BRITAIN, as they were so called, that were discovered by the Phoenicians, lying exactly against Spain, on which Coast, it is supposed, the first. Adventurers in those Seas would sail, it will not be amiss to give an exact account of them.

That these Islands of Scilly were the Cassiterides of the Ancients.

FIrst, We have the Authority of Strabo, as to their Position, full opposite to the Artebri, that is, Gallitia in Spain, those Islands Northwards are discovered, * 1.69 which are called CASSITERIDES, placed after a manner in the same Clime with Britain. This Description cannot suit with any other Islands in the West Sea, for the Asores bare westward of Gallitia in Spain, when the Cassiterides are said to be northward; so that the Asores cannot be they, neither are the Asores near the Eighth Climate, which is the vttermost Climate of the South parts of England, and so could not be said by Strabo, to be almost in the same Climate; In another place Strabo saies, That the Sea, between Spain and the Cassiterides is broader than that which lieth between the Cassiterides and Britain; so that Olivarius his Opinion is cut off, who makes them * 1.70 Cysarga, for Cysarga lieth on the Spanish Coasts, almost close upon the Conti∣nent.

Next to him we have the Opinion of Solinus, in these words [The Cassiterides * 1.71 look towards the Coasts of Celtiberia;] Now the Asores look no more towards that Coast, or bear no more upon it, than they do upon the Coast of Asrick; and as for Cysarga, lying upon Spain, it cannot be proper to say it looks towards it, for that term in Geography is used to Places that have some distance, yet lie in some relation as to Parallels and Clymes. Diodorus Siculus writes, In the Islands next to the Spa∣nish Sea for their Tynn, are called CASSITERIDES, which description is only proper to the Islands of Scilly, for Cysarga is not next to the Spanish Sea, but in it, and as for the Asores, the Spanish Sea was never extended so far.

That which has made the greater doubt, is, the words of Eustathius; There be Ten Islands (saies he) called CASSITERIDES, lying close together Northward, * 1.72 when as Mr. Cambden makes them in all One hundred forty five. * 1.73

To Answer this, let us consider that in no part of the Western Seas there are Ten Islands lying close together, no more, nor no less, and we must understand Eustathius either to have written of the Principal only, which are but Ten, namely, St. Maries, Annoth, Agnes, Samson, Silly, Brefer, Rusco or Truscaw, St. Hellens, St. Martins, and Arthur, which is not unusual in Geographers; or, which is most probable, that in those daies of the Ancients, they had no certain knowledge of these Remote parts of the Earth, more than we have now of the Islands of Mar del Zur, the passage through the Streights of Gibraltar being as full of Difficulties, or more, than those of Magellan are to us.

Neither can this number of the Cassiterides make, but that they are the Scilly Islands, any more than the Hebades, which by Ptolomy are made Five, and the Or∣cades Thirty, take from the truth of those Islands, because in the discovery of them * 1.74 they are not found now exactly of that number. The Chief of them that have Names are these;

S. Maries, five miles over, nine in compass; Agnus Isle, six miles over; Annot, Minwisand, Smithy-sound, Suartigan, Rousuian, Ronsuiar; the Cregwin, Moncarthat, Inis-Welseck, Suechial, Rat Island, Anwell, Brior, Rusco, as great as St. Maries; the Round Island, St. Lides Island, Notho, Aving, Tyan, St. Martins Isle, Knolworth, Sni∣villiver, Menwetham, Vollis, Survihe, Vollis again, Arthurs Island, Guiviliner, Ne∣nech, Gothrois.

That which is most material, is, that they have Veins of Tynn, which no other Islands in this Tract have, and according to those descriptions of Strabo, Solinus, Diod. Siculus, and Eustathius, have, as witnesseth Mr. Cambden, and Bocartus; Besides Mr. Cambden, according to his usual manner, hath found two of the lesser of them to have their Names from the Mines, as Minan Witham, and Minuisisand; so that laying all Circumstances together in the words of Mr. Cambden: Seeing these Islands of Scilly are opposite to the Artebri, viz. Gallia in Spain; seeing they bend directly Northward from them; seeing they are placed in the same Clime of Britain; seeing they look towards the Coast of Celtiberia; seeing they are disjoyned by a far broader Sea from Spain than

Britain; seeing they lie next to the Spanish Sea; seeing they lie hard one by another to∣ward the North, and TEN only of them of any good account; that which is most ma∣terial, seeing they have Veins of Tynn, as no other Islands have besides them in this Tract, I think we have as much demonstration, that these ISLES of Scilly were the Cassiterides of the Ancients, as we have for any Kingdom under the Sun, whose de∣scription we find in Geographers.

This therefore being granted, that the Phoenicians Traded hither, which I shall * 1.75 prove, from hence may be gathered the Name of BRITAIN it self, and that from these Islands, and part of Cornwal and Devonshire, this whole Island first received its Name not from Brit, or Brith and Canta, as some will have it: so that what Mr. Cambden ends his History of Britain with, viz. the ISLES of SCILLY, from thence I shall begin to derive its Name, and clearly demonstrate to any, that the Western-name of this Island, in process of time denominated the whole, as in after Ages it happened to the Monarchy it self, the West Saxons taking in the Heptarchy, united the whole Kingdom under one entire Government.

Now the Reader is desired to recollect what before I have writ concerning the Greeks, their way of denominating of Kingdoms, and it will be found from whence and from whom they called these Islands CASSITERIDES, which could be from no other than the Phoenicians, who alone knew them, as I have alrea∣dy made appear, but for the better satisfaction shall discourse it more at large.

WHAT the Graecians call CASSITERIS, or the Country of Tynn, in the Phoenician Language, which was but only a Dialect of the Hebrews (as all * 1.76 know that have read Plautus his Poenus, or any of the Phoenician Records) is, BARAC-ANAC, or BRACANAC, the first a or Patha being, ac∣cording to the Eastern Languages, silenced in a Sheva.

Now this word Bratanac in the Phoenician Tongue, signifies the very same thing as Cassiteris, viz. A Country, or Field of Tynn, as Bochartus Learnedly proves, * 1.77 from whom I confess my self to have gathered it, and taken the first hints of this Derivation upon this very account, in all reason it is to be supposed, that the Greeks hearing the Phoenicians in their Language call these Islands, to which they Tra∣ded for Tynn, Bratanac, they gave them the name Cassiterides, signifying the same thing.

When the word Bratanac by the Phoenician Marriners prevailed more, and more, then the Greeks were obliged to receive it, but mollifying it after their manner, as I have shewn, yet not so far as at first to make it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but preserved the last c of Bratanac, by which they acknowledged it a Phoenician derivation, which is very remarkable, so that Strabo all along calls it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Bretanica, not Bretania; so that Bretanica is Ancienter than Bretannia, as Punicûm, and Poe∣nicum, derived from Phoenix, are Ancienter than Poenum, which yet seems to be of a more primitive extract, and nature. The same may be said of Afri, Marmoridae, Messabatae, later in time than their Primitives, Africa, Marmarica, Messabatica (as Learned Bochartus proves) from whence they were derived.

Now the reason of this Chang of Bretanica into Bretania, by the Greeks, is this, because 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seems, according to the Idiom of their Language, to be an Adjective, and so defective in sence without 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 joyned to it, might give occasion of mistake in Readers to understand it, which was alwaies carefully prevented by the Graecians, who studied nothing more than Elegancy of stile.

In that little Book De Mundo, which is falsly fathered upon Aristotle, as, besides other Errors, the Luxury of the stile witnesseth, I find 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Bre∣tanica the primitive Substantive, by Error, turned into an Adjective. So that when once Bretanica, or Bratanac, came to be Bretannia, we ought not to wonder at the several Changes, as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the body of the World as in its Terminations, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Bretania, Brettania, Britannia, Brittannia, the People Britanni, and so on to Britones, Britus, Britton, for this is very ordinary in Places themselves, whose Ori∣ginal Names are undoubtedly known, where men by negligence mistake a Humor, or Dialect, often deviate from the true Original.

But to clear every point, I will further search this Termination of BRITANNIA, which Mr. Cambden calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which I think improperly, and ought to be only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that being a frequent Termination of Countries in the World, as Germania, Pomerania, Transylvania, and Romania; this I believe was the reason too why Bretanica was turned into Britannia, because it corresponded with the Idiom of o∣ther Terminations; and Mr. Cambden saies, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Greek Glossaries, beto∣keneth a Region, which is granted in some Compositions, but then must be consi∣dered, whether the word to be compounded, end in a Vowel or Consonant, for if it ends in a Consonant, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 makes the Composition, but if it end in a Vowel, as Mauri, Aqui, the T is put in for sounds sake, because Mauriania, Aquiania cannot sound well, and that T is a letter often used Euphoniae gratiâ [as it is aster ce in French, cet un, and n among the Saxons before a Vowel, as an Island,] among the Greeks, without any other signification; as any one versed in that Language may understand. And this is the true Reason, I suppose, why the Mauritania, Aquitania, and falsly Britannia, as Mr. Cambden saies, are the only Countries of note that end in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because it did not happen in compounding in other Countries names, that they ended partly in a Vowel.

Thus much considered concerning 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, let us see how it could be added to Brith, to clear out Mr. Cambden's Britannia, for add 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to Brith and it makes Brithtania, which would have been written by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, according to their Idiom; and let Mr. Cambden make as little as he will of the H, yet it is the Shibboleth, or Ca∣racteristical note of the British, and Teutonik Dialect in general, and we know words as blithea, sithe, which can never be made vlite, site; with, teeth, become wit and teet, are clear of another signification without the h.

And if 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 had been added to Brith, it would have made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which, I think, proves, that Brith alone was not the name of these Islanders, but rather Britani, as Pomerani, Pomerania, not Pomeranani; Romani, Romania, not Romanania, if you give the name from the People so called, or, as I rather apprehend, from Pomer, Rom, the ani being rather taken from ania, than ania from ani.

So that when Bratanac was mollified first into Bretanica, as in Strabo, than into Bretania; It is to be supposed, the People were called Bretani, Brittani, by them∣selves, * 1.78 or something like it, according to the Dialect of their Neighbours, but nei∣ther Brit, or Brith, but by diminution and corruption; as at this day we call a Switzar, a Swis; so that although the Saxons called the Britains, in their Lan∣guage, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and Witigandus the Saxon every where names the Britains, Britae, yet this proves not Brit to be the Primitive any more, than the Phoenicians being cal∣led Poeni, prove that Punicum (as I said before) and Poenicum were derived from it, when all the World knows Poenicum to be the Primitive. For granting, just be∣fore the Saxons daies they were called Brits, Brittae, yea and in Caesars daies too, yet this makes not that Britannia came from Brit, this Age being many hundred years subsequent to the first discovery of it by the Phoenicians, and how Bratanac might be altered and changed in those daies, delivered only from mouth to mouth, in a Rude and ignorant Age, wherein they had few Records and Writings, I leave it to the wisest to judge.

And here it is carefully to be noted, that in deriving of Nations and People, we mistake not in the primitive and first Name, by thinking that to be it which in rea∣lity is only part of the whole, and not a distinct composure by it self, as here it is in Brit and ania, where Brit is only made part of the signification, and ania, because it corresponds with other like Terminations, is only a hanger on: To give one Ex∣ample, of the Euxine-Sea, called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, where 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is taken for the Primitive alone, A or Ev being thought to be given to it only, as People stood affected or disaffected to the Inhabitants upon it; so that if you make it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, it is the most Barbarous place in the World, if 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, pretty tolerable, however 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is accounted the Primitive, for A or Ev being joyned to it, are of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 real signification to the Thing, but only to the Affections of Men; yet, in the diligent search after the Antiquity of those Coasts, we find that the Alpha is a real and essential part of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and not a privative Particle, for that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is derived from Askenaz, from whom also came the River and Lake Ascanius, the Ascanean Islands, the City and Country Asania.

In like manner may it undoubtedly be thought, hath happened to Britania, the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by reason of its similitude with other Terminations being neglected, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 alone carries the glory of the Derivation, when as in reality 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 had a real part and share in it, as derived from Bretanica, and being Anciently Anac signifying Tynn among the Phoenicians.

To shew a little of these sorts of Derivations, I shall instance in two only, BRITAIN, and LONDON its Famous Metropolis. I desire the Reader, for diversion sake, to imagine himself living two or three thousand years hence, as Ovid wittily makes his Pythagoras, and suppose likewise that some fatal Barbarism should over-run the World, that most Writings and Records of Britain were lost, and only the Name of it, and some of our present Language and Roman Histories preserved, let us then see which way men would go to work; perhaps some or other might happily blunder upon Brutus, but, by the wary and judicious, that would soon be exploded, as too fabulous to derive Britannia; Well then, first 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that must be granted to have been a Termination of that Kingdom, which in the Reign of King CHARLES the Second (as we find on an English-Coyn was called BRITAN∣NIA) so that it is evident it was named so in those daies, all the pudder will be about BRIT, but saies one I have found it, Britannia was called from the Eng∣lish word Bright, signifying Shining, and so, Britanni quasi Brightania, for I find that the English in those daies had a project to leave out those Letters as superfluous which sounded not in the Pronunciation, so that g and h being left out, Britannia is as much as the Light, or shining Country, for I find in a Roman Satyrist

—minimâ contentos, noite Britannos.

In which words the Poet intimates its derivation, for the Britains have but very lit∣tle Night, and in some parts none at all, so that the business now is ended, and we have a solid and unquestionable derivation of its Name.

In like manner would they proceed in deriving the Great and Famous Metropolis LONDON. I have seen, saies one, upon this great and noble River (but by what name the Thames will be then called, God alone knoweth) the Ruines of a CITY, which extends six miles in length, and in breadth not above one quarter of a mile, and this I guess was LONDON of the Ancients, or Long-Cown, so called by the English, by reason of its vast disproportion in length to the breadth of it; and so you see London is also dispatched.

But if in truth I may deliver my Opinion, there is no way more fallacious and deceitful, in deriving of Kingdoms and Cities, than from the Language of the People, for I scarce think there is a Town, or any place in England, but by fertile Heads may be derived from some word or other that is now in use among its present Inhabitants, every place yielding something, either by Scituation, Soyl, or else Creek of Rivers, Prospect of Hills and Valleys, Customes and Manners, Battles, Buildings, with thon∣sands of other Circumstances too tedious to mention, from whence they may be de∣duced.

Now I leave it to any Rational man to judge, whether it be not more proper and consonant to Reason, to derive Places from their undoubted Trade, by which they were known to all the World, as the Isles of SCILLY were, by the name of Cassi∣terides of the Greeks, and Barat-anac or Bratanac of the Phoenicians, than to de∣duce them from the uncertain sound and coincidency of a word, with some light and trivial Custome among them.

The Reason that absolutely confirms me in the Opinion, the Scilly Islands gave Name at last to this Great ISLAND, that now alone keeps the name of Britannia, * 1.79 is, because Pliny writes, that this Island was called ALBION, when as all the Islands adjacent were called BRITAIN: so that we see the name of Bratanac first took place in the adjacent Islands, before it came on the main Land of Albion, but in succession of Time the Name gaining footing in Cornwal and Devonshire, it prevailed at last over all the Island, and the greater part swallowed up at last the Name of the whole, although corrupted and distorted by the several Dialects it ran through.

And that the exported Commodities of Countries gave Names anciently to Peo∣ple, by which they were most commonly known, although they might have other Names peculiar to themselves, will be manifest, if we consider how Africk and Ebora, part of Spain, took their names from Corn, Iava, called of Old Iabaduc, from Barley; Carmania, Cremetes, Sicilia, Inychus, Anapus, Arvisium, A∣rambys, from Wine; Ruspina and Ebusus, from Figgs; Zaita and Uzita, from Olives; Lusitania, not from Lysus the Son of Bacchus, but from the abundance of Chesnuts called Luza, and the delicacy of them, a great Merchandize in those daies, and brought from those parts of Spain. Italy and Calabria took their Names from the Pitch they yielded; Cythnus from its Cheese, Calymna and Alabus from its Hony; Caristus, Achates, from certain Stones found there, and the British Islands from its Mettal; as also Chasus, Chryse, Odonis, Siphnus, Cimese, Carcoma, Orospeda, with many others.

For considering the many diversities of People and Governments in this Island, it is not reasonably to be supposed, that they had one common Name among them∣selves by which the whole Island was known, unless they had it from Forreigners who Traded with them.

If we examine the Original Names of all Nations, we shall find that the Name by which they are known to the World, differs much from those Names they have from themselves, and by which too they do distinguish one another; yet the Major part of the World which is ab extra to every particular Kingdom, prevails in the denomination, therefore it happens that those Kingdoms themselves so denominated, are obliged to conform to those Appellations given them by the Major part; and therefore that saying of Isidore, That the BRITAINS were called so from some∣thing * 1.80 within them, in my reason as it makes no more for Brit, Painting, than for King BRUTUS, is to be neglected. For the same Motives that could make an Hi∣storian write so much, might have enabled him to have writ more; for he that can positively affirm, that a NAME comes from within a Kingdom, and not from without, in my Opinion, ought to be particular in valuable Reasons, otherwise he had better be silent, being against the experience of the World; That Nations re∣ceive their Names not from themselves, but others.

But if Isidore means, that BRITAIN had something within it from whence Strangers gave it that Name, then none can deny it, for it is true, that these Islands took their Name from the TYNN they yielded, though not all alike and at the same time.

And here I cannot but wonder, that when Mr. Cambden had laid down, that CUMERO was the primitive Name of the Inhabitants, by which they called them∣selves, he then in answer to his own Questions, Whence then came ALBION? Whence came BRITAIN? saies, that those Names came either from themselves, or from others, when just before he had given Examples, That Countries have different Names, some Names by which they called themselves, others by which they were called of Strangers, for as follows, I will set down his own words; They that were called Israelites, saies he, by the Greeks, were called Hebrews and Jews, by the AEgyptians Huesi, as witnesseth Manethon: so the Greeks named those Syrians (who as Josephus * 1.81 writes) called themselves Aramaeans; they which named themselves Chusians, were by the Graecians, for their black Faces, called AEthiopians, those which after their own Speech were called Celtae, the Greeks named Galatae, so those that nominated themselves, after their own Language, Teutsch, Numideans and Hellens, by the Ro∣mans were named Germans, Mauri and Graecians: even so in these daies, not to speak of many others, they which in their own Idiom, Musselmans, Magier, Czec∣chi and Bessermans, are by all Nations in Europe named Turks, Hungarians, Bohe∣mians and Tartarians: so even we our selves in England, by our Native and natural Speech, call our selves English men, but by the Welch, Irish men, and the High-land Scots, Saffons, that is as much as to say, Saxons.

Now what follows from this, but that the Inhabitants of this Island being called CUMERO by themselves, were by some others named BRITAINS; No, for this will destroy all, then they could not give themselves Brit, &c. from their Painting, which assisted much to the derivation of BRITANNIA, therefore (saies he) mark I pray you, they were upon some other cause, by themselves or others,

named BRITAINS. But why by themselves? when he had proved before they were called CUMERO by themselves, and by the Examples he brought, if they were proper, he ought to have inferred, they received their Names of Britains from Others, which indeed they did, as I have partly shewn, and shall shew more at large hereafter.

Grant we then that Brit or Brith, &c. was the name of these Islanders, and that the name signifies in their Tongue, Painted, depainted, dyed or coloured, yet it is not reasonable to believe, that Brit signifying a Britain, came from Brith signifying a Colouring, but rather that Brith, Colouring, came from Britha, a Britain: my Reason is this; Because that Customes in Nations, arising from some general likings, and insensible creepings upon the People, are not so much taken notice of by them∣selves, as by Neighbours and lookers on, so that although they may be remarkable in themselves, yet are they not so to those who by several gradations and steps have received them; for which cause I am not deceived, if I think that names of Countries arising from some strange and unaccountable Customes, have been given them by their Neighbours, who have been absolutely surprized by them for the novelty of them. For instance of which shall be Gallia Comata, not called so by themselves but their Neighbours, by reason of their immoderate nourishing their Long hair.

The like may be said concerning the Aspect, Greatness, Scituation, Nature, and other Circumstances of People; and here is to be observed, that the Ethiopians had nothing in their own Denomination of themselves that signified Black, because it was no wonder in their own Country to be so, AEthiopem Albus derideat; neither ought we to think, that the Islands of the Cannibals, now called the Caribees, had any thing in their own Appellation given to themselves, that denoted any such barbarous Action. But it was the Complexions of the one, and Customes of the other, that gave occasion to Strangers to call them so.

This is a good Argument to induce me to believe, that the Britains were not cal∣led Brith by themselves, from their being Painted.

That which confirms most in this Opinion, is the connexion of Reason, but ra∣ther the coincidence of Words; It is certain, say they, that these Islanders were a Painted-people, Brit signifying Painting, and these Painted-people were called Brits, therefore Bryth must needs give them their Name.

To this I Answer, Let us consider how many names of Nations have become common Appellatives, of some Customes peculiarly belonging to such Nati∣ons.

To instance in a few: A Sybarite, signifying a debauched Person, from Sybaris, the most exquisite of Luxurious Commonwealths; a Ghaldean was a common name among the Jews for any South-sayer; an Egyptian; was as much as to say a Magician or Sorcerer: so it is supposed it happened with the Britains, when they were immo∣derately given to Painting themselves, that their Neighbours, the Gauls or some o∣thers, by long use, might call whatever was painted by the name of Brit or Brith, as much as to say, Like a Britain, so that in time a Painted-man and a Britain might be all one, the proper name Britain being become a common Appella∣tive.

To evidence this plainer, let us look farther into the word Egyptian, and we shall see something more in its Derivatives that makes to this case. In the time of the Saracens possession of Spain, there entered a sort of People into Christendome calling themselves AEgyptians, as much as to say Subtile or Cunning People, and so took up the trade of Fortune-tellers, AEgypt having in those daies kept up the repute of such Sciences; These sort of People used to paint their Hands, Face, and Neck, as they do to this day, to make themselves appear more horrid and strange, and are now at this day, among us, called Gypsies, not that all came out of Egypt, or pre∣tended so, but because they use the same Arts in Painting and Fortune-telling, and in our Laws provided against them are called Gypsies, or People colouring their Hands and Face.

Now some have derived, though falsly, these Gypsies from the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifies Paint, because a painted Person in that manner, and a Gypsie, is all one.

Now as Gypsie has no relation to painting it self, but by accident, and the syllable 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ought not to be the Root alone of its Derivation seeing it is derived from AEgypti, primitively and immediately from the Egyptians, so I think it is with the word Brit, signifying Painting, that it came from the People called Britains, and not that the Britains came from it; so from Egypt comes an Egyptian, from thence a Gypsie, and from whence, if I am not mistaken, a Gyp, the meanest of Servants, a swarthy Turn-spit, &c.

In like manner I think that Brit comes from Britanni, and they from Britannia, Britania, from Strabo's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which was the Bratanac of the Phoenicians: so * 1.82 that their Painting comes in only by accident in the diminutive Brith, and hath no∣thing to do in the Original Primitive of Britannia, the Root of which ought not to be Brit alone.

And although it is to be supposed that none can be so mad, as to derive Egypt from Gyp, the Antiquity of the name Egypt being sufficiently known, yet it has hap∣pened that the not considering of the Antiquity of Britannia, which really was the Bratanac of the Phoenicians, hath caused that Brith and Brits, whence 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the Saxons (many hundred years after the First Olympiad when this Island received the Name) which are diminutions and corruptions of the Primitive word, have been accounted the Original.

To manifest this, let us hear what Humphry Lloyd, a Gambro-Britain, and a * 1.83 Learned and diligent Searcher after Antiquities, saith, concerning BRITAIN, namely, he confidently and boldly affirms, that there is not any British word whose first Radical Letter is B; if this be true, then it plainly appears that the word Brith and Brit, if not the same with Pryd, are not genuine British words, but are derived from some Forreign Name, which crept by degrees into their Language, which exactly agrees with the Bratanac of the Phoenicians, or the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, words by Trading and Custome introduced into their Language, whose Idiom in their own genuine production admits not of a B in the first Radical.

Hence I believe it might proceed, that when the Greeks had named them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and their Country 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Islanders after their own manner turned the B into a P and called themselves Prydayns (as Humphry Lloyd proves out of Anci∣ent Copies, and Traditions of their Old Poets, and Bardi) for it is Recorded by Bishop Cooper something to this purpose.

At Evy Church (saith he) two miles from Salisbury, in the digging down of a * 1.84 Wall, a Book, containing twenty Leaves of very thick Velom was found, which from the hands of Mr. Richard Pace, Chief Secretary to the King, I read, but being sore defaced, could read no one Sentence through, yet could I well perceive in several places the word Prytania.

If this Book be admitted of any considerable Antiquity, as that Humphry Lloyd speaks true, that there is no first Radical Letter B in the Welch Tongue, but that they were called Prydayns by themselves, I believe, without doubt, the Greeks, from this way of the Islanders, derived them from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Prytania, signifying Mettals in their own Language, for they knowing that the first Original Name Bretanica came from the Phoenicians, in which name the Commodity of the Country, Tynn, was expressed, and finding it corrupted by the Natives into Pretan, Prytan, or something like it, easily making 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, wittingly embraced this occasion to derive the Country from a word from their own Language, signifying Mettals; so that if there be any truth in the Derivation of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, it must of ne∣cessity proceed from this Fountain.

The like may be said of Bretta, the Spanish word Earth, from whence some have derived it; For if there be any kind of Truth delivered by Tradition of such a thing among the Spaniards, then it must come from those Spaniards which in former times were called Iberi, that is, Diggers in Mines, and as the word importeth, it was derived from the Phoenicians.

That these Iberi might be employed by the Phoenicians in the Tynn Mines in BRITAIN is not unlike, for Tacitus saies, That the Complexion of the South * 1.85 part of Britain differs much from the Northern, and both from those parts that lie upon France; and therefore he is of Opinion, that the North parts were Peopled by the Germans, the Eastern Coast by the opposite Neighbours the Gauls, and the South parts by the Iberi. This he gathers by the different Complexion of the People, the North Britains being Fair, having large Limbs, long Yellow hair, as the Germans have; the South Britains being Swarthy, and Curled hair like the Spaniards; the Coast lying upon France, agreeing in Language, Customes, and in every thing with the Gauls.

It is difficult to perswade me, that Primitively any part of Britain could be Peo∣pled out of Spain by entire Colonies, but rather that it is more natural, that this Island being peopled by Colonies descending down the Rhine, and filling France, Belgium, and all that Tract of Ground, the Spaniards came to the South part as Mi∣ners only, being very active and expert in that Trade, having plenty of Mines in their own Country, as the Roman Histories witness, continued unexhausted even to Hannibals daies.

According to this account, it must certainly be vainly supposed of the derivation of Britain from Bretta, signifying Earth in Spanish, especially when considered, this Island once in conjunction with the Continent; but from the Spanish Mariners, who took Bretta from the Phoenician Brat, the first syllable in Bratanac signifying Earth. For it will frequently happen, that the Truth of things is delivered down, though the Reason by which men would evidence them, are often vain and frivolous, according to the divers apprehensions and conceptions of Men.

The time when the Phoenicians came from Tyre and Zidon, their own Native Country, to discover BRITAIN.

THE next thing I shall shew, is about what time the Phoenicians, from Tyre, came into the Western Seas, and when in all reason it may be supposed they discovered and named this Island, for from the Certainty and Antiquity of their Navigations will depend the evidence of our Derivation. And I shall also make it appear, that the Tyrians before the Trojan War, under their Captain and Country man Hercules, having Trafficked to all the parts of the Inland Sea, at last passed the Streights of Gibraltar, having first built several Cities on the Streights, and possessed Tartessus, Erythea, and Gades, Islands, with great part of the Conti∣nent of Spain and Africk, lying on the Sea Coasts, as many Monuments of their Language and Customes do evidence; And that the Western Sea was discovered be∣fore the Trojan War, we learn from the Ancient Poets Orpheus, and Homer, with whom nothing is more frequent than those sayings, That the EARTH was an Island, and encompassed round with the SEA. And first Orpheus,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

The Sea around the Earth her Water throws, And in that Circle does it all inclose.

Upon this very account was it called AMPHITRITE by Homer, its going round the Earth, as Herodotus speaks in his fourth Book. * 1.86

Homer makes the Sun to arise and set in the Ocean, and in the first Mapp of the World, as I may call it, the Shield of Achilles which Vulcan makes him, we find that the Earth was in the midst of the Waters, for the SEA was placed * 1.87

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Vpon the extream borders of the Shield.

From whence could Orpheus and Homer have this, if not by Tradition from the Phoentcians, for Colaeus Samius was the first of the Greeks that discovered the Western Ocean, and he lived four hundred years after Homer, besides he never went farther than Tartessus, but contented himself with the discovery of the Streights mouth only, and to have seen that Ocean, so that we must suppose Homer had it by Tradition from the Phoenicians, as Bochartus proves him to have had many Names * 1.88 of Places, particularly the ELYSIAN FIELDS, in Hispania BE∣TICA.

Let us hearken also what Strabo saith to this business, speaking of the Phoenicians; * 1.89 They (saies he) went beyond HERCULES Pillars, and there built Cities even to the middle of Lybia on the Sea Coast, a little while after the TROJAN War; and Mr. Milton saies, that he thinks that ALBION has some relation to these Actions in Lybia, quasi Alebion, so called by the Phoenicians, which in my opinion is the * 1.90 most probable Derivation I ever read of ALBION. However we see that the Navigations of the Phoenicians into these Seas were Ancient.

Herodotus makes mention with wonder of some Phoenicians sent by Nero, how * 1.91 they failed round Africa and returned through the Streights of Gibraltar, having in their Voyage the Sun on their Right hand, part of which story Herodotus will not believe. It must needs be true, for after they had passed the Tropick of Cancer, beyond which Africk runs out many degrees. Now this story so innocently told by Herodotus as a Wonder, argues the Ignorance of the Greeks, and the great Expe∣rience the Phoenicians had in those Seas, all along the Coast of Africk.

This, I conjecture, is the cause why men, beyond Reason, have drawn their Voy∣ages even to the East Indies under King Solomon, and to the West under Hanno and Himilco, a Fate we often see that attends Great Actions, when over-fond men out of a desire to magnisie things Famous beyond their true proportions, inconsiderately stretch them beyond the bounds of Truth and Modesty.

Having said thus much of the Derivation of BRITANNIA, that it came from the Phoenicians Bratanac, let us see whether the Graecians might not take the name ALBION from that Nation also; It is agreed on most hands, that it had its de∣nomination of ALBION from its Whiteness, and it is observable that Orpheus, or rather Onomacritus calls it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the WHITE ISLAND, and the British Poets name it Inis Wen, the White Island, whether from the Plasterish Soyl (as Faucastorius thinks) or the White Rocks about it, is uncertain.

That it came from the Latins ALBIS RUPIBUS is impossible, because it was known to the Greeks by this Name long before the Latins, and that it pro∣ceeded from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying WHITE in the Greek Tongue is very unlikely, because being called Albion when the rest of the Islands about it were named Bre∣tanicks; It may be supposed to have gone by this Name long before the Greeks entered these Seas, when the Tynn Mines in Cornwal and Devonshire were not yet found out; For upon the discovery of the Mines in those Countries the name of BRITAIN was given to part of this Island also, and ALBION by degrees began to grow out of use.

From ALBEN therefore in the Phoenician Tongue, signifying WHITE, it may with most probability be derived, and as the Greeks translated Brat-anac, the Country of Tynn, into Cassiterides, and afterwards 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, why might they not turn likewise Alben into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or White Island, and afterwards vary it into Albion.

Bochartus taketh notice that the Mountains upon France, commonly called the * 1.92 Alpes, were sometimes named ALBIA, from their continual Whiteness. Now seeing that the Phoenicians were in Liguria and those parts of France, as likewise in Bri∣tain before the Greeks, it is rather to be supposed that ALBION, and ALBIA, came from their Alben than the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, White, and it may be easily thought that both the Latin word Albus, and Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, were both originally derived from the Phoenician, Alben.

I will only set down one conjecture more of the name of Albion, and that is ALPIN, which in the Phoenician Tongue signifies a high Mountain. In the Country of the Silures, now South Wales, there are many high Cliffs, which the Britains, from the Phoenicians, call Pens to this day.

Now seeing it may be supposed that the Phoenicians Landed in those parts, why might they not call that part of the Island Alben or Alpin, from whence Albion might afterwards proceed, the B and P being easily convertible, and seeing that the name of ALBION is so Ancient, it is far more probable it was taken from those parts where the first Traders arrived, than from the Cliffs of Dover, frequented only by the little Traffick of the Continent.

And that which maketh further to the confirmation of this Derivation of Albion from Alben, White in the Phoenician Tongue, or Alpin, High and Mountainous in the same Dialect, is, that the High-land Scots who were once part of the Britains, and to this day retain the British Language, call that Country which they inhabite, Alban or Albin, whereupon Blondus terms the Scots, Albinenses as well as Albienses, and Buchanan, Albini, why might not therefore the whole Island in former times be gene∣rally * 1.93 called Alban or Albin, and afterwards Albion by corruption, seeing that the same Author names the Scots, Albienses and Albinenses, promiscuously.

Moreover it is to be observed, as to the Derivation of Albion from Alpin, that St. Hierom inveighing against a Pelagian, a Scot by Nation, calleth him an Alpine Dog, which Mr. Cambden would correct, and in the place of Alpin puts in Albin, by which name the Highlanders call their Country; Because, saith he, of Alpin Dogs I never remember I have read ought, but Scotish Dogs were very famous at Rome even in those daies. As if St. Hierom by Alpin Dog, meant a Dog of the Alpes and not of Scotland; I see therefore no reason why the word should be changed, for if the Greeks could call the Alpes as well 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Albions as well as Alpions, and that from the Phoenician Alben and Alpin, why might not St. Hierom call the Scots Alpins as well as Albins, upon the same account, especially seeing the change is so in∣considerable.

What the Highlanders call Alban and Albin, the Irish call Allabany, and Mr. Camb∣den putteth the question, whether this word Allabany may not have some token in it of the ancient ALBION? but why doth he not rather ask, whether Alban and Albin, by which the Natives call their Country, doth not rather carry some foot∣steps of Albion than Allabany, a Foreign word, pronounced after the broad and scattering manner of the Irish.

The Reason is plain, Alban and Albin have nothing in them of the Scottish, which is also the British, or of the Irish Tongue, higher than which he never goeth. But Allabany will afford matter for a pretty Derivation.

It is Question, saith he, for a liberal and searching Wit to travel in; he gives there∣fore two Conjectures as touching the name of Allabany, but not one of Alban or Albin, might it not come of Whiteness, saith he, which they call Ban, and import as much as Ellan-Ban, that is a White Island, or from Banne, by which the Irish Poets call their Country, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Greek word, signifies ANOTHER, so that Allabany may sound as much as another Ireland; for, saith he (pray mark the Reason) Ancient Historians call Ireland, Scotland the Greater, and the Kingdom of the Scots in Bri∣tain, Scotland the Less; but I never heard that they were called Ireland the Great∣er, and Ireland the Less, so that Allabany, allowing Banne in the Poets sence, will ne∣ver truly derive it; as for his joyning a Greek word to make out the Derivation, I pass it over, seeing it is no more than what he hath done in Britain it self.

Thus you see he taketh care for the Irish Allabany, but as for Alban and Albin of the Highlanders, carrying the true foot-steps of Alpin and Alben in the Phoenician Tongue, and the undoubted Mother not only of the Ancient Albion, but the more Modern Albania, and this corrupt Allabany he provideth not at all, yet I doubt not but the derivation of this Island from Alben or Alpin in the Phoenician Tongue, and the Natives pure pronunciation thereof Alban and Albin, will be more satisfa∣ctory to the Enquirers into Truth, after the name of ALBION, than any thing that can be produced from the distorted Pronunciation thereof, ALLA∣BANY.

Mr. Milton will have it Alebion, and to have some relation to Lybia from the * 1.94 Greek Colonies in those parts, but had he considered that they were Phoenician Colonies, as shall be shewn in the sequel, their names only being Greekified, he might have given a more solid Reason.

As for the Giant Albion, and Albina Dioclesians Daughter, I think they are not worth the mentioning in this place, as the Original of ALBION. Likewise King Brutus for BRITANNIA, I will pass over, leaving the Truth of that story to be discussed in the British History.

Concerning the Phoenicians on the West Coasts of Africk, because Mr. Milton saies, that Albion has some relation to Lybia, I will be more particular, especially seeing he takes notice only of the Greeks, and not Phoenicians who were many years before acquainted with those Places, and from whose Idiom Alebion is easily de∣rived.

In HANNO's Navigation, written by himself in the Phoenician Tongue, and * 1.95 set out in Greek by Sigismundus Gelenius at Bazil, Anno 1533, I find that the Phoenicians on the West part of Africk built divers Cities: The question is what Hanno this was?

Gerardus Vossius makes him that Hanno whom the Garthaginians sent against Aga∣thocles * 1.96, but Isaac Vossius proves this Hanno to be Ancienter, because Scylax who flourished under Darius Nothus, records Cities built by that Hanno.

For my own part, I verily believe it was Hanno who is mentioned by AElianus, who desired to be esteemed as a God, no doubt as his Predecessour Hercules had * 1.97 been, for his excellency in Navigation, a manifest sign he lived early in the Deifying Age of the World.

However it be, with a great Fleet of Threescore Sail, and accompanied with Thir∣ty thousand Men, he passes the Streights of Gibraltar, and after two daies Sail find∣ing a pleasant Plain of Ground, he built Dumathiria, so called from its low Scitua∣tion, although corrupted by the Greeks, after their manner, into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the like; Afterwards passing a Promontory, to which he gave the name Solois or Solountis, for its Cragginess, he came to a Lake, a daies Sail, where he built Caricum, Gytta, Acra, Melitta, Arambe, the last of which is only remaining; so that all the Coast West of Africa, from the Streights Mouth to Cerne, Chernaa of the Phoe∣nicians, signifying the last Habitation, was filled with the Colonies of Phoenicians, and beyond Cerne they had not one Colony.

From this Cerne or Herne (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cheth being resolved in h) I think the Ancient name of Ireland, Erne and Jerne as Strabo calls it proceeded, rather than from * 1.98 Ibernae as Learned Bochartus shews it, although both of the same signification, and implies as much as the uttermost Habitation, as indeed Ireland is, Westward. But if Hibernia be not derived ab Hiberno tempore by the Romans, which I think not, by reason that Ireland hath not such sharp Winters by far as England; Then, I think, Iberne of the Phoenicians takes place, signifying the uttermost Land, for naturally from it proceeded 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Juverna, and from Herne comes Jerne, and Jerna, and Jernis, as Orpheus, or rather Onomacritus taught by the Phoenician, * 1.99 writes,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It lay against Jerne Isle.

These Derivations I take to be truer than to fetch it from Erin of the Natives, and that from Hiere signifying the west Wind among them, because I have shewn before, that Countries that have their name from Scituations and Customes, receive them from ab extra, for to the Natives Ireland is no more a West Country than Eng∣land, unless they compare it with Eastern parts; But to speak the truth of the mat∣ter, every Country by its scituation receiving a Name, has it from its Neighbours, as the West Indies and East Indies are called as they lie to us, there being no such name known among them. So Anciently Gallia was divided by the Romans into Cisalpina and Transalpina: In like manner you may imagine the East Saxons were called by the West, and the West Saxons by the East, or else by some Third Person.

It is easie to imagine how Jerne might by long use come to be Erin among the Na∣tives, if we do but consider what strange Alterations and Mutations have happened in the English Tongue it self in a few years, yea how one Dialect varies from another, as may be seen in the Chapter treating of that Subject.

The Reason which concludes me in the Belief that Ireland took its name from the Phoenicians, is, because in the uttermost Coast of Spain westward, is a Promontory called by Strabo, Jerne, and the River next unto it is called by Mela, Jerne: so * 1.100 that we see when Spain was the uttermost bounds of the knowledge of the Phoenici∣ans, Spain was called 〈◊〉〈◊〉, but when these Islands were discovered, then Ireland took the name as being the Uttermost: I cannot imagine how the Names should so exactly correspond, if they had not the same Original; Besides, in the farthermost parts of Ireland there is a River called by Ptolomy, Jernus, agreeing in name with the River Jerne in Spain, and all this cannot be from Hiere, signifying West in Irish, be∣cause * 1.101 there is no Language in Europe, besides the Irish, that have any such kind of word to signisie the West; for we find those Countries that have any thing of West Position, are in the Teutonick called so, adding West, as Westrich, Westphalia, to Germany; Westminster, Westchester, &c. to London.

So that Mr. Cambden is much to be suspected, as guilty of a mistake in his Deri∣vation of Ireland, and Irish men, whom he fetches out of Spain from the point Jerna, from whence supposing they came. By the way of my discourse let me ask this Que∣stion. By whom was the River and Promontory Jerna in Spain called? if he saies, By the Inhabitants themselves, from Hiere, it being west of Spain, I would be glad to know from whence came this Hiere, it having no relation to the Spanish Tongue, nor any Dialect or Language in Europe besides, and we know none that lived Anci∣ently in those parts of Spain but were either Phoenician or Greek Colonies, which have nothing like in their Languages relating to Hiere, signifying the West; But in the Phoenician Tongue the derivation is so easie from Iberne or Herne, to bring Berne and Jerne, that seeing the Phoenicians lived west of any in Spain and Africk, and called the uttermost part of both after that Name, as is manifest out of the Peri∣plus of Hanno.

It is therefore reasonably to be supposed, when they came to discover these Lands, and found Ireland the Uttermost, that then they gave it the name Jerne, so that the Derivation of Ireland runs thus: Herne or Iberne of the Phoenicians turn∣ed by the Greeks into Jerne, as Orpheus, Aristotle and Claudian have it; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, * 1.102 as Eustathius; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by Martian of Heraclea; by Juvenal and Me∣la, Juvernia; by Diodorus Siculus, Iris; by the Natives, Erin; from the Britains or Welch, Yuerdon; and the English, Ireland.

Now I think the Derivation of it is not to be sought from Eria, and that from Hiere, which is made the Root of all these Derivations, according to Mr. Cambden's way, than which nothing is more easie and fallacious, but from the Phoenici∣ans.

Seeing we have said thus much of Ireland, it will not be amiss to treat of THULE also, a place Famous in the Writings of the Ancients, because the examination of the Name of this Island, and shewing of it to be of Phoenician derivation, will con∣duce much to the confirming and proving of what has been said concerning the Ori∣ginal name of BRITAIN.

For since it is not to be doubted but the Phoenicians Traded into these parts, it could not happen by chance, that the Names of all these Islands should preserve so entirely (as they do in the Phoenician Language) the very marks and foot-steps of those things for which they were so taken notice of by all the Ancients; so that the consent and harmony of the names of so many Places, with their very natures, both in sence and sound, confirms each others derivation, and puts it beyond dispute, that Britain was named Bratanac by the Phoenicians for its Tynn, for which only thing it was famous to the then known World, as Ierue or Iverue was called so from its Western, and Thule, as shall be shewn, from its Northern, or Dark scitua∣tion.

Bochartus mentions three Opinions of the Ancients concerning the Position of * 1.103 THULE.

The first and worst of them makes it Scandia, which is Procopius his Judgment, * 1.104 but Scandia is not an Island as Thule was supposed to be, but a Peninsula, I think his Opinion is not so much to be blamed upon that account, seeing this was never absolutely defined. But his singularity is rather to be condemned in fixing of it in that quarter of the World, so remote from those parts others thought it lay upon.

The second is of Pytheas Massitilensis, that it lies six daies Sail northward of Britain, and has the Summer Tropick, for the Artick Circle, and in the Solstice * 1.105 has little or no Nights, and no Daies in Winter, which agrees exactly with Ire∣land.

The third Opinion is of Marinus and Ptolomy, by whom THULE is * 1.106 made no great Island, scituated in the sixty third Degree, where the longest Day is twenty hours, and not above two daies Sail from Britain, which agrees with Schet∣land, one of the Orcades.

But I rather believe Bochartus, that there was no such particular place as Thule, but that the Phoenicians sailing Northward on our Seas, and being obliged to return upon the account of the Suns turning from his Tropick, they gave the name of Thule to those places which were the Extreamest, and by reason of their approach∣ing Darkness, put a stop to their further Navigations, and that the Tradition of this was delivered by them to the Graecians, and by them to the Romans, so that they called that THULE which was the Extreamest part of the then known World.

With this description of Thule agrees exactly the word Tule or Thule of the Phoenicians, signifying Darkness; for Teth by them is often expressed by Theta, as in Cadmus his Alphabet, although AEthicus writes it, Insula Tilae, and Gerirat Thule, * 1.107 is with the Phoenicians, The Island of Darkness.

We well know the Northern Climates of the World are taken notice of for their Darkness, not so much by reason of their long Nights, as their gloomy and obscure Daies, for with Homer, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (Odyss. 1. v. 25.) to Darkness, is the same with * 1.108 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to the North; and Thule by Statius is called Nigra and Nigras.

Now the truth of this Derivation will more evidently appear if we consider the vanity of all others hitherto produced.

Suidas brings the Name of it from Thulis a King of Egypt. THULIS (saies he) reigned over all Egypt to the Ocean, and called one of those Islands lying in it Thule, from his own Name; But of such a King as this we never read of either in Mane∣thon, Herodotus, Diodorus and Africanus, besides it is strangly ridiculous to extend the Dominion of Egypt to the uttermost bounds of the North.

Some bring it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but then it would be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And to make it come from the Saxons is worse, viz. from Tell, which in that Language signifying a Bound, to make 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Telle.

Isidore, that makes the Sun to keep his Summer Solstice in it, saith, that beyond it is no Day, derives it from thence very ill, if we may judge by his skill in Geography.

These are the Opinions of THULE, so that I leave it to any man to judge, whether it be not most probable to be derived from the Phoenician Thule, agreeing exactly both in sence and sound, with the notions of all Ages concerning this Island, and the Appellation of it.

But to return to BRITAIN, The Reason which makes Mr. Cambden in all his Antiquities of Names to have recourse to the Language of the People, to the Welch for Britain, and to the Irish for Ireland, and so looked no higher, proceeds from an opinion he took by the mis-understanding of Polybius, That Britain was but late known, yea not long before the daies of Caesar.

The words of Polybius are these, faithfully translated out of his Third * 1.109 Book.

For as concerning Asia and Lybia, where they joyn with one another about AEthiopia, no one can say perfectly, to this day, whether it be a Continent running to the South, or whether it be encompassed by the Sea. So likewise, what lies between Tanais and Narbo, stretching Northward, is unknown to us at this present, unless afterwards by diligent Enquiring, we learn something of it. They that speak or write any thing of these matters, are to be thought to know nothing, and to lay down Fables.

These are the words of Polybius, by which he only means, That as it was doubt∣ful whether the Sea encompast the South parts of Africa, so it was unknown whether the North parts of Europe, above Narbo, were encompast too.

Now Mr. Cambden understands the words, as if they were spoken in general, when indeed they related only to that particular Question, Whether the North Tract of Europe be environed with the Sea? which, notwithstanding the great improvement of Navigation, stands unresolved even to this day.

It is manifest Polybius spake not this in General, because he himself describes the Fountains of Rhodanus and Corbilo on Ligeris, and many other Places of France, which all lay above Narbo.

In his Third Book he promiseth, particularly to write of the Outer or West Sea, and of the Occurrences that happened in it; And, which is more to our purpose, to write of the Bretanick Islands, for so he calls them, and of their manner of making of Tynn, which promise of his requires more than a Cursory knowledge to perform, and urges that the Trade into those Seas was very great.

Nay this Promise he performed, as we gather out of the Second Book of Strabo, where Polybius is brought in describing of Europe, and comparing the Opinions of * 1.110 Pytheas, Dicaearchus, and Eratosthenes, concerning the Magnitude of BRI∣TAIN.

This Work of his, had it not perished, would undoubtedly have made much for the Honour of Our Nation: And we might have expected (from so Ancient an Au∣thor, living Three hundred and seventy years before Christ, and from so accurate and worthy a Person, as who, with Scipio the Great, had been an Eye-witness of most Places of Note, and had seen most Phoenician Records) some notable History of Britain; But thus much we are sure, that in his daies the Islands were called BRATANACS, preserving the C of their first Original, as in his Works is found.

Those three Persons, Pytheas, Dicaearchus and Eratosthenes, whose Opinions Strabo introduceth Polybius, comparing and confuting (as they writ of Britain) all three of them, so were they much Ancienter than Polybius. As for Eratosthenes, Suidas makes him to live in the One hundred twenty sixth Olympiad, in the daies of Ptolomaeus Philadelphus. Dicaearchus was the Schollar of Aristotle, Ancienter than he; and Pytheas, cited by both of the former, precedes them both, so that I find three most Eminent Persons among the Greeks to have written concerning Britain, even in those daies when Mr. Cambden imagin'd it to lie in a Nook of the World, ob∣scurely, and unknown; For as the Trade of it was great for Tynn and Lead, so that the Graecians had none but what was brought from thence, as Mr. Cambden himself confesses, so it manifestly appears that the Cassiterides were known before Homers daies, who writes of Lead, which otherwise he could not do.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Goddess to the bottom fell like Lead.

Now let any judge, whether the Scilly Islands could be discovered, and many Voyages made thither, and this Island of BRITAIN to be unknown.

As for those Verses of Avienus, which Mr. Cambden seems to slight so much, as to call them Credulous, who give any belief to them, although he makes use of them afterwards, in his description of the Scilly Islands. Thus much is to be said in general.

Festus Avienus professes that himself had read all the Navigations of Himiko, in the Punic Annals.

Haec olim Himilco Poenus, Oceano super Spectasse semel & probasse retulit; * 1.111 Haec nos ab imis Punicorum Annalibus, Prolata longo tempore edidimus tibi.

These things of Old on Western Sea, Himilco saies, he try'd and saw; From hidden Punick Annals, we Relate, what we from thence did draw.

Certainly, it is unreasonable to condemn an Author upon no ground in the World but Humor, neither do I think it a fond Credulity but an act of true Judgment, to give Assent to a Person who professes himself to have read it, and especially where there is nothing related but what agrees with the whole consent and current of those times.

And this way of proceeding is unequal, to Reject, without being able to give some Reason; so it reflects upon the Authority of all Ancient Writers, whose Vera∣city cannot be made out otherwise, than by their constant assevering, that they have Heard and Read such things which they relate, without Assent to which their Histo∣ries become dead and useless.

Now to deny that to Festus Avienus, which we grant to other Authors, without giving any Reason for our dislike, but only because it makes not to our purpose, seems to me rather the Act of a Judge, than an Inquirer or diligent Searcher after Antiquities; And looks as if it proceeded from the thoughts of having obtained the utmost heights and top of Truth and Antiquity, so that it is lawful to judge and condemn Authors at pleasure.

However Festus Avienus, in this matter, agrees with all Antiquity, as to the Sail∣ing of the Phoenicians into the Western Sea, there arriving at the Isles of Scilly to Traffick for Tyun and Lead with the Inhabitants, all which things are made out from Strabo, Diodorus Siculus, and Solinus, and therefore needs not to lie so heavy upon the Credit of Festus Avienus, as though he were the only Person that sustained them.

And here it will not be amiss to take notice how Mr. Cambden, although he will not have Britain to be known long before Caesars time, that the beginning of his Antiquities (to speak the truth) in time are very much below the discovery of this Island, may seem to be of a higher date than indeed they are; yet where he speaks of the Plenty of this Nation, how the Ground was enriched with all sorts of Corn, he cites Orpheus, who reported it to be the very Seat of Lady Ceres:

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉— Loe here the stately Hall of Ceres Queen.

And saies, that this is meant of BRITAIN, which, if he means as he speaks, cer∣tainly he contradicts himself in saying, It was not known but by Name only to the An∣cients, seeing that Orpheus, one of the Argonauts, treats in particular of the Commo∣dities in this Country, in which it is blest above all Nations in the World even to this day.

But enquiring closer after the Truth, you will find Orpheus to be of a later date than he is generally thought to be of; for in his daies Britain was not discovered to the Greeks, but the Phoenicians who kept it private to themselves, as I shall shew hereafter out of Strabo, so that this feigned Orpheus, is indeed the true Onomacritus, as may be learnt out of Tacitus and Clemens Alexandrinus, an Athenian Poet who * 1.112 lived in the daies of Pisistratus, and, as they say, in the Fiftieth Olympiad, but ra∣ther in the Five and fiftieth, before Christ five hundred and sixty years, when the Graecians began, by the discovery of the Phoenicians, to enter the Atlantick Oce∣an, and to be Eye witnesses of those Places they formerly had only by Hear-say.

And when (no doubt as Pliny writes) our Island was celebrated to the Greeks, * 1.113 not only for its Mines of Tynn and Lead, by which it was useful to all the World, but its plenty of Provisions also, by which it sustained and blest its Inhabitants; so that Mr. Cambden, forced by the Truth, oftentimes confesses what in other places he would have lie dark and obscure, namely, That BRITAIN for a long time was unknown, but here I suppose we must take him in his Poetical humour only, and so I shall leave him, and proceed to shew what Foot-steps the Phoenicians left among the Ancient Britains of their Language and Customes, and what remains to this day.

And first I will begin with Strabo, because what he speaks of has relation to the Plenty of England for all sorts of Grain; in his fourth Book, Artimidorus asserts, * 1.114 That there was an Island near Britain, I suppose one of the Scilly Islands, and in most probability St. Maries, in which they worshipped Ceres and Proserpina, with the same Rites they did in Samothrace.

Now this Artimidorus lived in the daies of Ptolemeus Lathyrus, before Colaeus the Greek had ever discovered any thing of these Seas, so that the Graecians could not introduce the Worship of Ceres and Proserpina into any British Island. It remains therefore, that they were brought in by the Phoenicians, who had taught the Samo∣thracians first their Worship, and the Mysteries of their Cabiri, which were so many that Juvenal takes notice of them:

—jurent licet & Samothracum Et nostrorum ar as —

Now, that the Worship of the Samothracians, and consequently of the Bri∣tains who had the same Rites, were taught them by the Phoenicians, I will prove.

First, The word Cabiri, signifying their Gods, is a Phoenician word signifying Power and Greatness, and they were worshipt chiefly at Beritus by the Phoenicians, as Sanchoniathon in Eusebius witnesseth, which place was dedicated to the Honour of Neptune, a great God with them, and the Cabiri. * 1.115

Now the Mysteries of these Rites were accounted so Sacred and Powerful, that whosoever was initiated in them, immediately received, as they thought, some extra∣ordinary gifts of Holiness, and that in all their Dangers they had a present Remedy and Expedient about them to deliver and rescue them; but that which most affected the Phoenicians was a confidence they had, that those Religious Ceremonies preserved them from Dangers by Sea, Therefore it is no wonder that Arriving in Britain, they taught the Inhabitants that Worship, to which they held themselves most obliged for their Safety.

These Rites of the Samothracians, by their mysterious Obscurity (as it happens that things best understood are most admired) prevailed so much in the World, that besides many of the Ancients, as Jason, Orpheus, the Greek Hercules, Agamemnon, and Ulysses, Castor and Pollux, that were Devoto's to them; Philip the Father of A∣lexander, a wise and politick Prince, was initiated in them; and from these mystical and unintelligible Rites of the Cabiri, in which I suppose the Phoenicians preserved the main part in their own Tongue, I conjecture the word Gibberish to Gaber, a∣mongst us proceeds, a frequent name given by us to any long harangue of words which we understand not; And I find that these Rites were in Britain, or some Island nigh it, which could be brought by none but the Phoenicians.

In the next place is sound in Hesychius that Cotes was a Priest of the Cabiri, and I find in Mr. Cambden that Coi-fi (I know not what fi means in the Ancient British, but with them it was frequent to compound Monosyllables) is the name of a * 1.116 Heathen Priest in Britain, when Paulinus preach'd the Gospel here; so that we see Cotes, a Priest in the Phoenician rites, continued its name even to the Saxons. But of this I shall speak more, when I come to treat about the Ancient British Gods. It will suffice in this place, that Ceres and Proserpina were worshipped in the British Islands, after the manner of the Samothracians, before ever the Greeks had any knowledge of these parts, and that this Worship could be introduced by none but the Phoenicians.

The next foot-steps we find of them is among the Silures, about which part of England it is to be supposed the Phoenicians Landed; I find, in Solinus, an Island * 1.117 called Silura, lying upon that Coast which the British Danmonii, or Cornish Men pos∣sest.

This name Silura, with the transposing of one Letter, proceeds from the Phoe∣nician Sirula, signifying that Garment called Bracca, which the Ancient Britains as well as the Gauls wore, as Martial witnesseth,

Quam veteres Braccae Britonis Pauperis— * 1.118

Now, that the Phoenicians might call the Britains from this Garment they sound them in (as part of France was called Braccata from the same) it stands with reason; and although all the Britains might use the same Garment as all France did, yet would not the Name pass through all the Island no more than it did in France, the novelty and edge of the Derivation being by Custome taken away when the Phoenicians had greater converse with them.

It will not be improper in this place to put down the Conjectures of Tacitus, who from the swarthy Complexion and curled Hair of the Silures, believes them to be * 1.119 derived from the Iberi, which Iberi, as Bochartus makes out, were a Colony of the * 1.120 Phoenicians placing themselves in Tartessus, for, as for any other Iberi, they had not the experience and knowledge enough to send out Colonies.

Upon the Coast of Cornwal and Devonshire I find a Promontory, called HER∣CULES his Promontorv by Ptolomy, and called to this day Herty-point, containing in * 1.121 it two pretty Towns, Herton and Hertland, whereof Herton is the greater and cor∣ruptly called Harton; Now as I will not aver as ever Hercules was here and named it so, as Franciscus Philelphus and Lileus Geraldus aver, because Mr. Cambden saies there was three and forty Hercules's, as Varro will have it, he cannot admit of one * 1.122 of them to arrive at this point. Well let it be so, though I think Diodorus Siculus, nor any of the Greeks, to be competent Judges of the Voyages of the Phoenicians, yet I do believe that the Phoenicians rather than the Gracians might give it the Name, and build some Temple in honour of their own Hercules, as he almost got the Honour of the Temple in the Streights, so has he almost robbed the Phoenician Hercules of this also.

But is it absolutely against Reason to say, that Hercules might arrive at this Island? Certainly No, as it hath some probability in it, if we consider what Pliny writes, * 1.123 viz. that Midacritus was the first that brought Tynn out of the Cassiterides. Now who should this Medacritus be? we are assured it is a Greek name, and a Gracian could not be the first that brought Tynn from thence, wherefore Bochartus thinks * 1.124 it ought to be Milicartus, or Melcartus, a known name of Hercules.

Of this Hercules Phoenicius many things are Recorded, as to his Voyages, even to this ISLAND, but we advise none to relie on the truth of them, we desire not to heap up Fables, as many have done, and usually do to make good their Opinions, for the truth of the Phoenician Voyages into Britain under other Captains, appears plain enough, and their Trading into these Parts, only thus much may be averred, that where any remembrance of Hercules remains, it it rather to be attributed to the Phoenician than the Graecian, as the Learned know, especially upon Promontories and Sea-Port Towns, as Hercules Rock in Campania, Hercules Haven in Liguria, the Promontories of Hercules in Mauritania and Galatia.

Now, because we have found one HERCULES his Promontory in our Seas, we will relate another Monument concerning him, found Anno MDXIIII, at the Mouth of Scaldis in Zealand, where a Tower or Temple dedicated to Hercules was found. The Stone had this Inscription:

HERCULI MARCUSANO M. PRIMIIUS TERTIUS V. S. L M.

Now this Inscription is thought to belong to the Ancient HERCULES whom the Dorienses followed into Gaul, as Marcellinus out of Timagines writes, * 1.125 and not to the Greek HERCULES, as some have gathered by his Followers, the Dorienses, whom they have imagined to be Greeks, when indeed they were Phoeni∣cians of the City Dora, or Dorus, in Phoenicia, of which Stephanus thus writes: Dorus in * 1.126 a City of Phoenicia, as Josephus and others write, the Name of the People was Dorites, but Pausanias calls them Dorienses. Some think that Petronius should be read for Pausanias, for an Epistle of his is extant in Josephus, where the Inhabitants of Dora are called Dorienses. The Inscription of the Epistle is this:

P. Petronius The Embassadour of Tiberius Claudius CAESAR Augustus Germanicus, To the Chief of the Dorienses, Greeting.

These Dorienses, as Marcellinus writes, who followed the Elder Hercules, could not be Gracians, because in his daies (I mean the Elder Hercules) there was no such People so called among the Greeks, for Dorus the Father of the Greek Dorienses lived after the Phoenician Hercules.

Enidius and other German Writers, upon those words of Marcellinus, The Dori∣enses following the Ancient Hercules, inhabited the Sea Coasts of Gallia, by Gallia they * 1.127 think is meant Germany, because all Germany was called so Anciently, and by the Sea Coast, Beligium, and in particular an Island of the Zealanders, called Wallacheia. And this Inscription is brought by him to confirm his opinion.

Now as this Inscription is in Latin, as V. S. L. M. viz. Votum solvit Lubens merito, shews consequently of later date than Hercules his daies, and in memory only of him, so the word MARCUSANUS has puzzled the heads of many to find out its meaning.

Geropius derives it from Marchius, signifying among that People the Bounds or Li∣mits, * 1.128 Because (saith he) the Romans, before the dominion of the Franks, had a Limit∣ing Castle in Zealand, from whence it was called Marchius on the Uttermost shoar, which was consecrated to Hercules the Preserver of Bounds and Limits, who upon that account was called Hercules Marcusanus.

But because this relies on the Credit of Geropius without any Authority, and be∣cause it seems unprobable, upon the account that Marchius is a General word with them, signifying any Fort or Gastle upon the Borders of any Territory, it is thought Hercules could not be denominated from it, it being never found it was his office to serve instead of the God Terminus; besides Learned Mr. Sheringham observes, that Hercules (and I may add other Gods too) derived his Sir-names from proper Ap∣pellative * 1.129 names of Places, and was never called the City Hercules, or Town Hercules, or Castle Hercules, from City, Town, or Castle. Therefore Mr. Sheringham derives it from Man, and Cpyran, the first in the Cimbric Tongue signifying a Disease, loss, and evil, and Cpyran to beat off, or quash, which word quash, as I take it, preserves some∣thing of Cpyran.

And this Derivation he grounds upon a Greek name given to Hercules; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the driver away of Diseases, and he quotes Plutarch who makes Hercules a Physitian, * 1.130 so that Map signifying a Disease, as we see in Night Mare, and the Dutch have it Die nacht Maet, a disease proceeding from oppression of Wind in the Stomach, likewise to spoil and hurt, as we say to marr a thing, and Cpyran signifying to quash, in which word, I think, Cpyran is preserved, therefore he thinks it is a genuine Derivation of Marcusanus; but with the leave of so Worthy a Person, from whom I would not willingly dissent, but for Truths sake, I cannot take this to be the meaning of Marcusanus, by reason it is fetched from an Epethite rather than a name of Hercules, which way is very uncertain. As for Example: why may not Marcusanus as well be derived from Mapc, signifying a Horse, and Cpyran, to tame, both of the same Language, because we sometimes read Hercules, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Domitor Fquorum, a tamer of Horses, or from Mapp, signifying Death, and Cpyran, from his conquering of Death in his return from Hell; all which in my thoughts bear the same probability.

Besides, this Epithite 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was proper only to the Greek Hercules, whom Marcellinus brings not to this Coast, but saies, it was the Phoenician Hercules, fol∣lowed by the Dorienses who came hither. So that the Derivation must (without doubt, be sought in the Phoenician Language, in which I find Mat to signifie a Lord or Prince; and upon which account Cusanus comes in I know not, unless Marcusanus be from Mat Cus, Lord of the Cussites, of whose race were the Dori∣enses whom Hercules Commanded, but rather as I think from the known Sir∣name of Hercules the Phoenician ought we to derive it, to wit, Melcarthus or Mar∣carthus, Mel and Mat signifying the same thing in their Language, viz. a Prince, so allowing the abbreviation Marchus for Marcarthus, which is frequent in syllables of the same sound, I think we have an easie and true account of Marcusanus; But if any think it more natural to bring it from the Cimbric Language, I shall not contend, only I could wish that instead of Map a Disease, they would take Mop the Sea, it being more Honourable for so great a Traveller as the Phoenician Hercules, to be a Skilful Pylot than a Physician.

But to return to England, as the Silures derived their Name from the Phoenicians, so likewise did the Danmonii, the Inhabitants of Cornwal and Devonshire, in which two Counties the Phoenicians were very conversant, by reason of their abounding in Tynn.

Upon this account some have derived them from Moina, in the British Tongue signifying Mines, but the Question is, whence the Dan or Dun proceeds? for So∣linus calls them Dunmonii; Ptolomy, Domnonii, and in other Copies (as Cambden * 1.131 saith) trulier Danmonii, although I think the transposition is very easie and usual, and hides not at all the Original Dan or Dun.

In the Ancient British Language, as also in the Phoenician, Dun or Cun (for in composition we sind both waies) signifies a Hill, and Dan of the British, Down of the Phoenicians and English signifie Low.

Now whether we derive them from Dan, from their Low habitations in Valleys, or, which is righter, from Dun or Cun, or Monia, signifying Hills of Tynn; I sind both waies that they are of a Phoenician Derivation.

Besides, this word Dun, being a frequenter word in derivation, and extending to the Language of the Gauls, who called an Hill Dun, I think more proper to derive Dunmonii from it, for from Dun, a Hill, many Cities of high Scituation both in Gaul and Britain take their Name, as Augustodunum, Axellodunum, Juliodunum, Lau∣dunum, Melodunum, Noviodunum, Sedunum, Vellannodunum. Clitophon expresly, * 1.132 Lugaunum, Corvi Collem, because it was placed on a Hill; likewise Andomatunum, with a T, in Ptolomy, the Metropolis of the Lingones.

The first Country of the Danmonii Westward is Cornwal, shooting into the Sea, and running into a Point of Belirium, the Name of which Country, if we examine the Original of it, and what at this day it is called by the Inhabitants, and the simi∣litude it bears with other places, exactly agreeing in Name and Nature with it, we shall find it could be called so by none but the Phoenicians.

To prove this, let us consider it is agreed unto by all hands, that it received its Name from being like a Horn, running sinaller and sinaller, with little Promontories, as if they were horned on either side: And this is brought from Korn, Plur. Kern, signifying Horns in the British Language.

Now as this Kern or Korn is derived from the Phoenician Cheren, signifying the same, so the manner of calling Places after that sort came from them also, a thing so frequent in the Eastern Countries, to call any Corner or Angle made, by the name of Horn; As for Example, Cyprus called Cerastis, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Taurica Chersoneso; that we are not to doubt but Cornwal, called Kernaw by the Inhabitants, proceeded from the Phoenician here.

To give an Instance, the City Carnon, as Pliny calls it, Carna, as Ptolomy, meerly * 1.133 upon the account of its standing upon an Angle, cut out by two High-waies that met there in a point on which Carna was built, one of which Roads from Mecca leads to Tasph, the other to Sanaa.

But this way of the Phoenicians was frequently in Promontories whose Angles were more discernable, by being made of another Element, as we find Corsica, called by the Phoenicians Carnatha, afterwards mollified by the Greeks into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and all this, from its having so many Promontories, which by the Phoenicians were called Kern.

That Cornwal was called Kernaw by them rather than the Inhabitants, will ap∣pear,

First, Because there is no other Promontory in this Island so called, notwith∣standing the British Language was in use through the whole.

There are other Places that run into the Sea as much like a Horn as this, which, in my Judgment, is an evident sign of the Phoenicians in this part of England above others.

Secondly, Because it is more natural to imagine, that Sailers (to whom the shapes of Countries appear at a distance, more than to the Inhabitants) should give the Name, than those that only ply'd upon the Shoars in small Carows, or Leather and Wicker Boats, as the Britains did.

It is to be observed that Meneg, a part of Cornwal, which of the South Sea does make another direct Horn, is also of a Phoenician derivation, agreeing to that description Mr. Cambden gives of it, viz. that it is a Demy-Island, Meneog of the Phoenician signifying kept in by the Sea, and which he proves in the Menna which Jornandus describes out of Cornelius a Writer of Antiquities; so that to Sailors afar * 1.134 off, Cornwal appears with two Horns, striking it self into the Sea, which part of England, I believe, was first discovered by the Phoenicians, who, without question, finding a world of Tynn in them, secured them for themselves.

And although Meneg is now destitute of all Mettals, as long ago exhausted, yet that there were such Mines in it, hear the same Author:

It has great store of Mettal Mines, very full of Grass and Herbs, bringing forth more plentifully all those things which serve for Pastorage of Beasts, and nourishment of Man.

I will only mention one thing in this Peninsula, which seems to me exactly to pre∣serve its Phoenician Name, and that is a Fortification of Stones only without any Cement or Mortar, lying as upon the Lake Leopole, a Fortification after the manner of the Britains, as Tacitus describes them, Rudes & informes Saxorum compages, which was the way of the Eastern Nations, as the Scriptures themselves inform * 1.135 us.

This Rude heap of Stones the Inhabitants call to this day Erth, without giving any Reason for so Ancient a Rampier, and of so great a Compass as it is, so that none can induce me to believe but that it took its Name from the Lake on which it lies, for the Phoenicians call'd all Lakes, Arith, so that this Military Fence called, as I have said, Erth, I believe from thence received its Name.

There are many Places in these two Counties, Cornwal and Devonshire, which retain exact foot-steps of the Phoenicians, that cannot be found any where else, which I shall omit as nothing easier than to fancy Similitudes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 especially where, perhaps, they will not be allowed of.

The truth of Phoenician Trafficks in these Parts do not depend upon such Con∣jectures, but evidenced by Authentick Histories, so that I will not mention * 1.136 Go∣dolcan, a Hill famous for the plenty of the Mines of Tynn, as Mr. Cambden witnesseth, which plenty of that Mettal is included in the very word it self, only here let me observe, that in the West and South parts of England, even where the British Lan∣guage prevails not, we find many places begin with Pen, namely, such as are of a High scituation, which, without dispute, is an Argument, that Pen, a Hill in the British Language, came from the Phoenician Pinnah, signifying the same thing, because we find it most used in those parts of England the Phoenicians frequented most; nay through all this Island we shall scarce meet with any Northward, when on the West and South Coasts, we cannot go six or eight miles but we find them.

To instance in the south-side of Cornwal only: Penrose, Pensans, Pengersick, Pen∣rose again, Penwarron, Pendennis, Penkeivel, Penwyn, Pentuan, Penrock, to which may be added that infinite number of Towns beginning with Tre, as Treewofe, Tre∣nowth, Tregenno, Trewarveneth, Trevascus, Trenona, Trewaridreth, Treworgan, Tre∣gernin, Trelistick, Trefusus, Tregamian, Tremadart, Tregonoc, which those very same Parts can have no other account given of them, if they proceed not from the Phoe∣nician Cira, and by contraction Cra, signifying a Castle, so that they were Forts built by them to secure their Trade.

Now give me leave to instance here in some British words that agree exactly with the Phoenician, which I shall put down in English Characters, leaving the Examina∣tion of the words, and the Roots of them, to the Learned.

Brit.	Phoenician.	English.
Crag, or Careg,	Carac, Crac,	A Hill.
Corn, plur. Kern,	Coran, plur. Kern,	A Horn.
Caer, from whence came Caerlyle,	Caer, from whence Carthago,	A City.
Get,	Gwith,	A Breach.
Caturfa,	Kat. erva,	A Troop.
Penn,	Pinnah,	The Cliff of a Hill.
Cum,	Cum,	Low.
Dan,	Douna,	Down.
〈◊〉〈◊〉, Furthest off, whence Mr. Cambden brings Belirium,	Peli,	To remove away.
Meath,	Mawath,	A Plain, or Valley.
Ara,	Ahari,	Slow.
Garw, or Garaw,	Garaph,	Swift.
Dun,	Cun,	A Hill.
Bro,	Baro,	A Country, or Region.
Gwith,	Guet,	A Separation.

I will proceed now to shew, how that most of those Words of the Ancient Bri∣tains and Gauls, which Mr. Cambden brings to prove them one and the same Nation, proceeded from the Phoenicians, and that there is as much, or rather more similitude between the Phoenician and British, than between the British and Gaulish.

And here I cannot but wonder, why there should be any dispute concerning the first Inhabitants of this Island, for, I think, it is not to be doubted but that we did receive them from the Continent of France, but whether from that Part now called Belgium, or from Piccardy, or any other particular place, 'tis impossible to be known. For as Mr. Cambden fetches his Antiquities little higher than Julius Caesars daies, so if we will bring the Britains from those particular Gauls that then inhabited that Country, I think it is not reasonably to be allowed him, because it is at least seven or eight hundred years after the Trading of the Phoenicians into these Parts, in which time Gallia might have many and great Revolutions, there being nothing commoner in those daies, than great fluxes and refluxes of Nations, and incursions made by whole and entire People.

Now that the Language of the Gauls and Britains (I mean those that lived in Cae∣sars daies, or thereabouts) was the same, or alike, I think none will deny, or at least, that they agreed in several things. This is so far from needing proof, that I cannot imagine how it could be otherwise, considering the vicinity of them, and how the Sea Coast of Britain, as Caesar witnesseth, was inhabited by the Gauls that came thither to make War, and a prey of their Neighbours; Besides, several Britains that warred in Gaul, and so returning into Britain, might bring a great deal of their Tongue, for it was one of Caesars Reasons he gave for his entring Britain, that they had assisted his Enemies the Gauls, so that the Britains going into Gallia, and the Gauls coming in∣to Britain, they interchangably mixed their Language.

It is not to be doubted but that Traders hither, such as the Phoenicians were, did impart much of their Language, as to the Britains especially, so to those Inhabitants of Armorica on the Sea Coast of France, which congruity in Language appears to have proceeded much from the Phoenicians as shall be next shewn, and especially in those very Words Mr. Cambden brings for Examples, to evidence the Gauls and Bri∣tains were the same People.

First then, for TARAMIS, whom Mr. Cambden calls Taranis, that it may agree better with his Caran, Thunder, was a Gaulish God, and without dispute worship∣ped by the Britains under the same name. Now this God was Jupiter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Tonans, the Thunderer, to whom Augustus Caesar built a Temple, as many others re∣port.

Now Caram in the British Tongue signifies Thunder, and is supposed so to signifie in the Gaulish, upon the account of the name of this God; But Carem, Thunder, in the Phoenician Tongue, I believe is the Original of the British and Gaulish word, and that the Phoenicians were the cause that this God called by the Britains Chor, whom (in treating particularly of the GODS, I will prove to be the most Ancient God Jupiter) was called Caram, the Thunderer, and I verily believe that Taram and Ta∣ramis both, have the same Original.

The Gauls had another God called by Lucan, HESUS, this Hesus is thought to be Mars, as we may learn out of the History of the Ancient Gauls, which not long since Antonius Gosselinus put forth; And the name Hesus comes from the Syrian 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying strong and Powerful in War, from which word the Phoe∣nicians * 1.137 had their name of Mars, as out of Jamblicus Julian the Apostate shews in his Oration of the SUN; I will, saies he, out of the Phoenician Theology produce some∣thing, * 1.138 They that inhabit Edessa, a place alwaies sacred to the Sun, place Monimus and Hazizus with the Sun; which Jamblicus so interprets, that Monimus is Mercury, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Mars; and in another place of the same Oration, Mars is called Hazizus of the Syrians, which Hazizus comes of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from whence comes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, all of the same signification, so that Hesus of the Gauls. and Britains differs little from them.

That this Hesus was worshipped in Britain, methinks is very plain from many Places that retain his Name; besides Tacitus and Caesar witnesseth, the Gauls and Britains had the same Gods; As for Heus, I cannot believe him to be the same with * 1.139 Hesus, but rather that he is confounded by Lactantius with the known name of Bac∣chus and Hues which was worshipped in these parts, as I shall shew in the particular Chapter of the British GODS; And granting him to be Anubis Latrans, and so his name to be preserved in the British word Haud, a Dog, yet could he be brought to these Countries by none but the Phoenicians, who received Him of the AE∣gyptians.

That Tutates was worshipt in these Parts is most certain,

Tutates horrensque feris Altaribus Hesus. * 1.140

Lucan declares; and that he was Mercury, Livy witnesseth in these words, Scipio in Tumulum obversus quem Mercurium Tutatem appellant. * 1.141

Now that this Tutates was a Phoenician God none can doubt, if they consider what Philo Biblius writes out of Sanchoniathon the Ancient Phoenician Writer; * 1.142 Taautus was born of Misor, he invented the first Elements of Writing, whom the AEgyptians call Thoot; the Alexandrians, Thouth; the Greeks, Hermes or Mercury: He was promiscuously called Thoot, Thouth, or Theuth; by Plato, in his Philaebo, he is called Theuth, and in his Phoedras, THAMUS King of Egypt, who has a * 1.143 long conference with him of the use of Letters, where he is called the Father of Letters.

Tully calls him Thoyth and Theuth; Lactantius, Theutus and Thot; from whence it * 1.144 plainly appears, that this name of Mercury, Tutates, is not of a British Original, as Mr. Cambden makes it derived from an Office of his, To guide in Journeys, Diw Caith, signifying the God of Travelling in the British Tongue.

This was but the smallest of this Gods employment, for although that Derivation may found prettily to them that know not the Antiquity of the Name, TUTATES, and seek not further than the Welch Dictionary, yet it is certain to those that exa∣mine higher, that this God was brought by the Phoenicians, and his name, Cu∣tates, known long before either Diw, or Caith, might be in the World.

This God Teuth ought not to be confounded with Tuisco, their Offices, Employ∣ments, and Regions from whence they proceeded, being so Geometrically oppo∣site, Teuth being a God of Arts and Learning, and came from the Phoenicians: Tuisco, on the other side, a great Warryor, and Leader of the Northern Nations. And seeing the Graecians had their Letters from the Phoenicians, it is to be considered whether the Letter Teth had not its name from Teuth.

The next word Mr. Cambden brings is Dusit, by which the Gauls termed their lucubi, upon the account of their filthy Uncleaness practiced continually amongst them; but how this should come from the Welch Duth, signifying only Continually, without any thing of their Practice, I cannot imagine, for if one would strain Ety∣mologies, one might as well bring it from Dud of the Phoenician, signifying the love of those unclean Spirits; but we desire here to be excused.

As for Divona, signifying Gods Fountain, according to Ausonius, in this Verse of his,

Divona Celtarum lingua fons addite Divis.

It is acknowledged that Dyw, signifying Gods, and Uonan, a Fountain, in the Bri∣tish Tongue; but here we must consider, that as the Britains and Gauls used this word Dyw before they conversed with the Romans, and so could not receive it from Deus, as some may think, so it may easily be supposed that they received it from Dai of the Phoenicians; but we cannot be so bold as to derive the Uonan, although we know a River in Sicily called Danus by the Phoenioians, for its Weedi∣ness, and we might bring this Divona from Daionus, but it shall suffice to shew that both Nations had their Dyw from the Phoenicians.

The next word Mr. Cambden produces is Senae, and this he would read Lenoe, but it cannot be allowed him, as I shall evidence; For these Senae were Reli∣gious Women, as Pomponius Mela writeth, attending upon a certain God, whom the * 1.145 Gauls, and consequently the Britains, worshipped.

Now this God, or rather Gods, I shall evidence to be the Phoenician Cabiri, when I come to treat of the British Idolatry, and had their Priests who were called Coies and Coes by the Greeks, and by the Phoenicians Coen, and the Women Coenae, afterwards written with an S, Senae.

Now if Mr. Cambden will derive his Lean-Minster from Consecrated Virgins, named Leanes by the Britains, now called Nuns, he must be contented with the word Laena of the Latins, which word was not alwaies of evil signification among the Romans, but taken from them, and used by the Britains in a good sense, although afterwards in an ill one; as Latro and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 among the Greeks and Latins, and Villain and Knave among us. For undoubtedly these Senae are the same with Pom∣ponius Mela's Cenoe, which Bochartus will have read Coenoe, and are not to be changed, and brought so low as to derive Lean-Minster. The words of Pomponius * 1.146 Mela, are these;

SENA, in the British Sea, lying against the Osismick Shoars, is famous for an Oracle of some Gaulish God, whose devotaries being said to be Nine in Number, Sacred, by a perpetual Virginity, are called CENAE by the Gauls.

This Sena is now caled Sayn, and lieth on the farthest Armorica. Now, what Reason there is to turn Senae into Lenoe, to make a similitude between the Antient British and Gaulish Language, let any judge.

The Gauls, saith Polybius, in their own Tongue call their Mercenary Souldiers Ges∣satae, and at this day the Welch Britains call their hired Servants, Guessin. Thus * 1.147 Mr. Cambden.

I confess, not only Polibius, but Plutarch and Orosius say as much, but I am * 1.148 afraid that this Opinion proceeded from the same motives Euphorius in Stephanus did, viz. because they derived them from the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Gaza, signifying Mony, or Treasure; for Strabo makes them a distinct Nation, and so does Suidas. And Others derive them from a sort of Weapons called Gesa, as Servius on the Eighth * 1.149 AEneid, where he reports, that Valiant Men among them were called Gesi.

So that among these several Opinions, we must seek out the true Derivation, and not depend on the similitude between the Gessatae, and Guessin, hired Servants, upon the account only that the Gassatae might be hired.

We find in the Syrian Dialect (which the Phoenician used) Gaisa, and in the Plural Foeminine, Gaisata, to signifie an Army or Armies, and from thence un∣doubtedly proceeded the Gessatae of the Gauls, and Guassdewr of the British, signifying a Valiant Man, and Guessin, an Hireling; for I suppose Gessata was equally communicated to the Gauls and British.

To shew more plainly that this Gessatae was of Phoenician Derivation, let us consider Gessum, a Weapon, said to be peculiar to the Gauls, and if we find the very name of it, and the same use of it to be among the Eastern Nations, lying upon Phoenicia, I hope none then will dispute but that it was received from them, for it was altogether unknown to the Greeks and Latins.

It was a kind of a sharp-pointed Spear-Dart, which they used to push or dart with as they saw occasion; It was made all of Iron (as Hesychius witnesseth) and * 1.150 every man carried a couple of them in his hand.

The Syrians had the use of this Weapon, and the name of it from the beginning was called Gisa. In the 2 Sam. 18. 14. they are called Gisessin with the S doubled. * 1.151 And this Weapon was first carried by the Phoenicians to Tartessus, and afterwards, without doubt, brought into our Seas.

As for Caterva of the Gauls, and Katurfa of the Britains, as they were the same as a Legion, and so consisted of divers sorts of Souldiers, I think they ought to be referred to Caterva, signifying the same thing among the Phoenicians. To this word I think Kadwarr and Kadern, the strength of War in a Legion, both British words, ought to be referred; so likewise, if you please, Cateia, a Warlike Weapon among the Gauls.

Galba, exceeding fat, from whence Mr. Cambden brings the British, Galvus, that betokeneth passing big, comes from the Phoenician Cheleb, fat, and Galbanum from the Phoenician Chelbena, signifying the same thing.

The next word is Trimarcia or Trimarcisia, signifying (as Pausanias saith) the Order * 1.152 of Horse-fight among the Gauls, consisting of three in a Ranck; Now this word is derived from Marca, and the British Marc signifying a Horse. For allowing Ra∣mac, a Horse (among the Phoenicians) only to be transported in a letter, which is frequent in Derivations, and we have the true Original letter of the word.

Rheda is a Gaulish word, and was introduced into the Latin Tongue in Tully's time, as Quintilian avers, and being of a different make than what was used among the * 1.153 Greeks and Romans, must therefore have a different Original.

Now we find this very word Rheda, among the Syrians and Phoenicians, to signifie a Chariot, and therefore no doubt but the name and thing was brought by them into Britain and Gaul, and so from thence came Rhediad, a Course, Rheder, to Run, and Redecfa, a Race, all British words; and it is not to be disputed but that Eporedia, a City of the Salassians, had the same Original, for Pliny saies it took its name from Horse-breakers. * 1.154

Essedum, was a Gaulish and British Wagon, from the Syrian Hassedan, signifying the same thing; from whence also we have this Proverb,

The Cart before the Horses.

Expressed by them thus,

Hassusin acher Hassedanim.

Pen, from whence came the Mountain Penninus, and the Apennini in Italy, was learnt from the Britains, Pen, signifying a high and steep Hill, by which name they have many called in this Island, as Penmanmaur, Pendle, Pencohcloud, Pennigent; and the Britains from the Phoenician Pinna, signifying the same thing.

The Arverni, a People of Gaul, saith Sidonius, called the In-born Thieves of the Land, Vargi, these sorts of People were partly Souldiers, and partly Robbers, which answers exactly to the Farkin of the Phoenicians; but as to the British, Viriad, I know not what it has to do with either words.

As for Mr. Cambden's Bauchada, the Gaulish Rebels in the daies of Dioclesian, un∣der Amandus and AElianus then Captains, Eusebius calls them Bagaudae; Orosius, * 1.155 Vacaudae; Eutropius, Bacaudae; Salvianus, whom we ought most to credit in a word of his own Nation, constantly calls them Bagaudae (where Mr. Cambden has his Bau∣chadae, I know not) and shews by this name to be understood the same as Boguedim in the Eastern Countries, viz. Rebels; and Prosper calls Rebellion, Bagauda, in these words, All the slaves of Gaul conspired in one Bagaud; and Eumenius the Rhetor, calls it, a Bagaudian Rebellion.

These Bagaudae were not Rural People only, as Mr. Cambden makes, to derive his British word Beichiad, signifying Swine-heards, and Country Gnoffs, but many of the better sort, who being intollerably oppressed by the Romans, were forced to take Arms, as Salvianus witnesseth, so that this word also is of the Phoenician Original, * 1.156 Allobroges saith, an excellent Scholiast on Juvenal, were so called, because Broga in French, signifies a Region or Country, and alla, another. But alla signifies not another in the French, but in the Greek, and Broga is to be suspected.

Now the British Bro, a Region or Country, comes from Baro the Phoenician, and perhaps there might be such a word as Broga derived from it. The Allobroges living on the Mountainous part of Savoy, I think they may be better derived from Al, High, and Bro or Broga, a Country, than from Allan in the British Tongue, signifying external, or without.

Brachae, a Common Garment to the French and Britains, descending below and covering the knees, from whence it took its name, viz. Berec, the Knee, from whence also came Braciar, signifying a skin, or any covering of the Knees; so that 'tis easie from Brachym the Plural of Berec, to derive Brachae.

Lainae, an old Gaulish word in Strabo, where he writes the Gauls weaved them∣selves Casiocks of Thickned Wool, which they call Lainas. It is to be considered, if it ought not to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with which the British word Glawn, signifying Wool, has more correspondence.

But by Laina I judge is meant Linna, with the Weaving of which, Plautus writes, Gaul was universally employed; Isidorus and Diodorus affirm it, to have been a soft * 1.157 sort of Cloth, and may be derived from the Syrian Lina, signifying Soft∣ness.

Bardus, saies Mr. Cambden, in the Gaulish Tongue signifies a Songster, one that sang and plaid together; Now as it may be derived from Parat, exactly signifying their Canting in a certain Modulation, so the Nablium, much like the Harp on which they played, was a Phoenician Instrument of Twelve strings.

That these Bardi might disperse themselves and their name in Gaul and Britain, is no wonder; for, from Bardus Cucullus comes Bardo-Cucullus, Cucullus being British, and Cucul is the very same with the Phoenician Cucla, and Bardus in the Gaulish and British Language, is the same Garment with the Phoenician Borda, but more of this in the Habits of the Britains.

Pempedula, Sinkfoyl, is partly AEolick and partly Phoenician, for in the Ancient British and Gaulish Tongue, sometime before Caesars daies the Greeks brought hi∣ther by the Phoenicians, from whom they learnt the Voyage to these Parts, introdu∣ced a great many of their words both into Britain and Gaul, as will be shewn when I come to treat of the British Language.

'Tis no wonder to see Words of different Languages meet together in Composi∣tion, this was frequent with the Romans, witness Biclinium, a Room with two Beds and two Tables; Epitogium, a Garment worn upon a Gown; Anti Cato, a Book writ∣ten against Cato; Epirredium, a kind of Waggon, the same may be instanced in other Languages, but I have not time, so that this Pempedula, Cinckfoyl, though it be im∣mediately derived from Pymp in the British Tongue, five, and deilin, a leaf, or from Pemp, five in the Armorican British Tongue, and delis or delion, a leaf, or dula of the French, yet Pymp or Pemp comes from the AEolick variation of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and deilin, delis or delion, and dula, from the Phoenician Dalioth.

The like may be said of Petoritum, a Chariot, so called, as saith Festus, of its four Wheels. Now as the British and Gauls had these Chariots of the Greeks, as shall be shewn at large, so their names also proceeded from them; for the British Pedwar, and the Gaulish Petor, signifying Four, manifestly sprang from the AEolicks, with whom 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifyed Four, for the Massilenses who taught the Gauls in after times their Numbers, were a Colony of the AEolians that came out of Phocea, a City of the AEolians.

The like may be said of Dercoma, called so by the Gauls, a composition of Wine and Water; now as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is a frequent word among the Greeks in any thing compounded, so no doubt Dwr of the Britains comes from the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Aqua. But since it hath been found that the reading it Dercoma is a mistake, for it should be read De Corma in two words, so that the Liquor it self is Corma, and is of the same nature and composition as the Phoenician Drink called Chorma, as is made more evidently to appear in the Chapter of the Customes of the Britains. So that it clearly appears, that those words in which the Ancient Britains and Gauls did agree in, did not pro∣ceed in their being one and the same People, but were introduced by Forreigners who traded to both Countries.

By the Ancient Gauls here, I mean those that lived some time before Julius Caesar, for as I cannot, so I will not deny, but that Britain was Peopled from the Continent of Gaul, yet I cannot but think, but that the Antiquities of Britain ought to be searched for higher a great deal than those times in which Mr. Cambden looked for them.

The other Words Mr. Cambden produces, to prove the Gauls and Britains to be the same Nation, are either of manifest Greek Derivation, and brought in by them into both Nations, as Ratis, Gaulish, Redin, British; From 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an Elder Tree, Taria, Thireos; from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Gliseo and Glys; from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Tripetia, and Tripet, a three footed Stool, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Plow, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Coch, Scarlet, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; or else they were of so late use among the Gauls and Britains, that they seem

to be of a Roman Derivation, such as Cent, a hundred, from Centum, unless 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 be admitted; so Vetonica Marga with the British Betony, Marl, Glastum, Glass∣woad, Cedos, Caesar, Let Caesar go, from Ceao, from whence possibly Geduch of the Britains might come; or lastly have very little relation one to another, as Gessa and Cethilon, Bulga and Butsiel, Taxea and Tew.

Moreover it is to be observed, that in the British Language many Saxon words are crept in, yea French too, which have been modelled by them to their own Idiom, so that it is carefully to be heeded that those words which have been received from the French in latter daies, be not unravelled and devested of that Dialect the Welch have put upon them, and then produced to derive the People them∣selves.

The Termination of Towns taken notice of by Mr. Cambden, to prove the Gauls and Britains the same Nation, are, Dunum, Briva, Ritum, Durum, Magus, and these we shall find to be either Phoenician, or Graecian, and first for Du∣num.

All Towns ending in Dunum or Tunum, for it is all one, are of high Scituation, such as Augustodunum, Axellodunum, Guleodunum, Laudunum, Melodunum, Novio∣dunum, Sedunum, Vellaunodunum, Lugdunum, Andomatunum; and this proceeds from the Gaulish and British, Dun, a Hill, and this proceeds from the Phoenician Cun, signifying the same thing as has been shewed before.

In Briva ends Antoninus his Duro co Brivae, and in this Island were one or two Duro Brivae; in Gaul, Briva Isara, now Pontois. Briva Oderae and Samaro-brivae, all (as Mr. Cambden saies) Passages over Rivers, whose names they carried: so that Briva, among the old Britains and Gauls, signified (as he supposed) a Bridge or Passage over a River, which conjecture (if true) may be referred to the Phoenician Ehra, signifying a Passage; but seeing that this signification is the same with Ritum following, I should rather think that these were Bounds of particular Territories, as we find Duro co Frivae was, and that Birja of the Phoenicians, signifying bounds and limits is the Original, as Marchius is the same in the Teutonick.

Places either beginning or ending in Dor, Dur, or Dour, have their Original from Dour or Dwr, signifying in the Welch Tongue Water; As for Example, Duro∣cases, Durocottorum, Dordonia, Doromellum, Divodurum, Breviodurum, Batavodurum, Octodurum, which Dour or Dwr signifying, is very probably conjectured to come from the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Water: so that if this word was common to the Gauls, with the British, it is to be attributed to the Graecians in both Nations, and proves not that they were the same People.

In Ritum, and such Places as these stand upon Fords and Passages over Rivers, as Augustoritum, Vagoritum, Darioritum, of Gaul, Camberitum of Britain; and these are derived from the British Rid (for T and D, as in Dunum and Tunum, are the same) signifying a Ford, as Geraldus Cambrensis testifies, which Rid is the same with Rid * 1.158 of the Phoenicians, signifying the same thing.

In Magum ends several Towns both in Britain and Gaul, as Rhotomagum, Caesaro∣magum, Neomagum, Noviomagum, Drusomagum, Argentomagum; and some have made Magum to signifie a Ford, but unadvisedly, for at Rhotomagum the Seyn is not fordable, nor the River Padus at Bodincomagum, which the word Bodincum testifies, being in the Gaulish Ligurian Tongue, as much as to say wanting a bottom. But tru∣lier Rhenanus, Ortelius and Mr. Cambden, interpret it a Habitation and Town, fol∣lowing Pliny, who calls Bodincomagum, a Town on Bodincum: Now what is plainer * 1.159 than that Magon among the Phoenicians signifies a Habitation, and that in the East Country it was a name of several Towns, as Magon a City of Judaea, and Magon to which the Israelites served, Baal. Magon, a City of Moab.

Garw or Garaw, in the Welch signifies Swift, from whence Mr. Cambden thinks the River Garumna was derived, because of its Swiftness. Claudius saies, Pernicior unda Garumnae; now why may not Garaw be brought from Garaf, to hurry away, as 'tis used in that Language of Torrents.

The River Arar for its slowness, is called Lentus Arar, the slow Arar, so likewise Mr. Cambden in Brigantibus, makes mention of a River Ar, that g ideth so slowly, that one cannot discern with ones eyes which way the stream goeth. Now Arar in the Bri∣tish Tongue signifies slow, or still, so doth Ahar in the Phoenician.

The Hills Gebennae run out far into Gaul in a continued Ridge, and Keven among the Phoenicians soundeth as much as a Ridge of a Hill; and Mr. Cambden saies, in Yorkshire, he himself saw a long chain of Hills, which the Inhabitants call Kevin. Now it is not unlike that from this Keven the Gebennae, in French, Les Cevennes, are derived: But let us consider that Gebina in the Phoenician, is the Ridge or Back of a Hill, and that the Britains and Gauls might have Keven from Gebina of the Phoenicians.

About the side of that part of France called Narbonensis, where is reported Her∣cules and Albion fought, there are so many Stones scattered all about, that one would think it reigned Stones, by Writers, called, Stony Strond, and Stony Field; the French call it La Crau, and Stones in the British Tongue are called Craig, and in the Phoenician, Crac.

Arelate, a most famous City in Gaul, seated on a Moist soyl, from whence it is thought it took its name, viz. from Ar, Upon, in British, and Laith, Moisture, and why may not Laith come from Laiith, signifying the same with the Phoeni∣cian.

Uxellodunum is derived from Uchel of the Britains, signifying Steep, or Lofty, and Dunum, a Hill; now Uchel of the Britains is Uhel of the Phoenicians: of Dunum we have spoken before.

The Town Tolon, upon the Promontory Citharistes, by Antonius called Telo Martius, and may better be read Telon; Now saies Mr. Cambden ask our Welch Britains what is an Harp, and they will tell you by and by, Celen, and if you could raise an Ancient Phoenician, and ask him what are songs play'd on the Harp, and he would answer you, Cillsh.

Dole, by the Britains, is called a Plain, or Valley, lying to the Sea, or a River, and in Ninnius, an Ancient British Writer saith, Caesar fought a Battle upon Dole; from thence the City Dole in Armorica hath its name, and all from Daula, a Plain in the Phoenician.

The Northern part of Britain was divided into that Region the Caledonii inha∣bited, which is as much as to say, the Mountainous, and Maiatae as much as to say, the Plain Country: Now as Caledonii is derived from the word Kaled, Hard, in the British Language, and Dun, a Hill, so it is in the Armorican British Kalet, and exactly Kalad, Hard in the Phoenician. Of Dun or Don, I have spoken before; so likewise Maiatae, from Meath in the British, a Plain, and that from Maijth, the same in the Syrian Dialect.

Camulodunum, Malden, a Town in Essex, written by Ptolomy, Camudolanum; * 1.160 Antoninus and Dio Cassius, Camulodunum; Pliny and Tacitus more exactly, Camalo∣dunum; Dio Cassius calls it the Court of Cunobelin; Camol signifies a Prince and Governour in the Phoenician Tongue, and Dun a Hill, so that this may be called the Kings Hill, as Mons Capitolinus at rome, Jupiters Hill, and in favour of this Inter∣pretation we may find the Court of Arthur called Camalot.

Sorbiodunum, as formerly there were in Britain two Salisburies, the Ancienter of them stood on a dry Hill and had no Water migh it, of this Salisbury Gulielmus Malmsburiensis writes in these words: There is such a scarcity of Water, that it is a * 1.161 great Commodity there to Traffick withal; and Mr. Cambden brings in a Poet writing of it in these words,

Est ibi defectus Lymphae, sed Copia cretae.

This Ancient Salisbury, in Antoninus his Itinery, is called after its Ancient Name, Sorbiodunum, which Mr. Cambden, out of the British Tongue, interprets, the Dry * 1.162 Hill, from Dunum, a Hill, and Sorb, Dry; now as Dunum, so Sorb or Sorba, signifies exactly in the Phoenician Dialect, the very same thing, to wit, Dryness.

The Promontory of Ptolomy, called Abravanus, Mr. Cambden truly derives from two words, Aber and Ruan, the first of which signifies in the Welch Tongue, a Haven, and Ruan is a River that disburthens it self into the Sea, by this Promon∣tory; But we must understand, that Haber does not only signifie an Haven, but any place where two Rivers meet together, as Silvester Giraldus intimates, a Welch

Writer, who lived about five hundred years ago. His words are these, Aber in the * 1.163 British Tongue, is the place where one River falls into another, and in his Description of Wales, in his Fifth Chapter, Aber is in Welch every place where Water meets with Water.

To make this more plainly appear, I find Towns in Wales that seem to have their Names meerly upon this account, as Aber Avon, a small Market. Town in Glamorgan∣shire, standing upon the River Avons Mouth, and Aber Conwey, a Town in Caernarvonshire on the very Mouth of Conwey; and to prove Silvester Giraldus his words true, Abergevenny, in short Abergenny, a Town on the meeting of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Gerenny in Monmouthshire, and Mr. Cambden interprets it the Confluents of Gevenny, so that we see whether a River be joyned with the Sea, or with another River that place is called Aber; Now Aber or Haber is properly a Phoenician word to signifie such a Conjunction of Waters, and no doubt from them had the Britains their Aber.

Cetrae, was a short sort of Shields; Plutarch and Silius attribute the invention of * 1.164 them to the Spaniards, Tacitus, to the Britains, and how this may be the Phoenician Cetera, a Shield, read Bochartus.

The Mauri called them Citurae, as the Old Scholiast on Juvenal witnesseth in these words,

—Et Getulus Oryx.

* 1.165 Oryx, saies he, is a Beast something less than a Buff, which the Mauri call an Unx, whose Skin makes Cituras, i. e. the lesser sort of Shields among the Mauri. What can be plainer, than that Ceitrae, short Shields, used by the Britains, had their name from Cetera of the Phoenicians, signifying the same thing, as likewise the Citura of the Mauri.

Another great Argument that the Phoenicians were very conversant in this Island, * 1.166 is the manner the Britains had in numbring the Daies and Nights, a way peculiar only to the Eastern Nations and them, viz. To make the Day to sollow the Night, and not the Night the Day, as the Romans and Germans did, and this is witnessed of them by Caesar.

Names of Offices and Gods, in Britain and Gaul, of Phoenician Derivation.

THere were two BRENNUS's, Famous Men in Gaul; the Eldest sackt Rome, the other robb'd the Temple of Delphos, Suidas calls Brennus Bren.

The Welch, to this day call a King, Brenniu, the Armorican Britains call a Judge, Baruer, and Barn, to Judge, and Parnus from the Root Parnus, to Feed, with the Phoenicians, was a Prince, Judge or Governour; in the same signification Agamemnon, Homers Prince, is by him called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Prince, or Shepheard, of the People.

Mar, or Maur, as 'tis now pronounced in the British Tongue, signifies GREAT; * 1.167 From this word, without doubt, many British and Gaulish Names of PRINCES were compounded, as Condomarus, Cwismarus, Combolomarus, Induciomarus, Viride∣marus, Teutomarus; Now Mar of the Phoenician, is a Lord or Prince.

Rir, is a great word likewise in the termination of Great Mens names, as Sino∣rix, Dumnorix, Orgetorix, Ambiotrix, Vercingetorix, Eporedorix; and, without doubt, this Rix was written Rich by the Gauls and Britains, as the Armorican British now write it.

Rich, signifies Powerful and Strong, from whence, in an Ancient British Book, intituled the Criades Caradauc, u, rich fras, is as much as to say, Caratacus with the strong Arm; Now Rik, in the Eastern Language, is Strong and Pow∣erful.

Paterae, were the Priest, of Apollo, who were worshipped by the Britains and Gauls under the name of Belenus, and this name of theirs is derived from Patar in the Phoenician Tongue, signifying to Interpret, because they were the Interpre∣ters of his Oracles; And Joseph was called Potar, because he interpreted the King of Egypts Dreams, and as this Belus was brought by the Phoenicians into Britain, and is a peculiar God of theirs, as shall be shewn in the Treatise of the British Gods, so without dispute this word PATERAE is to be referred to a Phoenician Ori∣ginal.

Ausonius, writing of Attius Patera, or Paterius, has these Verses:

Beleni sacratum * 1.168 ducis è Templo genus, Et inde vobis nomina. Tibi Paterae sic ministros nuncupant Apollinares mystici. Fratri, Patrique nomen à Phoebo datum Natoque de Delphis tuo.

Your sacred Race from Belius Temple spring, From thence, you all your Names receive. You from your Mystick Priests, your Name do bring, Paterae height, Phoebus himself does give Name to your Sire, and Brother, and your Son, From Delphick Oracle his Name begun.

St. Hierome, writing in his one hundred and fiftieth Epistle ad Hedebiam, saies * 1.169 thus, Thy Ancestors Paterius and Delphidius, oue taught Rhetorick at Rome before I was born, the other, whilst I was but a youth, with his Prose and Verse illustra∣ted all France; So that we see, as Paterius was derived from Paterae the Priests of APOLLO, so they received his name from being Interpreters of his Oracles.

Of the Religious Persons Cenae we have spoken before, and have made it appear they were of the Phoenician derivation.

The Bardi are sufficiently known to be Poets, and Songsters, both in Britain and Gaul, and 'tis also manifest, they never Rehearsed any thing to the People but in a tone, alwaies having some Instrument or other, to which they sang the Famous Deeds of their Ancestors.

Posidonius witnesseth, that they were Poets, who, with Musick, recited the Enco∣miums of Great Persons, and Strabo calls them Poets and Singers, and Festus saies, * 1.170 that a Singer in the Gaulish Tongue was called a Bard (and by the Britains, at this day they are so called) because he sang the Praises of Great Men.

Certainly, there can be no easier Derivation than to bring them from Parat, sig∣nifying to sing in a Recitative manner, for P and B, likewise T and D, are Letters of the same nature and element, and in common Speech are every day confounded, not only in our present Language but in all as ever I cou'd hear of.

Now as the Bardi are derived from Parat, so I have shewn before, that the Nablium, or Instrument on which they played, was a Phoenician Instrument, and was called exactly so by the Phoenicians, viz. Nabal, so that we ought not to doubt, but that as well the names of the Persons as their Musick, were of Phoenician derivation.

If Turnebus may be Credited, Bardaea and Bardala, is a Lark with the Gauls; His words are these, Bardi apud Gallos sunt Cantores, & Bardaea & Bardala Alauda, and possibly this Bird might be derived from the same Root Parat, to sing, for which excellency she is chiefly admired.

Thus in short have I run over all the Words used by Mr. Cambden, to prove the Gauls and Britains the same Nation, with intention not to deny but they were used by both Nations, with variation only in Dialect, but to shew that this consent and harmony, in some points of their Language, cannot evidently demonstrate them one and the same People, but that it proceeded from the Phoenician Traffick into Britain, and the Mart for Tynn which they kept in Gaul. To which may be added, that the Gauls, as Caesar witnesseth, sent their Children into Britain to be Educated in * 1.171 Learning and Religion, where, without any doubt, they learnt great part of their Language; For Britain being the Learneder Nation of the two, could not proceed from any other cause than the Concourse of Phoenicians and Greeks to it upon the account of Trade, but especially the Phoenicians, of whom the Greeks themselves confess they received their Letters.

As it is not my intent in this place, to search into the Language of the Britains, * 1.172 but only what relates to the proving of the Phoenician Traffick into these Countries, and that the Name of BRITAIN proceeded from them, and not from any such word as Bryth and Cania, so give me leave summarily to recount what has been said of this Matter.

How that the Phoenicians, about the time of the Trojan War, sayled into these Seas, first discovering the Scilly Islands, and finding them full of Tynn Mines, they called them in their Language BRATANAC. From hence they carried all the Tynn the Greeks afterwards used, who from the Phoenician, Bratanac, called them in their Language word for word the same, namely, CASSITERIDES; But when Bratanac prevailed, then the Greeks used Bretanica long before Britannia, as has been proved. And that some Islands about Albion were called Britains before this it self was called so, I have manifested out of Pliny, which Islands could be none but the Scilly Islands; But when the Phoenicians had discovered the Mines of Tynn and Lead in Cornwal and Devonshire, then began the Name to prevail over this Island also. To make this evident, I have shewn many Foot-steps and Remains of their Language and Customes, remaining to this day among the Britains, and especially in Cornwal and Devonshire, and have given a short Catalogue of Words, relating to the scituation and nature of Places which most frequently occur, in the composition of Towns, Cities, Forts, Hills, &c. in the Western parts of England, where they most conversed.

And all this, that the Phoenician Voyages to Our Island might appear the more clear and evident, and that Britain it self received its Name from them, as well as other more particular Places, which Mr. Cambden in one particular himself confesses, when he saies, That the Syrians, meaning the Phoenicians, sending out so many Colonies, left great part of their Language in most places of the World; Now if he had seriously considered, and not have deceived himself by misunderstanding Plybius, That Britain was but lately known, certainly he would have given a more exact account of this most Renowned Island, and never have derived its name from Bryth, Painting, a Custome among very few of them, and that many hundred years after it was called Bretanica.

THE Antiquity and Original OF THE PHOENICIANS, THEIR Correspondence and Agreement WITH THE JEWS.

HAving discoursed thus much of the Phoenicians in this ISLAND, it will not be amiss to shew from whence they derive their Original.

Bochartus (in his first Book, and first Chapter, concerning Canaan) learnedly and evidently proves, that they were the same with the Canaanites, from the Identity of their Names (although promiscuously given them) Scituations, Language, Institutes, Arts, Manners, Customes, Gods, Rites and Cere∣monies. By promiscuousness, I mean, when as the Land of Canaan is called, the Land of the Phoenicians, and the Phoenicians the Canaanites; As for Example, the * 1.173 Woman in St. Matthews Gospel is called a Canaanite, by St. Marks interpretation is made a Syrophoenician, which clearly demonstrates the promiscuous way of na∣ming that People, although all of one Original.

And Bochartus further shews, that the Phoenicians were the Sons of Anak, and therefore saies, that the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is most properly to be derived from the the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Son or Sons of Anak; insomuch that the Greeks from the * 1.174 Canaanitish word, Ben Anak, and by contraction Beanak formed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from whence more truly sprang 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for Phoenicia.

And the Graecians, through Ambition, endeavouring to fasten all the honour of Pri∣mitive knowledge upon their own Ancestors, obscured the true Antiquity of most Nations (and that evidently appears, in their attributing more Honour to their own Hercules than the Phoenician, from whom they had received most of their Arts and Sci∣ences) foisting in those words to derive their Originals, as best seemed agreeable to * 1.175 their own genius and probable conjecture; so that in giving 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for the Original of Phoenicia, which by interpretation was a place in that Country where a multi∣tude of Palm-Trees grew, they also put 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying Red, in allusion to the Red Sea, upon which those People bordered, from which they were also called the Idumaean Tyrians, and so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Phoenicians; And still proceeding, after that in∣genious Method, of naming People according to the product of their own Brains, as I

have instanced in other matters, in another place, they sounded also the word # 1.176 upon them, agreeable to the Jewish Institution, as they suted with them in their strang kind of inhumane and unnatural Customes in sacrificing to their Gods; For as the Jews sacrificed their Sons and Daughters to Devils, viz. unto Molock, that god was in high esteem with the Phoenicians, and although it discovers the near Allyance and Correspondence between the Jews and Phoenicians, yet was it altoge∣ther improper from thence, to derive the Original of Nation, and a People too, so considerable as they were, upon no better foundation of Antiqui∣ty.

This Molock was also the God of the Ammonites, and the same with Baal, &c. the Original of whose name proceeded from Belus or Bel, the King of the Phoe∣nicians or Tyrians, and this also gives some light from whence the Old Romans (of whom I shall treat particularly by themselves) might receive the first Institution (a though perhaps performed after another way and Method) of consecrating their Princes, after death, to be no less than Gods.

The Canaanites were willing to receive the names of Phoenicians, * 1.177 Syrians, || Assy∣rians, Sidonians, and Syrophoenicians, rather than Canaanites, to blot out the Remem∣brance of that great and terrible Persecution they received from the Jews, ensuing the Curse laid on their Father Canaan, so that in truth the word SYRIAN, be∣came a Common Name to them, and their neighbouring Nations, proceeding from Tyre the Metropolis of Phoenicia, yet all the Canaanites, who from that time received all these Names, were not all of one and the same Family and Lineage, for they must be distinguisht into two parts:

• 1. Those that came from Tyre, the grand City in Phoenicia, were called Syrians, Assyrians, and Syrophoenicians.
• 2. But those that came from Ashur, and dwelt beyond Euphrates, were of ano∣ther stock, and so known by Sidonians, and Phoenicians, by themselves. Thus Hesychius.

To treat now a little of the Correspondency and Agreement between the Jews and Phoenicians will be necessary, and as we have had occasion to set down the Ori∣ginal of the Phoenicians, so in brief shall that be concerning the Jews, more espe∣cially, when it is to be considered there happened so mutual a Friendship and Cor∣respondency between them.

The word HEBREW in most likelyhood proceeded from Eber, or Heber, the father of Phaleg, so called from the Confusion of Languages, and it must be under∣stood, that all the Nations of the Canaanites, by different Sir-names, were derived from the best known Authors of their Families, which in a particular manner is de∣scribed by Moses himself, in his Book of Genesis, Chap. the 10th. and so it hap∣pened with Heber and Phalegs Generations, who were the Issue of Shem; yet all the People that sprang from the Hebrew Nation, &c. differed not in their Language * 1.178 save only in Dialect, and it is instanced in the Punick Language, to shew the Agree∣ment between the Phoenicians and them; and it is further Argued, that the difference in latter times did more plainly appear, foisting, by long continuance, many things into the Punick which were intrinsick thereunto, insomuch that those words that did agree with the Radicals of the Hebrew, differed only in the flexions of Vowels in sound, and yet not in signification.

The Hebrew continued in its native purity until the Captivity of Babylon, which Language, beginning from the Creation, was preserved very near Three thousand and forty years, and then, and not before, it degenerated from its primary Institu∣tion; for the Jews, after their return from the Captivity, suffered the Chaldee, Syriac, and Philistin Idioms to intrude into it, and therefore no wonder there happened in process of time, some variance relating thereunto, that at last they lost both the Lan∣guage and Worship they were born in.

And whereas the word HEBREW was particularly appropriated to Israel, it was because the Israelites possest the Land of Canaan by a divine Decree, and the Hebrews had not enjoyed their Language so long as they did, had it not been for the benefit of the Patriarks, to make their Peregrination in Canaan the more easie.

In the first Ages of the World, between the Jews and Phoenicians, there happened a great disagreement in maintaining of Interests, Rights and Ceremonies; but after some debate between them, the Jews taking a fancy to the Phoenician Worship, the Phoenicians answered their kindness, by affecting their mysterious Doctrine and Ce∣remonies, and so, making Religion like a Merchandize of Goods, they exchanged the one for the other, the Jews sent them Traditions, Laws, and Mysteries, in lieu of which was returned, a set method of Idolatry, Custome; and the Name of the Phoenicians which happened so early as to receive its first birth in the time of the Judges, yet grew not up to its nature and full perfection till Solomons time, and if the true Original of the Phoenicians, according to the Greeks, is to be derived from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, intimating the Red Sea, which relates to the passage of the Israelites through the Red Sea into Egypt, as they agree in Names, so must they be one and the same People without such need of distinction, insomuch that where Herodotus, under * 1.179 the name of Phoenicians treats of the Jews, speaks, that those Jews that were Cir∣cumcised in Palestine were called Syrians, which was an additional name to Canaan, and a great probability of it, Syria lying as near Judaea as one County or Village in England can properly be said to border one upon another, so that in time, what by Commerce and Neighbour-hood, they might be best known by one and the same Name.

The cause of making the Phoenicians so early Marriners, was not only through their ambition of Empire, and particular genius to Navigation and Merchandize, but through necessity of inventing the best and safest way of escaping the hands of Joshua, who persecuted them with an Army of Israelites, who after they had made themselves Masters of most part of the Land of Canaan, they were driven up into a slender Nook of Earth, too narrow to contain so great and numerous a Body, dis∣ceded themselves into good Shipping, to seek their Fortunes in most parts of the World, of whose Company Britain received a considerable share.

These were the People so publickly commended for distributing Arts and Sci∣ences, and if we should attempt to trace them to the end of their long Voyages, value the Richness of their Merchandize, we must measure the Heavens, and number the Stars, which certainly is beyond the Art of Arithmetick to accomplish.

CHAP. VI. The Greeks in BRITAIN.

COncerning the Phoenicians Traffick into this ISLAND, I have discoursed at large, and have proved, that long before the Greek COLAEUS had discovered the West Ocean, Britain had been Famous for its Commodities of Tynn and Lead, through all the Mediterranean Seas, and that the name BRETANICA, was many years known in their Parts, before ever the Greeks had so much as the least knowledge of these Islands. I come now to treat of the Greeks arrival in BRITAIN, the discovery of these Cassiterides or Breta∣nick Countries which before they had known only by Hear-say, and of which they had writ so much upon the Relations of the Phoenicians, that Pliny saies, BRI∣TAIN * 1.180 was famous in the Greek Monuments long before the times of the Ro∣mans.

The usefulness of those excellent Commodities imported from Britain into those Parts, rendered the Greeks very curious after the search of them; It is not to be doubted, but the Phoenicians very studiously concealed this Treasure from them, as we find they did from the Romans, because they being the great Trading Nation of the World, they were jealous least these Mines once discovered to their Neighbours (who by this time had learnt of them the Art of Navigation) they should lose the Advantages, that infinite Trade of Tynn and Lead, which had hitherto been a pe∣culiar Monopoly to themselves, and which they had dispersed and sold to all Na∣tions at their own prizes.

That this is true, Strabo in his third Book of his Geography witnesseth: 'At the * 1.181 beginning (saith he) the Phoenicians alone Traded to Britain from Gades, and concealed from others this Navigation; but when a Roman Vessel followed a certain Master of a Ship, that they themselves might learn this traffick of Merchandize, he upon a spiteful Envy ran his Ship on purpose upon the Sands, and after he had brought them, that fol∣lowed after, into the same danger of destruction, himself escaped the Shipwrack, and out of the Common Treasury received the worth of the Commodities and Wares be had lost.

Now if this diligence were used by them, after the Greeks had discovered the source of their Trade, how jealous ought we to imagine them to be of this Secret, when as it was preserved intirely and peculiarly to their own Nation; So that as the Greeks knew these Islands long before the Romans, so are they to give place to the Phoenicians, who were their Masters and Instructers in the Art of Navigation, as well as in all other Arts and Sciences whatsoever.

But, although the Greeks were later than the Phoenicians in these Coasts, yet they were far earlier than Mr. Cambden will acknowledge them, which I mention because the Derivation of the word BRITANNIA depends altogether upon the true stating of this matter. For if the Greeks arrived hither not above one hundred and sixty years, or there abouts, before Caesar's time, under Phileus Taurominites, as Mr. Camb∣den * 1.182 out of Athenaeus seems to intimate, higher than which he will not admit of the Antiquity of Britain, then it might be indeed supposed, that since all Nations were so far Civilized as to wear Garments to cover their nakedness, the hardiness and customes of the Britains to the contrary might give occasion to Forraigners, to de∣nominate them and their Nation from the Painting of their Bodies, which but very few of them used as the only covering of their Nakedness in that more civil and resormed Age. But if the Greeks were in this Island in those Early daies, when it was not any strang and unusual thing for Travellers to find Nations rude and un∣cloathed, it cannot be supposed this Island of all others should meet with the ill luck to have a Name stampt upon it, as a perpetual monument of its savage Custome, and Barbarity.

To omit here, that if the Greeks had named them from this Custome of Painting, they would have done it as they did by other Nations, by a word totally peculiar to themselves (as we find the Picti, on the same account, so called by the Romans) and not have borrowed the better half of the word from the Britains, and have made it up only with a termination of their own.

We find no such respect shewn by the Greeks to any Nation they gave name unto, for their Ambition suffered them not to be so modest in imposing Names upon Coun∣tries they discovered, by borrowing any thing from the Nation it self, as might be shewn in many Instances, as AEgypt, AEthiopia, &c. and more particularly in Bri∣tain; For when they had learned the word BRATANAC, by which the Phoenicians called this Country of Tynn, they gave it a clear contrary name, though of the same signification in their own, GASSITERIS.

It is to be supposed it was a great while before they could be induced to follow the Phoenician name, till such time it made them as it were deaf, by being so rung in their ears by the Phoenician Marriners, so that it was grown so frequent in all mens mouths, that had any concern in Trade, that they saw themselves obliged to con∣form to the universal consent of Saylors, in calling it something like Bratanac, viz. Bretanica, and afterwards Britannia, and all this long before any Greek had either set foot, or seen any part of these Islands; so that BRITANNIA was famous in the Monuments of the Greeks, long before either Brith or Brit, a diminutive Cor∣ruption of the ancient Name had prevailed in this Nation. This will appear plain∣ly, if we shew the Voyages of the Greeks hither, are much Ancienter than what is commonly supposed, or is of necessity to be allowed by Mr. Cambden in the making up of his Antiquities; for by his misunderstanding of Polybius, as has been evi∣dently shewn before, he ran himself into this Error, That Britain was not known to the Ancients long before Caesars time, and upon that great Mistake, though but few apprehend it, begins his structure of the Antiquities of this Nation, not so high as he ought justly and truly to have done.

And here I doubt not but it will be easily granted, that the Graecians arrival into these Parts, was not the same way we suppose these Countries to be Peopled by, that is, through Germany, France, and so by successive Colonies drawn along through those spacious and vast Territories, but that they came through the Streights of Gibraltar., as Merchants, to Traffick in these Western Seas. This will more evidently appear, if we consider, that between the Greeks and Romans, in the daies of Alexan∣der the Great, and long after, there was not the least mutual knowledge one of the other, so that their passage could not be over the Alpes, through Gaul, and as for Germany, we are certain how that was shut up to all Passengers by the reserved and Warlike temper of the Nation.

Livy, when he comes to write of the state of Rome, in the daies of Papirius * 1.183 and Manlius, Consuls, when Alexander had arrived to the full pitch of all his Glo∣ries, and had now made himself Master, as he thought, of all the World, sets down the posture of Affairs in Italy, the strength and Order of the Nation, the excellent Commanders it enjoyed, their Policy and Conduct in War, the Martial temper of the Souldiers, their long accustomedness to War, and the Experience they had gained in their habitual exercise in it, the severe Discipline they underwent, the least breach whereof was unpardonable, though in a Son to his Father, as was seen in Manlius. This concludes, that if Alexander had attempted them, as no doubt he would had he heard of them, he had found them an equal Match, and his full careir of Vi∣ctory had met with a sudden Rub, and probable obstruction in his design.

This Argues, that the Graecians had not arrived to any knowledge of the Western Parts of Europe, on the Continent, and that wheresoever we find them, as most cer∣tainly we do on the Sea Coast of Spain, France, Belgium, &c. is to be attributed to their Sea Voyages, by which all along the skirts of Europe abounded with them.

Thus we find St. Hierome, in his Questions upon Genesis (setting aside the ground of his Hypothesis) out of most Ancient and Authentick Writers, shewing the matter * 1.184 of fact, That the Sea Coast of Europe, and all the Isles throughout, even to Britain, were inhabited by the Greeks, and this he proves out of Varro's Book of Antiquities, * 1.185 Sisinius Capito, Phlegon the Greek, and divers others.

If then the Greeks did at first only inhabite the Sea Coasts of Europe, there must some competent time be allowed before they could penetrate very far into the In∣land Country, especially if we consider them as Navigators only, whose business was not to settle any considerable Colonies where they arrived, but to keep Marts only, and to fix themselves in convenient Parts for the carrying on of Trade.

But in Caesars daies, we find the Greeks, in the very heart of Gaul, setled, both in their Customes, Language and Religions, which, in my opinion, is a perfect demon∣stration that they had long before been in those Western Seas. For can it be possi∣ble, that a Nation coming so far as they, and arriving at Britain and the Sea Coasts of Gaul, could (without Conquest) fix themselves, their Customes and Religions, and not some hundred of years past.

Besides, it is to be supposed, the Greeks were much sooner in Britain than Gaul, and much more conversant, if we consider how the Gauls used to send their Children to be instructed of the Druids of Britain, and how in this Island, and in Man, and Anglesey, were publick Assemblies, and general Rendevouz held by all the Lear∣ned, to which People from neighbouring Nations, and all Parts, did re∣pair.

In Caesars daies, we find the Greek Language not only in Britain, but even in those barren and Mountainous parts of Gaul, which the Helvetii inhabited. Learning by this time had found its way even unto those Parts out of which the Inhabitants themselves, weary of their Country, scarce could find a passage; For the Helvetii, after they had burnt their Houses, and agreed upon a general March of the whole Nation, to seek out some New Plantation, the first difficulty we find them encoun∣tring with, is, how to get out of their Country, so securely bounded as it was with Hills and Rivers, that it seemed to them rather a Prison than a Defence, and yet upon their return, being beaten by Caesar, there was found (as he himself writes) and brought to him Table Books written in Greek Letters, wherein was Recorded exactly the number of all that went forth, how many bore Arms, besides old Wo∣men and Children.

We see what footing the Greeks had gotten in these parts, in the daies of Caesar, and therefore I leave it to the Reader to judge, Whether in a hundred, or two hundred years time, Traders out of the Mediterranean, could so fully plant them∣selves and their Language in these Parts, as to be trusted with the managements of the Records of a whole Nation?

The Foot-steps of the Greeks are so ancient and frequent in these Islands, that it has given occasion to many to think that they were the first Planters of them, and the Reasons they give are these.

1. They must needs be planted by Navigators, because they are I∣slands.

2. The Graecians, in the first Ages of the World, were esteemed among the best Navigators, taking in the Ionians, and the Inhabitants of the Mediterranean Islands, all of Greek extraction, and differing only in Dialect.

3. It is certain that their Colonies were very numerous through all the Mediter∣ranean, and that they passed the Streights is undoubtedly true, after Colaeus the Greek had first, of all that Nation, discovered the West Seas, so that 'tis probable, they wan'ed not People to plant even in these Islands also, as well as in several places in Lybia and Spain that lay to the Sea Coast.

4. They suppose the Greek Language, or a Dialect thereof, altogether used in these Islands, till corrupted and grown out of use among the People, It was pre∣served only entire among the Druids, whom they cannot otherwise imagine could have that Language, unless there had been some plantation of the People formerly in these parts.

What makes them the more confident in this Judgment, is, That the Druids had the very same Interests, and used the very same practice as the Roman Clergy do, in sticking fast to the Ancient Latin Tongue. And they took notice of a great jealousie in the Druids, least their Learning and Religion should be too much understood and divulged; so that it was grown to that height, that it was accounted almost unlawful to reveal any of their Mysteries, or to set down in writing, what they thought most safe and honourable for themselves to deliver by Tradition.

5. Their manner and expert way of fighting in Chariots, after the Ancient manner of Greece and the Countries adjoyning, when it was unknown to the Roman Terri∣tories.

Now this is a great Argument of the Graecian Antiquity in these parts, and Caesar in his Commentaries takes notice of it as a wonderful thing, and a great novelty, where he describes their way of Fighting, and much admiring their dexterity and agility of Body, their nimble and sudden turns; and here it will not be amiss to put down his very words.

In Fighting, for the most part, the Britains employed their Charioteers, first these drive about through all parts of the Battle, and fling Darts, and with the terrible sight * 1.186 of Horse, and ratling noise of the Wheels, they do most commonly break their Ranks, and put them in disorder, and after they have once forced themselves within the Troops of Horse-men, they descend from their Chariots and fight on foot. The Chariot Guiders in the mean time withdraw a little from the hurry, and place themselves in such postures, that if the other be overpowred by the number of Enemies, they may readily, and with∣out hinderance, retreat in safety.

Thus in their Fights, they performed the quick motion of Horse-men, and have the steadiness of Foot-men. By daily practice and experience so ready in their Service, that on the descent of steep Hills they can stop their Horses, although in full Carreer, quickly turn short, and yet moderate their Course, run along the spire-pole and beam of their Chariots, rest upon the yoak and harness of their Horses, and from thence jump again, with ease, into their Chariots.

Where, by the by, we may take notice; that the expertness they had in their Chariots, argues, that they long had known the use of them, and consequently, that the Greeks had been longer in these Islands than is for the most part conceived, and yet not so long as to be the first Planters; and that the Nakedness and Painting of some of them, was rather a corruption and degenerating from the Greeks Civility in those points, than the reason of their Name; For the Greeks are supposed to be here long before any such Custome, and if at first the Greeks did find them Naked, yet was it long before any such word as Brith was used among them, which is not conjectured by Mr. Cambden, to be long before Caesars time.

6. There were two different Nations in Britain taken notice of by Caesar, one of which proceeded out of Gaul, to which People I think Mr. Cambdens Antiquities only refer, who came out of a desire of Conquest, and so planted themselves on the Sea Coasts.

The other sort were they within the Land, of Ancienter date and settlement, who acknowledged themselves to be derived from none of their Neighbours, either because they were ignorant of their Original, or perhaps thought, according as the Greeks did, that there was no greater honour than to be sprung from that Earth they possessed, and so gave out, according to the usual Custome of those times, that they were Aborigines, so that the Greeks called them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and this People it is they imagine to be of Greek Stock, and to be the primitive Planters of this Island, being, as Caesar and Tacitus write, they were of a different Stature and Complexion from * 1.187 those whom they gather to have come out of Gaul, besides their similitude of Language and Manners.

7. Another Reason they give for their Opinion, is, that although they do not believe all the History of Brute to be true in every point concerning the Trojans, who, on the matter, may be accounted Graecians, if we consider Dardanus their Founder, and the vicinity of the two Nations, so they cannot imagine but there was some Truth in the ground of that History, although so obscured with the Fabulous superstructures of some Writers, that not being able to undergo the test of Wise men, the whole Story has had the fate to be accounted Idle and Ridiculous. For, say they, if one consider the consonancy of the Greek Language with the British, like∣wise, several Manners and Customes the British had, which were peculiar to them on∣ly, and the Greeks, and to no other of these Western Nations, certainly we may reckon them to be of one Stock or Language, yet the first Historian finding this great Pro∣bability, might be ambitious (according to the Customes of those times) to derive his Country-men from a Trojan Race, and so put this general Truth into a particular dress of his own.

These are the Reasons given by Wise men, by which they verily think the Britains to be primitively of a Greek Original, which though it cannot be true (considering how I have shewed before, that the Phoenicians Traded into these Islands some hundred of years before ever any Greek entered these Seas) yet does it plainly shew, that they were of longer standing in these Islands than is commonly supposed.

1. Now as for the first Reason given, That these Islands must be planted by Naviga∣tors. * 1.188 I think will not hold good, unless we call there Navigators who in small Wicker Boats used to row between Britain, Gaul and Belgium; for, from that Continent do I rather believe the first Planters to come, than from the Mediterranean through the Streights.

2. To the second Reason I answer, That the Greeks were not in the first Ages of the World esteemed the best Navigators, but that the Phoenicians preceded them both in time and experience in those Arts, has been shewn already.

3. To the Third, That although their Colonies were numerous, yet were they not so early as those of the Phoenicians.

4. To the Fourth, That although their Language was very frequent in Britain, and the Welch to this day has very much in it, yet cannot we reasonably suppose that it was the only Language of the Country, because we find not their Tongue in any Country so soon, and so much corrupted, so as in Caesar there is no notice ta∣ken of it at all, which he certainly would have done, if he had found the British Tongue only a derivation from the Greek, or corruption in Dialect, and not a quite different Language.

As for the similitude that is made between Druids and Roman Clergy at this day (I think) it holds better, if we suppose the Religion and Worship of the Greeks brought hither, and preserved in its Native Language, than to conjecture, that the People understood it at first, but by time and ill manners lost the knowledge of it.

5. To the Fifth, That the Chariots of Greece, as well as other Customes of theirs used by the Britains, argues the Greeks to have been here indeed, but proves not they were the only Planters, or brought those Chariots to take possession of an empty Country.

6. To the Sixth, Although there were two different Nations in this Island, yet Caesar and Tacitus takes no notice of the Inland People, more than the Gaulish Britains, * 1.189 as I may call them, as being of a more Greekish extraction.

7. To the Seventh, That although there may be some Truth couched in the Hi∣story of Brute, yet do not the Histories of Brute, prove, but that there were others before him in this Island, which makes me wonder at Mr. Cambden, and Others, that think, that in adhering to the History of Brute, we must cast off the search and en∣quiry into the Antiquity of the Inhabitants of this Island.

Mr. Sheringham, to prove that the Greeks and Britains had no Commerce together, * 1.190 brings in an Ancient Poet in Eustathius, who reckoning up all the Greatest Islands known to the Graecians, never makes mention of Britain, which he would have done in the first place, had he ever heard of it. The Verses are these:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Of the Seven ISLANDS Nature made, SICILY the first place had For Greatness, next is SARDO Height, Then CYRNUS, next Jove's Country, CRETE, Narrow EUBEA then, and CYPRUS, last Of all is Little LESBOS placed.

But to this may be Answered, That this Poet, as usually all Poets, do reckon only the Islands of the Mediterranean, which were most obvious to the Greeks, and trou∣bled not himself with the exactness of things, as we see by his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Besides, it may be Answered, That although the Islands about Britain and Britain it self, were known to the Greeks, yet at first they did not know this to be an Island, having nothing to do in the more Northern parts; It was not long before the Romans time, when Thule, and six daies say I beyond Britain, was discovered, of which Pythias makes mention, The Graecians, as well as the Phoenicians, at first, con∣tented * 1.191 themselves with the Commodities of the Southern and Western parts of these Islands, and no doubt but they secured themselves, by little and little, of the nature of the People, and conveniencies of Ports, and all other Provisions, before they ventured too far Northward.

Now, in my Opinion, this makes nothing against the Greek Voyages into these parts, to whom the Cassiterides, or the Scilly Islands, and Cornwal and Devonshire, might be known, yet they had not discovered Catness, or the extreamest point of Scotland.

What he saies afterwards, That before the Arrival of Caesar into this Island, the Name of Britain cannot be found, is a great mistake and madvertency, for Polybius, * 1.192 in his Third Book, makes mention of it particularly, and by Name, where he pro∣mises to give an account, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of the British Islands, and the making and ordering of their Tynn, which he performed, if we may believe Strabo, who brings him in conferring and confuting the Opinions of Pytheas, Dicaearcbus, and Eratosthenes, concerning the Magnitude of Britain. Thus Mr. Sher∣ringham ran himself into the same Error of Mr. Cambden, I suppose, by mistaking of Polybius.

But granting that we do not find the Name of Britain, or very rarely, before Caesars time among the Greeks, yet the Name of Cassiterides was sufficiently known, likewise Albion was in frequent use among them. And if any Object, That this Island was not any of the Cassiterides, yet let any one judge, whether it be reasonable to imagine those Scilly Islands discovered, and yet Britain that lies in sight not to be known to them, especially considering, that Cornwal and Devonshire did not less abound in Tynn and Lead.

The Reasons why we meet not with BRITAIN oftner in the Writings of the Ancient Greeks, may be these.

1. Because it lay so far off, and did not concern or relate to any thing of the Greeks Polity, as to be taken notice of by their Historians; They sent no Governours hither, nor any that presided over the Colony, but the Commodities of the Country were sent either through France, up to a Mart in Narbo, or else to the Veneti, or else, by Sea, through the Streights of Gibraltar, so that the Learneder sort of the Graecians could not attain to much information of those places, from whence they that went to them seldom retur∣ned, having no Reason so to do, upon the account of the plenty of the Soyl, and plea∣sure of the Country, and the Dominion the wiser sort had gotten, by their Learning, over the minds of a rude and barbarous People.

2. Besides, the Greek Historians concerned themselves, more, in relating the Actions of their Country-men, as they had respect to their Neighbours, extolling the puissance of their Commonwealth in comparison of those States that bordered upon, and of∣ten invaded them; Their resolute and vigorous defence of their Laws, and Liberties, against the frequent and numerous Expeditions made against them, is the greatest subject made use of by their Writers, in extolling their Policy, and Conduct.

It had been a vain thing, and besides their purpose, to have Recorded their New Discoveries and Acquests in the Western Seas, as Britain in particular, when all the World saw them strugling at home, not to increase Empire, but to preserve their Lives and Liberties.

3. It would have been esteemed a strang and extravagant humour, if whilst they were almost over-run by the Persians, Athens burnt, and they forced to betake themselves, according to the Oracle, to their Wooden walls. And afterwards, when Philip, a powerful and politick Prince, had designed and almost perfected their Rume, with many other Calamities they underwent, both among themselves and from others, that their Historians then should be comforting themselves with their

great Atchievments in a New World, as these Islands, for their Remoteness might have been esteemed. What laughter would this have raised do we think in their Reader, if then they should have given blessed and exact descriptions of the For∣tunate Islands as these were, thought probably to be esteemed by them, when they were every day contending for their own Country, of which they accounted them∣selves '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Aborigines.

Indeed, BRITAIN, being of so forraign a concern to them, as to the Polity of their Government, although they were concerned in the Commodities of Tynn and I. ead, I never could wonder why we hear no more of it in their Writers, espe∣cially when I consider, that the Romans (whom for their increase and growth, the whole World began to have an eye on) were so lately discovered unto them, cer∣tainly it is vain to infer, because the Romans were not mentioned either in Thucidides or Herodotus, that therefore the Greeks had no knowledge of Italy. Yet certainly, * 1.193 that Country is as little mentioned by the Greek Historians of that time, as Britain, although Pythagoras, some say, before others, after the daies of Numa Pompilius had seated himself on the Sea Coasts, which afterwards was called Magna Graecia, and it is manifest to all that have read any thing of the Greek Voyages, that they traded to that part of Italy called Ager Brutiorum, by them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for Pitch.

And it happens with Britain, in this respect, the same as it did with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Italy, because the Greeks contented themselves to trade upon the Sea Coasts of Italy only, so that they make little or no mention of the Inhabitants; therefore we must think them to have no Commerce at all with them, when indeed it is only true, that they were ignorant of the higher and Northerly parts only, but not of the whole Coun∣try. Insomuch as we find in Stephanus, that in those daies Italy was no more (than the Country of the Brutii) with the Greeks,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. * 1.194

And if one had asked a Greek what Italy was, he would have told him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which was but a Province, and a small part of the flourishing Country. And, I seriously believe, the same account would he have given, should one have demanded, whether it were an Island or no.

If it happened so with Italy, which was so nigh unto them, what great account can we expect of Britain from them, whose distance rendered it more capable of an exact account.

For, although it be no question, but that the Greeks Traded hither, and that several Colonies of the AEolians had seated themselves in these parts, yet do I judge, that they were for a long time altogether ignorant of the greater part of this Island, nay, they knew not whether it was an Island or no, contenting themselves at first with the knowledge of the Scilly, and adjacent Islands, Man and Anglesey, like∣wise Cornwal and Devonshire, small parts of this large and spacious Dominion, and that the name of Britains was first given to them alone from the Phoenician Bratanac, or a Country of Tynn.

What exact account can be expected from them, I say, who first must be sup∣posed to employ all their time in the Traffick of the Country, and the heaping up of such Commodities as would make amends for their great Costs and long Voy∣ages?

It is not to be supposed, that when they had set footing on so plentiful a Place, as this was ever esteemed, that they would return on purpose to give true Relations of it, to satisfie the natural Inquisitiveness of their Country Men after News, or quit the possession of a peaceable Trade, to run the hazards of continual War at home.

Yet, seeing these ISLANDS are mentioned by their Historians, sometimes un∣der one Name, sometimes under another, and it is agreed on all hands, that the Scilly Islands were the Cassiterides mentioned by Herodotus, and that Polybius, above two hundred years before Christ, makes particular mention of Britain, and the Com∣modity

of Tynn thence exported, we may in all reason suppose them to have been discovered by the Greeks, though upon the aforesaid accounts given, their Au∣thors make no such particular relations of them, as some, in vain, have ex∣pected.

Having premised thus much concerning any Intercourse that might happily pass, between them of Greece and their Country men that first Landed in these parts, I shall proceed to shew, what Remains the Greeks have left in this Island, and shall set down the Opinions of Authors as touching their Language, the progress they made in promoting their Customes and Language, and the designs they carried on in managing of their Authority with the People, and then I shall leave it to any to judge, whether that great esteem and veneration their Druids were in, when Julius Caesar entered this Island, and that vast opinion all had of their Judgment and In∣tegrity, so that recourse was made to them in all matters of moment and difficulty, could be acquired in so few years, as is generally supposed, and whether it be likely, that a Nation so stubborn and hardy as the Britains, are easily conjectured, would submit so quickly to forreign Customes, and yield their necks to the yoke of Greek Sacrifices, which spared not often their dearest Children, and nearest Rela∣tions.

Where, by the by, we may take notice, that this sacrificing of Men, Women, and Children, devoting the lives of Captives and Prisoners to the Altars of the Gods, as we find the Druids used to do, was a Custome left off by the Graecians of the latter Ages, and was the peculiar Blemish of their Fore-fathers, in the times of their Great Hero's, when the shedding of Blood was a Princely thing, and was so esteemed for its own sake; so that it is not to be in the least imagined, that these Druids, men generally reported of a moral and honest Conversation, would begin such Bloody Customes, had they not for a long time received them from their Predecessors, and so on, till we come to that Age of the Graecians, which first sent Colonies into these Nations, and brought over those Customes which were then esteemed commendable even in Greece it self.

The Landing Place of the Graecians.

THe Places where the Greeks first Landed, is guessed, by some, to be the two Islands, Man, and Anglesey, or one of them, and the Reasons given are these.

First, Because the Druids, whose Name proves them of a Greek Original, upon the discovery of this Island, the more known Parts of the World principally resided in these Two; There they had their Head quarters, as I may say, hither resorted as to publick Seminaries, all that desired to be instructed in their Learning, or initiated in their Religion, here they studied privately, and retired, sometimes twenty years together, to learn their Mysteries, which was not permitted them to carry away, otherwise than in their Memories; When Britain was invaded, to Anglesey then retired the Southern Druids and their Followers, not as a place of more Safety, for then they had fled Northwards to Scotland, because this was supposed to be their Original and Capital Seat, and so either out of Superstition, that, that Land which first gave footing to their Fore-fathers, would be most fortunate to them, or else, be∣cause it was really best Fenced; It was looked upon as their own Patrimony, the Woods of it being so Sacred, and so inviolably preserved for the exercise of their Religious Adoration, that it yielded more shelter for them than any other Parts; Whatever the Reason was, certain it is, it hath given occasion to some to think, that these were their primitive Habitations to which they so naturally had re∣course.

What is said of the Southern Druids, and their Retirement into Anglesey, the same may be said of the Northern, into the Isle of Man. A President was kept there, to whom once every year they repaired from those parts to take Counsel for the ma∣nagement of Affairs, and after They of Anglesey were expulsed that Island, the Re∣mainders fled hither as to their last Refuge, and here remained, until King Cratilinth, An. Dom. 277, with great difficulty drave them out.

Moreover, about those Parts they have this Tradition, Mon mam Cumri, Man is the Mother of the Cumri.

Now the more Northern Britains are supposed, Anciently, to be called, CUMERO, I mean, those Britains that lived in the Inland parts of Britain, and not the Gaulish-Britains; Sure I am this has given some Reasons to think, that the first Britains came out of Anglesey, auciently called Mona, and if they be of a Greek Stock, that the Graecians first Landed here; likewise there are who have thought, that these two Islands are the same which Anciently were celebrated by the Poets under the Name of the Fortunate Island, and the ELYSIAN Fields.

Isacius Tzetzes, a Greek Author, in his Notes on Lycophron, reports, they were * 1.195 among the Britains; and Homer, by one is brought in to say, they were on the Coasts of Britain, and here I will put down the following chief Reasons, and so leave it to the Reader to judge.

The Fortunate Islands lay in the Atlantick Sea, and so do these with the rest of the British Islands.

The Fortunate Islands were Two, so are these, the lesser and bigger MONA, one the nearer, the other the farther off.

The Fortunate Islands were a Type of the ELYSIAN Fields, and are so called promiscuously, sometimes by one name, sometimes by another. They were said to be Places of Ease, Pleasure, and Rest from all Labours, to all who lived Vertuously and Regularly, as that the Conversation of just and upright Persons was the most va∣luable Happiness.

The strict Life of the Druids might therefore render these Two Islands more valuable than others upon all the accounts aforesaid, as they were sequestred from the Cares of the World, Men of upright and moral Conversation. Here was their Gene∣ral Meetings, here they taught and discoursed of nothing but Vertue and Piety. Their Solemn Assemblies were all concerning the Principles of Divinity, Morality, the immortality of the Soul, and the World to come; so that this Conversation might well be esteemed for its Retiredness and Gravity, to come nighest those Idaea's that the Philosophers and Poets, lovers of Vertue, had of the Rewards of another World.

The Druids had that Authority, that they were made Judges of Controversies both in Britain and Gaul, to which esteem they could never have arrived, unless they had been strict Enquirers and Searchers into the Lives and Manners of those they had admitted into their Order.

Because these Two Islands were the Fountains from which proceeded all their Streams, no doubt but the greatest care was taken, that they should be preserved pure and untainted, and this strict enquiry, and severe examination of Souls, is supposed to be made by Judges, before their admission into the Elysian Fields, as the Ancient Poets witnes.

Their Retiredness, which is so much spoken of by the Poets and Philosophers of the Elysian Fields, is intimated in the very Names of these Islands, they being called MONA, as has been said before, from which Greek word the Monastick Life had its * 1.196 denomination.

The Elysian Fields, or Fortunate Islands, were said to be full of Shades; Anglesey was called Ynis Dowil, a Dark and Shady Island, because the Druids planted here many Woods and Groves, as necessary for the exercise of their superstitious Rites and Ceremonies.

The Greek and Latin Poets Anciently accounted the North their Right hand, and the South their Lest; from their way of looking to the West towards the Elysian Fields and Fortunate Islands, and, in the Judgment of the best Authors, were seated on the Western Coasts of Britain.

Plutarch, on the Life of Sertorius, writes of him, That at his retreat from Spain, * 1.197 he was obliged to take the Sea, where, not being secure, nor permitted safely to Land upon the Spanish or African Coasts, being then in the Mediterranean Sea, he passed the Streights, and turning on the Right hand of the Spanish shoar, he met divers Saylors from the Fortunate Islands, seated 10000 furlongs from the Coast of Africk, to which Islands he intended to go, had not the Cilician Privateers (who understood his design) for∣saken him. Thus Plutarch.

The Islands MONAE are about the same distance, and the Ships coming from them, arriving from the Spanish Coast, seems to make it more probable that they were Islands Northward on the British Coast, than those which go under the name of Fortunate Islands.

Now if there be any likelyhood of truth in these Conjectures, certainly the Plantation of the Greeks here is very Ancient, and must of necessity be long before those times Mr. Cambden assigns for the first discovery of these Islands by them; and so consequently Brith could not give name to them; For many hundred years before Julius Caesars daies, or before ever Philaeas Taurominites had been in Britain, the name of the ELYSIAN Fields, and Fortunate Islands, was sung by all Po∣ets.

Mr. Cambden reports out of Robert of Avesbury, That when Pope Clement the * 1.198 sixth had given the Fortunate Islands to Lewis of Spain, he made great preparations in mustering Men in France and Italy, in order to the taking possession of them, that the English verily believed that all those Levies were made against them, and our Leigier Embassadors at Rome, Prudent Personages, as he calls them, were so strongly possest with this Opinion, that they withdrew from Rome, and hastned for England, to give warning of it.

Mr. Milton, after most of the former Conjectures, thinks, there are no Two such Islands, so probable as the Monae are to be the FORTUNATE ones, seeing * 1.199 undoubtedly they were in the Atlantick Sea, and upon the British Coasts, as they were strongly reported to be in Ancient time.

But leaving these Conjectures, I come now to shew, what Foot-steps remain of the Greeks, and certain Evidences of their being once very conversant in these Islands. And I shall begin first with their Language, and afterwards with their Customes, Manners, Habits, and Religions, which were continued even to JULIUS CAESAR's daies, and are not as yet utterly rooted out from among them.

And here it is to be observed, as touching the British Language, that above all Nations in the World they have been curious in preserving of it entire, without mixture, and carefully and studiously avoided the entertainment of any strang and forreign Words into it, as may be seen in Merlyn and Thaliassen, two of their * 1.200 Poets, who although writ so long ago, yet setting aside some sinall variations, is the very same Language spoken by them at this day, not only by the Britains of Eng∣land, but of Armorica also in France, a thing much to be wondered at, did we not consider the exact Orthography they preserved, so that if you take half a dozen Scribes, and dictate to them a sentence of their Language, they will all agree in the same way of writing, which exactness is not observed in Our, or any other Lan∣guage, but that there will be as many waies of writing, as there are men appointed for that purpose. This Observation was made by Sr. John Price, who made an Ex∣periment * 1.201 of it.

Now, this exact Orthography, and the natural care that through all Ages they had of preserving their Language, has been the cause that the Old Language of the Britains (setting aside what Words crept in by force from the Romans, and Saxons, who conquered them) has been preserved so entire as it is.

The Foot-steps of the Greek Language is evidently seen not only in particular British Words, which agree in sound and sence, but in the very nature and Idiom of the two Languages.

Some are of Opinion, that the Greek Characters were used in Britain, and that * 1.202 they were changed by the Roman Conquest, who alwaies were very careful to obtrude their Language upon them whom they overcame, as a certain sign of Do∣minion over them, and a surer Union with such Provinces; And this I am apt to credit, because Caesar, after the Conquest of the Helvetii (as I said before) found their Publick Records written in Greek Characters.

The Ancient Greeks had but Two and twenty Letters, no more had the Britains, and as afterwards the Greeks, for conveniency, did receive two more into their Al∣phabet, so have the Britains.

Moreover, it is to be observed, that the British Letters agree exactly in sound with the Greek, as is most remarkable in c and g (not to instance in d and u) which c and g are alwaies pronounced by the Britains, as, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and not as now they are before i and e, where c is pronounced like an s, and g like an j Conso∣nant.

Of Vowels, the Britains had Anciently six, now they have added a seventh, viz. a w, but this relishes of the Teutonick.

Their Consonants, after the manner of the Greeks, are divided into semivocales and mutas, and these again into tenues medias and aspiratas, which, in the flexion of Nouns and Verbs, pass one into another exactly after the Greek man∣ner.

R, in the beginning of words, is alwaies with an Aspirate, as it is in the Greek Tongae, out of which Observations in the British and Greek Language, I would note these things.

• 1. First, That the Druids of Britain and Gaul, by the number of Letters having only twenty two, as may rationally be supposed, after the manner of the Ancienter Greeks, came into Britain very early, when the Greeks had not as yet learnt the use of their other Letters, or if they had, notwithstanding they were not frequently known among them.
• 2. Secondly, The Druids, using the same Characters which were common in Greece, in the time of Julius Caesar, it appears, that neither were they of so Ancient a stand∣ing in this Island and Gaul, as the first and primitive Times of Greece, when the Greeks learnt their Letters from the Phoenicians, and without doubt something nigh their Character.

Besides, Pliny observes, out of an Ancient Inscription in the Greek Tongue, that formerly the Graecians had very nigh the same Characters with the Latins; If I be * 1.203 not mistaken, did write an H instead of their Aspiration, after the manner of the Phoenician, and if the Phoenicians did not themselves bring the use of Letters, and the number of them into Britain, but contented themselves with Trading only hither, yet I am sure the Graecians had not only the first number of their Letters from them, but Characters also, and as may be very rationally conjectured, might bring them in∣to this Island, after they had new modelled them, and before they had added any new ones to them.

The true attaining to the just Circumstances of Time, as to the Navigations of the Phoenicians and Graecians, makes much to the stating of the Antiquities of Britain. But care must be had, that as we bring not the Greeks too early into these Islands, as by the more Modern Characters they used do appear, so we must not assign the time, too late, of their discovering them, which their long setled Customes in Bri∣tain, the great esteem they had gained with the Islanders, the very Idiom of the Greek Language introduced, and their Religious Ceremonies and Rites, though never so cruel, allowed and approved by the whole State, argues them of a very Ancient standing in these Parts, and that not suddenly, but by long use, and against much oppo∣sition, they were at last admitted and entertained.

Seeing we have here spoken of the Concordance of the British Tongue with the Greek Idiom; it will not be much out of the way, if we take notice, that as the number of their Letters agree exactly with the Phoenicians, though we will not sup∣pose them to have received them immediately from the Phoenicians but the Graecians, so there are a world of Words in the British Language (as partly has been shewn upon another occasion) which agree exactly with the Syrian or Phoenician Tongue; For, I verily believe, that the extream number of Aspirations, and guttural pronunciations, were peculiar to no Western Nation, but only the Britains of Armorica, and Wales, and the Irish (which may well be supposed to be peopled out of Britain, or else to have been Traded unto by the Phoenicians themselves) is an evident sign of the Phoeni∣cians once conversing in these Islands; For it is to be observed that the Eastern Lan∣guages, and that they as well as the Greeks, contributed much to the making up of that Language which was used here in Caesars daies, and since, the mixture of the Saxon, Roman, and Norman Tongues, only excepted.

But to return to the Greeks, besides the peculiar conformity of Idiom, which the Britains have of their Language in general with the Graecians, it is to be ob∣served, that the Numerals of both Nations are most the same, where sometimes our Britains, sometimes they of Gaul, have the greatest resemblance. As for Example, I will set down in order.

British.	Greek.	English.
Un,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,	One.
Daw; Armorican, Dow,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,	Two.
Tri,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,	Three.
Pedwar,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; AEol. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,	Four.
Pump, Armo. Pemp,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,	Five.
Chuech, Armo. Huech,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,	Six.
Saith,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,	Seven.
With, Armo. Eith,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,	Eight.
Naw,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,	Nine.
Deg,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,	Ten.
Un at deg,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,	Eleaven.
Deuddeg,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,	Twelve.
Ugain,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,	Twenty.
Cant,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,	a Hundred.
Mil,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,	in the Latin Mille, a Thousand.
Myrdd,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,	a Million.

Most of these may easily be supposed to come from the Greek; if we consider how variously that Language alters the Letters of Forreign words it receives. And if any think that some of these may better be referred to the Romans than Graecians, as Un, Daw, Tri, Cant and Mil, I shall answer them in Mr. Sheringhams words, That * 1.204 besides these so like the Greek Numerals, the Britains have no other to express themselves by. But if these words were lately introduced, it behoved that the Old Terms should have re∣mained in their Writings, as the Old Saxon and Latin words, though out of use, remain still in the Writings of the Ancients; But I fear, by his words lately introduced, he supposes the objection made, as if they were brought in later than Caesars daies, perhaps by the Clergy of Rome, otherwise it is not improbable but they had some of these from the Romans, although there be no mention of any Ancienter words of the same sig∣nification in their Old Poets, because they have no Writings of such Antiquity, and Numerals are (of all other words) used according to the acceptation of the present time. But the greatest Argument, in my opinion, that the Britains had not any of them from the Romans, is, because that the Armorican Britains in Gaul, who fled over (not long after the coming of the Romans) into this Island, cannot be supposed (in so short a time) to change so considerable a part of their Language, do notwithstanding keep the same Numerals as our Britains of Wales do, setting aside some small variation,

as Dow for Daw, which is rather to be attributed to a difference in Dialect, than that they had them from the Greeks.

But, besides the names of Numbers, the Britains have in their Language a whole Lexicon of Words, whose Original is undoubtedly Greek, I will put down some Examples out of Mr. Sheringham, which he collected, most of which, as he writeth, hath no synonimous words to express them.

British.	Greek.	English.
Agos,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	a Neighbour, or that which is near at hand.
All,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	Another.
Am,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	Round about, of all sides, or of all parts.
Amwyn,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	to Defend, or afford aid or assistance.

An, is a Particle Privative, as it is among the Greeks.

British.	Greeks.	English.
Arth,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	a Bear.
Bloesy,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	a Stammerer.
Brochi,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	more Cruel, hasty, or un∣ruly.
Cade,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	Strong, or valiant.
Carthu,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	to Purge, or clear.
Casmai,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	an Ornament, garnishing, or decking of any thing.
Caul,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	Grewel, or Pottage.
Civ,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	a Shell, or Cabinet.
Claiar,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	Warm.
Cledr,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	a Rafter.
Clod,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	Praise, or Commendati∣on.
Cnithio,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	to Strike.
Cnoi,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	to Bite, or gnaw.
Deysif,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	a Petition, or request.
Diliis,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	Manifest.
Dor,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	Water.
Drysi,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	an Oak, or Grove of Trees.
Eiddo,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	Proper, or particular ones own.
Elin,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	a Cubit.

The Particle Er increases his signification, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 doth among the Greeks.

British.	Greeks.	English.
Etto,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	Yet.
Faelu,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	to Erre.
Fair,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	Fairs.
Flaw,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	a Cut.
Forrior, fur,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	a Thief.
Gatan,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	a Crane.
Geyleisio,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	to Tickle.
Malen,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	Salt.
Paul,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	the Sun.
Medd,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	Mead, or Metheaglen.
Mis,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	a Mouth.
Moccio,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	to Mock.
Ni,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	We.
Nyddu,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	to Spin, or Weave.
Porthwys,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	a Ferry-man.
Rhechayn,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	to Sneeze, or Snort.
Rhyn,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	a Hill.
Seban,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	Soap.
Sirig,	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	Silk.

And thus ad infinitum, but let these few Examples suffice to shew the Agreement of the British Language with the Greek, which could proceed from no other cause than some Plantation of Greeks in this Island.

If any object, that in the Saxons Language, there are many Words likewise which may be referred to the same Original (as appears in Mr. Cambden's Remains) let them consider first, that their Number is not so great, also that the Idioms of the two * 1.205 Languages are very different, which is not so with the British and Greeks, as is visibly seen in their Flexion of words and Aspirations, by which Letters they are easily resolvable into others of the same kind.

Lastly, It is to be supposed that the Germans bordering upon the Gauls, and alwaies infesting and incroaching upon them, even unto Caesars daies, when scarcely they could be quieted, might either take some Druids in War, or else entertain them in times of Peace, to learn those Religions and Rites for which they were in much esteem among their Enemies.

And, that which induces me to believe this, is, because the Saxons, a People of Germany, in their Tongue, as Alfricus writes, called a Wise man or Diviner 〈◊〉〈◊〉, * 1.206 which carries with it the very Name and Profession of the Druids, they being very much given to the Art of Magick, of which, the fore-telling of things to come, was alwaies an inseparable Companion.

Besides the Names of things common to all Nations, as, Fire, Air, Earth, Water, Hills, Rivers and Vallies, the use of which is understood by all Nations, and so cannot be supposed to want Appellations in any; There are other words which depend upon skill, either in Physick, Astronomy, Geometry, Agriculture, Archi∣tecture, Habits, Wars, Customes and Religions, &c. which cannot be supposed in any Nation before the use of the thing it self, and that particular Science be intro∣duced; Where we see two or more Nations agreeing in these Circumstances, we may rationally think, that the more Learned Nations did not only communicate the things themselves, but the Names also with them, as we see, to this day, the Inventions of Arts and Sciences, to the great honour of Industrious people, preserved entire in the Language of the first Inventors.

In regard, to treat of this Subject fully would be endless, we will confine our selves to some particular Words that Mr. Cambden has brought, to prove the Gauls and Britains one and the same Nation, and will shew, that, in all probability, those very words were introduced by the Greeks, as we have shewn in others by the Phoenicians, and that in all likelyhood, the things themselves as well as Names were brought in by them, and therefore the promiscuous use of them in Gaul and Britain, argues no more the Nations to have the same Original, than the word Astro∣nomy, or Geography, used by both, will prove them Graecians, or the word Admiral, Turks or Saracens.

The first I shall instance is Thireos, which he collects out of Pausanias, by * 1.207 which word the Gauls call their Country Shields, and the Britains to this day Carian, but I pass over the similitude of these two words, which I doubt not but some will count very little.

Let us consider Thireos without the Termination Pausanias puts upon it, and we shall find it to have a far greater relation to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Breast-plate amongst the Greeks, and if some shall say that Thireos signifies not a Breast-plate but a Shield, let him consider that in the nature of a defence they are the same, and although the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Breast-plate, might be brought in by the Greeks, yet the Gauls and Britains accompanying themselves in Skirmishing and sudden On-sets, rather than to set or fixt Battles, that which was fastned to their Breasts they thought more conve∣nient to wear loose before, than in the nature of a Shield, from the weight of which they could easier disengage themselves upon any sudden occasion of retreat, and served better, or at least as well, to desend their Bodies; And this I think is the true Original of their Thireos, the shape and make of which was, without any doubt, dif∣ferent from their Neighbours.

As for the word Carian, by which the Britains in our Island and Armorica called their Shields, I think it may have more relation to Caran, Thunder, by reason of the flames on all sides painted on their Shields, issuing out like Lightning from Thunder, or else from a God much of that name, who with their Shields pre∣served them in War, and affrighted their Enemies; For the Britains had on their Shields a terrible visage painted like a Gorgon, to amaze their Enemies, which, accor∣ding to the horrid manner of those Times, represented their Deities, may very easily be supposed some Tutelar God, under whose protection they thought themselves se∣cured in the day of Battle; Others there be that derive it from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because it was long in the manner of a Door.

Circius, a vehement Wind, so called by the Gauls from its force and violence, is derived by Mr. Cambden from Cyroch, signifying Violence, and doth suppose this Wind was so called by the Gauls and Britains; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the Greek, signifies to ex∣asperate or make violent.

The Galathians, who spake the same language with the Gauls, had a little Shrub which they called Coceus, by which they dyed Scarlet, and the Britains called this Colour Coch; Now as I believe the use of Dying, so this colour also of highest estimation among the Greeks was brought by them into these Parts, for it is manifest

they called it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; It is very easie to imagine, that when the Britains and Gauls found the use of this Herb, they might give it the name of Coch, from the tincture it produced.

Petoritum, Festus saies, was a Chariot used in Gaul, so called from its four Wheels, * 1.208 the name whereof is manifestly Greek, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies Four in the AEolick Dia∣lect; And no doubt but the Britains and Gauls, as they had the use of these Cha∣riots from Greece, so did they retain their Names in the Language of the In∣ventors.

The same I have shewn before in another place, of Pempedula dercom a Ratis, to which may be added the Gauls Glico marga, and the Britains Gluys marl, White Marble, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, white; Tripitia of the Gauls, and Tribet of the Bri∣tains, a three-foot Stool, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Gaulish Phanarat, and Arat of the Britains, a Plow, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the Greeks, the same thing; Rodanus, a swift River in Gaulish, Rhe∣dec, Swiftness in British, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to flow apace.

All which things put together, as they argue the Greek to have brought many words both to the British and Gaulish Language, so if we shall add these words with those that have been already shewn to be Phoenicians, we shall find no ground to judge, that the Britains and Gauls were the same people, seeing that most of the words brought in by Mr. Cambden to prove them so, relate to publick Customes, Magistrates, Honours, Manners of War, Gods, Arms, Arts, Priests, Habits, Agri∣culture, Measures, &c. the use of all which, as is manifest they did, so might they receive the very names of them from some third Nation, and that they had them so, some from the Phoenicians, others from the Greeks, as has been apparently shewn.

Tacitus writeth, that the People of the Estii used the fashions and the habits of the * 1.209 Suivians, but in Language came nearer to the Britains. Now seeing there were People in Gaul that differed from them both in Language and Habits, in the first of which they agreed with the Britains, in the latter with the Suivians, a People in Germany, I am apt to believe, that these Estii had something of German Original by their Habits, and therefore that their agreeing with the Britains in Language, that is (as I judge) both differ from the pure German or pure Gaulish, argues the British to be somewhat of a German Race, although mixed with their Neighbours the Gauls. That they have something of them it plainly appears, if we do but con∣sider there were two sorts of People in this Island, the Maritime and Inland, the latter of which did pretend to be Aborigines, which they never would have had the confidence to have done, had they been of the same Language with the Maritime Gaulish Britains, or the Gauls themselves.

Besides, in comparing the Old Gaulish Language and the British, we shall alwaies find the British to have something more of the Teutonick, even in those very words they received from the Greeks, and others. This cannot spring from the Saxons conquering them, since the Armorican Britains, who were long before in Gaul, ere the Saxons were called to the Britains to assist them, retain the very same Teutonick Dialect.

A few Examples here will not be amiss.

G. Teutates, B. Diw Taith, the God of Travelling. G. Caterva, B. Caturfa, a Troop. G. Covin, B. Cowain, a Waggon. G. Laina, B. Glawn, Wool. G. Petor, * 1.210 B. Pedwar, Four. G. Betal, B. Bedw, a Birch-tree. G. Scovies, B. Iscaw, the Elder-tree. G. Gliscomaga, B. Gluys marl, White marle, whereby the w, u, y, the peculiar Characters of the Teutonick Dialect so frequently being in use amongst the Britains, we may plainly (in my thoughts) gather that they were originally of a German Original.

Mr. Cambden, to avoid the words of Tacitus concerning the Estii, a People of Gaul, who agreed with the Britains in Language, and the Germans in Habit (because this implies the Britains to differ from the Gauls in Language, seeing that the Estii, a People of Gaul, spake not the same Language as the Gauls, but seem'd of a German Race, and so speak like the Britains) saies, That the Lan∣guages most remote in some parts agree. And gives an Example, how Busbequius (not long since) Embassador (from Frederick the Emperour) to the Turk,

found many Dutch and English words in the Taurica Chersonesus. By this Mr. Cambden implies, as if it were absurd to think they of Taurica Chersonesus, and the Dutch and English, have any relation one with another. But of this we shall have more occasion to Treat in the Saxon Original, wherein shall be proved they are of the same Original, both by their Idiom, way of Numbring, and several particular words that agree with the English and Dutch, and so must refer it to its proper place; so that if according to Mr. Cambdens own words, Languages most remote in some points agree, it is no wonder if the British and Gaulish have some similitude; If we take away the words which were intro∣duced into Britain and Gaul, either by the Phoentcians or Greeks, or last of all by the Romans, possibly no two Languages may be judged more remote than theirs was, and then Mr. Cambdens large Catalogue of Words will be reduced to a small number indeed.

As for the Primitive Original of the Britains, I will not treat of any farther in this place, it being the concern of this Chapter only to shew, that the Greeks were more Ancient in these Islands than Mr. Cambden supposed them to be; For his Derivation of Britannia, which has been shewn by their Language and some particular Customes herein mentioned, all which could not be so fully setled, as they were in Caesars daies, had not the Druids been of longer continuance in these Parts, as will more evidently appear when we come to treat of their Customes and Manners, as likewise of their Gods, Religion, Rites and Cere∣monies.

THE ANTIQUITY AND ORIGINAL OF THE GREEKS.

GREECE, in the present Latitude thereof, is bounded on the East with the Propontick Hellespont and AEgean Seas, on the West with the Adriatick, on the North with Mount Haemus, which parteth it from Bulgaria, Servia, and some part of Illyricum, and on the South with the Ionian Sea; But at first, the name of Greece being proper only to Attica and Athens (the considerable place in Attica) being more remarkable and conspicuous above any part of Greece, in its present extent, and for Learning, Va∣lour and Navigation, we shall confine the present discourse to the Religion, Civil Government, and Extraction of the Athenians only, who are supposed to have suc∣ceeded the Phoenicians in the discovery of this Island.

All Relations concerning the Greeks before the beginning of the Olympiads, through length of Time and a mixture of erroneous Fables with truth, are so ob∣scure, confused and imperfect, that they seem like Inscriptions upon Ancient Coyns, half defaced and eaten out by Time; the sence and true meaning of the de∣fective part being to be pickt out and guessed at, from the remaining Chara∣cters.

Attica formerly was called Ionia, and the Athenians, by Homer, are called Iaones, which carries a great affinity and cognation with the word Javan, the fourth Son of * 1.211 Japhet, by whom Greece was certainly planted, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and all Greece, Dan. 8. 21. is called Javan; but the Athenians (least the * 1.212 nearness and similitude of sound betwixt Iaones and Javan should discover them to be Upstarts, and of yesterday) they pretended that their Country was termed Ionia, from one Ion the Son of Xuthus, Son of Deucalion, making it purely a Greek Name, and that they themselves were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Aborigines, being not content to spoil the AEgyptian, in attributing to themselves the Honour of inventing all kind of Sciences, unless they could also rob them of the Glory of Antiquity, in which they were ever known to pride and boast, yet Plato (concerning the Greek Letters) saies, that the Greeks received them from Barbarians more Ancient than them∣selves.

Cratylus taught Thucidides to confirm the other Report, who tells us a pleasant story, * 1.213 How that the fruitfullest parts of Greece often changed its Inhabitants, the pleasure and profit of their Seats constantly exposing them to the fury and malice of more potent Enemies; and the Traders fore-seeing that they were as liable to expulsion as others had been formerly, tilled so much of their Grounds only as served for pre∣sent necessity, neglecting the rest, not being willing to go away muttering like those in Virgil,

Impius haec tàm culta novalia miles habebit? Barbarus has segetes; en queis consevimus arva!

Shall the rude Souldier this rich Corn possess? See with what care, for Rogues, our Land we dress!

They were resolved, that the fruits of their Labour should never draw upon them their own Ruine, so that all Greece (saies he) was not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, firmly or fully Inhabited, by reason of these continual flittings and removings; But Attica, through the barrenness of its Soyl, being worth no mans Ambiticn or undertaking,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Was alwaies inhabited by the same men, till at last it was so crammed and crowded with its own multitude, that the Land it self would scarce contain, much less main∣tain its Inhabitants, that they were forct to send Colonies (for the ease and relief of the rest) into a part of Asia Minor, calling it after their own Country, Ionia; thus far reaches the Graecian sigment. But he that can believe, that Attica was so well stored with People before Asia the Less had any, may as reasonably conclude they were Aborigines, i. e. sprung out of the Earth also.

Strabo out of Hecataeus asfirms, That the lones came out of Asia into Greece, * 1.214 which Opinion is probable enough, for why might not Javan impart his Name to that Province, or part of Asia Minor, which is called Ionia, as well as he did after∣wards to that part of Greece which is generally known by the name of Attica.

Most Greek Authors bring the Name of Ionia from this Ion, which we (in favour to their Memory) shall not be much against, supposing we may have leave to con∣jecture that Ion himself took name from Javan, it being a Custome observable in the Histories of all times to retain the ancient Name of a Fore-father in some, the prin∣cipal of his Issue.

Others have supposed, they were derived from the AEgyptians, grounding that * 1.215 Supposition upon the nearness and similitude of signification between Sais and Athene in Greece, and that they were formerly Colonies from Sais (a City of AEgypt, sci∣tuated near one of the Mouths of Nile) is concluded on from the Identity of many Customes, common as well to the Saitae as the Athenians; For as the Athenians di∣stinguished their People by three divisions: viz. into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Nobility; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Pcasants; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Mechanicks: in like manner also did the * 1.216 AEgyptians the Athenian '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who were totally addicted to the search of Learning and Wisdome, and therefore being had in great estimation by the People, we may compare them to the AEgyptian Priests; nay some of the chief Families in Athens had the Priesthood by Succession, as Eumolphidae, Ceryces, Cynidae, the Geo∣mori, * 1.217 who had Lands assigned them for the maintenance of the War, are not unlike them in AEgypt, who hold Possessions on these terms, viz. to provide Souldiers when need should require to fight.

The Demiurgi resemble those Plebeians, who (skilful in some Art) did set-out their Labour to daily hire; and Herodotus is of opinion, that they had their Religion * 1.218 from the AEgyptians, although it is stiffly denyed by Plutarch the Reader, who, according to his inclination, may make choice of which Opinion he pleases, but the first is the most probable, and best received.

But that which detracts much from the Antiquity of the Athenians, is, that CECROPS, the first King and Founder of Athens, who, according to St. Augustine was contemporary with Moses, was the first that reduced the Greeks (living before like Savages or Brutes, without Law or Religion) into a form of a Body Politick * 1.219 He first advised them to offer up Sacrifices to Jupiter, and divided the People into four Tribes, taught them to dwell together civilly in Villages (the People of Attica before, being ignorant of the benefit of Societies and Corporations.) Afterwards, Theseus collected the People of Attica into a Body, and incorporated them into the City of Athens, which he had beautified and enlarged; but at first Greece was inha∣bited by Villages and not by Towns.

Athens was governed by this Cecrops, and his Successors, by no other Title than that of KING for the space of Four hundred years and upwards, till the time of * 1.220 Codrus, who in the Wars against the Dorienses (being advertised by the Oracle, that his Enemies should come off Conquerers, if they did not kill the Athenian King, for the honour of his Country and safety of his People) put himself into the habit of a Common Beggar, and entered the Enemies Camp, where he behaved himself so

strangly, that they were forct at last to kill him; But when the Dorienses under∣stood what they had done, they were so discouraged that they dismist their Army in haste, and so departed homewards.

The Athenians resenting this noble and generous Action of their King so highly, they thought no Man in the Commonwealth, nay not his own Son, worthy to succeed him as King, resolving that as he had proved himself to be the best of Kings, so they, in honour to his Memory, would make him the last, intimating that all Royal Qualifications departed with him, therefore laying aside Monarchy they constituted Princes for term of life, differing from Kings only in this, That the one claimed by the right of Succession, the other by Election and favour of the People.

The first of these Archontes, or Princes, was Medon, Son of the late King Codrus; and * 1.221 these ruled Athens three hundred and sixteen years; After this they chose a Gover∣nour, in whom resided the chief Authority for ten years only, expecting Justice and Moderation from his hands, who at the end of Ten years was to become a Private man, and consequently, upon any Injury or Affront committed, was liable to the power and severity of his Successors.

Seven of these Decennial Governours only ruled Athens, which compleats Three∣score and ten years; then the Government became Annual, the City being Gover∣ned by Majors or Burg-Masters, and this form of Government was not only distur∣bed and shaken, but quite dasht in pieces by Pisistratus, in or about the time of Solon, for he having calculated his Laws purely for the Meridian of Democracy, and made it his business afterwards to put the Supream Authority into the hands of the People (to which the People of Athens ever had a natural inclination) he not only in his own time saw his Laws violated, as quite raced out of force, but the Govern∣ment changed into a Monarchy by Pisistratus; for observing a potent Faction in the City, and striving for Superiority, the one animated by Megacles, the other headed by Lycurgus, took an occasion of raising a third; And as he pretended, in defence of the Liberties and Priviledges of the People, the ruine and suppression of which he gave out was the aim of the other two.

This Pretence gained him such credit and esteem among the Common People, that when he complained in a Publick Assembly, That his love and affection to∣wards his Country had raised him up such implacable Enemies, that he could not pass the Streets without danger of his life, shewing at that instance some Wounds and Cuts, which he said, he had lately received for their sakes, though really he gave himself those Wounds on purpose to promote his Interest, they voluntarily and unanimously, it being unknown to them, allowed him a Guard for defence of his Person, with which Ingratitude to the People he seized on their State-House, taking upon him the Government of Athens, from which he was soon after expelled, and beaten, partly by the dis-inclinations and ill resentment the People bore towards Monarchy, and partly by the sudden friendship and union of the two other Factions.

But Megacles soon after, being suspicious of Lycurgus's Power, called in again Pisistratus to his assistance, who again made himself Master of both his Factions and Government, but after some new Misdemeanour and Insolency, was again forced to relinquish it, and to retire to Eretria, where, after Eleven years abode, he again ob∣tained the Principality of Athens, and left it to his two Sons, Hippias and Hipparchus, as his lawful Successors.

Hipparchus, according to Plato, a Prince and Master of many eminent Vertues, was Murthered by Harmodius and Aristogiton; and Hippias, though he governed with great Moderation, mistrusting the like fate, was resolved to rule them with greater Rigour and Severity than ever, to try whether he could scare them into Obedience and compliance with his will, since his Gentleness and mild usage had so ill effects up∣on them; But the Athenians (a tender neckt People) impatient of Tyranny, stir'd up a Noble Man, called Clisthenes, who by the assistance of the * 1.222 Alcmaenidae, and an Army of Lacedaemonians, delivered them from the Tyranny they so much complained of.

Hippias, for fear of such potent Enemies (voluntarily forsaking Athens) fled to Darius Emperour of Persia, to whom he made his Applications and Redresses to be re-instated, making him also Judge and Revenger of his wrongs, which enterpise

at last Darius undertook to his immortal disgrace, and to the eternal Honour and memory of the Athenians.

Darius lived only long enough to give the first blow and onset on the Gracians, dying not long after the defeat he received at the Battle of Marathon, leaving his Son Xerxes Heir both to the Empire and this War; he was so earnest and intent on the prosecution of it that he would hear none of his Counsellours, nay, he hated all those that laid before him the Inconveniences he might probably meet with in that War, as his Father had done to his great dishonour; But on the contrary, ima∣gining the disaster at Marathon, proceeded meerly from the sinall number his Father had levied for that Battle, he gave order for the raising such vast numbers, both for Sea and Land, that the very noise of his Preparations might save his Army the labour of reducing them by their Swords, under his obedience. Their great Forces, by the Wiser sort, were lookt upon more for ostentation, yea impediment, than use, for the Greeks from thence perceived his fear and folly under his painted Vizard, and ever after esteemed their own Valour as very considerable.

Xerxes commanded, that a Bridge should presently be framed on six hundred threescore and fourteen Gallies, lincked together, for the transporation of his Army over the Hellespont, putting to death the chief Workmen that built the other, which a little before was torn asunder, and separated by a Tempest; in the space of seven daies and seven nights his Army, which consisted of Seventeen hundred thousand Foot, and Fourscore thousand Horse, past over into Eu∣rope.

Xerxes being seated on a convenient place, where he might take a general view and survey of all his Forces, began to think on the many miseries and inconveni∣ences the Greeks, by their Obstinacy, were in a short time likely to come to, yet not without some reflexions on his own Happiness, who was absolute Commander of so great an Army, compounded of so many different Countries; but those thoughts soon passed over, and gave place to others of a quite different Complexion, when he found how briskly his whole Army was entertained by an inconsiderable number of Lacedaemonians, and a few of their Confederates, who two daies together defended the Streights at Thermopylae against the whole Army; a narrow passage lying between the Mountains which divide Thessaly from Greece, and might have done longer, to the Infinite disadvantage of the Persian, had not a Graecian Renegado taught them a secret way of ascending those Mountains, by which the distressed Lacedaemonians, and their Confederates that stayed with them, miserably encom∣passed; yet they so resolutely maintained their Post that they had undertaken, with∣out shewing any kind of fear or desire of flight, that though the Persian came off Conquerour, yet the glory and honour of this Battle ever was attributed to the Lacedaemonians, and Xerxes himself raised such a conclusion from the success he had in this Fight, that he ever after seemed to mistrust the strength of his Forces and goodness of his Fortune, especially when he heard that Greece had more Men of the same temper and Courage.

But the Athenians, against whom this War was chiefly intended (for that they with the Ionians, late Rebels to the Emperour of Persia, had taken part with them against that Crown, and been equally instrumental in the sacking of Sardis, the Metropolis of Lydia) abandoned their Country to the fury and malice of their Enemy, their Wives and Children they secured in Troezene, AEgina, and Salamis. The Common Treasury, and a great part of their private Wealth was laid out in building a Navy, which afterwards was the Reason they became the most famous and strongest part of Greece, from whom the Persian received the greatest overthrow; for being better Sea-men, and having more Shipping than all Greece could shew, besides not only by Themistocles, encouraged by a Stratagem of his, forced the rest of the Graecians to venture one brush at Sea with this invincible Armada; For the Peloponnesians hear∣ing that a Persian Army was sent to invade their Country, were resolved to leave the Common good of Greece, and to defend, with the best of their blood, their private interest at home.

But Themistocles knowing the ill consequence, this their separation might prove to all Greece, sent privately to the Persian, under colour of Friendship, adver∣tizing him of the flight, and consequently of the fear of the Graecians, telling him

withal, that if he sent part of his Navy about the Island Salamis, where the Graecian Fleet lay, they might be circumvented, as formerly were the Forces under Leoni∣das, at the Streights of Thermopilae. The Persian took all the advantage they could of this Information, for in the Morning the Greeks found themselves encompassed, and obliged to fight, if they respected their own safety, and the delivery of their Country.

Themistocles, whose contrivance this was, well knew the advantage a small Fleet had over a vast and numerous Navy in narrow Seas, therefore animating the rest of the Greeks by his own personal Valour, he gave the Persian a very memorable and signal Overthrow, which proceeded partly from the good conduct of so excellent an Admiral; From the fright and confusion of those vast numbers, Xerxes was so timerous and heartless after it, that being cunningly forewarned by Themistocles of the intent the Greeks had in breaking down the Bridge, if he did not secure himself by sudden flight, made such hast out of Greece, that he is said to have escaped in a small Vessel obscurely, respecting neither Ceremony nor Honour, although he came thi∣ther attended with such a numerous Retinue.

Mardonius the Persian General staid behind, with Three hundred thousand under his Command, who had flatteringly undertook and promised Xerxes, either to re∣duce Greece under his obedience, or at least put a stop to the Precipice of his too hasty declining Fortune; But he and his Army were utterly cut off, by the united Forces of the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians, in the Morning.

In the Evening of the same day, the rest of the Persian Forces which lay at Mi∣cale, a Promontory of Asia, was totally disabled and broken by the Conduct of Leutychides the Spartan, with Xantippus the Athenian, Admirals of the Graecian Navy.

Xerxes, after this, being altogether incapable of making an offensive War upon Greece, gave the Athenians leisure enough of re-building their City, and of re∣setling their frighted and dispersed Families; They also, the better to secure them∣selves for the future, fortified and encompast their City with a strong Wall, contrary to the advice of the State of Sparta, who were grown already too jealous and sus∣picious of their rising Greatness; However, they wisely dissembled their dislike till their Affairs were in a better posture.

Things being thus managed at home, the Athenians were resolved to carry the War into the Emperours Dominions, to receive some satisfaction for the loss they had so long sustained by those vast multitudes of Barbarians in their own. In pur∣suance of which, the Athenians set forth thirty Gallies, strengthened with twenty others from Sparta, and some of the Cities Confederate, who came in to their assi∣stance, with which they took several considerable places in Cyprus. After this, they embarked and set sayl for Thrace, where they stormed and took Byzantium, now Constantinople; The Lacedaemonians, whether wearied with these continual Sea-fights, or somewhat discontented that the best of their Actions were eclipsed by those of the Athenians, as being more expert in Maritim affairs, soon after recalled home their Forces, leaving the prosecution of the War to the Athenians, the rest of Greece also, except Peloponnesus committing the management of their Affairs solely to the wis∣dom and disposal of that People.

The Athenians glad that they were thus peaceably left Lords of the Sea, and without any Copartners in the profit and glory they expected, dispatched † 1.223 Cimon, Son of the brave Miltiades, with a considerable number of Gallies, well Mann'd, to set upon the Persian Fleet, then riding in the River Eurymedon in Pamphylia, which he soon overcame, taking some, and sinking others; he overthrew also their Land Forces, encamped on the Shoar, and on the same day (happily meeting with a Fleet of Phoenicians, coining to the aid of the Persians) he seized upon their Navy, for∣saken by the Owners almost before he could put himself into a posture of Battle, or, as King Edward said of Charles the Fifth of France, concerning the Dutchy of Guien, Took it without ever putting on his Armour. The Phoenicians at the first ap∣pearance of Cimons making up to them ran their Vessels on shoar, escaping, as many as could, this victorious Enemy by Land.

The Persian being thus quite disabled at Sea, and the Phoenicians worsted and defeated in every Battle, the confederate Cities also, out of a strange Largness, con∣cluding

rather to pay in what mony the Athenians allotted them, to find Ships and serve in them, themselves, against their common Enemy the Persian. It must be evi∣dent therefore to any mans Reason, from all these Accidents concurring together, that the Athenians must needs prove the expertest and ablest Sea-Men, and exceed any Nation at that time in the number of Shipping, it being made out that most of their strength consisted in their Navy. And I hope it will not be irrational to con∣clude that they traded into Britain, from these following Reasons.

• First, From their measuring all their Actions by profit, undertaking any Voyage, how long or tedious soever, if they could promise themselves to be well recompenced for their labour and hazard.
• Secondly, Their Ambitious endeavours in getting into their hands all Islands they could, witness those in the Greek Seas, and their adventuring such infinite losses, as the ruine of their whole Fleet, rather than quit their pretences to Sicily, which is in no respect to be compared to this our Island.
• Thirdly, Why might not some false and cowardly Renegado Phoenician, who had formerly Traded hither, discover to them the scituation and fertility of this Island, as well as a Renegado Greek, shew the Persian a way over a ledge of Mountains, whereby the Lacedaemonians were encompassed, at the Streights of Thermopylae, which otherwise, in all probability they had never found out; Neither could they long be well ignorant, of the Phoenicians transporting their Commodities of Tynn and Lead from this Island, considering the great number of their Ships roving in most Seas, so that some of them must needs meet with the Phoenicians in their way homewards, whom constantly they set upon as Assistants to Xerxes, at the Invasion of their Country.
• Fourthly and lastly, They were likely to understand the goodness of this Island from the Phoceans, an Athenian Colony, who dreading the Persian Tyranny, set sail with their Families, never setling themselves till they landed in France, where they founded Marseilles.

Now, that these AEolians traded into these parts, is sufficiently proved in the pre∣cedent discourse, and that the Athenians, who had abundantly revenged their wrongs on the Persian, had intelligence from these, is probable enough from the nature of Mankind, who after their afflictions past, are inclined to let their Friends and Allies know, how happily they live in other parts, which is daily confirmed from those that come from the West Indies, extolling the Fruitfulness of the place, partly to invite others over to live with them of the same temper, and partly by such Accessions to strengthen their Colony, whereby they may enjoy it more secure.

But suppose the Athenians themselves were not acquainted with these Parts, yet the Phoceans being of their Colony, very probable were inclined to the same form of Government, and did retain in general many of their Customes, though they differed in some circumstances, wherefore it is hoped that this present account may not altogether prove ineffectual, especially to those whose education or business has not given them full opportunity, of being acquainted with the Customes of the Athe∣nians.

After all these several Defeats, the Athenians grew so proud and conceited with the strange notions of their own Merits, that now every private Citizen lookt upon himself able enough to be a States-man, and nothing but Democracy would please their palate, as if Themistocles had managed the War against the Persian, not so much by his own cunning, as by the direction of the Athenian Commonalty; Now they began to oppress (and insolently Lord it over) their Allies, now it is that we hear no mans Vertue, or Innocency, was sheilded strong enough against the malicious darts of an envious Tongue; The People condemned rather by reports or events, than by a just enquiry and search into the matter. This made Alcibiades, when he was commanded to return from Sicily, and answer for his life at home, re∣fuse to go, as a thing very dangerous and uncertain, for being asked, Wilt thou not trust thy Country which begat thee, to be thy Judge? No, not her (said he) that brought me forth, least she not receiving the Truth, mistake the black for the white Stone. The Greeks formerly Condemned by Black Stones, and Absolved by White.

But these two things, viz. Pride towards their Confederates, and an over hasty Condemnation of their best Captains, in the end proved their Ruine; the one weakning their Army, the other alienating the affections of their Friends, the La∣cedaemonians, who had long lain still, but ever jealous of the aspiring Greatness of the Athenians, and consequently watchful in taking all advantages of them, at last entred into the War, which was called the Peloponnesian; It was fought a long while between them with various success, but at last the Athenians, through the sudden and frequent revolt of their Allies, the banishment of the old, and neglect and inadver∣tency of the new Captains, were totally beaten at the Battle of AEgos Potamos, by the fortunate Conduct of Lysander, and were at last forced to submit to these Conditions; That the long Walls, leading from the Town to the Port, should be thrown down; That all the Cities subject to that State, should be set at liberty; That the Athe∣nians * 1.224 should be Lords only of their own Territories, and the Fields adjoyning to their Town; That they should keep no more than twelve Ships; That they should hold as Friends or Enemies, the same whom the Lacedaemonians did, and follow the Lacedae∣monians as Leaders in the Wars.

After this Athens was Governed by thirty Tyrants, who under the notion of compiling a body of Law, and Governing the People accordingly, soon abused their Authority to the grievance of that City, which at first they had governed with great Moderation, and to the good liking of the People, but afterwards they Con∣demned any Citizens, if by them suspected, as they had formerly done the lewdest and worst, without due tryal or legal proceeding, from which Tyranny they were delivered by Thrasibulus and his Party, after which they continued free till the death of Alexander.

Who were the first Attick Legislators, is very much doubted amongst the best Authors I ever conversed with; some make Solon the Chief founder of their * 1.225 Laws, others have given that honour to Theseus, from a passage in Plutarch, where he saies, That after Theseus had gathered together the dispersed People of Attica, and setled a Democracy, he received to himself only the chief Command in War, and the custody and preservation of the Laws, which in my mind rather intimates, That they had Laws amongst them in force before this their Incorporation, of which he desired the keeping; For if he was their first Legislator, and his Laws easie, reason∣able and just, whom can it be supposed the People could better entrust with their Laws than their King, who is most able to see them put in execution, and would be sure to keep them most free from corruption and alteration, every Change (unless upon mature deliberation) implying impotency and weakness, at first, in the Au∣thor.

Triptolemus, who taught them first to Till and sow Lands, was the first that deli∣vered Laws unto them. Porphyrie, lib. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It is (saies he) affir∣med, * 1.226 that the most ancient of the Attick Legislators was Triptolemus. And Hermippus, in his second Book 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, They say that Triptolemus gave Laws to the Athe∣nians. And Xenocrates the Philosopher writes, That there remains in the Eleusine Temple three of his Laws, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that Parents are to Honoured; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that the Gods are to be worshipped with the Fruits of the Earth; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that flesh was not to be eaten before Solon Draco gave Laws to the Athenians; but he was too much above Humanity to be a good Law-giver, not considering in the least the frailty of humane Nature, for he punisht with death almost every peccadillo or little slip, prosecuting him that had stole a Pin, or any inconsiderable trifle, with as great rigour as he would have done a Murtherer; and Aristotle saies, They ought to be remembred for nothing but their Severity. But the Athenian Laws were never exact and compleat till Solons time, who abrogating what old Laws he thought inconve∣nient and useless, and adding what new ones he thought necessary, most of which he brought out of Egypt, made so excellent a composure, that Athens for many years was happily governed by them, and afterwards they became the ground of the Roman Government.

These Laws of Athens were engraven in Wood, and kept in the Acropolis, tran∣slated afterwards to the * 1.227 Prytaneum by Ephialtes, besides there were Decrees esta∣blished by the Senate, to which the consent of the People was not required, these were in force but for a year only, but those Decrees to the ratisying and confirming

of which the peoples Votes were necessary, remained firm for a longer time. Before any Decree came out, the Senate sate in Consultation, to weigh and consider of the advantages and disadvantages it might bring upon the State, then the Prytanies wrote upon certain Tables, on such a day, and about such a time will be an Assembly, to Consult of these, and these Affairs. The People being gathered together and puri∣fied, the Decree is read, which, if approved by the People, was confirmed, if other∣wise, of no force. But least through variety of Circumstances, and in length of time, Inconveniences might arise, which at the making of them could not be fore-seen, they appointed a day of examination and inspection into their Laws, which was on the Eleventh of July, for preventing and correcting all such disadvantages, Whosoever would introduce a new Law, was to write it in a Table, and let it up in some eminent and conspicuous place, where every Citizen had liberty of spending his Judgment upon it as he pleased; They slew one Eudenues for bringing in a Law that displeased them.

The People in their Assemblies, deposed or confirmed their Magistrates in their places, according as it was known they had behaved themselves. They heard Causes, took cognizance of confiscated Goods, and Possessions left by Inheritance; they gave Audience to Embassadors, and took into their consideration those things that belon∣ged to the worship of their Gods.

But there was a Court, or Senate, consisting (after their Tribes were augmented from Four to Ten) of Five hundred, who by their advice and care instructed the People in those things which were to be handled, least any thing might be proposed without due consideration, or unworthy of so Reverend an Assembly; without the consent of this Senate the People approved of nothing, neither would They confirm any thing without the good-liking of the People.

The Power and Authority of this Councel consisted in making Laws, confirming Peace, denouncing War, imposing Tributes, or of taking notice of all Civil Transacti∣ons, and the affairs of their Confederates, raising and collecting Mony, looking after the due performance of Sacred Rites and Ceremonies, appointing Keepers for Priso∣ners, Guardians for Orphans, taking an account of all Offices discharged.

The whole management of the Commonwealth belonged to this Senate; none was admitted into this Councel under Thirty; afterwards by the addition of two Tribes more they became six hundred. Out of these were their Judges chosen, and this ho∣nour fell to none under Threescore; being thus constituted they met together, bring∣ing a Table and a Wand, on which was written a letter that did betoken some Judi∣catory, for there being ten Tribunals every one of them was noted with a Red letter, A, B, r, &c. to K, &c. over the Door; Time calling them to sit, they drew Lots, and the person to whom A fell sate in the Court-market with A, and so the rest accor∣ding to the Letter drawn out; you may see the manner of their proceedings more at large in Archaeolog. Attic. l. 3. c. 3. out of which partly this is abstracted. * 1.228

The great and famous Councel, Areopag. very much renowned for its Widom and Ju∣stice in deciding Controversies, had at first an unlimited Authority; they were Judges of all wilful Murthers, Wounds given through malice; to them appertained all Blas∣phemies against their Gods, violating of Religion, and divulging of Mysteries. They en∣quired into the Behaviours of Men, in this not unlike the Roman Censors, when the * 1.229 Persians invaded Greece, by their Advice was the War undertaken, but this their Power was extraordinarily lessened by Pericles himself, being an Areopagite, who took from them a great part of their Prerogative in deciding Differences, referring them to the Judgment of the Common People: The Areopagites judged in the dark, that they might not regard the Speaker, but what was spoken in this Court, they did not pass Sentence by word of Mouth, but wrote privately on Tables, C if they Condemned, A if they Absolved, and N. L. if the Case was not manifest. No Appeal lay from this Court to any other Tribunal; their Determinations in all things being so just and upright, that neither Plaintiff or Defendant could ever complain of the Injustice of their Sentence.

We shall give an account of their Gods and Ceremonies in a discourse of the Pagan Roman Ecclesiastical Government: The Gods of these Nations being almost the same.

CHAP. VII. The Customes and Manners of the BRITAINS; Their Laws and Government.

IN speaking of the Manners and Customes of the BRITAINS, we shall distinguish and sort them according to the several Na∣tions, from which (in most likelyhood) they received them. Some Usages they had particular to themselves, of which no account can be given, but others there are (which, as they differ from those of their Neighbours) so they carry an apparent congruity with other more remote Nations, such as the Graeci∣ans, who, upon the account of Trade, planted themselves in these Parts.

As this Work was never yet undertaken by any, so I hope it will receive the more favourable Construction, seeing all that is aimed at or intended is but to lead the way, and incite others to a more exact and curious Enquiry into the Antiquity of this Nation, and no: to rest upon so low a foundation as hitherto hath been laid.

Although the Customes of the Britains herein mentioned, are collected out of Caesar, Tacitus, Strabo, and many other Latin and Greek Authors, whose Writings are far * 1.230 inferiour in Time to the Customes themselves, yet these Customes have Originals which they themselves that wrote of them understood not, partly because Books, and the Intelligence between Nations, was not then so universal, or perhaps, because they neglected to give serious accounts of a Nation, which, in their esteem, was then justly to be accounted Barbarous.

But that which more especially moves me to this undertaking, is, the hopes I have, that when this similitude of Customes and Manners, between the Britains and the aforesaid Nations, shall be shewn, there will be no ground to doubt but that their Commerce with these Nations was Ancient, and that, without question, the Bretanick Islands (for so, Anciently, they were all called) as they were named CAS∣SITERIDES by the Greeks, signifying Islands of Tynn, so did they receive their name from the Phoenician BRATANAG, signifying the same in the Phoenician or Samaritan Dialect, but of this I have more largely discoursed in another place.

The most Ancient Order of People in Britain are justly esteemed the BARDI, and these were before the Druids, although in time these got the start of the other in great Esteem. They were (as Strabo writes) Poets and Songsters, and at this day * 1.231 are called by our Britains, Bards, Posidonius and Festus writes, they sang in Recita∣tive Musick, the praises of Great Men, and Diodorus calls them, Composers of Verses only, and to that purpose must that of Hesychius be interpreted, who writes, the Bardi were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is to be read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Singers or Poets.

The Name of these Bardi, as likewise the Nablium and Cynira on which they played, we have proved word for word to be Phoenician. They were not Harps, but some think like to them. The Cynira had Ten strings, and was play'd on with a quill, or some such thing; the Nablium had Twelve strings, and was play'd on by the Fingers. Mr. Cambden (I suppose) relying on Ammianus, calls them Harps, but Diodorus saies they were Instruments only like Harps.

These sort of People were (no doubt) at first of a Religious Order, and made use of in the Deifying of Great men, singing the Praises of Hero's at their Apotheosis, which in Ancient times was not only esteemed glorious for the Dead, and useful to the Living, but also a Religious and acceptable act to the Gods.

This Custome was derived from the Eastern Nations, first to the Greeks, and after∣wards to the Latins. The Ancient Greeks had not only the whole body of their Di∣irnity in Verse, but upon all occasions, as Marriages, Funerals, &c. their Religious

Rites and Ceremonies were performed in them, likewise upon occasion of some great Deliverances and notable Victories, they sang the praises of their Gods in Verse, composing Odes and Hymns, which in solemn manner, and with musick, they rehearsed to the People.

This sort, exactly as the Bardi in the Phoenician Tongue, were called '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (as in the Scholiast upon Pindar) in their own; and Hesiod by some * 1.232 is thought to be the first of the Greeks upon mis-understanding of his Verses, in which he saies not absolutely he was the first, but that together with Homer he sang the Praises of Apollo in Delos. The Verses are in the Scholiast of Pindar thus:

'Ev 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, * 1.233 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Homer, and I, first Bards in Delos Isle, Sang in new Hymns, and new composed Lays, The Golden bair'd Phoebus, Apollo's Praise.

But before them were Musaeus and Orpheus the Argonauts, and before these others * 1.234 likewise, as Musaeus intimates in his Poem on the Loves of Hero and Leander,

'〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

No Bard as yet has Sacred Marriage prais'd. Which proves there had been Bards, or Songsters, before him, although they had not treated of that subject.

The Greeks received this manner of Composing of Songs from the Phoenicians, * 1.235 from whom also they received their Letters themselves, and from whom Homer, one of the first of necessity, must have learned that the Earth was incompassed with the Ocean, the Greeks having not as yet encompast the Western Sea.

But that which makes me believe that the Britains did receive this Custome im∣mediately from the Phoenicians, and not from the Graecians, is, because the Britains preserve the very Phoenician name of these Singers, viz. Bardi, entirely, although the Greeks, after their Custome, translated it into '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying the same thing.

It happened that in continuance of time, the DRUIDS got the upper hand, so that these Bardi (who formerly were the only Religious Order, and whose compo∣sures were used in the most solemn Rites, and whose Persons, without doubt, were esteemed most honourable) degenerated, by degrees, into the nature of common Ballad-Makers, and they who formerly sang of the Essence and Immortality of the Soul, the works of Nature, the course of Coelestial Bodies, the order and harmony of the Sphears, the Praises of the Gods, the Encomiums and Vertues of Great Men, be∣came the divulgers of idle and empty Genealogies, in which they studied more their proper gain than the advancement of Vertue. Instead of rehearsing the past Actions of Worthy Men, which were useful to the encouragement of the People to Great Enterprises, they gave themselves up to the composing of Mystical Rhimes, stuft with Prophesies of things to come, to Charms, Spells, Incantations, the Art of Magick and Necromancy, insomuch they had sundry Verses to that purpose, which were ac∣counted of wonderful power and energy.

That BRITAIN was sorely infected with these Doctrius, the Roman Authors * 1.236 sufficiently witness, and Sr. John Price, in the defence of his British Histories, saies, That the Welch, even to this day, are prodigiously adicted to them.

The next Order of People in Britain were the DRUIDS, who did not totally abolish all the Customes and Opinions of the Bards, but retained the most useful parts of them, such as the Immortality of the Soul, to which they added the Trans∣migration of it, according to the Opinion of Pythagoras, about whose time, or a little after, I believe the Greeks entred this Island. Moreover they continued the customes of rehearsing things in Verse, which they either brought out of Greece, or continued it as they found it establisht here.

[illustration]

A Druid

The Haebits and Fashion of these DRUIDS, in the English Tongue, hath not hitherto been discovered. Mr. Selden * 1.237 describeth them after this manner, taken out of Old Statues found in Germany about Wichtelberg; as he delivers them I have here exprest, with the words of that Author.

Erant sex numero (lapideas dicit antiquas imagines ad radices Piniferi Montis * 1.238 Wichtelberg, vulgò in vicinid Voitlandiae, in Coenobio quodam sibi visas, quas credit iconicè Druidas prahibere) ad fores Templi parieti insertae, I'll. pedum singulae, nudis

pedtbus, capita intectae, Graecanico Pallio & Cucullato, peruláque, barbara ad in∣guina usque promissae, & circa naris fistulas bisurcata, in manibus liber & Baculus Diogenicus, severa fronte, & tristi supercilio, obstipo, & figentes lumina terris.

They were in number Six, found at the foot of the Mountain, which abounding with Pines was therefore called Peniferus, and in the German Tongue Wichtelberg, upon the Confines of Voitland, in a certain Monastery, which being dug up and exposed to view, Conradus Celtes (who was then present) in his Judgment, thought to be the Figures of Ancient Druids; His description, and the Place where they were found he thus delivers: At the Gates of the Temple they were placed, Seven foot in height, bare-footed, their heads covered with a Greekish Hood or Cukil, with a Budget by their side, and a Beard descending to their very middle, and about their No∣strils plated out in two divisions, in their hands was a Book and a Diogenes Staff, which is supposed Five foot in length, a severe and morose Countenance, and a Fore-head down lookt, and sorrowful, and much intent upon the matter, their Eyes fixed upon the Earth.

That which followeth in Mr. Selden is this.

Quod ut cum iis quadrat, quae de eorum Aureis Ornamentis, tinct is vestibus, armillis, rasis Britannorum genis, & mento, at que id genus aliis à Caesare & Strabone recensentur viderint quorum interest.

How this can agree with the description given otherwise of them, namely, of their Golden Ornaments, painted Garments, Bracelets, and the shaving the Britains used, which are delivered by Caesar and Strabo, let others judge; And indeed the business is not so intricate to be judged, for that Golden Ornaments in a Statue should be exprest, is both difficult and unnecessary, as likewise their painted Gar∣ments and Bracelets, not to be preserved in Stone. As for the Shaving of the Britains, we know that the chief distinction they used from other Nations, was in their Upper-lip, and if all this should fail, the Druids were Priests of other Pro∣vinces as well as Britain, and it may easily be supposed (as we find it even in these daies) that they being Priests, and proceeding from Greece, might preserve their own Customes in so small circumstances, and not conform with the Laity in those points, whose Manners only Strabo and Caesar describes.

These Druids committed nothing to publick Writing, both which Customes relish of the Ancient Greeks; For Pisistratus (as Agellius reports) was the first that ex∣posed to common view, Books of the liberal Arts and Sciences at Athens, and the * 1.239 way of composing altogether in Numbers, was left off in Greece a little before the daies of Herodotus, who notwithstanding entituled his Books by the names of the Muses.

The way of delivering their Mistery by the secret Cabbala savours of the Jews, from whom in all probability the Phoenicians learnt the Custome, and so taught it to the Greeks, but it was preserved longer in Britain than in Greece it self, so that to the daies of Caesar the Commonalty were kept in Ignorance, and none permitted to understand any thing, unless they admitted themselves of this Order, and underwent the severities of a long and tedious Discipline.

Their Publick Records were preserved in the Greek Tongue, and in Greek Cha∣racters, * 1.240 which being unintelligible by the Vulgar, none could have recourse unto but persons of Repute and Learning; They were not permitted to take any thing away in Writing, but by Memory only, and a Trust was reposed in some particular Persons, who by their singular integrity, and long experience of their Fidelity and Learning, were chosen for that purpose.

Whereas Britain was divided into several Petty Governours, as to Civil Affairs, Kent alone having four distinct Kingdoms within it; The Government of the Druids was Universal over the whole Island, and some part of Gallia also, so that their Power and Interest was infinitely the greater, being subject only to two Primates, whereof one precided over the North Druids, the other over the South; the former of which is supposed to have his Residence in the Isle of Man, the other in Anglesey, although it is thought by some, there was but one in Chief, so that although the Secular Power might often clash by reason of its many decisions, as parcelled out into many Kingdoms, the Interest and Authority of the Druids was preserved

entire by their unity under one head, to whom once a year they had recourse in publick Meetings and Assemblies. This Custome of the Druids, I am of opinion, was received from the Bardi, and delivered down from the Phoenicians Origi∣nally.

For in the Eastern Nations, as India, Egypt and Syria, we find that the power of the Priest was in a nature distinct from the Civil Government, and calling of Assem∣blies, and general Meetings was absolutely in their power, and independent of the Temporal Magistrate, which Custome nevertheless in those daies was often a∣bridged by wife and politick Princes.

The Primate of these Druid Priests was constituted by Election, and being a * 1.241 place of eminent Repute and Authority, in its vacancy there used to be many Competitors or Strivers, as I may say, for it, insomuch as often as the Secular Power was engaged in the quarrel, every Prince endeavoured to oblige his Favorite, and to strengthen his Authority by that Seat, to which a Creature of his own was advanced.

They had Excommunications much after the manner of ours, this (as Caesar reports) * 1.242 was the greatest Punishment that could be inflicted. A Person so interdicted could not be admitted to any Sacrifice, but was esteemed in the number of the Profani, i. e. Wicked wretches; All persons studiously avoided his Person, not daring to approach near him, or converse in Talk, although at a distance, for fear of being infected with the contagion of so dangerous a Curse. They were utterly uncapa∣ble of any Honourable office, and excluded from the benefit of the Law, as to their Estates.

Many other waies the Druids had to punish the Contemners of their Religion, and yet had considerable Rewards for the Obedient.

They were made Judges of all Controversies, both private and publick, as Murther or Man-slaughter, Theft, &c. or if Suits arose about Inheritance, or Strife about the bounds of Lands, they absolutely gave Judgment, and used not to execute their Decrees by the Temporal Authority, but issued out their Excommunications upon the Non-performance of them, which, as they were of all punishments the most grievous, so were they thundered out not only upon private, but publick Persons, which publick Persons, mentioned in Caesar, no doubt, extended to their Magistrates and Governours themselves: A Custome used in Ancient daies by no Na∣tion else but the Eastern.

They were the sole Interpreters of Religion, in the exercise of which their Persons were absolutely necessary to be present; they proclaimed publick Sacrifices as they saw occasion, and no private ones could be performed without them; They sacrificed Men as well as Beasts, which were for the most part Enemies, or Malefactors, but sometimes innocent Natives, by which means they were feared and reverenced by the People; The absolute power rested in their hands to de∣termine what person was fittest for that purpose, and whose Blood would be most acceptable to the Gods.

Probable it might be, that this sacrificing of Natives, entered upon the small con∣tempt of their Decrees and Excommunications, and not upon the will and pleasure of the Priest, but however it was, no doubt, it commanded such an awe upon their persons, as due Obedience was offered unto all their Commands.

The Druids were exempted from the services of War, and paid no Taxes as the rest of the people did, by which Immunities many were invited, on their own free wills, to enter themselves into that Order and Discipline, and many were sent by their Friends and Relations to learn it, and although it was taught in Gaul as well as Britain, yet most perfectly in this Island, although more probably in the Isles of Man and Anglesey, whither, they that desired to be fully instructed, repaired, inso∣much as Caesar writes, that the Order it self began in Britain.

The Druids had the Oak in great veneration, but especially the Missletoe upon * 1.243 it, or any thing they found growing to it; neither did they perform any Sacrifice without a branch of it.

The Missletoe it self they gathered with many superstitious Ceremonies, and great devotion, cutting it down with a golden Bill; They chose Groves of Oak only to officiate Divine Service in, for which purpose they planted many in the Island,

from whence they received their Name, and from whence they were also called Saronides, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying the same as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Greek, Derw by our Britains, and Deru the Armoricans, to wit, an Oak; the derivation of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I have spoken of in another place.

When they found Missletoe upon an Oak, they accounted it a sure sign the God they served had chose that Tree; and the Circumstances they observed in gathering are many.

First, They principally observed that the Moon was six daies old, for on that day they began their Months, and New Years, and their several Ages had their Re∣volution every Thirtieth year; And Mr. Selden notes, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by the Judgment of Heraclitus and Herodotus, was by the Greeks included in the same measure of * 1.244 time.

In the next place, Having prepared their Sacrifices and Feasts under the Tree, they brought two young Bullocks, milk white, whose Horns, then, and not before, was bound up.

Then, the Priest who clymb'd the Tree, being cloathed in a white Vesture, cut it down, and they below received it in a white Souldiers Cassock, then they sacrificed and blest the Gift, by mumbling over many Orations; all which Ceremonies duly performed, it was esteemed a soveraign Antidote against all manner of Poyson, and an especial Remedy against Barrenness, both in Men, Women, and Beasts.

This Institution undoubtedly sprang from the Greeks, who had their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and Hamadryades; And Mr. Sheringham, in comparing the Druids of Britain with those * 1.245 of Greece, takes notice that the latter Nation had only them of the Female Sex, whereas the Druids of Britain and Gaul were of both. And although the Druids of Greece were esteemed Nymphs, and half Goddesses, yet no doubt, principally they were Maidens, who dedicated themseves and their Virginities to the Gods, and to that purpose retired into Groves and Deserts, to have freedom in their Devoti∣ons.

This seems to be another Argument, that these Druids in Britain Originally came out of Greece, in the early Ages of the World, and not so lately as some have imagined, when the names of Dryades, and Hamadryades were grown out of use in that Na∣tion.

Geropius Becanus, is certainly much mistaken in the derivation of the Druids of * 1.246 Britain, who brings them from Trowis, signifying in the German Tongue one skilful in Truth, for, setting aside the harshness of the Etymology, the Germans had no Druids, as Caesar writes, or if they had, they were so few as not to be taken notice of, so that 'tis very absurd to bring the derivation of an Order of People from a * 1.247 Nation who were altogether ignorant of such an Order.

Others there are, who are guilty of the like absurdity, and derive them from Trutis, signifying, in the Old British Tongue, a God, and that they were called Truti, as much as to say Religious persons, for, as I said before, they could not receive their Names from a People that knew them not, or had only heard of them, so that they being undoubtedly Greeks, and writing in Greek Characters, in Caesars daies, they were undoubtedly called Derwydden by the Britains, from Derw and Deru, both proceeding from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an Oak.

The Druids held an Opinion, that the life of a Man, either in a desperate Sickness, or in danger of War, could not be secured unless another suffered in his stead, so that in such cases they either offered Men in sacrifice, or else vowed so to do after their delivery.

The most acceptable Sacrifice to their Gods, they esteemed Murtherers, Thieves, and Robbers, and also other Criminals, but for want of these Innocents often suffered. In some places this Custome was observed, which, I suppose, was common to the Dru∣ids of Britain and Gaul; They made a Statue or Image of a MAN in a vast propor∣tion, whose Limbs consisted of Twigs, weaved together in the nature of Basket-ware: These they fill'd with live Men, and after that, set it on fire, and so destroy'd the poor Creatures in the smoak and flames; the strangness of which Custome, I have here thought not amiss to represent to the view.

[illustration]

The Wicker Image

The Ceremony observed in sacrificing of Men to their Idols, in a Wicker Image, as it was strange, so, without any question to be made, it was not begun by chance, but upon some great occasion, and something extraordinary may be sought for in the Magnitude of the Statue it self, whence it proceeded.

The Heathens, in their festival Fires, which were most usually attended with the Sacrifices of Beasts, but sometimes of Men, as this was alwaies used to represent the occasion of the Solemnity, which they did by some visible sign of an apparent signification, a Custome not left off at this day, as sometimes by burning the Effi∣gies of the person, either to his Honour, as in Deifying him, or else in publick detestation of some high and notorious Crime and Misdemeanour; sometimes they burnt Living persons themselves (even for pleasure, on their publick Feast daies) to the Honour of their Gods, and the mirth and jovialty of their Barbarous Spe∣ctators. Thus Nero wrapt the Christians in Hemp and Pitch, and made them serve as Torches to his Theater in a mock (as some write) of that saying, Ye are the Lights of the World.

But certain we are, that in these great festival Fires, they alwaies had something which set forth to the Eyes the occasion of the Solemnity. I cannot believe, but the Britains and Gauls (in making these vast Images) did represent something, which had been formerly in great detestation amongst them.

Now, there is nothing that doth so easily occur to our first apprehension, as that they might do it in the Remembrance of the Phoenicians, who were Men, as shall be shewn, of vast and exceeding stature, who for a long time had subdued and kept them under (and without doubt, if Credit may be given to the British History) they were those Giants that so long infested the Land; Wherefore in publick de∣testation of that Slavery they once endured under them, this vast figure of a Man, made up in Wicker or Osyer work, might be introduced as in scorn and derision of them, having now lost their power over them, although the cause why they were first made (as it often falls out) might be forgotten, and so the Representation only remain.

Many idle Tales and Fables have been reported concerning Giants, which some have advanced to that incredible Greatness, that many have had just cause to suspect, whether there were ever any that exceeded the usual stature of Men. Of this opinion is Geropius Becanus, to which also Mr. Cambden seems to incline: That the Phoenicians were Men of exceeding stature Mr. Sheringham learnedly proves, and * 1.248 the Scripture it self testifies.

I will set down some Monuments, in England and Germany, which do confirm this Opinion.

Lazius reports, that he was an eye witness of many Monuments (near Vienna) dug * 1.249 out of the Earth, but almost worn out by Time, in which Monuments were the Bones of vast proportions found, and Epitaphs upon them in Hebrew Characters, which the Phoenicians used without points, and out of many he collected four only; The first of which I will set down out of the Translation of Franciscus Stancharus an Italian, and Christopher Milander, a Jew by Birth and Conversation. The Inscri∣ption * 1.250 was thus word for word.

MORDECAI EX GENERE GIGANTUM VIR MAGNUS ANNO A CREATIONE MUNDI, MMDLX.

By this Inscription, and the others there mentioned, and the wonderful Greatness of the Bones, besides the concordance of time with the Canaanites expulsion (from their Land) by the Jews, we may gather that they were Phoenicians, who planted themselves there.

In Essex, in a Village called Eadulphness, the Monk of Cogshall reports, that there * 1.251 were found two Teeth of a certain Giant of such a huge bigness, that two hundred such Teeth as men now adaies have might be cut out of them; These Teeth, he sales, he saw himself, but not without great Admiration. And a Gentleman, named R. Ca∣vendish, in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, reports also, that he saw some Relicks of * 1.252 this nature near the very same place.

That which Geropius and Mr. Cambden answer to this, out of Suetonius, seems fri∣volous, That the Bones of Sea Fish have been taken for Giants Bones; Men certainly may easily distinguish between them, neither is it ever to be rationally supposed men ever entombed Fishes, as those in Germany were found to be.

But that which comes nearer to our purpose, concerning the Phoenicians in Bri∣tain, and their Gigantick bodies, is the Tradition which has been preserved in Cornwal, a place they most resided in for the sake of their Tynn Traffick, which Tradition of the being of Giants in those Parts was preserved to the daies of Havillan the Poet, who lived four hundred years since; In some of whose Verses the * 1.253 Phoenicians seem to be exactly described, neither can this relate (as Mr. Cambden implies) to the Great bodies of Cornish men, who are not so disproportional to their Neighbours, as to create so serious a description. The Verses are these of Cornwal.

—Titanibus illa, Sed Paucis famulosa domus, quibus uda serarum Terga dabant vates; Cruor haustus, Pocula trunci, Antra Lares, dumeta Thoros, Coenacula rupes, Praeda cibos, raptus Venerem, spectacula caedes, Imperium Vires, animos suror, impetus arma, Mortem pugna, sepulchra rubus: monstrisque gemebat Monticolis tellus: sed eorum plurima tractus Pars erat occidui, terror majorque premebat, Te furor, extremum Zephyrt Cornubia limen.

Here Giants lodg'd, a brood of Titan's Race, Raw Hides their Cloathing, Blood their drinking was; Their Cups were hollow Trees, their Houses Dens, Bushes their Beds, their Chambers craggy Pens; Hunger with Prey, their Lust with Rapes they cas'd, The sport of slaughtering Men, their Eye-sight pleas'd, Force gave them Rule, their rage did Arms supply, Being kill'd, in Groves instead of Graves they lye. These Monsters every quarter did molest, But most of all, the Cornwal in the West.

This description of them agrees exactly with the Character the British Hi∣stories, all along, gives of those Giants that lived before Brutes entrance into this Island, which Histories, though by some are esteemed Fabulous, yet let any one consider, whether it be not much more probable to imagine, that there were many Truths delivered down, and so taken up and corrupted by those Writers, than to think they had no grounds to begin their Histories, or that they were so unreason∣ably given to Deceiving, as to have no other motives in the publishing their Wri∣tings, but to put Tricks and Cheats upon the World, especially in the matter of Giants, a thing which they could not but fore-see, would (in all Ages) be hardly credited.

Now, if there be any truth in the British Histories, those men of vast Proportions, called by them, GIANTS, could be none but the Phoenicians, as the Time of the being of such Giants, viz. about the year MMDLX, this Island correspond∣ing * 1.254 with the Age of the Phoenicians Navigation hither, doth plainly shew.

I do verily believe (from their hard usage of the Islanders, whom they found at their first entrance, and whom all along they oppressed) this custome of making of Wicker Statues, and firing them upon special occasions was introduced; for we see even to these daies, the burning of Persons, in Effigle, is preserved in many civi∣liz'd Nations, but the making them in Wicker rather than any other Materials, may very easily be attributed to the manner of the Boats the Britains used on their Coasts, thereby, in their own little Models, representing the Phoenicians Navigation, their Wicker Vessels, becoming an Emblem of the Phoenician Ships that enslaved them.

That the Skiffs they sayled in were made of this sort of work, Caesar testifies, when he writes, Ships they had, of which the Keels and Foot-stocks were of slight * 1.255 Timber, but the Bodies were winded and worked with Osyers, and covered with Leather. These sorts of Vessels Lucan also describes, after the same manner.

Primùm Cana Salix madefacto vimine parvam Texitur in puppim, caesoque induta juvenco * 1.256 Victoris patiens tumidum super emicat amnem; Sic Venetus stagnante Pado, fusóque Britannus Navigat Oceano —

At first with twisted Osyers Boats were made, And when the Wicker was with skins o're-laid; These Vessels on the Seas the Britain guides, On swelling Rivers the Venetian rides.

This shall suffice to have been spoken of this Custome of the Britains in making these Wicker Statues, which I have treated of more largely, because in reading the Bri∣tish History, where frequent mention is made of Giants, we may know to what Nation we may refer and their Original. Although, after the manner of those Historians, the greatness of their Stature, and the cruelty of their Natures, may be too much mag∣nified, yet seeing the Trading of the Phoenicians is made out from undoubted Au∣thority (as from Greek and Latin Historians, whose testimony, in matter of Fact, is necessary in other respects) we ought not to question but they were the Phoenicians, men of Great bodies, who gave first the occasion of this Tradition, and who by their Traffick hither might bring that Thraldom on the People, the remembrance of which they preserved after the Phoenicians themselves had forsaken them.

But to return to the Customes of the Britains. They used a Drink made of Barly, as Solinus witnesseth, a Custome used by us at this very day, a thing unknown in * 1.257 former Ages in any Country of Europe, Britain only excepted; For in other Na∣tions they used Wine and Water, either by themselves or intermixt, even in colder Countries than Britain, which of it self is not deficient to produce Grapes, and to ripen them, so that excellent Wine, may, and is daily produced, did not the richness of the Soyl invite the Natives to more useful improve∣ments.

We find Ovid in his Tristibus complaining of his banishment among the Getes, * 1.258 giving this instance of the Coldness of the Country, That they did not draw their Wine out of their Vessels as in hotter Countries, but that they were constrained to take the Hoops off, and so opening the Vessel, brake the frozen Wine with Chizels; having thawed it by the fire, drank it.

We do not find any Country that had the use of making drink of Barly, but if the Country of it self would not bear Wine, they had it brought them from hotter Countries, or else pleased themselves with Water only. Now we must seek else∣where for this Custome of the Britains, and we shall find that this also they might have from the Phoenicians; To the proof of which, let us consider, that the Phoe∣nicians, by their Colonies, planted themselves on all the Sea Coasts of Africk, even to Carthage and the Streights of Gibraltar, that Egypt, a place of great fertility without any question, was much frequented by them.

We read in Herodotus, that the Egyptians did make a sort of drink with Barly, and the invention of it was very Ancient in that Kingdom, the particulars thereof * 1.259 he describeth.

Now, why may not this Custome be thought to come from them by the means of the Phoenicians, who found Britain very fruitful in that Grain, and not inferiour to Egypt it self in the wonderful production of it. For as Egypt was esteemed the Granary of those parts, so was Britain of these; yea, as Orpheus calls it, The very * 1.260 Seat of the Lady Ceres, so that the usefulness of this Invention of the Egyptians (who abounded in Corn) was not less to the Britains.

This Drink which we call Ale, by the Britains, at this day, is called Kwrw, by the Gauls, Korma; so Athenaeus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is corrected by Causabon out * 1.261 of Manuscripts, as thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and by Dioscorides, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by Marcellus, Curmi. Dioscorides names it not wrong, seeing Marcellus and Athenaeus agree with him; For although at this day the word be depraved into Kwrw, by our Welch Britains, yet (no doubt) Anciently and Primitively it was called Corma, Cormi, or Curmi, or else something like it; By transposing of the R and M, making Comra for Corma, we have the very Phoenician word of this Liquor, which the Britains drank instead of Wine.

If any shall say, that Chomra in the Phoenician Tongue signifies Wine and not Ale, let them consider that at this day we give that name of Wine to Drinks not pro∣duced of the Grape; And seeing the Britains used it instead of Wine, no doubt (as Bochartus saies) they gave it the same Appellation.

Now, seeing this Custome was used only in Britain, and the parts adjacent, having * 1.262 plenty of that Grain, and in respect we read of no other Nation but the Egyptian that used it, since the Phoenicians were frequent in Egypt, and Traded also into these Islands, and more especially since the name of this Rwrw, or Curmi, is Phoenician, we have not the least cause to doubt of the original of this Custome, but that the Britains received it from this fountain.

Pliny writes of the Britains, that in some solemn Feasts and Sacrifices they co∣loured * 1.263 themselves like AEthiopians all over their Bodies, being naked at the Solem∣nities; whence could the Britains have this Custome, if not from the same Original. As in AEgypt, so in Britain (as Gildas saies) Ugly Spectres, meerly Diabolical, nay, in the number of them, Britain, as he reporteth, rather exceeded AEgypt.

These they placed upon their Walls, within and without, and as they cut them in the same shapes as the Britains did, so, I suppose, by the like placing them, they esteem'd them of a Talismanical nature, to expel Mischief, and to defend their Walls. Some of these Representations were remaining, in the Ruines of their Cities, to Gildas his daies, who describes them to have ugly Lineaments, with stern and grim looks, after the manner of those of AEgypt; Perhaps they might be Monkies, or * 1.264 Baboons, Creatures much worshipt in those Countries. But of this I shall treat of more fully in the Chapter which concerns the Idolatry of the Britains.

To the same Original may be reduced the great opinion the Britains had of the Art, Magick, which by a peculiar name was called, the Learning of the AEgyptians.

Pliny saies, the Britains were so wholly devoted to it, and had such entire Cere∣monies, in the performance, as a man would imagine, that the Persians learnt all their * 1.265 Magick from them; which Flourish of Pliny, I conjecture, gave occasion to Annius Viterbiensis, in his seigned Berosus, to make Magus a King of this Island, who taught * 1.266 this Art, and spread it abroad in the World. Upon such slender foundations, do Confident men ground their own idle and ridiculous Inventions, and these very Cu∣stomes the Britains learnt of the Phoenicians.

Mr. Selden sets down a British Custome, namely, that when any Great man died, his Relations made great enquiry of his Wives (if they suspected cause) concerning * 1.267 his death; If they found them guilty, with Fire, and other Torments, they proceeded against them. Sr. Edward Cooke refers to this Original the Law of England, for burning Women that kill their Husbands, &c.

The Britains, as Caesar reports, did not esteem it lawful to eat either Hare, Hen or * 1.268 Goose, but kept them for pleasure; and their delicate Diet, as Pliny saies, were the * 1.269 Chenerotes, Fowls less than wild Geese, which some have made to be Brauts, or Soland Geese, so that Caesar and Pliny, do (after this account) disagree in their Relation, unless we believe that the Britains had left off this Custome not long after the Arrival of the Romans into this Island. However this distinction of Meats, their making some lawful, others unlawful, some clean, and others unclean, Mr. Selden saith, re∣lished something of the Jews, and was rarely observed in any but Eastern Nations, as Phoenicia, AEgypt, and Syria, &c. with whom the Jews conversed. With the Syrians, the Britains agreed in that Custome, in not eating of Fish, but seeing this is by Dio Nicaeus only reported of the Northern Britains, and that the Custome of Di∣ets do vary according to the diversities of Ages, it cannot be expected that exact ac∣counts * 1.270 can be given of it.

Their usual Diet was of any sort of prey, as Venison, Fruit and Milk, but they * 1.271 had not learnt to make Cheese of it. They inured themselves to Hardness, so as to be able to endure any cold, hunger and labour whatever.

Dio Nicaeus reports of them, That they would stick themselves in Boggs up to the heads, and there continue many daies together without any sustenance, and upon oc∣casion, * 1.272 retiring and hiding themselves in the Woods, they fed on the Barks and Roots of Trees, as the Indians at this day are wont to do; But I cannot imagine, what Meat that should be which Dio saies they preserved on all occasions, whereof, if they eat but the quantity of a Bean, it satisfied their hunger and thirst. Dio Siculus re∣ports * 1.273 in general, That the Food they eat was simple, not dainty, according to the luxury of rich Nations, likewise, that they howed their Corn, and brought it in by Sheaves, but never threshing out more than what served their present occasion, which is a perfect sign that they did Till their Grounds; Pliny saies, They did manure them * 1.274 with Marle. Dio Nicaeus writes of the Northern Britains, that they Till'd no Ground; and Strabo saies, That some of them were altogether ignorant not only in Gardning and Planting of Orchards, but in all other parts of Husbandry.

Thus what Dio Nicaeus saies of the Northern Britains only, and Strabo of a few of them, Mr. Speed confounds the whole Nation, making Diodorus Siculus, and Pliny, to * 1.275 contradict Dio Nicaeus and Strabo, whereas indeed, their Authors treat only in those places of particular People in Britain; For it is manifest that there were two sorts of the Britains, one of which was more Civiliz'd, namely, those that lived upon the Sea-Coasts, and (as Caesar saies) they of Kent exceeded all the rest.

These had their sumptuous Houses, Gardens and Orchards, after the manner of the Gauls; they did not go Naked, but had their Apparel after the Custome of the same Nation, and were experienced in the most exquisite way of Manuring their Grounds with Marle. They were daintier of their Diet, having particular Dishes in great request among them, and positively, not superstitious, in the eating of Hen, Hare or Goose, as the Chenorotes, their delicate Diet, may witness.

It is very probable they understood the use of Milk in all its productions, Cheese not excepted, for Strabo, when he speaks of the ignorance of the Britains in those points, speaks only of some particular places, as may be easily gathered from his own words. Some of them (saies he) for want of skill, can make no Cheese, although they have plenty of Milk. This is not to be understood of the Maritim Countries (for it is probable, that the Phoenicians who Traded into this Country (insomuch as Cythims received its name from them upon the account of the abundance of Cheeses there made) taught the Britains the use of it) which necessary Art, in a Kingdom abounding with Milk, cannot be supposed ever to be utterly lost.

Another sort of People there was in this Island, whom necessity or choice made them seem more Barbarous; These had no Houses or Cities, not because they knew not the use of them, but by reason the Circumstances of their lives did not permit them to build any, living continually in War, and making daily excursions upon their Richer Neighbours, so they that had built Houses would have been daily subject to spoil; and it could not be but altogether against their design to settle themselves in any fixt Habitations, whose business was to Range about at liberty, whose livelyhood depended upon sudden Excursions, private and obscure Re∣treats.

These are they of whom Strabo is to be understood, when he saies, That Woods stood them instead of Cities and Towns; For when they had, by felling of Trees, en∣compast * 1.276 and fenced a spacious round plat of Ground, there they built for themselves Hutts and Cottages, and for their Cattle set up Stalls and Foulds, all for the present use, and not to stand long, just after the manner of the Cossacks in the Ukraine, who, although are daily exercised in the Sieges of great and sumptuous Cities, and know all the Arts of Building and Fortifying, yet live exactly after the manner of these Britains, retiring into these Tabors, made like the British Holds described by Caesar, senced in with Trees, and trencht about with Ditches and Rampiers, into which they draw all their Cattel and Carriages, the necessity of their condition being much the same as these Britains.

Being attacqued by the Polanders lately, they retired into their Bogs and Fastnesses,

just as the Britains did, living upon Barks of Trees, and enduring the same hard∣ships, so that we must not esteem a People barbarous, for those Customes, to which the necessity of their forced condition, not Ignorance, leads them unto.

These were the Britains which till'd no ground, because they tarried not so long in any place as to expect a Crop; They went naked, keeping no Sheep, a Creature slow in motion, and apt to be surprized, besides subject to Beasts of Prey, as Wolves and Foxes, which were in great number in the Wood-land Countries of this Island. They made no Cheese, as it was heavy in Carriage, but satisfied their Hunger with the prey of Venison, and natural Fruits of the Earth; It had been a piece of mad∣ness in them to have made delicate Gardens, or planted curious Orchards, when they could not tarry so long as to enjoy the fruits and pleasures thereof.

These Inland Britains, as they exceeded the Sea-Coast or Gaulish Britains, so I believe they were in perpetual Hostility with them, being, as may be conjectured, of a quite different Original, the Custome of these Inlanders exactly corresponding with the German Nations that Caesar describes, which Customes of the Germans I will set down in his own words, because it seems to be an exact description of these Britains, and may partly evidence the Primitive Inhabitants of this Island, not to have been of the Gauls but German Race.

The Germans spend their lives in Hunting, and in the exercise of Military Affairs, from their Youth they give themselves to Labour, and to endure Hardships. They cover * 1.277 half of their Bodies with the Hides of Rhenos, they take little or no notice of Tillage, the greatest part of their Diet is Milk, Cheese and Flesh; they have no measure or certain bounds of Lands, least by Tillage they should forget the use of Arms; they build no curious Edifices to keep out Cold or Heat, least the more powerful should drive out the weaker; they keep their People in unity by making all things Common.

This seems to be the Method the Inland Britains used, who by the very same mo∣tives were induced to it, so that seeing there was two sorts of Britains in this Island, it is carefully to be heeded, least in reckoning up their Customes, we take those to be general which indeed were peculiar only to a part of them; This is not ob∣served either in Caesar, Pliny, Tacitus, Strabo, Solinus, or any other that writes of them, so that they do frequently contradict each other, and sometimes agree not with themselves.

In this particular Mr. Speed is strangely confused, for in his relating the Customes of the Britains, he makes no distinction of the times of his Authors writing, but * 1.278 huddles up a Rhapsody of their Manners, without the due consideration of the di∣versity of Circumstances the Britains were in, partly by long continuance, and partly by the Subjection they underwent by the Romans. To give one or two In∣stances; Caesar (saies he) reports, that they used to dye themselves with Woad, to make * 1.279 themselves more terrible in Battle; Herodian saies, They did it out of an opinion that it was very gay and handsome; and thus he brings these two Authors clashing, not con∣sidering * 1.280 that when Caesar entred this Island, the Britains had some sort of Rayments, as is clear by his own Writings, and that a few of the Inlanders only went naked, the rest painting their bands and faces; But in Herodotus his daies, the Romans had reduced all the Britains in general, that held against them, to the same Method of living, which formerly only Inlanders used.

Now, it is no wonder if they used the same hardships in going Naked, and distin∣guisht themselves one from another by the shapes of Beasts, curiously worked upon their skins, when they had no Rayments else to deck and adorn their Nobility; so that, that might become a badge of Honour in time, and upon such necessity of Af∣fairs, which was first introduced for Terrour to their Enemies; The like confusion he makes in the description of their Persons, sometimes their Hair is long, sometimes short and curled; now they are cloathed, presently again they are but in part, some∣times not at all; So they are Cruel, Barbarous, build Houses, have none at all; Tyll the Ground, and by and by understand nothing of it; have Houses, and yet live only in Woods, with a thousand other ridiculous Contradictions in themselves, which ne∣vertheless must be granted to be all true, upon the testimony of his Authority, which indeed are true if understood aright, as distinguishing them into the diversity of their Originals, the circumstance of Time, and the different waies of Living, by the exi∣gences the Inlanders were obliged unto.

Having premised thus much concerning the diversities of Customes and Manners, according to the diversity of Nations in Britain, I will treat of the Custome of Painting and Dying their Bodies, a thing so frequent and universally used among them, that Mr. Cambden derives the Name of BRITAIN from it.

First, Caesar reports, that all the Britains did stain themselves with Woad, which * 1.281 createth a blew colour, to make themselves more terrible to their Enemies in fight.

Pomponius Mela saith, Their bodies are dyed with Woad; whether it be to make a gallant shew, or for what else, is uncertain.

Dio Nicaeus saies of the Northern Britains, that, They went Naked, and Unshod.

Pliny saies, There groweth an Herb in Gaul like unto Plantain, named Glastum, * 1.282 that is, Woad, with the juyce of which the Women of Britain, as well marryed Wives, * 1.283 as their young Daughters, anoint and dye their Bodies all over.

Solinus saies, That the Country is partly Peopled with Barbarians, who, by the means of Artificial Incisions of divers forms, have, from their Childhood, sundry * 1.284 figures of Beasts printed upon them, and having these Characters deeply en∣graven on their Bodies, as the Man grows in stature, so do these painted Chara∣cters also. Neither do these Savage Nations think any thing shews their Courage more, than undergoing these lasting Stars, by which their Limbs drink in much Paint or Colour.

Herodian saies, They knew no use at all of Garments, but about their Belly and Neck they wear Iron; their Bodies they mark with sundry Pictures, representing all * 1.285 manner of living Creatures; and this is the cause they will not be clad, for hiding forsooth, the painting of their Bodies.

These are the Authorities upon which the Painting of the Britains is built, but as they must not be questioned, yet let us consider a few things concerning them.

Caesar, who was the first of the Romans that entered this Isle, only saies, that Om∣nes * 1.286 Britanni se Glasto inficiunt, quod caeruleum efficit Colorem, atque hot horribiliore sunt in pugnae aspectu. Here is no mention made of any delight and pleasure they took in the variety of Figures, but only a plain colouring and dying of their Hands, Arms, Faces and Necks, much like to Gypsies now adaies, whereby they thought they looked more terrible; That they painted their whole Bodies in Caesars daies, I cannot believe, seeing he reports of the Inlanders (which of all were the most Bar∣barous) that most of them were cloathed with Skins, so that then they had no Pride, as in Herodians daies, to shew their naked Bodies, or to discover the curious em∣broidery of Scars and Colours.

In the next place, it may be thought, that they used only this Custome in War, or * 1.287 in some particular Sacrifices, which Pliny makes mention of, at which they danced naked after the Customes of the Heathens; For if promiscuously they all used this Custome both in Peace and War, how could they expect by that means to look more terrible in Battle one to another; Neither can it be expected they dyed themselves to amaze forraign Enemies alone, and I am confident this will not be granted by those who stand most for their Painting; It remains therefore, that they put on these terrible vizages when they went to War, when one side would not lose that small ad∣vantage of looking as grim as the other. Neither did they use this Custome when they went to the Wars in Gaul, for, under hand, they assisted that Nation against Caesar, which they could not but publickly have done, had they been so notoriously branded and stigmatized, as in after Ages they have been reputed; Besides, Caesar reports, that before his entrance into this Island, he strictly enquired of Merchants * 1.288 and could hear nothing of them, concerning the nature of the People in War, or their Customes by which they lived, which, had their Painting been so general, then (as is pretended) he could not but have heard of it.

Whereas he speaks, that all the Britains stained themselves with Woad, the word is Britanni, meaning the Men only, and such as were in Wars, for, without doubt, at his arrival all put themselves into a Warlike defence and posture. I cannot believe, that Comius, and the Embassadours that came to him into Gaul to leave Hostages for the Britains, were any waies depainted; or, that in the daies of Claudius Caesar, Ca∣racticus

had any thing unseemly about him; Since we find that Claudius, and his Em∣press Agripptna, were taken with his Behaviour. And if any say, that upon such great occations they might wash off the Painting, I will not deny it, but since they thought themselves to look terrible by it, certainly in Peace, and in their familiar Conversations, they did not use it; Besides, Tacitus, in laying down the Nature of * 1.289 the Britains, guesses at a different Original, upon the account some looked Swar∣their, others Fairer, which could not have been distinguisht had they all been Painted.

The Gauls sent their Children into Britain, to be instructed in the Mysteries of * 1.290 the Druids; now what opinion could the Gauls have of the Civility of a Nation, which, contrary to the practice of the whole World, did so barbarously disfigure themselves. Certainly it would have amazed their Youth, to have seen a whole I∣sland in that shape, by which their Priests, in their Sacrificing, did represent their Daemons.

When we read of the wisdom and good nature of Comius the Britain, praised by Caesar, who was intimate with him, the great conduct of Cassibelan the British Ge∣neral, his prudent and politick management of the War, by Caesars own confession, we cannot naturally suppose them to be so barbarous as this Custome would make them, and seeing we have no Authority to believe it practiced only in War, where it was not without its use, we ought to think that Caesar's words, Omnes 〈◊〉〈◊〉, is meant of the Men only, and that in time of Battle.

In after Ages, wherein the Authors afore-mentioned lived, in succession, it came to pass that the Britains, being driven out by the Romans of their Possessions, be∣took themselves, Men and Women, to their Arms, having Leaders promiscuously on either part, whose Authority they followed; Then came the use of Painting into much request, partly because it was terrible to their Enemies, so that many had continual use of it, partly because they were reduced to a Savage life, wanting. Cloaths, had this only for the distinction of Dignities, then Women as well as Men Painted themselves with terrible Creatures, but never (as I could read of) with Flowers, because Women as well as Men were in Arms, and because being exposed naked in Fields, and often subject to wet Weather, then, and not before then, do I believe, they took up the custome of making Incisions into the flesh, whereby to keep in their Painting. From hence, in succession of Time, these Britains were called Picts, from their Colouring, but were not named Britains on the same account.

Isidore gives the Derivation of the Picts rightly, but when he speaks of the Bri∣tains, he saies they received it from a word of their own Nation, but declares not * 1.291 what that word signified, which he would not have failed to have done, if both the Names had had the same Original.

Now, as for the word Brith, signifying Painted, I conjecture it came from Bri∣thon, rather than Brithon from it, for 'tis usual now to call Tawney, or Sun∣burnt Persons, Gypsies, and the Borderers (as I have shewn before more largely) might bring the name of a Britain to be the common Appellative of a Painted Person.

Certain I am, that the British Islands were famous in the Monuments of the Greeks for Tynn and Lead, but as for this Custome of Painting themselves, it made no such noise in the World, as to be ever likely to give Name to the Island, no not in Caesars daies, who (had it been so remarkable as later Authors make it) would not surely have given so slight an account of it as he has done, especially, as he doth not stick to acquaint the World of their superstition in Hares, Hens, and Geese.

As for those Fancies of Mr. Speed, according to which he hath modelled the Cuts of the Naked Britains, where he brings in the Maid, with Flowers and Herbs, pain∣ted curiously on her Body, whereas Married persons were pounced with the stamps of all sorts of Ravenous beasts, I shall omit them, as I am jealous of the Authority he grounds them on, or if they were true, yet they relate to a more Mo∣dern time than those Ancient Britains we are treating of; For it would be endless to speak of the divers and barbarous Customes of the wild Britains, which they took up after the Romans had reduced them to a Savage and brutish life, insomuch that the Attacotti, a British Nation, according to St. Hierome, feed upon Mans flesh, * 1.292 nay, so much were they given to it, that when they lit upon any flocks of Sheep, or herds of Cattle, they preferred the Buttock of the Herdsmen or Keepers before the other Prey, and accounted the Paps and Dugs of Women the most delicious Diet.

I shall only only treat in this Chapter of the Customes, which in all probability were taken up before Caesars daies, referring the rest as they shall fall in the course of the History, to which later number, I think, their delicate and various Paint∣ing may be referred, and, as I suppose, is more properly to be reduced to the Picts, than Britains, of whom Claudian writes,

Perlegit exanimes Picto moriente figuras.

* 1.293 As if the breathless Shapes seem'd to languish at the death of their Supporters, and the Painted Figures die away by degrees, as their Master loseth his strength.

Mr. Cambden, in confirming his Opinion concerning the Painting of the Britains, * 1.294 has produced many Names of their Chief Leaders, in the composition of which he relates the manifest Prints, and some Colour to remain; For Example,

Coch or Goch, Red in the British Tongue, is seen in Cogidunus, Argentocoxus, Segonax.

Du, Black, is seen in Mandubracius Cartismandua, Togodumnus, Bunducia, Cogidunus.

Gwin, White, in Venutius and Immanuentius.

Gwelw, a Wan or waterish Colour, appeareth evidently in Vellocutus, Carvillias, and Suella.

Glass, Blew, in Cuniglasus.

Aure, a fair Yellow or golden Colour, in Arviragus, Cungetorius.

Ceg, a lively and gallant Colour, in Prasutagus and Caratacus.

But (he saies) if the Britains borrowed the Names of mingled Colours, together with the very simple Colours themselves, then from

Prasius, Leek-blade green, comes Prasutagus.

Minium, Red, Vermilion, Acliminius, King Cenobelins's Son.

Thus far Mr. Cambden.

Now, it is confest the Britains did take many Names of Colours from the Romans, as Werith for Veridis, Green; Melin for Melinus, that is, a Quince yellow Colour; Aure from Aureus, a Golden Colour, because perhaps the Mixture of these Colours was taught them by that Nation; But where does Mr. Cambden read that the Britains ever painted themselves with such divers Colours, seeing he brings in many Names of Persons so coloured, who never had any thing to do with the Romans, but were alwaies in hostility with them.

Caesar saies, they dyed themselves with Blew only, and we see in all the afore∣mentioned Names, Cuniglasus has the most resemblance with his Colour, viz Giass, Blew; why may not the Colour Ceg, as well as Du in Togodunus, and Coch in Cogidunus, so that the former Person will be black, and yet of a lively and gallant Colour, the latter black and red.

And whereas Mr. Cambden saies, there are not above four or five more Names of Britains in Ancient Writers, and doubts not, but the skilful in the British Tongue might reduce them to some Colour, I am verily of his mind, and methinks my Eyes begin to open, and I see the very prints and express tokens of Coch in Comius, and Melinus in Cunobelinus, Ceg, Taximagulus, as plainly as he did Gwin in Venutius, and Gwellw in Suella, Vellocatus and Carvillius.

If we do but consider the great numbers, and wonderful power of the fore∣named Syllables, in putting themselves into any shape as well as colour, I believe, one would find it no difficult matter to find four or five Names in any Language what∣soever, which had not some relation to some of them.

But I suppose Mr. Cambden, when he derived Britannia from Brith, Painted, was resolved to bring in as many Colours as possible he could, although he could not be ignorant that it was called Britannia, before any such diversity of Painting was used, namely, in Julius Caesars daies, when in all probability they were wont only in time of War, or Sacrifices, to discolour themselves, and that only with Glastum that gave a blew Tincture, which seems to be more reasonable, upon the account that other Na∣tions in the East, from whom our Britains received many Customes, used this manner of Colouring themselves, as I have read in Herodotus, at their Sacrifices, and if I * 1.295 am not mistaken, in their very Wars also.

As for the word Brith, if I may have leave to give my conjecture, I believe it is of a Phoenician derivation, from Borith, signifying any thing used by Fullers to get

out Spots or Stains, with which Borith they besmear'd their Cloaths first, and after∣wards cleansed them, and this Borith, in time, I believe, might be brought to signifie any thing stayned, painted, dyed or coloured; so that if any will yet contend for the derivation of Britannia from Brith, they may understand, that this way also it pro∣ceeds from the Phoenicians. Thus much for the Painting used by the Britains.

The Ancient Britains, as to their Persons, are said (by Strabo) to be taller of Sta∣ture than the Gauls, an Argument that they were not of Gaulish Extraction, their Hair * 1.296 not so yellow, nor their Bodies so well compact, knit and firm, and but bad Feet to support them; And, he saith, he saw divers Youths at Rome made after that pro∣portion, but as to the other lineaments of their Bodies, they were well made, and had excellent features.

Herodian writes, that about their Bellies and Necks they wore Rings of Iron, sup∣posing that to be a great Ornament and sign of their Riches, esteeming it as highly as * 1.297 other Nations do Gold.

Caesar reports, that in his daies Iron Rings, and Brazen pieces, was their Mony, * 1.298 but makes no mention of their wearing of them about their Necks and Bellies, I sup∣pose, a Custome took up afterwards, when they were driven about by the Romans, which being first begun out of a necessity of Carriage, afterwards became an Orna∣ment. This is observable in their Coyns, that one sort of them had a figure of a Shield embost, and on that side a certain Image, the device was within, which kind of Coyn was in use in no part of the World but in some places belonging to Greece, which, although it be not (as some do imagine) a sign of a Greekish extraction, yet it is a proof of the long continuance of Graecians in this Island.

It seems Iron and Brass were in much esteem among them, although they wanted not better Mettals of their own, the abundance of which brought down their value, as may appear by the little Commodities they exchanged them for. Strabo, rela∣ting their Traffick, saies, That for Tynn and Lead, Skins and Furs, they received * 1.299 Earthen Vessels, Salt and Brazen wares of the Phoenicians, who first of all Traded hither, and concealed their Navigations from others. And, although Mr. Speed makes only mention of their Skins and Furs, and saies that their Trading was inconsidera∣ble, yet their Tynn and Lead were the greater Commodities, from which the Scilly Islands, likewise Cornwal and Devonshire, received their names of Bratanac first, and afterwards Cassiterides. Hence it is that Iron and Brass was so much esteemed among them, upon the account they received them from Forreign Nations, the latter of which is more Malleable, and the former more serviceable than their Native Mettals.

They wore the Hair of their Head, and upper Lips, long, and shaved it off in all other parts, according to Caesar; where we read of their going Naked, or the mo∣desty * 1.300 of some, in covering only those parts which Nature would have hid, it must be attributed either to the Inland Britains, or to those whom the Romans had re∣duced to the same Exigences, being it is related by Authors, that lived when it was a Roman Province, who stick not, in a horrid manner, to describe those Barbarisms of the Inlanders, to which they themselves had brought them.

As for their divers Complexions, mentioned by Tacitus, their good Constitution of * 1.301 Body, taken notice of by Plutarch, so that they lived to an Hundred and twenty years; as likewise their fair and good Dispositions, recorded by Strabo and Solinus; the Beauty of their Women, their making of War under the conduct of them; their Riches in Cattle and Lands, their small Carroghs, in which, as long as they were un∣der sayl, they never used to eat any thing; with many such things, recorded by Roman Authors, after their Conquest of them, I purposely omit, and will treat of some of their Customes which seem to be of long continuance in the Island, of which some account may be given.

First, The Britains as well as the Gauls, as has been toucht of before, exactly (according to the Customes of the Eastern Nations) began their day at the setting of the Sun, not at his Rising, as the Romans, or at Midnight, as we now use it, so that what the Latins call Septimanae, at this day they call With-nos, that is, eight Nights, and two Septimanae, Pimthec-nos, that is, sixteen Nights, following the Law of Nations, wherein Darkness precedes Light, which was observed in those Countries that most conversed with the Jews, who by Moses were taught, That the Evening and the Morning were the first day.

This Custome, I belive, was brought into Britain by the Phoenicians, who, in all likelyhood, used it.

Add to this their observation of the New Moon, the beginning their Months and New Years, yea their several Ages according to the Cycle of Thirty Years, in her first Quarter, and methinks there is something of the same Nation in it.

Pliny writes, that the Druids called an Herb Samolus, which grew in wet places, * 1.302 and used these Ceremonies in gathering it; First, they were fasting, next, they ought not to look back during the time of their plucking it, lastly, they were to use their left hand only.

Now what Herb this Samolus was, he doth not tell us, but it seems very probable, that from the last Ceremony, namely, in gathering it with the Left hand, the Herb took its name, that is to say, Samol, signifying in the Phoenician Tongue, the Left hand. Seeing many of the Plants have Greek names given them by the Britains, why may not this receive its name from the Phoenicians. This Herb so gathered with all its due Ceremonies, was esteemed of soveraign vertue to the curing of all Diseases in Swine, or other Cattle.

The Habits of the Britains were much after the manner of the Gauls, according to Caesar, and, I believe, had much the same Names, many of which we have proved * 1.303 to be of Phoenician Derivation, in the Chapter treating of the Phoenicians, so that we need not here speak much concerning them.

I will only mention two more; The first out of Varro, is called Gannacum, from whence our word, Gown, seems to be derived; It was a thick covering made of * 1.304 Course Wool, and had a Nap upon it on both sides, much after the nature of Freeze, it was called by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and was esteemed by some of them to be a Per∣sian, by others a Babylonian Garment. I suppose the Name was introduced by the Phoenicians into these Parts, for the Galdees called it Gouneca, or Gunca; It was worn by the Gauls, and better sort of Britains to keep out the Cold.

This Gaunacum in the Glossary of Isidore is expounded Gausapa, and may have its original from Gulpak, signifying thick and hairy Garments, so that Martial esteem'd it a Paradox,

Mense vel Augusto sumere Gausapinas.

Bardiacus (which as Bochartus thinks) was called Bardus, from whence Bardo∣cucullus * 1.305 was compounded (of which I have spoken of before) was a Garment wore * 1.306 by the Gauls and Britains, of which Martial thus writes,

Lassi Bardiacus quod evocati Malles quàm quod oles olere Bassa. * 1.307

This Garment was of divers Colours woven together, and made a gaudy shew, without doubt very pleasant to the Britains in those daies, as we find the Indians to be much taken with the like. It is called Bardes in the Phoenician Dialect, and Bord or Borda by the Arabians, and no doubt by the Phoenicians was brought into these parts, which words are very sufficient also to prove from whence the Bardi re∣ceived their Name. The Arabians wore it mixt only with black and yellow, but generally it was made up of some colours in the nature of our Fools Coats. Hence it is that St. Augustine, in his 68th. Epistle of the Circumcelliones, saith, Presbyterum * 1.308 burdâ vestitum, &c. they cloathed a Priest in this habit, and shewed him as a ridiculous spectacle. But however odd this Garment seems in our daies, certainly it was worn by the chief Nobility, and greatest Princes of the Britains.

If Mr. Cambden, from the divers Colours which he finds out in the Names of the British Princes, would make them to be diversly Painted, he had better have looke for it in these Coats than in their Skins, for, as for their Bodies, they used but one Colour in the dying of them.

Mr. Speed, with whom Mr. Cambdens Derivation of Britannia from Brith is all Gospel, in confirmation of it has exposed two Naked Britains to view, not consi∣dering * 1.309 the Circumstances of time, how that it was long after they were called BRI∣TAINS they took up that Custome; To Answer him, Since I suppose Britain to be truly and rightly derived from Bratanac in the Phoenician Tongue, signifying

a Country of Tynn, and upon the account, that from hence that useful Commodity was dispersed by them through the whole World; upon the very same account are these Islands called by the Greeks the same as Bratanac, namely, Cassiterides, the Tynn Islands.

I will represent one Person of the Bretanick Islanders, who lived, I suppose, in the Forelings or Scyllies, in which Islands, together with Cornwal and Devonshire, Mettal most abounded. The description of which is given by Strabo. They are Inhabited (saies * 1.310 he) by Men wearing black Garments, clad in side Coats descending to their Ankles, going with Staves like the Furies in Tragedies; Mines they have of Tynn and Lead, which they exchange for Earthen-Pots, Salt, and Brazen ware.

[illustration]

Megens Phoenicum condemnavere metallis; Polluit hinò yultus eruta terra meos. Quamvis ore niger yidearg, inyestibus atrox. Candidus intereà moribus esse feror

These are the Silures of whom Tacitus writes, That their Hair was black and * 1.311 curled, differing from the rest of the Britains in their swarthy Countenances, by which he reckons them to be of a Spanish Original, namely, the Off-spring of the Iberi, who were great Miners, but we have shewn (treating in the Chapter of the Phoenicians) that in all probabillity they were called Silures from some Colony of * 1.312

the Phoenicians Trading with them, as their Name in the Phoenician Tongue importeth. And we may observe, that as the adjacent Islands (the Sorelings especially) were * 1.313 called Bretanick upon the account of their Tynn Mines, when this was known by the name of Albion only, so there was an Island called Silura, lying off of Cornwal, which, I believe, gave the Name to the Silures in South Wales; So that Britannia in general, and the Silures in particular, both took their Names from Bretannick, or Tynn Islands, which we have proved to be first discovered by the Phoenicians.

The Habits of these Western Britains were remarkable for their Length and Colour, the former of which, together with the Staff they used to carry, argues that some Ea∣stern Colonies, and especially the Phoenicians, traded with them, and although by the Black colour of their Hair and Garments, their Swarthy complexions, and their Staves, they seem'd like Furies in Tragedies, yet are they described by the same Au∣thor to be of a gentle and kind Disposition, of a fair and honest Behaviour, simple and sincere in their Conversation, and generally the Britains, by most Authors, are so set out. They have not, saies Diodorus Siculus, the craft and subtilty of other Nations, but are fair Condition'd People, of a plain and upright Dealing. * 1.314

They had all things in Common amongst them, and would not admit of any Propri∣ety at all, after the manner of the Germans described by Caesar, from whom in all probability they descended, insomuch that the same Author reports, That ten or * 1.315 twelve of them agreed together in the promiscuous use of one Woman, Brethren with Brethren, nay Parents with their own Children; The Issue they had by them they nurtured and brought up by a Common-stock, though they were reputed his in a more especial manner, who married the Mother in her Virginity.

This incestuous Custome was frequent among the Athenians before Cecrops daies, as Mr. Selden notes, and I conjecture was only used by the wilder sort of Britains, and continued it was a long while after the Romans had subdued this Island; For we * 1.316 read that Julia the Empress of Severus, twitted the Wife of Argentocorus with it, who replied in this manner, We, British Women, do truly differ herein from you Roman La∣dies, for we satisfie our selves with the accompanying with the Worthiest men openly, but you with every Base fellow in a corner.

These are the most memorable Customes used by the Britains, in which they agreed sometimes with the Gauls, sometimes with the Germans, according as they were deri∣ved from either, and some Customes we have shewn they had particular to themselves, of which no account can be given, and others also which could have no other Origi∣nal but from the Phoenicians or Graecians, which Originals (besides the congruity the Britains had with no other Western Nation, their Neighbours) is evidently shewn out of the very Names of the Customes themselves. Certainly, it would take up a Volume, if any one better skill'd in the Phoenician, Greek, and British Tongues, and in the customes of these three Nations, would sit himself down, seriously and fully to compare their respective waies and manner of Living, their Habits, Coyns, Laws, and other Circumstances; In all which, as likewise in their manner of Warring, there seems such an apparent similitude between the aforesaid Nations, that they seem rather Neighbours than to be so far disjoyned as they are; But it will suffice, if by this small account given of them, a way may be opened to an ingenious Undertaker, to search deeper into the matter, and so I shall pass on to their Customes in War.

CHAP. VIII. The Custome of the BRITAINS in their Wars, and Manner of Fighting.

BRITAIN, at the first entrance of it by Julius Caesar, was divided into a great many petty States and Governments, insomuch that the different Interest of Princes was the cause of continual Wars and Dissensions among them.

Sometimes Ambition, only to encrease their Rule and Sove∣raignty, prompted some to make Incursions on their Neigh∣bours, so that they who had the greatest desire to sit quiet, were obliged to stand in a posture of Defence, and to be alwaies ready against such Invasions, whose greatest strength and force lay in their being swift and sudden; Sometimes the Druid Interest en∣gaged the Secular Power in its Quarrels, every Prince desiring to advance a Creature of his own to the Primacy and Superintendency over the whole Island; The whole Nation being alwaies in a Warlike posture, it is no wonder to hear what some ancient Authors write of them;

That every one delighted in picking Quarrels; that it was their daily exercise and pleasure to be Skirmishing; that they were continually going out in Parties, Fortisying, and Intrenching, many times rather out of delight, than any ne∣cessity.

For being constrained to keep standing Forces, it was absolutely requisite they should be kept in Exercise, for it was impossible, in the circumstances this Coun∣try was then in, for any Prince (though desirous of Peace) to keep his Souldiers in Order and Discipline, unless they were sometimes let loose, and afforded those liberties and advantages which other men of Fortune had, under more Ambitious and turbulent Governours.

But the greatest bone of Contention among them, which never suffered these Dissensions to heal and close up, was the eternal fewd, as I suppose, between the Inland Britains, the first Possessours of the Island, and those that came over from Gaul and Belgium.

These drave all the Ancient Inhabitants from all the Sea-Coasts, seizing their Estates, and securing the Trade of the Island into their own hands.

And although, in process of time, these different forts of People might mix very much in their Allyances, Language, Customes and Religions, yet the first Injuries of the Invaders was, no doubt, upon occasion, very often, severely resented by the Inlanders, and I believe, in their common Union, against Caesar and the Ro∣mans, never heartily forgotten.

This being the condition of Affairs in Britain at that time, it is no wonder that Caesar, at his Arrival, was much deceived in his expectations, for by the small pre∣parations he made at his first Invasion, we may guess what a low opinion he had of the Temper, Courage and Conduct of the Britains; and at his second Attempt, by the increase of his Levies, and number of Ships, being in all Eight hundred, we may on the other side judge, what warm entertainment he received the first time from them; So that the Courage of the Britains, and their skill in War, is not to be questioned, in respect they lived among themselves in the continual exercise of it.

It remains only, that their Manner of Fighting, with the several Customes they used, differing from other Nations their Neighbours, be described and ex∣plained.

The first and most memorable thing that occurs, is their Fighting in Chariots, after the manner of the Ancient Greeks (as Diodorus Siculus expresses) at the * 1.317 Trojan War. Of this Custome of theirs I have treated in the Chapter of the Greeks, and I doubt not (since it was peculiar to the Britains, and a few ad∣jacent parts in Gaul, that Coesar relates it for a wonder, in the Western parts) but that will be thought to proceed either immediately from that Nation, or else from the Phoenicians.

As for the Names of the Charriots they fought in, are clearly Phoenician, as Benna, Carrus or Carrum, Covinus, Essedum, Rheda, and so it is but reason to think, primitively were introduced by them; The Gracians added and altered them according to the Custome of their Country, for one sort they called Petori∣tum, from its four Wheels, and of the ordinary Rheda they made their Epireda, I suppose with two stories in it to carry the more Men.

The Waggons and Chariots they thus fought in, were exceedingly well Harnassed and Armed, for at both ends of the Axeltrees they fastned Hooks and Scyths, so that driving furiously into the Enemies battle, they made whole Lanes of slaugh∣tered Men, the Scyths cutting them off in the middle who did not give speedy way, and such as escaped them were caught up with the Hooks, which were placed for that purpose, so that hanging upon them they were miserable Spectacles, and suffering intollerable pains and torments, were constrained to write upon the Tri∣umphs of their Conquerours, being drag'd along before and behind their Chariot Wheels.

These sort of Chariots were called Covini, and in the British Tongue at this day, Cowain, signifies to carry in a Wagon.

Lucan calls it constratus Covinus, being possibly of an evener and broader make, more open than their other sorts of Chariots, and probably it carried no men at * 1.318 all, but only him that guided it; For we read in Tacitus, that Covinarius is as * 1.319 much as to say, Auriga; And this they did that the Chariot might be more expedit, and the Horses with more ease might draw the Scyths and Hooks through any oppo∣sition.

The Essedum, called by the Phoenicians, Dassedan, by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was another sort of Chariots, which, I believe, carried no Scyths or Hooks, in which * 1.320 were only Armed men.

How the Britains used these we read in Caesar; The Charioteers, called Essedarii, ride through all the parts of the Battle, and bestowed their Darts, with the terrible appearance of their Horses, and the noise of their Wheels, usually break their Ranks; And when they have wrought themselves into the Enemies Horse, they fling themselves from their Chariots and fight on foot, the Chariot Guiders in the mean time withdraw a little way out of the Battle, and place themselves so, that if their Party were over-powered with the number of Enemies, they might retreat with more ease and security.

By this means, in their fighting, they perform the nimbleness of Horse, and the steadiness of Foot; By daily use and exercise they arrived to that perfection, that in the steepest descent of a Hill they could hold their Horses to a full Careere, stop of a sudden, turn short, run upon the Spire-pole and Beam of the Chariot, stand upright on the Yoak and Harness of their Steeds, and immediately again whip into their Cha∣riots.

This exceeding nimbleness and dexterity in the management of their Esseds, often∣times foiled Caesar and his heavy Legions. Sometimes they would feign themselves to flie, by that means to draw his light Souldiers to follow them, and immediately turning again, and skipping off their Chariots, they often gave them notable Repulses, driving them to their main Body, where they were forced to shelter themselves. Upon this very account they never fought thick or in clusters, but dispersed themselves into diverse and distant stations, which before hand was, for the most part, agreed upon; re∣lieving one another as they saw occasion, and retiring when weary, so came on again as they had refresht or relieved their Horses.

By this their scattered way of Fighting, the Romans knew not which way to bend their main strength, besides hindered on all sides to make Excursions, were obliged

to close Marches, not able to forrage in parts, a thing very destructive to them in a strange Country, so that by the conduct of Cassibelan their General, the Roman Legi∣ons were in a manner made useless, serving only as a Refuge for the Horse, who were often beaten upon them.

It is very difficult to distinguish among so many Names they had of their Wagons and Charriots, to what proper and particular uses they put them.

Their Carri or Carra, from whence our word Cart proceeds, were made use of in carrying of their Arms and Baggage, and seem not to be engaged with the Enemy, but were alwaies secured by a Trench and Rampier, insomuch the Britains, upon any Rout given to them, retired, and taking out their fresh Horses left their wearied ones to recruit.

The Benna, called by the Germans at this day Benne, and the French, Banneau, seems to be the same with Petoritum, both receiving their names from their Wheels, one from the Greeks, the other from the Phoenicians, but whether these were used for their pleasure only, or in War, is uncertain; that they differed from all the rest in the numbers and make of their Wheels, is unquestiona∣ble.

The Covinus was the Chariot with the Scyths and Hooks, as Pomponius Mela wit∣nesseth, and their Esseda were not Armed Chariots, but carried Men only in them, as * 1.321 may be understood out of Caesars words, where he saies, That the ratling noise of * 1.322 the Wheels, and terrible appearance of the Horses, put his Men into dis-array, making no mention of their Scyths, which certainly he would have done if in these Esseda there had been any.

It is very probable, in their first Skirmishes with Caesar, they would not be brought to a set Battle, as they used these Esseda only, and reserved their Covini for other occasions, as they should be offered.

Their Rheda, from whence proceeds Rhediad, a Course, Rheder, to Run, Rhedec∣fd, a Race, in the British.

If we look to the Original, being Rheda in the Phoenician Dialect, as it is used in the Chaldee Paraphrase upon Exod. 14. 25. where mention is made of Charriots of AEgypt, then we may conclude it was a Charriot of War, but whether with Scyths, or * 1.323 without, is uncertain, although the former be more probable, seeing that the Eastern Countries, as likewise AEgypt and Africa, where many Colonies of the Phoenicians had seated themselves, used the like. But that it might be made and used without Scyths, and was the Charriot wherewith they ran Races, and at publick Games exer∣cised themselves, as it cannot be denied: So Eporeda, a City of the Salassians, seems to testifie, which received its Name, according to Pliny, from Horse-breakers, and possibly might be called Hipporedia from them. Add to this Rheda the Epitheda, with a Greek addition to a Phoenician name, and we have all the sorts of Charriots which were ever mentioned, or may be gathered of the Gauls, or Bri∣tains.

And we are to observe, that Tacitus writes concerning the management of these Charriots, that the greater Personage guided them, and that his waiters and followers * 1.324 fought out of the same, which is not taken notice of by Caesar, and may not be used in his daies; For we find in him, that the Charriot Drivers often retired out of the Battle, and there waited the success of those he had carried in, that he might bring them off again, which office can very hardly be supposed to be executed by their Princes and Leaders.

The Horses the Britains used in their Chariots (according to Dio Nicaeus) were * 1.325 small and swift, but whether their breed was generally so, or whether they chose them such, as easier to be managed, and fitter to climb Hills and endure Labour, is not resolved me by any.

The Harness they put on them, may be gathered to be not only substantial, but cu∣riously wrought and engraven upon, out of the words of Propertius,

Esseda caelatis siste Britanna jugis. * 1.326

Because this their way of Fighting may be better described and set out to the eye, than painted out in words, I have thought good to expose to view their three sorts of Chariots, the Covinus, Essedum and Epireda, which seem to have the greatest difference one from another, as may be seen in: this following Figure.

[illustration]

The Battles

A,

the Covinus or Cythed Chariot;

B,

the Essedum;

C,

the Epireda.

The Britains fought in Bodies called Caterva, now Caturfa, as the Romans had their Legions, and the Macedonians their Phalanx, and this Caterva we have shewn to be of Phoenician Derivation, and to this word Mr. Cambden re∣duces Cad, signifying War in the British Tongue, and Kaderue, a Le∣gion.

Their strong Holds and Towns (according to Caesar and Strabo) were nothing else * 1.327 but a round spot of Ground, fenced about with Trees fell'd down for that purpose, and secured on all sides with a Ditch, and Rampire, and this served them in their Re∣treats, and this is all that can be learnt of their general way of Fighting.

We will proceed now to particulars.

The Britains were very swift in Running, neither did they burthen themselves with any Armour, which they could not at their pleasure fling from them. They had a Shield and short Spear, in the nether part whereof hung a Bell, by the shaking of which they thought to affright and amaze their Enemies; They used Daggers also,

those that went Naked, girded their Swords by their sides by an Iron Chain.

There is no mention made of Authors, by what Names the British Arms were cal∣led. The Gaulish Weapons are Spatha, Gessum, Lancea, Sparum, Cateia, Matara or Mataris, Thyreos, and Cetrum or Cetra.

This Cetra is attributed to the Old Britains, by Tacitus, and we have shewn it to be the Phoenicians Cetera; Many others of them are reduced, by Mr. Cambden, to the * 1.328 British Tongue, and are supposed by him to be (in his making the Gauls and Britains the same Nations) used promiscuously; by both those words cited by him, I have proved to be Phoenician, and by all probability brought by the Phoenicians into Gaul and Britain; It will not be amiss to shew, seeing the other Weapons might be in use here in Britain, that they are also of Phoenician Derivation, for seeing that the Phoe∣nicians Traded into the Bretanick Islands, it would be unreasonable to imagine, that the Britains did not learn the use of the same Weapons from them, as the Gauls may be proved to do, setting aside, that it is very probable that the Gauls, as they sent their Children to be Instructed in this Island in Arts, Sciences, and Religion, so might they learn of them also many things very conducible in their Wars.

The first sort of Weapon (for we omit those we have spoken of in the Chapter of the Phoenicians) is the Spatha, the Italians Spada, and the Spaniards Espada, Isidore calls it Spata, and saies it was a two edged Sword, with which they cut and did not * 1.329 thrust, for Polybius and Livy saies, it had no point. The Britains wore Daggers * 1.330 which served to thrust with; some have derived it from the Chaldee word, Sphud or Spud, signifying a Spit, which the Italians call Spedo, the Dutch, Spett, we our selves call Spit, and the Germans, Spissz, but the Derivation cannot hold with the de∣scription of the Spata, which was nothing like a Spit, and was not for thrusting but hewing and slashing. It is more probably derived from Spatin in the same Dialect, which being a plural word, and signifying only Staves, yet by adding the word Biszel, or Iron, they are general interpreted words.

Sparum, another Weapon used in Gaul, Festus derives from Spargendo, but probably it may be supposed to be called Sparon by the Phoenicians, from the Root Sapar, * 1.331 from whence comes Sophron, signifying an Iron Edge.

Cataia, according to Isidore, is a Weapon made of the softest Mettal, which, by reason of its weight, did not fly far, but with great force brake through wherever * 1.332 it lit; and why may not this come from Catat, signifying to break in pieces, and scatter the Enemies Forces. Bochartus thinks these Cataia are meant, those Ingentes Clavae, made mention of by Ammianus, which were set on fire, and which, he saies, * 1.333 the Barbarians flung on their Enemies, and with which, together with their Swords, they brake through their Left wing, but I never read of any Fire ever made use of by the Britains in their Fights, but only when the Romans invaded Anglesey, and whether they were these Cataiae which Tacitus calls Fire-brands, it is hard to judge.

Lancea comes, according to Festus, from the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and perhaps was brought immediately by the Graecians into Britain, for it is very difficult to bring * 1.334 it from Romcha, changing R into L, although there wants not several Examples of that nature, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Lilium, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Clibanus Pereginus, the Gaulish Peterin.

Matara, another Weapon, which I suppose was their Darts they flung out of their Charriots, it is also called Mataris and Materis, but by Hesychius, Madaris. * 1.335 Strabo saies, it is of the kind of Weapons called Palta; And Pollux saith, Paltum was a Medish Dart, so that we may gather it had its Original in the Eastern Coun∣tries, in whose Dialect Matara signifies to dart.

To these names of their Weapons, I will only add two more of their Instruments in War; The first Manga, Mangana, and Mangonale, an Engine to fling Stones with; the French call it Mangoneaux, by the Greeks, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but whether brought by them or the Phoenicians into these Parts, is doubt worthy, but in the Phoenician Dia∣lect Manganon signifieth the same Engine.

Add to this Carnon, a Trumpet in the same Language, in the Arabian Dialect is called Carnon, in the Syrian, Carno or Carna, so that this also proceeds from the Phoenicians; And now, this shall suffice to have been spoken of the Armour used by our Britains.

The Britains, before they undertook any War, are reported (according to the Customes of other Nations) to have enquired into the Entrals of Beasts, yea, and of Men also, and, I suppose had the same methods of judging, whether Success was portended or no.

They fought under the Conduct of Women, discoloured their Faces, and shaped their Bodies into divers figures; they used Superstitious and Magical Exclamations in the beginning of their Battles, with many other Rites and Usages, which will more properly be shewn in the course of the History, seeing they relate to the Bri∣tains, after they were subdued by the Romans, and are not of so Ancient a date as to be placed here, where nothing was designed to be spoke of but what was almost of equal standing with the first Plantation of this Island it self.

CHAP. IX. The BRITISH Idolatry; their several GODS, and superstitious Rites and Ceremonies of Worship.

IT is certain, by the Testimony of Caesar and other approved Authors, that the Britains had the same GODS with the Gauls, * 1.336 and agreed with them in their manner of Worship, using the same religious Rites and superstitious Ceremonies they did; Neither indeed could it be otherwise, if we do but consider what care the Druids took (who were the common Priests of both Nations) to preserve the unity of Religion, and the exact observancies of their Order; For besides the yearly Synods held in the Isle of Anglesey or Man, under a President (who had Jurisdiction over all Britain, and great part of Gallia) they had a solemn and general Sessions in the Mar∣ches of the Carnutes about Charters, a Country held to be in the middle of all France.

To this great Assembly resorted the Druids from all Parts to hear Causes, and to consult about the affairs of Religion, in which Consultation the British Druids carried the most eminent Authority; having learned their general Discipline in a Country where it was first begun, and more exactly taught, and to whose Schools the Druids of France resorted to be more fully instructed in the more hidden and more abstruse Mysteries of their Religion.

This consent of both Nations in the uniformity of Worship, does not argue them to be of the same Original, but is to be attributed to a Druid Interest, who, notwithstanding the continual Animosities arising between petty Princes, and the great Heart burnings between the Inland Britains, and the Gauls, that had invaded them; Nevertheless they kept up their Authority and Interest on all hands, partly by the Holiness of life, and partly by the assistance of the Secular Power, thereby so brought it about that they were the only Interpreters of Divine Mysteries, that no Sacrifice, either publick or private, could be performed without their assistance, or solemn Feasts proclaimed without their consent, and upon this their pre∣tenoe it past currant, as necessary for the maintaining of any Religious Worship.

Moreover, it is to be supposed, that in their publik Assemblies they agreed upon the number of their Gods, and the particul Honours due to them; they also Instituted publick Feasts, and set Sacrifices, upon set times of the Moon, that the day might be celebrated uniformly through all their Jurisdictions.

And seeing the GODS of the Gauls, as Apollo, Minerva, Jupiter, Mars, Mer∣cury, &c. were Greek Gods, and Idolized by the Britains, with the same Rites and Ceremonies as in Greece, and had the same Offices ascribed to them, it is manifest they were introduced by the Druids, and so worshipped in Britain before Gaul, and from thence translated into that Nation; So that considering the Original of the British and Gaulish Gods, proceeded from the same Authors of their Religion, and considering likewise the great care the Druids used in preserving Uniformity, least they should break out and divide into Factions among themselves, it is not to be que∣stioned (the Authority of Caesar also bearing witness) but that the Gods of the Gauls * 1.337 were also worshipped in Britain. And although in many particular places, the People might have private and Tutelar Gods, whose Denominations extended not beyond a Hill, River, Fountain or Spring (as shall be shewn in the sequel) and which Gildas numbers amongst the British Idolatry, yet as to those Gods called (by the Latins) Dii * 1.338 majorum gentium, of the highest rank, and whose Power was universal, they were equal∣ly common to both Nations; These Gods, I will endeavour to set down their Names, Originals, and Offices, from what Countries they were derived, and by whose means they were brought into Britain and Gaul, by which Circumstances it will more evi∣dently appear, the great Confinity and Alliance once made between these Nations, and the Phoenicians and Greeks.

JUPITER was worshipped under the name of Taramis, or the Thunderer, * 1.339 and Caran, or Caram, signifies at this day in the British Tongue Thunder, as Donder in the German, and Thor in the old Swedish Tongue, from whence the Germans called Jupiters day Donders-dagh, the Swedes, Thors-dag, and we Thursday.

Adam Bremensis of the Swedes, writes, that they held Thor to rule and govern the * 1.340 Air, and that from him proceeded Thunder and Lightning, Winds and Storms, likewise that the gave sair Weather, and brought forth the Fruits of the Earth; likewise in a∣nother place, that he was made holding a Scepter in his hand, and was esteemed the same as Jupiter, the King of the Gods, in which sense he was called in the Phoenician Tongue, Moloch. It is observable, that as the Canaanites (of which Country Phoe∣nicia was a part) offered humane Sacrifices to that God, making their Children to pass through the Fire, so likewise did the Gauls and Britains to this TARAMIS, or Thunderer, whose very Name, in another place, we have shewn to be the Phoenician Carem, in their Tongue signifying Thunder. Of this God Lucan thus writes,

Et Taramis Scythicae non mitior ara Dianae.

Upon the Altars erected in Honour of this Jupiter, the British Blood was often * 1.341 poured out in great abundance, but perhaps more in Gaul, by reason that that Coun∣try is more infested with sudden Thunders and violent Storms, that they ostner attoan'd that Power under whose hand they lay, than the Britains, who enjoyed a more tem∣perate and evener Weather. And although to this God, as likewise to some others, they offered for the most part heynous and notorious Malefactors, yet oftentimes the Innocent Natives suffered, and men, for their health in some dangerous sickness, or upon some great necessities and streights in War, often vowed to sacrifice Humane Off-springs, which Vows they were obliged to performat their recovery or deliverance.

This Custome, together with the Name of this God TARAMIS, was brought in by the Phoenicians, who are described by Havillan the Poet, writing of their Race in Cornwal, That their Spectacula, or Publick Games, in Honour of their Gods, were * 1.342 the slaughter of Men, and not only so, but they drank their Blood. Neither did the Druids (who were otherwise men of civil and upright Conversation) alter these bloody Ceremonies, because it is to be supposed that they came out of Greece in those early daies, when the sacrificing of Men and Women was also useful in that Nation.

Another God they had named TUTATES, and him they had in especial Honour * 1.343 above all the rest. He was esteemed the God of Travelling, and by the Britains may be supposed to be called Diw Caith, the God of Journeys, and the great Honour they gave him above all other Deities, is conjectured by some to be a sign of the Bri∣tains Peregrination from far Countries, and upon that account they so particularly honoured him as their Guide and Leader.

By Livy he is called Mercurius Tutates, where he writes, That Scipio turned up to a * 1.344 Mount called Mercurius Tutates, by this it appears that the Britains and Gauls did cast up Mounts, and consecrated them to his Honour, especially where many waies met. Upon these ascents of Ground there was frequently erected a Statue of Mercury, which pointed out the different Waies, or if there was no Statue, yet the place was called a Mercury from the Advantage of ground, which gave them opportunity to discern out and discry to what parts the different waies would lead them. These places they called Mercuries sometimes with an addition of some other of his Names, and often∣times of a Town or Village, Hill or River, adjoyning. But seeing in Livy the name Tutates is added to Mercury or Hermes (for so he was called without doubt by the Druids) I am induced to believe that Tutates hath some other Original than Diw taith, or the God of Travelling, because it seems a kind of tautology to put two Names to∣gether of the same signification; This Tutates therefore is to be referred to the Phoe∣nician Ca-autus, according to Sanchoniathon, the most Ancient Phoenician, cited by * 1.345 Philo Biblius. Ta-autus, saith he, was the Son of Misor, he was the first Inventer of Letters.

The AEgyptians called him Thoot, the Alexandrians, Thouth, the Greeks, Hermes or Mercury. Plato calls him Theut, a God or Divine person, and in his Phoedrus, the Father of Letters. Tully, Thoyth or Theuth; Lactantius, Theutus, and Thot. And this Theut or Mercury was the God of Eloquence, called also Monimus; But as to this par∣ticular we shall have occasion to speak of him under BELINUS the British God, otherwise called the Sun, to whom he was made an Assistant and Coadjutor.

In the Greek Epigram we find, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 So that we see here is two Inventions assigned to him, besides his office of Directing of Travellers, namely, the Invention of Letters and the Sickle. And seeing he was esteemed above all the rest of the Druids Gods, and had in more especial veneration and Honour, I am apt to believe it was rather upon these latter accounts than the former; For we find, that the first Inventers of useful Arts and Sciences (though they may seem never so mean and Mechanical) had their Names recorded to all Posterity, in grateful remembrance of the usefulness of the things they Invented, when the swelling Actions of Ambitious men, although they might seem great, and fill the World with more noise, are buried in the dust; and in perpetual oblivion.

The Scripture it self takes notice of Tubal-Cain for his excellent skill and his first experiments upon Iron, and this Tubal is Recorded for his Invention of Musical In∣struments, when the Founders of great Kingdoms, and builders of famous Cities, were not so much as once mentioned.

We read also, that when men have arrived to the greatest Empire, and have encou∣raged Altars to be raised, and Sacrifices to be offered to themselves, although an Age or two, perhaps, in obsequious Flattery to them and their Successors, has performed it, yet we seldome read that they lasted above three or four Generations, when as the Inventers of Arts and Sciences have been Deified throughout all Ages, and their Altars extended as far as the Inventers themselves: Upon this, it seems to me more reasonable to ground the Name of TEUTATES, and the Honours performed to him in Gaul and Britain, upon the account of his Invention of Letters, and the use of the Sickle, than upon the supposition of Diw Caith, the God of Travelling.

The Phoenicians who taught the Greeks the use of Letters, which they acknow∣ledged to have learnt of this Theut, whom they delivered to them as a God or Divine Person, might also bring his Name into Britain to be worshipped; And this, I think, is the true Original of Teutates.

As for those who would have this Teutates to be the same with the German Tuisco; or Mars, mentioned by Tacitus, from whence we call Mars his Day, Tuesday. * 1.346 But if we consider how, by Livy, he is called Mercury, they have no other ground for their Opinion, but only the like founding of part of the first syllable, and so they may easily be convinced.

To this God MERCURY, there is no mention made what Sacrifices were offered to him.

Caesar writes, that there were a great number of Statues erected in his Honour, and * 1.347 that the Invention of all Arts and Sciences were attributed to him. That he was the Leader in all Journies, and Guide in all waies, and that he had moreover a wonderful efficacy for the promoting gain in Mony, or any Merchandize, a power no doubt highly esteemed of by the Phoenicians.

MARS was worshipped by the Gauls and Britains under the Name of Hesus, and this Hesus we have proved to be of Phoenician Derivation, in another place, * 1.348 viz. Hizzus, by which Name the Phoenicians as well as Britains called their Mars, so that there is no doubt to be made, from whence, and from whom this God pro∣ceeded.

Caesar saies, the Gauls attributed to this God the government of War; He was like∣wise * 1.349 called Camolus or Camulus, signifying in the Phoenician Tongue a Lord or Governour. In an old Coyn of Cunobelinus, Mr. Cambden reports he saw the * 1.350 portraiture of an Head stamped, with an Helmet on it, also with a Spear, and these Letters, CAMU.

From this Camulus came Camalodunum, or Mars. Hill, now Maldon in Essex; And methinks the very name of Mars, and Dunum a Hill, are yet preserved in its Name.

This Hesus, Mars or Camulus, I conjecture, was not only worshipped as the God of War but of Peace also: We find one Coyn with an Ear of Corn upon it, with these Letters CAMU, likewise a Tree, with I know not what Beast lying by it, with the same Inscription, and these both Cunobelins's Coyn, Prince of Camolodu∣num; Besides, there was a little Altar cast out among Rubbish-stones, near Rible∣chester in Lancashire, with this Roman Inscription;

PACIFE RO MARTI ELEGAUR BA POS. VIT. EX VOTO.

And is thus interpreted; To Mars, the bringer of Peace, ELEGAURBA Dedi∣cated this out of his own Vow.

But how favourable he was in time of Peace to the Britains, I know not, but cer∣tain it is, that to him, as well as Taramis, Men were often sacrificed, as appears by this of Lucan,

Horrensque feris Altaribus Haesus. * 1.351

[illustration]

Lactantius calls this God, HEUS, but here it is to be considered, whether by the similitude of Names he does not confound two Deities, for Dues is a known name of Bacchus, and it is very probable that since the Ancients say that Bacchus was born near Phoenicia,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Upon Phoenicia, nigh to AEgypts Banks; * 1.352

That the Phoenicians might bring this God into Britain, as well as Ceres and Pro∣serpina (as shall be shewn by and by) the name of Bacchus is the Phoenicians Bac∣chus, the Son of Chus, as Damesec is used for Dacmeset, the City Damascus.

This will give some light to what I have in another place written, of the Inscri∣ption found in Zealand, namely,

HERCULI MARCUSANO.

HERCULES the Lord of the Cusites, viz. those of the Dorienses, that followed him out of Phoenicia into these Western Parts.

But to come to HEUS; This name was given to Bacchus from one of those bar∣barous and loud Exclamations used at his solemn Feasts, namely, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which are all of Phoenician Derivation. hues, as Bochartus thinks, signifies * 1.353 He is the Fire! Att-es, Thou art the Fire! for at his Orgia the People used, in his Honour, so to call him, for he was esteemed by the Ancients to be the Fire. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or * 1.354 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was the term used by the Ancients in Exclamation to any that they found to be Drunk, and Saboi in the same Phoenician Dialect, proceeds from Saba, to be Drunk.

From these different Roots many of Bacchus his Ancient names are derived, but it will be too long here to discourse of them all; It shall therefore suffice, that Heus here mentioned by Lactantius, in all probability was Bacchus, and introduced by his Country-men, the Phoenicians, into this Island.

We find in the Superstitions of the Britains, something very like unto Bacchus his Orgia, although the Name of the God be not put down by Pliny, where he saies, That the Britains dyed themselves like AEthiopians at some solemn Sacrifices, and per∣formed their worship with Men and Women going naked. For this was the Custome of * 1.355 the ancient Heathens, that at the publick Feast of Bacchus, having drank up a large quantity of Wine, and using many shrill and horrid Out cries, he was esteemed most Religious who could run about the maddest, insomuch as they tore their Cloaths from their backs, and not only so, but the weaker sort were oftentimes endangered in their Limbs. In this manner they ran promiscuously, Men and Women together, cut∣ting and slashing each other till the heat of their Wine was allayed, either by loss of Blood, weariness, or want of sleep.

Now, the reason of the Britains Painting themselves like AEthiopians at these Sa∣crifices, might proceed from the imitation of Bacchus himself, who was feigned by the Ancients, to have maintained long Wars in India and AEthiopia, and was alwaies painted with a swarthy and black Complexion, and drawn with Tygres, Beasts very frequent in those hot Countries.

As for that Heus, named by the Author of Queroli Anubis Latrans, viz. the barking Anubis, for as he was made in the form of a Dog, so he is to be referred to those deformed Spectres of Britain mentioned by Gildas, who exceeded almost in * 1.356 number those of Egypt, and without doubt were derived from that Country by the Phoenicians; So that it being an AEgyptian Hieroglyphick in the shape of a Dog, might be called Huad, or something like it, Huad signifying in the British Tongue, a Dog, but as for Hesus, the name of Mars, and Hues, of Bacchus, they have no reference at all to it, but were general Gods both to Britain and Gaul, and were the Hizzus and Hues of the Phoenicians, whereas these sorts of deformed Spectres were found only upon the Walls of Cities, according to Gildas, and it may be in some particular places only, and had the Tuition of such Cities and Towns, according to the Superstition of the AEgyptians.

To the God Hues or Bacchus, I suppose those Priests mentioned by Marcellinus, * 1.357 and called Euuges, or Eubages, are to be referred, for, as the Acclamations from whence Bacchus received that Name, was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, so we may apprehend that these Priests were called Eubages and Euugaes, and signifie as much as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Persons de∣dicated to Hues.

Eochartus is of opinion, that Marcellinus might read in Timagiues 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for * 1.358 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Vates, and he gives two Instances of the like nature, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Theophrastus, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Hesychius; But I cannot imagine how Eubages should proceed from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for I believe by their Name and Employment, a par∣ticular

Order of Priests is signified, for they are represented as Persons who gave themselves to the study of the mysteries and secrets of Nature, the course of the Heavens, the motions of Coelestial Bodies, to Astronomy, Necromancy and Magick, to the last of which the Britains were strangly addicted. And this I take to be the true Original of the Eubages mentioned by Marcellinus, whose Name being Recorded by no other Author besides, many have thought him to be mistaken in the right denomi∣nation of them, and that there were no such Priests of that Name either in Gaul or Britain.

And because I have taken occasion to speak of their Duad, or Anubis Latrans, it will not be amiss to represent to the eye some of those deformed Spectres wherewith Egypt abounded, which like Locusts were brought over into our Western Seas, and did spread themselves over most parts of the World, by the means of the Phaenicians, who placed them at the Poops and Sterns of their Ships as Tutelar Gods.

[illustration]

The Hyraglyphicks

The next God of the Britains was APOLLO, worshipped under the name of BELENUS, and that Belenus and Apollo may be gathered out of the words of Julius Capitolinus, who writes, That when the God Belinus or Belenus, by his * 1.359 Priests, * 1.360 had declared that Maximinus should be overcome, Maximinus his Souldiers afterwards gave out, That Apollo fought against them. He is called Belis by Herodian, and that Apollo and Belenus, or Belis, is one and the same God is manifest, in that the Herb * 1.361 called by the Latins Apollinaris, by the Gauls was called Belinuntia, and the Spaniards at this day call it Veleno.

Now, the Phaenicians called Apollo Belus, so that this Belis or Belenus of the Gauls and Britains, from hence received his Original, and we find the Name differs only in Termination, by which both those distant Nations called the Sun in the Laconian Dialect, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying the Sun, and in the Gretick, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Hesychius * 1.362 witnesseth, and both from the Phaenicians.

Sometimes the Phaenicians gave him a Sir-name, as Philo Biblius, out of Sanchonia∣thon * 1.363 evidenceth, who called him Belsamen, viz. the Lord of the Heavens. We find some Altars erected to him in Britain, with other denominations added to his Name Belis, or Bel, which superadditions I will interpret out of the Phaenician Tongue; And although the Monuments and Inscriptions on them be Roman, yet it makes not against my purpose, seeing that Nation erected Altars to the Gods of those Provinces they conquered.

The first Inscription was dug out of the Ruines of an old Town, near Kirby Thore in Westmoreland.

DEO BELATUCAD RO LIB. VOTU M FECIT IOLUS.

Thus interpreted: Deo BELATUCADRO liberum Votum fecit Iolus; To the God BELATUCADRUS Iolus has made a free Vow.

The second was an Altar, found, among many others, in Vaults under ground, where formerly had stood some ancient Town, near to Jerby in Cumberland. It was thus made and Inscribed.

BELATU CADRO JUL. CI VILIS OPT. V. S. L. M.

Thus interpreted: BELATUCADRO Julius Civilis Optio Votum solvit libens Merito; Unto BELATUCADRUS, Julius Civilis Optio hath paid his Vow right willingly.

Another after this manner,

DEO SANCTO BELA TUCADRO AVRELIUS DIATOVA ARA E X VOTO POSUIT LL. MM.

Thus Interpreted: Deo sancto BELATUCADRO Aurelius Diatova Aram ex voto posuit, lubens lubens, merito merito; To the holy God BELATUCADRUS Aurelius Diatova set up this Altar most willingly and most duly.

And since Mr. Cambden, there was a peice of his Statue found near Brougham in Westmoreland, with this Inscription,

SANCTO DEO BELA TUCADRO

By the form of which it was judged to be the Effigies of Belinus or Apollo.

These Magnificent Inscriptions to BELATUCADRUS Deo & Deo sancto, as likewise the distance of places these Altars were found in, proves, that he was not a particular Tutelar God, but rather that he was worshipped over the whole Island, and was that Belinus, or Belis, to which the Britains and Gauls were much devoted, who was the very same with Belus of the Phoenicians, but what the addition of atucadrus may signifie, I will lay down some conjectures.

We must know that Bel, or Belus, was the God of the Assyrians, and from that Country brought into Phoenicia, and there Idolized. Now the Phoenicians, who called Assyria Atur, and the Sun Cares, why may not Belatucadrus be as much as Bel-atur-Cares, signifying, APOLLO the Lord of the Assyrians, for I have shewn before that Bel was Apollo, or the Sun, in those Nations. As for D in the last syllable, it is not much to be regarded, because the mollifying of words is often set before R; Probably Bel-atu-cadrus might be Bel-attir-cares, or Apollo the Ancient Bel, for in reality there were two BELS, the Assyrian and Tyrian. To the latter of which the Phoenicians attributed all the famous Actions of the other, and upon that vanity might call him the Ancient; or perhaps he might be called Belatu∣cadrus from Bel-hoddu-cadar, viz. BEL of the black Indians, for Cadar signifies in that Dialect to be made black by the heat of the Sun, and Hoddu is an Indian, or perhaps it might come from Bel-Atur-Cadar, for the Assyrians were of a Swarthy Complexion, to which Colour also Cadar is referred, and is the same with Hazle in the French, namely Sun-burnt or Tann'd, from which Cadar the Arabians called Kadareni, a Nation of the Saracens had its name.

But I cannot imagine, how this Belatucadrus of the Britains could be a particular God, as some would have him, unless we derive the last part of his Name from Gadir, signifying an Uttermost bound, so that he was placed as Terminus by the Romans, upon the Limits of grounds, and his Office to decide and determine all Controversies arising upon those accounts, as the peculiar Overseer of Land-marks, but I think some of the forementioned Conjectures are more reasonably to be heeded.

Seeing I have entered so far into the Derivation of BELATUCADRUS, and the last part of it Cadrus, I will take notice of two other Inscriptions, that possibly may have some relation to this God; They were drawn out of the River at Risingham in Northumberland. The first had in it, DEO MOGONTI CAD; the second, DEO MOUNO CAD, and may be seen at large in Mr. Cambden, who reports that the Inhabitants have a Tradition, That a God MAGON made good this place (against a Soldain, or Heathenish Prince) for a long time. The In∣scriptions are Roman, but the God is British, for I have shewn that the Romans worshipt the Gods of the Nations they conquered.

Mr. Cambden makes this a Tutelar God, and interprets CAD, Cadenorum, the Protectour of the Cadeni, but it seems the People were called Gadeni, so that it should be Gad not Gad, but granting time might make this small alteration, yet we find not in other Inscriptions to the Tutelar Genius's of particular places, that the name of the Place is signified in any, neither was it reasonable it should, being that such Altars were made for private use only, and needed no Inscription to signifie what they were.

In my opinion the signification of these Inscriptions are to be sought further. The God Magon or Mogon, to whom these Altars were erected, seems to be brought into Britain by the Phoenicians, and in all probability may be the God of the Canaanites, Baal-Magon, the Lord Magon; For as from Dag, a Fish, they made their Idol Dagon, so this Idol of the Sun, from the melting quality that Planet hath, might from Mag (which signifies to melt) be called Magon, and that this Magon the British God was the Sun, and so consequently of Phoenician Original this addition of Cad seems to verifie.

The Assyrians (from whom the Phoenicians had his name Belus also) called the Sun, according to Macrobius, Cad, and Cadcad, by duplication, and Macrobius * 1.364 saies, that the interpretation of his name signifies, One or Only, and Cad in the Chaldean and Syrian Tongue signifies One; And this Attribute they gave to him, because (as the same Author reports) he was the greatest and almost the only God, and all the rest accounted but his Assisters and Coadjutors.

In the Inscription,

DEO MOUNO CAD,

MOUNO is the same in Greek as CAD in the Phoenician Dialect, viz. the * 1.365 Only.

Julian the Apostate (after he had revolted from the Christian Religion, and forsaken the only true God) embraced this Cad, viz. the Sun, an only God, so falsly called.

In his Oration of the Sun, he makes Azizus (whom we have proved to be Hesus) that is, MARS, and Monimus (whom we will shew to be Theut or Teutates) that is, MERCURY, to be his Assisters. His words are these, (I intend to speak something of the Phoenician Theology.)

They that inhabit Edessa, a Place consecrated (from all Ages) to the Sun, make Monimus and Azizus, placed, or seated with him.

Jambicus interprets it, that Monimus is MERCURY, and Azizus * 1.366 MARS.

Mercury who is called Theut, here we find called Monimus, and much upon the same account, for as Theut was the Inventer of Letters, so Monimus was the God of Eloquence, both Attributes of Mercury, the latter of which names is re∣ferred to the Phoenician Minom, an elegant and quaint Speaker, which we have mentioned in this place, because seated with this Belinus or Be∣lus.

In Palmyra, a City of the Phoenicians, there was this Inscription (which because it refers to this God Belinus) I will put down.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

To Agli-Belus, and Malach-Belus, Native or Country Gods, that is, as some interpret * 1.367 it, To the Winter, and Summer Sun; for upon the Marble on which this Inscription was found, He was both waies represented, but the Britains represented him with a Harp, as may be seen in an Ancient Coyn of Cunobelinus, and without question had all the opinions of him, as the Greeks and Phoenicians had.

That this was a God greatly reverenced in Britain, we may gather from Cunobe∣linus and Cassobelinus, two great Princes who bear his Name; and as in the Eastern Countries it was esteemed a great Honour to be descended of him; so a Poet in the commendation of a Bowl, saies,

— Belus, & omnes A Belo — —

That it was the Cup of BELUS, and his Race, so undoubtedly many Princes in Britain esteemed it an Honour to be called by his Name.

We will see therefore what is the meaning of CUNO, for it is no more the part of Cunobelinus, than CASSI is of Cassibelinus, who, by Ninnius the Britain, is * 1.368 called simply Bellinus, and by Dio, Suellan for Vellan, or Mellin, which are all corruptions of Belin, as Mr. Cambden himself confesseth. Cuno therefore being not part of the Name, but in all likelyhood some Honourable Office or Title of this Prince, let us see what it might signifie among the Britains, for seeing this God came from the Phoenicians, why might not this Title of Cuno also be derived from them.

Upon this we may suppose, that Cuno Belinus might be as much as Cohen Be∣linus, the Prince of Belinus, according to that saying

Rex idem Hominum Phoebique Sacerdos;

The Priest-hood in those daies being worn by the greatest Princes, so that Cuno might become (upon that account) an Honorable title, as worn by several Kings, as Cuneglasus, Cunedaglus, Cungetorir, the last signifying a High Priest, as likewise Hanibal, Asdrubal, and Maharbal, of the same signification among the Carthaginians.

But all these Names might have very easie Interpretations relating to this way (were it not too far beyond my purpose) likewise Cuno Belinus, may signifie the Son of Belinus, for Cuno signifies born or begotten. And as the Phoenicians esteemed it their highest Honour and Credit of their Princes to be derived from Bel, why may not the Old Britains desire to initiate them in this, so that all the significations of Cuno, mentioned by Mr. Cambden, may very rationally relate to this Original.

But to return to Belinus or APOLLO, he is called by the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Yellow, and from hence, possibly, Belinus in the British Language might come to signifie that Colour, but that the colour Belinus should give name to this God, as Mr. Camb∣den supposes, is impossible, for these following Reasons.

1. Because he is called Belis as well as Belinus, but the Colour Belinus (in all its corruptions) retains the N, as Belyn, Melyn, Felyn, Villan and Suellan. To speak the truth, Melinus, not Belinus, is the proper name for Yellow, the word of which Colour was also taken from the Romans, and Melinus cannot be imagined to give name to Cuno Belinus, who lived in the daies of Augustus and Tiberius, when Caesar had only visited this Island, and no Roman Colonies had been planted here to change the British Language. And here I will take notice, that Dio calls Cassobelinus, Suellan, which Suellan Mr. Cambden derives from Gweliw, signifying a waterish Colour, not a yellow.

Such confusion hath the Suppositions of divers coloured Paintings, among the Bri∣tains, created.

2. In all Inscriptions of this God we find him written BEL, not Fel, Vel, or * 1.369 Mel, which might have happened, had he received his Name from that Colour. Besides, in all the Additions to his name this Colour is absolutely excluded, as he was entituled Belsamen by the Phoenicians, that is, Lord of Heaven; so possibly in Britain, for his Sister the Moon was called Belisama, as much as to say, Queen of Heaven; Not yellow Heaven, or yellow Moon, which is very absurd, but it might happen, that Dio not knowing the Original of this God Belinus, and knowing that Belinus signified Yellow, might mistake, and call Casso Belinus Suellan for Belin, inti∣mating * 1.370 thereby a Colour.

Thirdly and lastly, As I have shewn before, the Britains did not use so many Colours, but were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from the variety of Shapes, not Colours; and * 1.371 such as have sought for this Invention in the Britains, have made the same Princes of divers Colours. Thus Gildas calls Cuneglasus, a tawny and dark hu'd Butcher, Mr. Cambden makes him blew; but to pass over many great Contradictions, I con∣clude, * 1.372 that it happened by chance that this colour coincidated with the name of the God Belinus, but concludes no more that he received his name from Yellow, than the God to whom the Inscription DUJ was found in Yorkshire, received his from Dû Black, in the same Tongue; so that Cunobelinus had his Name from the worship of Belinus (as Mr. Cambden in one place grants) and Belinus is derived from Bel of the Phoenicians.

To omit an AEstuarium or Frith in Britain, called Belisama by Ptolomy, possibly * 1.373 from some Temple of that God, I shall prove it from the Moon worshipt in Gaul under the name of Belisama, as is gathered from an ancient Inscription,

MINERVAE BELISAMAE

Found on an old Stone in Aquitain, by which some have concluded that Belisama was the Gaulish name of Minerva; But seeing that Belisama is the same as Belsamen, this being the Lord, and that the Lady of Heaven, it is more probable that by this is meant the Moon, or Urania, called by the Canaanites the Queen of Heaven, and once a great Idol of the Israelites.

DIANA, who is the same with the Moon, was much worshipt in those parts, as Poliaenus testifies, Camma (saies he) was a Votress of Diana, whom the Gauls most * 1.374 especially honoured, but that Diana should be confounded with Minerva is no won∣der, if it be considered how frequent it was for the Ancients to bestow the Attribute of one Deity upon another, as they favoured them in honour and affection.

That Diana was worshipt in Britain is very certain, an Image of hers, Anno 1602, was dug out of the ground in Monmouthshire, being girt about, and short truss'd, bearing a Quiver, but her Head, Hands, and Feet, were broken off. It was found upon a pavement of square Tile in Checker-work, and by an Inscription not far off it was found to be her own Image.

Mr. Cambden gives many Reasons, That where the Reliques of St. Pauls Church standeth, there was formerly a Temple of hers. But because this may proceed from the Romans rather than Britains, I will only mention her name Ardurena and Ar∣doena, being the same in the Gaulish, as Nemorensis in the Latin Tongue, namely, Diana of the Woods or Mountains, for we may suppose Den to have signified in the Ancient British Tongue, a Wood or Mountain (as Den Forrest in England) and not Arden as Mr. Cambden would have it, for Ar signifies Upon in the British Tongue, so that Arden, is, upon a Wood; For although there be a great Wood in France called Arden, yet it is not unlikely but it might first have been called Den, and that the Provinces lying on it, Arden, and afterwards the Wood it self; for it runs out to such a vast extent, and takes up such a quantity of ground, and lies upon so many Countries, that Travellers may be said to be alwaies upon it, but never truly in it, or well out of it.

But to return to DIANA, the Britains, no doubt, were great admirers of her, for their Habitations were most in the Woods. Hunting was their chiefest Recreation, having most excellent Dogs for that purpose, as Strabo witnesseth, and Mr. Cambden * 1.375 takes notice; that Dogs called Agasaei by the Greeks, and so much praised and estee∣med by them, were of the British Race, and to this day are called by us Gase∣hounds.

ONVANA, a Goddess of the Gauls is supposed to be MINERVA, * 1.376 whom Caesar accounts one of them, and very probable it may be so, for Minerva by the Phoenicians was called Onca and Onga, as in Stephanus. Now changing the G into a V, as Walls for Gauls, or wave in English, wage in High and Low Dutch and French, and we have this very Phoenician name of Minerva.

This Minerva was much worshipt in Britain, and where the Cathedral Church of Bath now stands, there was a Temple erected to her Honour, but whether ever worshipt by the name of Onvana I know not, but if that name be allowed to be Phoenician then there is no doubt of it. I dare not be too bold as from her name Onca, to derive the famous Hill Badonicus, as much as to say Bath-Onca, the Temple of Onca, although this Mountain be not far from the City, and alwaies written Ba∣donicus, not Badon or Badonis, which, in my judgment, is an Argument it might be once Badoncus, and corruptedly made an Adjective, but however it be she was the Patroness of the Baths, and upon this account was the City Bath called by the Ancient Britains Caer Palladur, or the City of Pallace or Minerva's Wa∣ter.

Another Goddess the Britains had, called ANDRASTE by Dio, and in * 1.377 another place of the same Author, Andrate, although corruptly for Andraste or A∣draste, for so by some it is read.

This was the Goddess of Victory, that British Amazon Boodicia called upon, after her great Victories over the Romans, having destroyed 80000 of them; Her words were these, I yeild Thee thanks O Adraste, and being a Woman, I call upon thee O Woman.

Mr. Cambden made great enquiry after her Name in the British Tongue, but could find nothing (which related to her being a Goddess of Victory) but Anaraith, signify∣ing a great Overthrow; but I think this will hardly derive her Name. Let us con∣sider therefore what Goddess she was, that so we may the easier arrive to the under∣standing of it.

She was supposed by many to be VENUS, but then the question will arise, which way she could be the Goddess of Victory?

Pausanias writes, That the Cytheraei (taught by the Phoenicians) worshipt Venus Armed, and esteemed her the Goddess of War, and the Cyprians (taught by the same * 1.378 Phoenicians) made her with a Spear * 1.379; the Lacedaemonians set up her Statue in Ar∣mour; Ausonius,

Armatam vidit Venerem Lacedaemone Pallas. * 1.380

The Romans had a Temple of Venus Victrix, or the Conquerour, the same as Victorii of the Britains, and at the Dedication of this Temple twenty Elephants fought in * 1.381 the Circus.

Now, let us take the Phoenician name of Venus, and we shall find it not to differ much from Adraste of the Britains, viz. Astrate, by which name Cicero also calls * 1.382 Her.

This Goddess had a Temple at Camalodunum or Maldon in Essex, and before the destruction of that Colony by Boadicia. Tacitus writes thus, That the Statue of * 1.383 Victory at Camalodunum, of it self fell down and was turned backwards, as if it yielded to the Enemies.

It seems the Goddess favoured the Britains, although forceably detained by the Romans, for in those daies they had a Custome of chayning the Statues of Captive Gods, and so forced them to their Protection.

To this Goddess Nero for a long time was strangly devoted, but it seems, finding her extreamly dull and stupid, upon a sudden humour he made a Pissing-block of her, first profaning Her himself, and then leaving her to all Passengers; to be affronted by his Example.

The Britains had Her in great veneration, they sacrificed to her in Temples and in Groves, which were called by her Name the Groves of Andate. Here, in a most savage and horrid manner they sacrificed Prisoners alive, spending the time in Feasts and Banquets.

To this Astrate some refer the Saxon Goddess Eoaster, and there are many Towns in England bearing Her name, as High Easter, Good Easter, and Easter-Ford in the County of Essex, but whether so called by the Britains or Saxons, I am not able to say; But it may not be a wonder that Astarte, a Phoenician Goddess, was wor∣shipped in Germany, seeing that part of the Swedes sacrificed to IRIS, a known Idol of the AEgyptians; but of this I shall have occasion to speak further in treat∣ing of the Saxon Idolatries.

Hitherto I have treated of the chief and general GODS of the Druids, men∣tioned * 1.384 by Caesar, namely, Mercury, Apollo, Mars, Jupiter and Minerva, to which are added Venus or Adraste, Diana or Belisama.

It is very much to be observed, that the Druids attributed the very same Offices to these Gods, as had been formerly given him in Greece, which will evidently ap∣pear, if we compare the opinions the Greeks had of them, with those of the Druids; The Greeks called Apollo, Alexiacus, because he dispelled Diseases; Minerva, Tala∣ergos, because she was the teacher and performer of curious Works; Jupiter, Olym∣pius, from his governing the Heavens; Mars, Polemistes, by reason he presided in War.

The very same sentiments had the Druids of them; I will put down the words of Caesar. The Druids believe APOLLO the expeller of Diseases; that, MINERVA taught the first rudiments of Arts and curious Works, and although this was attributed to Mercury also, yet he had other Employments; He was the Guide of Waies and Journies, and had great power attributed to him in procuring gain in Mony and Merchandice. MARS was their God of War, and JUPITER had the Empire of Heaven; So that we see all these GODS, Belinus, Onva, Taramis, Hesus, Teutates, though they came into Britain from the Phoenician Original, yet the Greek Druids gave them many and particular Titles of their own Inven∣tion.

I will take notice here of what Strabo writes in his fourth Book, where Artemi∣dorus affirms, That in an Island near Britain, CERES and PROSERPINA * 1.385 were worshipped with the same Rites and Ceremonies as in Samothrace.

Now I have shewn, that in the daies of Artemidorus, who writ under Ptolemaeus Lathyrus, none of the Greeks had entered this Island; It remains therefore, that Ceres and Proserpina, and the Rites and Ceremonies performed to them were brought hither by the Phoenicians, from whom the Samothracians themselves had learned them; to evidence which, I will shew 1. What these Gods were; 2. What Ceremonies were used in their Worship; and Lastly, What Island this might be; to which I will add and shew, That in all probability they were worshipped in Bri∣tain also, and that in this sence, this Island might be called the Seat of Queen CERES.

The Worship the Samothracians received from the Phoenicians, were the Rites and Ceremonies of the Cabiri, which Cabiri it seems were in a British Island also. The Cabiri (in another place) I have shewn to signifie as much as Powerful Gods. Now what these GODS were I will also shew out of Learned Bochartus, who has proved * 1.386 them to be of Phoenician Derivation; as first,

1 1.387 Axieros, CERES, in the Phoenician Tongue Achzi-eres, as much as to say, The Earth is my Possession.

2 1.388 Axiokersa, PROSERPINA, in the Phoenician, Achzi-cheres, My possession is Death; she being the Queen of Hell.

3 1.389 Axiokersos, PLUTO, The King of Hell.

4 1.390 Cadmilus, MERCURY, in the Phoenician Language Cadmel, The Servant of the Gods.

This Mercury I have shewn to have been worshipped in Britain, but under the name of Cadmilus I cannot find him, unless the Inscription, DEO MOUNO CAD, be read, Deo Mouno Cadmilo, and so make it different from Magon Cad, but this I leave to be examined by stronger Judgments than my own.

And for those Phoenician names of Ceres and Proserpina, time hath quite worn them out in Britain, the names of their Priests only are remaining; Cohen signifies a Priest, and the soeminine Coena, a holy Votary in the Phoenician Tongue, and from this Root proceeds Coies or Coes, a Priest of the Cabiri; from hence came an Heathenish Priest in Britain called Coi-fy, as I have shewn in another place.

To Proserpina Women used in Ancient times to devote their Virginity. Mela * 1.391 writes, That in Gaul, religious Women attending upon a certain God (for Pro∣serpina and Pluto were promiscuously used) were called Cenae not Lenae, as Mr. Cambden would have it. Without doubt this God or Goddess was Proserpina or Pluto, for their Priests we find to be called Coenae.

The Island mentioned by Strabo, where these Rites were performed to Ceres and Proserpina after the Samothracian or Phoenician Custome, in all probability was the * 1.392 Sayn lying upon Armorica, anciently called Sena, and possibly from these, Coenae, but the Devotresses themselves were not called Senae, as Mr. Cambden writes, but Coenae.

The worship of the Cabiri was performed in this Island by these Women, being Nine in number, according to Mela, and here was an Oracle according to the same Author.

This is all I can gather of these sort of People about Britain, but it is to be judged, as Proserpina and Pluto, had the same names, so they might very well have the same worship; and seeing they were worshipt here as the Cabiri in Samothra∣cia, it will not be amiss to put down some material particulars of the Ceremo∣nies.

They were called Sacred Mysteries, and I have shewn before, that many Great persons had been initiated in them, accounting the Ceremonies of these Cabiri to be of great Holiness, and wonderful Power to protect them against any Dangers.

The words used at the solemn performance of these Rites were in an unknown Tongue, and mystical Circumlocutions, from whence, I suppose, our word to Gaber, and Gaberish might proceed.

I will add, that the Statues or Effigies of these Gods were made in ridiculous * 1.393 postures, like to the Statues of Vulcan, which made Cambises, when he entred his Temple at Memphis, instead of being devout, he burst out in laughter at the strange posture he was carved in. And the same Cambises, when he entred the Fa∣num of the Cabiri, to which none but Priests were admitted (in the burning of * 1.394 their Statues) he would not refrain from Jesting, seeing in what Antick manner they were represented. Hence it proceeded, that the Jews called a Bussoon, or a Ridi∣culous Fellow, Samodracos, as much as one of the Samothracian Gods: That these sorts of Ridiculous Spectres were worshipped in Britain, I have shewn out of Gildas.

The Gauls referred their Original to PLUTO; Caesar calls him Dispater, and * 1.395 Bochartus thinks him to be Diespiter, or Jupiter. The French to this day when they affirm any thing, say, Ouy Dea, from the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which comes from the Phoe∣nician Dai, or God, and the Britains at this day call God Diu.

There was an Altar found at Gretland in Yorkshire with this Inscription, D U J, without any particular name of a God joyned to it, so that whether this might be Pluto or no, I am not able to say, although by a general name calling him God, not particularizing him, they might seem to mean 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or by way of Excellence, that God to whom they owed their Original; Nor will I strain to my purpose, how this Pluto, by the Heathens, was called the black God, from the dark and infernal Re∣gions he lived in, and that Dû in the British Tongue signifies Dark, which word is derived from the Phoenicians, although Mr. Cambden makes use of the Colour Belyn to derive Belinus.

To this Pluto and Proserpina, I suppose the Nocturnal Sacrifices of the Britains were performed, but especially upon the encrease of the Moon, when she was six daies old. In these Night Solemnities, the Heathens committed very strange and horrid Villanies; The Blood of Sacrifices, mixt with Wine and Milk, they poured on the ground to these Infernal Deities, and made Merriments with the Flesh and remaining Wine, provoking one another to horrid Lusts, and unnatural Incests.

This might be the cause that the Britains, by the frequent use of these Sacrifices, might esteem it at length no crime at all, although Fathers with Sons, and Brothers with Brothers, promiscuously joyned in the use of one Woman, a Custome (by Caesars reports) was very frequent and common among them. * 1.396

We find that JANUS was worshipt in Britain, out of a Coyn of Cunobelinus, * 1.397 wherein he is pictured with two Heads, as likewise Dea Syria or CYBILE, as appears by an Altar erected to her, being in regard these might be brought into Britain by the Romans, and so cannot be proved to be Ancient British Gods, I will here pass them over in silence.

There were Altars erected in Britain with this Inscription DEIS MAT.. BUS, which kind of Inscriptions are not found in any other part the World, so that Mr. Cambden confesseth he knows not what to make of them. Mr. Selden thinks, that * 1.398 by these Deae Matires, are meant those Greek Goddesses which they called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, so that these Altars were brought by the Greeks into Britain. The Mothers of the Gods among the Heathens, were Berecynthia, Jano, Cybile, Tullus, Ceres; And some of these might be worshipt by the Britains by the Titles of the Mothers of their Gods. These might be those 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Mr. Selden thinks, who gave the name to the Semnothei, i. e. Britain, falsly called Samothei.

The Britains had, besides their great Gods, other particular Deities or Genius's, and Tutelar Gods of private Places, as Viterinus, Verbeia, &c. some being called by the names of Springs, others Mountains and Groves, and Rivers, and to all these the Britains used to sacrifice.

No doubt but their Idolatry was as various as other Nations, but I will not treat of any but what may be derived from the Phoenicians or Graecians, and espe∣cially such as do most prove the Antiquity of those Nations in Britain. When the Romans entred this Land, a way was cut open for all the Luxurious Pomp and mul∣titude of the Gods of Rome, as shall be shewn in its proper place.

Considering thus much, I will conclude the British Idolatry with the Life of OGMIUS, or the Phoenician Hercules, who was worshipped in these parts, partly because this Hero or Worthy, has many remarkable things in his story, and partly, because herein will be manifest the Artifice and vanity of the Graecians, in attri∣buting the Actions of Great Men to some of their own Country, but more especially, because hereby will clearly and evidently appear, the first progress of the Phoenician Colonies, which, in time, grew to be of so large an extent, and so exceeding nu∣merous, that there were few Countries of the then known World, to which, by their great skill in Navigation, and wonderful propensity to Trade, they had not an easie and frequent access unto.

In writing his Life, I have curiously avoided on the one hand, least I should con∣found his History with the fabulous Reports of the Graecians, who made forty three Hero's of this name (as Varro reports) and so make him a sharer only in their Actions, On the other side, I have studiously heeded, least I should depress his Honour with the great load of those Actions the Ancients attributed to the same Name, but to different Persons. I am perswaded, that his Credit was so great in the World in these primitive Ages, upon the account of his many Voyages, that there were few who desired not to be called by his Name. The Graecians esteemed it the greatest Honour they could give to their Hero's, if they attributed the Title of HERCU∣LES to them, so that in reading his Life, if we meet with strange and incredible Monsters destroyed, vast Giants and great Nations subdued in a moment by his Prow∣ess, we are to bewail the calamity of those Times, who never thought they advanced the Dignity of them they undertook to praise sufficiently, unless they stretcht their Atchievments beyond a just proportion, and advanced them to the levels of Gods and not Men.

[illustration]

Primus ego terras lustrari nauta Britannas Littus vbi vena divite proestat opes. Ad Thulen: migrans descendere dicor in Orcum Sed coelum nobis terra Britanna dedit

THE LIFE OF THE Phoenician Hercules, AN HERO.

THIS Hercules was the Son of Demarus King of Tyre, as his Name MELICARTUS signifies, namely, King of the City, for so the * 1.399 Phoenicians called Tyre. The Amathusians, who descended of the Phoenicians, named him simply MALIGA, The King. He was called by the Greeks Mánners, from the Phoenician Machario, signifying Terrible. From his admirable skill in Navigations the Graecians made him the God of the Sea, but feigned him to be the Grand-son of Cadmus, calling him Palaemon, and having modelled him according to their own Fancies, they gave him a numerous Off-spring. But from Cadmus to the Theban Hercules are numbred Ten Generations, all which time is far inferiour to this Hercules, who, by many, is supposed to be con∣temporary with Moses, and to have flourisht in the daies of Josbuah, when the Israe∣lites expelled the Canaanites from their Land, part of them flying into Boetia, part into Africa and Spain. This is manifest out of two Pillars found in the Kingdom of Tangeir, upon the Streights, with a Phoenician Inscription,

WE FLY FROM THE * 1.400 FACE OF JOSHUA THE SON OF NAVE THE ROBBER.

By this it appears, that in those daies the Phoenicians began to frequent those Parts. And although the Greeks do attribute these Voyages to their Hercules, yet the Tem∣ple upon the Streights, dedicated to that God, manifestly proves him to have been a Phoenician, for he was worshipt according to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Phoenicians, and not Graecians.

The Temple is said to be built by the Tyrians, and magnificent Sacrifices perfor∣med to him after the manner of that Nation. Strabo is particular upon what ground * 1.401 it was built, and the occasion which moved the Tyrians to the Work, all which may be read in that Author.

But to return to HERCULES; Leaving his own Country, and being attended with a multitude, who were forced to the same necessity, he coasted about Spain and * 1.402 Africa, and by the care and diligence of his Followers he built many Towns and Cities, conquering all Iberia, and those Western Tracts, is said at last to come into Gaul, and there built Alesia and Nemausus.

In a Battle against the Ligurians, and their two Leaders, Bergion and Albion, or as others say, Alebion and Dercynus; when he had no other Weapons left him, they feign'd it rained Stones from Heaven in his favour, and that all the fields were cove∣red with them. The occasion of this Fable is the multitude of Stones lying scatter'd between Arelate and Massilia, which to this day is called La Crau.

He is said also to have passed the Alpes, but this is looked upon by Livy as a Fable also; for the truth is, it is not probable that his occasions would permit him to make too great Inroads into the Continent, but by far likelyer, that he contented himself with possessing the Sea-coasts, the Ports and Havens of those Countries to which he arrived. In Liguria there is a Haven that bore his Name, at this day it is known by the name of Monaco, and was anciently called Herculis Monaeci Portus, the Haven of Hercules Monaecus.

At his first Landing the Ligurians opposed him, and of this Fight not only the Poets and Historians make mention, but the Astronomers also, and they do not only mention it, but add, that the Remembrance of it is placed in the Heavens, in the Sign which Firmicus calls Ingeniculum, or the bending of the Knee, for by weariness in the fight Hercules it seems was reduced to that posture, and so placed in the Heavens. * 1.403

Hitherto I have attended HERCULES in his Voyages within the Streights, I shall now follow him into the Western Sea, and that upon the Authority of Marcel∣linus, * 1.404 who recites Timagines for his Author, viz. That the Dorienses followed the Ancient Hercules, to inhabit the Sea-coasts of Gaul, lying upon the Ocean.

Let us see now by what Circumstances Marcellinus writes this Voyage of Her∣cules, that the truth of it may more evidently appear.

First, He complains of all former Writers, Timagines only excepted, namely, that in their Histories of Gaul they had delivered down things by halves only, and so had given the World a very slender, or little or no account of the Original of that Country.

Secondly, He applauds Timagines for his diligence in searching out those things which were unknown to other Authors, and that he did it out of many Records.

Thirdly and lastly, He promises out of Timagines, to report the truth clearly and distinctly.

Now, these Records that this Timagines searcht into were in all probability Phoe∣nician or Syrian, and for that very reason unknown to the Greeks and Latins, for this Timagines (as Bochartus proves) was a Syrian, and so understood their Language, and * 1.405 Plutarch reports, that he wrote a History of Gaul.

By the Authority therefore of this Timagines, we find that this Hercules, with his Dorienses', possest the Sea-coast of that Nation that lies upon this Western Ocean. That this Hercules was the Phoenician no doubt is to be made, seeing he is called the Ancient, and that the Dorienses, his Attendants, received their name from him (as I have in another place evidenced) viz. from Dora a City in Phoenicia, and not from the Graecians.

Seeing that Hercules arrived into those Seas, why may he not be supposed to be in Britain also. Pliny writes, that Midacritus first brought Tynn into Greece, now it is certain (as before has been shewn) that Mettal was carried from the Cassiterides * 1.406 long before any Greek had entered the Western Sea. This very thing induces Bochartus to think that for Midacritus, Melicarthus should be read, and that this Hercules first of all shewed the Phoenicians those Mines, which afterwards proved so profitable to that Nation. As upon the Sea-coast of Belgium there was an Altar inscribed to Hercules, so in Devonshire, a Country abounding in Tynn, there was a Promontory called by his Name, which to this day retains something in two little Towns, Hart∣low or Hertland, alias Herton, as also in the Promontory it self, called Herty-point.

Add to this, the Opinion the Ancients had concerning the Elysian Fields, how they were supposed (as I have writ in another place) to be upon the Coast of Britain, or at least in the Western Ocean, as likewise the story of Isacius Tzetzes, an Author of no small credit with Mr. Cambden, concerning Julius Caesar, which story, though it

be a Fable, yet it shews the Opinions of the Ancients, namely, That Caesar was carried, by I know not what Spirit, from Gaul into a Western Island inhabited by Ghosts only, and by the same brought back again. We have little reason to doubt, but that Hercules his discent into Hell, might be grounded upon his Navigation into these parts.

After his death, He was worshipt as a God in all Nations; in some places young Youths were sacrificed before him, and no Women admitted into his Temple. His Bones were preserved in his Temple upon the Streights, and Divine Honours per∣formed to them; although the main part of his Worship was Phoenician, yet the Greeks intruded also, hanging up several Trophies of their own inventions.

He was placed upon a Stone Altar, a Hydra on one side, and Diomedes his Horse on the other, in memory of those two Monsters destroyed by him. He was worshipt in Gaul and Britain, under the name of OGMIUS, and possibly from the Phoenician * 1.407 Og, signifying the Compass of the Sea, and especially the Western Ocean, which Ocean Hercules was the first that discovered it. From this Og the Graecians had their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying the same thing. Bochartus is of opinion, that he is to be derived * 1.408 from Agemion, signifying a Stranger and Forreigner, but I scarcely believe the Bri∣tains or Gauls would borrow a Phoenician word to revile one of their own Nation.

This OGMIUS was represented (as may be seen in the foregoing Figure) An Old and decrepid Man, bald Pated, his Hair white, a wrinckled Skin, and Sun-burnt, * 1.409 after the manner of Old Sea-men, a Globe in one hand, with a Compass in the other, to shew his excellent skill in Geometry and Astronomy.

There is but one place in Britain bearing his Name, and that is Hartlow; many Effigies of him have been dug out in several places, as at the Baths he was found * 1.410 streyning two Snakes. All Hot Baths (according to Athenaeus) were consecrated to him; Likewise in Northumberland, near Risingham, two Altars were inscribed by * 1.411 his Name, but these of later date than what I intend here to speak, and so I will pass them over.

He was pictured drawing a multitude of Men after him, with golden Chains pro∣ceeding from his Mouth, and fastned to their Ears, to shew his Eloquence. Likewise he was esteemed the God of Woers, as he gave good success to Lovers, upon which ac∣count he was named (as some think) Diodus, from Dioda, signifying in the Phoenician Tongue Love. But I rather think he might be called so from his wandring life, which word will bear the same Derivation as a Wanderer.

This is a brief account of the true Phoenician Hercules, called OGMIUS, as much as relates to our present purpose. As for his great Labours and Atchievments, I have purposely omitted, because they seem rather Allegories than real Actions, and require rather a skilful Mythologist, than an honest Historian.

THE NAMES OF THE KINGS Of this Island, FROM SAMOTHES the first Ruler thereof, to the Entrance of the ROMANS.

The Celtick KINGS, under which SAMOTHEA, now BRITAIN, was contained.

SAMOTHES, the Founder of the Celtick Kingdom, A. M. 1910, named this Island SAMOTHEA, and Reigned	46 Years.
Magus his Son,	51
Sarron,	61
Druis,	14
Bardus,	75
In his daies came ALBION the Great.
Longho,	25
Bardus the Second,	37
Lucus Protector,	11
Celtes,	13
Hercules,	19
	Years.
Galathes,	49
Narbon,	18
Lugdus,	51
Beligius,	20
Jasius,	50
Allobrox,	68
Romus,	29
Paris,	39
Lemancs,	62
Olbius,	05
Galathes the Second,	48
Namnes,	44
Remus,	40
Phranicus; In his daies King BRUTE is supposed to enter this Island.

The British Kings.

BRUTE, after his Arrival Reigned,	24 Years.
Locrine,	20
Madan,	40
Mempricius,	20
Ebranck,	40
Brute the Second, Sirnamed Green∣shield.	12
Leil,	25
Lud,	39
Baldud,	20
Leir,	60
Cordeilla, Queen,	05
Cunedag and Margan,	33
Rival,	46
Gurgust,	84
Silvius, whom I derive from the Trojans, not by Brute, but by the Silvii, Kings of Alba and Successors of AEneas, Reigned here in Britain,	49
Jago,	28
Kimmacus,	54
Gorbodug,	63
Ferrex and Porrex, the last of the Line of AEneas, whose Reign, and the Heptar∣chy that ensued on their deaths, under ... Rudaucus, King of Wales, lasted Clotenus, King of Cornwal, Pinnor, King of Loegria, Statorius, King of Albania, Yevan, K. of Northumberland,	53
Molmutius,	40
Belinus and Brennus,	22
Gurguint,	19
Guintelyn,	26
Silvius the Second, or Sisilius,	15
Kimarus,	03
Elanius, or Danius,	10
Morindus,	09
Gorboman,	10
Archigallo, deposed after he had Reign∣ed,	01
Elidure his Brother,	03
	Years.
Archigallo restored,	10
Elidurus again,	01
Vigenius and Peridurus,	09
Elidurus again,	04
Gorbonian,	10
Morgan,	14
Emerianus,	07
Ydwallo,	20
Rimo,	16
Geruntius,	20
Catellus,	10
Coilus,	10
Porrex the Second,	05
Cherimus,	01
Fulgentius,	01
Eldred,	01
Androgeus,	01
Urianus,	3
Eliud,	05
Dedantius, or Dedacus,	05
Detonus,	02
Gurguineus,	03
Merianus,	02
Bleduus or Bladud,	02
Capenus,	03
Ovinus,	02
Sisilius,	02
Bledgabedrus,	10
Archimalus,	02
Eldolus,	04
Rodianus,	02
Redargius,	03
Samulius,	02
Penisillus,	03
Phyrrus,	02
Caporius,	02
Dinellus,	04
Heli,	01
Lud,	11

In the daies of his Sons, Audrogaeus and Theomantius, when Cassibelan their Unkle, usurped the Kingdom, Julius Caesar enter'd the Island.

THE CHRONICLE OF THE Celtick Kings.

CHAP. X. The Celtick KINGS unto BRUTE.

VARRO divideth the Ages of the World into Three * 1.412 great Periods;

• The first, from the Creation to the Flood, * 1.413 con∣taining MDCLVI, He calls "〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, Obscure and Uncertain.
• The second, from the Flood to the first Olympiad, Anno Mundi MMMCLXXXIX, He names 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that * 1.414 is, Fabulous.
• The third Age, from the first Olympiad, and before Christ, 774, to the present Age, He terms '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that * 1.415 is, Historical.

This division of Ages is generally received with such great approbation of Judg∣ment, that it is made use of to the utter overthrowing of all the BRITISH History, as taking its beginning Three hundred and thirty years besore the first Olympiad; But here it is to be considered, that in relation to the Greek and Latin Nations, the division of Fabulous and Historical Ages from those Periods is partly true, although in this also Authors differ.

Pliny makes the Historical Age of Greece not to begin till the One and fiftieth * 1.416 Olympiad, and all the time before to be Fabulous, upon this account respect must be had to the Nations for which those Periods are designed, Had Varro lived, and written among the Jews, it would have obliged him (according to the Custome of that Nation) to have acknowledged every Age Historical, and not to have curtail'd their Histories to the fisty first of Uzziah, or the first of King Jotham, because then Iphitus began the Olympiads.

On the other side there has been Nations so ignorant and barbarous, that could not extend their Historical Ages beyond the daies of their Grandfathers, and all the time preceding was rather absolutely Obscure than Fabulous, so that respect must be had to the Learning of every Nation, their several waies and methods of Re∣cording the Actions of their Ancestors, and the advantages some People might have above others. For this very cause, the measuring of the British Histories are not so strictly to be examined by the Standards of other Nations, neither can they abso∣lutely be rejected upon that account, without manifest Injustice done to them.

It is certain the Britains had their Bards and Druids, and Traded very early with two Learned Nations, the Phoenicians and Graecians; Their Priests had peculiar Me∣thods of composing and rehearsing the Lives of Famous persons, and so continued their Memories to Posterity by mystical Rythms and Numbers. Neither can it be gathered out of Caesar, that any Law or Superstitious usage of the Druids, obliged the Britains not to transmit to Posterity the memorable Actions of their Ancestors. All that was forbidden, was the divulging in writing the mysterious Doctrines and Ceremonies of their Religion, but in most matters else, both private and publick, a∣mongst which History is one; the Greek Tongue was allowed them, neither could the same Policy which restrained them in Religious matters, have any weight as to move them to keep the People in ignörance and darkness, as touching the knowledge of Times and Ages.

So, that although in the British Histories there are many things altogether impos∣sible, others very improbable and fabulous (as indeed, what Histories are free from such Vices?) yet because there may be a great many Truths couched under those Fables, I have thought it not amiss to give an account of them, partly upon that very Rea∣son, and partly, because many Judicious Persons do not utterly reject them.

In the progress of the History, I shall make some reflections upon the most ob∣servable Circumstances, as they carry either the appearance of Truth, or the marks of Falshood and Forgery, contenting my self that this Chronicle be divided (as the Ages of the World since the Flood) into Fabulous and Historical, following rather the Ancient Custome, in yielding something to the Zeal of Antiquity, whereby the Original of Nations is made more venerable, than by erring on the other hand, to bring the Antiquity of a Nation lower than its just proportion.

Yet, in following of the Judgment of Varro, I have ventured to bring down the Genealogy of SILVIUS, or Sisillius, who is supposed to Reign in Britain about * 1.417 the first Olympiad, in another Method than hitherto hath been done; And if the Progeny of AEneas must needs be granted to govern this Island, I shall shew that it is far more probable to suppose him the First rather than BRUTE, whose Name was never known in Alba or Rome, till the first Consul, by a feigned stupidity, had contracted it, so that it is not likely that the name of Brutus could be given as a disgrace to the Consul, which before had been an Honourable Title of one of their Princes Sons.

But referring the disquisition of this matter to its proper place, I will begin with the most Fabulous part, namely, the GELTICK Kings, as they are deli∣vered by Berosus, or, as Mr. Selden saith, Fathered upon him by Annius I'iterbiensis, * 1.418 and thrust into the World under the specious name of a Chaldaean Priest, to which I will add the Succession from Bardus out of Count Palatine, not yet extant in the English Tongue. We must understand therefore, that

NOAH divided the Earth into three Parts, according to the number of his Sons, giving SHEM the possession of that part now called Asia, to HAM or * 1.419 CHAM, Africa, and to his Eldest Son JAPHET, Europe, and all the Islands appertaining to it, of which BRITAIN was the Chief.

JAPHET divided Europe among his Sons; Mesech for his Lot, received all * 1.420 the Countries lying between the River Rhyne, and the Pyraenean Mountains; He is supposed to be called SAMOTHES, and DIS, and is made the founder of the Celtick Kingdom. Others make these Parts to have been Peopled first by Gomer, and asterwards driven out of their Seats by Samothes.

It would be endless to trace all the Absurdities and Contradictions herein con∣tained, seeing that MESECH, the Son of Japhet, is supposed upon better grounds, to be the Father of the Moschi, and GOMER not of the Gauls but * 1.421 Phrygians, his latter Mistake arising from not distinguishing that People in Gallia, their Ancient Possession, and in Phrygia, their after Conquests.

Now, as in all Forgeries there must be some marks of Truth to carry it out, so this Samothes must be called Dis, because Caesar writes that the Gauls derived their * 1.422 Original from Dis Pater, or Father Dis.

His name Samothes is given him, because he must be made the Father of a Sect falsly called (as Mr. Selden proves) Samothei for Semnothei.

H. Stephanus, quoted by Mr. Selden, gives the Original of their Name two waies, * 1.423 either because they had alwaies in their mouths 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or because they seem'd like venerable Deities, the former opinion Stephanus follows, and Mr. Selden the latter.

The Custome of the Gauls and Britains, in measuring their Time by Nights and not Daies (as is reported by Caesar) is fathered upon this Prince by Basingstoak, a * 1.424 Count Palatine. He is reported also to excel in the knowledge of Coelestial Bo∣dies, the course and motion of the Stars, and the nature of Inferiour Creatures, with all the Sciences Moral and Politick, and to have delivered the same in Phoenician Characters.

From Him this Island is feigned to be called SAMOTHEA. He began his * 1.425 Reign, Anno Mundi MDCCCCX, according to Basingstoak, and so reigned six and forty years.

MAGUS his Son succeeded him, a Prince no doubt, by his Name, excellently skill'd in the Art of Magick, and so we find him named the Founder of the Magi in Persia, and this is grounded upon that Hyperbolical saying in Pliny, namely, That the * 1.426 Britains were so addicted to the Art of Magick, that the Persians might seem to have learnt it from them. And this is ground enough for a bold and confident Writer to say no worse of Annius, to create this Prince Magus, who being granted to Reign in these Parts, we have a Founder of those many Cities ending in Magus or Magum, both in Britain and Gaul, as Sitomagus, Neomagus, &c.

This King first reduced Men into distinct Tribes and Cities, whereas before they lived dispersed in Woods and Mountains; He first brought in Propriety, and set out bounds and limits of Grounds, all which he performed by his wonderful Eloquence, perswading the Barbarous People to the conveniencies of such distinctions.

He is supposed to have begun his Reign Anno Mundi MDCCCCLVI, and to have Reigned fifty one years, leaving his Kindgom to his Sou

SARRON, the third King of the Britains and Celts. He was not famous for any new Laws (as Stephanus Forcatulus, quoted by Mr. Selden, witnesseth) but for esta∣blishing * 1.427 the Constitutions of his Father and Grand-father, under severe Penalties, to which purpose he is said to have reduced them into one Volume, and to have erected Publick places for Students.

He is seigned to be the Founder of the Sect of the Sarronides, when indeed the Sarronides were but another name for the Druids, as appeareth by the derivation of their Name from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, being the same with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an Oak, as likewise by the de∣scription * 1.428 Diodorus gives of them, namely, that without the Sarronides, no Sacrifice either publick or private, could be rightly performed, which is the very same Caesar writes of the Druids, so that we see this King and the following Druids should be the same Person.

The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from whence the name Druid is derived, proceeded from the Oaks that grew in the Plain of * 1.429 Mamre, under which, in times past, those Religious Men called Druids, to whom the office of Priesthood was committed, lived most devoutly. That it was a holy place we read in Genesis, that blessed Abraham dwelt among the Oaks of Mamre, where he pitched his Tent, and built a Tabernacle and Altar unto the Lord, in which he offered Rams, Geats, Calves, &c. in Sacrifice, and moreover that he performed there all other Sacerdotal Rites and Ceremonies appertaining to his Priestly-office in those daies; From these Oaks of Mamre (which some call otherwise Palm Trees) sprang the Original Sect of Druids, which reached up as high as Abrahams time, and it is positively recorded by some Authentick Authors, that the Druid Colledges flourished also very eminently in the daies of Hermio, a German Prince, which happened not long after Abrahams death; This I esteem to be very much assisting to a clearer proof and evidence of the Antiquity of that Sect, whom I do make appear were Ancient Priests and Governours in Ecclesiastical and Civil matters in this Nation; And by Reason Abraham lived under those Oaks of Mamre so piously, the Druids in Example thereof (although degenerating from the true sub∣stance and intent of so good an Example) chose Groves of Oaks under which they performed all the invented Rites and Ceremonies belonging to their Religion.

To speak further, we must confidently (according to the Rule and Method of the British History) believe Sarron to have Reigned as a British King, from Anno Mundi MMVII, to MMLXVIII, when being Ambitious to extend his Empire, he ended his life and kingdom, and now we hear of Druis his Son.

DRUIS the Son of Sarron, or as Basing stochius writes, his Grand-son, by his Son Namnes who died before him, succeeded in the Kingdom. He is made the Au∣thor of the Druids, a famous Sect of Philosophers, he began his Reign Anno Mundi MMLXVIII, and held the Government but fourteen years. Then

BARDUS the Son of Druis, next entered upon the Kingdom. This is the King of Poets. Musicians and Heralds called from him Bardi, they were very much given to composing of Genealogies, and rehearsing them in publick Assemblies, but notwithstanding their great skill in this matter, we see they have the mis∣fortune to be put after the Druids in Succession, whereas, in the fore-going An∣tiquities, it is probably made out, they were an Ancienter Order than they in Bri∣tain.

This Bardus began his Reign Anno Mundi MMLXXXII, and possest the Scepter seventy five years.

Now, who would not have thought BRITAIN, or SAMOTHEA, an happy Island, having so many Philosophers for their Kings, but see the mischief of it. Let Samothes, Magus, Sarron and Druis, teach never so Divinely, and Bardus Sing or Pipe never so sweetly, yet the People will be Adders still, there is no re∣claiming of the Multitude; No wonder therefore, that giving themselves to a loose and luxurious life, and not keeping up to the strict Rules that had been prescribed to them, they were the sooner conquered and subdued by the Giant Albion, so that Samothea was wrested from the Celts, the Line of Japhet, and brought in subjection to the Progeny of Ham.

Now it is that stories complain of the miserable Thraldom of this Island by the Sons of Neptune, and the delivery of it in part by the death of Albion, slain by Hercules, though long after it was molested by Giants until the Arrival of Brutus, all which Circumstances I will pass over, not because they are more Fabulous than the rest, but because they seem (if they were well timed and cleared of all the Ignorant Rubbish, that by age and malice of Writers has over-burthened them) to carry some foot-steps of the Phoenicians in this Island, who were Men of exceeding proportion, and of the Linage of Ham, and early Traders into these Parts.

Likewise the story of Dioclesian, or, as Mr. Hollinshead corrects it, Danaus his * 1.430 Daughter, I will omit, as too tedious a Fable, and so proceed to the succession of the Celtick Kingdom, of which Britain is feigned a part. This I do not for Truths sake, but Convenience; It follows therefore out of Basin∣stoak: * 1.431

LONGHO, the Son of Bardus, succeeded him in the Kindom of the Celtae.

He made War upon Scandia, and gave name to the Longo Bards, who afterwards proceeded from that Country. I pass over, how ridiculously and against all Geo∣graphy, Scandia, by Basinstochius, is placed about the Coasts of Britain, and made an Island.

These are small faults; He begun his Reign Anno Mundi MMCLVII, and reigned twenty eight years.

BARDUS the Second succeeded him; He carried Musick into Germany, which had been first taught in Celtica by his Grand-father. He Reigned seven and thirty years, and left a young Son called Celtes, who being not ripe enough to Ad∣minister the Kingdom,

LUCUS was elected King, who Reigned but Eleven years, and then,

CELTES assumed the Crown; From this Prince the Celtae took their Deno∣mination. His Mother was called Galathea, in honour of whose Memory he gave that name to his Daughter, and afterwards married her to Hercules, by whom she had a Son named Galathes, from whom the Galli are derived. He reigned but thirteen years, and then

HERCULES and GALATHEA succeeded. This Hercules built Alexia, and passing the Alpes, he gave his younger Son Tuscus the Kingdom of Italy, and his elder Son Galathes the Celtick Dominion. The first Prince reigned nineteen years; Galathes held the Kingdom of the Celts forty nine years, and then left it to his Son

NARBON, the Son of Galathes, during his Fathers life had the Island of Sa∣mothea intrusted to his Government, but after the death of his Father he passed into Gallia, and there built a City after his own Name, he reigned eighteen years.

LUGDUS his Son succeeded him; he built Lugdunum and reigned fifty one years.

BELIGIUS followed, who gave name to the Belgae, formerly called Beligici, he died without Issue after he had reigned twenty years, and the Kingdom of the Celts devolved on

JASIUS. This Prince was of the Line of Hercules, and the year before was crea∣ted King of Italy, so that the two Kingdoms of Celtica and Italy were conjoyned in

one Man, Anno Mundi MMCCCLXXXIV. This raised Envy in his Brother Dardanus, who began a Civil-War, but not being able to prevail by force of Arms, he had re∣course unto Policy, so that feigning Reconciliation with his Brother, he takes all his Goods, and Shipping them, enters into his Brothers Palace, and there Murthers him as he was Bathing, this being effected, he flies into Samothrace, afterwards into Phrygia. Jasius had a Son named

CORYBANTUS, he succeeded his Father in the Kingdom of Italy, but not of the Caeltes. Jasius reigned fifty years.

ALLOBROX, of the line of Hercules, obtained the Kingdom of the Celti, he Reigned sixty eight years, and

ROMUS his Son succeeded him, he Governed twenty nine years.

PARIS the Son of Romus Ruled thirty nine years.

LEMANES the Son of Paris Reigned sixty seven years.

OLBIUS the Son of Lemanes Reigned five years. From this Olbius, Basinsto∣chius derives Albion, the Name of this Island.

GALATHES the Second succeeded him, and Reigned eight and forty years.

NAMNES followed and Governed forty four years, and being about to end his daies he bequeathed the Kingdom to his Son Remus.

REMUS the Son of Namnes Reigned forty years. He left only a Daughter, which he had married before to Phranicus, a Prince of the Blood of Hector.

PHRANICUS held the Scepter in right of his Wife, but leaving Samothea to be Governed by the Druids, he betook himself to the Continent called by his Name, France, so that the Britains readily received King BRUTUS at his Arrival into this Island, as is pretended by those who desired to claim an honourable Title from that Race of the Trojans.

This is the account of the Celtick Kings before BRUTE, according to Berosus and Basinstochius; Who can but wonder at the exact and punctual Chronology in * 1.432 things of so vast a distance, the Religious care of the Historiographers, lest the mi∣nutest Circumstances should be omitted? Who can but admire at their ingenious Con∣trivances, least the Reigns of these things should want some diverting Circumstances, and their Governments run dully without the usual rubs of Ambition and Usurpation. If we seriously consider these matters, we may easily find that the Government of these Princes began not many hundred years ago. The Opinion of Isacius Tzetzes, * 1.433 concerning imaginary Regions in the British Seas was never more true, then when we consider these Aiery Princes, and their phantastical Governments, so that hitherto we find rather an History of Utopia than Britain.

From Samothes his Reign, beginning An. Mundi MDCCCCX, which is 254 years after the Flood, to the end of Phranicus his Reign, are 945 years, so that the Entrance of Brute into this Island, according to this account, is in the year of the World MMDCCCLV, and after the Flood 1199 years; But, as if there were some great truth in this matter that required wonderful Exactness, we find much variance in Authors.

Berosus makes Samothes's Kingdom about 152 years after the Flood, and that it continued 335 years in his Posterity. Mr. Hollinshead saies, 310, and then Albion * 1.434 Arrived, but from Samothes to the end of Bardus his Reign, is but 247 years, so that here a vast Inter-regnum is made between Bardus and Albion; Besides, the diffe∣rences between 254 and 152 years, in which Samothes is said to begin his Kingdom, cuts short the seventy five years of Bardus his Reign, which are assigned him by the Count Palatine.

The Entrance of Brute, according to this Computation, differs something from * 1.435 that which is generally received, namely, That he arrived at this Island in the year of the World 2887, and after the Flood 1231, in the Eighteenth year of Eli his Priesthood, and before Christ 1059. And here Mr. Speed comes upon Brutes Hi∣story with his Scripture Chronology, like a Goliah, Let us see to what purpose. Brute (saith he) is the fourth discent from AEneas, namely thus, AEneas, Ascanius, Silvius, Brutus. Now allowing, favourably, according to Herodotus (and I add according * 1.436 to the Britains) Thirty years for a Generation, we shall find (that if Brute entred this Isle Anno Mundi 2887) that the Trojan War in the daies of AEneas, happened Anno Mundi 2768, in the Eight and thirtieth year of Gideons Government.

But this cannot be saies Mr. Speed; why not? Because (saies he) Clemens Alexan∣drinus * 1.437 alleadged out of Pergamenus and Letus, placeth the Trojan War fully Two hun∣dred and thirty years after, namely, in the Reign of King Solomon, so that Brute en∣tred not this Island in Ely's Priesthood, but in the Usurpation of Juda's Kingdom by Athaliah, in the year of the World 3118. and so we see Brutes Antiquity cut off Two hundred and thirty years. O wonderful exactness in Chronology! will any one hence∣forth be able to defend Brutes History? no certainly, especially if they consider the deadly blow that is coming. Josephus (saies he) confidently affirms, he is able to prove by Phoenician Records, that the City Carthage was built by Dido, Sister to Pig∣maleon, 155 years after the Reign of King Hiram, which was Solomons Friend, and 143 years and eight months after the building of his most beautiful Temple.

Now Dido and AEneas, according to Virgil, were contemporary. By this compu∣tation * 1.438 we find Troys destruction fell out about the twentieth year of Joash his Reign over Judah, which was in the year of the Worlds Creation 3143, to which if we add One hundred and twenty years for the Four discents from AEneas to Brute, then will Brutes Conquest of this Island fall with the twelfth of Jothams Reign, in Anno Mundi 3263, and thus we see Brute hath miserably lost again 375 years of his An∣tiquity.

The greatest loss is to follow, and here it is that Mr. Speed saies, that he has made a deep breach into Brute's History. Manethon (saies he) the Historian, Priest of * 1.439 Egyt, in his second Book cited by Josephus, affirmeth, that the Israelites departure from AEgypt was almost 1000 years before the Wars of Troy, and this, Mr. Speed saith, Josephus * 1.440 seems to allow; By this measure Brute is lessened 752 years, but I would fain know why he thinks Josephus allows this Computation, when as before Josephus is brought in confidently maintaining another Account, and that out of the Phoenician Annals. Josephus might allow this Computation of Manethon the Egyptian perhaps according to the Egyptian manner of Years, which consisted of three Months, and so the 1000 years will (in reality) be but 250, effectually.

But what makes all this against Brute, whose time depends upon the timing of the Trojan War, for can any one be so mad or simple, as by any Scripture Computation to bring down the War of Troy below the daies of Alexander, and almost equalling it with the Punick. Clemens Alexandrinus might erre in this Chronology, and Virgil is generally reproved for making AEneas and Dido contemporary. The Trojan War it self is so disputable, that who can expect an exact timing of it. If the Author that Jeffery of Monmouth pretends to have translated, did place the Entrance of Brute under the Priesthood of Ely, it was a fancy grounded upon some Computation of his own, which whether it be true or false, concerns not the question of Brutes Arrival, who knew not, and consequently, could not deliver down his Entrance in the Priest∣hood of Ely?

There are too many Circumstances that condemn the story of Brute, and it is vain to confute an Author in a small matter, whereas greater things may be laid to his charge, like him, who declaiming against Nero, insisted most in his defects in Musick; so if there were nothing to be said against Brutes and Samothes's stories but the ill harmony of Time, possibly they may be found as perfect in those points as most Hi∣stories. But the destroying of Brute by any Computation, is, as if one would by the same Weapons prove there was never a Trojan Horse, or Minerva's fatal Statue, and so I proceed to Brutes History.

THE CHRONICLE OF THE British Kings.

CHAP. XI. The History of BRUTE.

BRUTUS, Brito, or as the * 1.441 Count Palatine calls him Brotus, is on all hands agreed to be the Off-spring of AEneas, but whe∣ther by his Wife Creusa, or Lavinia, there is great variance manifested in Authors.

To clear this Controversie, that the Reader may better judge of the whole matter, I will set down the Progeny of AEnaeas by both his Wives;

[illustration]

AEnaeas dying, he left his Kingdom to, Ascanius, whom he had by his first Wife Creusae. Lavinia his second Wife surviving and finding her self big with Child, be∣gan to dread the power of Ascanius, least the odious name of a Step-mother, and the jealousie of an half Brother, and Competitor in the Kingdom, might carry him on to some violence against her Person; Upon this she fled into the Woods, and was de∣livered of a Son, whom she named Silvius Posthumus, from the place of his Birth, and by reason he was born after the decease of his Father.

But, it seems (the People ill resenting the flight of Lavinia) Ascanius was obliged to re-call her, and giving to her and her Son the City Lavinium, he built Albae Longa, where he Reigned. At his death he bequeathed his Kingdom to his Son Iulus, between whom and Silvius, Controversies arose concerning the Right of Govern∣ment; at last it was found that the People inclined rather to Silvius, as being de∣scended of Lavinia the Daughter of Latinus, and inheriting the blood of the Tro∣jans and Latins, the whole Kingdom devolved on him. By this, Iulus was constrai∣ned to take up with the Priest-hood.

There is great uncertainty in Roman Authors concerning the Line of AEnaeas, and Livy doubts whether Iulus was the Son of AEneas by Creusa or Lavinia, but * 1.442 this seemeth to be the clearest Genealogy.

To this Genealogy, gathered out of Roman Authors, John of Weathamstead, Abbot * 1.443 of St. Albaens, a right Judicious Man, had respect in his Censures long ago upon Brutes History, where he saith, That Ascanius begat no such Son as had for his pro∣per name SILVIUS, but left Issue an only Son Iulus, from whom the Family of the IULII afterwards proceeded, and that Silvius Posthumus (whom perhaps Jeoffery of Monmouth meaneth) was the Son of AEneas by his Wife Lavinia, who begat AE∣naeas Silvius, and in the Eight and thirtieth year of his Reign, ended his life by a Natural death. How therefore could he be slain by his Son Brute? or if any such thing had happened, how came so memorable an Accident to be omitted? This argues the story to be Poetical (as he saith) rather than Historical, and that Jeoffery, or whoever compiled it, was altogether ignorant of the Genealogy of AEnaeas, which will appear more evidently by the sequel. Let us see therefore to which Line our supposed Brute, can with most reason be referred.

The Author of the Book, which Jeoffery of Monmouth pretends to have translated, makes AEnaeas his Genealogy thus;

[illustration]

In this he seems to confound Silvius with Iulus, making them the same Persons, who indeed were but Competitors in the same Kingdom, so that Silvius in the Line of Lavinia, is brought into the Line of Creusa.

Others, to mend the matter, make Brute descend of AEnaeas and Lavinia, but then they bring Ascanius of the Line of Creusa in to the Line of Lavinia, and so make him the same with Silvius Posthumus, by that to have begotten Iulus the Father of Brute, whereas Silvius Posthumus begat Silvius AEnaeas, and was the Father of those many Silvii who succeeded in the Kingdom of Alba.

Hitherto we see Brute the Grandfather of AEnaeas by a mixt Genealogy, but Gyo∣nan Villani, cited by Mr. Hollinshead, brings his Line absolutely from AEnaeas and * 1.444 Lavinia, and seems to make him the Grand-child of AEnaeas, by his Son Silvius Po∣sthumus, who (marrying the Neece of his Mother Lavinia) had Issue BRUTE so called because she died in Travail of him. I suppose he means Brotus, but how ridiculously 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is made to signifie any such thing, I leave it to the Judicious to determine.

But how comes it to pass, that he should flie his Country, fearing (as is said) his Grandfather Silvius Posthumus, when as there is no mention made in Gyonan Villani of another Silvius (in this Line) the Son of Silvius Posthumus, and the Father of Brute. However it comes to pass, Brute must be the Off-spring of AEneas, and we must not be too busie in asking questions, for if one demand, how the name of Brute, (which was afterwards given to the first Consul for his feigned Stupidity) to be a name of the Princes Son in the same Kingdom, it will be answered he was called Brotus, not Brutus, because his Mother died in Child-bed of him.

If it be asked, why he sted for the accidental killing his Father? the Count Pa∣latine saies, it is a mistake, for it was only a Rumour spread of him and the truth was rather by other discontents that he was moved to flight. If enquiry be made, how it comes to pass that the Latin Writers (who reckon up the Progeny of AEneas) and the Silvii, make not the least mention of him, and Gildas the Ancient Britain hath * 1.445 Altum silentium in this point? The Reply is easie, That it is not the business of every Author to mention every particular, for the Romans contented themselves with what related to their own Nation, and Gildas made no mention of it, being a thing beyond dispute.

For the present we will attend this BRUTE, the supposed Son of Silvius, with the same care and diligence we have done the Celtick Kings.

Being of the Age of fifteen he left his Country, and arriving at Greece, he found a number of the scattered Trojans, who lived under the Dommion of Pandrasus. * 1.446 Finding them a discontented Party, he managed his Interest wisely with them (often inculcating the Nobility of their Ancestors, and the slavery of their present condi∣tion) he offered himself to be their Head and Leader, and so encouraged them to stand upon honourable Terms; They willingly embraced this motion, and many of them being in Authority under Pandrasus, revolted, and so brought over great Par∣ties with them.

BRUTE being thus strengthened, great numbers continually flockt to him, with encouragements to execute his designs; securing himself in Woods, and making sure to him many considerable Forts and strong Holds, but first writes a smart Let∣ter to Pandrasus, wherein he demands the liberty of his Trojans.

The King amazed at his sudden Imperiousness, but considering with calmer thoughts the Paucity of the Rebels, resolved (by force of Arms) to chastise their Arrogance, by reducing them to Obedience; In all haste he levies a considerable Power, and marching against him with greater heat than conduct, and supposing his Enemies to be hid in the Woods, near a Town called Sparatinum, he is set upon by Brute, who had three thousand of his well appointed Trojans in Ambuscado for that Expedition, so that Pandrasus his Army marching loosely, and without order or discipline (as if they had not expected an Enemy so near them) were quickly routed and put to flight.

Brute pursues his Victory to the River Akalon, in which many of the Graecians mise∣rably perished; Neither could the Courage of Antigonus, Brother to Pandrasus, pre∣vail, although he often, from small Parties, rallyed and made Head against the Ene∣my; for by the general Consternation of his Men he was defeated and taken Pri∣soner.

After this success, Brute entred Sparatinum, and placing a Garrison in it of six hundred Men, he returns with the rest of his Body into the Woods, bringing them the joyful News of his eminent Victories.

Pandrasus being overcome (with shame and sorrow, for the loss of his Brother and this unexpected Defeat) resolves at last, with a greater Power, and more care and circumspection, to renew the War. To this end, he gathers up his dispersed Soul∣diers, and with fresh supplies from all parts of his Kingdom, laies Siege to Sparati∣num, wherein he thought Brute in Person resided.

This Opinion made him carry on the Siege with more violence, storming it at several places at once, but finding greater resistance than he expected, altered his resolution, hoping to reduce them by want of Provisions, so that beleaguring the Town on all sides, with great impatience, expected a surrender.

The Garrison (by a private Messenger) signifying their mind to Brute, by way of Requests, for speedy Assistance, not being able to answer them with Forces, had recourse to Policy, swearing Anacletus, whom he had taken Prisoner, to be faithful to him; By the means of this Guide he marched by Night, and in the dark sets upon Pandrasus in his Trenches, which Enterprize took such good effect, that the King himself was made his Captive.

The excellent luck of this our HERO was attended with an honourable Peace, the Conditions of which are very observable, in that they were advantagious for Brute only, as I find no Consideration for the Kings satisfaction; The Articles were these.

That Brute should marry Innogen the Kings Daughter, and in consideration of her Dower, should have a Fleet given him, with liberty to transport all such as would be willing to follow his Fortunes, without the least let or molestation from the Graecians.

It is no wonder that we find not Antigonus included in these Articles, because it may be supposed he desired not Liberty, for who would not desire to follow so Happy a man as Brute, the Darling of Fortune, who could make those Terms with a Prince, and yet (as Mr. Hollinshead saith) never toucht the Prerogative of his * 1.447 Kingdom.

BRUTE, with his Wife Innogen embarks, and after two daies and one nights sail, arrived at an Island called Leogetia, or Lergetia, for Authors differ. Where this Island should be, let Geography it self speak, I am ignorant, but here it was that Brute first learnt to bend his Knee, and prostrating himself before the Oracle of Diana, he desired her to assign him some place for a fixt Habitation, in these words.

Diva Potens nemorum, terrestria jura resolve, Dic certam sedem, quâ te Venerabor in avum.

Goddess of Woods, Terrestrial Rights foretel, Assign some place, where I may happy dwell.

The GODDESS Answer,

BRUTE, sub occasum solis trans Gallica Regna, Insula in Oceano est, habitata Gigantibus olim, Ilanc pete, namque tibi sedes erit illa Perennis. Hic de Prole tuâ, Reges nascentur: & ipsis Totius terrae subditus Orbis erit.

BRUTE, in the West, beyond the Gallick Land, An Isle of Old by Giants held, doth lie. Go seek this out, for to thy Trojan Band This is the place design'd, by Destiny. Here from thy Loyns shall Kings proceed, and they Over all Nations shall their Scepter sway.

This was delivered to him in a Dream, and I doubt for no other will it be taken, but, hoysing up his Sails, passes the Streights of Gibraltar, and Coasting on the Right hand, see the luck of it, he met with another Company of Trojans led thither by Antenor, lying upon the Tyrrhen Sea.

Mr. Hollinshead corrects this mistake in the British History, and will needs have it * 1.448 the Pyraenean Sea; But, what had Antenor to do in the Ocean in the West of Spain? We read in History, that he brought his Colony to the Tyrrhen, but never to the Pyraenean Sea, so that here we find the late fortunate Brutus, with some Magick or other, brought back again through the Streights, and cast into the very mouths of his Enemies, even upon the Coast of Italy, to answer for the death of his Father, or else some other misdemeanour.

Notwithstanding this Geography, we must suppose him on the Coast of Spain, where he meets with Corinaeus the present Captain of these dispersed Trojans, who understanding Brute to be of the same Nation with himself, a Man of great Spirit, and the Master of so powerful a Nation, makes Propositions of uniting to him, which Brute g'adly received, so that joyning Forces, they proceed together in seek∣ing out new Adventures, and after thirty daies sail, Brute, with his new Confederates, entred the River Ligeris in Aquitain.

Goffarius (was King of this Country) Sirnamed Pictus, descended of the Aga∣thyrses, a Painted Nation, and some hold that this Country from hence was called Poictou, and that part of Britain was named Pight-land upon the same account of Painting.

Goffarius being informed of the Landing of these Strangers, sent some of his Officers to learn their Numbers, and to observe their Motions, who meeting with two hundred of the Trojans that went a Hunting with their Leader Corinaeus, there happened a dispute between them, insomuch that Imbert, the Captain of the Gauls, shot an Arrow at Corinaeus, which proved the engagement of a terrible Battle, and Corinaeus to require him, with one slash clave his Head asunder, upon which Accident followed a Victory to the Trojans.

Goffarius by this time had mustered up his Forces, and resolved to revenge this Insolence committed on his Subjects: Fortune seconded not his Attempt, for Brute with the assistance of Corinaeus, defeated all his Army, and forced his security by flight.

It seems these two Overthrows did but whet the Revenge of Goffarius, and so with new Forces sets again upon the Trojans, over-powring them in Numbers, for it is said he had Thirty for One, and at last constrained them to take refuge in their Camp, where he olosely besieged them with his whole Army; Brute and Corinaeus, by pri∣vate Messages, resolved to set upon him on both sides at one instant, whereupon Corinaeus with three hundred Men, lying in Covert all night, charged the next Morning the Gauls, then Brute seconds him with a brisk Sally, and here again Goffarius is defeated, yet not without great slaughter on both sides.

Brute in this Battle lost his Nephew Turinus, a valiant Youth, in honour of whom he built Turonium, now called Towres, and in Revenge harasses the Country of Gof∣farius, and with Fire and Sword prosecutes his Victory.

Goffarius being thus expelled his Kingdom, sollicited his Neighbour Princes to undertake his quarrel, and now all Gaul was united against the Common Enemy, which Brute understanding, calls a Council of War, where it was finally conclu∣ded, That upon the account of their great Losses received in the former Encounter, they should not prosecute Goffarius any further, considering more especially it was beside their main design, this not being the Country allotted them by the Oracle: so that collecting all their Forces, they embarked, making as must haste as they could to the Promised Island, where, after a few daies sayl, they arrived at the Haven now called Totness.

The time of Brutes Landing is supposed, about the Year of the World 2887, * 1.449 and after the Universal Flood, 1231. The Count Palatine places it in the Year 2855, and Mr. Hollinshead 2850, and after the destruction of Troy 66; but of the great difference in Calculations I have treated already, and once for all it may be said, That a true and just Chronology cannot be expected till the coming of Julius Caesar.

Brute having at last (through many dangers and difficulties) attained the long wished for Island, he Lands his Trojans, and marches up into the Country to take possession.

Joyful was he to see the pleasant prospect of so large a Dominion, and blest the Gods that they gave him so glorious a Reward for all his labours. But all things were not so well as he imagined, for, from the Clyffs and craggy Rocks, he began to perceive mighty Giants arising; This sight he communicated to Corinaeus, who, at first, was much surprized at the Object, but at last they both pluckt up their wonted Spirits, and with a few Trojans valiantly assailed these Mon∣sters.

In a few Conflicts they found not their Weapons to want success, so that they soon convinced these Goliahs, that no strength or vastness of Limbs, was able to resist a Trojan Puissance.

Corinaeus, after several general Engagements, had a longing desire to enter into a nearer trial of skill with some one of them: Gogmagog undertakes him, and a day of wrestling was appointed, and attended with great expectation.

The Giant at his first grapling, by a close-Hug, breaks a Rib of Corinaeus, but sorely paid for it, by the fall Corinaeus gave him from the Clyff of Dover to his utter destruction, which from hence is said afterwards to be called Cwymp y Cawr, or the fall of the Giant. This was a good Omen of the Trojans further success, and Corinaeus for this piece of service was rewarded with the Principality of Corn∣wal.

Brute by degrees destroyed the whole Race of these Giants, and quietly posses∣sing the Island, the first work he undertook was the building of a City, which he called Troy-novant, now London.

In this City he kept his Royal Court, ordaining and enacting, that from hence∣forth the whole Island should be called after his Name, BRITAIN, and so the Inhabitants, Britains,

Being at the point of Death, in the fifteenth year of his Reign, and the four and twentieth of his Arrival, he divided his Kingdom to his three Sons; To Locrinus he bequeathed that part now called ENGLAND, To Camber, WALES, To Albanact, SCOTLAND, and so called it after his name, Albania.

Brute in that sickness is supposed to have died, and was buried in his new City TROY - Novant, but the particular place where, was never yet discovered by any, and I much question whether it ever will.

SOME OBSERVATIONS UPON THIS History of Brute.

IT is not material whether this story of BRUTE be to be referred to Jeof∣fery of Monmouth, Henry of Huntington, or Segibertus Gemblasensis a French-man, who lived an hundred years before Jeoffery, and treats of Brute and his Trojans Arrival into Gaul, and his passage into Britain; For if Segi∣bertus, or any other Person, had the name of Brute before Jeoffery, and some particular Actions of such a Prince, yet the composing of his Genealogy, the methodizing the Circumstances of his Life, the Timing of his Entrance, the Suc∣cession of his Line, depends all upon the Credit of Jeoffery, and the truth of his Translation, and so was esteemed in the daies in which he lived, and put forth his History; For, how long a Trojan Original might be in these parts, or how long Britannia might be derived from Brutus, is not the thing in question; but this was the custome of Ancient times, to derive Nations from some particular Persons, even amongst the Greeks and Romans, and was an old Vanity of the World, to refer their beginning to some Divine HERO.

To make this pretended Brute to be a Trojan, and to fasten him upon a Genealogy contrary to the truth of those Histories from which that Genealogy is fetcht, and upon whose Credit it depends, is the thing for which Brutes History is chiefly con∣demned.

Segibertus Gemblasensis might have the same design in deriving his Britain in France, from Brutus, as the Britains might derive their Britannia.

I do not deny, but Jeoffery of Monmouth might have several hints of Brutus, nay a British History of him, but it will not justifie the Fiction, neither can the multi∣tude of Authors, in, or about that time, take away from the Credit of Ancienter Historiographers, as Caesar, Tacitus, Gildas, Ninius, and as many as wrote twelve hun∣dred * 1.450 years since, who make no mention of any such Person; more than that, do pro∣fess by all their Enquiry, they could learn nothing of the Britains concerning their Original, so that whatever Original is pretended, nevertheless the story of the Tro∣jan Brute, and all the Legend of his life, seems to be brought into the World not long before those times, as appears by Mr. Cambden and Speed, nay, Mr. Sheringham of late in his Vindication of this story, in one place ingeniously confesses, That these Tales * 1.451 might be invented, and so intruded upon the Vulgar. But where ever the story of Brute is to be told, the Character of it, and the Compiler ought never to be omitted.

It is the saying of William of Newborough, who lived in the Age of Geoffery ap Arthur of Monmouth, and writes thus of him; In these our daies (saith he) a certain

Writer is risen, who deviseth foolish Fictions of the Britains, he hath to Name Geoffery, * 1.452 and a little after, With how little shame, and with what great confidence doth he frame his Lies.

About the same time was Francio invented for the Francks, Scota, Pharaolis Daugh∣ter, for the Scots, Hiberus for the Irish, Danus for the Danes, Brabo for the Bra∣banders, Gothus for the Goths, Saxo for the Saxons, and is Brutus for the Britains any thing truer? who can think it.

Scriverius, in his Preface to the Antiquitics of Ancient Batavia, falls severely * 1.453 upon Jeoffery of Monmouth, and gives his History the name of, Groote grove lange dicke taste lijck ende unbeschaemte, logen, that is, A most impudent Lie, a great one, a heavy one, a long thick one, which (like the AEgyptian Darkness) was so palpable it might be felt. Never had a Lie so many dimensions given it before, nor so much substance ascribed to it. Well fare Brute and his Trojans, above all stories this carries the Honour of the day.

That which gave some Authority to this Fiction, was the use King Edward the first made of it, in vindicating his Title to Scotland against the pretence of Pope Boniface, and the Church of Rome, who laid claim to that Kingdom, by Ancient Right, as part of St. Peters Patrimony, and that Churches Demesne.

This Action of the King stampt some Character upon this late Invention, and the Judgment of so wise a Prince in favour of Brute, in a matter of so high a Con∣cern, brought this new Embrio into some credit in the World. It will not be amiss therefore, to examine the whole Circumstances of this debate between the King, Pope, and Barons of this Realm.

King Edward having made a considerable progress towards the Conquest of Scot∣land, and being there in Person, receives a Prohibition from the Pope (who was backt on by the French King) to proceed any further in that business, until he had proved his Title at Rome, to which place the Pope by his Bull, drew the hearing of the Cause; the King received this Message from the Archbishop of Canterbury, who, through many hazards, brought the Bull to him into Scotland, and thereby finding that the Pope had started an unheard of Claim to that Kingdom, returns this Answer to the Bishop, That he could not reply to the Popes Letters without the consent of his Barons, most of which were at that time in Britain.

The next year coming into Britain, he summons a Parliament at Lincoln, Octabis Sancti Hilarii, to advise with his Prelates, Nobles and Commons, how to defend the Rights of his Crown against this new Papal claim. Upon reading of the Popes Bull, it was long debated whether the King should return any Answer to it, but in fine the Affirmative carried it.

The King, to justifie his Title to Scotland, and to prove it was alwaies a Feuda∣tory Nation, and that their Kings through all Ages, paid Homage to the Kings of Britain, begins his Claim from Brute, and the division of the whole Island among his Three Sons, Locrine, Camber, and Albanact, wherein this constitution and Cu∣stome of Troy is asserted, Ut dignitas haereditatis Primogenito perveniret, and so he followeth on his Title through many British Princes, as it may be seen at large in the Records in the Tower of London, Anno 29. Edvardi primi. Here we see Brutes story * 1.454 made use of in a Claim to a Crown, then in real debate, so that here a few things must be considered.

Who were the Persons that might be thought to have a great stroak in compiling this Letter. The Writs the King issued out were to no less than three and forty Abbots, Priors and Deans, besides many others of the Clergy, to search the Records of their Monasteries and Covents, and to send up to Lincoln any thing which might concern the present question.

It appears, that the Monks and Fryers had a great hand in making out this Title by Brute, whose Story now was new vampt, and from all Parts sent out of those shops where at first it had been forged and hammer'd out; And this doth more evidently appear, if we consider many other parts of the same Letter, as it is found in the Re∣cords cited by Mr. Pryn, but especially that Miracle of King Adelstane, who (in perpetuam rei memoriam) to give an evident sign of his Right to Scotland, with his Sword struck such a blow upon a Rock near Dunbar, that he clest it, at least, an Ell wide.

It is no wonder if King Edward did oppose the Spiritual Right of the Pope with no less Aiery Titled, and it was not unnecessary that he should endeavour to beat him at his own Weapons, having so many Myrmedons to assist him, who were excel∣lently skill'd, and so fitter to return upon Rome a Title which had no less pretences of Antiquity and Holiness than the Popes, so that the Fable of Brute here made use of, in the Circumstances of those Affairs, was prudent and Politick, yet makes not to the credit and reality of his History, but shews, that a wise Prince took the ad∣vantage to destroy an impertinent Demand with a Politick return.

Besides, Albanact the Son of Brute, by this time had been received by the Scots, who were as Ambitious to derive their Nation from the Trojans, as the English were contented with a younger Brother for their Prince, seeing the English had preven∣ted them in the right of Primogeniture by Locrinus, so that Locrinus's Title against Albanact is good, although, in truth, neither be valuable. And so I leave the story of Brute and his Trojans to the Credit of its first Devisors, and how far it may be taken hath been sifted sufficiently by all Authors. I will only reply to one Argu∣ment, often produced in favour of Brute, to which hitherto I have seen no An∣swer.

It is taken from the words of Thaliassen, an Ancient Poet, supposed to live in * 1.455 the daies of Mailgon King of Venedotia, or North-Wales, in his Book entituled, Hannes Thaliassen, or the Errors of Thaliassen.

Mia deythymyma att Wedillhion Croia. I return to the Relich of Troy.

Now granting this to be the true work of Thaliassen, I see not why, from hence, the Britains must be concluded of Trojan Original. The Phrase of Reliquiae Trojae, aut Reliquiae Danûm, may elegantly be used to express any Nation that is miserably brought from its Ancient Glory, and reduced to so small a number as the Britains were by the Romans, and especially by the Saxons.

It is a Poetical Elegancy used by Thaliassen to express the Calamities of his Na∣tion, yet such small Figures have often created great Kings in the Inventions of Fan∣ciful Men, as Magus the Celtick King took birth from the Poetical saying of Pliny, and I believe verily, Brutus from this of Thaliassen.

I have not time to instance in all the ridiculous particulars in Brutes History, and how Troy-novant could signifie Troia nova, before ever the Romans had brought the * 1.456 word Novum into Britain, but it may be supposed that this conceit of Troy-novant, took its beginning from that Cities standing in the Country of the Trinobantes, so called by Caesar, and they who followed on the contrivance of a Trojan Original, might make use of the least similitude of Words to confirm their Opini∣ons.

And this might give occasion to those words of King Edward the Confessor, to streagthen the Priviledges of the City of London, as to their Hustings and other Courts, for he saith of the same City thus, Fundata erit olim & adificata ad instar, & ad modum, & in memoria Veteris Magnae Troiae. Every Fiction muttlye sometime in the Womb, before it can be brought to perfection, and so it happened in thus, that first the matter of a Trojan Original being prepared, and by Tradition only received, it grew up by the use Princes made of it; Afterwards it received its form from the Writing of the Learned in those daies, and so finally brought to maturity, and delivered by Jeoffery, and all this structure, perhaps, lying upon no other foun∣dation than Britannia, Brutus, Trinovant, Trivovantes, and that elegant saying of Tha∣liassen, Y Weddillhion Croia, and this more evidently appears where I have treated of the Custome of the Greeks, in giving Names to Nations, and feigning of false Originals.

Many of the like I omit, because they have, by all Authors, been sufficiently ex∣posed to the view of the whole World, I will only mention how the Count Palatine makes the Britanni and Brotones, two different Nations, and that the former were in

this Island before Brutes Arrival, and the latter took their Name from him; For my part let Brute enjoy his Britones, so the Britanni may be freed from so fond an Ori∣ginal, but both sides will not agree in this composition, and I am afraid the case will be the same as when Caesar with his two Names subscribed two Consuls, That (as one said) if Julius be safe, Caesar has no reason to complain.

Let therefore the case of Brute remain (as it did in Mr. Cambdens daies) to be de∣cided by the Senate of Antiquaries and great Clerks, to the number of which cited by him, namely, are, Boccace, Ludovicus Vives, Hadrian, Junius, Polidore, Buchanan, * 1.457 Vignier, Genebrad, Molinaeus, Bodine, who all reject this story.

I will now add that famous Antiquary Mr. Selden, who askes this Question. If the right of Primogeniture invested the eldest Son absolutely in the Kingdom, accord∣ing * 1.458 to the Custome of Troy, as it is found in the succession of the Trojan Kings, How comes it to pass that this Custome was not brought over into Britain? a Question not hitherto fully Answered, no not by Mr. Taylour, Author of the History of Gavel∣kind, who will have Mr. Selden to be in jest and merriment, when he demands upon this account, How our Britains claim their descent from the Trojans, when as this Question was but sober and rational, and hath true reference to the Custome of Troy, where the Eldest Son alwaies Inherited the entire Dominion of his Father, which by many of the British Kings was not observed. Nay, this usage of Troy was Religiously observed by the Successors of AEnaeas in the Kingdom of the Latins, for when Silvius Posthumus and Iulus contended about the Right of Government, Iulus was utterly deposed, and invested only with the Priesthood, and there was no thoughts of sharing the Kingdom.

By this, it is manifest Mr. Selden had relation to the Custome of Troy, and not to any Gavel-kind among the Welch; And now I will proceed to the second British King.

LOCRINE, the eldest Son of Brute, began his Reign Anno Mundi 2874, over this part of the Island since called England, which Portion was allotted to him by the division of his Father, as being the fairest parcel of his Empire.

During his Reign, his Brother Albanact was Invaded by Humber, King of the Hunns, or Scythians, and finally by him slain.

Locrine and Camber raised Forces to revenge the death of their Brother, and so marched into the North to seek out Humber, and finding him upon the borders of Scotland, then called Albania, they gave him battle, and speedily vanquisht him, so as himself and Army, after a hot Chase, were drowned in a River, and from that time the River was named HUMBER.

In this pursuit he took three fair Ladies, the most beautiful of which, named Estrild, a Scythian Princess, he most doted on, that notwithstanding a former Con∣tract between him and Guendolaena, Corinaeus his Daughter, resolved to take this Lady to wife, but the power and authority of Corinaeus forced him to lay aside that present Resolution, so that marrying Guendolaena, nevertheless privately enjoyed his beloved Estrild, keeping her in secret during the life of his Father in Law Co∣rinaeus, which he performed (saith the Count Palatine) by the help of a Vault, to * 1.459 which (under pretence of sacrificing to the Infernal Gods) he often resor∣ted.

No sooner Corinaeus was dead but he owned her for his Queen, which so in∣censed Guendolaena, that although Locrine was strengthened by the accession of Cambria, upon the death of his Brother, yet she goes into Cornwal, and by powerful Sollicitations in the behalf of her self and young Son Madan, the Cornish are brought to assist her.

With these Forces she marched again Locrine, and in a pitcht Battle nigh the River Stour, he is overcome and slain, upon this (according as she would have it) the King∣dom fell to her Son.

MADAN, the Son of Locrine by Guendolaena, although a Child, yet succeeded his Father Anno Mundi 2894. During his Minority his Mother was made Regent of the Kingdom, which she administred with all Justice until the full Age of her Son, and after the resignment of her Power she retired into Cornwal.

This Kings severity, in putting the Laws in Execution, was esteemed a Tyrant, and after he had Reigned forty years, he was devoured with Wild Beasts.

He built Madancaster, now Dancaster, but Dancaster or Doncaster took its Name, as Mr. Cambden supposes, from the River Dona upon which it standeth. This Ma∣dan left two Sons behind him, Mempricius and Manlius.

MEMPRICIUS, the eldest Son of Madan, began his Reign Anno Mundi 2949, over the whole Island, but Manlius his younger Brother rebelled against him. To suppress this Rebellion, Mempricius signified a desire to Treat with his Brother, who consenting to it was treacherously, at a meeting, Murthered.

The King having put an end to that trouble, wallowed in Ease and Luxury, and not content with his Wives and Concubines, he falls to horrid Rapes, and at last to unnatural Sodomy; but in the conclusion of all, was slain by wild Beasts, after his Government had lasted about twenty years.

EBRANCKE the Son of Mempricius by his lawful Wife, began to Rule Anno Mundi 2969, he had two and twenty Wives, of whom he had Issue twenty Sons and thirty Daughters, the Eldest of which was named Guales, or Gualea.

These Daughters, under the Conduct of their Brothers, he sent to Silvius Alba the Eleventh King of Italy, and the sixth King of the Latins, and this he did be∣cause he heard the Sabines would not give their Daughters in Marriage to the Latins.

What a ridiculous Prolepsis is this of an Action that happened many years after, in the daies of Romulus, and how, without any sense or reason, is it ascribed to these Times? The Sabines denied their Daughters to that scum of People Romulus by his Asylum had pickt up, but why should they do it while the Kingdom of the Latins was in splendour under the Kings of Alba.

In making of Silvius Alba the sixth King of the Latins, Jeoffery of Monmouth is in the right, and now we have a Clue to lead us in to the understanding of this Genea∣logy of AEnaeas, namely, he makes the Kings of Alba to succeed lineally from Fa∣ther to Son, and therefore because Silvius Posthumus followed Ascanius in the King∣dom, he is ignorantly supposed his Son, whereas Iulus was the Son of Ascanius, who being deposed by the People, Silvius the Son of AEnaeas by Lavinia was ad∣vanced to the Crown, succeeding Ascanius his half Brother, not his Father in the Kingdom.

By the same Mistake we find, in the British History, One and twenty Kings from Porrex to Minnegen to be made of a Lineal descent, and yet but Ninety two years allowed for all their Reigns, so that they begat one another at four or five years old, whereas, if there be any truth in the Lives of those Kings, they ought to have been made Contemporary, and to have Ruled different parts of the Island, as the Government thereof was found divided in the daies of Julius Caesar (when Kent alone had four Princes) a little before whose time these KINGS are sup∣posed.

But to return to Ebrancke; After that his Sons had conducted their Sisters under the Conduct of their Brother Assaracus to Silvius Alba, being provoked by the Ger∣mans, they entred that Nation, and, by the assistance of Silvius, Conquered it: Some write, they were Aided by their Father, who had Invaded, and by this time Conquered all Gallia, so that we see a vast part of Europe in the possession of E∣brancke, and his Sons.

The Line of BRUTE never in so fair a way as now, towards the Conquest of the whole Earth, promised by the Oracle, and performed (as the Britains say) in the Person of Constantine the Great.

This Prince built Caerbrancke, now York, and erected a Temple to Diana, in which he placed an Archi flamen.

Mr. Cambden derives Eboracum, or Eburacum, from Eb-Ure, standing upon the River Ure, as the Eburovices in France, the Eburones in the Netherlands, and Eblana in Ireland, from the Rivers Fure, Oure and Lefny in those Countries.

This King also built in Albania, now called Scotland, the Castle of Maydens, by King Eden afterwards called Edenborough.

This Mayden Castle hath since deserved the name of Prostitute, being most Trea∣cherously betrayed in the late Scottish War (to Cromwell) by Dundaste, to the then great dis-service of his present MAJESTY, and the dishonour of that Na∣tion.

Ebrancke dying was buried in the Temple of Diana which he had built, and the Ceremonies were performed with great pomp and solemnity; He Reigned forty years.

BRUTE GREENSHEILD his eldest Son succeeded him, Anno Mundi 3009, he perfected the Conquest of Gallia, and revenged some Indignities put upon his Father, by Brinchild Prince of Hannonia, or Hanault, conquering him upon the banks of the Sheld: he received his Sirname from a Green-shield he used to wear in Battle.

He hath the report of a most excellent Prince, just and merciful, a most exact ob∣server of his Word; He reigned twelve years, and was Interr'd in his Fathers City, Caerbranck.

LEIL, the Son of Brute Greensheild, began his Government Anno Mundi 3021, he built the City Carlisle, called also by the Romans and Britains Lugurallum, or Luguballium, or Luguballa, from Lugus or Lucus, a Tower, and Vallum, a Trench, the Ruines of which is seen nigh the City, and he repaired Carleon, now called Chester, which was supposed to be built by the Giants before Brutes time, the vast Stones and Arched Vaults therein gave occasion to this Report.

He was a good Prince till the latter end of his daies, when falling in to several Vices and Enormities, created great Dissensions in the Nations, which ended not in his life.

He was buried at Caerlile, after he had swayed the Scepter five and twenty years.

LUD, or Lud Hurdibras, is also called Rud, and Rudibras, Sirnamed Cicuber, he began his Government Anno Mundi 3046. The first thing he undertook was the ending of the Troubles began in his Fathers daies; finding happy success in so great an Undertaking, he studied nothing more than to beautifie Britain.

He built a City which he named Caer Gaut, or Kaerkin, now Canterbury, and there placed a Flamin, likewise Caerquent, now Winchester, and Caer Septon, or Caer Palladur, supposed to be Shaftsbury, and having Reigned thirty nine years he died.

BALDUD, the Son of Hurdibras, Anno Mundi 3085, succeeded in the King∣dom. He studied many years at Athens, and from thence brought four eminent Phi∣losophers to instruct the Britains in all Liberal Sciences, assigning them Stamford for the place of their Teaching.

He built Caerbran, now Bath, and is said by the Art of Magick to have found out those Hot waters. These Springs he dedicated to Minerva, erecting there a sumptuous Temple in her Honour. This Town Mr. Cambden takes to be Pal∣ladur.

This Famous City is seated in Somersetshire, on the River Avon, and is called by Ptolomy, from the Hot Baths in it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, the Hot Waters; by Antoninus, Aquae Solis, that is, the Waters of the Sun, by the Britains, Yr ennaint Twymin, * 1.460 and Caer Badon, by the Saxons 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and from the great resort thither of maimed People, Akmanchester, the City of sickly Folk.

It is seated in a Low Valley, and the same not great, encompast about with Hills almost of an equal height, from which certain Springs and little Rivulets of Water descend to the great commodity of the City. Within the City it self there boils up three Springs of Hot-waters, which were caused by the wonderful Art of this Blay∣den, named Cloyth, i. e. Bleyden the Magician, but as the Monks will have it, it must be by * 1.461 St. David, who coming to Bath cured the Infection of the Waters there∣abouts and by his Prayers and Benedictions gave them a perpetual Heat, and made them very healthful and soveraign for many Diseases, to the wonderful comfort and assistance of all England to this present time.

These are the two Opinions, Heathen and Monkish, that are given concerning the production of these Springs.

The Water that bubbles or boils up is of a blewish or Sea-colour, and sends up a thin Steam and Vapour of a strong scent, caused by the veins of Brimstone, and some Bituminous matter it passeth through.

These Baths are not wholsome at all hours, but do require a time of purgation from that filth, which by the exceeding heat and fermentation of them is cast up, so that until (by their Sluces) they cleanse themselves, they are shut up, and none per∣mitted to enter them.

The first and greatest is called the Kings Bath, in the very heart and bosom of the * 1.462 City, and nigh to the Cathedral Church. It is enclosed within a Wall, and is ac∣commodated with two and thirty Seats of Arched-work for Men and Women to sit upon, who, when they enter, are covered with Linnen Garments, and are conducted by Guides who attend for that purpose.

Where the Cathedral Church now stands, in Ancient times (as the Report goes) was that Temple consecrated to Minerva, the Patroness of Hot Springs, and this is col∣lected out of Solinus, who writes of these Baths in Britain. * 1.463

The other two are in a Street on the West side of the City, not two hundred foot one from the other; One of which is called the Cross-Bath, from a Cross that for∣merly stood in the midst of it. It is of a mild and temperate warmth, and hath twelve Seats of stones upon the brinks of it, and encompast with a Wall.

The other is much hotter, and is called the Hot-Bath.

Nigh these is a Spittle or Lazarus-House, built by Reginald Bishop of Bath, for the relief of poor diseased People.

I will conclude these Baths with the Verses of Necham.

Barthoniae Thermas vix proefero Vergilianas.

Thus translated,

The British-BATHS to Virgins don't give place. To Aged Limbs, They, a warm Youth bestow; And he who crazy, maim'd, and feeble was, His Limbs benumm'd; from hence does active go. Nature on Crutches doth not here repair, But springs, and dances, if once bathed here. Some think, that dark and subterraneous fire, With Vestal heat, under these Waters glow, And that inth' Head from whence these Springs retire, Natures great brazen Caldrons doth bestow.

Such Limbicks foolish Chymists do create, These Springs from Sulphur only take their Heat.

But to return to King Baldud; Presuming too much either to his skill in Magiok, or his Philosophical invention of Wings, he brake his Neck from off the Temple of Apollo in Troy-novant, from a Pinnacle whereof he endeavoured to have flown. He Governed Britain twenty years. Then

LEIR the Son of Baldud succeeded, Anno Mundi 3105; He built Caerleir, called Legecestria, Leogora, Legeo-cester, and now Leicester, and there placed a Flamen; He had never a Son, but three Daughters, Gonorilla, Regana, and Cordeilla his Darling.

In his Old Age, being jealous of their Affection, he called them before him, and demands, that they would give him some assurance of their Love.

The two Eldest called Heaven and Earth to witness, that they loved him ten thou∣sand times dearer than their own Souls, that they were not able to express their infi∣nite Kindnesses, and at last concluded their Flattery, with horrid Oaths and Asse∣verations of their Sincerity.

Cordeilla could not be heard amidst all this noise of Affection, so that her Father turning towards her quickly, by his Countenance gave her to understand that he had expected something from her also, wherefore with a modest look and humble deportment, she assured him that as a Father she had ever loved and honoured him, and as her bounden duty was, as a Father, she should reverence and alwaies esteem him.

This Answer satisfied not the old King, but he shewed his Resentments by his neglect of her, and the sudden advancement of her Sisters, marrying Regana to Henninus, Duke of Cornwal, and Gonorilla to Maglanus, Duke of Albania, reserving no Por∣tion for Cordeilla, but it so happened that Aganippus, King of Gallia, hearing of her Vertue, desired her in Marriage, to whom she was welcome without any Dower but her own Excellence.

King Leir having thus disposed of his Daughters began to grow Gray, yet Youth∣some, giving hopes to his Subjects of a long life and Government. This pleased not Gonorilla nor Regana, who began by this time to reflect upon their Father as the only obstacle of their Happiness, often wishing him removed, and from wishes they passed on to desires and longing expectations after his Death. This brought a con∣tempt of his Age, and afterwards neglect and hatred of his Person; finally, being instigated and assisted by their Husbands, they offered so many Indignities and Vio∣lences to him, that in the end he was constrained to leave the Realm, and take Re∣fuge with Cordeilla.

This rejected Daughter of his received him with all signs and testimonies of Affe∣ction, and, what was more significant, assisted him with powerful Aids, and in Person went to revenge his wrongs, so that bringing a great Army into Britain, she destroyed his Enemies, and restored him to his Crown, which he held for the space of two years, whose Reign in all is computed to be full sixty years, and was buried at Leicester.

CORDEILLA, the youngest Daughter of Leir, was admitted for Queen An. Mundi 3165, She governed the Realm discreetly for five years, during which time her Husband Aganippus died. Margan and Cunedage, her Nephews by her Sisters, Gonorilla and Regana, disdaining to be under the Government of a Woman, rebelled against her, and so prevailed that they took her Prisoner, but being a Woman en∣dowed with a high Spirit, she slew her self, rather than to live under their Tyranny.

CUNEDAG, and MARGAN, possessing the whole Government, Anno Mundi 3170, they divided the Land between them. To Margan fell Albania, to Cu∣nedag all the Country on this side of Humber. Margan was not long content with his Portion, so he invaded his Brother, but driven by him into Wales and there slain, giving the name of Glan-Margan to that Country.

Cunedagius Ruling alone, erected a Temple to Mars at Perth in Scotland, placing there a Flamens Seat; He also built a Temple of Minerva at Bangor, and one to Mercury (Mr. Hollinshead saith, Apollo) in Cornwal, he died and was buried in Troy∣novant, after he had Ruled 33 years.

RIVAL, the Son of Cunedag, came to the Crown Anno Mundi 3203, in his time it rained Blood for three daies together, from the putrefaction a noysom and vene∣mous Flie was bred, which in swarms infested the whole Land, and brought a Con∣tagion both on Man and Beast, and great was the Mortality that ensued in this Kings Reign.

Rome is supposed to be built about the eight and twentieth year of his Reign, and in the year after Brutes Arrival 356, some say in the thirty second year of Rival; He Reigned 46 years, and bidding adieu to the World

GURGUST his Son succeeded, Anno Mundi 3249. In this Kings Reign the Olympiads were instituted by Iphitus, namely, in the year of the World 3256, and in the seventh year of his Government.

Sr. Walter Rawleigh placeth the building of Rome four and twenty years after * 1.464 the Fourth Olympiad, namely, in the year 3280, and seven years after the next King Silvius, or Sisilius, with which Prince I will begin the next Period, supposing him to proceed from the Line of the Kings of Alba, after the expulsion of Amulius from the Kingdom, by Romulus and Remus, the time so exactly agreeing with Silvius his leaving the Crown of Alba, and this Silvius reigning in Britain, that from the dri∣ving

out of Amulius and his Family from the usurped Kingdom of the Latins, and to the beginning of this Kings Reign in Britain, there seems a just competent time allowa∣ble for a Voyage.

They who have respect to the British Histories, let them consider that this Inter∣course between Alba and Britain, here supposed, is no new thing, being practiced in the daies of Ebrancke, who sent his Daughters to Silvius, Alba, then King of the Latins; likewise let them take notice, that this way the British Kings Succeeding, are grafted into the Family of AEnaeas, by a Line not so questionable as Brutes, namely, the Kings of Alba, called all SILVII, and the undoubted Off-spring of that Silvius Posthumus, upon whom Brute cannot with reason be Fathered.

In the next place let them consider, that the Line of the British Kings, at Silvius, begins to be strangely confused, the Lineal descent being ended in himself, and a Collateral one begun; so that although Silvius be made the Brother of Gurgast, yet I take it to make much to my purpose, that he is not made his Son according to the way the British History is over fond of.

Let them consider likewise, what Wars and Tumults are reported, in the daies of Silvius and his Successour Jago, the constant Accidents attending new Invaders; and seeing, that Polidore Virgil could venture to place and displace Kings at his pleasure, inverting, in many places, the long received Order of the British History, and yet deserve commendation for it, I hope I cannot be much blamed for setting down my Conjecture, which although it be new, yet it doth not derogate in the least from the Honour of the Britains, being derived from the same Head, although in a different Channel; And I doubt not, that any would willingly deny them either the Off-spring of AEnaeas, or the Reliques of Troy, if he could make out their Title to that Original, by any other means than Brute.

THE CHRONICLE AND HISTORY OF Ancient Britain.

CHAP. XII. SILVIUS the First King of BRITAIN, who descended from the Kings of ALBA, and not from BRUTE.

SILVIUS, the first King of Britain, is supposed to de∣scend from the Kings of Alba, and to have forsaken his * 1.465 Country under one of those two great Revolutions of State, the former of which was caused by the Usurpa∣tion of Amulius upon his Brother Numitor, the latter by the vindication of Numitor's Right by his Nephews, Romulus and Remus.

The truth is, Silvius seems rather to proceed from Amulius than Numitor, upon the account that Numitor's Issue was destroyed by Amulius, and his Daughter Ilia made a Vestal Nun, so that none of Numitor's Male-Issue surviving, this Silvius appears the Son of Amulius, who upon the deprivation of his Father might seek out new Fortunes.

The Reasons that make this seem probable to me are these;

1. The Intercourse of the British Histories mentioned between the Kings of Alba and Britain, and that very Intercourse must needs be about this time by the very Cir∣cumstances produced by those Histories themselves; For by their own confession, it was in those daies when the Sabines denied their Daughters in Marriage to the House of AEnaeas, which happened not (according to the Roman Histories) till the daies of Romulus and Remus.

2. There hath been such an Intercourse between both Nations, that they seem to allow it, who have derived Britain from a Country in Italy of the same Name, as in Polybius and other Authors is seen.

3. The time of Silvius his Reign salleth about the Greeks first coming into Bri∣tain, namely, about the daies of Pythagoras, at the beginning of the Historical Age, nigh the first Olympiad; Then it is that we find Silvius mentioned in the British Hi∣stories, just upon the dissolution of the Line of the Alba Kings, called SILVII.

4. It is probable the Family of AEnaeas might (by Ancient Tradition) be deli∣vered down to Govern this Island in Ancient times, which Tradition, by BRUTE, cannot possibly be made out, nor so likely by any King as this SILVIUS.

5. We find that the Transmigration of the Soul was taught by the Druids of this Island, insomuch that Lipsius saith, That he knoweth not whether they learnt it of Pythagoras, or he of them.

Now Pythagoras lived (by the consent of most Writers) not long after those daies of Silvius, if not equal with him, for who (in things of so vast a distance) can cal∣culate Time exactly.

6. There are many words in the British Language taken notice of, which, (in great reason) seem to be derived from the Kingdom of the Latins, and shew from thence their Original, which words were out of use before Julius Caesars time, and so could not be introduced by him.

The Old Latins called Deformed persons Meriones, the Cambro-Britains at this day do call ugly and Rustick Women, Metrtones. The Old Latins call Deceit, Falla, the Cambro-Britains, Faell. The Old Latins called a Great eater, Glutton and Gluvia, the Cambro-Britains, Glwth. The Old Latins called a Dug, Ruma, the Cambro-Britains, Rhumen. The Old Latins called the Chief Magistrate of the Osci, Meddix, and with the Cambro-Britains, Meddu signifieth to be in Authority and Power. The Old Latins called a Fool, Dalivus, the Cambro-Britains say Delff, a stupid Fel∣low. The Old Latins said Clueo, I hear, the Cambro-Britains call Hearing, Clyn, and to hear, Clywed, to which are added many Ancient Names of the Old Latins, which have some signification in the British. Clodius, Clod, Praise; Drusus, Drws, a Door; Sylla, Syllu, to See; Celius, Celu, to Hide; Cornelius, Cornel, a Corner; Marcus, March, a Horse; Silanus, Silyn, an Off-spring; Cinna, Cynne or Cynnew, to Burn. The Names of Women, Mammea, Man, Mother; Livia, Lliw, Colour; and many more, which are left to the Britains to find out, who best understand their own Language.

The Introduction of all which words into Britain cannot so well be attributed to Brutus (had there ever been such a Person) as to this Silvius, upon the account that Brute was not so long in Italy to learn the Latin Tongue, neither can the Latin Tongue be supposed to have been in those daies (as most Learned persons do think) any other, than a Dialect of the Greek, which mixing afterwards with the Sabins and Etruscans, became to be the Original of that Tongue, afterwards most in use in Italy, so that Brute being excluded, none can be found so likely as Silvius, to be the Intro∣ducer of it into Britain.

7. Seventhly and lastly, The Cassiterides we find are called Scilly Islands, whether from the first Arrival of this Prince, which may be supposed in those parts upon the account of Trade, or from the Rock Sylla, upon the Coast of Italy, is uncertain, but the former Opinion seems most likely, so that I shall conclude, seeing that the time (doth very well accord) of the Expulsion of Silvius Amulius, and the Landing of this Silvius in Britain, and seeing an Alliance between the two Kingdoms of Alba and Britain, is absurdly imagined before this time, and with great Reason may be referred hither, for seeing Varro's Historical Age now beginneth, and some Records of the Greeks remain relating to these daies, I will venture to begin the Historical Age with Silvius, not condemning all the Traditions of the Britains about AEnaeas and Troy, nor yet justifying every thing in those Histories of the following Kings; But this I will say, That many things in them contained may be Truth, although Fa∣bulously written. For about this time, as I said before, the Grecians began to keep Records, and much about the same time began their Voyages into Britain, as may be seen in the fore-going Antiquities.

The Line of SILVIUS from NOAH may be reckoned thus:

[illustration]

This King SILVIUS, in the British History, is also named SILIUS. Nothing is Recorded of his fifteen years Reign but Brawls and Tumults, and Har∣ding calls him also Sicilius, and the Son of Gurgust, when as others make him his Bro∣ther, which difference demonstrates the Line of Brute but loosly fastned about this place.

SICILIUS his Son then did succeed, * 1.466 In whose time each man did other oppress. The Law, and Peace, was exil'd so indeed; That Civil wars, and slaughter (of Men express) Was in every part of the Land, without redress, And Murtherers foul, through all his Land daily, Without redress, or any other remedy.

Most agree that this King reigned nine and forty years, some say but two, a vast difference and not econcileable, unless the distinction of Entrance and Con∣quest be allowed; But of this I shall say no more, but proceed to his Cozin Jago.

JAGO, Cozin to Silvius (although in all likelyhood not akin at all, this being a Phoenician name) began his Reign in the year of the World 3336, and died of a Lethargy, without Issue, after he had reigned twenty eight years, leaving nothing me∣morable behind him but his Tyranny.

KINIMAGUS, or Kimmacus, according to most likelyhood Son of Sil∣vius, but others will needs have him Brother of Jago, succeeded Anno Mundi 3364. There is nothing Recorded of this Prince, but that he was buried at York after he had reigned four and fifty years.

GORBODUG, the Son of Kinimacus, the fourth from Silvins, An. Mundi 3418, is stigmatized with the same reproach of Tyranny, and was buried at Troy-novant after he had Ruled (rather to compleat the account of Histories, than in truth) sixty three years. He left behind him two Sons, Ferrex and Porrex.

FERREX, and PORREX, began joyntly to reign Anno Mundi 3476. This is the third time that the Kingdom fell not entirely to the Elder Brother.

As after the Laws of Troy, the Sovereignty, * 1.467 And all resort of Right, doth appertain To the Eldest Brother; in Property, The Eldest Sisters right, so by right should have been Soveraign Lady, and over them all, Queen By equitee of that ilk Law and Right, In place where it is holden Law perfeight.

These Brothers for five years in great Amity ruled the Island, until Porrex the younger, inflamed with the Ambition of being sole Governour, attempts privately upon the life of Ferrex; But it seems, Ferrex had notice given him of his Brothers design, thought it proved not so timely as to give opportunity to avoid the stroak by any other way than flight; Gallia was esteemed the nighest and securest retire∣ment, where Arriving, he sollicits the Princes of that Realm, and especially Gun∣hardus, or Suardus, to assist him in vindicating his Right to the Crown.

This just Request being obtained, he returns into Britain, and with a mighty Army gives his Brother battle; Fortune not favouring the just and equitableness of his cause, his Army was defeated, and in the Battle himself lost his life.

Porrex enjoyed not long his unnatural Conquest, for his own Mother Idone, or Widen, looking upon him as the bloody murtherer of her Son Ferrex, by a deed no less Barbarous, prosecutes her Revenge, for finding Porrex asleep, privately murthered him; neither could Motherly pity asswage her Anger, until she had cut and mangled his Body in a thousand pieces; For this unnatural and much admired Cruelty, she was slain by the sury of the Multitude.

This extinguisht the House of Gorboduc, and periodized the Line of AEnaeas, insomuch as the Kingdom fell into innumerable divisions, from thence into a Hep∣tarchy. One seized Loegria, another Cambria, a third Cornwal, a fourth Albania, and the fifth division is not specified distinctly by any Authors, but is supposed to be Northumberland or Kent, which in old Pedigrees their names are cited to be these,

RUDAUCUS King of Wales. CLOTENUS King of Cornwal. PINNOR King of Loegria. STATORIUS King of Scotland. YEVAN King of Northumberland.

Histories make particular mention of Pinnor, otherwise called Pireman, King of Loegria, and of Rudacus King of Cambria, Staterus King of Albania, Cloten King of Cornwal, but are silent in the other Princes names.

This Heptarchy is conjectured to have continued One and fifty years, until Dun∣wallo Son of Cloten King of Cornwal, whether by the clearest Right and Title, or the longest Sword, obtained the whole Kingdom, is uncertain.

According to the foregoing Computation, we need not with Polidore Virgil, invert the Order of the British History in this place, but continue the succession of Mo∣narchy from this Period with Guintolin, and not Donvallo Molmutius; For allow∣ing Molmutius to follow immediately after the Heptarchy, his two Sons Belinus and Brennus will be found to be Kings of Britain about the time when Rome was sackt, and so may not be obliged to set those two Princes any farther backward, as Polidore hath done three hundred years, but rather a little more forward; For from the Entrance of Brute, Anno Mundi 2850, to Belinus and Brennus, Anno Mundi 3574, are 724 years, whereas Rome is supposed to be sackt in the seven hundred and tenth year after Brutes Arrival, as is gathered by Polidore Virgil out of Eusebius. * 1.468

This Controversie, with some others, relating to the same Belinus and Brennus, is particularly managed by Sr. John Price against Polidore Virgil, as also by many o∣thers. But seeing the true evidence of this matter is to be made out by Computa∣tions, * 1.469 which account in seven hundred years, according to diversity of Authors, differ half in half, it is the safer way, in my Judgment, to follow the usual method in the Succession of the British Kings, than by the dependance of the uncertainty of Chronology, in things of so vast a distance, to invert the whole Order of their Reigns, and so like Witches, who would conjure them out of the World, read them backwards.

MOLMUTIUS, called Dūnvallo, Son of Cloten, King of Cornwal, either judging himself to have the better Right or longer Sword, invaded his Neighbour Princes.

First he began with Pinnor King of Loegria, whom he overcame and slew, before he could joyn with his Confederates, Rudacus King of Cambria, and Staterius King of Albania; After this success he sets upon the fore-mentioned Princes with an Army of thirty thousand Men, but the Victory hanging too long for his eager expectation, he made use of a stratagem, for counterfeiting the Arms of his Enemies, he gave them a terrible overthrow in the Encounter.

The King of Northumberland, or Kent, is not mentioned in this Battle, wherefore he is supposed, beforehand, to have surrendred his Kingdom. By thismeans Mol∣mutius Dunvallo, called also Donebant, became the sole Monarch of this Island, Anne Mundi 3529.

If he got the Crown by Oppression, he managed it with no less prudence and moderation, enacting several excellent Laws, translated out of the British Speech into the Latin, by Gildas, and afterwards out of the Latin into the English Tongue, by Alfred King of England.

And these Laws are Recorded by Count Palatine * 1.470, and are taken notice of by Mr. Sheringham, and particularly recited by Mr. Selden in his Janus Anglorum. They were to this effect.

• 1. Ut Templa Deorum, &c. That the Temples of the Gods should enjoy such Priviledges and Immunities, that no Malefactor flying to them for Sanctuary could be seized, or by force drawn from them, before he had obtained par∣don.
• 2. That High-waies leading to Temples, or Roads to great Cities, should have the like Priviledges.
• 3. That Ploughs, Oxen, and other Labouring Cattle, should enjoy the same Immu∣nities; and the reason of this Law is given, because otherwise the Ground might lie untill'd, and the People perish for want of Bread.
• 4. He set out the number of Ploughs that should be in every Shire and Hun∣dred, with severe Penalties upon all that should be the occasion of lessening the Number.
• 5. The fifth is the same almost with the third, only it seems a little to restrain it, namely, That no Oxen or Labouring Beast should be seized for Debt, unless there were no other Goods or Chattels to make satisfaction.
• 6. He ordained set Weights and Measures for buying and selling.
• 7. A Law against Thieves and Robbers.

These are the Molmutian Laws, or rather Heads of Laws, but how they should be translated by Gildas, who professeth he knew nothing of the Britains before caesar, I know not.

The bringing also of the four great Roads that ran cross Britain, are referred to this King, but Mr. Cambden with more Reason brings them down to the Romans time, whom Mr. Selden intimates.

He is supposed to build Malmsbury, and two neighbouring Castles, Lacoc and Tetbury; Malmsbury was called by him Caer Bladon, but upon what account Au∣thors make no mention. The Ancient name of it was also changed by the Saxons into Ingleborne, Maildulfburg, Adelmsberg, Marleberg, and in Antoninus his Ittnera∣rium, is thought to be that Cunetio mentioned by him, scituated upon the River * 1.471 Kenet.

Another place built by this Prince is the Vies, called Devisio, Devies, and Divise. He erected also a Temple in Troy-novant, and dedicated it to Peace and Concord, in the place afterwards named Blackwell-Hall.

He is reported the first Prince of Britain, that was enstalled with the Rites and Ceremonies of Coronation, wearing a Golden Crown, and other Kingly Ornaments at his solemn Inauguration, a Custome neglected by his Predecessors, as having more Right, and so needed less state and formality.

Having Reigned forty years, and appointed his two Sons his Successors, He departed this life, and was buried in the Temple of Concord, in Troy∣novant.

BELINUS and BRENNUS, his two Sons succeed him, Anno Mundi 3574. Princes famous in the Roman Histories, for their sacking Rome, their Conquest of Pannonia, Macedonia, and the destroying of Apollo's samous Temple at Del∣phos.

Sr. John Price supposes Belinus to be that Belgius mentioned in those Histories, and that the mistake in naming him Belgius for Belinus proceeded from this cause, The * 1.472 Scribe might write Belius for Belinus, then n for shortness being writ over the head, which being over seen by those that transcribed it, afterwards came to be written Reljus, with the j Consonant, and afterwards for sounds sake made Belgius; con∣cerning

which, they that desire to be better satisfied may have recourse to his De∣fence of the British History, where also he proveth against Polidore Virgil, that Brennus was the same person that sackt Rome, and destroyed the Temple at Delphos, where he also sheweth, that he died not in Italy, and that the destruction of that Temple did not happen so long after the sacking of Rome, as Poltdore would needs have it, concerning all which Circumstances, and many others, the Reader is referred to Sr. John Price, because I intend not to write a History of Rome (save only what shall relate to the Roman Antiquity) but of Britain, the Actions of Brennus and Belgius being sufficiently known, as they relate to that City. And, in the Judg∣ments of most Persons, it will seem unequal to hang the Antiquity of the Roman Wri∣ters upon the credit of the British.

BELINUS and BRENNUS being left Co-heirs of the Kingdom by their Father, fell to the dividing of it.

Belinus gave to his younger Brother Albania, reserving to himself all the sair Possessions on this side the Hamber; This division being so Ancient and equal yet contented not Brennus, whose Ambition aimed at higher matters, to the effecting of which, after seven years peacable Reign, he endeavoured to strengthen himself with powerful Allies, and to that purpose sails into Norway (after he had, according to some, secured his Interest in Armorica, called Britain, in France, and in the Coun∣try of the Allobroges) here he marrieth the Daughter of the Norwegian King, Elsin.

Belinus hearing of these Actions of his Brother, and doubting the Consequence, especially because he understood him to be a Feudatory Prince, and so bound to give an account before hand of his Actions, entred and seized all his Dominions, securing his Forts and Navies; Brennus advised of this prepares for his Return, and was attended with the Navy Royal of Norway, accompanied with a mighty Army.

After a few daies sail, he was set upon by Guilthdacus King of Denmark, who had been a long Suitor to the Daughter of Elsin King of Norway; In this Conflict the Norwegian Fleet was worsted, and the Ship wherein the new Bride was conveyed is taken, but Brennus escapes by flight.

Afterwards it happened that a mighty Storm arising, Guilthdacus, by force of Wea∣ther, was driven upon the Coast of Northumberland, where he was detained by Belinus. In some reasonable time after that, Brennus having recollected his scatter'd Navy, and new Rigg'd, and furnished his Ships with Men and Provisions, he sent to his Brother Belyn to restore him his Wife and Possessions, injuriously by him detained; this Request being denied notwithstanding the Justness, occasioned him to Land in Albania, and marching up into the Country, at a Wood named Calater he met and Encountered with his Brother, but was overcome to the utter ruine of all his Army, so that with twelve only of his Retinue he fled into Gallia (whether this was his first or second Voyage thither is uncertain) where he found kind entertainment from Seguinus, or Seginus, King of Armorica, or Britain.

Whilst he was securing his Interest in that Nation, Belinus his Brother calls a Councel of his Kingdom, where it was debated what Proceedings to use towards the King of Denmark, and finally concluded, that he should enjoy his Liberty upon do∣ing Homage to the King of Britain, and paying a yearly Tribute to the value of a thousand pound, which being agreed to by that King, sor himself and Successors, he was honourably dismissed.

After these happy Successes, Belyn set himself to the finishing of that great Work begun by his Father Dunwallo, the making and paving four great High-waies through his Kingdom of Loegria, now called England.

The first is named Foss, and beginneth at the Corner of Totness in Cornwal, and passeth through Devonshire, and Somersetshire, and so to Coventry, Leicester, and from thence (as Ranulph, a Monk of Chester recordeth) through the Wastes to New∣ark, and ended at Lincoin. But what these Wastes should be, Mr. Cambden is at a * 1.473 stand, who saies, that the Common voice was, That it went full North through No∣tinghamshire, and that Antonine the Emperour seems to carry it Northwards, through Leicestershire into Lincolnshire; And he adds, that of this Way there are some Tracts of it found by Old Ruines, but none in the other.

The second Way is named Watling street, and runneth South-east into North-east, and crosseth the Foss. It beginneth at Dover, and passeth by the middle of Kent, over the Thames beside London, by West of Westminster, and so on by Sr. Albans, and by the West-side of Dunstable, Stratford, Toucester and Wedon, and by South Killingborn, or Killebourn, by Athriston to Gilbert's Hill, that now is named Wrekin, and so by Severn, passing beside Worcester, and thence to Stratton, and so to the mid∣dle of Wales to a place called Cardigan on the Irish Sea.

The third Way is named Erming street. This goeth from West North west, unto East South-east, and beginneth at Menevia at St. Davids in Wales, and runneth on to Southampton.

The fourth, Hekencldis-street, or Kikeneldis-street, which goeth forth by Worcester, Wickham, Bermingham, Leichfield, Darby, Chester-field, and by York to Tin∣mouth.

By this time Brennus had got so sar into favour with Seginus the Duke of Armo∣rica, that he married his Daughter, and by the consent of his Nobles, in case he failed of Issue-Male, the same Duke was admitted Heir of the Crown, and not long after by the death of the said Prince, he was accordingly received as their lawful Prince, all States of the Realm swearing Fealty to him.

Being now in the possession of a Kingdom, Brennus raiseth a powerful Army, and Lands in Britain, intending to revenge the wrongs done him by his Brother Belyn; And now was it that both Armies were ready to give Battle, when their Mother Conwenna interposed as a Mediatress between them, and by her many tears and powerful perswasions brought them to a Friendly accord, so that embracing each other, they were heartily Reconciled, to the exceeding joy of all Specta∣tors.

After their Arrival at Troy-Novant, they consulted which way best to employ their Armies, where the motion was made by Brennus, and accepted by Belinus, to joyn Forces, and undertake the Conquest of all Gallia, which Enterprize was attended with a Fortune beyond expectation; For they did not only Conquer all Gallia but Italy, and great part of Germany also, and in the end sacked Rome it self, where (some say) Brennus lost his life; others, that he survived that great and general Overthrow.

Some make Belinus a Partner with him in his Greatness, others say, he went not into Gallia with him, or if he did, that he soon returned, leaving the management of all those Forreign employments to the Conduct of his Brother Brennus, whom we will leave to the Histories of the Romans (as if so be this were the same Brennus that sackt Rome) to receive what Fate in most probability is assigned to him.

Vitus maketh him, to have killed himself at his Repulse before Del∣phos.* 1.474

BELYN, now absolute Monarch of Britain, sets himself to the beautifying of his Dominions. He built Caerleon upon Uske, called from thence Caer Uske, and Caer Huth, where he placed an Arch-Flamen; He also adorned Troy-novant, with a Gate, called to this day Belings-Gate, on the top of which he caused a Tower to be made, and at the Basis or Foundation thereof, an Harbour for Ships to Ride in.

He is said to be the first Founder of the Tower of London; After he had Reigned two and twenty years he died, being the first of all the British Kings whose Corps was consumed in a Funeral-pile, and his Ashes carefully gathered in a Brazen, some say, a Golden Urne, and preserved on the highest Pinnacle of the Gate or Arch he had built, as some think, for that purpose.

GURGUINT, Sir-named Brabtruc, according to others, Barbarous, i. e. the Red-beard; the English Chronicle calleth him Corinbratus, and was the Son of Belyn, and succeeded him Anno Mundi 1596.

In his daies the Danes refused the payment of their Tribute, whereupon he sailed into Denmark, and, by sorce of Arms, obliging them to renew their Treaty, re∣ceived Homage of their Kings and Chief Nobility, then Embarked again for Britain.

In his Return he met with a Fleet of thirty Sail about the Isle of Orkney, these he Encounter'd, and having taken their Captain Bartholoin, or Partholoin, he de∣manded

of him what he was, and the reasons of his Adventures into those Parts. Partholoin answers, That He and his Followers were named Balences, or Basclenses, and were Exiles of Spain, and banished their Country with their Wives and Children, and thereupon struck out to Sea to seek out an Habitation. It is said the King gave them Ire∣land, being a place not then Peopled.

After his Arrival into Britain, the King made it his business to establish and con∣firm the Laws of his Ancestors, and in his Reign that Famous University of Cam∣bridge was Founded, by Cantaber, Brother of Bartholin.

This King also built Caer-werith, or Lancaster, Caer-Peris, or Porchester, in Hampshire, the Seat of a Flamen, and Caer-Gaurvie, now Warwick, where he was buried after he had reigned nineteen years.

GUINTELINUS, or Guintellus, the Son of Gurguint, was Crowned King Anno Mundi 3615; He was a Prince learned, prudent, and of singular Justice and Mode∣ration, and that which conduceth more to the Glory of his Reign, was, that he was blest with a Lady with no less Endowments and Excellencies, her names was Martia; From this Lady, that Law called Mathehelage, or Marchenelaghe, had its begin∣ning, and Name translated by King Alphred, out of the British into the Saxon Tongue. Mr. Hollinshead wonders and admires at Providence, that two such wise Princes should come at once to the management of the Kingdom, especially at a time when so many Civil Discords were reigning; But I find none of these Civil Discords reigning, either in his own, his Fathers, Grandfathers, or Great-Grandfathers daies. 'Tis true Belyn had War with his Brother, but in a few years it was wholly ended, to the great satisfaction of them both. Where then are these Civil Discords? Indeed Polidore Vir∣gil, out of his great Providence placeth this King before his Great-Grandfather, which I suppose he did for the wonderful wisdom of this Prince and his Wife, whom he thought best able to end the Civil dissensions caused by the Pentarchy, and therefore where Polidore admires the wonderful Providence of God, we ought to take him as applauding his own Invention, for never before him was ever such an Invention made for the stating of the British Kings; But Mr. Hollinshead, who fol∣loweth on the Received course of the Succession, ought not to complain of Civil Dis∣cords in this Kings Reign, because they had been long since ended. And this I take notice of more especially, because I find the same Errour in other Authors, who have written after Polidore, which was grounded from the delight of their own Fancies, rather than to deliver the truth exactly down to the People.

This King Reigned twenty six years and was Interr'd at Troy-Novant, now London.

SICILIUS the second, and Son of Guintolin, being about seven years of Age, was received as King, under the Regency of his Mother Martia, Anno Mundi 3641, and it seemeth, that those Laws called Martiae were exacted by this Queen, during the Minority of her Son, rather than in the life of her Husband.

The Count Palatine will have this King to have reigned fifteen years alone, but it is generally thought he Governed not above fifteen in all, seven under the Tuition of his Mother, and eight after his full Age, and having given the signs of a hopeful Prince, he was suddenly snatcht out of this World by Death, and then the Government fell to

KIMARUS, the Son of Sicilius, who began his Reign over Britain A. M. 3656, and being of a wild and ungoverned disposition, as given up to all manner of Lusts and Exorbitances, was kill'd in the Woods, in his pursuit after his game of Hunting, some say by an ambush of Men, others, by Wild Beasts. He reigned but three years, and was buried at Caer-leon.

ELANIUS, or Danius his Brother, succeeded Anno Mundi 3659; this King was not inferiour to his Predecessor in wickedness of his life, in so much as some Chronicles make him one and the same Person, sor so exactly did these two Princes correspond in their Vices. He held the Scepter ten years, then

MORINDUS, bastard Son of Elanius, by his Concubine Tonguestula, was admit∣ted to the Crown A. M. 3669, a Man of great strength, neat proportion of Body and of beautiful Features. As to the quality of his mind he was liberal and bountiful, but withal exceeding passionate. In his daies the Moriani, or rather Morini, a Peo∣ple of Gaul, Landing in Northumberland, with fire and sword wasted that Country, which Morindus hearing of, with all expedition gathered up his Forces, and with long and wearisom Marches, made up to them, and in one battle utterly defeated them.

It is said (in this Encounter) Morindus shewed all the signs of personal Courage, Anger and Revenge, lifting him up beyond the common ability of Humane nature. The Captives that were taken felt the severity of his wrath, being every one of them (by several exquisite and new devised Tortures) sacrificed to his severe Resentments, so that in the punishment of these Miserable wretches, it is a question whether he shewed more his Skill or his Cruelty. Going along the Sea-coast for his Recreation, he espied a hideous Monster arising out of the Irish Sea, which immediately seized and devoured many, who for their pleasures were walking upon the shoar; The King beholding the lamentable destruction of his Subjects, put Spurs to his Horse, and with great fury and haste assailed this Devourer; The Contest held a long time doubtful, but at last great was the joy and shoutings of the Spe∣ctators to see this Monster fall, but in the end greater was their sorrow when they saw the King with his fall overwhelmed and destroyed.

This happened in the ninth year of his Reign. He left five Sons behind him, Gor∣bomannus, Archigallo, Elidurus, Vigenius and Peridurus.

GORBOMANNUS, the eldest Son of Morindus, possest himself of the King∣dom Anno Mundi 3678, a Religious Prince he evidenced himself to the World for repairing of decayed Temples, and erecting New ones in several places in his Domi∣nions, in which he placed Flamens.

He is said to build Grantham in Lincolnshire, and some say Cambridge, Anciently called Granta, Caer-Grant, and Grant-chester, although others will have it built by Cantaber, and walled about by a Count named Grantinus, see Cambria Triumphans, page 68. He reigned ten years, &c. * 1.475

ARCHIGALLO, the second Son of Morindus, succeeded his Brother Gorbo∣mannus, Anno Mundi 3688. He endeavoured to depress theNobility by depriving them of all Power and Command, to which purpose he contrived Plots, and then discovered them, having his Engins secretly employed, who at any time would accuse (whom they pleased) of Delinquency, or at least dissatisfaction to the present Go∣vernment; These pretended Crimes they redeemed with great Fines, and intollerable Compositions for their Estates. Many other things he committed, as the advancing of Unworthy persons to Dignities and Offices, and the spoiling and robbing of his Richest Subjects, for all which he was Deposed after one years Government. Upon this

ELIDURE his Brother was (with the general consent and applause of the whole Realm) chosen King Anno Mundi 3689. He was called by his Subjects, Elidure the Meek.

Hunting one day in the Wood Calater, in the Thicket of the Wilderness he espied his Brother Archigallo, and being struck with pitty of his Misfortune, he secretly conveighed him home to his House at the City Aldud, or Acliud, where feigning him∣self sick, he assembled, by his Writ, all the Nobles of his Realm, and there, partly by Perswasions, and partly by Commands, he engaged them to receive again his Bro∣ther Archigallo for their lawful Soveraign, afterwards calling an Assembly of his Commons at York, he there publickly resigned his Crown, and taking it off his own Head, placed it on his Brother Archigallo's, after he had Reigned three years.

ARCHIGALLO being restored to his Crown, Anno Mundi 3692, by his wise and sober deportment, he redeemed the Affections of the Nobility, and the love of his People. He discards his former Favourites, and adheres to the sage and prudent Advice of the best of his Nobility, and Reigning to the general liking of all his Subjects for the space of ten years, he died and was buried at Caerbranck at York.

Elidurus, after the death of his Brother was lawful King of this Island, and so with much Honour and Reputation received the second time the Crown, An. Mundi 3702, but was soon deposed by the Ambition of his Brothers, Vigenius and Peridurus, after one years Government, when being seized by them, and his Person confined to the Tower of London, they divided the Kingdom. Peridurus received Albania, and Vige∣nius the Country on this side Humber.

Vigenius died after he had reigned seven years, so that the whole Kingdom came to Peridurus, who managed it (as some write) with great Moderation and Justice; as others say, with Tyranny and Oppression, but he died not till after he had

Governed nine years in all, and then was buried at Pykering, a Town he himself had built.

Elidurus again resumed the Crown, being delivered out of Prison, where, some say, he was confined by his own Election, and not by the Injustice of his Brothers; This was in the year of the World 3712, and after he had Reigned four years, to the general applause of all men.

He died and was buried at Caerlisle.

GORBONIANUS, the Son of Regni and Grand-child to Elidure, was Crowned King of Britain Anno Mundi 3716. He reigned with the general approbation of all People for the space of ten years.

Jeoffery of Monmouth maketh this Regni the Son of Gorbonian, a worthy Prince.

MORGAN, or Margan, succeeded Anno Mundi 3726, he was the Son of Archigallo; he ruled fourteen years with great peace and tranquility. After him

EMERIANUS, another Son of Archigallo, was advanced to the Crown Anno Mundi 3740. He was of a quite contrary disposition to his Brother, so that Go∣verning by Will and Pleasure, and not according to Law, he was laid aside after he had sat in the Throne seven years.

YDWALLO, the Son of Vigenius, followed Anno Mundi 3747. By the Example and Misfortune of his Predecessor, he avoided Tyranny, and held the Scepter twen∣ty years.

RINCO, the Son of Peridurus, an Heroick Prince, and a great Warriour, assumed the Royal Dignity Anno Mundi 3767, and reigned sixteen years.

GERUNTIUS, the Son of Elidurus, followed him Anno Mundi 3783. He gave life to the Laws of his Predecessor, and Governed with Justice and Moderation for the space of twenty years.

CATELLUS, his Son, reigned after him in the year of the World 3803; he was the great Patron of the Poor and Distressed, insomuch as he hanged all such as were their Oppressors. He reigned ten years and was buried at Winchester.

COILUS began his reign Anno Mundi 3813, and reigned ten years, then was bu∣ried at Notingham.

PORREX, the second, began Anno Mundi 3823. This was a good Prince, he reigned five years.

CHERIMUS, Sirnamed the Drunkard, succeeded Anno Mundi 3828, and swayed the Scepter one year. Then succeeded

FULGENTIUS, the eldest Son of Cherimus, Anno Mundi 3829, and reigned also but one year, after him.

ELDRED, the second Son of Cherimus, reigned another year more, Anno Mun∣di 3830.

ANDROGEUS, the third Son of Cherimus, enjoyed the Government another year, being 3831.

URIANUS, the Son of Androgeus, began his reign Anno Mundi 3831, and he lived three years, and in that time gave himself to all Riot and Intemperance.

ELIUD, Anno Mundi 3835; He was a great Astrologer, and ruled five years.

DEDANTIUS, or Dedacus, A. M. 3840, and he Ruled five years.

DETONUS, A. M. 3845; he reigned two years, as Mr. How affirmeth, the Count Palatine speaketh nothing of this King, but placeth Clotenus after Dedacus, so likewise doth Fabius, and after Clotenus he setteth Gurguenites, the same (as I suppose) with Gurguenius, put in the same Order by Count Palatine, so that suppo∣sing this Detonus to be the same person with Clotenus, the next Prince is

GURGUINEUS, A. M. 3847, reigned three years; Merianus (by the consent of all Writers) reigned two years; Bleduns, or Bladunus, two years; Gapenus, three years; Ovinus, two years; Sisilius the third, two years. Then

BLEDGABREDUS succeeded, Anno Mundi 3861; He so far exceeded all men (saith the Count Palatine) in the Art of Singing, that he seemed to be the God of Musick, and besides his skill in Vocal, saith Galfridus, he was expert in all Instru∣mental harmony. He reigned ten years.

ARCHIMALUS succeeded, he was the Brother of Bledgabredus, and Ruled two years.

ELDOLUS began his Government Anno Mundi 3873, and Reigned four years. In his daies many Prodigies in the Heavens (as flakes of Fire breaking through the E∣lement, loud Noises) appeared.

RODIANUS, or Redian, succeeded, and reigned two years.

REDARGIUS, Count Palat. calls Roderecius, he reigned three years.

SAMULIUS was King two years, Penisillus three, Fabian saith, Samulius Peni∣sillus was the same Person, and reigned five years.

PYRRHUS, Pyrrus, or Phyrrus, according to Fabian, was King two years, and CAPORIUS two years, after him

DINELLUS, the Son of Caporius, Fabian calls Glyguell Dinell, who began his Reign Anno Mundi 3891. Com. Pal. commends him for many Princely Vertues, he reigned four years, and then died.

HELI, his Successor, reigned not a year, so that we see the beginning of King LUDS Reign (who succeeded Heli) falls in the year of the World 3895, twenty years before Julius Caesars Arrival into this Island, who is supposed to have made it Tributary in the ninth year of Cassibelan the Successor of Lud, so that taking in the Eleven years of King Lud, and the Ninth of Cassibelan, and we shall find the time to fall exactly.

I know there is great difference in Authors, not only concerning the Names of these Princes but the Numbers of them, and the times of their Reigns, and thereby great confusion is made in the British History, but more especially from Elidure to Lud; But this Calculation I have faithfully gathered, by comparing the Authors of most Credit, and so have set down their Names as they are most generally Received; And seeing there is so little time allowed, from Elidure to Lud, for such a number of Prin∣ces, being two or three and thirty, and but 186 years allotted for their Reigns, we cannot give Hely forty years, according to Jeoffery of Monmouth, but are forced to comply with others, who abridge him seven Months. Likewise Coel the First, by the Count Palatine, hath twenty years assigned him, whereas others allow him but ten.

But to give my Opinion concerning this matter, I think that the making of so many Kings, from Elidure to Lud, to succeed one another, cannot agree either with Truth or Reason, for as also the latter Princes of this Catalogue, for above twenty years together, have not (excepting three or four of them) above one, two, or three years at most assigned them for their Reigns, so the Compilers of this History have been too profuse in the time they gave for the first Kings Reigns, and this will ap∣pear, if we consider Elidure died an Old man, in the year of the World (according to the best of their Computations) 3716. Yet we hear of a Son of his named Gurguntius, beginning his reign Anno Mundi 3783, that is sixty seven years after his Fathers death, and continuing his Reign twenty years, so that he lived in all after his Fathers de∣cease eighty seven years; now allowing his Father to have begat him but twenty years before his death, which is but reasonable, considering his years, and we shall find Gurguntius to be 107 years Old, a prodigious Age, so Rimo lived seventy one years after the death of his Father Peridurus, so strangly prodigal were the Composers of this Genealogy to the former Princes, and so exceeding niggardly to the latter.

It is more rational therefore to believe these Kings, not to have all of them suc∣ceeded one another, but many of them to have been Rulers contemporary, of parti∣cular Provinces of the Island, as the Government thereof was found to be, even twenty years after, at the Invasion of it by Julius Caesar.

King HELY built him a Palace, and resided most especially in that part of the Kingdom, called after his name Ely; but Bede derives the Isle of Ely from Eels, Polidore l'irgil from the Greek Helos, signifying a Fennish or Morish Ground. * 1.476

Humphry Llhoid, whom Mr. Cambden followeth, from Nelig, in the British Tongue signifying an Osyer or Sallow, which grows in abundance in those Parts, and of which the Inhabitants make great profit, by weaving Baskets and such like Wares; This King was buried in the same Island.

LUD, the eldest Son of Hely, began his Reign Anno Mundi 3895; He was en∣dowed with all the excellent qualities belonging to a Prince, and is set down as an excellent Pattern of a wise and prudent Governour.

Amongst the most remarkable Monuments of his Reign, was his Repairing or

building the Walls of Troy-novant, and on the West-side thereof erecting a most sumptuous and beautiful Gate, called at this day Lud-gate.

Verstegan will by no means suffer that this Gate took its denomination from King * 1.477 Lud, because of the last termination of it, Gate, shews the Name to be of Saxon, and not British, Original; but Verstegan might have considered, that the Saxons, although they expressed the Names of many British Places by words of their own Language signifying the same thing, yet what could they substitute in the room of a proper Name, which remains alwaies the same in all Languages; Besides, he forgot clearly that there are many Places in England that remain mixed compounds of both the British and Saxon Tongues. As for Example, Durham, Dunholne, Dorchester, and a thousand more I could name had I time, besides many Usages and Customes in England, which participate of both Languages alike. To instance, in the Com∣pounds of Iavel, a British word, signifying a Tenure among the Welch, we find Gavel-kind, Sand-Gavel, Gavel Oat, Swine-Gavel, and many others; Why therefore may not Ludgate be Luds-Gate, although it hath both Languages mixt in it? Let us hear therefore Verstegan's ingenious Derivation; Ludgate (saith he) is as much as to say, Leodgate, or the Peoples-Gate, Leod signifying People.

Here Mr. Sheringham asks him but a reasonable question; What, did the People * 1.478 pass only through this Gate, and the Bards and Druids through the other only? And I may demand of him also, upon what grounds he supposeth the Concourse of People to have been greater through this Gate than any other.

Indeed, since the Suburbs have been built and increased, above the greatness of the City, and since his MAJESTY and the late Kings of England, for many successions have been pleased to live in the Western parts of them, the Trade by necessity hath been drawn into these quarters, and so Ludgate hath been made the greatest Thorow∣fare, but before the Suburbs were built, or before they were brought into Credit by his MAJESTIES Royal Person and Court, or when the Kings of England lived in the City it self, How came Ludgate to be the Gate of the People more than of the rest?

Neither is Lelands Opinion any thing more to be embraced, who calleth it Flud∣gate, * 1.479 from the little Rivolet running beneath it. It is a thousand pities (for the sake of this invention) that the Gate was not built upon the Rivulet, but now, as the case standeth, this most miserable Derivation is not to be helped out, but by a faith that is able to remove Mountains.

Let therefore King Lud enjoy the Honour of that Structure, whose very mute Statue (as Mr. Sheringham saith) seems to call out against those who would deprive him of it.

But besides these two Magnificent Works, the Wall and the Gate, this Prince is said to have taken such exceeding delight in this City, that he built himself a Palace not far from Ludgate, supposed by some, to have been in the place where the Bishop of Londons Palace stood, Others think, at Bernards Castle. he is thought to have built a Temple also not far from his Court, where St. Pauls Cathedral afterwards stood, and by these great Works, and his continual residence in that City, the name of Troy-novant was changed into London or Lundain, that is, the residency of King Lud.

The British Histories write, that the changing the name from Troy-novant into Lun∣dain, was the cause of great dissension between King Lud, and a bold Commander of those times, Nennius, who eagerly opposed this Innovation, whereby the Memory of Troy, which so long bad been preserved, would be utterly abolished; But this story is very much suspected of late to have been altogether Fabulous, and there are other Derivations given of the Name of that most Famous City.

Erasmus brings it from a City in Rhodes, called Lindus, but this is rejected by Mr. * 1.480 Cambden, who in the place of it puts down two Conjectures. The first is, That seeing the Britains called any place fenced with Trees, a Town, or City, which they expressed by the word Lihwn, that this City by way of Excellence might be named the Lihwn, and afterwards by corruption London. But the second is more probable, That it was called London from Lihong, signifying in the British Tongue, a Ship, and Dinas in the same Language, a City, so that it is as much as the City of Ships; And to confirm this Opinion, he proves that it was called Anciently Longidinium, and by an Old British Bard, Lihong-Porth, that is, a Harbour of Ships.

In my thoughts, this seems to be the truest Etymologie of that most honourable Ci∣ty, which in all Ages hath been a place of great Traffick and Commerce with the whole World, and by the convenience of its Scituation upon so Navigable a River, can receive Ships of great Burthen, and in great Multitudes, so that the Masts of them appear to be what the Britains called Llhwun, namely, Woods and Forrests.

As concerning the Name of TROY-Novant, by which this City is supposed to * 1.481 have formerly been called (because I am now taking my leave of the British History, and am come to the time of the Romans) I will freely put down my Conjecture.

Nant, in the British Tongue, or Novant (for they are both one as Mr. Cambden shews) signifies a Valley, and Cre, Cri, or Cra, a City, and both taken from the * 1.482 Phoenicians, as I have shewn by several Places in Cornwal; Crinovant therefore, is as much as the City of the Vallies, for the People who were under the subjection of this City, lived Low, upon the River Thames, and the whole Region, in a manner, lay in a Valley, so that they may be supposed to have been called (as other places have been upon the same account) Noantes, Novantes, or Nantuates, and this City Crinovant, or the City of the Novantes, the similitude of which Name (as I have shewn in another place) gave occasion to those who began the Trojan Original, to call it Troy-novant, or the New-Troy.

King LUD, after he had Reigned eleven years, and was Interr'd in his Temple near Ludgate, left behind him two Sons, Androgeus and Theomantius.

Com. Pal. saith, that this Lud was Sir-named Immanuentius, and was slain by his * 1.483 Brother Cassibelan at Troy-novant, and that his eldest Son Androgeus was Sir-named Mandubratius, and was the same Prince of the Trinobantes, whom we find in Caesar's Commentaries, to have sled into Gallia, and to have put himself under the protection of Caesar.

Of this Mandubratius, I shall have occasion to speak in the History of the Romans in this Island, whom we shall find Invading it in the next Kings Reign, called cassi∣belanus.

And seeing now we are come to the Times of the Roman Histories, the Authority of which is unquestionable, I shall faithfully Collect the Government of Britain un∣der their Emperours, from the Latin Writers themselves (yet, not altogether so, as to neglect absolutely the British Histories) in the Lives of their Kings, and the Circum∣stances of their Government.

This I do, because that the Histories of the Romans, concerning this Island, as their Government in it, is often broke off and interrupted, and those Breaches are sup∣plied by the continuance of the British Succession, but I shall place the Roman Hi∣story in the first place, as infinitely surpassing the British in its Authority, and all along, the British History shall be set under it, as attending only, and subservient to it.

THE NAMES OF THE Roman Emperours WHO GOVERNED THIS ISLAND, FROM The first Invasion thereof by Julius Caesar, until it was quitted of the Roman Jurisdiction by Honorius, im∣mediately before the Entrance of the Saxons. AND A Catalogue of the Lieutenants employed by them.

JULIUS CAESAR, The first Invader of the Britains, after whose Second Expedition and Death, there ensued an Inter-regnum of the Romans in this Island, until the Conquest thereof by Claudius, and his Lieutenants.

CLAUDIUS, the second of the Romans that subdued this Island, Reigned	13 Years.	Aulus Plautius, P. Ostorius, Aul. Didius,	His Lieutenants.
NERO.	13 years.	Verannius, Paulinus Suet. Petilius Crealis, Petronius Turpilianus, Trebellius Maximus,	Lieutenants.
GALBA,	7 months.	Trebellius Maximus, Lieutenant under both.
OTHO,	95 daies.
VITELLIUS,	8 months, 4 daies.	Vectius Bolanus, Lieutenant.
VESPASIAN the Elder,	10 years.	Petilius Crealis, Julius Frontinus, Julius Agricola,	Lieutenants.

Titus VESPASIAN,	2 Years.	Julius Agricola, Lieutenant.
DOMITIAN,	15 years.	...Julius Agricola, ...Cne. Trebellius, ...Salustius Lucullus,	Lieutenants.
NERVA,	1 year.	The Lieutenant not known.
TRAJAN,	19 years.	The Lieutenant not known.
HADRIAN Reigned	21 years.	...Cne. Trebellius, ...Licinius Priscus, ...Jul. Severus,	Lieutenants.
ANTONINUS Pius,	22 years.	Lollius Urbicus, Lieutenant.
ANTONINUS Philosophus,	19 years.	Calphurnius Agricola, Lieutenant.
AURELIUS Commodus,	13 years.	...Ulpius Marcellus, ...Helvius Pertinax, ...Clodius Albinus, ...Junius Severus,	Lieutenants.
HELVIUS Pertinax,	2 months.	Clodius Albinus, Lieutenant.
DIDIUS Julianus,	7 months.	Clodius Albinus, Lieutenant.
SEPTIMIUS Severus,	18 years.	Heraclianus, and Virius Lupus, made Joynt-Lieutenants by Severus, one of the South, the other of the North.

After the daies of Severus, we find not any more Lieutenants in Britain, partly through the neglect or decay of Historians, and partly through the Troubles of the ensuing times, which lasted until the daies of Constantine, who altered the Go∣vernment.

	Years Reign.
Antoninus Bassianus Caracalla, with Geta his Brother,	6
Opilius Macrinus,	1
Antoninus Heliogabalus,	4
Alexander Severus,	13
Julius Maximinus,	3
...Balbinus, ...Pupienus,	1
M. Ant. Gordianus,	6
Philip,	5
Gn. Messius Quintus, Trajan, Decius,	2
Trebonianus Gallus,	2
P. Licinius Valerianus,	7
P. Licinius Galienus,	9
Claudius,	2
	Years Reign:
L. Domitius Aurelianus,	5
M. Claudius Tacitus,	6 Months.
M. Aurelius Probus,	6
M. Aurelius Carus,	2
...Dioclesianus, ...Maximianus,	20
Constantius Chlorus,	4
Constantine the Great,	13
Constantinus Junior,	3
Constans,	2
Constantius,	16
Julian the Apostate,	2
Fla. Jovianus,	2
Valentinianus,	12
Fla. Gratianus,	3
Fla. Theodosius,	14

Honorius. In the daies of this Emperour (Rome being seized by Alarick) the Roman Souldiers were drawn out of Britain, and Letters of Discharge written by Honorius to the Britains, whereby they were acquitted of the Roman Jurisdiction.

A Catalogue of the British KINGS, in the daies of the Romans, from Julius Caesar to the Saxons.

CAssibelan (in whose daies Caesar entred the Island) Reigned

19 Years.

Theomantius,

17

Gunobelyn,

35

Guiderius,

23

Arviragus,

25

Marius,

53

Coelus Primus,

50

Lucius, Sirnamed Leuer Maur,

12

And then came an Inter-regnum of

15 Years.

Severus, in Right of his Wife,

15

Antoninus Bassianus,

6

Heliogabalus,

3

Alexander Severus,

13

Maximinus,

3

Gordianus,

6

Another Inter-regnum of

13 Years.

7 Years.

4 Years.

Claudius,

2

Another Inter-regnum of

13 Years.

7 Years.

4 Years.

Bonosus,

4

Another Inter-regnum of

13 Years.

7 Years.

4 Years.

Carausius,

7

Allectus,

3

Asclepiodotus,

1

Coel the Third,

1

Constantius Priscus, in Right of his Wife,

11

Constantine the Great,

30

Constantinus Junior,

2

Constans Priscus,

9

Magnentius,

3

Constantius Junior,

10

Julianus,

2

Valentinianus,

11

Gratianus Priscus,

8

Maximus,

5

Theodosius,

7

Honorius,

14

In whose daies the Britains chose three other Emperours.

Marcus, him they suddenly Deposed, in

3 Months.

Gratianus Ruled

4 Months.

Constantine the Third,

4 Years.

Constans his Son, Caesar,

2 Years.

[illustration]

IULIUS CAESAR The first Roman that Discovered and Invaded Brittain.

THE WARS BETWEEN THE BRITAINS AND ROMANS.

CHAP. XIII. JULIUS CAESARS first Preparation, and Voyage into BRITAIN.

JULIUS CAESAR, having subdued most part of * 1.484 Gallia, quieted the Germans, and stopped their Incur∣sions into his Province by Locking up the Rhine and Scheld, resolves for an expedition into Britain; His pretences were, that the Britains had under-hand sent supplies to the Cities of Armorica, who the year before had Revolted from his Obedience, and had joyned with the rest of Gallia in a general and dangerous Rebellion; Not only so, but that they had received into their Pro∣tection his Enemies, the Bellovaci, who had fled to them for aid and succour.

These seemed sufficient Causes to justifie an Invasion, especially to a mind wholly possest, as Caesars was, with the desire of Glory, and unlimited Conquests; so, that notwithstanding many Cities of the Britains (having notice of this design, and fear∣ing the consequence of his Ambition, and usual success) sent Embassadors to him, with a promise of Hostages and Obedience to the Roman Empire, yet he altered not his Resolutions, but after Audience given, sent them back with fair promises and ex∣hortations to continue stedfast in the same mind, and with them Comius his Creature and Confident, whom he had obliged with no less Bribe than the Kingdom of Arras, giving him private Instructions to gain a Roman Party in the Island, and secretly to manage his Interest with the States of Britain; And what gave most Authority to his Embassy, to signifie to them his Intentions to come speedily in Person to them. Nei∣ther could the time of the year defer his design, it seeming to be too high advanced for any new undertakings, the Summer being almost spent, and his wearied Legions ex∣pected rather their Winter Quarters, than to be transported into a Foreign War.

Certainly, Caesar had more than ordinary Motives to this sudden expedition, and * 1.485 however he might give out among his Souldiers, the vastness of the British Pearls, their exceeding weight and value, and the great numbers and quantities of them, yet these were but as so many Baits to entice and allure them to his purposes, and to draw them greedily to swallow his Motions; such Cajoals as these, were frequent with him, during the course of his whole life. By his future Actions, we may guess that his main design (in Invading BRITAIN) was to inure his Souldiers, and to accustome them to the most barbarous Enemies, that they might not be terrified at his most dangerous Enterprizes, but depend solely and entirely upon his Fortune and Conduct.

And indeed, during all the Civil-Wars, which no doubt by this time he had fore cast in his head, we find these Legions his main prop and support, they blindly following him in his most difficult undertakings. Neither could the love of the Common-wealth, or the Authority of Pompey, ever shake them in their Alliance, and although they were harassed about from Country to Country, yet the change of Soil, nor Enemy, could ever break them asunder, or shatter them.

In his Wars in Africa, against Juba and his Confederates, with what assurance did * 1.486 he pronounce before his Army, the advance of the Enemy with an Army five times superiour to his own, as not doubting, they would be frighted at the Chariots of Africa, who had been accustomed to those of Britain, and this appears to be the intention of his Invasion of this Island, the total Conquest whereof, as he never performed, so he seems never to have designed; and, I believe, what he said him∣self of his first years Invasion, might be properly spoken of his second also, namely, That he thought it sufficient to see the Island, and try the Nature of the Enemy, and so pass away.

In order to this Design, he endeavours by diligent Enquiry to learn out the Nature * 1.487 and Scituation of this Island, the Places of most easie Access, what Ports and Havens were commodious for his great Shipping, what, and how great, Nations inhabited the Island, their customes in War, and their several Usages, all which, he saies, was unknown to the Gauls. For, except some few Merchants and Traders, none scarce ever went thither, and they too only to the Sea-coasts that were next unto Gaul, so that not being able to sift out any thing srom the Merchants themselves, whom, for that purpose, he had called together from all parts (and who, possibly, studiously declined to give him any Information) he sends Caius Volusenus in a Long Gally, with Orders to make discovery of this Island, and that done, to return as soon as possible he could.

In this Relation of Caesar, touching the Ignorance of the Gauls and their Mer∣chants, in all the fore-mentioned Circumstances relating to Britain, many have re∣quired the diligence, or at least the memory of Caesar; For how is it possible they could be so ignorant of the Asfairs of Britain, seeing they sent their Children thi∣ther (as he himself reports) to be instructed in the Learning and Discipline of the Druids, the Common Priests of both Nations, and seeing they that were sent for that purpose, often tarried in Britain twenty years fully, to know the Mysteries of that Religion, and in all that time, could they get nothing of the Customes and Manners of the People, the Greatness of the Nation, their Laws and Govern∣ment?

Again, Caesar reports in another place, that they of Rhemes informed him, That * 1.488 one Dividiacus, a mighty King of the Soissons, not long before, and in the memory of Man, had Britain also under his Subjection. How therefore came this Island to be so much forgotten on the Continent, seeing one of their Princes had so lately the Dominion of it? Could he be chosen King of a Country, that neither he nor any of his Subjects had ever seen, or with which there had never been any Commerce at all?

Moreover, in the Wars of Gallia he writes, That the Britains assisted the Armo∣ricans with continual supplies, and that they received the Bellovaci into their Pro∣tection. Cou'd these endearments happen between Nations, that are here supposed to have so little knowledge one of another?

To all which Circumstances, if we shall add, How that the Sea-Coast of Britain, next to Gallia, was Peopled (by his own report) from Gallia and Belgium, and that

many of those Provinces in Britain received their names from those People, we shall have little reason to doubt, but that in this Relation Caesar had more respect to his own Honour than to Truth, it seeming far more glorious to invade a Nation, of which he had but slender knowledge, and found the success not answerable to his expectations, than to seem to be baffled in a design, the Consequences whereof by due Informations he had weighed and considered. Now this partiality of his in Re∣cording his own Affairs, is the greatest blemish with which his Commentaries have been especially marked, and in the particular account of his British Victories, in this * 1.489 very point, he is much to be suspected and blamed.

CAESAR having sent C. Volusenus to spie out the Coasts, in the mean time drew his Forces into the Country of the Morini, about Bulloign, from whence was the shortest cut into Britain. Here he commands a general Rendezvous of all his Naval Forces, summoning from all parts the Shipping which the Summer before he had made for the Armorican War.

Hither, after five daies sail, C. Volusenus returned to him with those small Disco∣veries he had made of the Island, not daring to Land for fear of the Britains. But what little Notices he had gotten from aboard his Ship he communicates to Caesar, who, after he had taken Hostages of the Morini, for their good behaviour in his ab∣sence, left Sulpitius Rufus with sufficient Forces to make good the Port, and secure his Return, in case his Affairs in Britain succeeded not to his wishes, or the Gauls, a fickle and unsteady Nation, upon the least disaster, might change their Faith; with eighty Ships of burthen, beside what Gallies had been distributed to his Chief Officers, about the third Watch of night, with a prosperous Gale sets off for the British shoar.

In this Expedition he carried two Legions, which are supposed to amount of Romans and their Allies, to five and twenty thousand Foot, and four thousand five hundred Horse. The Foot were transported in the eighty Vessels, the Horse had eighteen assigned them, which, by reason of contrary Winds, were kept in Port a∣bout eight mile from the General Rendezvous. Thither Caesar commands the Cavalry to march, and with all speed to embark and follow him, but his Orders being not so soon executed, the next day, between ten and eleven of the Clock in the Fore noon, Caesar with his first Ships only came upon the Island, where he sees the Hills covered over with Britains, who were drawn up in Martial array to oppose his Landing. The nature of the place was such, that by the position of the narrow Cliffs that ran out into the Sea, and hung steep over it, the Britains had the advantage of flinging their Darts and Javelins upon the shoar beneath, so that this place was found too warm for Landing.

Caesar therefore, till three of the Clock in the After-noon, lay at Anchor, waiting for the coming up of his whole Fleet, and in the mean time called a Council of War of his Chief Officers, where he imparts to them the Discoveries C. Volusenus had made to him, giving them Orders how to behave themselves upon all occasions, chiefly warning them, that the discipline of War in general, but especially the floating kind of flight they were to expect (at their Landing) required, that they should be quick and nimble in their motions, ready to relieve each other, and to shift and change places as they should receive Orders, all which being said, he dismisses them; so with a favourable Wind and Tide weighs Anchor, and sailing along the Coast, about eight Mile distant he arrived at a plain and open shoar, commonly thought a∣bout Deal in Kent.

The Britains all this while observed his motions, and sending their Horse and Chariots before, their Infantry following, they stood not there to be mowed at, but with undaunted Courage furiously drave into the Waters, and fought the Romans under their very Ships, not suffering any to descend from their Vessels without the loss of their Lives.

Such was the Resolution of them upon this occasion, that Caesar himself confesseth it a very smart Welcome. And although he would find out matter to excuse it, namely, That he could not bring his great Ships to work, that his Souldiers were on an unknown Coast, their hands full, their heavy bodies laden with Armour, that at the same time they were to jump from their Ships, stand among the Waves and engage the Enemy, and on the other side, that the Britains were on the dry ground, or else in very

shallow Water, that they were light Armed, and quick Motioned, that they were ac∣quainted with the shoars, and their Horses accustomed to that kind of Duty; yet all this seemeth to be confessing rather than excusing a Defeat.

The Romans being to encounter with all these Difficulties, but especially with the undaunted Courage of the Britains, and being gauled with this unusual manner of Fighting, stood as men absolutely astonished, not knowing which way to turn them∣selves, until Caesar seeing them beginning flatly to yield to the impression of the Enemy, draws off his Long-boats and Gallies from his Ships of Burthen, and orders them to be placed against the open flank of the Enemy.

The very sight of this kind of Shipping amazed the Britains, the swiftness of their motion, and the number and ratling of the Oars; but, as on the other side they were exceeding surprizing to the Britains, so they struck no less Courage and Resolution into the daunted Romans.

But the first impressions being over, notwithstanding the force and greatness of their Gallies, with which, as being strongly workt by the multitude of Oars, the Britains were almost overwhelmed; yet left they not off still manfully to defend their Country, and expose their Chariots and naked Bodies to the Ships and Ar∣mour of their Enemies.

Caesar finding, that by plain Force he was not able to attain the Landing, orders his Engines and Slings to be set up in all his Gallies, and that they should be plaid against the open side of the Enemy. And now, whole showers of Stones and Darts were discharged upon the naked Britains, and the Roman Ships something cleared of their close Engagers.

The Britains, notwithstanding all these dangers, did not quit their ground, but with the loss of their lives, and although the thick shot falling round about the Ro∣man Fleet, made them stand at a Bay, yet durst not their Enemies venture to quit their Vessels, fearing (as is reported) the depth of the Sea, but more probably the re-advancement of the Enemy as soon as their Engines should leave working.

In this general Consternation of the Romans, an Ensign-bearer of the tenth Le∣gion, having first invoked the Gods, that what he intended might succeed to the good of his Legion, breaks out into these words, Fellow Souldiers, desert if you please your Ensign, and betray it to the Enemy, I for my part will perform my Duty to the Common-wealth, and my General; having thus said, with a loud voice, he jumps into the Sea, and, advancing the Eagle, he marcheth upon the Enemy; The Souldiers be∣gan to recollect their Spirits, and exhorting one another not to suffer the disgrace of loosing their Standard, with one consent followed their resolute Leader. Others in∣cited by their Example, do the like, and now, in several Bodies, they advance to the Enemy.

Here began a terrible fight on both sides, wherein the Romans received great damages, partly for want of sure footing, and partly, because in eagerness to rescue their Ensign, they observed no Order, every one out of his Ship advancing to that standard that was next to him.

On the other hand, the Britains managed their Advantages with great prudence and Resolution: Where they saw the Enemy boggled either in the Depths or the Sands, they presently assaulted them, cuting them off in all Parties, and wheresoever they perceived any few making up to their Standards, driving furiously between, they intercepted their passage, and with ease dispatcht them. Others there were who attempted the main Body which was gathering about the Standard, and with their Darts very much anoyed them, which Caesar perceiving, he commanded all his Boats and Shallops to be filled with Souldiers, and where he saw any distressed he received them into his protection.

By this means the Foot were all dis-embarkt, and having got into some Order, they made up to the Shoar, where, after a sharp dispute, the wearied Britains were put to flight, or rather retired, having observed, by the disburthening of all the Ships, that the Romans had no Horse to follow them, which indeed proved true, by reason that through negligence they did not, or by contrary Winds could not arrive so spee∣dily as they were ordered. This proved a great vexation to Caesar, who never used to get Victories by halves, and this is the first time we ever find him complaining against his Fortune.

The BRITAINS send for PEACE, but upon an Accident to the ROMAN Fleet, change Counsels.

THE Britains (for what cause is uncertain) but probably from Divisions in themselves, and a Roman Party crept in amongst them, send Embassadours to Caesar to Treat of Peace, promising to give what Hostages he should de∣mand, and to submit to his disposal.

With these Embassadours Comius of Arras also returns, whom, I said before, was sent by Caesar into Britain, him (after his Landing) the Britains had apprehended as a Spie, and having understood his Order, had laden with Irons. And now, to in∣gratiate themselves with Caesar, they send him back, laying the envy of his Imprison∣ment upon the Common Rout, and desiring, that if in yeilding to the Multitude they had done imprudently, they might obtain pardon for their Errour.

Caesar complaining, that of their own accords, having sent to him on the Conti∣nent for Peace, they should give the first occasion of War, was willing nevertheless to take their Acknowledgments, and accept their Excuse, but demands Hostages, some whereof were immediately sent, others that were to be fetcht higher in the Country, they promised should be ready in a few daies. The mean while, the Peo∣ple being dis-banded and sent home, the adjoyning Princes met together, and sub∣mitted themselves and their States to Caesar, at his Camp, which is supposed to have been at Barham-Down.

The Peace thus Concluded, an Accident happened that put the Britains upon new Counsels. The eighteen Ships which transported the Horse, being loosed from the Harbour with a small Gale, in four daies sail came in sight of the Island, and might be descried from the Camp, when of a sudden a Tempest arising, dispersed them, some being cast back to the Port from whence they came, others driven West-ward of the Island. But finding no safety in those parts, nor being able to ride at Anchor in such high Seas, were forced at night to make for the Continent, and (as Orosius saith) * 1.490 most of them perished.

The same night it happened, the Moon being Full, at which time the Floods are highest, that unawares to the Romans the Spring-tide filled and covered those Gal∣lies which had been haled on shoar, and which were intended to serve for the trans∣porting of the Army.

On the other hand, the Ships of Burthen that lay off at Anchor, were sorely shat∣tered by the Tempest, the Romans all the while looking on, not being able to apply any Remedy. Thus many of their Ships were utterly broken in pieces, others having lost all their Tackling were rendred unserviceable.

This gave matter of great affliction to the Army, and to Caesar himself, who having not provided sufficient stores for his Souldiers, was necessitated to Winter in Gallia, and now saw himself sadly deprived of the means of conveying them thither, having no other Ships for that service, and besides, wanted materials for the repair∣ing of his broken and shattered Hulks.

The Britains considering all these Circumstances, especially their Enemies want of Horse, and imagining the Foot to be fewer indeed, than they were, from the narrow compass of the Roman Camp (which was less than usual, because Caesar by that means was minded to ease the Duty of his wearied Souldiers, and the Legions besides had been transported without their Carriages) resolves to renew the War, and so hindring the Romans of Provisions, to protract the business unto Winter.

Having entred into this Consultation, they who left Hostages, or out of curiosity had long resided amongst the Romans, secretly, one by one, withdrew from the Camp, and by degrees, removed their Families and Cattle higher into the Continent, encou∣raging one another, once for all, to redeem the Liberty of their Country, not que∣stioning but if they could intercept the Return of the Romans, and destroy them, none never after would venture to Invade their Nation.

Caesar, though as yet he knew not of their designs, yet suspecting that the loss received in his Navy might give Courage to the Enemy, and occasion new Councels, perceiving withal, that the Hostages were privately retired, others which were to be sent in cunningly, delayed, resolves to prepare for the worst, and to that end laies in what provisions of Corn he could gather, and with the scattered remnants of those Ships which were utterly broken, patches up the remainder of his Fleet, and what with Materials fetched from the Continent, and the indefatigable dili∣gence of his Men, in a few daies all but twelve Ships were made fit for sayl∣ing.

In the mean time the seventh Legion being gone out (according to their custome) to Forrage, there being no open breach made, and many of the Britains still re∣maining about the Country, and going and coming freely into the Romans Quarters, news was brought unto Caesar from the Sentinels, keeping Guard at the Camp-gate, that they descried a greater Dust than ordinary, arising upon that quarter of the Country to which the Legion had taken its March.

Caesar suspecting, what indeed happened, that the Britains had taken new Coun∣cels, commands the Cohorts of his Guards to follow him thither, ordering two others to succeed in their places, and the rest speedily to Arm and come after.

When he had passed some distance from the Camp, he perceived his Legion over∣born by the Enemy, and not able to sustain their violent Charges, being already hudled up, and on all sides sorely gauled by Darts and Javelins. For the Britains finding, that where the Romans the day before had been Reaping, they had left part of the Crop, and judging the next day they would return to the same place, secretly in the Woods lodged an Ambuseado of Men, who (as soon as the Romans had laid by their Arms, and were dispersed about their work) suddenly brake in upon them, and cutting off some, routing the rest, at last encompast them about with their Horse and Chariots.

The manner of the Britains fighting, upon this, and such like occasions, was in this wise.

First, They ride with their Charriots through all the parts of the Battle, and fling Darts, and with the terrible noise of their Horses, and ratling of the Charriot∣wheels, they often break the ranks of the Enemy. When they have wound them∣selves into the Troops of Horse, they alight from their Charriots and fight on foot. The Charrioteers in the mean time retire a little from the Battle, and place themselves in such Order, that in case their Party should be over-powr'd with the Multitude of Enemies, they might have a safe Retreat, so that at once they perform the swift∣ness of Horse, and steadiness of Foot. By daily exercise they are so expert at it, that down the steepest Hill they will hold their Horses to a full Career, stop of a sudden, turn short and wind them about; now running along upon the Beam, then standing upright upon the Yoak, and from thence nimbly recover their Boxes.

This sort of Fight is described by Caesar in this place, to excuse the general rout of his Legion, although they could not but be acquainted with the nature of the British Charriots, even at their first Landing, and it was but high time that he came to their relief, for the Legion was sorely oppressed by the Enemy, and in great con∣fusion.

At his appearance the Britains retired, having done sufficient execution for that day, and Caesar was so sensible of his loss, and the general consternation of his Army, that he durst not venture, at that time, to think of Revenging it, so that abstaining from Battle, he only kept his ground for a while, and then with his main Force re∣tired within his Trenches, carrying with him all the Forrage he had taken.

For many daies after the Weather continued so foul, that the Romans kept them∣selves encamped, and the Britains attempted nothing upon them, but employed the time in dispatching of Curryers to all parts, to signifie to what small numbers the Enemy was reduced, and the great hopes of Booty, and the freeing their Country for ever from the like Invaders, if they could manfully beat the Romans from their Camp, and so make them a severe Example.

This change of Councel, from protracting the War to a speedy ending of it, was not so successfully executed as rashly undertaken by the Britains, for although, from all quarters there flocked infinite numbers both of Horse and Foot, yet were they too light and unarmed to engage with the heavy Legions, whose strength consisted most in being united and compacted together, whereas the advantage of the Britains was in quick Onsets, and sudden Skirmishes, and in being assailed rather than as∣sailing. However, they gathered together about the Roman Camp, which Caesar per∣ceiving, although he had but three hundred Horse, which Comius of Arras had transported with him, and knew well that the Britains, though worsted, might (as before) escape the pursuit, yet resolves to give them Battle, and so drew out for that purpose before his Camp.

After a small and trivial dispute, the Britains not able to endure the force of the Legions, flie in disorder, and were pursued, but with greater destruction of Towns and Villages than of their Persons, Caesar burning every thing that lay in his way, and not returning to his Camp without Blazing tokens of his Con∣quest.

The Britains, after this Defeat, resolve to make Conditions, and to that end send Embassadours to Caesar, who no doubt rejoyced at his good Fortune, that, having made no progress at all into the Island, nor ever been in capacity of gaining a con∣siderable Victory, for want of Horses, on the contrary, having received very con∣siderable losses, both in his Fleet and Legions, and now reduced to the very point of forsaking the Island, or else perishing for want of Provisions, the Winter season drawing on a pace, and September somewhat advanced, he could now Retreat not only with safety, but some shew of Honour, having this to say, That he was attended at his Departure, with the States of Britain, and all the signs of Submission, although there wanted the substance and reality.

For, if we consider the consequences of this Treaty, we shall find that these Em∣bassadors were sent rather to Complement him at his Departure, than to make any real Proposals, for the Hostages of their Submission were not to be delivered till his arrival on the Continent. And it is observable, that for so great a breach of Faith, nothing else was enjoyned but a double Number, a Custome Caesar never used, in his Treating with barbarous Nations (as he called them) having in the late Armorican Revolt put all to the Sword, that lay security for the Good Behaviour of their respective Cities.

And as the Britains never intended any such numbers of Hostages, so Caesar in vain expected them, two only Cities, and they without doubt of a Roman Faction, sending them, the rest totally neglected it.

That his Atchievments in this Island were not so great as he makes it in his first Expedition, is the mind of Suetonius, a Grave and substantial Author, who saith, that he only discovered, but not delivered the Island up to the Romans, and Lucian is * 1.491 peremptory, that he was beaten out of it.

Territa quaesitis ostendit terga Britannis. * 1.492 He sought the Britains out, and then he fled.

And Horace hath these words, to invite Augustus to a British War;

Intactus ut Britannus descenderet * 1.493 Sacrâ catenatus viâ.

That Britains yet untouched, may Be led in Chains, through the Sacred way.

And Propertius,

Te manet invictus Romano marte Britannus. * 1.494

By Roman Force unconquered yet, The Britains for thy Triumph wait.

CAESAR, after his first Expedition, with his shattered Fleet about midnight makes for the Continent, being blown off the Island with a fair and prosperous Gale, after some stay in Gallia he takes his Journy to Rome, where the fame of his Actions, sent by his own Letters, prevented his Arrival, so that for his British Conquest, or Discovery, twenty dales of Supplication is decreed by the Se∣nate.

But before I pass further, the remarkable Courage of a Roman, namely, SCAE∣VA, is not to be omitted, which I put down here, because some are particu∣lar in the circumstance of its Time, placing it at the first Landing of the Ro∣mans.

This Souldier having engaged too far amongst the Enemy, and beset round, first with his Spear, and afterwards with his Sword, with incredible Constancy defended himself against a whole Multitude, but at length, being wearied and sorely woun∣ded, after great execution, having lost his Helmet and Target, with two Haber∣geons, he swam unto Caesar, and humbly begg'd pardon for his rash Adventure against Discipline. This modesty of his in asking Forgiveness, where others would have been craving a Reward, worthily preferred him to be a Cen∣turion.

This is that Scaeva, who afterwards shewed he had not forgotten to do the like upon other occasions, for indeed, eversince he esteemed himself an equal match for a whole Army, which he made good in the Battle near Dyrrachium, where single, against the whole Forces of Pompey, he maintained the Fight so long, until Caesar Rallied. And Lucan writes of him,

Párque novum fortuna videt Concurrere Bellum, * 1.495 Atque virûm — —

Which might equally be said of this his British Action.

Some intimate that this Scaeva was the first that set footing on Britain, but Ju∣lian brings in Caesar ascribing that Honour to himself; but this would be to set his * 1.496 Personal Valour above his Conduct, being an Action unbecoming the place of so great a General.

But, if it were true, we ought to judge him in some strange exigence of Affairs, being obliged to such a hazardous push, and admire his prudence in concealing of it himself, and ascribing it to another, in his Commentaries.

THE British History, RELATING TO THE FIRST INVASION BY CAESAR.

CASSIBELAN (according to the British Histories) was King of this Island, or rather Protectour, chosen by the States, during the Minority of his two Nephews, Androgeus and Theoman∣tius, * 1.497 and in the ninth year of his Regency the First Invasion of Caesar is placed.

A Man of greater Valour and Conduct, but of no less Am∣bition and Cruelty, and certainly, his Vices may be reckoned greater than his Vertues, for by the former he was the occasion of enslaving his Country, and by the latter was not able to defend it. He slew his Brother, King Lud, Sirnamed Immanuentius, and distributing to his Nephews, the Sons of King Lud, two small Principalities to be held of him; to Androgeus, London and Kent, * 1.498 to Theomanntius, Cornwal; he usurped the Kingdom to himself.

Not content with this, as thinking himself little secure, during the life of his lawful Soveraign, Androgeus, he molested him with continual Jealousies, and at last put such Indignities upon him, that he flies unto Caesar, and there resigns his Crown unto him, and his Person to the protection of the Romans. This Androgeus was Sir∣named Mandubratius, and is the Person whom Caesar makes mention of in his second Expedition.

These Actions of Cassibelan were the causes of continual Wars and Dissensions among the Britains.

As for the Vertues of Cassibelanus, his Valour and Conduct (which we shall bet∣ter hear from Caesars own Relating, in his next Invasion, for in his first no mention is made of him) take this from the British Histories.

When Comius of Arras had delivered to him the Message of Caesar, in which Ho∣mage and Subjection to the Roman Empire, and a certain Tribute was required, he made Answer in these words.

Cassibelan's Answer.

That the Ambition of the Romans was insatiable, who would not suffer Britain (a NEW WORLD, placed by nature in the Ocean, and beyond the bounds of their Em∣pire) to lie unmolested. Tribute was the mark of Slavery, but the high Nobility of the Britains, and their allyance to the Romans in Blood made them disdain a Subjection to them. If you take our Friendship we are ready to grant it, but if you would deprive us of our Liberty, know this, That if the Gods themselves should endeavour it, we could not but Resist.

Comius still persevering, for his Insolent Demands was cast into Irons; In pur∣suance of this Resolution he manfully opposed Caesar at his Landing, not suffering him, as he intended, to come up the River Thames, but drives him lower on the Island, and after great slaughter of his Romans, having invited him to come on shoar, in a pitcht Battle (being assisted by Ederus King of Albania, now Scotland, Guitethus King of Venedocia, now North-Wales, and Brituel King of Demetia, or South-Wales) he gave him a great Overthrow.

After this Victory, having encouraged his Souldiers, in token of his Thankfulness, he sacrifices to his Gods.

In this Battle Belinus was his General, and Nenius his Brother performed great Acts, for in a single combat with Caesar, it so fell out, that he got his Sword, and, by a furious blow made at him, stuck it fast in his Shield. And although he received his deaths wound with the stroak, and the disarming of Caesar proved fatal to him, yet afterwards, with his own hands, he slew Labienus, one of the Roman Tribunes.

Caesar discomfited with the bad success of his Affairs, bends all his thoughts in order to a speedy retreat from the Island, and having patched up his Fleet, sufficient to transport the remainder of his Army, which by his losses was reduced to a small number, leaving all his Baggage behind, in the Night secretly embarks, and with a still Wind, as it were, he steals from the Island.

CAESAR, HIS Second Expedition INTO BRITAIN.

CAESAR, having Arrived safe to the Continent, long and in vain * 1.499 expected the Hostages of the Britains (as his yearly custome was) pre∣pares for his Journey to Italy, to spend the Winter at Rome, but before he goes, he leaves Orders with his Legate, who had the charge of the Legions in their Quarters, that during his Absence they should use all diligence in providing what possible Shipping they could, and set all hands on work to repair his Old Vessels, and build New ones. To that purpose he gives them seve∣ral Models, after what fashion he would have them made.

First, They were to be lower built than ordinary, for the advantage of easier fraughtage, and better haling ashoar, and because he observed, that by the often changes of Tides, the British Seas did not run so high as the Mediterranean.

In the next place, They were to be broader, thereby to be of greater Burthen, and to be more able to transport a considerable number of Horse, which Caesar was resolved, in his next years Expedition should not be wanting.

Lastly, He leaves Commands to make them fit for Rowing, for which purpose their Low-building was very advantagious; And as for Materials to strengthen and for∣tisie them, he provided them out of Spain.

These Orders were diligently executed by his Legates, during his absence, so that at his return he finds six hundred in readiness, new built, according to the pre∣scribed Model, and twenty eight Ships of Burthen, and what with Adventures and other Hulks above two hundred, Cotta, one of the Legates and Overseers of this work, wrote them (as Athenaeus saith) in all a thousand.

Caesar having commended his Souldiers for their diligence, and his Officers for * 1.500 their care and trust, Commands them, by a day, to be ready at the Port Iccius, now Bulloigne, where they all met accordingly, except forty, which by contrary Winds and ill Weather, were beaten back into the Port of the Meldi, from whence they had set out.

Caesar in the rest, about Sun-set, embarks with five Legions of Foot, amounting, according to the computation of some, to 620000 Romans and their Allies, and two thousand Horse, leaving behind him three Legions of Foot, and two thousand Horse, to make good the Port against his Return.

Having weighed Anchor, he stands for Britain with a slack South west Wind (but at Mid-night is becalmed) so, that not able to hold on his course, he is driven at random by the Current, and at Day-break descries the Island to bear left of him; turning therefore about with the Tide, which now changed, with all his Fleet, he began to make for that place which the year before he had found so convenient for Landing. The Souldiers with all alacrity tugged at the Oars, and although the Gallies were heavy laden, and drew much water, yet by their indefatigable labour they kept course with Ships under sail.

At Noon Caesar arrives with all his Navy on the Coast, and finds no Enemy to op∣pose his Landing, for the Britains, terrified with the sight of so vast a Fleet, which seemed to cover the Seas, had forsaken the defence of their Shoars, and withdrawn into the Higher Countries.

Caesar forthwith landing his Men, chooseth a convenient place to Encamp, and having learnt of some Fugitives the place to which the Britains had retired, leaving his Ships at Anchor upon a plain and open shoar, with ten Cohorts, and three hun∣dred Horse, under the Command of Q. Atrius, to guard them; about the third Watch of the same night, with his main Body he advances into the Country to find out the Enemy. After twelve miles March he descries them drawn up on the banks of a River, commonly thought the Stowr in Kent.

The Britains with their Horse and Chariots had possest themselves of the Upper∣ground, and began now to oppose the March of the Romans with smart charges, but being driven from their ground by the Enemies Cavalry, they retired into the Woods, to a Fortification made strong both by Art and Nature, and cast up, as is thought, after the British manner, during some Civil War among themselves. The Passages on all sides were blocked up with huge Trees, which were felled and laid o∣ver thwart one another.

The Britains, in dispersed Parties, fought within their Trenches, and suffered not the Romans to enter their Works, but the Souldiers of the seventh Legion having raised a Mount, and marching on close and knit together, under the coverts of their Sheilds, which lay like a Roof upon them, without much loss of blood took the place, and so drave the Britains from their Holds.

Caesar forbad any pursuit to be made, as wanting the knowledge of the places, and judging it more convenient, great part of the day being spent, to employ the remainder in sortifying another Camp, and refreshing his Souldiers.

The next Morning he sent out early three Bodies of Horse and Foot, in Parties, to seek out the Enemy and pursue them. They had not gone so far, but the last of them were in sight, when in post-haste News is brought from Q. Atrius, that the Fleet that night, by a sudden Tempest arising, had suffered a grievous Wrack, that many of them lay split upon the shoar, that, through the violence of the Weather, the Anchors and Cables being broken, the industry of the Sea-men could not hinder but that many of them fell foul on one another, and were dasht in pieces.

At the news of this Disaster, Caesar commands the Forces that were upon their March to hault, and give over the design for the present in following the Enemy. In all haste he returns to the Ships, and there with his own eyes is witness of the sad Ruines of his Navy.

About sorty Ships were utterly lost, others, although put upon great difficulty, yet seemed not past hopes of recovery. To that end therefore he drew out of his Legions such Shipwrights as he had with him, and sends over into the Continent for others, withal writing to Labienus (with those Legions he had) to fall a building as fast as he could, and in the mean time sets himself to the Repairing of his shat∣ter'd Vessels. And, although it seemed a difficult task to be undertaken, yet he thought most convenient to draw his Ships into the Camp, and encompass them with∣in the same Trenches.

In these Affairs he spends ten daies, giving no respit to his Souldiers, either day or night, until he had drawn them all within the Works, and strongly secured them with Ditches and Rampiers.

Having thus made every thing sure, and leaving the same Guards upon them as be∣fore, he returns to the place from whence he had driven the Britains, where he finds far greater numbers re-assembled.

The Britains, in a General Councel of all the States, invested Cassibelan with the full power and management of the whole War; His Territory was bounded on the South by the Thames, which divided it from the Provinces of Kent and Surry, and it extended eighty Miles from the Sea. Before the Arrival of Caesar he was in conti∣nual Wars with the Neighbouring Cities, but in the common danger of Forraign In∣vasion, they unanimously chose him (for his right experience in Martial Affairs) to be their Leader.

Having gathered great Forces together, the first thing he undertook was to oppose the licentious Marches of the Roman Cavalry, and (if possible) to cut them off. To this end, with his Horse and Charriots, he gives them a sharp Charge, but finding himself over-match'd, he retreats to the Woods and Hills, giving liberty to the Ro∣mans to pursue, who too eagerly following in the Chase, were many of them cut off by the Britains, who sometimes rallied, and sometimes came out in fresh Parties a∣gainst them.

After this, the Britains for some time did not appear, but lay secretly hid in the edges of the Woods, insomuch that the Romans not suspecting any Enemy, laid down their Arms, and betook themselves to the entrenching and fortifying their Camp.

Whilst they were in this General security, every man employed in his particular work, the Britains of a sudden brake out of their Coverts, and furiously assaulted an inconsiderable Body that kept Guard before the Trenches. Here was some Exe∣cution made, and when Caesar took the Alarum, he sent two of the principal and choicest Cohorts, drawn out of two Legions, to rescue them, but they being terri∣fied with the Novelty and fierceness of the Fight, stood like Men in a Maze, having not the power to joyn Parties, insomuch that the Britains perceiving a Gap betwixt them, brake through, and so returned in safety to their main Body. In this daies Engagement Q. Laberius Durus, a Tribune, was slain on the Roman side.

In this sort of Skirmishing lay the especial advantage of the Britains, and Caesar himself confesseth (who in this Engagement stood as Spectatour only) that the Ro∣man way, both of Arming and Fighting, was not so well fitted to this kind of Ene∣my, for the heavy Armour of the Legionaries, suffered them not to be quick in fol∣lowing the sudden flights of their Enemies; and it was a breach of Discipline to stir from their Ensigns. As for the Horse, they never engaged without manifest dis∣advantage, for the Britains out of design would often give back, and when they had drawn them off some distance from the Legons, would turn upon them, and, jumping from their Charriots, assault them on foot; so that it was equally hazardous to the Roman Cavalry, whether they gave back or advanced, besides, the Britains never fought thick, but scattered and in great distances, having set stations allotted, to which, upon occasion, they retired, and from whence releif was sent of fresh Parties, to bring off the wearied.

These Advantages at first were wisely made use of by Cassibelan, and it argues his great experience in War, for by this means the heavy Legions were wearied and soyled, their Spirits spent upon an unstable and dodging Enemy; Their Courage turned into Vexation to be mastered by those, whom they were sure they could

Overcome in the grapling. And had Cassibelan stood steady to his Resolutions, and not suffered the greatness of his Spirit to consult more with his Honour than Interest, the Romans must of necessity have been obliged either to quit the Country, or by flinging off their Armour, to conform to the same manner of Fight∣ing.

Next day the Britains kept the Hills, some distance from the Camp, and all the Morning shewed themselves in small Parties, now profering Battle, now Re∣tiring, then in light Skirmishes engaging, then presently again Retreating, not thinking it convenient to engage too deeply with the Roman Ca∣va'ry.

At Noon Caesar sent out three Legions, and all his Horse, under pretence of Forrage, but withal, commands that the Foot should not go far from their Ensigns, and that the Horse should keep up close with them.

The Eritains, who expected not such order in Forragers, as their Custome was, with great fury flew upon them, but were mightily deceived in their Expectations; for the Romans stood ready to receive them.

The Britains, perceiving their mistake, suddenly recoyled, but it proved too late, for the Roman Cavalry seconded by their Foot, who kept up with them, so closely pursued, that the Britains had not leisure to Rally, to stand, or come down from their Chariots, but were in great confusion, many of them slain, and the rest ge∣nerally routed.

After this Overthrow, Cassibelan entred upon New Counsels, and resolved in a manner to change the whole nature of the War; He perceived there was nothing to be attempted upon the main Body of the Romans, wherefore he signified his Resolutions, never after to put his Affairs into the hazard of a pitcht Battle, and disbanded many Auxiliary Forces that from all parts had been sent unto him; with the choicest of his Men, and four thousand Wagons, he set himself to attend Caesar in his March, judging these a sufficient Number to hinder the licentious Incursions of the Enemy, and by the advantage he had in the knowledge of the Country, he knew he was secure from being forced to flight.

Caesar understanding his design, drew his Army upon the Fronteirs of his King∣dom, which was bounded by the Thames, a River fordable only at one place, and that with great difficulty, about Coway, near Oatlands, as is suppo∣sed.

Arriving hither, he perceived the Enemy in great numbers drawn up on the other side to oppose his Passage, if he should attempt it, the Bank being all set with Piles of Wood sharpned at the end, after the manner of Pallisado's, and the Ford (as he learnt from the Captives and Runagates) knocked full of sharp Stakes, lying hid under Water.

This excellent design of Cassibelan, being Treacherously discovered, had not the hoped-for success. For the Romans with greater care and circumspection en∣tred the River, the Horse first, and afterwards the Foot, wading up to the Neck in Water; The Britains, who expected them to fall into Disorder and Confusion, and were ready to make use of the Advantage, perceiving them to avoid the Stakes, and to pass them without any annoyance, were sorely discouraged at the mis∣carriage of their Design; And seeing the Enemy came up with great heat and Reso∣lution, having bestowed a few Darts upon them, they forsook the Banks and retired.

I call this a Retiring rather than a Flight, because it was against the designed purpose of Cassibelan to enter into any close Engagement with them, which he must necessarily have done, had he continued too long in opposing their Passage, the Legions coming up apace and seconding their Cavalry. He therefore, in time, rids himself out of the way, and bestows his Forces into Woods and secret Coverts, lining with his Horse and Charriots, the Roads through which he expected Caesar would March, driving all the Inhabitants, and their Cattle into places of Security within the Woods.

By this means the Romans were extreamly streightned for want of Provisions, and when their Horse went out at any time to bring in any prey or booty, and were scat∣tered

about to fetch in Cattle, which were left here and there on purpose to tempt and invite them, the Britains through secret and By-paths sallyed out upon them with their Charriots, and having made great slaughter, again through hidden Waies, and only known to themselves, retired to their main Body; so that it came to pass, that the Roman Horse, not daring any longer to make any Excursions, or to stir out of the protection of the Foot, were rendred unserviceable, and the whole Army keeping together for their security, could have nothing provided for them, unless they all joyned entirely in the seeking it.

By this means the Britains prevented any broad destruction of their Towns and Villages, and nothing was exposed to plunder or burning, but what lay just within the March of the whole Army. And if at any time for Sustenance they were neces∣sitated to divide, yet were the Cavalry obliged to contain themselves to the dull and slow motion of the Legionaries, and by plain force alwaies, but never by slight, could wrest any thing from the Britains.

Amidst all these difficulties, Caesar (according to his usual Fortune) when his Assairs had the worst aspect, received welcome News of a Dissension among the Britains, and joyful tidings of a supply for his half-starved Army. The Trino∣bantes (as it usually happens, when the Ruine of a Country proceeds from it self) one of the chief of the British States maintained a Faction against Cassibelan, which no doubt was heightned by a Roman Interest. For they grew so high in these Greivances, that they sent Embassadors unto Caesar to be releived in them, put∣ting themselves under his protection, and promising Subjection to the Roman Power.

The cause of this Revolt, was, that Cassibelan had slain Immannentius, whom they pretended was their Lawful Soveraign, and forced his Son Mandubratius (whom Orosius calls Androgorius; Beda, Androgius) to secure his life by flight into Gallia. They desired therefore, that Mandubratius might be rescued from the Injustice of * 1.501 Cassibelan, and sent to them, to take possession of his Right, and enjoy the Crown and Dignity of his Father.

Mandubratius was then with Caesar, and, without question, was his great Instru∣ment in giving light to him in many things that conduced to the Ruine of his Country. For after his flight into Gallia, he applied himself unto Caesar, and was ever since his Attendant in all his Enterprizes.

Caesar having much obliged him, by undertaking his Protection, and revenging, as he thought, the Injuries of Cassibelan, sends home to the Trinobantes, ha∣ving first demanded forty Hostages of them, and Provisions for his whole Army.

These Conditions being punctually performed on their parts, Mandubratius with∣out doubt returns home, with great Praises and loud Acclamations, of the goodness and generosity of the Conqueror.

No wonder therefore, especially led by the Example of so powerful a State, that the Cenimagni, supposed to be the Icini, and Regni, the former of which were the * 1.502 Inhabitants of Suffolk, Norfolk, Cambridgshire and Huntingtonshire; the latter of Surrey and Sussex, and the Sea-coasts of Hampshire. As likewise the Ancalites, pos∣sessing that part now called the Hundred of Henley in Oxfordshire; the Bibroci, the Hundred of Bray in Barkshire; the Cassi, the Hundred of Caishow in Hereford∣shire, by their Embassadors sent their several Resignation of their States unto Caesar.

This dangerous Revolt, of such a considerable part of the Nation, put life into the designs of Caesar, who, but a little before, by the weary proceeding of Cassibelan, began to lose all his hopes of a speedy ending of the War, and would have been very willing, with any tolerable Conditions, to have rid himself of so troublesome and vexatious an Enemy. But now having made so great a Party of the Britains, and being sufficiently accommodated with Provisions, he resolved to take his March directly to Verulam (not far from the now St. Albans, supposed to be the Chief Seat of Cassibelan) being instructed by his new Allies, that it was a place of great im∣portance, strongly sortified with Woods and Marshes, and full of Men and Cattle.

Following these Guides, he arrives at the place with his Legions, and found it (as all the British Towns were) encompast with a Ditch and Mud-wall, and all the A∣venues blockt up with great Trees lying over thwart them.

Caesar gives Order for a storm to be made at two places at once, which accordingly was executed, and with such Valour and Execution, that after a small dispute on both sides, thought it safest to quit the place, and to flie out at a Postern Gate, leaving the plunder of the Town, and the hindermost of his Men to the mercy of the Enemy, than by the forsaking his design to hazard all in too great an Engagement.

Thus Cassibelan having lost the principal Seat, and greatest Magazine of his King∣dom, being withal continually Allarum'd with the noise of the Revolts of the Neigh∣bouring States, began to betake himself to his last Refuge, the assistance of such Friends that still faithfully adhered to him, during the worst of his Fortunes. The Kentish Men subject to four Princes, Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximagulus, and Se∣gonex, still kept to the Union, and forsook not their plighted Faith to Cassibelan. To these therefore he sends, that with what Forces they could gather together, they should make some sudden Attempt upon the Camp, wherein the Romans had lodged their Ships, hoping by this means to drive Caesar to the defence of his Navy.

The Kentish Princes accordingly raised the Country, and with greater haste than good speed, brings their Raw and unskill'd Souldiers before the Roman Trenches, for not being able to endure one Sally, with great slaughter and confusion they were to∣tally routed, and Cingetorix one of their Princes taken Prisoner.

Cassibelan immediately waited the success of this Enterprize, and taking it into his consideration, Reserves as his last Card, being now informed of their Defeat, the Cala∣mity of his Subjects, and more especially the Treason and Treachery of his Revolted Cities, and resolves at last to make Conditions himself (after having performed what Man could do) for the preservation of his Country.

By the Mediation of Comius of Arras he sends his Embassadors to Caesar, who wittingly accepted of them, for that the Summer was to Caesar high spent, and his Affairs in Gallia called for his speedy Return. The Enemy he now dealt with was grown cautious and wary, and likely to spinout the War to a greater length than his occasions would permit him to attend; Having therefore enjoyned him not to molest Mandubratius, and the Trinobantes, and setled the Tribute which the Britains should Annually pay to the States of Rome, he commands Hostages only, which being re∣ceived, he draws his Army to the Sea, where having viewed the remainder of his Ships, which had been repaired since the last Storm, and finding them too few, after their Losses, to transport at once his Army, Captives, and Baggages, he resolves to make two Embarkments of them.

But having long expected the return of his sixty Sail, which had carried the first Party over, and were kept back by contrary Winds, misdoubting the Season of the year, September being begun, and possibly the return of the Britains after the division of his Forces, he places his Men thick into those few Vessels he had with him, and weighing Anchor, at the beginning of the second Watch, with a favourable Wind sets Sail, and next Morning early arrived at the Continent.

This is the Account of the Second Expedition of Caesar, taken out of his own Commentaries, though other eminent Authors relate, That in his British proceedings, he speaks too advantagiously of himself.

Among the rest, Tacitus writes of Caratacus, that encouraging the Britains he often * 1.503 invoked the Names of his Ancestors, who drave Caesar, the Dictator, out of the Isle, by whose Valour they were freed from the Axes and Tributes of the Romans, and preserved the Bodies of their Wives and Children, undefiled. And Dion. affirms, That once in the Second Expedition all his Foot were routed; Orosius, That another time all his Horse; and it is manifest, that for many years after Britain was Governed by its own Kings, and its own Laws.

Nevertheless, at his Arrival at Rome, attended with the long Procession of the British Captives, whose odd Attire, and strange Behaviour, drew the eyes of all the Beholders, and seemed the Witness of his glorious Enterprize, he ascends the Temple of Venus Genetrix, the Patroness of his Family, and there solemnly offers a Corslet of British Pearls.

Some of the meaner Captives he employed for services in the Theater, to attend the Tapestry Hangings, wherein he had caused to be curiously woven the figures of the Britains, and his Victories over them. Of these Virgil writes thus,

Purpureáque intexti tollant Aulea Britanni.

Thus were the poor Britains, either continual Spectatours of the Calamities of their Country, or else the constant Witnesses of the Vanities of Caesar.

A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE LIFE OF JULIUS CAESAR.

HE is worthily esteemed the Idaea or Pattern of an absolute General for * 1.504 his excellent and Industrious Contrivance, quick Dispatch, Courage in his Dangers, and Laborious in all his Affairs; Of so little Pomp, that at his first coming into this Isle, he is credibly reported to have had but three Domestick Servants in his Retinue. The whole course of his Life, even in his lowest Fortunes, had still something of Greatness in it.

At seventeen years of Age he was made Flamen Dialis, seven years after Questor of Spain, where, at the Streights, beholding the Statue of Alexander in the Temple of Hercules, he inwardly groaned to think, that at that Age wherein Alexander had Conquered the World, himself had done no memorable Action. Thereupon he laies down his Questorship and repairs to Rome, watching every occasion to grow Po∣pular, entring into many Factions, and some not without suspicion of Conspiracy, yet were all his Actions ever taken in a favourable construction, the States finding it more convenient to flatter him into a kind of Obedience, than to make too severe an Inquisition into his Affairs.

In a publick Funeral Oration in Praise of his Aunt Julia, he derived himself, on * 1.505 the Mothers side, from Ancus Martius an Ancient King of Rome, and, on his Fathers side, from the Gods. He was after this made AEdilis, then Pontisex Maximus, which Honour he carried against two Competitors of the greatest Age and Authority. Being Consul, he obtained Gallia for his Province, which he held ten years, part of the time being spent in the Invasion of Britain.

Whilst he was busie in the Conquest of this ISLAND, he received News of the * 1.506 decease of his Daughter Julia, whose death drew with her a trayn of Publick Cala∣mities. Her loss he passed over with the same Constancy of mind he used in the rest of his Affairs, and it is possible that his Ambition overcame his Sorrow, for her Life and Interest, with Pompey, seemed the only debar to his future Advancement; As, not long after he entred into the Civil War, the Commonwealth being grown so Heady, that it seemed impossible to be Governed but by a single Person.

During all the Civil War, those Forces he had employed in Britain and Gallia were alwaies his Unbroken strengths; The hardships of these Countries, joyned with Roman Discipline, and the confidence in their Leader, had so Spirited them, that as Scaeva, single, durst twice undertake a whole Army: so these few Legions seemed a match for the whole World.

After great Contendings with is Countrymen for the Supream Power, and much effusion of Blood, having at last arrived to the end of his Labours, the top and high∣est pinnacle of Honour, whilst he thought his Enemies either all destroyed, or by his Clemency not only in sparing but advancing them, sufficiently obliged in the midst of the Publick Assembly of the Roman Senate, where he had often received the Thanks and Acknowledgments of the House for his great Services, after fifty several Battles fought with success, five Triumphs, and four Consulships, laden with Honour, he was basely murthered by a Conspiracy of Senators, and so fell at the feet of his Son in Law Pompey's Image, whom not long before he had Conquered. And, what made most to the remarkableness of his Misfortune, he was slain by those to whom he had shewn the greatest Kindness, and that with many wounds, the deepest whereof was given by his near Relation Brutus, to whom once he had designed a great share in his Estate, and that Brutus the Son of Servilia, supposed his Base Child.

THE British History, RELATING TO THE SECOND EXPEDITION OF J. CAESAR.

CASSIBELAN (preparing against Caesars second Invasion) * 1.507 stuck the Thames, in one place, full of Iron and Lead stakes, on purpose to hinder his sayling to the Trinboantes, in which design he so well prospered, that Caesar lost many of his Ships, and was afterwards beaten in a pitcht Battle.

For joy of this second Victory, Cassibelan made a great Feast at London, and there sacrificed to his Gods, in which Solemnity Hirilda, Cassibelans Nephew, and Ewelin, Nephew to Androgeus, falling at variance, Hirilda was slain, whereupon Cassibelan summons Ewelin to appear before him, to answer for the death of his Nephew, but being encouraged by Androgeus, refused to obey the Summons; Upon this, Cassibelan begins to make War upon Androgeus, who finding himself not able to deal with him, fled unto Caesar, into Gallia, and invited him to return into Britain (for Caesar upon his ill success, had left the Island) Caesar took Hostages of him, and among the rest Scaeva, Androgeus his Son, and so returns, where encountring at his Landing with Cassibelan, he was worsted, until Androgeus coming upon the back of the Britains, totally overthrew them.

Neither had the Romans any success against the Britains, but what they obtained by the means of Androgeus, whom (I said before) is called by Caesar, Mandubratius, and the aforesaid Reason is given by the British Histories of his flight unto Gallia.

Count Palatine writes, that when Caesar was led by Androgeus, he found the Britains drawn up at the Stowr in Kent, he drave them from the opposite Bank with an Ele∣phant * 1.508 armed with Iron-plates, and a Tower upon his back, and that the British Horses, like those of Greece, and no doubt all of Trojan breed, could not endure the scent of the Elephant, and so gave back, drawing the Britains in their Charriots after them.

Likewise, that the Breast-plate stuck with Pearls, which Caesar dedicated to Venus Genetrix, was presented him by Cassibelan at his departure from the Island, and that Caesar, in return of so seasonable a Gift (for he had no time to gather any himself) recompenced him with no less honourable Munificence.

After the final departure of Caesar, Androgeus Mandubratius was not restored to the Kingdom of the Trinobantes, but whether through the Ill will of Cassibelan, or the general Hatred the People had to him, for the enslaving of his Country, is uncer∣tain, so that leaving Britain, he again be took himself unto Caesar, and attended him to Rome, where he was entertained as King of Britain, and saluted Friend to the Com∣monwealth. At last, he was slain in the Battle of Thessalia, against Pompey.

Cassibelan (after the Departure of the Romans) reigned ten years, which time he employed in Revenging himself upon the Cities that had Revolted from him during the Wars with Caesar.

He was Buried at York, in the year before Christ 42, and after the building of Rome, 705.

THE Inter - Regnum OF THE ROMANS.

DURING the last ten years of Cassibelan, and till the time of the Emperour Claudius, the Britains were free from the yoak of the Romans, and were ruled by their own Kings, and governed by their own Laws, so that, for a while, we must take our fare∣wel of the Roman History, collecting it only as we find it scattered, here and there, and follow the Succession of the British.

THEOMANTIUS, or Tenantius, Nephew of Cassibelan, succeeded his Un∣kle in the Kingdom, having before enjoyed the Principality of Cornwal, far remote * 1.509 from the Troubles of the times, and by that means not engaged, by assisting his Brother, to take to a Roman Interest, or by ayding Cassibelan to justifie his Violences, by which indifferent Carriage, by the general Applause of the People, he assumed the Crown, Anno ante Christum XLV.

In this Kings Reign, Octavius (the Grand-child of Julia, Caesars Sister) obtained the Empire of Rome, but before he had fully possest himself of it, and was yet strug∣ling with Antony and Lepidus, Theomantius sends his Son Kymbelin to him, to attend upon him in his Wars, hoping thereby to ingratiate himself with Augustus, and obtain a relaxation of the Tributes; And indeed Cunobelin so behaved himself, that he grew into especial favour with the Emperour, and accompanied him to Rome, where he was saluted by the name of FRIEND, of the Commonwealth, and bred up in all the splendour and magnificence of the Court.

During his residence there, Tenantius paid in Tribute, which the British Histories set upon the score of this great Favourite of Augustus, but the Roman Authors seem generally to imply, That the Troubles of the Empire, and the bandings of Great men after the death of Caesar, were the causes of the Quiet of the Britains, during these Civil Dissensions.

This carries most probability with it, for we find Augustus no sooner setled in the Roman State, but he began to cast his thoughts towards Britain; And, although Ta∣citus draws the neglect of this Island in Augustus, to a wholsome State-Maxime, of not making the Empire too unweildy; and Strabo would have us think, that he ab∣solutely * 1.510 slighted it, as a place of no importance, * 1.511 and whose Enmity or Friendship conduced nothing to the good or ill of the Empire, yet we find him * 1.512 twenty years after the Departure of Caesar, Advanced as far as Gallia, in order to the Reducing of it; For had not a Revolt in Pannonia diverted him, he had certeinly Attemp∣ted it.

About † 1.513 seven years after, with the same Resolutions, be once more drew down into Gallia, and the Britains hearing thereof, sent their Embassadors, and promised their Tribute, which Submission at the present he accepted of, because some Com∣motions in Gallia arising, he was willing to give himself totally to the Suppression of them. The year following, some differences arising about performance of Co∣venants, he was again hindered by disturbances in Spain, the Biscans, and they be∣tween Gallicia and Portugal, having Revolted.

This last designed Invasion, was in the two and twentieth year of the Reign of Tenantius, who in the thirtieth year died, and was buried at London.

KYMBELIN, or KUNOBELIN, succeeded him in the Third year before CHRIST; And if he was not Educated at Rome, yet the kind Correspondence * 1.514 between the Romans and Britains about these Times, gave fair occasion to the British Writers so to imagine it, for now the Britains began to learn all the Arts and In∣treagues of Courtiers, to flatter for Advantage, and by Gifts to appease a Prince, and buy off a War. They sent some Presents to Augustus, and others to the Roman Gods, to be offered (with their Submission) in the Capitol, with such like obsequious Ad∣dresses. This, I suppose, gave occasion to Horace to write,

Coelo tonantem credidimus JOVEM * 1.515 Regnare: praesens Divus habebitur, AUGUSTUS, adjectis Britannis Imperio, Gravibusque Persis.

JOVE, we beleive the Heavens do sway; CAESAR's a God below. He makes the Britains Homage pay, And the stiff Persians bow.

But although they shifted off the Tribute, yet they yielded to Taxes and Impo∣sitions, which were of more dangerous consequences to them. For by that means they admitted the Romans into the Trading part of the Nation, and although their Commodities, vented on the Continent, were inconsiderable, such as Ivory-Bones, Iron-Chains, and such like Trinckets of Amber and Glass, yet by this means the Ro∣man Collectors were of necessity to be Admitted, and their Enemies got more in∣sight into them by this Amicable Correspondence, than ever Caesar could do in both his Expeditions. Nay, by this means the Islanders came to be debauched, receiv∣ing for their Trifles as many silly Luxuries of the Continent, insomuch that after∣wards they became so tame, that one Band of Souldiers, with a small Troop of Horse (as Strabo witnesseth) was able to hold them under in Obedience; Nay, so highly obliging were they to the Romans, in the daies of Tiberius, who lived also * 1.516 in this Kings Reign, that when some of Germanicus Army crossing some part of the Seas, were cast upon their Shoar, they entertained them Courteously, and sent them back to their General.

Nay, so comfortable to the Romans was this Kymbelin himself, that he caused Coyns to be stamped after the Custome of that State, whereas before, the payments of the Britains were made with Rings of Iron, and Plates of Brass, sized at a certain weight. His Image was made exactly after the manner of the Emperours, and on the Reverse was CAM, signifying Camalodunum, or Maldon in Essex, his Royal Seat, and it is more than to be suspected, that Tribute likewise was paid, for in a

* 1.517 Coyn of his, TASCIO, is found in great Letters, with a Man sitting a hammering, which word implieth Tribute.

* 1.518 In the Third year of this Kymbeline, and in the Two and fortieth of Augustus, be∣ing the Year of the World 3966, and after the Flood 2311, from the Arrival of Brute 1116, Britain, and all the World, being blessed with a General Peace, the Sa∣viour of the World, JESUS CHRIST, was miraculously born of a Virgin, the influence of whose Birth not long after extended unto Britain.

Some there are that affirm Cunobeline to have been at Rome, and to reside in the Emperours Court, when the News of our Saviours Birth was brought to Augustus, but the time agreeth not; For by the latest Account, he is made King of this Island three years before our SAVIOUR, and by some twenty three, but the former Com∣putation seemeth the truest. For we find no other King between him and Guide∣rius, who Reigned in the daies of Claudius Caesar, and was the Son of this Cunobeline; For how is it likely, that Cunobeline should be King of this Island in the beginning of Augustus's Reign, and yet have a Son that Reigned above fifty years after in Claudius his daies, for the space of twenty eight years, and after him a younger Son Arvira∣gus, that Reigned twenty eight years more, so that it seemeth this King Ruled in the latter daies of Augustus, and twenty of the twenty three years of Tiberius, if not all of them, and some part of Caligula's also.

TIBERIUS was a dissolute Prince, given to Sloth and Luxury, he thought it sufficient if he could maintain the Bounds of the Empire as Augustus left it, producing for his Excuse, a Schedule written with Augustus his own hand, wherein was con∣tained the whole Body of the Roman Empire, how many Cities and Allies were in Arms, the list of their Navies, Kingdoms and Provinces, to which was annexed the Convenience of the present Limits of the Empire, the necessity to bound it on the East by Euphrates and Tigris, two considerable Rivers, on the North, by the Rhine and Danube, on the West, by the Ocean, so that Britain was excluded.

This Maxime, so convenient in it self, and so much conducing to the Ease of this Emperour, was the Excuse that no Attempts was made upon this Island, during the three and twenty years of his Reign; And Tacitus, where he reckons up what Legi∣ons * 1.519 were maintained, and through what Countries distributed, never maketh men∣tion of many Forces in Britain in these Times. It is certain that they paid Custome and Tolls, but more for the convenience of Trading, than out of Compulsion, the * 1.520 Romans collecting them after a precarious manner, and (as Strabo saith) not daring to compel them, besides their Courtesie to Germanicus his Souldiers had much ob∣liged the Romans; all which Circumstances helped to procure their quiet under this Emperour.

Cunobeline, I formerly spake of, had five Sons, Guiderius, Adminius, Togodumnus, * 1.521 Caradocus and Arviragus, to those, as may be supposed, he divided the Island, and allotted them Principalities before his death. For we find in * 1.522 Roman History, that Adminius was banisht by him upon some misdemeanour, and fled unto Caligula, and yet in an Ancient Coyn Adminius seemeth to have been a King. The Inscription on the Coyn is this,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ETIMINAIOY BA, METROPOLIS ETIMINII REGIS.

Which Mr. Cambden judgeth to have been this Adminius, of whom I find nothing else in the Roman or British Histories. But this is to be taken notice of, that Cuno∣belin's Reign extends through the daies of Caligula, for Adminius was banished by his Father during his life, and took the protection of Caligula, and, I suppose, not without some reason, he submitted his Principality to him, which gave such occasion of Braggings to that Emperour, that he made more noise of it than had been requi∣site, if he had taken the whole Island, of whose British Exploits take the account out of Roman Authors.

It is certain, he had once an intention to Invade Britain, but by his shittle Head, * 1.523 sudden repentance, and mighty designs against Germany, all came to nothing. To terrifie the Britains, and Germans, with some mighty piece of War, he once made a

Bridge over a Creek of the Sea in Campania, three miles and six hundred paces in length. He was a Prince idle, and abounding in vain Conceits. Having in Belgium taken into protection Adminius the Son of Cunobelyn, banisht by his Father, he sent boasting and magnificent Letters to Rome, as if the whole Isle had been brought under his Subjection, giving especial charge and command to the Post, that at their Arrival at Rome they should drive their Charriots directly into the Market-place, and the Curia, and in no wise deliver his Messives to the Consuls, but in the Temple of Mars, and in a full Assembly of the Senate.

After this, he brought all his Army to the Belgick Shoar, where he received the News, That the Britains had levied the strength of their Nation, and stood ready to op∣pose his Landing, if he should make any attempt upon them. This affrighted not Cali∣gulae, * 1.524 who resolved not to maintain Fight but at sufficient distance, and to keep the advantage of the Sea, which secured him against the too near approaches of the Ene∣my. Having therefore first commanded his Men to take a full view of the British Forces, as if they had all such Prospective Glasses (as Roger Bacon fancies) Caesar dis∣cryed the Country with, from the same Coasts; and having encouraged them not to * 1.525 be daunted at their Numbers, with Manhood not to be equalled, he rowed a stones cast or two from the Shoar, and there gave a notable defiance to them. Then, as if expecting to be assaulted, he commanded all the Engines of Battery to be set up, the Trumpets to sound a Charge, and the men to fall on, but no Enemy appearing, as if upbraiding the Cowardize of the Britains in great Triumph, he orders his Soul∣diers to fill their Helmets and Laps with Cockles, Muscles and other Shells, calling them the spoils of the Ocean, and due to the Capitol and Palace, and as a Trophy of his great Victory he erected a mighty high Tower, out of which as from a Pha∣rohs lights might every night blaze to direct Marriners in their Courses, the Ruines of which Pharoh's are sometimes seen at Low-water on the Shoar of Holland, and called by the people, there inhabiting, to this day Briten-huts. Having performed this mighty Exploit, he pronounced a Donative of an hundred Denaries to every Souldier, and, as if he had exceeded all Examples of Liberality, he bids them depart joyful with Plenty.

Had he stopped here, and not proceeded any further in this vanity, one might have thought he had been ashamed of so frivolous an Attempt, but so fond was he of his Conceit, that he carried of the Shells to Rome, requires a Triumph and divine Honours for this foolish Enterprize. Finding the State averse, he was once in the mind to have murthered them all, as envious of his Glory.

Thus stood the Affairs of Britain during the Reign of Cunobeline, and long might they have so lasted in Freedom and Liberty, had not this Nation, by the Example of this Prince, been too much addicted to the Roman Factions. It is observed by some, that about this time the British Potentates sent their Sons to Rome to be educated, as not esteeming any Breeding that was not derived from that City. No wonder there∣fore, they were in the next Age enslaved by that People, whose Customes they had al∣ready submitted to; and, what made most to their Misfortunes by a Prince of very small endowments, no Conduct, and of equal Stupidity with Caligula. Cunobelin died in the forty fifth year of his Reign and was buried at London.

GUIDERIUS, the eldest Son of Cunobeline, succeeded his Father in the Kingdom of the Britains. In his Reign Claudius the Emperour Invaded this Island, but be∣cause * 1.526 in the Roman Histories, to which we are again Arrived, there is no mention made of this Prince, I shall refer Him and his Actions to be related to their proper place.

[illustration]

Drusus Claudius CAESAR. the 2.^d Roman in Britain.

THE WARS UNDER CLAUDIUS.

CHAP. XIV. DRUSUS CLAUDIUS CAESAR's Invasion of BRITAIN, out of the ROMAN Histories.

THE Britains, ever since the daies of Julius Caesar, en∣joyed their Laws, Customes, and Liberty, they lived * 1.527 entirely within themselves, and although they paid Tolls and Impositions, yet it was not out of an acknowledg∣ment of Submission to the Continent, but from the necessity of Trading with it. Being free from Forreign Disturbances, which vented the Ill humors of the State, they brake out into Inward Factions, those secret Can∣cers which eat out the heart of a Nation, and undermine the strength of it, whilst to Lookers on it appears the freshest.

The different Parties, which scarcely in Caesars time united against the Com∣mon Enemy, now the Roman Rods, for three Emperours, that were taken off their backs, were laid on again with greater Violence; And whilst every petty state, upon little Interest, grew peevish one with another, and pusht on for Princi∣pality, they wer swooped away by the Roman Eagle, who at several Morsels easily mastered that Prey, which in a lump would have overgorged it.

Affairs grew to that height, that by unnatural Ambition the Son rebelled against the Father, and many adhering to that, and other Factions, being overtaken or pre∣vented in their designs, out of secret Guilt, and fear of deserved Punishment, fled their Country, forsook their Allegiance to their natural Soveraign, and betook them∣selves to the protection of Rome; And like Vipers, having eaten their way out of the bowels of their Common Mother, they took especial care that the wounds they had made should not be healed, nor the Breaches closed. This they did by laying open the weakness of their Country, and the easiness of a Roman Conquest. They had a Party in the Island that wanted only opportunity of Rising, and at the appearance of any to Head them would rise up in a moment.

These Practices were so openly carried in the Court of Rome, that the British Po∣tentates hearing thereof, sent their Complaints, and required that these Fugitives might be delivered, and sent back to receive their due punishments. What Answer * 1.528 was returned is not known, but certain it is that no satisfaction was given in that point; For continually others, upon the same account, flocked to Rome, and were kindly entertained by the Emperour, insomuch that that City (as at its first Founding) was continually made the Asylum, or Sanctuary for all such as were disaffected to the present Government of their Country, or any Villanies that had incurred the penalty of the Laws.

Adminius, in the time of Caligula, led the dance, and now Bericus (what he was further is not known) was grown into such favour with Claudius, that the Britains could no longer dissemble it, but in a general Commotion and Uproar rose against the Romans, who for Trading resided in the Island.

This News was brought to Claudius, who, by the instigation of Bericus, resolves to * 1.529 revenge it, and by force of Arms reduce the whole Island to the Roman Subjection. To this end, he sends Orders to Aulus Plautius (at that time Praetor) to transport the Army, then lying in Gallia, into Britain, and withal commanding him, that upon any great emergencies of Affairs, he should not fail to give him intelligence.

Plautius, in prosecution of his Orders, calls his Army together, but having laid open the Design, they all fell into Mutiny, complaining that they were to be led into a NEW WORLD, and to make War out of the compass of the Earth.

In this matter they trifled out the time, until Claudius sent his Freed-man Nar∣cissus to appease the Souldiers, and to hasten their Embarking; But such was their Indignation, at the sight of him who had formerly been a Slave, that when he ascended the Tribunal to make an Oration to them, they generally cried out, 10 Saturnalia! an Exclamation used in those Feasts where in the Servant takes place of the Master, but immediately touched with the sence and shame of their Backwardness, unanimously followed their General.

Plautius divides his Army into three Bodies, and Embarks them in as many diffe∣rent Squadrons, thinking thereby to secure his Landing, which might be obstructed if they should all make for the same Port. Having put to Sea, they were driven back by cross Winds and foul Weather, which so much disheartned the Souldiers, that had not a bright Meteor, shooting from the East to the West, seeming to direct their course to the Island, put new life into them, they had certainly drawn back, and de∣sisted totally from the Enterprize.

This happy Omen, as sent by the Gods, and presaging some good success, so raised their Spirits, that they resolved again to try the Sea, which fell out so well, that in a short time they were cast upon the Island, and found no opposition at their Landing, for the Britains, who before had Intelligence that the Roman Army was in a Mutiny, resolved against the Expedition, and were negligent in preparing for them.

And now finding them safe Arrived on the shoar, and in Weather when they least expected it, bereaved of all other Counsels, they betook themselves to the Woods and Marshes, hoping this way to weary out the Romans, and by a dodging War so to linger out the time, as the Courage of their Enemies being spent, and their Edge aba∣ted, they might be forced to return without any great Exploit performed.

This Policy Cassibelan, with success, maintained in his Wars against Caesar, and had it been prosecuted now with the same Constancy, no doubt but that it would have had the same effect; For we find that Plautius, with heavy Marches and troublesome Journies, had more labour and trouble to find them out, than found, to Conquer them.

The British Armies, as well as their Counsels, were divided, both led on by two young Sons of Cunobeline deceased, Caratacus and Togodumnus, who (upon what designs is not known) keeping their Forces separate, and being too hot and heady for the thoughts of Delay, and rashly engaging one after the other, were both over∣come and put to flight, first Caratacus, and afterwards Togodumnus. No wonder therefore, if some of the British States relying not much on their Conduct, desired to make their Peace with the Conquerour; For after this Defeat, the Boduni, or Do∣buni, seated about Oxfordshire and Glocestershire, and subject formerly to the

Catuellani, the Inhabitants of Buckinghamsbire, Hertford and Bedfordshire, submitted themselves, and received a Garrison.

Plautius, after this Success, Marched on to a certain River, where he found the Britains on the farther side encamped, lying secure and careless, because they thought the Romans, without a Bridge, could not possibly get over. These Romans having Germans mixt with them, who in Armour were accustomed to swim, with ease, against the strongest Currents, were commanded to take the River, and unawares to assail the Enemy, but especially their Horse; For the Germans having got footing on the other side, fell unexpectedly on the British Camp, and, as they were ordered, spent all their Darts and Javelins upon the Horse, whereby they were so gauled, that the Britains not able to sit them, were forced to alight, and those which drew the Charriots, falling dead in their Geers and Harness, were not only made useless, but cumbersome.

The Britains being now many of them on foot, and their Charriots unserviceable, Plautius sends Vespatian (who afterwards was Emperour) with Sabinus his Brother to second the Attempt; These coming on a sudden upon the Britains, and assaulting them unawares did much Execution, but the Britains, with the rest of their Forces, for that time retired. The next day re-uniting, they gave Battle to the Romans, and with such Courage and Resolution, that for a long while the Victory hung doubtful, until Cajus Cidius Geta charged furiously upon them, and engaging almost beyond recovery, turned the scale on the Roman side, for which great piece of Service (al∣though no Consul) he obtained afterwards at Rome Triumphal Honours.

After this, the Britains retired to the mouth of the Thames, where being acquain∣ted with the Shallows and Sand-banks, they easily past it, but the Romans unadvi∣sedly following them, were in great hazard to be lost upon those dangerous Flats, but the Germans, some by swimming, others by help of a Bridge that was higher, having got over, so encompast the Britains, that they made great slaughter of them, but afterwards, in the heat of Pursuit, following too eagerly, in blind Bogs and Marshes they lost many of their Companions.

Plautius thought it not safe to proceed any further, having considered into what Traps the Britains had drawn him, and fearing that through the ignorance of the Country he might be led into greater dangers. With all, he perceived that the Cou∣rage of the Enemy, by so many Defeats, was rather inflamed than quelled, and that the death of their Prince Togodumnus (who, in one of the former Encounters had been slain) had so enraged them, that laying aside all thoughts of yeilding, they were bent upon nothing but Revenge; Besides, he had lost many of his Souldiers, the Countries he held, were his rather by Courtesie than Compulsion, and he well under∣stood the faith of Revolters, that upon the least turn of Fortune, they were ready to wheel about and fall into their ancient Allegiance.

According to his Orders therefore, he sent unto Claudius, signifying in what po∣sture his Affairs stood, the danger of proceeding any further with those few Forces he had, and the hopefulness of the design of Conquest, if assisted with greater Num∣bers. In the mean time, he employed himself in securing what he had got, and in pla∣cing Garrisons In the most necessary Passes, so that with the residue of his Men he Encamped at the Mouth of the Thames, to make good the Landing of new Sup∣plies.

Claudius receiving this Intelligence, being now the third time Consul, and desi∣rous of a Triumph, chose Britain for his Province. * 1.530

In his setting out from Ostia, he had like (by foul Weather) to have been drown∣ed, upon the Islands Stachades, then on the Coasts of Liguria, where being at last set on shoar, by Land he went to Marseilles, then to Callice, with such vast Pre∣parations, as argued the difficulty of the Enterprize he was undertaking; For, be∣sides his Roman Legions, and the Auxiliaries of Germans and Gauls, he carried with him many Armed Elephants to terrifie the Britains, and to amaze that Courage, which to that time no Force could daunt.

With this Equipage he embarks, and having in a short time crossed the Channel, he joyns directly with Plautius, who lay waiting for him at the Thames Mouth. Then taking into his hands the entire Command of the whole Army, he passes the Ri∣ver to find out the Enemy, where he discovers them drawn up ready to give him

Battle; For the Britains were impatient of Delaies, and had embraced those Coun∣sels which had more heat and spirit, than true Conduct, and setled Resolution.

Never had the Conduct of Old Cassibelan been more necessary than at this time; The Roman Army was great and unweildy, requiring vast Provisions, and lugging much Baggage after them, their Courage in a little time would have been wearied, and their Spirits spent, and their Elephants once constrained to follow through Bogs and Marshes, would have been foundered and rendred unserviceable. And the first heat of the Army in receiving their Emperour being over, no doubt but the Souldiery would have flagged in time, and mouldered away. But to engage with them just upon their receiving fresh Supplies, when they were newly animated with the presence of their Emperour, and the impressions of Joy not quite over, argues the young and raw Counsels the Britains then were under.

And as this Fight was rashly undertaken, so were the consequences fatal, for the loss of Camalodunum, or Malden (the Royal Seat of Cunobelin) followed it, with the Surrender of many other Places of Importance, whose Inhabitants were dealt with according to their greater or lesser Obstinacy in yielding, some being received into Mercy, and others quite driven out of their Dwellings.

For these successes Claudius was oftentimes, by his Army, saluted with the Name of IMPERATOR, a Title never given to any in the same War but once, but now often reiterated with the universal Acclamations of all, but whether out of flattery to his Person, or that some extraordinary circumstances in the Wars with the Britains above other Nations, deserved it, is uncertain. Afterwards he disarmed the Britains, and thought that sufficient for his security, without proceeding to the confiscation of the Goods of the Nobility and Gentry, for which Clemency of his they erected Temples and Altars to him, and, with Sacrifice, worshipt him as a God.

Having thus gained sufficient Honour, he prepares for his Return to Rome, send∣ing before him Pompeius and Silanus (who had married his Daughters) to carry the Tidings of his Victories, leaving behind him also Plautius, to finish what he had so well begun, and to subdue the remainder of the Island. All this was accomplisht within sixteen daies, for no longer was he in Britain, and with so little noise and trouble, that it gave occasion to Suetonius, not long after, to write, That he subdued the Country without any Battle fought, or the least Blood shed. At his Return to Rome, whence he had been absent in all but six Months, he received a most Magnificent Tri∣umph, and, as if his Atcheivments had exceeded all Example, the Senate decreed yearly Games to his Honour, and set up stately Arches, not only in Rome but at Bulloigne also, the place from whence he set out. In this Expedition, they gave more∣over to him and his Son the Sir-name of BRITANNICUS, a Title no less glorious to them than that of Germanicus Africanus, or Asiaticus, to others, and conferred on * 1.531 them with far greater circumstances of Acknowledgment from the State. And this may be said to the Honour of our Nation, that even in the height of the Roman Empire it was esteemed so considerable a part of the World, that it was held not In∣feriour to any of the forementioned Provinces, and cost as many Legions in preserving it, as all Asia, and was never forsaken by the Romans, but in their last extremity.

At the Triumph of Claudius, to make it more splendid, the Governours of Provinces were summoned to appear, and, as in a publick Jubile, all Banished persons, for what Crimes soever, were for that time admitted into Rome. Upon the Loover of the Palace a Naval Coronet was fixed, as if at that time BRITAIN had been the Mistress of the Sea, and that the Ensign of its new Subjection. Provinces presented their Crowns of * 1.532 Gold; Gallia Comata, or France, one of nine pound, Spain one of seven pound weight. He ascended the Capitol by the stairs on his knees, supported on each sides by his Sons in law, Pompeius and Silanus. He entred in Triumph the Adriatick Sea in a stately Vessel, more like a Palace than a Ship. To his Wife Messalina, by the Senate, was allowed the Highest place to sit in, and in his Triumph, she followed his Charriot in her Caroch or Hanging-Coach, after them followed Valerius, Asiaticus Julius Silanus, Sidius Geta, and others, on whom, in respect of this Conquest, he had heaped Triumphal Ornaments, the rest followed on foot, and in their Robes. After this he exhibited Triumphal Sports and Games, having assumed for that end the Consular Office and Authority, and besides the Solemnities in the Theatres, he instituted Horse Races for Prizes, between every Course, which were ten in all. Bears were killed, Champions fought, and the choicest Youths out of Asia danced the Warlike-dance in Armour.

In the Field of Mars he exhibited a War-like shew, wherein he represented the storming and sacking of a Town, and the Surrender of the British Princes, himself presiding in the Robes of a General.

To Licinius Crassus Frug. he gave the Honour to follow him in his Triumph, mounted upon a Trapped Courser, with a rich Caparison, and arraied in a Robe of Date-tree work; Upon Posidius the Eunuch, he bestowed a Spear-staff without a Head; Upon C. Gavius, Chains, Bracelets, Horse-trappings, and a Coronet of Gold, and all in memory of his British Conquest.

THE British History, CONCERNING THE EXPEDITION OF CLAUDIUS, And these Times.

CLAUDIUS, at his coming to Land at Portchester, besieged that Town, to the Releif whereof came Guiderius, and the Bat∣tle * 1.533 went on the Britains side, until Hamo a Roman, disguising himself like a Britain, got the opportunity of killing the King, and retiring. Arviragus, least the Britains should be discoura∣ged, concealed his Brothers death, and dressing himself in his Armour, as King, continued the Battle, and so obtained a great Victory. Claudius fled to his Ships, and Hamo to the next Woods, whither Arvi∣ragus pursued him, and hunting him out to the Sea-coast, there slew him at a Haven before he could take Shipping, called afterwards by the name of Hamon's-Haven, and Hampton, and at this day Southampton. Thus died Guiderius in the year of our Lord Forty five, and Arviragus his Brother, for want of Issue, succeeded him.

ARVIRAGUS, the youngest Son of Cunobelin, and Brother of Guiderius, received the Kingdom in the year of our Lord forty five. No mention is made of this King in the Roman Histories of these Times, which maketh the Reign of this Prince too much suspected, considering that in these daies many memorable things were done and Recorded by the Romans concerning this Island, and more Inferiour Persons taken notice of, and so it seemeth more strange, that a Soveraign Prince, of so active a Spirit as Arviragus is made, and so Victorious against the Romans, should be totally neglected by their Historians, so that I am afraid, as well his Encoun∣ters with Hamo, as his Marriage with Genuissa, a supposed Daughter of Claudius, as likewise his Treaty with the Emperour, his Homage to him, the naming of Caer∣leon, or Glovernia, Claudiocestria, in honour of his Nuptials with Claudius his Daugh∣ter, as likewise his Exploits against Vespatian at Richborough, will be all accounted of the same stamp, and for that reason I will omit them; And I will only make mention,

that about the sixth year of his Reign, Joseph of Arimathea, sent by Philip the Apo∣stle, preached, as is generally supposed, the Gospel of Christ in this Island, having a place assigned him about Glastenbury by this King, whom afterwards he converted to the Christian Faith, if Harding writes true,

Joseph converted this King Arviragus, By his preaching, to know the Law Divine: And Baptized him, as written hath Nennius, The Chronicler in Britain Tongue full fine.

But his Authority may be supposed to be as bad as his Verses, for we find but two Nennius's, one Brother of Cassibelan, and long before this time, the other called Bancharensis, and writ not in the British Tongue, but in the Latin; However, it is a∣greed, that about these times the Christian Faith was propagated in this Island, but * 1.534 whether by Joseph of Arimathea, who (as the first Protestant Bishop saith) had a Seat allotted him in the very ends of Arviragus his Dominions, or by Simon Zelotes, or St. Paul himself, or some others, is uncertain. But it is plain out of Tertullian, that * 1.535 the British Nation, to which the Romans had no access, had owned Subjection unto Christ, which was in this Age.

But the most received Opinion of the Inhabitants, and which seemeth to carry the greatest Antiquity, is, That JOSEPH of Arimathea, the same who embalmed our Saviours Body, was sent into Britain by St. Philip, where he preached the Gospel, and founded a Church in a place called Ines withren in the British Tongue, now Glastenbury, which place was granted to him by this Arviragus King of Britain, the dimensions of which Church, according to the Custome of those Primitive * 1.536 times, not very Magnificent, is taken out of* Sr. Henry Spelman, as he collected it from a Plate which was fixed on a Pillar in the New Church, and preserved after the demolishing of that Monastery; the words of the Plate are these.

ANno post Passionem Domini xxxj. duodecim Sanai ex quibus JOSEPH ab Arimathea Primus erat, buc venerunt: qui Ecclesiam bujus Regni primam in hoc loco construxerunt, qui Christi in honorem suae Matris & locum pro eorum Sepultura praesentialiter dedicavit, Sancto David Meneventium Archicpiscopo hoc testante. Cui Dominus Ecclesiam illam dedicare dispo∣nenti in sompnis apparuit, & eum a proposito revocavit: necnon in signum quod ipse Dominus Ecclesiam ipsam prius cum Cimiterio dedicârat: manum Episcopi digito perforavit, & sic perforata multis videntibus in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ap∣paruit. Posten ver ò idem Episcopus, Domino revelante, ac Sanctorum nu∣mero in eadem crescente, quendam cancellum in Orientali parte huic Ecclesiae adjecit, & in honore Beatae Virginis consecravit, cujus Altare inestimabili Saphiro in perpetuam hujus rei memoriam insignavit. Et nè locus aut quan∣titas prorsus Ecclesiae per tales augmentationes oblivioni traderetur, erigitur haec Columpna in linea per duos Orientales angulos ejusdem Ecclesiae versùs meridiem protracta, & praedictum Cancellum ab ea abscindente. Et erat ejus longitudo ab illa linca versùs Occidentem lx. pedum, latitudo verò ejus xxvj. pedum, diffantia centri istius Columpnae à puncto medio inter praedictos an∣gulos xlviij. pedum.

Thus rendered into English.

THere arrived here XII. Holy Men, of whom JOSEPH of Arimathea was Head, in the year from the Passion of Our Lord XXXI, who built in this place the first Church of this Kingdom, who, viz. Joseph of Arimathea, appointing a Place for their Burial, dedicated it in honour of the Mother of Christ, David Arch∣bishop of Menew attesting the same, to whom (the Lord intent on the Dedication of that Christian Church) appearing in a Dream, recalled, deterred and advised to desist from that purpose, and in token that the Lord had before dedicated that Church and Church∣yard, he bored the Bishops hand through with his finger, which appeared so bored through

on the Morrow to many Eyewitnesses. Afterwards the same Bishop, the number of the Saints of that Church increasing (the Lord revealing it to him) added to that Church on the Easternpart, a Chancel, which he consecrated in Honour of the Blessed Virgin, the Altar of which, for a Memorial of the same to future Ages, be adorned with a Saphire of unknown value, and least the place and plat-form of that Church, through such Aug∣mentations might be forgotten, there is erected a Column or Pillar, in a Line drawn through the Eastern Corners of that Church, towards the South, dividing the aforesaid Chancel from the same; and the length of it was, from that Line towards the West three∣score feet, its breadth twenty six feet, the distance of the Centre of that Column from the middle Point, between the afore said Corners, forty eight feet.

[illustration]

The first Church of the Christians In Britaine.

a, b, c, d, The compass of the Church-yard, the extent whereof is not certainly known, but so large as to contain (according to Melkinus, who lived in the year of our Lord 550) a thousand Graves, amongst whom lies Joseph of Arimathea, &c. * 1.537 about the South Angle of the Oratory, about K and f, where also St. Patrick, Abbot of this place, was also Entomb'd under a Stone Pyramid, which was afterwards (according to the devotion of the time) overlaid with Silver.

e, f, The length of the Church, sixty foot.

f, g, The breadth of the Church, twenty six foot.

b, The Walls of the Church (according to Malmsbury) made of Twigs winded * 1.538 and twisted together, after the Ancient Custome that Kings Palaces were used to be built; So the King of Wales, by name Heolus Dha, in the year of our Lord 940, built a House of white Twigs, to retire into when he came a hunting into South-Wales, therefore it was called Cyguyn, that is, the White House. For, to the end it might be distinguished from Vulgar buildings, he caused the Twigs (according to his Princely quality) to be barkt; Nay, Castles themselves in those daies were fra∣med of the same Materials, and weaved together, for thus writes Giraldus Cambrensis of Pembroke Castle. Arnulphus de Montgomery (saith he) in the dales of King * 1.539 HENRT the First, built that small Castle of Twigs, and slight Turf. Such Reed Houses as these we all along see in Ireland, and in many places in England.

I, The Roof, which (according to the usual Custome of the Britains) was of Straw, or after the nature of the soyl in that place, of Hay or Rushes. So Bede; * 1.540 A great fire being kindled in the midst of the House, it happened that some sparks, flying high, set the Roof of the house on a flame, which easily took fire, because it consisted of Wicker, and Straw; After the same manner was the Old Roman Capitol it self built, according to Ovid,

Quae fuerat nostri fi quaras Regia nati, * 1.541 Adspice de Cannâ, Straminibusque domum.

Ka, the Door, the top whereof reacheth to the Eeves of the house, which in those daies were very low.

Kb, the East Window over the Altar.

KKK, the South Windows.

Having delivered thus much concerning the Antiquity of this Christian Church, I will conclude the same with some necessary Observations thereupon.

Observations upon the before-mentioned Inscription, in memory of the first Christian Church in Britain.

THe Character upon this Plate is not so Ancient, as not above 300 years old, if so much, and though there might be in other places (which is difficult to prove) Churches built so early, yet that they were encompassed according to the Modern Custome, with Church yards, will hardly be granted. There were many Churches in the Cities of Britain soon after the first Times of Christianity, but never any Church-yards till the time of Cutbert, the tenth Archbishop of Canterbury, from St. Augustine, who in the year of our Lord 798, procured the priviledge of having Church-yards in Cities from the Pope; Whoever of the Ancient and Primitive Christians, made mention of burying any body in Churches, or in those Times, of the dedication of Churches to Saints, or that the Blessed Virgin Mary was called upon, and worshipped by her Contemporaries? And this is to be observed, that there is no mention made concerning Dedication, before the time of the building of that Church, which is reported to have been in the year from the Passion 31, nor in the time of Joseph of Arimathea, or about five hundred years afterwards, until St. David, who was made Archbishop of Menew, Anno Dom. 519. and held that Seat 65 years, for he is reported to have lived 145 years that first discovered it.

THE CONTINUATION OF THE Roman History, UNDER CLAUDIUS BY HIS LIEUTENANTS.

AULUS PLAUTIUS left by Claudius in Britain, after the Emperours departure, gave himself to the diligent prosecu∣tion of the War, and so behaved himself in quieting the Re∣belling Countries, and gaining new Conquests, even to the West of the Island, that Claudius decreed he should have a petty Triumph, and at his Entrance into Rome, himself went to meet him, giving him the Right-hand both in his going and coming.

Neither were the Actions of Vespatian (afterwards Emperour) less remarkable in this War, for partly under the Conduct of Claudius himself, and partly of Plautius, he fought thirty Battles with the Britains, two most powerful Nations, and above * 1.542 twenty Towns, together with the Isle of Wight, he brought to his Subjection, for which Worthy Deeds he received Triumphal Ornaments, and a little while after, two Sacerdotal Dignities, and a Consulship.

His Son TITUS served under him in quality of a Tribune, and was much re∣nowned for his Valour and Diligence. He had the good Fortune to rescue and re∣leive his Father, and his Modest Behaviour was as signal as his Courage, as appear∣reth by many Inscriptions upon his Images, dispersed through the Provinces of Ger∣many and Britain. * 1.543

OSTORIUS SCAPULA succeeded Plautius, in the quality of a Pro∣pretor, a Man no less experienced in Martial Affairs. At his first entrance into * 1.544 Command, he was welcomed with many Commotions and Troubles, for that part of Britain which was not yet subdued, broke in upon their Neighbours who had entred into League, or made any Submission to the Romans, wasting their Fields, and with so much the more vigour, for that they thought this new General (not yet acquainted with his business, nor having experience of his Army) would not be able to Revenge it, especially considering that the Winter season was drawing on, and the time unsit for Action.

But Ostorius knowing that the first Success makes the greatest impressions of Fear, or Confidence, resolves to put a stop to their Inroads betimes, before they proceeded too far, and to that intent he snatched with him some of his lightest Cohorts, and un∣expectedly set upon them, killing many, and following them that sted so clofely, that he gave them not time to Rally, and lest for the future he might be continually plagued with a dangerous and unfaithful Peace, which would be alwaies beating up his Quar∣ters, and give neither to himself, nor his Souldiers, any rest, he disarms all whom he suspected might Revolt, and set Garrisons on the two Rivers Sabrina and Antona, there∣by to tie up the Incursions of the Enemy.

By this means he reduced the most Southerly parts of the Island into the nature of a Province, and to secure his Conquests the better, he gives several Cities to Cogidunus, to be held of the Romans under the Title of a King, by which Bribe he engaged him deeply to his Party, it being an ancient practice of that State to flatter Princes for their advantage, and by a specious shew of Honour and Respect, to make them Instruments of their own Ambition, and Vassals to their will, a haughty Pride observable in Commonwealths. First they drew them up with the Plumes of Majesty, and seemed to adore them, and afterwards, their turns once served, with as great Contempt and Ingratitude they trampled upon them. And this I take notice of here, because Tacitus seems to glory in it, and it way possibly be the Humors of others as well as the State of Rome.

The Iceni, or the People of Suffolk, Norfolk, Cambridgshire and Huntingtonshire, a potent Nation, and not yet wasted by War, because they had voluntarily entred into Alliance with the Romans, finding (that upon the least suspicion) they might be disarmed as well as their Neighbours, and perceiving that they should be enclosed in the Roman Line, which was stretched as far as the Severn and Avon, or, as some think, the Trent Northward, could not brook these proceedings of Ostorius, so took Arms, and by their Example encouraged many of their Neighbours to do the like. This done, they encampt in a place chosen for that purpose, casting up a Rampier of Earth, and leaving the Entrance narrow, for fear the Enemies Horse might break in upon them.

Ostorius, although he had not his Legions with him, but only his Auxiliary Forces, yet resolved, if he could, to break down this Fence, which he perceived was but rudely thrown up, and setting all his Cohorts to work, the Horse also allighting to that Service, he giving the signal, at once they rent down the Works, and fell upon the Enemy, and levelled their narrow Trenches.

Here the Britains were sorely streightned, but knowing, that if they were over∣come, the reward of their Revolt would be slavery, and that if they had a mind to escape, their own Fortifications were against them; They did whatever men in An∣ger and despair could do, bravely revenging themselves upon the Enemy.

In this Battle M. Ostorius the Son of the Lieutenant gained the Honour of having saved a Citizen. But at length being overcome, other States, by their sad Exam∣ple, were confirmed in their Obedience to the Romans, having hitherto waited the success of the Iceni, standing in a doubtful posture, between War and Peace.

After this success, Ostorius marches into the Country of the Cangi, supposed to * 1.545 be a small Territory in Somersetshire (for I cannot imagine them to be the Inhabitants betwixt the Iceni and the Humber, because they lay not in the way to the Irish Seas, as by the following Progress we may imagine the Cangi did) where he plundered and laid waste their Fields, they not daring to give him Battle; And, if at any time they ventured out of their secret Coverts, to fall in the Reer, and endeavoured to cut off his Marches, they alwaies met with sharp entertainment. At last he came to the Irish Sea, where News was brought him that the Brigantes, supposed the Inhabitants of Yorkshire, Lancashire, the Bishoprick of Durham, Westmoreland and Cumberland, were up in Arms.

Upon this he resolves to return, being fully purposed not to attempt any new Design till he had fully quieted these Commotions behind him, which he found no great difficulty in performing; For they, after a few losses, and a general Pardon to all that should lay down their Weapons, readily submitted and embraced it. But the Nation of the Silures, the Inhabitants of South-Wales, were not so easie to be mana∣ged, for neither by fair words and allurements, nor by threats and Menaces, could

they be brought to a Compliance, but needs they would have a War, and seemed not to be bridled or kept under without Garrisons of Legionary Souldiers.

To effect this, Ostorius sends to the Colony at Camolodunum, confisting of Veterane Souldiers, these he placed in his new Conquest adjoyning, that they might be an obstacle to new Revolts, and a means to train the People into a Conformity to the Roman Customes and Laws.

This done, he went against the Silures, who, besides their natural and inborn Fierceness, were much exalted with the opinion they had of the Courage and Con∣duct of Caratacus, a Prince, who by many doubtful, and some fortunate Attempts, had raised himself to a greater Reputation in Arms, than any of the British Generals; He finding himself over-matched in Strength made use of Policy, he knew that his advantage lay in choice of Ground, and in places that were fittest for Ambush. To that end he makes the seat of the War in the Country of the Ordovices, or North-Wales, a Region full of Narrow passes, Rocky and Mountainous, and easie teneable by a few.

Having drawn into his Society all that were Ill affected to the Roman Allyance, he resolves here to try it out to the utmost. Ostorius followed him, and finds him drawn up, and resolutely prepared for Battle.

The place he had chosen was strangly fortified both by Art and Nature, the ac∣cesses to it were full of difficulties to the Romans, and of no less security to the Britains, either in Advancing or Retreating. It was scituated between craggy and broken Mountains, and when any Gaps or Passages lay open, he stopt them up with huge Stones ramb'd in between, and that ground which lay level he fortified with a Ditch and Rampire.

There was but one side left that the Romans could attack him at, where there ran a River not to be foarded, without some confusion and disorder on the Enemies Party. Against this place he set the choicest of his Souldiers to assault them at their passage, drawing a Line behind them of slight work, to break the impression of the Enemy, if they should be forced to Retreat.

The place where Garatacus drew up his Army, is supposed, by Mr. Gambden, to be a Hill on the West of Shropshire called Caet Caradoc, at this day scituated among many doubtful Foards, and the Ruines of the Rampire as yet remain.

Things thus ordered, the Leaders of the several British Nations went about the Army encouraging the Souldiers, and exhorting them not to be daunted with vain Fears, praising such as they saw cheerful and eager for Battle, and raising the Spirits of others where they perceived them drooping, with comfortable expressions, and such like allurements of War.

Caratacus especially bestirs himself, and with quick motion stirring from place to place, This, he cried out, was the Day, and This the Field which would be the re∣covery of their Liberty, or the beginning of perpetual Slavery. And here he invokes the Names of his glorious Ancestours, who had driven out Caesar the Dictatour, and by whose Valour they had hitherto been freed from the Roman Bondage and Tribute, and their Wives and Children preserved from dishonour.

After these and such like speeches, the Army testified their Joy by loud shouts and acclamations, and every one, according to his Country superstition, bound him∣self by Oath, That neither Darts nor Wounds should make them yield.

This couragious and chearful Alacrity startled the Roman General, withal he descried the River before him, and the Rampier made upon it, both of great diffi∣culty to be passed. The steep Hills full of Armed men, and hanging over their heads, gave a dismal prospect, and a terrible scene of War; But the Common Soul∣diers were eager for Battle, and required the Signal, crying out, That to Valorous men nothing was impregnable, and this their Impatience was encreased by the Prefects and Tribunes, who gave out the same words.

Then Ostorius, having first variously sought out which Fords were passable, which not, whilst there he had continued, he led them on, and with no difficulty wades through the River. When they were come up to the Rampire, and within ken of the British Darts and Javelins, they were sorely gauled by them, and because the Britains had the advantage of the Higher ground, and the Romans were to fling their heavy Piles up hill, their losses were far the greater.

And during this distant Fight, such was the great slaughter on the Roman side, that not able longer to endure it, the Legions took to their Antient discipline of making of a Testudo, which was done by their coming to their close Order, locking their Targets one within another, over their heads, the manner of which is described in the following Figure.

[illustration]

But in speaking more particularly of this TESTUDO, we shall describe it according to the Directions of Livy, Tacitus, Dio Cassius, and others.

To the Amphitheatre (a Place people accustomarily resorted to see any strange thing Acted) was brought a considerable number of Men, who after some motion and seemly March, suddenly cast themselves into a square Troop, and locking their Targets close together, over their Heads, the first Rank of men stood upright, the next bowing their Bodies a little downward, the third and fourth imitated it by degrees, in manner of a Descent, insomuch that the last Rank of men kneeled upon the ground, so that their Targets on the outside seemed bending like the Tiles on a House.

Upon this Roof or Testudo (being applied to the Wall of a Fort or Castle) Men ran Armed to fight those that stood ready to defend themselves, and in case their Scaling-Ladders (wanting length) proved unserviceable, then they erected one Testudo upon another, which Tacitus justifies, when he saith, That in case of necessity, the Roman Souldiers climbed up a Wall, super iteratam Testudinem, building one Testudo upon another, and these were contrived with such speed and Art, that they could as soon be built as demolished.

It farther appears, that the Romans used a single Testudo to break through and dis∣order the Ranks of Horse-men on a sudden, although fixt in a good order for Battle. But for Mirth and Divertisement they usually made one Testudo upon ano∣ther, on which they Vaulted and shew'd Tricks, not only to evidence the nimble∣ness of their Bodies, but the strength and good use of so ingenious an Inven∣tion.

The Name, TESTUDO, was given to those Shields so united, not only for their strength, but because on the outside it seemed like the backs of some Shells or Tortoises; and thus much may suffice to shew the use and reason of the Name TESTUDO, which is represented in the precedent Figure.

Thus under the shelter of their Shields, which were as a Roof over them, they advanced to the slight Works the Britains had cast up, and with no great trouble did cast them down, and so went to grapling.

The Britains not able to endure the close fight of the Legions, strive to disengage themselves, and to get up to the top of the Mountain, hoping from those steep Precipes to regain their advantage of flinging their Darts. But such was the eagerness of the Romans that they followed them at their heels, the light Armed first, and after them the heavy Legions.

The Britains who had gotten up, bestowed their Darts plentifully, but neverthe∣less the Romans went on, and breaking into the Ranks, some they flung down head∣long, others they kill'd and wounded, as having neither Helmet or Breast-plate to defend them. And now the Britains knew not which way to turn themselves: if they engaged the light Armed and Auxiliary Forces of the Romans, they were beaten down with the broad Swords and massie Pikes of the Legionaries, if on the other side they set upon the Legionaries, the light Spears and pointed Swords of the Auxiliaries were as equally fatal to them, so that not able to hold up any longer, they flung down their Arms, a few only escaping.

This Victory was rendred famous by two Noble Captives here taken, the Wife and Daughter of Caratacus, and it had been well if that Princes Misfortunes had here ended, for his two Brothers (after his Overthrow) revolted to the Romans, and he himself (as adversity is seldom safe) having escaped the pursuit, and fled to the Protection of Cartismandua, Queen of the * 1.546 Brigantes, was most basely delivered up and sent in Irons to the Conquerour. The Scottish Histories say, the Brigantes were a People of their Nation, and Buchanan reads the verse of Seneca, Scuta Brigantes, Scota Brigantes, and truly this Nation would very easily incline us to yeild to their pretention.

This great Overthrow happened in the ninth year of the Invasion of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 un∣der Claudius Caesar. The fame of Caratacus, heightned by the story of his sad 〈◊〉〈◊〉, not only spread it self through the neighbour Islands, and adjoyning Pro∣vinces, but reached even to Italy. Every one longed to see that man, who (for so many years) had stood out, and bad defiance to their greatest Forces.

His name at Rome was no less celebrated, the Emperour thinking he did Honour to himself in praising the worth of a Person, and advancing the Credit of a Nation, over both which before he had Triumphed.

Being come to Rome, the People were called together as to a publick and solemn Spectacle. The Emperours Guards were drawn out, and stood to their Arms before * 1.547 the Camp to receive them. First entred the Kings Retinue, bearing Chains and Caparasons, and divers Trophies he had won in other Wars, next his Brothers, then his Wife and Daughter, and last of all himself appeared.

The Prayers and Submissions of others, through Fear, were base and degenerate, but Caratacus, Great, even in the midst of his Misfortunes, with a steady and erected Countenance, and a look that yet retained its Majesty, stands before the Tribunal of Claudius, and speaks to this purpose.

If my Moderation in Prosperity had been as great as the quality of my Birth and Fortune, I might have come to this City rather as a Friend than a Captive. Neither * 1.548 could you have disdained an Allyance with one descended of so Ancient and Royal Blood, and commanding many Nations. My present condition to me is disgraceful, but to you glorious. I had Horses, Charriots, Men, Arms and Riches, no wonder if I was un∣willing to forgoe them. If of necessity you must Command all things, it follows all must Obey. If I had sooner been betrayed to you, my Misfortune had made less noise in the World, and your Conquests had not been so Renowned. After my death I should have soon been forgotten, but if you let me live, you make me a lasting Monument of your Clemency.

Claudius, being taken with his Behaviour, pardons him, his Wife and Brothers, and commands their Irons to be knockt off; After which they did their Reverence to the Empress Agrippina, who sitting by in State, expected it, giving her the same Thanks and Praises they had done to the Emperour.

After this, the Lords of the Senate assembled, where many and magnificent things were discoursed concerning the Captivity of Caratacus. And it was generally

agreed that this Action was not less Honourable to Ostorius, than the taking of King Siphax by P. Scipio, or the Macedonian King Perses, by Lucius Paulus, or any others who had led Princes in Triumph, and therefore for his eminent Service to the Com∣monwealth, they decreed him Triumphal Ornaments.

But the like Fortune did not attend Ostorius in his succeeding Actions, for whether the Romans were grown careless and negligent, being rid of so considerable an Ene∣my as Caratacus, or whether the Britains, in compassion of the Misfortunes of so great a Prince, were more eagerly bent upon Revenge, whilest the Camp-Master and some Legionary Cohorts were left to fortifie some certain places in the Country of the Silures, the Britains encompast them about, and if succour had not speedily arri∣ved from the neighbouring Towns and Garrisons, there had not a man of them esca∣ped; Nevertheless, the Camp-Master, with eight Centurions and many of the for∣wardest Souldiers, were slain.

Upon the neck of this, followed another loss on the Roman side, for a Party be∣ing sent out to Forrage, were suddenly set upon, beaten and dispersed, together with some Troops of Horse, who came too late to relieve them. Ostorius sends some of his Foot, lightly Armed, to succour both Parties, and to try to make them Rally, but they served but to increase the Flight, until the Legions coming up undertook the Battle, and by main strength first poised it, and afterwards turned the Scale.

The Britains got off with little or no loss (the day being almost spent) and never after appeared in great Parties, but out of Woods, Boggs and Marshes, made frequent Sallies in small Bodies, as Conduct or Chance led them, upon Necessity or Valour, Anger or Prey, sometimes commanding others although without Command. And this way of Skirmishing, though taken up by the Britains, out of Necessity rather than Choice, yet had it greater success and proved more fatal to the Enemy than their great Bodies. This the Silures well perceived, and wisely managed the advantage, and above all the British Nations, they entertained a mortal Hatred against the Romans, and watched all opportunities to do them mischief. They had heard that the General should give out, That he would root out the very Name of them. A saying that they could never forget, and although often courted to a Compliance, they ever afterwards looked upon the Romans not only as their Enemies, but the haters of their Nation.

This exasperating of a People, of it self not very tractable, proved of ill con∣sequence to the Romans; For they seeking out all means to vent their spight, at last met with a comfortable occasion, two Cohorts, led on by the Avarice of their Com∣manders, were gone out to pillage and plunder the Country, and it seems, following their business with more greediness than heed, were insensibly drawn too far from their Head Quarters. Upon their returns loaden with Spoil, they were intercepted, many of them slain and wounded, and the rest all taken Prisoners.

The Silures made good use of this good success, and in scornful manner sent about the Captives to the Neighbouring States, as Presents, at once revenging themselves on the Romans, and encouraging others to assist them in their Revolt, by making them partake of the guilt; And that these Captives might be more acceptable, they sent along with them much spoil, by all which Arts they procured many to declare for them.

Ostorius now tired out with so vexatious an Enemy, and sensible how he lost daily * 1.549 in his Reputation, died for very anguish and grief, the Britains triumphing, that al∣though no particular Fight, yet the adverse War had taken off so considerable a Commander.

* 1.550 Caesar hearing of the death of his Lieutenant, immediately chooses AULUS DIDIUS to succeed him, giving him Orders to hasten to his Command, the Affairs of Britain being in that tottering condition that they wanted a speedy Governour. He came not so soon hither, but that before his Arrival, a Legion under Manlius Valens met with an unlucky and disasterous Fight. The losses on the Roman side, though great enough, yet were higher reported by the Silures, partly to hearten their new Allies, and partly to discourage the new Governour. But he made better use of it, and in his Letters to Rome raising the Defeat much higher, thinking thereby, that if he should quell the Britains, the Honour would be greater, and the Disgrace less if he failed.

THE LIFE OF CLAUDIUS.

ABOUT this time died CLAUDIUS, the first Emperour that sub∣dued this Island, and reduced it into the nature of a Province, much * 1.551 celebrated for his British Conquests, the only honour of his Reign, but far happier in the choice of worthy Commanders than his own Conduct.

The calamity of Britain was so much the more to be lamented, in that it stooped to a Prince of very small Endowments, and yet worshipped him as a God, whom Historians can scarce allow to be a Man. For, as he was desirous of Glory, which in him could rather be called Instinct than Vertue: so was he withal so dull and stupid, that in his Child-hood he was the grief of all his Parents, and, in his riper years, the Laughing-stock of Galigula, and the sport of the whole Court. After his Inaugu∣ration, which was attended with odd circumstances of folly, although Majesty co∣vered his face, yet through all, even then, were his defects visible. They adored him most whose approaches were at greater distance, and though he awed the World, yet was he made a Property to his Wives and Domesticks. After thirteen years sway∣ing, rather holding the Scepter, he was poysoned by his Wife Agrippina, and whilest the Romans were employed in his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or making him a God, there were others no less busie in his * 1.552 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or conversion into a Mushrome, her beloved, but fatal Diet.

But one Action of his is not to be omitted, He abolished the Religion of the Druids throughout all Gallia, the exercise whereof, for its bloody Rites and Cere∣monies, had been only banished the City by Augustus; And, no doubt he would have done the same through Britain, had the success of his Arms been as great here towards the end of his Reign as the beginning.

In the time of this Emperour there served in Britain three Legions, viz. the second Legion, Augusta; the ninth Legion, Hispaniensis; and the fourteenth, named Gemina Martia Victrix.

NERO.

NERO succeeded in the Empire, a Prince idle and dissolute, he continued Didius in his employment, but afterwards was mind∣ed * 1.553 to withdraw all his Forces from Britain, and to dismantle the Country, but shame deterred him, and a fear, least by that means he should seem to dislike the Counsels of Claudius, which at that time were very popular.

Didius was well stricken in years, and therefore better fitted for the present Affairs, which required rather a Cautious than an Active Commander, and so we find him, for having in some measure put a stop to the Incursions of the Silures, and cooped them up within their bounds, he set himself altogether to secure what his Predecessors, Plautius and Ostorius, had gained. But least it might be said he did nothing in the Island, he built here and there a few Gar∣risons, higher in the Country. And now there brake out a dissension among the

Britains, which continued for many years, for it seemeth by Tacitus, who relateth it entirely, in two distinct places, that it began under this Didius, and lasted to the daies of Vespasian, and was the occasion of much vexation to the Romans, during their Civil Wars with Galba, Otho, and Vitellius. The occasion and progress of it I will set down together (although it was the business of many years following) with the same Reasons for so doing, that Tacitus gives, for fear, least if told in parcels, it would not be so well fitted for memory.

* 1.554 After Caratacus had been taken, there was none in the whole Island that was thought equal in Arms to VENUTIUS, a Prince of the Brigantes; He was by nature fierce, and by inclination a most mortal hater even of the name of a Roman. But this his Austereness to them was something allayed by his marriage with Cartisman∣dua, a Queen of great power and authority, and a constant Favouress of the Roman Interest, not only to oblige her the more, he dissembled his hatred to the Romans, totally closed with them, and so submitted to their Protection. But nothing could engage the heart of treacherous Cartismandua, but she who had betrayed her Country, proved false to her Lord and Husband, forsaking him, and descending to the embraces of of Vellocatus his Groom, whom afterwards she made Partner of her Bed and Kingdom.

Venutius deeply touched with this open Injury, raised Forces against her, and her Paramour, and first the War continued between them only; the Good will of the Country being on Venutius his side, and on hers, Lust, treachery and deceit. This one would have thought was a very unequal match, and yet it held up long on both sides, for Cartismandua, by usual arts and practices, had trained and got into her possession the Brother and near Relations of Venutius, which for some time strength∣ned her Party, having so many of the Royal Family at her disposal. But the People fearing the cruelty of her nature, that in time she might do Violence to them, and jealous to be brought under the uncomely subjection of a Woman, the Male Issue be∣ing extinct, unanimously declared in favour of Venutius, and for the liberty of his Brother and Relations. And now there seemed nothing could hinder the punishment of her Adulteries, but the Interposition of the Romans; And Venutius perceiving them to draw together, and knowing well the Obligations that Queen had done them, in betraying Caratacus, and adorning the Triumph of Claudius, kept a jealous eye over them, and found that they held secret Intelligence with her, and seemed to defer the owning of her Cause, only, till greater strength should arrive.

This he resolves to prevent in time, and therefore, with what Forces he had, he set furiously on those Cohorts who were already assembled, and at the first charge made great slaughter of them, and so presently, with some losses, retired. There was a Le∣gion coming to joyn with them under the Conduct of Caesius Nasica, for Didius was old and did all by Deputies. Venutius advised of this, resolves to be before hand with him, meets them in their Journey, sets upon them, and with the like success retreated.

Cartismandua now reduced to the greatest extremities, thought of nothing but se∣curing her Person by escape, to that end she sent to the Romans for a Guard, which being granted to her, through many Skirmishes, and great difficulties, got up to her, and with much adoe rescued her, but the Kingdom was left to Venutius, and the War to the Romans to manage.

Cartismandua (as appeareth by Tacitus) sheltered her self for a long time under the * 1.555 protection of the Romans, bereaft of her Kingdom, and in vain expecting assistance from them, who either could not, or were unwilling to engage too deeply in her Quar∣rel, for it may be more than conjectured out of the same Author, that the Romans did yield to Venutius the quiet possession of the Kingdom, and would never have molested him, could he have but have forgotten that sensible Injury of theirs in interposing their Authority in his domestick Affairs, the maintaining the Rebellion of an Adulteress, and the open protecting of her. Such little favour found she with those persons, whom she thought she had so infinitely engaged, so that we may leave her like a Strum∣pet following of the Camp, hated by the Britains, and without question, derided and despised by the generous Romans. And no doubt, she proved the burthen and clog of their Affairs, for in their difficulties, during the Civil Wars of Rome under the three succeeding Emperours, she was the hated cause that drew the Arms of Venutius upon them.

VERANIUS, a Propetor, succeeded Didius, a rigid and strict Commander, nd perhaps the loose discipline of the Romans under his Aged Predecessor, requi∣red in him more than ordinary Severity. He found at his arrival things in no good posture, great slaughter had been made of the Romans, which he endeavoured to re∣venge on the Silures, but having made a few inroads into their Country, he was pre∣vented by death from proceeding any further, leaving this behind him either out of flattery to his Master Nero, or insight into the Country, that in two years, had he lived, he would have conquered it all.

PAULINUS SUETONIUS next obtained the Province, who was esteemed a Souldier inferiour to none of his time, for two years together he reigned prospe∣rously, subduing many Nations, and fortifying what he had got with new Garrisons. Encouraged with this success, and having no small thoughts within him (for he was emulous of the glory of Corbalo, a Souldier of great reputation in that Age) he began to think of new Islands to Conquer. Mona, or Anglesey, at that time, was very populous from the concourse of people that fled thither for security, and a place of no small annoyance to the Romans, for it administred great assistance to the Britains upon all their occasions, in their Revolts.

To Invade this, he first built flat-bottomed Boats to carry over his Foot, the Horse followed either upon the flats and shallows, or else, where it was deeper, swam it.

Upon the Shoar slood ready to receive them a strange medly of an Army, suppo∣sed of Men, Women and Priests, the Men were well Armed and stood thick, the Women and Priests ran up and down after the manner of Furies, the former with their Hair ruffled about their ears, and in black Garments, and the Druids carried Torches before them, and with their hands lifted up to heavan, poured forth direful Execrations.

The Romans astonisht at the novelty of the sight, stood still, as Stocks, not being able to stir a foot, though receiving many wounds. At last a wakened and encoura∣ged by their General, and animating one another not to fear a rout of Mad-women and Lunaticks, they bore on the Standards, trampled down all before them, and ran Men and Torches on a heap together; Then he placed Garrisons on the Conquered, cutting down the Groves consecrated to their bloody Superstition, for they held it lawful to sacrifice Captives, and to consult their Gods by prying into the Entrails of men.

But whilst he was busie in this Island, his absenoe gave occasion to a general Re∣volt of the Britains, many sore grievances were complained of, among which these were reckoned as the chief.

Prasutagus, King of the lceni, having for many years hoorded up great store of Wealth, to secure it to his two Daughters, at his death made Caesar Co-heir with * 1.556 them, not doubting but by that signal Testimony of his good will to the Emperour, he should preserve his Family from Oppression, and his Daughters from dishonour. It fell out quite contrary, for under pretence of taking possession of the Emperours share, his Kingdom was laid waste and robbed by the Centurions, and his House ran∣sackt throughout by the ravenous Collectors, who behaved themselves with all the licentiousness of Conquerors, his Wife Boadicia they whipt, her two Daughters ravished, &c. as if the whole Kingdom, by Testament, had been left to them. The Chiefest of the lceni were dispossest of their ancient Inheritances, and the Royal Family turned out and used as Slaves.

As these unsufferable Insolencies were the cause of the Revolt of the Iceni, so the Trinobantes wanted not matter of complaint, especially against the Veterans, whom they hated with a mortal hatred; For they being made a new Colony at Camalodunum, now Malden in Essex, they violently thrust out the Inhabitants from their Houses, seized their Lands and Estates, insulting over them as Captives and Slaves, anddo∣mineering like Lords in their lawful Possessions. The other Souldiers likewise complied with the Veterans and encouraged them in their Licentious proceedings, being of the fame Gang, and out of hopes hereafter to enjoy the same Li∣berty.

The Temple dedicated to Claudius was cause also of great heart-burnings, they lookt upon it as the monument and badge of their eternal Servitude, and the Priests

therein officiating under the pretence of Religious offerings and dues, grievously ex∣torted * 1.557 from the People, and Catus Decianus the Procurator or Receiver of Tribute, renewed the consiscation of their Goods, and though they pleaded the remitment thereof by Claudius, and a Temple for that purpose erected to his Clemency, yet with great Injustice he over-ruled them; And, which was a more general Oppression, Seneca, whom one would think a Saint in his Writings, having drawn in the Britains, to take of him vast sums of mony, to the value of 1000000 l. sterling upon promise of easie Loan, and to take their own time for the payment, on a sudden called it all in at once, and that with great violence and extortion.

The Britains therefore meeting together discoursed their Grievances after this manner;

That Patience availed them nothing, but that by their sufferance they got the opinion * 1.558 of easie fools, and their burthens accordingly were daily increased. Formerly they had but one King or Peer to Lord it over them, now there were two thrust upon them; The Lieutenant to suck their blood, and the Procurator or Collector to drain their Estates. That the variance of these Rulers, or their agreement, was equally pernicious to them, the one tormenting them with his Armies, the other with Wrongs and Extortions: all things were liable without exception either to their Avarice or Lust, and he was esteemed the bravest Souldier who could rob and plunder most. Nay, they were come to that tame sub∣mission, as to suffer their Houses to be broken open and ransackt by the most cowardly and pitiful Rascals, and their Children to be taken from them, and listed by their Adversaries, as if they were fitted to die any death but what should be for their own Country. What a small number would remain in the Roman Army, should they have left out the Britains from their Masters, the Germans had shaken off the yoak, although defended by a River only, not the Ocean, and why might not they do the like, considering their Cause was far the Nobler, the delivery of their Country, their Wives and Parents, and on the other side, nothing could be pretended but Lust and Ambition. Had they but imitated the Va∣lour of their Ancestors, they might have chased these Intruders from the Island, as their Fore-fathers had done Caesar, and could they but have endured the brunt of one or two Battles, no doubt but the Courage of the miserable and despairing would be found greater than the Confidence of the proud. That the Gods themselves now shewed their pitty to the Britains, and held the Roman captain and his Armies safe employed in another Island, and gave them one opportunity more, which was the greatest favour, to consult and deliberate of their Condition together, which occasion, if they did not make use of, it would be found more dangerous to have discoursed the calamities of their Affairs, than to strive to re∣lieve them.

With these and the like Speeches they encouraged each other, and first the Iceni took Arms to reveng the wrongs done to their Queen, and the dishonour of his Daughters, next the Trinobantes declared, and after them all who had any sence of Liberty, and were not born to be Slaves. And it seemed no hard matter to the Britains to raze and destroy the whole Colony of Malden, being fortified neither with Trench nor Rampier, and, by the careless security of the Roman Officers, made for pleasure rather than defence.

This general and dangerous Insurrection was headed by the insensed Boadicia, and the fatal consequences of it were ushered in with no less wonderful signs and por∣tents. Among the rest, the Statue of Victory at Malden fell down of its own ac∣cord, with its back turned as if it would pass to the Enemy, and Women in a holy rage and extasie, Prophetically sung, That destruction was a coming, and dis∣mal noises were heard in the Councel-House, and howlings and screechings in the Theater, strange Spectres walked in the neighbouring Frith, the Oceans lookt of a * 1.559 Bloody-hew, and, at low Tide, the shapes of dead Bodies lay imprinted on the Sands, all which Prodigies raised hopeful expectations in the Britains, but in the Veterane Souldiers, terrour and despair. For by this time Boadicia (leading after her infinite multitudes) had destroyed some scattered Garrisons of the Romans, and was now prepared to attack them at their chief Quarters, at Malden.

The Colony understanding of her approach, sent to Catus Decianus, to send them speedy supply (for Suetonius had but lately heard of their Revolt, and could not come up time enough for their relief) but he spared them but two hundred men, and those ill Armed, for the Hatred the Province bore him, for his Exactions, made him

look to his own security. Neither were there wanting in the Roman Garrison, them, who secretly and under-hand, favoured the Revolters; These advised the Souldiers, that they were too few to maintain any Out-works, and, that fortifying and en∣trenching the Town would but divide and scatter the Forces, that in all probability the Enemy durst not attack them, or if they did, that the present Bulwarks were sufficient, and, in case they failed, the Temple was a place of great strength, and teneable by a few.

Thus, by intermixing with all their Councels, they betrayed them into security, and so lull'd them asleep, that as if it had been high Peace, they thought not of any thing necessary for a Siege, no not so much as to send away those that bore not Arms, who would but be so many Mouths to devour their Provisions.

In this disorder they were beleagured round with the British Army, the Out∣works held not out the first Storm, but left the City naked and open to be sackt, and burnt by the inraged Enemy. The Souldiers crowded themselves into the Temple, and there stood hudled together under the defence of the Walls, but in two daies were taken, the sumptuous building made a heap of Rubbish, and all destroyed. The Britains managing this Victory in the most cruel-manner, put the Romans to all the exquisite torments that Anger, Revenge or Malice, could invent.

In the current of their success, and while the heat lasted, they met with Petilius Crealis, the Lieutenant of the ninth Legion, marching to the succour of the Garrison, who set upon him, routed his Legion, kill'd all the Foot, and forced him, with the residue of his Horse, to take sanctuary in his Trenches; And now Catus Decianus, finding himself the cause of all this, and sensible of the Hatred of the Provinces, and the guilt of his Extortion, like a tall man betook himself to his Heels, and so fled over into Gallia. But Suetonius, with a wonderful constancy and resolution marches clearly through the Enemies quarters to London, a Town, though not in name, yet in effect, a Colony full of Roman Inhabitants and Traders, and of great renown for its plenty of all necessary Provisions.

Having fitted himself here for a while, he considered whether he should make this the seat of his War, but finding the numbers of his Souldiers not much increased, and taking example by the Rashness of Petilius, which was sufficiently punished, he resolved to March out, and, by the loss of one Town hoped to save the rest; Neither could he be diverted from his Resolution, either by the cries or tears of the Inha∣bitants, but taking all with him who were willing to make part of his Army, he left the rest, whose Age, Sex, or love to the place, would not suffer to follow, who were all, afterwards, miserably slain by the Enemy, and their City sackt and de∣stroyed.

The same slaughter attended the Inhabitants of Verulam, for the Britains slighting the Forts and Garrisons of Souldiers, flew only at prey and booty, and attackt those places which were weakest defended, thus they grew daily lazier in their business, rejoycing more in taking Plunder than strong Holds.

All this while the losses of the Romans were great, seventy thousand of them and their Allies are reckoned by Tacitus to be slain, and Suetonius numbreth them among the greatest Plagues and Misfortunes attending the evil Government of Nero, for * 1.560 what in other Wars, is usually in this way utterly excluded, no change of Prisoners allowed, no Ransomes or giving of Quarter, the slaughter was the same in cool Blood as in hot, and with Gibbet, Fire and Cross, the Britains proceeded a∣gainst them rather as Malefactours than Enemies, the Women, as well Matrons as Virgins, they stripped stark naked, hung them up, and cutting off their Breasts, * 1.561 sowed them to their mouths, that in the Agony of death they might seem to devour their own flesh, the Britains all the while feasting and making merry in the Temple of Andate, their Goddess of Victory.

Suetonius by this time had got together about 10000 Men, well appointed, made up of the fourteenth Legion, the chief of the Twentieth, and some of the Auxiliary Forces from the neighbour Garrisons. With these he resolves no longer to delay, but to give speedy Battle to the Britains, this he signified to his Chief Commanders, and withal gives them the Reasons enforcing him to so sudden an Engagement; Pro∣visions were grown short, the Souldiers eager to revenge the sad Calamities of their Friends, and Allies, that were fresh in their memories; and although but a few in

comparison of their Enemies, yet were they steady and resolved. On the other hand, the Britains although swarming in numbers, wanting Order and Discipline, were grown heady, rash, and inconsiderate, and puffed up with their late suc∣cess, were over confident and forward, measuring falsly the reasons of their Victories, by their Numbers rather than Courage; That now therefore was the time, whilest they were glutted in Blood, in the midst of their Guilt and vain Confidence, and under the Conduct of a Woman, to set upon them, and in one manful Attempt, to regain what in several parcels they had lost.

This Counsel was followed by all, but Poenius Posthumus, an Ancient Souldier, and now Camp-Master. It seemed to him to have more in it of heat than true conside∣ration, and proceeding from a rash Bravery rather than Roman Conduct. He knew Suetonius to be of a haughty and proud Courage, and feared, that to vindicate his Honour and Reputation he would hazard and endanger all, and be carried beyond the bounds of a sober and just Resolution. He advised him therefore not to think as yet of regaining his losses, but saving his stake, to fortifie and encamp warily, and to expect new supplies, he shewed that this was alwaies the method of the Roman discipline, and that it was never more necessary than in this conjuncture of Affairs, that the Britains newly flusht with Victories, were grown resolute and undaunted, and the Roman Souldiers, with their Losses, fearful and dead-hearted, that it was convenient to give them time to recover their spirits, that their Enemies no doubt by delay would grow cooler, and their great Numbers would scatter and dis∣perse.

And it was concluded, that it was absolutely necessary to wait for a more hopeful opportunity of Revenge.

Suetonius notwithstanding, persisting in his resolution, and although Posthumus utterly refused to joyn with him, and, contrary to his positive Command, withdrew his Legions and encamped, yet with the rest of his Forces he went out to seek the Enemy, and chose a convenient place to embattle his Army.

It was an open Plain, with a narrow passage into it, so that he could not be over∣winged by the Enemy, on his back was a Wood, whose passages being blockt up with huge Trees laid across, secured him in the Rear, so that the Enemy could not attack him but on the Front, the wings of his Army lay to the open Country, where he was certain no Ambush could be laid. His Legionaries made up the body of his Army, and stood thick and well compacted, they were lined on all sides with light armed Souldiers, and the Horse was placed in the Wings.

The Britains were drawn up before the mouth of the narrow passage that led into the Plain, in such multitudes, and nevertheless were extended all abroad in Troops and Companies, and with Exaltations and Noises, as if they were going to a Tri∣umph rather than a Battle, nay, so confident were they of Victory, that they brought their Wives and Children to be Spectators of that daies work, who sat in Charriots upon the skirts of the Plain to behold the sport, and to glut their eyes, as they made sure account of the slaughter of the Romans.

Eoadicia her self carrying her Daughters in a Charriot before her, as she came to every Nation, declared, That it was usual for the Britains, in times past, to make War under the Conduct of a Woman, but for her part, she desired them not for the present to look upon her Dignities, but their Common liberty, that though she was their Queen, and might justly call upon them to revenge the loss of her Crown and Estate, yet she could wave those smaller Considerations, and lay before them, as matter of just Resentment, those horrid Indignities she had received, the Violence to her Person, and the Rapes of her Daughters.

She told them, That the Insolence of the Romans, and their Lust, was grown to that height, that neither the reverence of Age, or the innocency of Virginity, could preserve them from dishonour. The Gods would be present and assist them in their just Revenge, and, that one Legion which adventured to fight was cut off, the rest that remained, either hid themselves in the Camp, or were thinking already of an escape. That they would not be able to endure the Shouts of so many thousand, much less their force and impression, and if they, with her, considered their advantage of Numbers, and their Cause, they should strive to overcome, or die; This (she a Woman) was fixt upon, the Men, if they pleased, might live and be Slaves.

Dio Cassius places her upon a heap of Turfs, with a Spear in her hand, and an * 1.562 Hare in her bosom, which after a long Oration, having before hand said some∣thing to introduce it, she let loose, as a signification of good Omen to her Army.

Neither was Suetonius in so great an extremity, silent, and, although he relied much upon the Courage of his Souldiers, yet he thought it not unnecessary in a business wherein would be decided the whole Controversie of Britain, to descend even to Prayers and Entreaties; He desired them therefore, to despise the vain and empty Noises of the Enemy, and to consider, that in their Camp were more Women to be seen than Men, that weak and unarmed they would soon yield, when they came to Contest with Roman Valour, which had often overcome them. That in great Armies, and where there are many Legions, the stress of the Battle alwaies lay upon a few, and that it would be to their greater Honour, if with a small Power they should win the fame of a whole Army; withal, he ordered them that they should keep close, and first, with their heavy Darts, gall the Britains, afterwards press upon them, with their Swords and Pikes in their Shields, and follow the slaughter in a Body well wedged together. That they should not scatter and disperse for Plunder, but that after the Victory every thing would be their own.

The Souldiers received these Exhortations of their General with such alacrity, that the Legionaries began already to try their Arms, and sit themselves for the en∣gagement, and they shewed such great handiness in it, having been experienced thereto in many Battles, that Suetonius perceiving their Joy and Readiness, was even certain of the event, and so gave the signal for the Onset.

And first of all, the Legion which for some time had kept its ground, and been defended by the narrowness of the place, as a sure Fortification, at last, watching its opportunity, when the Britains had spent their Darts at random, and were ad∣vancing to a nearer engagement, they prest in upon them in a close Body, after the nature of a Wedge, and so worked themselves into the Enemies Battle, that they soon broke and dispersed it.

And now the same resolution was found in the Auxiliary Forces, and the Horse, with their long Spears flung down all that came near them, and brake in pieces some Parties who stood yet united.

Now the Britains began to betake themselves to flight, but were hindred by the multitude of their own Charriots, which had blockt up the passage for their Re∣treat, so that they yielded their necks to the slaughter, which was so great, that it is reported, fourscore thousand died upon that small spot of ground.

Neither did the Romans in their Rage spare any, for even the Women and Cattle served to make up the heap of dead Carkasses; And all this was performed on the Roman side with the loss only of four hundred, and as many more wounded.

Boadicia after the fatal Defeat of so great an Army, which is reckoned no less than two hundred and thirty thousand, ended her daies with Poyson, or, as others say, * 1.563 sickned out of Grief, and died.

[illustration]

To war, this QVEEN doth with her Daughters moue, She for her Wisdom, followed, They for Loue; What Roman force, Such joined powers could quell; Before so murdering Charmes whole Legions fell. Thrice happy Princess, had she rescued So, Her Daughters honour, and her Countrys too; But they being ravish't, made her vnderstand Tis harder, Beauty to secure, then Land. Yet her Example teaching them to dye, Virtue, the roome of Honour did Supply.

SHE is described by the Greek Historian, of stature bigg and tall, of a Grim and * 1.564 sternvisage, but withal modest and chearful, a rough and hoarse voice, her Hair of a bright Yellow, hanging in Tresses to her very skirts, about her Neck she had a Chain of Gold, and was apparelled in a loose Garment of changable Colours, wearing a Kirtle there under very thick plated, in her hand she carried a Spear, she was highly devoted to ANDATE, the Goddess of Victory, and seemed much to triumph in her self, for in her address to that Female Deity, she used these expressions; I being a Woman, adore thee O ANDATE a Woman.

The same Historian likewise delivers the manner of the Fight otherwise, and that the Victory was not obtained with so little difficulty, but that the Britains would have renewed the Battle had not the death of their Queen discouraged them, but I rather follow the report of Tacitus, who wrote next to these times, and who may be * 1.565 supposed to have truer intelligence, in that some Circumstances of her life, relating to the British Affairs, engaged him to more particular Enquiries after them.

The death of Boadicia was attended on the Roman side with that of Paenius Posthu∣mus, Camp-Master of the second Legion, who having expected to have heard of the ruine of Suetonius, and the defeat of his two Legions, being informed on the con∣trary of their great success, fell upon his Sword, and so, by a Roman death, in some measure attoned for the breach of Roman discipline, in not obeying his general Pardon, and by this means he escaped the punishment that might have followed, and delivered himself from the Clamours of his Legion, whom by his cautious Counsels he had defrauded of part of his glory.

Thus was the Island by one Battle restored again to the Romans, which, by the * 1.566 absence of Suetonius in the Isle of Anglesey, had been well nigh lost, but neither yet could the Britains think of totally submitting, but many of them who were prin∣cipally involved in the guilt of this Revolt, and who feared the vindicative nature of the Roman General, which begun already to appear, stood out in a posture of defence.

Suetonius, to make an end of this War, kept the Field, and by removing his Tents as he saw occasion, continually awed the Britains. And now Nero sent unto him new Supplies out of Germany, two thousand Legionary Souldiers and Auxiliary Cohorts, and one thousand Horse, by whose coming they of the ninth Legion had their Companies made up and compleated with heavy Armed Souldiers. The Co∣horts and other Troops were lodged in new Winter Quarters, and those Nations who continued in open Hostility, or in doubtful Allegiance, were prosecuted with Fire and Sword.

But nothing so much afflicted the Britains as Famine, having generally neglected the tilling of the Ground, and employed all hands in carrying on the War, hoping, by the Defeat of the Romans, to have served themselves of their Provisions. Never∣theless many Warlike Nations could not be brought to any Compliance, but were encouraged to stand out, for that they had heard of great Clashings between Sue∣tonius and the new Procurator, Julius Classicianus, who was sent to succeed Catus in that employment.

This Classicianus had entertained some grudges against the General, and preferred his private Resentments before the Publick good. He gave out, That a New Gover∣nour was to be expected, who should be void of Rancour, and not hurried on with the pride and insolence of a Conquerour, one that should with more Clemency, and less Par∣tiality, consult the condition of the Conquered. And it is certain, that Suetonius (though other waies a Worthy person) carried himself too Imperiously over the Bri∣tains, and revenging the Injuries which he thought done to himself, by their Revolt, oftentimes went beyond the bounds of Justice or Moderation. He writ Letters also to Rome, in which he signified, That no end of the War was to be expected, unless Suetonius was removed, and ascribed all the Losses received to his ill Conduct, and his good success, not his well management, but the Fortune of the Common∣wealth.

To compose these Differences between the Lieutenant and Procurator, and to view the State of Britain, Nero sent Polycletus his Free-man, hoping by his Autho∣rity, not only to put an end to the Dissension, but to compose the minds of the Britains, who yet continued in their Rebellion.

Polycletus with a mighty Host past through Italy and Gallia, a heavy burthen to both Nations, and at his arrival at Britain was received with different appre∣hensions, for the Roman Army was awed with his presence, but to the Britains he was matter of laughter and scorn, for they had not so far lost the sence of Li∣berty, that they were ignorant of the power of a Freed Man, and wondered that so great a Captain and Army that had ended such a considerable a War, should be at the beck and disposal of a Slave.

For the present, all things were represented to the Emperour in favour of Sueto∣nius, who went on still in prosecuting his Affairs, but having lost upon the shoar some Gallies, with the Slaves that rowed them, as if the War continued still, he was commanded to deliver up the Army to Petronius Turpilianus, who was newly out of his Consulship.

This Lieutenant was more exorable than Suetonius, being a stranger to the faults * 1.567 of the Britains, and easier of pardon, as never provoked by the Britains, or par∣ticularly incensed by a Revolt. He gave himself wholly to the quieting the Pro∣vince, not attempting any new Conquests, imposing the specious name of PEACE, from which proceeded Sloth and Idleness.

TREBELLIUS MAXIMUS succeeded him, not inferiour in the laziness of his Temper, a Man utterly unexperienced in Martial Affairs, and who was fit only to be employed by such a Masters as Nero. Nevertheless he continued the Government to the daies of Vitellius, and held the Province in Obedience by a kind of Complaisant behaviour.

By his remiss Carriage he suffered his Army to grow idle and loose, by which means, he enslaved Britain more by the Roman Vices, than all his Predecessors had done by their Arms; but I shall leave some of his character to the daies of Otho, and proceed to that of Nero.

THE LIFE OF NERO.

IN the daies of this Governour died NERO, a Prince whose Vertues and Vices might equally be esteemed great, had not the former seemed to proceed * 1.568 from Constraint, the latter from the Inclination of his Nature; for five years he continued an excellent Prince, but the remainder of his daies was spent in all Riot and Debaucheries, and they who give a particular Catalogue of his Vices, seem rather to reckon up the depravities of Human Nature, than the Acti∣ons of one Man; There is little in his Life that relates to Britain, but what doth is full of Cruelty, and Extortion.

He slew Aulus Plantus, the first Lieutenant under his Father Claudius, by whose Valour Britain was subdued to the Romans, and ordered his Execution to be per∣formed so suddenly, that he had not time to take leave of his Children, or to give them his last Blessing and Farewel. There was but one hour between his Sentence and his Death, when immediately hurried out of the Esquiline Gate into a place set apart for such bloody offices, he was slain by the hand of Tacius the Tribune, and died so full of Constancy, that he upbraided not the Executioner with the ignominy of his Guilt, or the Emperour with the remembrance of his Services. The Cause of his Death was never known, but the after-Actions of this Emperour made it appear, that nothing but the exceeding Merit of Plautius was the cause of his destruction, and his Victories in Britain His death at Rome. Thus died the first Lieutenant of Britain.

With the same Cruelty Nero proceeded against Marcus Ostorius, the Son of Publicus the second Lieutenant. The Father had the happiness to end his Victories and his daies at once, but his Son, who under his Father had performed great things in Britain, and had obtained a civical Coronet in the Fight against the Iceni, going to Rome was suspected by Nero, who by his Tyranny was now grown fear∣ful, and exceeding suspicious of all Vertuous men, having of late discovered a dangerous Conspiracy. He therefore suborns one Antistius Socianus to accuse Osto∣rius, That he consulted with Parmanes an Astrologer, and enquired after the life of the Emperour, and that he was ill affected to the present Government; For these feigned Crimes, though absent at his Country-house, he is convicted and con∣demned, and a Centurion sent to dispatch him.

The Centurion found him walking in his Grounds, where having shut up all pas∣sages of escape, he delivered unto him his Message. Ostorius moved with Indig∣nation, that his Services should receive so ill a reward, and disdaining to die by the hands of so mean an Executioner, fell upon his own Sword.

These Cruelties of Nero, although inferiour to his many Parricides, I have more particularly taken notice of, in that they relate to Persons eminently concerned in the enslaving of this Island, whose fate, though undeservedly given by him who was obliged for such Services, yet may seem to be justly called for by the blood and sufferings of Innocent Britains.

The great destruction of the Romans and their Colonies in Britain, under the Conduct of Boadicia, is ascribed (by Suetonius) as the certain consequence of the * 1.569 ill Government of this Prince, and his Vices. But Nero made better use of it, he had been often foretold, That the time would come when he should be deserted and forsaken, and forced to take up with the Government of the East, or the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Yet with these hopes, That he should be afterwards restored to the Empire, when Bri∣tain was well near lost together with Armenia, he saw himself in a very fair way to∣wards the fulfilling of the Prophesie.

But these Provinces being again recovered, he thought the danger was past, and so comforted himself up with the thoughts, That the desertion spoken of Wars, the fore∣said Revolts, and that his restoring to the Empire, was the regaining of those Coun∣tries.

Confirmed in this opinion was he by one who bade him have a care of the Seventy third year, which he falsly interpreted to the daies of his own life, and not to Galba, who deposed him.

Pufft up theresore with assurances of Long life and Dominion, that little Religion he had he utterly cast off, and the Syrian Goddess, to whom he had been especially devoted (many of whose Altars are found in Britain, and who was a peculiar Deity of this Island and Gallia, as hath been formerly shewn) he so much slighted, that in contempt of her he made her a Pissing-Block, and took to a little Baby, whom he gave out, discovered all Conspiracies against him. But at last he was deposed by Galba, and after he had reigned about thirteen years and a half, he slew himself in the prime of his Age, and with him ended the Line of the Caesars.

This NERO sent the twentieth Legion, which although called back, and again sent by Vitellius, after the Civil Wars between him and Otho, yet was it recalled again by Vespatian against Vitellius, and after the settlement of the Empire under Vespatian, in all probability sent into this Island again, for Josephus writes, that in his daies four Legions were in Britain. Britain (saith he) is encompassed about with * 1.570 the Ocean, and almost as big as our World, the Romans there inhabiting have brought it under their Dominion, and four Legions do keep in subjection an Island Peopled with so great a multitude.

To preserve all their Provinces the Romans had but twenty nine Legions, out of which Britain had four, by which we may see what a great proportion this Island bore to the whole World, and how considerable a part thereof it was esteemed in those daies.

GALBA.

GALBA was chosen by the Souldiers Emperour, he was no∣thing related to the Family of the Gaesars, but undoubtedly of * 1.571 Noble Blood; The name of Galba, how given to his Ancestors, is variously conjectured by Suetonius. Among other Opinions, he puts this down as probable, that it was derived from the Gaulish word, GALBA, signifying Fatness, which Mr. Camb∣den proves was also British, and besides his Name we shall find very little of this Emperour relating to Britain. This we read, that he slew Petronius Turpilianus, Lieutenant of this Island under Nero, having no other Crimes to lay to his charge, but that he continued faithful to his Master, when other Governours of Provinces were engaged in Conspiracies.

He held the Empire but seven Months, and then was slain by Otho's Conspiracies. He was old and Covetous, by which means he lost the love of his Souldiers, he was generally esteemed a greater Man, when private, than a Prince, and would alwaies have been accounted worthy of the Empire, had he never been advanced to it. He continued Trebellius Maximus in his Government of Britain, whose actions shall be related under the next Emperour.

OTHO.

OTHO, by the death of Galba, assumed the Empire, a Prince * 1.572 soft and effeminate, Trebellius Maximus continued still Lieu∣tenant of Britain, a Man, as was said before, given to Ease and Sloth, having no experience in War, no Conduct, but holding the Province at first by a kind of Court-like and affable Beha∣viour.

And now the Britains began to suck in the pleasures of Vice, and to entertain the Luxuries of Rome, so that Trebellius gave himself to Ease, finding no great cause to molest the Britains, who were so ready to comply with him in a lazy Cessation. But the Roman Souldiers, who had been al∣waies kept in exercise, or busied in some Expedition or other, now being left to an Idle life (as it alwaies happens) fell to Civil Dissensions.

Trebellius by them was grown hated and despised, as it seems, for his niggardly and covetous Temper, and this aversion they had entertained against their General was heightened by Roscius Gaelius, Legate of the twentieth Legion, an ancient Enemy of his, insomuch that oftentimes by flight, and hiding himself, he escaped the fury of his Army, afterwards, debasing himself in a low and creeping manner, he held a pre∣carious Authority, as if he and his Army had agreed that they should enjoy the Licentiousness of their living, and he his safety. But when the Civil Wars brake out between Otho and Vitellius, then began Trebellius and Gaelius to flie into greater and more open Discords.

Trebellius laid to Gaelius his charge the spreading of Sedition, and drawing the Souldiers from Discipline and Obedience, on the other side, Caelius upbraided him of defrauding and pillaging the Legions, amidst these shameful Contentions, the modesty of the Army was so corrupted, and their Confidence grown to that height, that the Auxiliary Forces stuck not publickly to give Ill language to their General, and most of the Cohorts and bands of Souldiers openly withdrew unto Caelius, Tre∣bellius plainly perceived they fled unto Vitellius, who by this time was Emperour, for Otho governed but 95 daies.

VITELLIUS.

AFTER the flight of Trebellius the Province continued in quiet, * 1.573 notwithstanding the Consular Lieutenant General was removed, the two Legates of the Legions in his absence governed Affairs with equal and joynt Authority, but Calius bore the chief sway, as being the man of greatest Spirit.

Trebellius being come to the Emperour, was received with little Honour, as one that had run away from his Souldiers, that Vectius Bolanus was placed in his stead. After him was sent (by the Emperour) the fourteenth Legion, who by Nero, upon some occasions, had been drawn out of Britain.

This Legion had stuck faithful to Otho against Vitellius, and notwithstanding the death of Otho, and the advancement of Vitellius, yet continued they their Love to their former Prince, insomuch that oftentimes flying out into Mutinies, and not acknow∣ledging themselves as a conquered Legion, they were hardly quieted, and with much difficulty removed into Britain. And it appeareth out of Tacitus, that during the * 1.574 Contention between Otho and Vitellius, for the Empire, many Forces were trans∣ported from Britain, to serve in those bloody Wars, so that the minds of the Soul∣diers, as well in this Island as in other Provinces, stood divided in their Affections. And now hardly was Bolanus warm in his Government, but Vespasian began to appear for the Empire, and new Wars were beginning, so that no doubt the fourteenth Le∣gion discontented with Vitellius, secretly favoured the cause of Vespatian.

Bolanus, during these Commotions, was not able to preserve Discipline, much less to attempt any thing upon the Britains. The Divisions continued the same in the Army as in the time of Trebellius, only this difference, that Bolanus was innocent and not hated for any Vices, and carried himself so equally, that though he had not the Authority of a General, yet he ruled by the Affections of the Souldiery.

And now Vitellius fearing the Power of Vespatian, whose Forces began daily to en∣crease, wrote unto Bolanus for Aids, but he was not able to send him any, partly be∣cause the Britains were not sufficiently quieted, but taking the advantage of these Diffensions among the Romans, raised continually new Commotions, and partly be∣cause the Souldiers of the fourth Legion, incensed against Vitellius, were sent for over by Letters from Mutianus, in favour of Vespatian.

In this condition was Britain, during the Government of Bolanus, when Vitellius was deposed, about the tenth Month of his reign. He was a great Glutton, and so in∣ordinately given to the satisfying of his Appetite, that it was the great employment of his Captains from all Provinces, to provide him the most delicate Fares; he is reported at one Supper to have been served with two thousand dishes of the choicest * 1.575 Fish, seven thousand of Fowl, and in the short time of his Reign, Tacitus saith, he had wasted nine hundred millions of Sestercies, which amounteth to about seven mil∣lions sterling. He was by nature bloody, insolent and haughty, during his Prosperity, and as base and dejected in Adversity. He had not courage after his Defeat to die like a Roman, much less an Emperour, but lived to the reproaches of an Ignominious death. With his hands bound behind him, and a Rope about his neck, he was led through the Market place, the People all along reviling him unto the place of Exe∣cution, where, by piece-meals he was tore asunder, his miserable death moving Compassion only in some, and such who had been the greatest haters of his life and memory.

VESPATIANUS.

IN all the Civil War between VITELLIUS and VESPATIAN, * 1.576 no Quarrels or Mutinies arose in the British Army. And in the Wars of Otho and Vitellius, although through the negligence of Trebellius, and Faction of Caelius, some differences happeend, yet came it never to Blood shed, and generally no Legions be∣haved themselves more harmless: possibly because they were so far off and separated by the Ocean, or for that they had learnt, by continual Service and Warfaring, to hate all Hostility.

When Vespatian declared for the Empire, his great favour and reputation in Arms easily won the Island to him. He had served from a youth in the British Wars, and being Lieutenant of the second Legion, under Claudius, had fought many Bat∣tles, and won many Towns from the Britains, so that the fourteenth Legion, called the Subduer of Britain, went actually into his Service, and although in the other Legions there were some Centurions and Souldiers who had been advanced by Vi∣tellius,, and were loath to change the Prince they had proved, yet were they also at last brought to his Party, for when Mutianus (Vespatian then governing the City of Rome) had made Agricola (a man of great Integrity, and faithful to their Party) Lieu∣tenant of the twentieth Legion in Britain, this Legion was slowest in swearing Al∣legiance to Vespatian, through the sedition of their former Legate, by which means it was grown stubborn, and hard to be ruled even by the Consular Lieutenants, be∣ing chosen into his Command to succeed, and Revenge. He shewed an example of most rare Moderation, in choosing to be thought rather to have found them, than to have made them, dutiful Souldiers.

And, although Vectius Bolanus, Lieutenant General of Britain, for the time being, governed in a more remiss and mild manner than was expedient for so Fierce a Pro∣vince, yet Agricola being placed under him, wisely conformed himself to that hu∣mour, having learnt to discern what was convenient, as well as knowing what should be done, by which means he tempered the heat of his Spirit, which otherwise might have grown too violent upon him.

But when Vespatian had absolutely in his possession the Government of the World, and with it Britain also, Now it is we hear of great Captains, brave Souldiers, and * 1.577 the hopes of the Enemy but small, for speedily Petilius Crealis being sent in the room of Bolanus, struck a Terrour into them.

He Invaded the State of the Brigantes, a Nation esteemed most populous of all the Province, fighting many Battles with them, and some not without great Blood∣shed; For Venutius, Prince of the Brigantes, who, as he heard before, was incensed with the Romans, for their protection of Cartismandua, watching his opportunity of Revenge, when the Civil Wars brake out, made use of that advantage, and fell upon them. Sometimes the Victory was on one side, sometimes on the other, but he held them tack to the last, remaining to the end unvanquisht. Neither could Crealis touch some parts of his Dominion, and although he had a few little Victories, yet he had alwaies enough of War.

To him succeeded Julius Frontinus, who following so great a man as Crealis, had enough to do to keep up his Reputation. But the Fame of his Predecessor could not cloud the worth of his Actions, by sorce of Arms he subdued the stout and War-like Nation of the Silures, which was more honourable to him in that he had to struggle with the difficulty of Ground, as well as the Courage of the Enemy.

In this condition were Affairs in Britain, at the Arrival of Julius Agricola, sent hither in the last year of Vespatian. He was trained up from his youth in the British Wars, and with his Victories extended the Roman Pale, beyond all his Predecessors. His coming was in the midst of Summer, when the Souldiers, as if that years work had been over, began to be negligent and remiss, and the Britains on the other hand, too watchful for Advantages.

The Ordovices already, to welcome the new General, had lately cut in pieces a squadron of Horse quartered in their Country, few escaping, and they who were eager for War, approved the Example, and looked upon it as a leading Card, whilest others thought it safer to expect and try first the temper of the new Lieutenant. Then Agricola, although the Summer was spent, the Souldiers dispersed in their quarters, and all presumed upon ease and rest for that year, though he knew there would be much difficulty in drawing them out to a Winters Expedition, and his Officers disswading him from it, yet notwithstanding he resolves to meet the danger, and gathering to∣gether some of the chief Legionary Souldiers, and with a small handful of Auxiliaries marching to seek out the Ordovices, he found them drawn up in a place of advan∣tage, resolving not to quit their Ground, which perceiving, he advanced to the head of his Army, and himself led them on; The Souldiers perceiving their General in equal danger, followed, and by degrees ascended to the Enemy, where they made such slaughter, that almost the whole Nation of the Ordovtces perished at once.

Agricola followed this success vigorously, and suffered not the fame of this Action to cool by after remissness, well knowing, that his first Atchievments would be the measure of all his future Successes. He resolves therefore to subdue the Isle of Mona, from the possession whereof Paulinus was recalled by the Re∣volt of the Britains. Wanting Ships, which upon so sudden a Resolution could not be got ready, he used Policy in transporting his Men, and he commanded them to lay down their Luggage, and the chief of the Auxiliaries, who were acquainted with the Passage, and whose Country use had taught them at once to swim, govern their Horses, and fight. He ordered them to take the water, and assault the Enemy, the Britains, who never dreamt of so near a danger, but expected Fleets and Shipping to attack them, perceiving the Romans got over, cried out for Peace, and delivered up the Island, esteeming nothing impossible to be done by them who could fight in the midst of the Waters.

This sudden success got great Fame to Agricola, especially in that he employed the time of his Entrance in Labour and War, which by other Governours was spent of course, in Complements and Congratulations for their Arrivals. Neither was he pufft up with vain Conceits, by the happiness of the Success, he called it not a Victory, or Expedition, but was content only to say, That he had reduced those to their obedience who before had been Conquered; Neither did he bedeck with Lawrels his Letters of Advicement to Rome, which moderation of his in dissembling his Vi∣ctories encreased his Honour, all people admiring upon what hopes of future Atchievments he could be silent of such great things he had already perfor∣med.

Having thus tried the strength of the Britains, the next thing he gave himself to, was to understand the minds and inclinations of the People, and like a prudent Per∣son, experienced in such Affairs, he had learnt, That Force and Arms were unable to keep a Nation in obedience, unless Injustice and Oppression were removed. Whereupon, to make sure of Peace, he resolved to take away the Causes of War, and because the Branches would continually grow unless the Root was cut up, and nothing was so powerful as Example, he began the Reformation in his own Family, reducing it to a convenient Number, and good Orders, and bridling the Licentious behaviour of his Domesticks, a work of as much difficulty, and no less honour, than the subduing of a Province.

He suffered the management of no Publick Affairs to pass through the hands of his Attendants, or Servitours, nor gave any Commands for favour or affection; No Souldier was advanced by bribing his Officer, nor could any by under-hand means, beg an Employment. He was accounted fittest for Trust, who behaved himself as

the best Souldier, and although he was not able to execute all things himself, yet was nothing done without his privity and consent. Small faults he would either wink at, or pardon, great ones he corrected with severity, yet oftner pleased with the repentance of the Criminal, than his punishment, advancing such as he thought would be careful not to offend; by which means he was provoked by the fewer Offences.

He truly stated the proportion of Corn, and Tribute to be paid, by which proceeding he cut off the Exactions of his Officers, and their unnecessary Fees, and other Grievances, that were more burthensome than the Tribute it self. For the poor People were forced to attend at the publick Granaries, which, in mockery, were fast locked against them, and when opened, the Publicans obliged them to take greater quantities of Corn than their need required, and at a racking price, which they were often constrained to sell again at a low rate, to make mony for other Necessaries, or the payment of their Tribute.

They proclaimed the Mercates at their distances from the People, and lying through bad Roads, which Inconvenience could not be bought off without a round sum, which if not presently paid, the Carts and Waggons of the Inhabitants were prest to remove the Grain, which before lay convenient to be delivered out, to the great oppression of the Britains, and the lucre of the Roman Officers.

By redressing of these Grievances, in his first year, he brought Peace into some credit and reputation, which before, by the negligence or connivance of men in Command, had as ill a name as War.

About this time died VESPATIAN, whose Actions in Britain were as great as those in his Empire; he was made Legate of a Legion by Claudius, and in this * 1.578 Island fought thirty times with the Enemy, conquered two potent Nations, and above twenty strong Towns.

He was a moderate Prince, if not given too inordinately to the love of Riches, and in a Triumph which was given him by the Senate, he professed himself rather wearied with the Pomp, and long Solemnity, than touched with the Honour of it.

Being about to give up the Ghost, he said in a jesting manner to the Standers by, I think I am making a God, by which saying he secretly reproved them, who would be esteemed Gods, after they had given the surest Testimonies of their being Men.

THE British History.

IN the same year died Arviragus, of whom, in the Roman Histories, not one word in these Times, unless we may take Mr. Hollinsheads word, that he was the same with Prasutagus, mentioned by Tacitus. I know generally the Bri∣tish Histories make him die ten years before, but I rather follow Count * 1.579 Palatine, as coming nighest to truth, who continueth his Reign to this time, so that be governed in all thirty five years, even to the daies of Titus, for had he lived only in the daies of Claudius and Nero, how came Javenal to make mention of him in the time of Domitian, in these words,

—Omen habes magni clarique triumphi, * 1.580 Regem aliquem capies, aut de temone Britanno, Excidet Arviragus——.

This sure a glorious Triumph do's fore-tell, Some King you'l take, or from his British Throne, Arviragus will headlong tumble down.

He died and was buried in Claudiocestria, now Glocester, a City he had built in the honour of Claudius, and left the Kingdom to his Son Marius.

MARIUS, otherwise Meurig, or Maw.

MARIUS succeeded his Father Arviragus, as there is difference in his Name, so is there also variance concerning the Person. The Count Palatine will * 1.581 have him the same with Cogidunus, others with Arviragus, and some make him a Ro∣man.

The Controversie is not worth the deciding, only this may be said, That if the British Kings were to be displaced upon the account of Time, as Polidore Virgil hath done some of them, there was never greater necessity than now, seeing we are got into an uncertain Chronology, and so Marius, the supposed Cogidunus, should be placed before Arviragus, who undoubtedly, by Roman Authority, lived in the daies of Domitian, as before hath been shewn.

In the Reign of this Marius, the Picts infested this Island, which story, for the credit of the British History, I shall defer to the end of his Reign, and so proceed to the Romans.

THE CONTINUATION OF THE Roman History.

TITUS VESPATIAN.

WHen TITUS entered upon the Empire, it was the second year of Agricola's Government in Britain, who having in his first En∣trance reformed Abuses, and taken away the encroachments of his Officers and Collectors, when Summer was once come, he drew together his Army, and breathed them a little with short and quick Marches, praising such as kept up to their Ensigns, and punishing the straglers, and himself alwaies chose the places to encamp in, and before-hand searcht the Woods, and sounded the Waters they were to pass, by which means he suffered not the Enemy to take any rest, but continually allarumed them with fresh Excursions.

Having thus pretty well amazed them, he began with kind and gentle Behaviour to shew them the allurements of Peace, by which 〈◊〉〈◊〉, many Cities that before stood upon Terms of equality, now laid down their Anger, gave Hostages, and received Garrisons, which were all placed with such care and fore-sight, and in such places of advantage, that never any of them were attempted, whereas before no new fortified place in all Britain escaped unattacked.

The following Winter was spent in wholesome and profitable Devices, for to the end that the Britains who lived rude and scattered, and so apter for War, might be brought to the sence of Pleasures, and to live in ease and quiet, and in the In∣stitutes and Customes of a Civil life, he privately encouraged, and in publick pro∣moted the building of Houses, Temples, and places of general Resort, commending the readiness of some, and quickning the slowness of others, making that which was Necessity to become Emulation.

And now the Noble-mens Sons he caused to be instructed in the liberal Sciences, and by commending the Wits of Britain before the Students of Gallia, he brought them, who hated the Roman Language, to be in love with the Latin Eloquence. Now came the Roman garb to be in fashion, and the Gown no stranger among them, and by degrees the materials of Vice and Voluptuous life, proud Portico's, Bathes, and the elegance of Banquetting was by the ignorant called Civility, when indeed it was but a badge of their Slavery and Bondage.

In the third years Expedition he discovered new Nations, wasting the Country * 1.582 as far as the Frith to * 1.583 Taus, and by the terrour of his Marches heawed the Enemy, that they durst never interrupt his building of Forts, and laying yoaks upon their Necks, even then when they might have taken the advantage (as once it fell out) of his Forces, scattered and detained by Tempest.

In the building of these Garrisons, the skilful took notice, that never any Captain with greater Judgment and fore-sight, chose out his places to fortifie. No Sconce or Fortress of his raising was ever taken by force, or surrender, or quitted by flight, but of these he made continual eruptions into the Country, laying in Pro∣visions for a whole year, that if at any time his Men were besieged, they might pati∣ently wait the convenience of Relief. By this means his Souldiers lived fearless in Winter, every Garrison being a guard to its Neighbour, and the hopes of the Enemy were frustrated, who alwaies reckoning in the Winter season, to make up the loss received in Summer, found, that both times were equally disadvantagious to them.

In all these Actions Agricola never ascribed ambitiously to himself what was well done by others. If an Officer or Souldier deserved Commendation, he would be sure to be the first that gave it, and that without any reservations to himself. If towards some he was Passionate, to others he was as Affable, and kind to the good, but to lewd and bad Persons sowr and uneasie. His Choler was vented in his words, and none ever needed ever to fear his secret Thoughts, or close Reservments, for he chose rather to offend any man than hate him.

And now died TITUS, who for these great Atchievments of Agricola was fif∣teen times saluted Imperator. The Honour he got by the Actions of so great a Ge∣neral, he rewarded with triumphal Ornaments, a good Prince, who died to the great grief of the whole World, not without suspicion of Poyson from his Brother and Successor Domitian; And this is sufficiently to be said in his Character, that for his goodness he was generally called the Joy and delight of Mankind.

DOMITIAN.

THE first year of Domitian, and the fourth of Agricolas's Go∣vernment in Britain, was spent in securing what the Summer * 1.584 before had been newly gotten in the Island; and had the Cou∣rage of his Souldiers been answerable to the Conduct of the General, and the Fortune of the Common-wealth, by the loss of Titus, not seemed at a stand, the utmost Bounds of Britain might at this time been laid open to the Romans, for Glota and Bodo∣teia, now Dun Britton, and Edinburrough Fryths, running from both Seas far into the Continent, and disjoyned only by a neck of Land, together with all the Creeks and Havens on this side, were held by Roman Garrisons, and the Enemies as it were driven and penn'd up in another Island.

In the fifth year of his Expedition, as soon as ever the Seas were open, he took Shipping, and passed to Nations till then unknown, supposed to be the North parts * 1.585 of Scotland, the Orcades, and other Islands adjacent.

These in many prosperous Battles he subdued, and in those Parts which lay next unto them, he placed Garrisons and Souldiers, not out of fear to hold, but hopes of gaining further. Ireland he understood lay between Britain and Spain, and very opportunely for the Gallick, and although not so great as Britain, yet under the same Climate, the Nature and Customes of the People not much different, but the Ports and Harbours better known, as lying opener to the World, and more frequented by Traders.

This Island, if he could bring to Obedience, he thought would be of great im∣portance to the Common-wealth, and by joyning Commerce, would unite and link together the strongest Members of the Empire; But as it stood separate from the rest it was of dangerous consequence, and might be prejudicial to the Britains if once the Roman Arms were removed, and the name of Liberty lost among them. He used often to say, That with one Legion, and some Auxiliary Forces, it might be obtained, and that he had such a purpose is manifest, for that he entertained a Prince of that Nation from his Country, by Civil Commotions, and under the colour of Courtesie and Kindness kept him with him for a fit occasion.

But the next year he was called away by nearer Concerns, he feared a general Rising of the Nations beyond Bodotria, understanding that the Britains had Way-laid * 1.586 all the passages by Land, to amaze and divert them he commanded his Fleet to coast it along the Shoars, and himself with eaven marches kept close to it; This policy of Agricola's succeeded well, and the shew of his Navy was as helpful to him as its force, for the Britains at once beholding the Fleet and Army were utterly disheartned, and, as afterwards was learnt from Fugitives, complained, that the Sea as well as the Land conspired to their ruine, and, that now the Ocean it self, their last refuge was taken from them.

But on the other hand, the Romans were mutually encouraged at the sight of each other, and the Marriners and Souldiers often meeting in the same Camp, with Mi∣litary vaunts extolled their own Atchievments, the Land-men bragging of the Woods and Mountains they had passed, and the Enemies they had overcome, the Sea-men on the other side not a little magnifying their dangers in Storms and Tempest, and the glory in having subdued the Ocean.

The Calidonians were now generally in Arms, and the noise of it was as great as the preparations. It was spread abroad, that of their own accords, without provo∣cation, they had begun the War and attacked many Castles, which opinion of being

The Challengers struck great Terrour into the Romans. There were them who under the name of Cautious Counsel endeavoured to conceal their Fears, and advised, that it was safest to withdraw beyond Bodotria, and more honourable to retreat from the Country than be driven out of it.

Agricola took other Resolutions, understanding that the Enemy was advancing in three Bodies, and lest he might be over-powr'd in Numbers, and over-match'd in the knowledge of Places, he likewise marched in three Divisions; The Enemy learning his changed Counsels, joyning Forces in the night time, set upon the ninth Legion in their Camp, and killing their Sentinels, brake in upon the rest, who were surprized between sleep and fear. And now some Execution was begun, when A∣gricola having by Scouts learnt out the March of the Enemy, he followed them at their heels, and commanded the swiftest of his Horse, and his lightest Foot to play on their backs, and the whole Army anon to second them with a shout.

The Britains hearing the Enemy in the Rear were disheartned, especially when the day appearing discovered their glittering Ensigns, and the Romans took courage and began to fight, now, not as men doubtful of Victory, but ambitious of Honour. Now might be seen the Roman Souldiers, of their own accord breaking into the Camp, and others fighting to get out, both Parties contending which should have the most Glory, the one in bringing assistance, the other in not seeming to have wanted it.

In this Fight the Britains were vanquished, and had they not betook themselves to their old Refuge, the Woods and Boggs, that day had made a total end of the War.

After this success the Souldiers were full of life and spirit, nothing now seemed hard unto them, they generally cried all out to be led into Caledonia, and to the utmost bounds of British Earth; Nay, they who before were for wary and saving Counsel, now lookt as big, and talked as boasting as any. Such is the hard condi∣tion of War, all challenging a part in what succeeds, but the miscarriages were laid upon one.

The Britains acknowledged themselves beaten not by the Courage of the Soul∣diers, but the cunning and Conduct of the General, and therefore they had no less thoughts of themselves than before, but made new Levies in order to prosecute the War, and before hand carried their Wives and Children into places of security, and sent about through the Cities to enter into a Union, which was afterwards rati∣sied with solemn Rights and Sacrifices.

In the mean time a Cohort of Usipians, raised in Germany, and sent into Britain, having slain a Centurion, and other Souldiers, that were appointed to exercise them in their Arms, took to Sea in three Pinnaces, and having killed some of the Mar∣riners whom they suspected, the rest they constrained to do their Office.

Thus having escaped, and none knowing what was become of them, having no Pilate, they were carried at random, as the Tide and Wind drave them, to and fro the Island, using Piracy where they landed. But at length, as they were reduced to extremity, they drew Lots to eat one another, and through wonderful difficulties, having been driven round the North of the Island, they were taken first by the Sue∣vians, and afterwards by the Freisians, and then sold into Britain, where they were discovered.

These were the first which discovered to the Romans, that BRITAIN was an Island.

The beginning of the next Summer, Agricola having sent out his Fleet to scour * 1.587 along the Coast, and strike Terrour into the Enemy, himself with a flying Army, consisting chiefly of Britains, whose Courage and Faith he had long experienced, came as far as the Mountain Grampius, upon which the Enemy was embattled; For the Britains not daunted with the ill success of the last Fight, and looking for no∣thing but Revenge or Slavery, were got thirty thousand together, and more daily ex∣pected to come up. The Aged themselves would not be exempted from this daies service, but as they had been Famous in their time, so every one carried before him some Badge or Trophy of his youthful Archievments. Amongst the rest, Galgacus, chief in Authority and Birth, when the Army cried out for the signal of Battle to be vgien, is said to have spoken to this purpose.

GALCACUS, his SPEECH to his Souldiers before Battle.

AS often as I consider the cause of the War, and our present necessity, I am strongly perswaded that this day, and this chearful Consent of yours, will give beginning and life to the Liberty of all Britain. We have every one been made sensible of Sla∣very, no part of the Earth hath protected us from Injury, nay the Sea it self is not secure whilest the Roman Fleet there so dreadfully appears to us. Arms and Battle, which to the Valiant are Honourable, prove now the safest refuge of Cowards.

Hitherto, in all the Battles fought against the Romans, with various success, we have alwaies been esteemed hitherto as a forlorne Hope, and upon occasions a powerful Re∣serve, because we the noblest of the Island, and seated in the most bidden retirements of it, have never so much as seen the Shoars of a truckling Nation, or polluted our Eyes with any contagion of Slavery. Placed in the extreams of the Earth, and Liberty, we have lived in the inmost Chambers of Honour, beyond which there is no more Earth, and besides which there is no Freedom.

Now the end of Britain is discovered, and things known carry less shew and appear∣ance, there are no Nations behind to amuse the Enemy, Rocks and Waves are on that side, and on this, Romans, whose Pride in vain Ye may seek to satisfie with Service and Submisdemeancur, Robbers of the World, that having now left no Land to plunder, ransack the Sea it self.

If the Enemy be rich, they are greedy of his Wealth, if poor, they covet Glory, whom not the East or West could ever satisfie; The only Men in the World, that with equal appetite seek out the Rich, and the Needy. To rob, kill, and plunder, they call Empire, and when they have brought desolation to a Country, they call it Peace.

Nature, by nearest ties, has linkt our Children and Relations to us, yet these are taken away, and pressed into other Service. Our Wives and Sisters, if they escape violent Force, yet suffer dishonour when they come as Guests, or Friends. Our Goods and For∣tunes they exhaust in Tributes, our Corn must supply their Granaries, and they wear out our Bodies in cleansing of Woods and Boggs, amidst a thousand Stripes and Indig∣nities.

Slaves, which are born to Bondage, are sold once for all, and afterwards kept at their Masters charges, but Britain daily buyes its Bondage, and daily maintaineth it. And as in a private Family the last Comer is the sport and scorn of his fellow Servants: so we who shall newly come to slavery, shall be laughed at by the old Drudges of the World. It is not to be doubted but our destruction is sought for, we have no Fields to Till, no Mines to dig in, nor no Havens to be cleansed, to what purpose therefore should they reserve us a Line.

The Courage and fierceness of the Subject pleaseth not the jealous Soveraign, and our Distance and Secrecy the more safety it yieldeth to us, the more to them it is suspe∣cted, so that laying aside all hopes of Pardon, at last take courage, as well they who have any respect to their safety, as such whose Honour is nearest to them. The * 2.1 Brigantes, under the Conduct of a Woman, fired a whole Colony, and forced the Castles, and had not the happiness of the success led them into a Sloth and Security, they might totally have shaken off the yoak from their gauled Necks.

We, as yet, in our full strength, and never tamed by any, born, and not redeemed into Liberty, must urge for an Encounter, if ever we will shew what manner of Men Cali∣donia hath reserved in store. Do you think the Romans are as valiant in War, as they are wanton in Peace? They are grown great by our Divisions, and vainly ascribe to the glory of their own Arms, what proceeds from their Enemies Dissensions. Composed they are of different Nations, which Union, as Success only holds together, so Adversity will quickly dissolve, unless ye suppose the Gauls and Germans (and which is a shame to be spoken) the Britains, who at the present serve to uphold Forraign Usurpation, can possibly have any faith or affection for them, who have been longer their Enemies than Masters. No, it is Terrour and Fear, those weak procurers of Affection, that keep them as yet in

Obedience, which if once removed, you will find that whom they feared they will hate. All the Incitements to Victory are on our side, the Romans have no Wives to encourage them to fight, no Parent to upbraid them, if they flie. Most have either no Country at all, or some other a few fearful Persons, trembling and gazing at the strangness of the Haven it self, the Sea, and Woods.

The Gods have delivered them, as it were, mewed up and fettered into our hands, let not the vain shew and glittering of Gold and Silver dazle you, a thing which neither defends in it self, or annoyeth.

In their very Battle, we shall find of our side, the Britains will own their Friends, the Gauls will remember their former Liberty, and the Germans will generally forsake them, as not long since did the Usipians.

We have nothing afterwards to fear, the Castles are empty, the Colonies are made up of nothing but Aged and Impotent persons. Between unjust Governours and stubborn Subjects, the free Cities are generally discontented and factious.

Here is a General, here an Army, these be the Tributes, there be the Mines, with the train of Slaveries, that unseparably attend upon bondage, all which must for ever be undergone, or in this one Battle revenged. Wherefore going to Battle, bear in your minds the freedom of your Ancestors, and the danger of your Posterity.

The Britains received this Oration with great testimonies of Joy, as Songs, con∣fused Noises, after the Custome of their Country, and a dissonant sort of Howling, which shewed their Approbation.

And now the Battle began to glitter, and every one to put himself into array. When Agricola scarce able to repress the heat of his Souldiers, yet thinking it con∣venient to say something, he thus delivered himself in this Speech.

AGRICOLA, his SPEECH to his Army before Battle.

THIS is the Eighth year, Fellow Souldiers, wherein your faithful Service and diligence, under the vertue and Fortune of the Roman Empire, hath sub∣dued Britain in so many Expeditions, so many Battles, either by Courage against the Ene∣my, or Patience and Labours. We have ran through the greatest Difficulties, and con∣quered even Nature it self, neither had you reason to be weary of your General, or I of my Souldiers, insomuch as we have exceeded the Limits, I, of my Predecessors, and You, of former Armies.

The utmost bounds of BRITAIN we now hold, not by Fame and Report, but with our Arms and Pavilions, and we have the honour both to Discover and to Subdue.

In your wearisome Marches, when the passing of Boggs, Rivers, and Mountains, has tyred you, how often have I heard the valiant Souldier say, When shall we meet the Enemy? When shall we fight? Behold they shew themselves from their secret lurking places; now you have your desires, now is there room for your Valour to be shewn, every thing is as you could wish, if you Conquer, but if you lose the day, all is against you. For, as to have gone so much ground, escaped the Woods, passed the Friths, were things, in Our coming, great and honourable: so, if we fly before the Enemy, the very same will be our hindrance and destruction. For neither have we the same knowledge of Pla∣ces as they, or if we had, yet want we Provisions, but Hands we have and Weapons, and in them all things.

For my part, I have been long since resolved, that to Retreat is neither safe for Soul∣dier nor General, and that a commendable death is to be preferred before the reproaches of an Ignominious life, and that Safety and Honour are now inseparably conjoyned, and let the worst happen, yet how glorious will it be to die in the uttermost end of the World, and Nature.

If new Nations and unknown Enemies were before us, I should exhort you by the Ex∣amples of other Armies, but now I shall only lay before you your own victorious Exploits. Ask your own Eyes, are not these the very same who last year stole upon the Camp by night,

whom with shouts only you overcame. These of all the Britains have been the nimblest in running away, and therefore are the last remaining. Just as in Woods and Forrests the strong∣est Beasts must be chased away by main force, whilest the timerous and fearful are driven on by the noise only of the Hunter: so the hardy part of the British Nation is already dispatcht, the rest is but a herd of Rascally Cattle, whom that at last you have found pro∣ceeds not from their Resisting, but being discovered, no further can they run, but stand now like Stocks, fixed to the ground they treadon, and afford to you an occasion of a wor∣thy and memorable Victory.

Make an end now of your Warfare, and to fifty years Labours add a great and con∣cluding Day, by this means you will approve to your Country, that it could never be justly laid to your charge that you protracted the War, in not pulling up the last Root of Re∣bellion.

Whilest Agricola was yet speaking, the eagerness of the Souldiers evidently ap∣peared, but the end of his Oration was received with loud and joyful Acclama∣tions, every one stood to his Arms, and shewed his alacrity by impatience to follow on.

Agricola ordered the Battle after this manner; His Body was made up of eight thousand Auxiliary foot, three thousand Horse were placed in the Wings, the Legi∣ons * 3.1 were set in the Reer, before the Camp; To the greater glory of the Victory, if it could be won without loss of Roman Blood, otherwise for assistance and succour, if the Auxiliaries should be repelled.

The British Army, for shew and terrour, was drawn up upon a Rising ground, the first Battalion stood on the Plain, the next higher behind, as the Hill ascended, the middle of the Plain was filled with the clattering noises of Charriots and Horse-men, ranging up and down.

Agricola perceiving the Enemy exceeded him in number, and fearing that at once they might attack him in the Front and Flanks, displayed his Army in length, and although by that means his Fore-battle was something of the thinnest, and many counselled to take in the Legions, yet he stood firm to his Resolution, and allight∣ing from his Horse, placed himself before the Standards.

The Fight began at distance, with missive Weapons, wherein the Britains shewed wondrous skill and dexterity, with short Swords or broad Targets they either a∣voided the Darts, or shoke them off, and in return liberally bestowed whole show∣ers of their own.

Agricola perceiving the disadvantage exhorted three Batavian Cohorts, and two of the Tungrians, that they would bring the Battle to dint of Sword, and hand∣stroaks, which they easily performed, being fitted thereto by long exercise.

The Britains on the other side having little Targets, and huge unweildy Swords without points, were not so well prepared for the thrust and close, and could not endure this sort of grapling, so that when the Batavians came to exchange blows with them, and to make at their Faces with their pointed Targets, and pointed Tucks, they easily bore them down, and in prosecuting their Victory advanced to the side of the Hill. The rest of the Cohorts mixing emulation with force, and striking at all that were near them, run on in the same course of Victory, leaving for haste many behind them half-dead, and some untoucht; In the mean while the Horse-men fled, and the Charriots brake into the Foot, but they who had lately terrified others, were now distressed themselves, being toiled with the thick Ranks of the Enemy, or bogled in the uneavenness of the ground.

Neither was the form of this Fight like a loose skirmishing of Horse-men, but each maintaining his ground, endeavoured by the weight of their Beasts to bear down the Enemy. Now might be seen Charriots without Guiders, and the affrighted Horses running too and fro, and over-bearing all that met them, or thwarted their way.

When those Britains who had not yet engaged, but kept the tops of the Hills, as despising the fewness of the Enemy, began to draw down by degrees, and by taking a compass, to fall upon the Romans in their Reer, Agricola having suspected their intention, with four Squadron of Horse, which he had reserved for such a purpose, opposed their descent, and drave them back with as great violence as they had come on, pursuing them to their main Body.

And now the Counsel of the Britains was turned upon their own heads, for Agricola commanded some Troops to be taken from the Front of the Battle, and or∣dered them to second the Horse, and fall upon the back of the Enemy; Then might have been seen, in the open fields, a great and dismal spectacle, pursuing, wounding, taking, killing those that were taken, when others were offered. Now whole Re∣giments of the Britains, according to their several dispositions, some though Armed, and in more number, yet turned their backs to the sewer, others unarmed ran des∣perately upon the Weapons of the Enemy. Every where lay scattered Arms, Bo∣dies, and mangled Limbs, the ground was covered with Blood, and many wallowed in their own Gore, yet, left not off to give some proofs of their last Anger and Re∣venge.

And now a Party of the Britains had secretly possest themselves of some passages in the Woods, through which, as the Romans advanced, and with more heat than dis∣cretion pursued the Chase, set upon them, and unawares dispatched many, which had not Agricola perceived, and timely prevented, the Romans through their over∣confidence in the midst of Victory, had received a notable Overthrow; For he sent some of his best and readiest Cohorts to scour the Woods, and guard the Passages, and some Troops of Horse were ordered to ride up and down, and observe the Coasts, and others, where the entrances of the Forrests were thicker, to allight from their Horses, and stand to their Posts, which the Britains observing, and finding now that the Romans followed the Pursuit close and regularly, they all fled not as before, in whole Troops and Companies, but scattered and dispersed, every one, for his own security, taking into By-paths, and, out of fear, avoiding Friends as well as Enemies, until Night and fulness of Blood put an end to their Chase.

Of the Britains ten thousand were slain, of the Romans three hundred and forty, amongst which Aulus Atticus, Commander in chief of a Cohort, through Youthful heat, and the fierceness of his Horse, was carried on into the midst of his Ene∣mies.

The night was spent with joy by the Romans, who were full of Victory and Spoil, but the poor Britains wandring up and down, and Men and Women howling toge∣ther, lugg'd on the wounded, and cried help to those that were not hurt. Some for∣sake their Houses, others of their own accord, out of despite, fire their own Hou∣ses themselves, choosing out Holes to lurk in, which they as soon left, to find out others.

Sometimes they communicated Counsels together, and then they had some glim∣merings of hope, other whiles nothing but despair seizes them, and then they raged at the sight of their dearest Pledges; And it is certain, that many with a cruel Com∣passion laid violent hands on their Wives and Children, to secure them from the greater violence of the Romans.

The day appearing gave an opener Testimony and prospect of the Victory; every where desolation and silence, the Hills forsaken, the Cottages smoaking afar off, the Scouts sent abroad brought word that nothing appeared, no foot-steps of a general Flight could be discovered, nor any Britains drawn in Companies toge∣ther.

Hereupon Agricola, because the Summer was spent, and no fit Season to divide his Forces, brings them entire into the Borders of the Horesti, supposed the Inha∣bitants of Eske-Dale in Scotland, where receiving Hostages, he commanded the Ad∣miral of his Fleet to sail round Britain, sending him Forces for that purpose, but the Terrour of the Navy was gone before himself with slow and easie Marches, to the end he might awe the new Conquered Nations with the delaies of his passage, and so by degrees placed his Men in their Winter quarters.

The Navy with prosperous Winds, and good success, safely arrived at the Port Trutulensis, supposed Richborough, near Sandwich, from whence it departed, and coast∣ing along the nearest side of Britain returned thither again. And now most probably, if not in the fifth year of Agricola, as hath been mentioned, the Romans, might subdue the Isles of Orkney, which others, with less reason following Orosius, ascribe unto Claudius. And this discovery of Britain (by the Romans) to be an Island, was in * 3.2 the eighty sixth year after Christ, and the fourth of Domitians Reign.

Agricola, without any amplifying Terms, signified the state of Affairs in Britain, by Letters, to Domitian, who (after his usual Custome) received them with a joyful Countenance, yet within was he sad at heart. And certainly the Courage of this Prince cannot be better described, than in his carriage to this worthy General; For being inwardly pricked to think, that by his own counterfeit Triumph over the Germans (to fill out which, for want of true Captives, he was forced to buy such as by their Hair and Attire might Personate them) he would now become the scorn and derision of the World, when they should hear of the great and true Victories of A∣gricola, so many thousand slain, and the Fame of such Atchievments spread quite abroad; and fearing withal, that the name of a Private man might be advanced a∣bove that of the Prince: he secretly designed his ruine, thinking in vain that he had suppressed the study of Oratory, and other worthy politick Arts, thereby to keep down other mens Reputations, if he should suffer himself to be surpassed in Mili∣tary glory, which he esteemed the peculiar Honour of an Emperour, and the Jea∣lousies thereof not so easily to be dissembled.

Daily tormented with the said Cares, and musing much in his Closet alone, which was a sign of some Cruelty intended, he thought it best for the present to hide his Resentments until the heat of Agricola's Glory, and the love of the Army towards him, was somewhat abated. He continued him therefore in his Command, and with all shew of Acknowledgment for so great Services, commands that in Senate Triumphal Ornaments be decreed to him with the honour of a Statue, and what else was necessary of making up of a just Triumph, adding himself words highly advantagious in fa∣vour of him.

But he wanted not long an opportunity of removing him, a thing he so much desired, for the Province of Syria being void by the death of Atilius Rufus, a Con∣sular Lieutenant, and reserved for men of great Quality, he caused to be given out, was designed for Agricola, and so naming a Successour for Britain, called him home, but fearing (it seems) not to be obeyed, unless with the new Governour the Commission for Syria was also dispatcht, he employs one of his secret and trusty Servants to carry it, but with this Command, not to deliver it unto Agricola if he had already resigned his Province, which (as was thought) was accordingly per∣formed, and the Servant meeting him at Sea, never so much as saluted him, but re∣turned to the Emperour with the Patent.

Agricola arriving at Rome, received secret Instructions to make his Entry in pri∣vate, which he did accordingly, and by night came into the City, and by night into the Palace, where he was received by Domitian with a short Complement, and then placed amongst the rest of the Waiters.

But such was the Behaviour of this great General, that although Domitian sought all occasion to destroy him, yet found he none, his Carriage was so affable and free from pride, his Garb so modest, and his Retinue so small, that his greatest Enemies saw no side lie open to assault him. And, although he was often accused by some, du∣ring his Country retirement, yet so frivolous were the Crimes charged upon him, that Domitian was constrained (though otherwise inclined) to acquit him; Nay, he avoided for a while those worst sort of Adversaries, namely, such as daily praised his Vertues, and extolled his Glory, a piece of Malice most of all dangerous, if instill'd into the ears of a Vicious and Self-condemning Prince.

He resigned his Command, as Mr. Hollinshead writes, to Cn. Trebellius, but I find no reason for his Opinion. We read of Salustius Lucullus, Legate of Britain in the * 3.3 daies of this Emperour, but no more can be found of any others, and of him only, than that he was slain by Domitian for giving his own Name to a sort of Spears which he invented. So small an affectation of Honour could not be forgiven to Salustius Lucullus, * 3.4 under a jealous Sovereign, which Lucius Lucullus enjoyed in safer times, who called a sort of black Marble, in which he delighted, by the name of Lucullean Marble, and yet went quietly to his Grave.

Agricola delivered his Province to his Successour safe and quiet, but it seems it continued not in a peaceable condition long after his Removal, for, as may be ga∣thered by a Preface in Tacitus, to a Book of his Histories, it was either through the Envy of Domitian, or the Ill Conduct of his Captains, lost again from the Romans, * 3.5 and Juvenal the Poet writes of Arviragus (in these daies, and not before) King of * 3.6

Britain, who so well behaved himself against them, that he was not only grown Fa∣mous at Rome, but accounted matter of great Triumph, if he could be taken Cap∣tive, or overcome.

And now, besides the loss of Britain, upon the neck of one another followed the Revolts of Maesia, Dacia, Germany and Pannonia, and the Romans on all sides, were through the neglect or rashness of their Generals, grievously distrest, insomuch that Agricola, by the common voice of the Multitude, was demanded for Leader, and, by the wisest, looked upon as the fittest person to put a stop to these growing Calamities, but what was intended for his honour proved his destruction, for al∣though he refused the Employment, as knowing not safe to take it, and albeit at present Domitian seemed graciously to admit his Exercise, yet was he not long after poysoned by him, as a Person of too dangerous a Vertue, and too much beloved, to be suffered to live.

* 3.7 Thus died this famous Agricola, who carried the Roman Standards to the utter∣most bounds of Britain, and the Isles of Orkney, subduing more Nations than all his Predecessours before had done, and Ireland he had certainly attempted, had not the Jealousies of Domitian too soon recalled him.

But what he performed in War, was not comparable to his actions in Peace, his reforming the Abuses and Exactions of his Officers, by which he reduced the Britains not only to the use of Civil life, but the love of it. He trained the Nobility up in Liberal Arts and Sciences, by sending them into Gaul, where they might learn per∣fectly the Laws of the Romans, insomuch as Juvenal, in these times, writes,

Gallia causidicos docuit facunda Britannos. * 3.8

Moreover he furnished them with goodly Houses, and stately Buildings, proud Por∣tico's, and sumptuous Baths; he taught them the neat use of Diet and Apparel, in∣somuch that they were not Inferiour to any other Province; He changed their cum∣bersome Charriots into the Coaches and delicate Litters of Rome, and for the con∣venience of Travel, he was the beginner of those Roads, and Causies, which were afterwards more universally paved by the Romans through the Island.

Thus about the Year of Grace 86, all on the south part of Glota, and Bodotria, * 3.9 that is, the Friths of Dunbritton and Edinborough, was reduced whole and entire into the form of a Province, which was not governed by any Consular, or Pro∣consular Deputy, but was esteemed Praesidialius, that is, under the immediate pro∣tection and eye of the Emperour, and held by his Garrisons, for it being annexed to the Empire after the division of Provinces made by Augustus, it was not subject to their Laws and Customes, but had Protectours of its own, which were sent and recalled again at the will and pleasure of the Emperour alone, all Usuages, Pre∣scriptions of other Provincial Governments to the contrary not withstanding.

And in this the Priviledge of Britain was somewhat advanced above that of other Nations, besides, that they had Kings of their own, even in the Roman Pale, which carried in it a shew of Liberty, though but for a time, and was indeed, nothing but the usual method of that Common-wealth, to make Princes Instruments of their deeper Slavery; so that what Kings of Britain, for the future we shall find under the Emperours, they were either Tributaries to the Romans, if they lived in the Southern parts, such as Lucius and Coelius, or else they resided beyond Glota and Bodotria, those Northern Regions, the absolute Conquest whereof Agricola had not time to accomplish.

In the daies of this Domitian lived at Rome Claudia Rufina, the Daughter of a Britain, and Wife of Pudence a Senatour, famous in the Verses of Martial for her Beauty, Wit, and Learning.

Claudia coeruleis cum sit Rufina Britannis * 3.10 Edita, cur Latiae Pectora Plebis habet. Quale decus formae? Romanam credere matres Italides possunt, Atthides esse suam.

Though Claudia does descend of British Race, Yet her Behaviour's full of Roman Grace; Her Beauty does the Italian Dames surpass, And for her wit, she may for Attick pass.

But more famous was she for her profession in Christianity, in the writings of St. Paul, being the very same Woman (as John Bale and Matthew Parker, first Pro∣testant * 3.11 Arch-bishop of Canterbury, have written) of whom he maketh mention in his later Epistle to Timothy; neither is the computation of Time repugnant, although others are of a different Opinion.

And now we come to the death of Domitian, there being nothing more upon Record memorable in his Reign that relates to our British Affairs. He was slain in a Conspiracy, wherein his Wife was partaker, the chief in the Action was Stephen a Procurator, and Steward to Domicilla the Empress, who feigning himself Lame of one Arm, and carrying it in a Scarf, secretly withal bore a Dagger therein, and approaching to the Emperour, under pretence of delivering him a Scrowl of the Names of divers Conspirators, struck him with a Poniard into the Belly. Do∣mitian, although sorely wounded, yet was not wanting to himself upon so sudden an occasion, for strugling with this Assassinate, he had certainly wrested the Dagger from him, had not the rest of the Confederates broke in, and with seven Wounds put an end to his life.

It was upon the eighteenth day of September (the name of which Month he had changed into that of Germanicus, a Title vainly assumed to himself) in the fifteenth year of his Reign, and of his life 45, in the year of Grace 98. * 3.12

The chief Vertues of this Prince (for his Vices were innumerable) were, that he favoured Learning, and was the Patron of greatest Bounty, and easiest Access of any in his time. He was desirous of a lasting Name, but took the wrong way in attaining it; for being pleased with the Flatteries of some Writers, who would make him an excellent Prince, he neglected to be so, and alwaies sought after the shadow of Vertue rather than the substance of it.

But these Parasites who were kept warm by his Bounty, whilest living, basely de∣serted him at his death, and followed his Memory with all the Scorns and Reproaches of the succeeding Age. None thought of his Apotheosis, or Deification, after his Departure, insomuch that it may be counted a Prophetick Spirit in him as well as Pride, That in his life time he commanded himself to be called God and Lord.

NERVA.

COGGEIUS NERVA succeeded Domitian, he was chosen by * 3.13 the Senate, with the assistance of Petronius Secundus, Captain of the Praetorian Bands, and Parthenius, High-Chamberlain, one of the Murtherers of Domitian. His Birth was Noble, and of Italy, in the City Narnia, of the Province of Umbria; He was a prudent and Aged Prince, but the shortness of his Reign, which was only one year, four months, and odd daies, hath given little matter for Writers to speak of British Affairs.

Mr. Hollinshead maketh Cneius Trebellius Lieutenant of Britain in his daies, and the daies of Trajan, and that under his Government, during both Emperours, there were troublesome times in this Island, which last Circumstance may be certainly gathered out of good History, in the time of Trajan, his Successour, and may per∣haps be true under Nerva, seeing that in his life time he accepted Trajan, and made him Partner with him in the Empire, and so his Reign alone was but of small conti∣nuance, so that the little Remembrances of this Island in these Times, shall be re∣served to the next Emperour.

TRAJAN.

ULPIUS TRAJANUS was a Spaniard born, of a Noble Family * 3.14 in the Province of Biscay, he extended the Roman Empire beyond the bounds of all his Predecessors. He subdued Dacia, Armenia, Parthia, Mesopotamia, and passing Tigris, he carried his Arms to the remotest Indies, making them feel the Roman Force, who before had never heard of their Name.

And, as he gained in the East, so lost he nothing in the Western Provinces, for al∣though the Britains Revolted, yet were they soon again reduced to Obedience by him, as is evident out of Spartianus.

The time of their Revolting may be supposed to have begun after the removal of Agricola by Domitian, as is gathered out of Tacitus, and through the Idleness of that Prince, and the short Reign of Nerva, it might be neglected till the dates of this Emperour. And, no wonder if the Britains watched all opportunity of freeing themselves from the Roman yoke, and the insufferable Grievances which accrued, and besides the constant Tribute and Imposts, through the Insolence of Garrisons, the Exactions of Officers, they were constrained to receive Publicans, that is to say, greedy Cormorants and Horse-leeches, who sucked their very Blood, confiscated their Goods, and exacted Toll, not only for the Living, but in the name of the Dead.

The Ancient Laws of their Country began to grow out of use, and instead thereof the Civil Law of Rome, and the arbitrary Sentence of Judges was introduced. Ma∣gistrates were sent from that City, with absolute Power and Commission, even in Capital matters, and besides, Praetors, Propraetors, and Presidents, every City and State had their Municipal Lord over them.

At the solemn Sessions and Assizes, the Praetor sitting alost upon an high Tribunal, proudly executed his Jurisdiction, shewing Terrible amidst his Guards and Lictors, where Rods and Axes, upon slight occasions, were often presented to the backs and necks of the Common People; Through the often changing of Governours, there ensued great Confusion, one destroying what another had established, and the Suc∣cessour often, of course, abolishing the Acts and Constitutions of his Prede∣cessour.

Neither was this sufficient, they kept on foot continually Discords and Dissensions, favouring some above the rest, that they might make them Instruments of their own Slavery. As many of these Abuses had been sormerly rectified, under the last Lieu∣tenant Agricola, so again were they redressed by this Worthy Emperour, whose care, in other matters, is left upon Record, namely, his carrying of Roads and broad-Causies through the whole Island, begun by Agricola, a work of prodigious greatness, and infinite Charge, what with the drayning of Fens and Marishes, through which they were continued, and what with casting up of Banks through the low Vallies, besides, they were paved with Stone, and of that breadth that Wagons might go a breast in them, supposed forty foot. They are described particularly by Galen.

The Wayes (saies he) TRAJAN repaired by paving with Stone, or raising Banks, * 3.15 cast up such pieces of them as were moist and miery, by stocking up and clearing such as were rough and overgrown with Bushes and Bryars, by making Bridges over Rivers, and fordable where the way seemed longer than needed, by cutting out a shorter course; If any where, through some steep Hill, the passage was hard and uneasie, by turning it aside through more level Places, if it ran through Forrests, Wastes, and Deserts, by drawing it from thence, through places inhabited, and generally by smoothing all uneaven and rugged Grounds.

The tract of these Ways remain even to this day, and though they cannot be traced in a continued Line, by reason in many places the Country people digging Gravel out of them, they are broken off, yet through Pastures and By-grounds they may be discovered, where the Banks are so high, that evidently they shew what formerly they have been.

Concerning Four great Roads leading through the Island, I have spoken in the Reign of Molmutius, who, in the British History, is made the builder of them, namely, Watling-street, otherwise called Werlam-street, for that it went through Ve∣rulamium, and is elsewhere named by the People dwelling on it, high dike, high-ridge, Forty foot Way, and Ridge-way.

The second, Ikemild-street, because, as Mr. Cambden saith, it went through the Country of the Iceni.

The third, The Foss, for that as men think it was fenced on both sides with a Ditch.

The fourth, Ermin-street, from the German name of Mercury, as Mr. Cambden thinks, or rather from the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

These Roads, as likewise other Magnificent structures in Britain, Mr. Cambden (as his custome is) attributes wholly to the Romans, and is of opinion, that there were more than four in this Island.

As concerning their Number, I believe it may be uncertainly guessed, although in the Laws of St. Edward there is mention made, De pace quatuor Cheminorum, viz. Viarum, concerning the Peace of the four Road-waies. But I see not why they should be absolutely ascribed to the Romans, my Reasons are these, gathered out of the for∣mer words of Galen.

• 1. Because Trajan is said to repair the Waies, not build them, which cannot be meant of those Waies Agricola begun in the daies of Domitian, which were the first we hear of of the Romans building, which is so little time since, that it would be hard to imagine they should be so soon decayed, especially where Galen saith, They were overgrown with Thorns and Thistles.
• 2. The Conveniencies of the Roads could not be so suddenly altered from Agri∣cola's time, as that Trajan should need, as he did, to turn them from Forrests and Waste places, and bring them through Towns and Cities, as likewise to cut them shorter in several places. Certainly Agricola could not but consider the damage of carrying Publick Waies through Forrests and Deserts, and therefore these words, thus rectified by Trajan, seem to be the ancient Roads of the Britains, whose chief

• abode was in Woods and Forrests, and therefore made their waies through those places in which they chiefly resided.

And, indeed, there are many parts and pieces of great Waies now discovered in this Island, which for many Reasons cannot well be imagined convenient, for any Nation not in the same circumstances, as the Ancient Britains then lived in. And whether Molmutius, or some other before or after him, did cause these Waies to be built, it mattereth not, but it certainly appeareth that some of them were the works of the Britains, long before the entrance of the Romans.

The Common People (as Mr. Cambden alleadgeth) do plainly say these works were done by Giants, whom in the North parts they call Eatons (as he supposeth) for Heathens, which is not improbable, but see immediately how he frames these Giants to the meridian of his own Antiquities, for where he would make these to be meant of the Romans, how standeth it with Reason? Is not this to bring down the Fabulous Age below the times of their Caesars, when these works were performed? Must Britain of all other Nations in the World, be so unfortunate as to be dreaming of Giants and Monsters in those daies, when the Race of them for so many hundreds of years had been utterly extinguisht, and the eyes of the World clearly opened, as to those points?

There are to be seen in Spain the Causies called Salamantica and Argentea, the works of the Romans, in France, the Viae militares paved by the same Nation, and in Italy, the Way Appia, Pompeia, Valeria, and others, and yet when those Kingdoms were overthrown by barbarous Nations, Spain by the Saracens, Gallia by the Franks, Italy by the Goths and Vandals, yet never were those Nations so Barbarous, as to take the old Romans for Giants, or to think those Works any other than the useful Atchievments of a great and powerful People; Why then should Britain be looked upon as more Ignorant and Barbarous, if there were not something of greater Antiquity in these Waies, than in those of other Nations? Certainly, the Britains, as much as any People, had experience, that the Romans were but Men, as they made it appear in many great Victories against them; And could the memory of a Nation so often baffled by them, haunt their Posterity in after-Ages to that degree, as to raise up the Idea's of such huge Giants and Goblins? in my Judgment it seemeth impro∣bable.

Besides, these Roads were not repaired and paved by the Roman Souldiers, but by the great labour and toil of the Britains themselves, whom the Romans forced to work as Slaves, and stood over them with Whips and Rods, as severe Task-Masters, * 3.16 for which usage, in Tacitus, they complain, That the Romans wore out and consumed their Bodies and Hands, in clearing of Woods, and paving of Fens, with a thousand stripes and reproachful Indignities. How is it likely therefore, had there been no other Roads of greater Antiquity than these, that the Britains should ever take them for the Works of Giants, in which was preserved the hateful memory of their own Slavery.

As for the Romans, it seemeth rather that they repaired the Ancient Waies of the Britains, paved them with Stone, and where they lay not convenient for their Gar∣risons, they changed their course, and brought them to serve for their own Conve∣nience rather than the Britains. And this appeareth out of Tacitus (where he saith) That whilest Agricola governed Britain, several Waies were injoyned, and for distant places (by the Surveyors Orders) that the Country should carry from the nearest standing Camps, or Wintering places, to those that were far off, and out of the way, that is, lying out of the Roads already made. And what was thus begun by Agricola was continued by Trajan, who is said to Repair and Pave the Waies, not those of Agricola's making, for they were already Paved, and could not (as hath been said) be so soon decay∣ed; but the British Roads, which by long continuance of War in many places were worn out, and in others, overgrown with Thorns and Thistles.

In the daies of Honorius and Arcadius (as is sound in Ancient Records) there were made other certain beaten High-waies from Sea to Sea, no wonder therefore if these additions of new Waies made by the Romans, together with the Repairing of the Old ones, bath given them (às it often happens in such cases) the glory of the whole work, and Beda, as a testimony that the Romans lived South of Severus his * 3.17

Wall, in that part of Britain now called ENGLAND, brings in, among other things, the Street-waies as a testimony thereof.

The Romans called these Causies, or Street-waies, Vias Consulares, Regias, Prae∣torias, Militares, Publicas, Cursus Publicos, & Actus; so Ammianus Marcellinus term∣eth them; Sidonius Apollinaris, Aggeres, & tellures inaggeratas. Beda, and the * 3.18 later Writers, Stratas, that is, Streets.

Along these waies were placed at first Young men, as Posts, within small distances one from another, afterwards swift Waggons to carry Intelligence; Upon these Waies were seated Cities and Hamlets, which had in them Inns furnisht with all necessary provisions for Travels, as also Mutations, for so they called in that Age the places where Wayfaring Persons and Strangers, as they Journied, changed their Post Horses, Draught Beasts, and Wagons.

Along the sides of these Waies, at every Miles end were erected, by the Emperours, certain Pillars or Columns, with the name of the particular Prince that set them up, engraven upon them, and numerable Characters cut in them, to signifie how many Miles from place to place.

These excellent advantages for Travellers, as they are to be solely attributed to the Romans, and much in particular to this worthy Emperour Trajan: so were they the cause that many Ancient places of the Britains came to decay. For the Romans ei∣ther building altogether upon these Roads, or else bringing the Old Roads to serve most opportunely for their Garrisons, which at first were built in strong Passes, more for convenience of Fortification than Travel; It came to pass that the others grew out of use, and unfrequented, and so the Cities standing upon them necessarily decayed, and therefore those places mentioned in the Itinerary of Antoninus (as Mr. Gambden observeth) must be sought out about these Road-waies of the Romans, whose Garrisons and standing-Camps, were oftentimes the Seminaries and seed-Plots of great Cities and populous Towns.

These are the only Actions of Trajan, left upon Record, relating to Britain. He departed this life in the year of Grace 118, after he had reigned nineteen years, six months, and fifteen daies, in the year of his Age, 64. So much was he beloved, that his Effigies after his death was born in Triumph, in a glorious and pompous manner, and his Ashes sent to Rome (for he died at Seleucia, in Asia the Less) and were inclosed within the Crown of a goodly Pillar, of one hundred and forty foot in height.

HADRIAN.

AELIUS HADRIANUS, succeeded his Uncle Trajan in the Empire, he was of the City Italica, near unto Sivill, his Father * 3.19 Noble, and his Mother descended of an Honourable Family in Cales, equal to his Race were the high endowments of his mind.

He dissented from Trajan in his policy of bounding the Empire, and held to Augustus his Rule in placing the Limits thereof, not so wide, but surer, insomuch that he excluded on the East all India, Armenia, Media, Persia, Assyria, and Mesopotamia, the Acquests of Trajan, but excepted from the removal, as to Rule Britain only, which province by no means he would part with, although he some∣what streightned it, as shall be shewn immediately.

Under him Julius Severus (saith Dion Cassius) governed the Island, an excellent Souldier, and upon that account called away to suppress the Jews, then in Tumult. After his departure the Britains could scarce be held in Allegiance, which caused Hadrian to make a Journey hither in Person, in the sixth year of his Empire, being thrice Consul, where he reformed many things, and seemed, by force of Arms, to have reduced the Britains to Obedience; for, as Mr. Cambden observeth upon a piece of Mony of his Coyning, there is the stamp of an Emperour, with three Soul∣diers, * 3.20

whom he judgeth to represent the three Legions, of which the Roman Army then consisted, and under them this Inscription, EXER. BRITANNICUS, and another of the same Prince with this Motto, RESTITUTOR BRITANNI, The Restorer of the Britains.

But the greatest Work done by him in this Island, was, the building of a Wall fourscore miles in length, cross the Island, from Solway-Frith, upon the Irish Seas, to * 3.21 the mouth of Tine by New-caestle, on the German Ocean, laying the toundation thereof with huge Piles, or Stakes, driven in deep, and fastned together in manner of a strong Rampire or Mound. This he did to keep out the Caledonians from in∣festing the Roman Province, who could never (it seems) be contained within those Fortifications, raised by Agricola between Glota and Bodotria, the Friths of Edin∣borough and Dun-britton. Thus he gave more room to the Northern and barbarous Britains to inhabit, and quitting those barren and cold Soils, inclosed only the most delicate part of the Island, by which means the Bounds of the Empire, as well in Britain, as the East, were reduced to a more convenient compass.

Of this Wall I shall speak more fully in the Life of Severus the Emperour, who much strengthned it, and repaired it.

In the Reign of this Emperour, Priscus Licinius was also Propraetor, or Lieute∣nant in this Island, as appeareth by this Ancient Inscription in a broken Marble, found in Adrian's Wall,

M. F. CL. PRISCO ICINIO ITALICO LEGATO AUGUSTORUM PR. PR. PROV. CAPPADOCIAE PR. PR. PROV. BRITANNIAE LEG. IIII. GALLICIAE PRAEF. COH. IIII. LINGONUM VEXILLO MIL. ORNATO A DIVO HADRIANO IN EXPE- DITIONE JUDAIC. Q. CASSIV. DOMITIUS PALUMBUS.

As for Cne. Trebellius, being Propraetor in the beginning of the Reign of Hadrian, there is no Authority for it in Roman History, yet Mr. Speed, who so religiously avoideth * 3.22 the British Fables (as he calls them) hath nevertheless made use of them in recording this Lieutenant, relating withal the Tumults in the Northern parts of this Island, under his Government, and the difficulty he had to reduce to Obedience, which Errour he frequently committeth in other places, and which I here mention, as a prologue to the ensuing British History, to shew that the greatest Enemies of it, nay Mr. Cambden himself, doth oftentimes make use of it.

THE CONTINUATION OF THE British History, From the Daies of VESPATIAN, To the fourteenth Year of HADRIAN.

ABOUT the fourteenth year of HADRIAN, according to the best Computations, died MARIUS, who, in the British History, ruled King of Britain, in some part of it, from the daies of Vespatian, in the year of our Lord 80, to this present Emperour. * 3.23

His Reign is filled up with his Atchievments against the Picts, who are called in the British and Scotch Tongue, Phightiaid, a Warlike and fierce Nation, and to make up their terrible Character, they were Scythians by descent, and near Kinsmen at least to the Gothes, and (as some think) the Off-spring of the Nation of the Agathyrses, a Race of painted Cannibals, setting forth from their Native Country, or, as some write, from Sweden, or Norway.

With these most excellent endowments, as Pirates and Rovers, they arrived on the Coast of Ireland, where they met with their Brethren the Scots, who then inha∣bited that Island, who easily understood their Language, as being themselves of Scy∣thian extraction.

Having scarce landed their Forces, they required Places to inhabit, but the Scots who well understood the stomach of their Country-men, and had but just now given over themselves to eat one another, so diverted and shifted themoff, with telling them the pleasures of Britain, and the plenty thereof; I wonder they should omit their Painting also; The Picts, hoysting up Sail, made for this blessed Island, little dreaming of the warm entertainment they were to receive, for the Scots had laid the sairest side outwards, and concealed the Courage and Numbers of the Britains. When they had arrived upon the North of this Island, finding there but few Inha∣bitants, they began to waste wide, and forrage all those Tracts which Nature it self had sufficiently laid desolate.

King Marius informed of the insolent Behaviour of these Strangers, levies For∣ces, and with speedy Marches hastned into the North, and there gave them Battle. The success was so great on the Britains side, that the Picts were totally discomfited, many slain, among whom was their Leader Rodorick, and the rest all taken Prisoners, to whom King Marius gave license to inhabit the Northern part of Scotland, called Cattness, a cold and Mountainous Country.

They had not long lived there, but they began to think of warm Bed-fellows, and to that purpose sent unto the Britains for Wives, but their Suit being there enter∣tained with scorn, they applied themselves to the Scots, who granted them their Daughters upon this condition, That if the Male Issue of the King should fail, then the next Heir on the Womans side should succeed in the Kingdom, which Ordinance ever after was observed among them, and this was the cause of the great Union of both these Nations.

This Victory of King Marius, against the Picts, was obtained at Stanes-moor in Westmoreland, and from his name was the Country called Westmaria; But that which seemeth to give some credit to this Relation, was, this Inscription found in * 3.24 Carlile, MARII VICTORIAE, of which the Reverend Bishop Usher writes thus; Although the British History in many things is found faulty, yet the testimony of the Inscription of Marius his Victory is not altogether to be slighted. For before Jeoffe∣ries Translation, an Author much Graver, William of Malmsbury, writeth of it in this manner; In the City Luguballia, commonly called Carlile, there is seen a Dining * 3.25 Room built of Stone, and arched with Vaults, which neither the force of Weather, nor Fire on purpose set to it, could scatter or destroy. And on the Fore-front of it was this In∣scription, MARII VICTORIAE, that is, To the Victory of Marius.

Mr. Cambden, who draws all Antiquities to the Romans, saith, That another ma∣king mention of this Stone (who that other is he tells us not) saith, It was not in∣scribed, Marii Victoriae, but Marti Victori, and this, he saith, may better content some, and seemeth to come nearer to Truth.

But however it may please some, vet it is absolutely against the meaning of Malmsbury, who immediately adds; What this Inscription should mean, I know not, unless part of the Cimbri should inhabit these Places, after they were driven out of Italy by Marius the Consul, of whom Ranulphus maketh mention in his Polycro∣nicon.

This is Malmsbury's guess, as being certain it was Marii Victoriae, not Marti Vi∣ctori, and having never seen the British History, he gave it to that Consul rather than no body, little thinking how improbable it was, that a Nation driven from its Coun∣try, should raise Trophies to their Conquerour.

But if it must be Marii Victoriae, Mr. Cambden hath a Roman of that name to fix it upon, namely, MARIUS, who was proclaimed Emperour against Gallienus, a Man of wonderful strength, insomuch that it was written of him, That he had no Veins in his Fingers, but all Sinews, saith Mr. Cambden (but who they are he again nameth not) and attributes this Inscription to him, and so let it be, for what Victory could ever slip from the hands of so nervous a Person?

King Marius died in the year of Grace 132, and was Interr'd at Carlile, he left the * 3.26 Kingdom to his Son Coyll.

COYLL in his youth had been educated at Rome, where he employed his time in learning the Sciences, and the discipline of War. He loved the Romans, and was by them highly esteemed and honoured, so that paying his Tribute, and receiving their Protection, he filled out a long, just and peaceable Reign, governing Britain 54 years, to the fifth year of Commodus the Emperour, when we shall hear of his Son LUCIUS, the first Christian Prince of the British Line, till whose daies the British Histories are silent, there being nothing else memorable in the life of this Coyll, save that some ascribe to him the building of Colchester in Essex, which work others give to a later Coyll, which reigned next after Asclepeodotuis

THE Roman History.

HADRIAN having called away Julius Severus, as likewise Priscus Licinius, both Governours in Britain, to subdue the Jews, who were then in Rebellion; it will not be amiss to fill out the remain∣der of this Emperours Reign with a short account of his Atchievments against that Nation, seeing they were performed by Men, whose ex∣perience in War was gained in our British Island.

The Jews, a stubborn People, and sick of the Roman yoak, as who daily expe∣cted a glorious Messiah, and were impatient of his coming, at last, of themselves, took Arms, in the Eighteenth year of Hadrian, and began a dangerous Rebellion; But Hadrian raising great Forces, and electing his choicest Generals to Command them, soon put a stop to their Fury, who, in the heat of the Revolt, spared neither Roman nor Christian.

And to revenge their Insolence, besides an infinite number of them slain and tor∣tured, their City, Jerusalem, was razed to the ground, themselves utterly banisht, and made unlawful for them to look towards that City, or their Native Soyl.

Besides, where Jerusalem had stood, although not upon the same Foundations, he built a new City, calling it after his own name, AELIA, upon the Gate whereof that leadeth to Bethlehem, that the Jews, even in disguise, might be kept as much as might be from visiting it, he caused a Swine to be engraven, a Beast which he had learnt, by their Law, was accounted the most unclean, and of all others most abo∣minable.

He was favourable to the Christians, forbidding, by Publick Edict, the Persecu∣tion against them, moved (as some think) thereto by Quatratus, a Disciple of the Apostles, and Aristides, a Philosopher of Athens, who wrote an Apology for them.

He died in the year of our Lord one hundred thirty nine, and of his Age sixty two, in his life time he had designed Caesar, Lucius AElius, a man exceedingly dear to him, but he dying, Antoninus Pius received the Empire.

Antoninus Pius.

ANTONINUS (for his Princely Vertues) Sirnamed PIUS, * 3.27 and by the Senate called the Father of his Country, was a Lom∣bard born, Son of Aurelius Fulvius, and Nephew to Titus Au∣relius Fulvius, who had been Consul, and held other Offices of great Authority and State.

At his first entrance into the Empire, by an Ordinance of his, as many as were of the Roman World were made Citizens of Rome, by which Edict the Southern Britains, within Ha∣drians Wall, as well as other Provinces, enjoyed that high Dignity and Priviledge, but the Northern Inhabitants, not content with their Liberty, and the Bounds as∣signed them, brake into the Roman Pale, and began to waste wide, but by the Con∣duct of Lollius Urbicus, then Lieutenant, they were not only driven back, but con∣fined to a narrower compass, namely, the Friths of Edinborough and Dunbritton, where Lollius repaired the Ancient Fortification, first begun by Agricola.

That this Wall built by Lollius was in Scotland, Mr. Cambden learnedly proves, and not where Hadrian built his, to wit, between Carlile and New-castle. He, saith Capitolinus (cited by Mr. Cambden) vanquisht the Britains, and having driven out the Barbarians, made another Wall of Turffs beyond that of Hadrians, which makes me wonder at Speed, who proves the same Author to say that it was Hadrian's Wall: The same Errours he commits in writing, That for these Atchievments Lollius obtained the name of Britannicus, when indeed it was Antoninus himself, to whom Fronto, as the Panegyrical Oratour saith, ascribed the Honour of this War, and hath testified, that He, Although sitting still at home, in the Palace of Rome, had given charge and Commission to another General for the War, yet like the Pilot of a Gally, sitting at the Stern, and guiding the Helm, deserved the Honour of the whole Voyage and Expe∣dition.

In the time of this Emperour, the Brigantes also, a Nation of all others most im∣patient of Forreign Servitude, brake in upon Genounia, which Mr. Cambden guesses to be Ginnethia, or North-Wales, within the Jurisdiction of the Romans, but were soon driven back, and fined with the loss of one part of their Territory.

This is all upon Record, touching Britain, in the daies of Antoninus Pius, saving * 3.28 that Sejus Saturrinus (as is collected from the Digests) had charge here of the Roman Navy.

He Reigned twenty three years, or, as others say, twenty two years, seven months, and twenty six daies, and died of a Feavour at Lorium the seventh day of March, in the year of his life 75, and of Christ 162. Among many of his Vertues, which fill out a worthy Character, it is most especially Recorded of him, In his Youth he did nothing, Rashly, nor any thing in his Age, Negligently.

Marcus Aurelius.

MArcus Aurelius, Antoninus, Verus, Philosophus, for by so many names he was called, was the Son of Elius Verus, who died Praetor, * 3.29 and whose Family was derived from Numa Pompilius, se∣cond King of Rome, his Mother was Domitia Gamilla, Daughter of Claudius Tullus. He was the adopted Son of Antoninus Pius, and ingrafted into his Family by the marriage of Faustina his Daughter; having taken upon him the Title of Emperour, he chose Lucius Verus, the Son of Lucius Ceionius Commodus, for his associate in the Empire.

It is observable, that this Verus was born the same day as Nero, and indeed he imitated him in all the Vices and Cruelties of his nature, so that whilest these two * 3.30 Princes sate together upon the Throne, then might Mankind be judge and spectatour, at the same time, of a Just and equal Government, and a Proud and insolent Tyranny. Aurelius was nothing but Glemency, moderation and goodness, on the other hand Verus gave himself to Pride, carelessness, haughtiness and cruelty, and as the Vertues of the one secured him from the attempts and mixtures of the others Vices, so were the Exorbitances of this Verus nothing allayed by the sweetness of Aurelius his de∣portment, so that what is a rare Example, and perhaps not to be equalled in all pre∣cedent and future Ages, from the same height of Power, at the same time, streamed forth the most different Extreams of unlimited Greatness; But Goodness was the longest survivor, for Verus dying of an Apoplexy after nine years Reign, Aarelius was left in possession of the whole Empire.

And, now the Britains impatient alwaies of Forreign Subjection, raised new Com∣motions, for the appeasing whereof Galphurnius Agricola was sent Lieutenant. The Sirname of Agricola, no doubt, was terrible to the Britains, who could not but re∣member the great Overthrows they had received formerly under a General of that name, and indeed the Commotions lasted not long after his Arrival, but seemed to be ended with fortunate success, for which there was raised an Altar, in gratitude to the Syrian Goddess, a peculiar Deity of this Island, as appeareth by this Inscription found in a Stone taken out of the Picts Walls:

DEAE SURI AE SUB CALP URNIO AGR ICOLA LEG. AUG. PR. PR. A. LICINIUS CLEMENS PRAEF. C. O. H. I. HAMMIOR.

The glory of having dispatched this War so soon, Fronto, for Roman Eloquence inferiour to none, ascribes wholly to the Emperour Aurelius; for although the State still as residing in Person in the Court of Rome, gave out only the Commission for the War, yet he protesteth, That like a Pilot at the Helm, who steers and directs the Ship, he deserved the Honour of the whole course.

Nothing else is recorded of Britain during Antoninus his Reign, saving, that Helvius Pertinax, afterwards Emperour, was employed in these Wars, being tran∣slated hither from his Service against the Parthians, and here for some time afterwards remained.

Antoninus Reigned nineteen years and eleven daies, and died on the seventeenth day of April, in the year of our Lord 181, having by his Vertue kept up to the Re∣nown of his Predecessour, and so endeared the Name of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that it was held by the Romans afterwards in equal veneration with there of the Gods, and * 3.31 in nothing was he unhappy (saith Capitolinus) save that he left behind him a Son.

Comm. Antoninus.

COMMODUS ANTONINUS, the Son of Aurelius, de∣generated from the Vertues of his Father, and may be said the * 3.32 successour of Verus rather than of Antonine. The known Adul∣teries of his Mother Faustina, and himself being a Twin, together with the Wickedness of his life, gave liberty to some to please * 3.33 themselves in thinking he was not the true Son of so worthy a Father.

At nineteen years of Age he was invested in the Empire, when the violence of his Temper, which under the Authority of a Father, and the discipline of worthy Tu∣tors, could not be kept under, meeting now with unlimited Power, brake out into all manner of Riot and Debaucheries. Ambitious of Glory he was, but sought for it the wrong way; He would have called Rome, Commodiana, the names of Months he changed to Titles which he had arrogantly usurped, or which related tohis dearest Concubines. August he called Commodus; September, Hercules; October, Invictus; November, Exsuperator; December, Amazonius, and his Flatterers gave him the name of Britannicus.

THE British History OUT OF BEDE.

IN the beginning of his Reign (according to the best Computations) lived Lucius, Sirnamed Lever, Daut, signifying, Great Brightness, a supposed King of Britain, or some part of the Island, and the first King in Europe that received the Christian Faith, and by publick Authority establisht it. It is reported of him, that being moved with many Miracles, which he had both heard of, and seen done by the Christians (for, as I have shewn, that Christian Re∣ligion was taught and professed long before in this Island) he sent to Eleutherius, then Bishop of Rome, Letters, by Eleuanus and Meduinus, Men of great wisdom and experience in Divine Matters, the answer to which Letter I shall set down word for word, as it was found in a most Ancient Manuscript, among the Authentick Re∣cords and Constitutions of the City of London, and was made use of by Dr. Jewel Bishop of Salisbury, against Mr. Harding. The Original Epistle is as follows. * 3.34

Anno 169 à Passione Christi, Dominus Eleutherius Papa, Lucio Regi Britanniae it à scripsit ad petitio∣nem Regis, & procerum Regni Britanniae.

PEtistis à Nobis Leges Romanas, & Caesaris vobis transmitti, quibus in Regno Bri∣tanniae * 4.1 uti voluistis. Leges Romanas, & Caesaris semper reprobare possumus, Legem Dei nequaquam. Suscepistis enim nuper (miseratione divinâ) in Regno Britan∣niae, legem & fidem Christi habetis penes vos in Regno utramque Paginam: ex illis (Dei gratiâ) per Consilium Regni vestri sume Legem, & per illam Dei potentia ve∣strum † 4.2 reges Britanniae regnum. Vicarius verù Dei estis in regno juxta Prophetam Re∣gem; Domini est terra, & plenitudo ejus; Orbis terrarum, & universi qui inhabitant in co. Et rursum, juxta Prophetam Regem; Dilexisti justitiam, & odisti iniquitatem, propterea unxit te Deus tuus oleo laetitiae prae consortibus tuis. Et rursum, juxta Prophetam regem; Deus judicium tuum, &c. Non enim dixit Judicium, neque justitiam Caesaris. Filii enim Regis, gentes Christianae, & Populi regni sunt, qui sub vestra Protectione & Pace & regno * 4.3 degant & consistant, juxta * 4.4 Evangelium; Quemadmodum Gallina congregat Pullos sub alis, &c. Gentes verò regni Britanniae & Populi vestri sunt, quos divisos, debetis in unum, ad Concordiam, & Pacem, & ad Fidem, & legem Christi, ad sanctam Ecclesiam congregare, revocare, fo∣vere, manu-tenere, protegere, regere, & ab injuriosis, & malitiosis, & ab inimicis semper defendere. Vae regno, cujas Rex puer est, & cujus Principes manè comedunt; non voco Regem propter parvam & nimiam aetatem, sed propter stultitiam, & iniquitatem, & insanitatem; juxta Prophetam regem; Viri sanguinum & dolosi non † 4.5 dimidicabant * 4.6 dies suos, &c. Per comestionem, intelligimus gulam, per gulam, luxuriam, per

luxuriam, omnia turpia, perversa, & mala; juxta Salomonem regem, In malevolam animam non introibit Sapientia, nec habitabit in corpore subdito peccatis. Rex dicitur à Regendo, non à Regno; Rex eris, dùm bene Regis, quod nisi seceris, nomen Regis non in te constabit, & nomen Regis perdes, quod absit. Det vobis Omnipotens Deus, regnum Britanniae sic Regere, ut possitis cum illo regnare in aeternum, cujus Vicarius estis in Regno praedicto.

Thus rendred into English.

In the Year 169 from the Passion of Christ, Lord Eleutherius, Pope, wrote thus to LVCIVS King of Britain, in answer to the Petition of the King, and the Nobility of the Kingdom of Britain.

YOu earnestly desire of us, that we would send you the Roman Laws and Consti∣tutions of the Emperour, that you might use the same in the Kingdom of Britain. The Roman Laws and the Emperour we can alwaies reprove, but the Law of God is unblameable; you have lately received (through the infinite mercy of God) into your Kingdom, not only the Law, but the Christian Faith also, you have at your command both Testaments, from them therefore, by the assistance of God and your Councel, extract Laws, by which, under God, you may govern your Kingdom. You are Gods sole Vice∣gerent in your own Kingdom, according to that of the Prophet, The Earth is the Lords, and the fulness thereof, and all the Inhabitants that dwell therein. And again, Psalm the 44th. verse the 7th. Thou lovest Righteousness, and hatest Wickedness, there∣fore God, thy good God, hath anointed thee with the oyl of Gladness above thy Fellows. And again, in the same Prophet, God is thy Righteousness; Not the Righteousness and Justice of Caesar. All Christian People, especially those of your own Kingdom, which live under your protection and peace, ought to be accounted and looks upon as your own Children, according to that of the Gospel, As the Hen gathereth toge∣ther her Chickens under her wings: The People of Britain are your People, which if at any time divided, you ought with your utmost care to reduce them to Concord, and en∣deavour their Peace and Unity, furthermore, to cherish, maintain, defend and govern them, and in fine, protect them from injurious and malicious Persons, and take their part against their Enemies. Wo to that Kingdom, that hath a Child to their King, and whose Princes eat in a morning. I do not call him a Childish King in respect of Minority, but in regard of his Foolishness, wickedness and madness, according to that of the Kingly Prophet, Bloody and deceitful Men shall not live out half their daies. By eating I mean, Greediness, by greediness, Luxury, by luxury, all filthy, eyil, and unseemly things, according to that of King Solomon, Wisdom shall not descend into a wicked Soul, neither shall it remain in a Body subject to sin. The name of Governour is not derived from his Government, but from well Governing. You shall be a King so long as you Rule well, which unless you do, the name of KING shall fail, and remain no longer in you, which, God forbid. God grant you so to govern the Kingdom of Bri∣tain, that you may at last reign with him for ever, whose Vicar you are in the aforesaid Kingdom.

Observations upon this EPISTLE of Pope Eleutherius, to King Lucius.

THis Epistle, however magnified, and look upon by some Authors as a worthy piece of Antiquity, yet there are several Reasons that induce us to believe that this is not the true and genuine Epistle of Eleutherius.

• And the first is, the Date it bears, which in the Text is dated 169, in the Margin 156, yet neither agree with the time of Eleutherius his Popedom, if we will fol∣low the most approved Authors. For although Bede saies, he was made Bishop of Rome in the year of our Lord 167, yet Eusebius, in his Chronicle, places the beginning of his Popedom in the sixteenth year of the Emperour Antoninus, that is, in the year of our Lord 179; But in his History, and indeed, truer to the follow∣ing year of Antonium, which is of our Lord 180. Baronius is of the same Opinion also, and confirms it by the Letters of the Martyrs at Lyons, which were presented to Eleutherius himself.
• 2. Besides, if this Epistle be true, it makes King Lucius to take a very preposte∣rous course in sending so far as Rome, to Eleutherius, for the Roman Laws, when he might sooner, and with less trouble, have procured them at home from the Roman Governour, for, from the time of the Emperour Claudius (who subdued most part of Britain) the Roman Laws were in force here, nay, very well known to the further parts of Yorkshire. And Tacitus saies, he had erected here Roman Courts and Tri∣bunals, which was about an hundred years before Lucius came to the Government. But we shall pursue this discourse no further, it being plain and obvious to any that are but meanly acquainted with those Histories.
• 3. This Epistle makes no mention, of any Power or Authority the Romans had in these parts, but makes Lucius an absolute Monarch, as in nothing subject to the Roman Governour: You are Gods Vicegerent in your own Kingdom, not Claudius Cae∣sars, or any other Emperour; Contrary to the Customes of those times. Among the Jews, King Herod was under Pilate, and King Agrippa under Faelix and Festus, and so it was likewise usual in other Provinces; but without doubt, Lucius was a British King, as he is rightly so stiled in the Life of Eleutherius, but it was but of some part of it, not of the whole Island, or that part which separated from Scot∣land by a Wall, which was under the Romans, yet it is not to be doubted but that in some part of it he had a Power under the Romans, neither is it any hard matter to describe the Places of his Government, for he being the Son and Successour of King Coile, and Coile the Son of Marius, and Marius of Arviragus, which some report to be Togenus, others, the same with Tacitus his Prasutagus King of the Iceni; The Iceni inhabited that part of Britain which the East Angles did under the Saxons, it comprehended Norfolk, Suffolk, and at some time Cambridge. Their Royal City was Venta of the Iceni, now called Castor in Norfolk, near to the City of Norwich, but this place is too far distant from Glastonia, a little Village of the Belgae in the King∣dom of the West Saxons, which Arviragus (as they say) gave to Joseph of Arimathea, and his Companions that came with him. But this seems to intimate, that Arvira∣gus was rather King of the Belga and Dobuni, that is, of the West Saxons than of the Iceni, and that which promotes this Opinion, is, his being most usually in those parts, and his entertainment in Claudiocestria, if we will credit Gaufridus, but that which takes away the doubt (unless we will suspect the Author himself) is the testimony of Hector Boethius Scotus, who shews, that Arviragus was, by Birth, an Icene, and was substituted (by Claudius Caesar) King of Britain: furthermore, the Iceni first received the Christian Faith in Britain.
• 4. This word Manutenere (which we translate Maintain) was not in use in Eleu∣therius his time, but smells rather of the Norman Latin, from which it crept into our Country Laws.
• 5. Those places which are quoted out of the Holy Scripture, are taken out of the Translation of St. Hierom, who lived two hundred years after Eleutherius.

• 6. This Epistle never came out in the World till almost a thousand years after the death of Eleutherius, but out of what Monks Cell it came is uncertain, but that which ought to be most observed, is, that it is no where to be found in Gaufridus Mo∣numuthentis, contemporary with Hovedenus, who was always diligent in the Collecti∣on of the British Antiquities.

This Answer of the Pope, by Letter, to Lucius, was sent by Fugatius and Dami∣anus, Men of sound doctrine and holy life, by whose hands, the King, with all his Nobles, received Baptisme, and shortly after, by their industry, and the earnest de∣sire and endeavours of King Lucius, the Doctrine was so far propagated, that the Temples and Altars of the Heathen Gods were in most places flung down and demo∣lished, the Christian worship set up in their places, and the Church established un∣der Form and Government.

In the Seats of twenty eight Flamens, and three Arch Flamens, which presided * 5.1 over the whole Nation, being all of them either converted, or expulied, were con∣stituted twenty eight Bishops, and three Arch-bishops, whose Chairs, for the greater convenience of Government, were continued in the same places the Archi-Flamens resided in.

The first and Metropolitan Seat was at London, and the Cathedral St. Peters, in the memory of that Saint, from whose Successour, Eleutherius, they had received the Faith. The second was at York. The third at Carlile; but of the particular extent of these places, I shall treat more fully anon.

The Succession of Bishops in the See of London.

THe first, to the Times of the Saxons, is thus; Theanus, who was in the daies of Lucius consecrated the Church of St. Peters Cornhill, and by the assistance of Ciranus the Kings Cup-bearer, performed all the Rites thereunto belonging. Some report he built the Church. The second, † 5.2 Eluanus, he added a Liberary to it. The third, was Cadar; the fourth, Obinus; the fifth, Conanus; the sixth, Palladius; the seventh, Stephanus; the eighth, Iltutus, or Iltutius; the ninth, Deduinus; the tenth, Theodredus; the eleventh, Hilarius; the twelfth, Vitelinus; the thirteenth, Vodinus, Mr. Cambden calls him Theonus.

But before we proceed any further, it will be necessary to say, who, and what these Flamens were, and of their being changed into Bishops and Arch-bishops.

What these Flamens and Arch-flamens were, and their being changed into Bishops and Arch-bishops.

I Wish we had seen the Book of Gildas, for it can hardly be found in ancient Au∣thority, that there was ever any distribution of Flamens, and Arch flamens, into their particular Provinces, or that the words Arch-flamens, and Arch-bishops, were in use in the time of Lucius, or that Metropolitical Jurisdiction, and the Ceremony of the Pall, had any being in those daies. For Flamens among the Romans, were no other than their Priests, so called from a Thred or String (as Varro saith) with which they bound their Head, as Flamines, some Pileamines, from a Cap they wore, and from Sacrificing, commonly called Priests, and every one of these lookt after the proper Offices and Duties of their particular Gods, at first there were but three only, that of Jupiter, Flamen Dialis; of Mars, Flamen Martialis; of Romulus, Flamen Qui∣rinalis, but afterwards every God had his Flamen.

Neither had any of these ever any Sacerdotal Power and Jurisdiction over any particular Province, or that officiated alone in one Parish only, for there being in the time of Numa thirty Parishes in the City of Rome, and afterwards thirty six; over every Parish, or such division, was set two Flamens, neither were they subject to any superiour Flamen, who was dignified and distinguisht by the Title of Arch-flamen. I acknowledge, that some were called the greater Flamens, others the lesser, but this was not from their Power, but the Antiquity of their Order, for the first three were instituted by Numa and the Nobility, the rest by the Commonalty.

Concerning the Flamens and Arch-flamens of the Gen∣tiles, and the Limits of their Jurisdiction, after they were changed into Bishops, and Arch-bishops.

GAlfridus Arturius saith, That the Blessed Teachers (after they had almost rooted * 5.3 out Paganisme from the British Nation, purging the Temples which were founded in honour of many of their Gods) consecrated them to one God, and delivered them to Religious men to be lookt after; There were then constituted twenty eight Flamens, and three Arch flamens, as we have said before, who accord∣ing to the Custome of the Gentiles, burnt Incense to their Gods, and offered up Sacrifices unto them, delivering therefore these (by vertue of the Apostolick Doctrine) from their Idolatry, they consecrated Bishops in the place of Flamens, and Arch-bishops instead of Arch-flamens. The principal Seats of the Arch-flamens were in our most eminent Cities, viz. London, York, and Caer-leon upon the River Uske in Glamorganshire.

Superstition therefore being driven out of the aforesaid places, three Arch-bishops were forthwith made, in other places they ordained Bishops, and over several Parishes assigned to every one his Power and Office. To the Province of the Me∣tropolitan of York, fell Deira and Albania, which are divided from Leogria by the River Humber. To the Arch-bishop of London, submitted Loegria and Cornubia, which Provinces Severn separates from Wales, which was subject to the Arch-bishops See at Caerleon.

Affairs being thus ordered, the aforesaid Holy Teachers returned to Rome, and desired that all things they had done might be confirmed by the Pope, they were therefore honoured by the Roman Church with the Pall, and all other Ceremonies usual in their kind, they returned again into Britain, being accompanied by divers Religious persons, by whose Doctrine and Preaching the British Nation was very much confirmed, establisht and strengthned in the Faith of Christ. Their Acts are to be found in the Books of Gildas, the Historiographer, so that now we shall pro∣ceed to that of Vodinus, or Theonus, as Mr. Cambden calls him.

This Vodinus, or Theonus, for his constancy in the Christian Faith, was Martyred by the Saxons at their first arrival in Britain. After Fugacius and Damianus had * 5.4 setled every thing in order, and establisht the Religion of Christ, the holy Rites and Ceremonies thereof, the Government and Discipline of the Church, they re∣turned to Rome, and having obtained their Constitutions, to be confirmed and ra∣tified by Eleutherius, still sitting in that Chair, they came again into Britain, by whose incessant Preaching and Sanctity of life, the Britains suckt in that Religion, the seeds whereof remained even unto the daies of Dioclesian, who, after Nero and Trajan, raised the greatest Persecution the Church ever underwent.

And this is the first establishment of Christian Religion by publick Authority, which, for the Honour of our Nation, is very early, an hundred eighty and one years after the death of CHRIST, and the reason why it got footing so soon in * 5.5 Britain, above other Nations (among many Causes) this especially is given by Histo∣rians, namely, The Learning, Piety, and Devotion of the Druids, who were so emi∣nent in this Island, as that they Decided and Judged not only in Spiritual, but Civil Affairs, and were resorted unto like Oracles for their profound Judgment and skill in Questions of the highest concern; And many of their Tenents, of which the Immortality of the Soul was chief, were great inlets to that Religion, which, besides the great Vertue and Holiness it carried with it, it taught Rewards of Vertue, and Punishments of Vice, upon surer grounds than the Heathens had ever built for their Imaginary vertue, namely, evident Miracles, and certain Demonstrations, that there was an Almighty Power that strictly examined the Actions of every Man.

I know that many Objections are made to destroy the Authority of this History, which, well examined, will not prove to have so great force as at first sight they ap∣pear to carry.

First, it is said, That it is very improbable there should at this time be any King of Britain, considering, that this Island for many years since remained a Roman Province? To which is Answered, That it was the Custome of the Romans, in their Provinces, to continue Princes in their Governments, and to make them Instruments of their Bondage, giving them the shew of Power, though they were in effect but Vassals, and what hindereth, but Lucius might hold his Kingdom in fee of them.

Besides, in the daies of this Emperour, as is gathered from Authentick Histories, the Britains refused to obey Commodus, and it is certain, that they held and possest freely all those parts of the Island that lay beyond the Wall, which was built be∣tween Tinmouth and Solway-Frith, and that those Northern Britains had Princes of their own; but especially, Let us consider, how that Antoninus Pius, not many years before, having ended War, permitted Kingdoms to be ruled by their own Kings, and Provinces by their own Comites.

* 5.6 Others there are, who curiously searching into the time of this supposed Lucius, find great difference in Authors. Bede, who is the Ancientest Reporter of this History, yet lived five hundred years after, placeth him under M. Aurelius Anto∣ninus, and Verus, Emperours; But this, since, is not found to agree with truth, for the Date of the Letter sent back by * 5.7 Eleutherius, through the hands of Fugacius and Damianus (which by many is not thought to be forged but authentick) is thus;

LUCIUS AURELIUS COMMODUS,

Second time Consul with Vespronius, which was the year that M. Aurelius died in, and in this agreeth both forreign and domestick Writers: as for others who refer it to an hundred seventy nine years after Christs Passion, it is manifest that it is the fault of Transcribers, who should have writ, an hundred seventy nine years after his Birth. The British Histories make it five years after, but, in this, it is not much to be re∣garded.

This † 5.8 LUCIUS, Sirnamed by Ninnius, Leuer-Maur, by a Table remaining in the Church of St. Peters in Cornhill, is supposed to be the Founder of that Church, and the Church it self thought to have been the Cathedral of the Metro∣politan See of London.

There are who ascribe the Foundation of St. Peters at Westminster to him, but in all probability the Places may be confounded; and some write that he built a Church at Dover, and endowed it with the Toll of that Haven.

Not content in having performed so many excellent Works, he is said at length, to have resigned his Kingdom, and Travelled into Germany, out of desire to pro∣pagate the Christian Faith, to have converted Bavaria, and afterwards going into Rhetia, there to have lived in a Cell, under a Rock, which was afterwards called the Rock of Lucius, then to have proceeded into that Country wherein the City Curia stood, where, living in a Cave, and preaching to the Infidels, he was at last betrayed and brought before the Governour, who put him to death in a Tower called Marula.

His Body was brought into Britain, and buried in Glocester, so that it will not be improper to relate, what Matthew of Westminster saith in confirmation of this matter:

Anno Gratiae CCI, Inclytus Britannorum Rex LUCIUS, in bonis actibus assumptus, Claudiocestriae ab hâc vitâ migravit ad CHRISTUM, & in Ecclesiâ primae sedis Honoriftcè sepul∣tus est.

He Reigned twelve years, and dying without Issue, left the Kingdom divided a∣mong many of the Royal Blood, who all, setting up their Titles, miserably involved the whole Nation in Civil Wars and Combustions.

Upon this, the Picts took advantage of the Publick Distractions, and brake into the Southern parts, flinging down the Wall that was built as a Rampier to defend the Frontiers, and for a long time finding no resistance, wasted the Country far and wide, so that, if it be true what is reported of King Lucius, That out of zeal for Religion, He went into Bavaria to preach the Gospel, leav∣ing his Kingdom to be managed by the chiefest of his Nobility, without decla∣ring a Successour, how much better had it been, if he had employed his time and labours in his own Dominions, which surely in so short a time could not be so entirely instructed in the Faith of Christ, but that there was room left for the employing of so great a Talent given him, for the use and comfort properly be∣longing first to his own Country. Neither could a Prophet want Honour in his own Country, who had Royal Authority to back his Priestly Function.

However therefore, the story of King Lucius, or Lever-Maur, as to the main of it may betrue, namely, That there was such a Person that Ruled in this Island, and embraced the Christian Religion, yet that he should have so great Authority, as absolutely to establish it, casting down the Flames and Arch-flamens, the Re∣ligion of the Romans, whose Province it was, and to set up in their room Bishops and Arch-bishops, seemeth not only improbable but impossible also. If he was a King beyond Hadrians Wall, what had he to do with London and Carlile? and, if on this side, he was but a Tributary and Vassal to the Romans, and so could not so easily abolish their Worship, as indeed it manifestly appears out of Inscriptions of the Romans in this Island, who, after his time, continued their Altars to the Heathen Deities.

But, that he should forsake his Kingdom, and out of an over-fond opinion of Chastity, neglect the duty of a Prince, in not providing a Successour to his Crown, that he should leave his Kingdom at sixes and sevens, that he should think himself more useful in a Cell than a Throne, for the propagating Religion in ano∣ther Country, and not in his own, and imagine, that absconding in Holes and Deserts, would shew a greater light to the World than being placed upon a Hill, manifestly shews, from what Forge those Inventions proceeded, and that they were the idle Talks of our crafty Ancestors, whose business it was to gain Honour to their own Constitutions, by perswading the World, that no Obligations, Civil or Moral, although of the highest nature and concern, but must be can∣cell'd, in order to his attaining perfection, which they placed in that lofty Poverty of a Monastick life.

And thus much is sufficient to be said of King Lucius.

The Troubles that arose after his decease, continued (as Fabian thinketh) fifteen * 5.9 years, the English Chronicle saith fifty, Harding four, which difference proceed∣eth from the various Calculations of the time of his Reign, and upon the same Subject Matthew of Westminster thus delivers himself;

Quo defuncto (speaking a little before of the death of King LUCIUS, he proceeds to say) dissidium inter Britones surrexit, quià absque Haerede decessit, & Romana Potestas in∣firma est. Manfit itáque Britannia in dissidio usque ad adventum SEVERI, qui eam posteà Romanae restituit Dignitati.

Some make his Decease in the daies of the Emperour Hadrian, whom the English Chronicles follow; others continue his Reign but to the daies of Aurelius, and Verus, Emperours.

The first cannot be true, by reason it agreeth not with the time of Eleu∣therius, who, according to the most diligent Chronographers, began to govern the See of Rome in the year 169, which is thirty years after the death of Hadrian, and sate in the Chair fifteen years, namely, to the year of our Lord one hundred eighty four.

The latter is equally false, considering that the Letter from Eleutherius to King Lucius, the Date whereof Mr. Cambden followeth in contradiction to Bede, was sent when Lucius Aurelius Commodus was second time Consul with Vespronius, which was in the year one hundred seventy nine, or one hundred and eighty Anno currente, and ten years after the death of Verus the Empe∣rour.

* 5.10 Basing stokius makes LUCIUS to begin his Reign in the year of our Lord one hundred eighty three, in the second year of Commodus; the Conversion of this Prince (according to that Account) must be in the first year of his Reign, and the last of Eleutherius his Popedom, circumstances very improbable, for supposing that this Godly Prince should begin his Reign with the establishment of Christian Religion, yet what becomes of Fugacius and Damianus returns to Eleutherius, after they had been a year in Britain, and the Ratifications of their proceedings the year after obtained at Rome, if in the last year of Eleutherius the Kingdom was first Converted, as manifestly appears if this Calculation were true.

The British Histories generally make Septimius Severus the Roman Emperour, to succeed Lucius in the Kingdom of Britain, and after him many other Empe∣rours, so that for the future we shall see the same Persons, though with different circumstances, in the Records of both Nations, made Actours in the soveraign Au∣thority.

Many have found fault with the British History upon this account, but whether it was, that the Royal Blood of the Native Britains was utterly extinct, or that the Compiler of these Stories was weary of inventing Names, sure I am, that the following Emperours had no more right to the Island than the preceding; And there is no where found that, Severus, either by Marriage, Adoption, or Donation, received the Kingdom, so that for many years we may bid farewel to the British History, and seeing they make the same Persons Monarchs of this Island, as the Romans do, I cannot be blamed, if, in setting down the Actions of Forreign Princes, I give precedence to the Roman Records, and it is a sufficient warrant, why, hitherto, I have made the Roman Emperours Kings of this Island, but to return to Commodus.

THE CONTINUATION OF THE Roman History, Under the EMPEROUR COMMODUS, As it relateth to This ISLAND.

WE read, that under this Emperour Britain was full of Wars and * 5.11 seditious Troubles, for the Nations Northward, breaking down the Wall which was raised to keep them out, wasted the Roman Pale, and cut in pieces and destroyed the Romans that came a∣gainst them, both Captain and Souldier.

To repress these Tumults, and reduce the Province, Commodus, in all haste, sends Ulpius Marcellus, a prime Commander of those times, who with so much Conduct and Fortune drives them back, and repays their Insolence, that in a short time it appears he had done too much, for he not only gained the envy of Commodus, but by his worthy Actions forfeits his Commission, and was recalled.

The Vigilance of this Captain is thus described; Although by nature he was not given to sleep, yet that he might improve that Faculty, he used Art also by inuring himself to fasting and abstinence, for the bread of his Table was brought from * 5.12 Rome, lest being new it might too much swell him, when on the other hand the staleness of it, coming so far, would be sure to tempt him no farther than to what was convenient and necessary. And being desirous that all about him might be as watchful, every Evening he wrought twelve Tables, which were usually made of the * 5.13 Linden-tree wood, and gives order to one of his Servants, that, hour by hour, he should give out one of them to the Souldiers till they were all delivered, that they might not think it grievous to keep watchful, whilest they saw their General himself so vigilant.

Britain being brought to Obedience by so worthy a Commander, after he was Recalled, began to fall into more dangerous Commotions, which proceeded not from the Britains, but the Dissensions of the Roman Camp, for the Reins of Disci∣pline being let loose, all licentious Wantonness brake in. First, they began to be stubborn and unruly, next, openly, they refused the Command and Government of Commodus. And, although he was stiled Britannicus by his Flatterers, yet the Legi∣ons in Britain attempted to set up another Emperour.

They complained of Evil Counsellors, the chief whereof was Perennis, the Em∣perours principal Favourite, him they accused, that in the British War he had re∣moved Senators from Command, and placed over the Souldiers Men only of the Equestral Degree; that he had conspired against the life of the Emperour, for which they declared him Traytour, and an Enemy to the Army, and so fifteen hun∣dred, in the name of the rest, went to Rome, carrying their Grievances on the point of their Swords, and were so terrible to Commodus, that to satisfie them he was * 5.14 constrained to give up Perennis and his Son to their fury, who, after many Indigni∣ties, as Whipping, &c. publickly beheaded Them.

After the death of this great Favourite and his Son, Commodus disowns all their proceedings, as done without his Approbation, by which means he appeases the Souldiers, but immediately upon their removal, grew worse and worse, doing far greater Injuries (by his new Minion Cleander) than he had done by his Favourite Perennis, so that the Souldiers in Britain continued still in their Resolutions of choosing a new Emperour, which made Commodus send his Letters unto Helvius Pertinax (who was then in Liguria, and was afterwards Emperour) to hasten into * 5.15 Britain.

At his Arrival he found all things in disorder, the Souldiers upon a new Election, and himself (none having yet resolved upon the Person) in a fair way to be chosen, but presently after the good-will of the Army withdrew from him, for they were * 5.16 given to understand that he had impeached Antistius Burrus, and Arrius Antoninus, of high Treason against Commodus, so that finding (as may be gathered) that himself was not likely to be gainer by these Seditious proceedings, he gave himself totally to the suppressing of them, which in some measure he performed, but not without great danger to himself, being almost slain (by the mutiny of one Legion) as left for dead upon the place, which thing he afterwards severely revenged, but at the present sought a dismission from his Charge, so that Clodius Albinus succeeded * 5.17 him, a Man of great Birth, and fortunate. Him (after many worthy Exploits in Britain) Commodus created Caesar, giving him power (in a Letter he wrote to him) to assume the Scarlet Robe, and to wear it even in his presence, saving without golden Fringes.

This he did partly to strengthen himself by the Adoption of so worthy a Man, and partly to gain the strength of the British Army, for about this time Avidius Cassius began to usurp the Empire, and Septimius Severus was making of a Party.

Albinus, upon the receipt of this Letter, understanding the drift of Commodus, refuses the Honour, yet afterwards, hearing of his death (which, by some mistake, was reported about) he ascended the Tribunal, and before the British Army made this Oration.

The Oration of CLODIUS ALBINUS, Lieute∣nant of Britain.

IF the Senate of Rome had its Ancient Power, and so great Authority had not been * 6.1 invested in a single Person, the publick management of Affairs bad never come into the hands of such as Nero, Vitellius and Domitian; Under the Government of Consuls were our Ancestors, the Ceioni, Albini, and Posthumi, of whom your Fathers, who themselves had it from their Progenitors, have learned many things. And truly the Senate it was that annext Africa to the Roman Empire, Gaul and Spain were subdued by the Senate; The Senate gave Laws to the Eastern Nations. The Senate invaded the Parthians, and had conquered them, had not the fortune of the Common-wealth, at that time, placed over the Roman Army a covetous * 6.2 Lord. Caesar invaded Britain him∣self, a Senatour, being then not so much as a Dictator, and this Commodus, how much better had it been if he had stood in awe of the Senate. To the daies of Nero the Se∣nate held up their Authority, and passed Sentence on that worthless and debauched Prince, condemning him to death, who had the power of Life and Death.

Wherefore fellow Souldiers, the name of CAESAR, which Commodus proffered me, I ntterly renounce, Let the Senate command and dispose of Provinces; Let the

Senate make us Consuls, and, why do I say the Senate? You your selves, and your Fathers, for even you shall all be Senatours.

And yet this Great Common-wealths Man, when time served, did not afterwards stick to assume the Titles and Honour which now for private Reasons he refused, and against which he so much declaimed, and died in asserting to himself the Impe∣rial Dignity against Severus, the wearing whereof he so much reproveth in ano∣ther.

This Oration was brought to Rome, and as it pleased the Senate, so it incensed * 6.3 the Emperour; who immediately casheir'd him, and sent Julius Severus in post-haste to take charge of the Army, and so Albinus retired from all publick Affairs until the death of Commodus, who being now grown odious to all Mankind, for his excessive Cruelties and Oppressions, was at length slain by a conspiracy of Martia, his own Concubine; it happened thus:

The Emperour having designed certain Persons for death, amongst whom Martia * 6.4 was one, and having set their names in a Scrowl for that purpose, it fell out that she lighting upon the Paper, and finding her self concerned, discovered it to the rest that stood in the same List. To prevent their own danger, they resolved suddenly to dispatch him; first by Poyson, but fearing that would not do so suddenly, with stabbs and strangling they made him away, when he had reigned thirteen years, eight months, and fifteen daies.

A Statue of his was lately dug up in England, amongst other Roman Antiquities, * 6.5 set up no doubt, in Britain about that time, when he assumed to himself the Title of Hercules, for the Statue is made in the habit of that God, holding in his Right hand a Club, with this lame Inscription under it.

CAESARI AUGUSTO MARCI AURELII FILIO SENIS JOVIS AMPLISSIMI.

To such a height of Pride was he arrived, that he wrote to the Senate Letters bear∣ing this Title:

Imperator, Caesar, Lucius, AElius, Aurelius, Commodus, Augustus, Pius, Foelix, Sarmaticus, Germanicus, Maximus, Britannicus, Pacator Orbis terra∣rum, Invictus, Romanus, Hercules, Pontifex Maximus, Tribunitiae Pote∣statis XVIII, Imperator VIII, Consul VII, Pater Patriae, Consulibus, Praetoribus, Tribunis Plebis Senatuique Commodiano felici, Salutem.

But although he called the Senate by his own name, yet how much they were his, we may understand by their often repeated Acclamations of Joy at the news of his death, which will not be much unpleasant, or impertinent, to set down out of Lam∣pridius, seeing that herein will be shewed much of the Customes of those Times, * 6.6 wherein, under other Emperours, and upon other occasions, the like were used; They were performed in the Temple of Concord, in a solemn and serious manner, the whole Assembly of the Senate assisting.

And, seeing the frequent Repetitions contained in them, are set down after an ample and large manner by Historians, otherwise professing brevity in their Rela∣tions, and in other cases no waies guilty of tautology, it is reasonably to be suppo∣sed, that the words of the whole office might be penn'd before hand, and one going before and pronouncing them distinctly, the Senate to every Clause made a formal and loud Responsal; For otherwise, had not there been this order and method ob∣served, but at the same time some were Execrating the past Emperour, others

Blessing the present, such a medly as this would have proved a Rout rather than a serious Exercise, and had never been so particularly recorded by Historians of their own, as a thing much unbecoming the Gravity of so wise an Assembly.

But as it is set down, though in the frequent repetitions of the same thing, yet, if performed distinctly, it shews much of Nature, whose passions of Joy and Desire, are not easily bridled, but the higher they are, the oftner they run out into the same Expressions. And this very dictate of Nature backt by the Example and Autho∣rity of no less than the Roman Senate, may easily be supposed great motives to, if not the original of the same Custome, then begun, and to this day used in matters of high concern.

They were thus;

...Hosti Patriae, ...Parricidae,	Honores detrabantur.
Parricida,	Trahatur.
...Hostis Patriae, ...Parricida, ...Gladiator,	In spoliario lanietur.
...Hostis Deorum, ...Carnifex Senatus, ...Hostis Deorum, ...Parricida Senatus, ...Hostis Deorum, ...Hostis Senatus,	resp. Gladiatorem in spoliario.
Qui Senatum occidit, in spoliario ponatur.
Qui Senatum occidit, unco trahatur.
Qui Innocentes occidit, unco trahatur.
...Hostis, ...Parricida,	vere Severe.
...Qui sanguini suo non pepercit, ...Qui Te occisurus fuit,	Unco trahatur.

Then in another strain;

Ut Salvi sumus, Jupiter, Optime, Maxime, Serva nobis PERTINACEM. * 6.7

...Fidei Praetorianorum, ...Praetoriis Cohortibus, Exercitibus Romanis, ...Pictati Senatus,

Feliciter.

Then again;

Paricida trahatur,	Rogamus Auguste.
Parricida trahatur,	Hoc Rogamus.
Paricida trahatur,	Exaudi Caesar.
Delatores ad Leonem,	Exaudi Caesar.
Speratum ad Leonem.

Then again the former Repetition.

Victoriae Populi Romani, ...Fidei Militum, ...Fidei Proetoriaenorum, ...Cohortibus Praetoriis,	Feliciter.
...Hostis, ...Parricide, ...Gladiatoris,	Statuas undique.
Gladiatoris & Parricidae Statuae detrahantur.
Nccator Civium trahatur.
Parricida Civium trahatur.
Gladiatoris Statuae detrahantur.

Then followeth the Salutation to CAESAR.

Te salvo salvi & securi sumus, vere, vere modo vere, modo digne, modo vere, modo libere.

...Nunc securi sumus, ...Ut securi sumus,	Delatoribus metum.
Securi sumus,	...Delatores de Senatu. ...Delatoribus Fustem.
Te salvo,	Delatores ad Leonem.
Te Imperante,	Delatoribus Fustem.
Parricidae Gladiatoris memoria aboleatur.
Parricidae Gladiatoris statuae detrahantur.
Impuri Gladiatoris memoria aboleatur.
Gladiatorem in Spoliario.
Exaudi CAESAR.
Carnifex unco trahatur.
Carnifex Senatus more Majorum unco trahatur.
Saevtor Domitiano, Impurior Nerone, sicut fecit, sic patiatur.
Memoriae innocentium serventur.
Honores innocentium restituas.
Rogamus.
...Parricidae cadaver, ...Gladiatoris cadaver,	Unco trahatur.
Gladiatoris cadaver,	In spoliario ponatur.
Per roga, Per roga, omnes censemus, Unco trahendum.

Then again;

...Qui omnes occidit, ...Qui omnem aetatem occidit, ...Qui utrumque sexum occidit,

Unco trahatur.

...Qui sanguini suo non pepercit, ...Qui Templa spoliavit, ...Qui Testamenta delevit, ...Qui vivos spoliavit,	Unco trahatur.
Servis, Servivlmus.
Qui pretia vita excepit,	Unco trahatur.
...Qui pretia vitae exegit, ...& ...Fidem non servavit,	Unco trahatur.
Qui Senatum vendidit,	Unco trahatur.
Qui filiis abstulit haereditatem,	Unco trahatur.
Indices de Senatu,
Delatores de Senatu,
Servorum subornatores de Senatu.

Then followeth the second Salutation to CAESAR.

Et Tu nobis cum timuisti, omnia scis, bonos & maelos nosti, omniae scis, omniae emendae, Pro te timuimus, O nos felices! te viro Imperante de Parricidae refer, refer, per roga.

Praesentiam tuam Rogamus.

Innocentes sepulti non sunt.

And then it ends.

Parricidae cadaver trahatur.

Parricidae sepultos eruit.

Parricidae cadaver trahatur.

Notwithstanding these Acclamations of the Senate (being partly in hatred to Commodus, partly in base flattery to Pertinax his Successour, a Man of pitiful birth and extraction) Severus, not long after arriving to the Empire in detestation of them, commanded, that Commodus his Birth day should be universally observed, making him moreover a God, and instituting a Flamen sor the Worship, the same whom Commodus in his life time had appointed, named Herculaneus Commodianus, and thus much of Commodus, and his Transactions in Britain, his life and death.

Helvius Pertinax.

AFTER Commodus was slain, PERTINAX was in the * 6.8 Night, by Laetus, saluted Emperour, an Aged Commander, and who, partly by living long, and partly by worthy Actions in the Wars, amongst which the British were the chief, had worn out the memory of his mean and servile Birth.

After his admission to the Empire, the Senate made Addresses to him that he would admit of Albinus to be his Associate in the Empire. This Albinus (as hath been shewn before) had infinitely obliged the States when he was Lieutenant in Britain, by making an Ora∣tion * 6.9 against Monarchy, which was the cause of their so exceeding affection towards him at this time.

But Pertinax, who in his youth had learned, that two of a Trade could never agree, and who inwardly knew the disposition of Albinus, that he who was so hum∣ble and servile to the Senate, when a Private man, would be but a proud and trou∣blesome Companion in the Throne, utterly rejected the motion; But that he might * 6.10 not altogether seem to slight the Senate, sent him into Britain again with a new Com∣mission, to be his Lieutenant.

Albinus thus removed, Pertinax kept a watchful eye over him, and sought all means to bring him into disgrace and hatred with the Souldiers, to which end he publisht a Letter of Commodus written to his Praefects, wherein the Ambitious na∣ture of Albinus seemed to be set forth. It was thus;

Anrelius Commodus Severus, To the Praefects Greet∣ing.

I Suppose you have heard how it was given out, that I was slain by a conspiracy of my Domesticks, as likewise the Oration of Albinus to my Souldiers that followed there∣on, wherein he ingratiates himself with the Senate, and that not without reason; for in that he saith, there ought to be a single Person in the Common-wealth, and asserts, that the whole management of Affairs should of right be in the dispose of the Senate, what doth he but by the name of the Senate seek Empire to himself? Take heed therefore diligently, for you know the Man, how he is to be avoided both by Souldiers and People.

This Letter Pertinax divulged as a mark upon Albinus, which so incensed him, that he was one of the chief Conspiratours in his death, exhorting Julianus, who had been fellow Consul with Pertinax to assassine him, so that this good Old Empe∣rour was slain by the Praetorian Bands, whom in vain he had endeavoured to reduce to Discipline, which was the cause of their hatred to him; Laetus who had brought him to accept of the Empire, either out of Treachery or Fear, dared not to inter∣pose in his rescue. He reigned, according to Eutropius three months, Julius Capi∣tolinus and Aurelius Victor write eighty five daies. Dio. Herodian and Spartianus two months and twenty eight daies.

Didius Julianus.

AFTER the death of Pertinax, the Praetorian Bands by a * 7.1 Common-Cryer set the Empire to sale, and Julianus who bad most was admitted; He was scarce warm in his seat, when News was brought, that Syria had set up their own General Pescennius Niger, and Germany, Septimius Severus, the latter of whom he never suspected, and so was less prepared against; He obtained of the Senate, that he should be decla∣red an Enemy to the Common-wealth, and a day praefixt wherein his Souldiers (upon pain of high Treason) should come in, and Valerius Catulinus was sent to succeed him, and Aquilius a Centurion (in case of a Refusal, to resign his Command) had private Orders to kill him. All this prevailed not, for Severus diligent in his business, by quick marches hastned to Rome, which so amazed Julianus that he sent Embassadours to him at Ravenna, desiring him to accept of half the Empire, but Severus disdaining his Profers, and still marching, Julianus was flain by the same Souldiers that had advanced him, who, by that action, sought to ingratiate themselves with Severus; so that he enjoyed his * 7.2 Bargain, as Eutropius saies, seven months, but Spartianus, two months only and five daies, Dio. saies sixty six daies, Albinus being still Lieutenant in Britain.

Septimius Severus.

SEVERUS, by the death of Julianus, having possession of Rome, and the * 7.3 Senate, the principal strength of the Empire, began now to turn his thoughts toward the subduing of Pescennius Niger, who all this while con∣tented himself with the name of an Emperour, and carefully spent his time at Antioch, in the sports and jollities of his Inauguration, but before he could safely undertake his Expedition, two obstacles were to be removed. First the Praetorian Bands, and then Albinus who had the possession of the Army in Bri∣tain, a Party no less stubborn and dangerous; To remove the first, he commanded them to appear unarmed before him, when upbraiding them with their Treachery to Pertinax, he casheir'd and banisht them an hundred miles from Rome, whereby, he not only brake the knot of these Janisaries, but infinitely obliged the People.

This great work being performed, the next difficulty is Albinus, but he was not so easily to be removed, wherefore he craftily ordains him his Caesar and Successour, and to create in him a firmer belief of his sincerity, he wrote Letters to him, wherein he declared, how himself being an Old man and Gouty, his Sons but Children, the Common-wealth stood in need of such a one as he, of so full Age and so great Ex∣perience.

These Jacoals took with Albinus, so that Severus being now eased of the fear of the British Army, marched into Syria, in a pitcht Battle overcame Niger, and slew him. He took the City † 7.4 Bizantium, subdued the Adiabenes and Arabians, and being full of Honour and Victory, returned to Rome.

All this while Albinus, in Britain, was dreaming of his Succession, but Severus being impatient of an arrival in Power, and now desirous of establishing his Poste∣rity in the Empire, began to think of making him away; To that purpose he sent Murtherers, underhand to dispatch him, who being discovered by Albinus, too late began to take upon him the Empire, which during the absence of Severus, Britain * 7.5 being so nigh to Rome, he might easily have seized.

Severus finding his Practices discovered, disowned them, and sent Heraclitus to take possession of Britain. Albinus refused to Resign, declares for the Empire, erects his own Statues, and stamped his picture on his Coyns, and, to justifie himself, with * 7.6 the choice of all Britain entred France, and, near unto Lyons, took the Field against Severus. He, on the contrary, declared Albinus Traytour, and enemy to the States, and assembling all his Forces, meets him on the said place, and gives him Battle.

The Army of Albinus (as saith Herodian) by the Judgment of such of those times who reported more for truth than favours sake, far exceeded in Courage that of * 7.7 Severus, and was equal to the best of his Illyrian Souldiers, the Prime men of the other Party.

At the first Onset the dispute was hot between them, and the Victory for a long time inclined to neither side, till the Albinians, fighting most valiantly, repulsed the others, and Severus himself flying from the Battle, flung off his Purple Robe, and falling from his Horse, hid himself.

Now the British Forces, thinking the Victory had been their own, began carelessly to pursue, displaying their Ranks in thinner arraies, and without Order, fell on the backs of their Enemies; when Laetus, one of Severus his Captains (who all this while stood aloof, expecting the issue of the Fight) came upon them with his fresh and un∣foiled Troops, with a purpose and resolution now to take the Empire upon him∣self (for he heard that Severus was slain) and charging fiercely upon them, who little expected a new Enemy, he totally routed and put them to flight. Severus perceiving the Battle returned, reassumes his Purple Robe, recovers his Horse, and rallying those that were scattered, came in, at the end of the day, pursuing what re∣mained, and having slain Albinus, with a number of others, obtained a most fortunate Victory.

And now, having alone the Sovereignty of the whole World, and finding by expe∣rience, that Britain was a Province too great and powerful to be trusted in the hands * 7.8 of one Man, he divided it into two Governments, committing the North part there∣of to Virius Lupus, as Propraetor and Lieutenant (whom Ulpian the Civil Lawyer * 7.9 nameth President) and to Heraclytus the South.

Mr. Speed gathereth, by a Coyn of Severus, minted in his second Consulship, which fell in the year of our Saviour 198, about the death of Albinus, that the Bri∣tains gave not at first their Obedience and Servitude to Severus, until he had made the purchase of it with his Sword, the brand of which he hath left to Posterity, in * 7.10 figuring the Goddess Victory seated upon Spoyls, and writing upon a Shield, VICTO∣RIA BRITANNIAE.

Virius Lupus, who had the Government of the North, had to do with two sorts of People, the Meatae and Caledonians, the former whereof lived upon the Wall that divided the South of the Island from the North, the Caledonians inhabited higher, both of them a sierce and barbarous Nation.

To suppress these he raised many Castles, and entred at last into League with the Caledonians, upon promise that they would be assistant to him in keeping under the Meatae, but the Caledonians not performing the Articles, and Lupus, upon hopes of their Aid, adventuring too far, was constrained in the end to redeem his own Peace, and a few Prisoners, with a great sum of Mony. And being not able, after many Losses and Calamities sustained, to repress the sudden inroads and assaults of the Enemy, he wrote unto Severus, in plain terms, the state of Affairs, and that the Island wanted his presence.

The memory of this Virius Lupus, among other great works done by him here in Britain, is preserved in an Altar dug up, dedicated to the Goddess FORTUNE, upon the occasion of his repairing a Bath, or Hot-house, at a Town called the Lavatrae, now Bows upon Stanmoor, in Richmondshire.

It was done for the sake of the Thracian Cohort, who lay there Ingarrisoned for the Romans.

DEAE. i. FORTUNAE VIRIUS LUPUS LEG. AUG. PR. PR. BALINEUM VI. IGNIS EXUST- UM COH. I. THR- ACUM REST- ITUIT CURANTE VAL. FRON- TONE PRAEF- EQ. ALAE VETTO.

Severus, though well stricken in years, and withal exceeding Gouty, yet desirous (among the rest of his Titles) to add that of BRITANNICUS, but especially to withdraw his Sons, given to licentious Rioting, from the delights and pleasures of Rome, and the bewitching Vanities of the Theatres, full gladly, and thankfully, taketh hold of this good occasion.

The Britains hearing of his coming, send Embassadours for Peace, whom, after * 7.11 he had on purpose detained, to gain time till his Forces were ready, he dismisses them without effect, and leaving his younger Son Geta (whom he created Augustus at his first arrival into Britain) to govern the Southern parts of the Island which were in obe∣dience, assisted by AEmilius Papinianus, the famous Lawyer, whose Tribunal Seat was held at York, himself, with his eldest Son Antonine, the debauchest of the two, marched into the North, where being busied in cutting down Woods, making Bridges, and cleansing Fenns and Marishes, he fought no Battle; howbeit, what with the Ambuscado's of his Enemies, and what with sickness, he lost fifty thousand of his Men, for the Britains sometimes trayling them on with a few Cattle turned out, enclosed them in the midst of Sloughs and Quagmires, where they chose rather them∣selves to kill such as were faint, and could not shift away, than leave them there a prey to the Caledonians; thus writeth Dio. But Herodian hath recorded, That in * 7.12 certain light Skirmages, although the barbarous Britains kept the fenny Boggs, and most thick Woods, out of which they might more safely break upon the Romans, yet he had the better of them, and enforced them to a League, wherein they were con∣strained to yield to him a considerable part of their Country.

These difficulties in Person Severus underwent, and desisted not, although through * 7.13 weakness carried in a Litter, till he had marched through with his Army, to the ut∣most Northern point of the Isle. But that which is accounted the most Magnificent of all his other Deeds, on the Frontiers of what he had firmly conquered, he built a Wall cross the Island, from Sea to Sea Orofius adds it, fortified with a deep * 7.14 Trench and, at certain distances, many Towers or Battlemen's. Some are of opi∣nion, that it was the same with Agricola's Fence, between Dunbritton and Edinborough-Friths,

and that which Lollius Urbicus afterwards repaired. But others, with more reason, place it upon Hadrian's Wall, or nigh unto it.

I shall not undertake to decide the Controversie, but shall give some Reasons why the latter opinion seemeth more probable, and shall endeavour to wipe away some difficulties which hitherto have puzled the minds of many, concerning the number of Miles it is said to extend in length.

SEVERVS his WALL.

FIrst, that WALL which runneth through the high part of Cumberland, from the Bay of Itun, otherwise Solway-Frith on the Irish Seas, to Tinmouth near New-castle, and commonly called the Picts Wall, is, by the Britains, called, Gual-Sever, Gal-Sever, and, by the Scots, Mur Sever, all which denominations do manifestly carry in them the very Name of this Emperour SEVERUS, and is a strong Argument, that here was the place that he built the Wall we are now treating of. For between Dunbritton and Edinborough-Friths, although there be many Ruines of continued Fortifications, yet they are not so visible as these, nor do they ever seem to have been of that strength, and solid make, as this of Severus is reported in all Authors. Certainly, they have not in them any Name (as ever I could hear of) whereby Severus may so plainly be gathered to be their Builder.

But, besides the Name and Contexture of this Wall (which shall be proved, was of more solid and durable substance than the other, between Edinborough and Dun∣britton-Frith) there are other Arguments to prove it was the same with Ha∣drians.

First, the number of Miles, which Spartianus hath truly reckoned to be eighty. * 7.15 Now between Edinborough and Dunbritton there is not half that distance, but if they shall object and say, How that Eutropius hath reckoned the Length but thirty five Miles, and Victor thirty two, yet never the more doth this agree with the di∣stance * 7.16 between the Friths of Edinborough and Dunbritton. Let them consider there∣fore that the mistake might arise from hence:

Suppose the true number of Miles, which are eighty two, be written thus (ac∣cording to the Custome of the Romans) LXXXII, how easie is it to be supposed that the L being blotted, or worn out, it might be read, according to Victor, XXXII, and Eutropius XXXV, the last [1] having something remaining, though defaced; And that which fully perswadeth me, that such an Errour hath been committed by the Transcribers in this case, is, that other Authors read it one hundred thirty two Miles, the first numeral, L, being confused, they took it for a C, so instead of reading LXXXII, viz. Eighty two miles, they read thus CXXXII, viz. One hundred thirty two miles; And this seemeth not only easie, but also necessary to be supposed, how else can the contradictions of eighty, thirty two, and one hundred thirty two, be otherwise reconciled.

The next Argument, is, the Authority cited by Mr. Cambden for this opinion, to which he annexeth his own.

First, Hector Boetius; Severus (saith hé) commanded Hadrian's Wall to be repaired with Bulwarks of Stone, and Turrets placed at such convenient distance, as that the sound * 7.17 of a Trumpet, though against the Wind, might be heard one against another. And in a∣nother place, our Chronicles report, That the Wall begun by Hadrian, was finisht by Severus; Also Hierom Surita, a most Learned Spaniard, writes, That the Fence of Hadrian was extended farther by Septimius Severus; Guidus Pautirolus affirmeth. * 7.18 That Severus did but re-edifie and repair the Wall of Hadrian, being fallen down.

But the Authority of Bede puts the Question beyond dispute, where he writes of the Romans, a little before their quitting the Island, his words are these, * 7.19 Moreover the Romans, because they thought this also might serve their Allyes in some stead, whom they were forced to leave, placed a Wall of strong Stone from Sea to Sea, di∣rectly between the Cities which had been built there for fear of the Enemy, where Seve∣rus also in times past had made a Rampire. Where is that Wall of Stone, but between Solway-Frith and Tinmouth? and, where else could Severus his Wall be?

The Inhabitants upon this Wall (to make a small digression) talk much of a Bra∣zen * 7.20 Trunck (whereof they found Pieces now and then) artificially set in the Wall, ran between every Tower and Fortress, and served to convey Intelligence, the Noise being carried through the hollow Pipe from Tower to Tower, according as they found themselves in different places assaulted. The like miraculous device of the Towers in Bizantium, Xiphiline relates out of Dion, in the Life of Severus.

But since the Wall now lieth along, and no Pipe remaineth there, many Tenants * 7.21 hold Farms thereabouts of the King in Cornage, that is, that they should give In∣telligence to the Neighbours, of the Enemies approaching, by winding of a Horn, which some think had the first original from an Ancient Custome of the Ro∣mans.

Mr. Speed will needs have this Wall built by Severus of Stone and Mortar, although * 7.22 Bede proveth to the contrary. He groundeth his opinion upon an Inscription found in the Ruines of one of his Works near unto the River Ure in the County of Rich∣mond.

IMP. CAES. L. SEPTIMIO PIO PERTINACI AUGU- IMP. CAESARI M. AURELIO A PIO FELICI AUGUSTO

BRACCHIO CAEMEN- TICIUM VI NERVIO- RUM SUB. CURALA SE- NECI NON AMPLISSI- MIO PERIL VISPIUS PRAELEGIO.

But this I think is not sufficient to prove his Assertion, Cement, and things Ce∣mented being not of the signification alwaies, as Lime and Mortar. But thus much for the present, of SEVERUS his WALL; I shall take further notice of it, as it was altered and repaired by succeeding Emperours.

Whilest these things were doing, and the Peace lasted, it happened that the Em∣press Julia (discoursing with the Wife of Argento, a Caledonian) cast out a Scoff against the loosness of the British Women, who promiscuously consorted with di∣vers Men, whom the British Lady thus confidently answered; Much honester do we Britains fulfil the work of Nature than you Romans; we with the Gallantest men accustome openly, you with the Basest in Corners.

And now it was, about the year of Grace 211, that Severus took upon him the Name of BRITANNICUS MAXIMUS, causing that Inscription to be * 7.23 stamped on his own, and his Sons Coyns, and to record to Posterity the Glory of these Atchievments, sometimes (as appeareth by his Coyns) was formed a Trophy, erected upon Spoyls, with two Captives, the Motto under, VICT. BRIT. sometimes a winged Victory, graving a Shield hung upon that Tree, which is the Meed of Conquerours, and the words, Victoriae Britannicae. Spartianus saith, that he assumed these Titles not so much for his other Atchievments in Britain, as the * 7.24 Wall he had built, which great work being now accomplished, and himself returned Victor into the Province, having, as he thought, establisht a lasting Peace, began to ponder in his mind, according to the Superstitions of those times, what Omen would next occur to him.

It happened that an AEthiopian (that followed the Camp) of a great repute for his scurrile Wit, among the Souldiers, and whose Jests were much celebrated by them, ran to him with a Crown of Cypress, whom the Emperour, in great rage, com∣manded to be taken away, touched with such dismal presages as his black Visage, and Cypress Crown, yet the Fellow undaunted, and still pursuing his fawning Jest, cried out; Thou hast been All, and hast conquered All, Now thou art a Conquerour, be a God.

Afterwards going to York, and desirous to perform Divine Service, by the errour of a Country Priest he was carried into the Temple of Bellona, where the Sacrifices proved black and sooty, which he refusing to offer, and hastning home, by the neg∣ligence of the Sacrificers the Beasts got loose, and followed the Emperour even unto his Palace.

These Prodigies were looked on as the presages of his death, which, in a while after ensued, for he had not long been in the Province, but the Northern Nations taking advantage of his absence and sickness, and the negligent proceedings of his Son Antonine, who had the Command of his Army, brake the Peace, and rose up in Arms to defend their Liberties, which so incensed the testy Old man, wearied out with Labours and Infirmity, that he sent his Son against him, strictly commanding him to spare neither Age nor Sex, using to that purpose these Verses taken out of Homer,

Nemo manus fugiat vestras, caedemque cruentam: * 7.25 Non foetus, gravidâ Mater quem gestat in alvo, Horrendam effugiat caedem—.

Let none escape your hands, but let all die, To th'unborn Child, that in the Womb doth lie.

But Antoninus had his thoughts more taken up with contriving his Fathers death, than the destruction of his Enemies, having once or twice attempted to kill him with his own hands, and to gain the affection of the Souldiers, he indulged them in all sorts of liberty and loosness, so that Severus perceiving the unreclaimable nature of his Son, more overcome with Grief than any other malady, died at York. His last words were these; A troubled Common-wealth I found as my entrance, every where, but now I leave it in peace and quietness, even among the Britains. An Old * 7.26 man, and infirm in my Feet, I leave to mine Antonines an Empire, if they prove good, strong and stable, but if bad, weak and unsteady.

When Severus and his Son Bassianus were at York, that famous Law was made, Touching the Interest and right that Masters have to the Goods and Possessions of their * 7.27 Servants, Signed by Severus and Antoninus.

His Body was conveyed to Rome in great pomp, and attendance of the Gover∣nours of Provinces through which it passed, although others report, it was burnt here in Britain, and the Ashes only carried in a Golden Urne, and laid up in the Sepulchre of the Antonines.

He Reigned seventeen years, eight months, and odd daies, and was made a God by the Romans.

By reason, to some, The way of Deifying their Emperours may be unknown, I have thought it convenient to give a summary account of it here, but first by way of In∣struction.

The Romans were in general a sort of rude and ignorant People, made up of the * 7.28 conflux of the worst of the Neighbour People of that State, who either out of Guilt, having committed some notorious Crimes in their own Cities, that deserved death by their Laws, or Discontent, for want of preferment or promotion among * 7.29 their own People, fled (out of Revenge) to that Asylum, or place of Resuge, which Romulus had set up for the same purpose, to draw People to his new-built City; so that they had no Gods in common, but every one had his peculiar Deity (if such People had any) as he received, and learnt in his own Country, insomuch that the Worship of the City was various and uncertain, which, with those Gods AEnaeas * 7.30 brought from Troy, made up a promiscuous sort of Idolatry, but of these Romans we shall speak more fully in the Chapter relating to their Antiquities.

Thus it continued all Romulus his Reign, the People being rather given to War than any Civil exercise of Religion, all of them enquiring into the success of their Battles, by various and different Auguries, which every man had properly to himself.

Numa succeeding Romulus, and being a superstitious Prince, much addicted to the Ceremonies of Religion, perceived it necessary for the supporting of his King∣dom, to introduce some sort of Uniformity in Religion. Now this he could not do, without pretending to some extraordinary Divine Revelations, every man judging that Religion and God to be the best, in which he was born, and to which he was natu∣rally most devoted, to accomplish his private ends and desire. Numa feigns him∣self to have an intimate Communication and interest with the Goddess EGERIA, and, by the wonderful sanctity of his life, fully perswades and possesses the People with the truth of his divine Intercourse with her, insomuch that he establisht a set Form of Worship, which he had learnt from the Etruscans, a People infinitely given to Rites and Ceremonies, which took their name from Care, a City of Etruria.

After these proceedings, he accomplishes the certain number and order of the Gods, built Temples, offered and instituted particular sacrifices to them, taught them the Lines of Heaven and Earth, how to exercise their Augury, and having establisht all things in a firm and steady method, dies, who, by the prosperity and felicity of his Reign, fixes the People in an absolute belief of the Truth of those things he had before (through his great pains and industry) taught them.

Upon the division of these Romans, they had a respect to the distinct and different dignities of Gods, by Title and Place, the better to advance the perpetual remem∣brance of their own promotions, and so claimed a right to particular Gods, that others might not own. From this they successfully preserved the memory thereof by Images, like the Parents and Sons, as the most Honourable memorial of their descent from such Mighty and Noble Progenitors. For those that were the first Au∣thors of Images to themselves, without being promoted to it by Merit, were esteem∣ed Upstarts, and all such as had no Images were accounted Ignobly born.

Thus we see, how by this strait of difficulty they despaired, and some quite pin'd away for want of Honour, amongst whom it often happens, whose pride and ambition will not admit of content, to be born from the loyns of Men, but of Gods. None therefore could obtain the priviledge of being Dignified after this manner, but such as were promoted by the Senate to ride publickly in the Curule Chair, which was the primary Dignity appertaining to such lofty Promotions.

By this 'tis evident, that the Right of Nobility went by favour of the Senate, as well as Merit, from whence we may gather, how early, and from what Root, the honour of Antiquity took its first Rice and Original, which must be occasioned out of the sence of Gratitude, for some worthy Exploit done to the credit of the State, or particular respect to such Persons, and the benefit of Successours, whose zeal to Religion, and the eminency of whose Spirit, had so fortunately raised them above the ordinary level of Mankind.

For this very cause Janus, Saturn, and others (who, by their several Projects, Inventions, and Labours, had contributed to the improving and augmenting the Comforts of this Life, in their perpetual Remembrance after they departed hence)

were translated under the sublime notion and title of GODS, having no other way in those daies, of gratifying the Deserts of the deceased, or supporting of the honour of their otherwise fading Memories, than by Heaven and Immorta∣lity.

But many, in successive Ages (although they had not so good a Title) took upon them the same pretences, for as their Merits were less, so their Pride and Ambition was greater, Flattery making (doubtless) amends in a considerable manner, for the former.

This made Alexander the Great, who was rather destructive and injurious, than beneficial to Mankind (taking the measure of his Worth from the vain applause of his Followers, and the esteem of his own Actions, from their greatness, not good∣ness) write to the Cities of Greece, that they would admit him into the Society of their Gods. What entertainment his Follies found, may be seen from the scoff of Anaxarchus Eudamonicus, who did (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) deride Alex∣ander for Deifying himself, and from the Reply of the Lacedaemonians, replied 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, If Alexander will be a God, let him be a God.

Yet notwithstanding this, many Cities, for fear of Injury, or hope of Gain, de∣creed that he should be Deified.

Now one would have thought, that the Follies of this Macedon, and the reception they had, might have been a sufficient cause for Augustus to have advised him to the contrary, especially that memorable sentence of Calisthenes, might have forewarned * 7.31 him from accepting such Honours while he was alive. Mortalitatem interdùm sequi∣tur Divinitas, nunquàm Comitatur; Divinity is a work of Posterity, not of the present Age. That which we call and know to be Self-love, looks ever forwards and up∣wards, never backwards or downwards.

Few or none were the Rites and Ceremonies used at the Immortalizing of Alex∣ander, but those that Augustus decreed should be performed at the Consecration of Father Julius, were so magnificent and stately, that nothing but Immortality can ex∣ceed the glory of them.

The Manner of the Romans Deifying their Princes, was performed after this method.

AFter the decease of a Prince, his Body was first nobly and honourably In∣terr'd, * 7.32 after the manner of other Men, but suitable, and as most becoming his Princely birth and quality. And before an Emperour was Deified, a general La∣mentation and Mourning was held through the whole City, yet intermixt with some Feast and Entertainment, but performed in a solemn manner.

After the performance of wonted Ceremonies, a stately Image of Wax, resem∣bling the Face of the deceased, but pale and wan of Countenance, as representing a sick and dying Man, was laid upon a most sumptuous Bed of Ivory, exalted on high, openly, before the Palace Gate, covered with a Pall of Gold.

The most part of the day, about this Bed of State, sate in Mourning on the Right hand, the whole † 7.33 Senate, on the Left, Ladies, who were esteemed for the sake of their Progenitors, or Noble Husbands, Honourable, and these were drest up in white close Garments (wearing no Jewels about them, although the usual Ornaments and splendour to that Sex) for in that Habit they represent Mourners.

For the space of seven daies this Solemnity continued, during which time the Waxen Image was daily attended by Physitians, as their Patient, feeling his Pulse, examining and consulting his present distemper, after so doing, they pronounced That he was To declining in health, as uncurable.

At the expiration of the seventh Night, when it seemed meet to them to think he was departed, this Image, with the Bed of State, was taken up, by the choicest Youth of the Nobility and Gentry of each Order, carrying it through the Via Sacra, into * 7.34 the Old*† 7.35 Market; and first for Via Sacra.

1. VIA SACRA, was, the Great way that led to the Roman Market, so called from the Sacrifices which were offered up at the concluding of the League, between Romulus and Tacitus, King of the Sabines.

2. DE FORO ROMANO. The Roman Market-place is described di∣vers waies, and in speaking particularly to every one of them, we may the better know to what place to refer the Magnificence of this Solemnity.

In some parts of it, it may be taken for a place of Negotiation or Merchandize, so that some f 7.36 Adjective must be joyned to it, more fully to express its several uses, viz. a place for sale of Flesh, Fish and Herbs, but this cannot be that, surely, as is meant of the Old Market, but I will not deny but that it may be some of the Out∣skirts of it.

Some take the word FORUM, to be a place where a Magistrate of a Province calls his People together, to give Sentence (according to the Law) in punishing an Offendour, and to decide differences in point of Right and Inheritance, and in which also were Speeches made unto the People.

Relating to these matters originally there were only three; Romanum Forum, Julium, and Augustum; from this foundation the Roman Senatours constituted no less than six; Forum Julianum, as Julius Caesar was the Founder, Forum Augusti, from Octavius Augustus, Forum Domitiani, from Domitian the Emperour, but com∣pleated by Nerva, by reason of the sudden death of Domitian, who left it un∣finished.

Others will have it Forum transitorium, as there was a Publick passage through it; leading to three several Market places.

Lipsius, in his third Book, and seventh Chapter, treating of the Roman Greatness, * 7.37 calls it Palladium Forum, Because (saith he) in the middle thereof was built a stately Temple to the Honour of Minerva.

Another was founded by the Emperout Trajan, called Trajani Forum, in which was built a sumptuous Pillar, in height an hundred and forty Cubits, expressing the noble Exploits done by him.

Salustii Forum, was a Noble place bought by Salust, with several delicate and delightful Gardens adjoyning, which since bares the name of Horti Salustini.

The last (which indeed was first built) was called Forum Vetus, and this ex∣celled all the rest, and contained the Oratours Pulpit, called Rostra, &c. unto this Forum many distinct places belonged, convenient for their uses, and sutable in Mag∣nificence, so that it must reasonably be concluded, that this being the place Anci∣ently called Forum Vetus, and Forum Vetus being the place they past through, where Magistrates delivered up their Power, must be the place meant for the entertaining of so great a Solemnity.

In this place was built a Wooden Tribunal of the colour of Stone, on which was erected an Edifice, sustained on every side with certain Pillars, variously adorned and set out with Ivory and Gold, thither was brought another Bed like the former (graced with the Heads of several Creatures, both of Sea and Land) covered over with Purple Cloth, embroydered with Gold, where was laid the Waxen Image of the Prince, brought from the Palace in his Triumphal Ornaments, from which (as if the Emperour slept) a handsom Boy, with a Fann made of Peacock Feathers, winged away the Flies.

On each side of this Market-place Scaffolds were erected, where, on one side was planted a Chorus of Noble mens Sons, another of Ladies on the other, singing Songs in honour of the Deceased, which being ended, the Funeral solemnity marched out of the City, towards the Campus Martius.

Now this Campus Martius, by reason it lay near the River Tiber, was otherwise called Tiberinus, and was given to the Roman People by a Vestal Virgin, named Caja Tarratia. This was accounted a Holy place, insomuch that the Corn which * 7.38 Tarquinius Superbus sowed there, after he seized the Ground from the People, was violently pluckt up by the Roots, by an order of the Senate, and thrown into Tiber, thinking it unfit to make any such use of so Sacred a place, given them.

Besides the pleasantness of this Field, according to its own nature, it was adorn∣ed with many Curiosities (sent from the Capitol) and several Images of many emi∣nent Men.

Here Horse Races, Foot Races, Fencing, casting the Bowl, the Dart, the Sledge, Wrestling, bending the Bow, Slinging, Vaulting, &c. was exercised, and all this per∣mitted before (forsooth) growing of Corn, by reason of the Holiness of the place, and upon these occasions it was dedicated to Mars, therefore called Campus Martius.

Men of the highest Repute were here burnt, meaning their Effigies, for we have already shewn, that before the Deifying of an Emperour by buining his Waxen Image, his real Body was Honourably buried after the manner of other men.

Here were Kings and Magistrates at first created, and to the place called Ovilia, or Septa, erected in this Field, the People assembled to present their Suffrages, to∣wards the Election of new Magistrates.

Before the Princes Image, that was intended for this Campus Martius, were car∣ried in State the several Images of Ancient Romans, who had been any waies famous, from the time of Romulus to the time of this Consecration, next followed repre∣sentations, in Brass, of the Provinces of the Empire, known and distinguisht by Habits and Ornaments peculiar to each Nation, then came several sorts and Orders of Citizens, as Lictors, Scribes, and Criers, next marched Horse-men and Foot-men in Armour, War-Horses led, and all those things which were presented by the Nobility, Gentry and Commonalty, for the increasing the greatness and splendour of this Funeral solemnity.

Lastly appeared a Golden Altar, enriched with Jewels and Ivory, and after all those things were past that made up the Magnificence of this Shew, the succeeding Emperour ascended the Oratory or Pulpit, where, in an elegant Speech, he set forth the Praises of the late Emperour.

In the middle of his Oration, the Senatours that stood close to the Oratory be∣gan to make several Exclamations (the method of which I have shewn in another place) some, immoderate and excessive in his Commendations, others, in bemoaning the loss they sustained by the fate of his decease, and did it much more violently when the Speech was finisht.

But when this Bed of State was to be removed from the place wherein it stood, the whole Senate lamented and wept; These Ceremonies being concluded, the Bed was removed from the Tribunal, not only by the Priest and Magistrates, for the present year, but by the help of those that were designed for the succeeding also, and delivered to certain Knights to be carried forward.

Part of the Senate went before it, by dismal tunes set to the Pipe, and by pre∣tended Groans, they exprest rarely their counterfeit Sorrows.

Last of all followed the Emperours, and after they had left the City, and ap∣proacht that place of the Campus Martius, where the Field is at the widest, was erected a Pile or Turret, quadrangular and equilateral, in the form of a Tabernacle, consisting of great Timber only. Its inside was well stored with all kind of dry and combustible matter, the outside was beautified and set forth with Ivory-Images curiously wrought, and hung with stately Hangings interwoven with Gold.

On this was raised another Turret, or story, with Doors and Casements open, differing in bigness not in glory from the former, next a third, and a fourth, the higher Lost being alwaies less in compass that than beneath, and so by degrees till you come to the highest, which is least of all.

Upon the top of this was placed the guilded Charriot of the Emperour, in which he took most delight when he was alive.

The form of this Tabernacle can be compared to nothing so well as those Watch-Towers, which by their Nocturnal Lights, guide and direct Ships into safe Har∣bour.

The Bed being laid into the second Tabernacle, they brought Persumes, Aroma∣tick Spices, all kind of sweet Fruits, fragrant Herbs, odoriferous Juyces, and distillations of Trees, in such vast quantities, that one would have thought the East Indies had been invited to the Consecration.

There was no Nation, City, or Persons of worth and quality, that did not emulously strive to out-vie each other in the greatness of their Presents, giving the last signal Tokens to the World of their respectful Acknowledgments to their de∣ceased Prince.

When the Room was filled with these Spices, and all other things requisite to the celebrating of the Consecration, the succeeding Emperour, and the Kindred of the dead Emperour, took their leave and last farewel by saluting his Statue, which being ended, the Prince ascends the Tribunal, the Senatours are placed on Scaffolds, provided on purpose for them, where they might best see the Cere∣monies performed, in honour of their Prince, the Magistrates and others sitting in their order, according to their Qualities and Office.

Then the Knights of Rome ride forwards and backwards about the Building, imitating the Pyrrichian Dance, according to rule and measure, the Foot Souldiers ran Races about it, and lastly, several Charriots were driven swift round it, managed by Persons of Honour, lively representing to the Spectatours, in Vizards, the Effigies of their Illustrious Emperours, and bravest Cap∣tains.

These Formalities performed, he that was to succeed in the Empire, took a Torch, and fired the Tabernacle, next the Consuls, after them other Magistrates, according to their Degree and Order.

All places being filled with Spices, and other combustible matter, the whole Fabrick flamed on a sudden.

From the highest Tabernacle an Eagle was let flie, which was pretended to attend to carry the Emperours Soul up to Heaven, and from that time forward was he reckoned among the Gods.

This Consecration at last was allowed (by the baseness and flattery of the Se∣nate) to the Emperours Wives, Sisters, and Daughters, in as ample a manner as to the Emperours themselves.

The names of those that were Deified were afterwards changed, as Io, was after∣wards called Isis; Melicerta, Portumnus; and AEneas, after his Apotheosis, by the ancient Latins was called Jovem indigitem, as Titus Livius, in his first Decad. and first Book witnesseth; And Romulus (as is well known) was afterwards called Quirinus, and from this Custome likewise came it, that Princes were called DEOS, & DIVOS, and their Letters and Rescripts, ORACLES, and thus I conclude the manner of the Romans Deifying their Emperours, according to the best information of their own Authors.

THE British Account OF THE WARS OF SEVERUS, IN THIS ISLAND.

THE Northern Nations, with whom Severus had to deal, who are called by the Romans, Caledonii and Meatae, by the British Hi∣stories are named Picts, and their Country Deira and Albania, their Leader, Fulgentius the Brother of Martia, the first Wife of Severus, and Mother of Bassianus Antoninus.

This FULGENTIUS, doubtful of his strength any longer to resist, makes a Voyage into Scythia (for yet the British Histories leave not off their far-fetches) where, gathering together a Body of the choicest Youth, called PICTS, he re∣turns into Britain, and at his Arrival, many forsook Severus, and joyned themselves with him.

Flusht with this success, he besiegeth the Emperour in York, who keeping close for a while till his Men were in readiness, at last breaks out, and forceth him to a Battle, the event whereof, was, that both Severus and Fulgentius received their mortal wounds therein. The Picts retired to their Fast-holds, and Severus to York, where he soon after died.

Jeoffery of Monmouth, in writing of this story (as in many other places he is guilty of the same Errour) by ill timing of Actions, and confounding the Names of Persons, hath made it so intricate, that it is impossible to find out what he mean∣eth, for he makes Septimius Severus, the Emperour, the same as Junius Severus, who was sent, by Commodus, into Britain, to succeed Albinus, as manifestly appear∣eth, where he saith, That Severus a Senatour, after the death of Lucius, was sent into Britain, by the Senate, with two Legions, to compose there the differences arising, and restore the Kingdom to the Romans, which, by Dissentions, was much drawn from them. This must needs be meant of Junius Severus, for Septimius Severus was not Senatour but Emperour, when he entred Britain, and it was many years after the death of Lucius, and yet presently after, relating the same mans Actions, he adds, That he made a Wall between Deira and Albania, which can be meant of none but Severus the Emperour.

I wonder that the British History, in making Severus a King of Britain, and Suc∣cessour of Lucius, does not give some Reason for it. If he had the Kingdom in Right of his first Wife Martia, Sister to Fulgentius, how comes it to pass that Fulgentius is not reckoned a British Prince, and a Rightful Inheritour of the Crown, which, if he had been created, it follows, dying in the Battle fought against Severus, the King∣dom would devolve on Severus by the Womans side, according to the Old Com∣pact the British Histories makes mention of, between these Northern Picts and their Brethren, the Scots of Ireland, when they gave them Wives; That in case the Male Issue failed, the Heir of the Woman should inherit in the Kingdom of the Picts. So that Severus, holding by Right of his Wife, his Son Bassianus was lawful Inheritour, and the British Succession should have run thus, Lucius, Fulgentius, Severus, in Right of Martia, Bassianus, &c. but of this more than enough.

Bass. Caracalla Anto. And His BROTHER Septimius Geta.

AFter the death of Old Severus, his eldest Son CARACALLA, * 7.39 for a while, pursued the Relicks of the War by his Captains, when, weary of so troublesome an employment, he hudled up a Peace, and taking Hostages returned to Rome.

And now grown impatient of a Partner in Power, he slew his Brother GETA, after he had Reigned with him a year and twenty two daies. He caused likewise his Name to be raced out of all Monuments, which was accordingly observed even in Britain as appeareth by an Inscription dug out of the Earth in Monmouthshire, wherein the name of [GETA] by the tract of Letters, may be discovered to have once been, although afterwards raced out.

PRO SALUTE AUG. G. N. N. SEVERI ET ANTON- NI ET GET AE CAES. P. SALTIENUS P. F. MAE- CIA THALAMUS HADRI. PRAEF. LEG. II. AUG. C. VAMPEIANO, ET LUCILIAN.

And, that which made more to the horridness of the Murther, was, that he slew him in the Arms of his Mother Julia; But it seems her Sorrows quickly blew over, for not long after she consented a Marriage with her Son in Law Bassianus, the Murtherer of her own Son; for Bassianus was the Son of Martia, a former Wife of Se∣verus.

Thus we see this Julia, who twitted the British Ladies with their Crimes, com∣mitted a greater of her own, nay, such an One, as St. Paul saith, Is not to be named among the Gentiles.

After his Murther and Incest he was slain by one of his own Souldiers, Macrinus, who succeeded him, being the contriver of it.

He Governed but six years and two months, and left no Issue by his Incestuous Mother, or Grantilla his Wise, whom he banisht into Sicily, but by Julia Simiamira, his cousin German and Mistris, he had Heliogabalus, who afterwards came to be Emperour.

THE British History.

THE Count Palatine maketh Bassianus King of Britain in Right of his Mother Martia, who, by the British Histories is said to be a Native of this Island, but Sabellicus taketh her to have been an African by Birth, but allowing her a Britain, how cometh it to pass that Ful∣gentius, her Brother, is not accounted a King of this Island? For she could have no right to the Kingdom till his death, so that, if Fulgentius be exclu∣ded, his Sister Martia could create no Title either to Severus her Husband, or our present Bassianus, her Son.

He likewise saith, That Bassinus sent into Britain, Virius Lupus, to quell the Picts, who had entred the Island under Fulgentius, but what Authority he hath for it, I know not; The Roman Authors say, he was sent by Severus, and the British Histo∣ries * 7.40 are silent of him, as to the daies of this Emperour.

Jeoffery of Moumouth with the like absurdity makes Carausius to be chosen King of Britain in the year 218, which is the last of this Emperours Reign, whereas his appearance in Britain was not till the year 284, as by true History is collected; Nevertheless the British Writers generally tell the story thus:

Carausius being chosen King of Britain, and made Commander of the Picts, who, after the death of Fulgentius, wanted a Leader, presently makes Head against Bas∣sianus, * 7.41 and giveth him Battle; Bassianus had many Picts in his Army, but Carausius, a Man of a subtile Wit, by fair Promises had so won their affections that in the Fight they betrayed him, so that deserted by so great a part of his Forces, the rest were totally routed, and himself slain. Carausius, to gratifie the Picts, gave them the Countries in the South parts of Scotland, which joyns to England on the East Mar∣ches, as Mers, Louthean, and others.

Thus Bassianus, by the report of the British Writers, died in Britain.

CARAGALLA slain, MACRINUS, the contriver of his * 7.42 death, was chosen, by the Army, Emperour, in whose daies, as likewise many of his Successours, we find no mention made in this our Island; whether it were, that the Empire declining apace, or, that good Authors grew scarce, or were lost, or, which is more probable, the former Princes being advanced by the heady Affection of the Souldiers, and as soon cast down again, had no time to atchieve great Matters so far off.

Certain it is, that for some years we are left in the dark, having a few fragments only lying scattered, here and there, which give just light enough to shew that Bri∣tain still continued a Roman Province, and had its Proproetors and Presidents. The British Histories themselves, as if they were only ill Comments on the Roman Records, and wanted breath where the other ceased, do now fall in pieces, leaving wide gaps, and Inter-regnums, for many years together, so that if we would, we could not piece up these Times with their Rags and Fables. And, were it not un∣decent to leave so great a breach in the midst of this History, many of the following Emperours might be spared. And indeed, I might easily have been induced to have omitted them, had not these Reasons moved me to the contrary.

First, By vertue of their being Emperours they were undoubted possessours of this Island, and so have a right to have their Names, at least Recorded, though some of them through their short continuance in Power, had no time to exercise it so far off; And this is all I intend to do, for I mean not to write of their Actions in Rome, Syria or Africa, or to make a History of the World (save only what I shall speak of their Original and Antiquity) when I intend only one of Britain. Nothing shall be Recorded but what hath some relation to our Island, and where no Circumstances tend to it, it shall be sufficient the Emperour is named, and the time of his Reign.

Secondly, Another Motive which swayeth me to proceed in the aforesaid method, is, the weight of Presidents that have written after this manner, and yet it is not absolutely necessary I should name them. Nay the British Histories themselves have all along, hitherto, made the presence of a King in Britain, and his being born here, a necessary qualification to his being King. Now we must take up with Kings in Right, and admit of Heliogabulus, Gordianus, Maximine, &c. who never saw this Island to be their natural or rightful Inheritance.

And what can be said more for these Emperours which cannot be alleadged, for all the rest; for allowing Martia to have created a Title to Severus and his Sons, must Heliogabulus, the Bastard of Caracalla, be hookt in upon the same score, and must Alexander Severus be created another of his Bastards, or else have no Right to the Kingdom? most excellent! But, by what Right is his Murtherer Maximine admitted King? Because, saith Basingstoke, BELIN, a British God undertook the * 7.43 Revenge. Was ever Title so plainly demonstrated? Then follows Gordian, who is lawful King of Britain, because he was Father of Claudius, from whom pro∣ceeded Constantine, who had Right by his Wife Helena; so that we see the Grand∣son gives Title to the Grand-father, a Tenure able to puzzle the ablest Lawyers we have now in England.

If this were sufficient to make a lawful King of Eritain, we need not fear, even in their sence, to hook-in the most obstinate and perversest Emperour imaginable, so that the maintainers of that History, have no reason to find fault with the Method designed.

And as for those who are only for the Romans, I hope they will not account it impertinent, and besides the purpose, to give a short account, if it were no more, of the Emperours of Rome.

Macrinus Reigned one year, one month, and twenty eight daies.

Anton. Heliogabulus.

HE is supposed the Bastard Son of Bassianus, by his Concubine * 7.44 Simiamira, his Name, HELIOGABULUS, he took from being a Priest to that God in Phoenicia, for Heliogabulus in the Phoenician Tongue, signifies the Sun, or Jupiter, as Lam∣pridius witnesseth. But it seemeth rather to have been the Sun, for from Clioun, in the Phoenician Tongue signifying, Lord or God, the Greeks had their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the Sun, which sheweth that the Sun, in a peculiar manner, was the God of the Phoe∣nicians. * 7.45

When he came to Rome, he introduced that barbarous Custome (in the honour of this God) of sacrificing of Infants, and Children, looking into their Intrails to foretel future Events, a Custome for which the Britains in former time were so much accused, and, which I mention, to shew, That the Phoenician Worship, by such horrid Sacrifices, was yet continued in the World, and, in all probability, might be the Original of the same Custome in Britain, brought hither when the Phoenicians were most conversant in the Island, as I have shewn in the Antiquities of this Na∣tion.

He was the most vicious Prince of all, that either went before him, or came after him, and in his daies were acted over the Vices of the whole Empire for many Ages.

By Herodians Computation he Reigned six years, and died in the twentieth year of his Age. * 7.46

Aurelius Victor saith, he Ruled but three years, and was slain at seventeen years of Age. * 7.47

Eusebius, whom I follow, assigneth him four years, which agreeth with Onu∣phrius, * 7.48 who maketh him to live but eighteen years.

And by all it is agreed, that he came to the Empire at fourteen, and, for the Ho∣nour of our Nation, is allowed King of this Island, by our British Histories.

Alexander Severus.

ALEXANDER was the Son of Varius and Mammea, Sister * 7.49 to Simiamira, others make him the Son of Bassianus, and that the two Sisters, Simiamira and Mammea, waiting on their Aunt Julia, the Empress had the misfortune to be both * 7.50 gotten with Child by him.

But whether he were the Brother and Cousin German of Heliogabulus, certain it is, he had no Alliance with him in his Vicious inclinations, being a Learned, Warlike, and Fortu∣nate Prince.

We find that the Senate, met together in the Temple of Concord, and used many of those Acclamations to him and the Gods, which I have taken notice of in the Life of Commodus, and are too tedious here to be repeated.

It is thought that he made an Expedition into Britain, and Lampridius saies, he was slain in a Town called Sicila, but whether it were in Britain, or Gaul, he leaves us uncertain; Howbeit, thus much we find in the same Author of his Actions in this Island;

When he had given unto the Captains and Souldiers of the Marches, those Grounds and Lands which were won from the Enemies, so that they should be their Propriety, if their Heirs served as Souldiers, and that they should not revert to any private Men, supposing they would go to the Wars more willingly, and take the better care, if they could, to defend their own peculiar Possessions.

Note these words well saith Mr. Cambden, from hence may be deduced either a kind of Feudum, or Fee, or the beginning of Fewds.

Before his death a Druid Woman cried out to him in the Gaulish Tongue; Go on, * 7.51 but hope not for Victory, and trust not thy Souldiers. He was slain by some of his own Army, at the instigation of Maximine, who succeeded him, and the cause of his death was, That the Souldiers grown loose under Heliogabulus, could not endure the severity of Discipline.

He Reigned, according to Lampridius, thirteen years and nine daies, Aged twenty nine years, three months and seven daies, in the year of our Lord 236.

Basing stoke endeavoureth to prove Sicila was a Town in Britain, so called from the * 7.52 British Prince Sicilius, who built it, but his Arguments are not worth reputing.

This Alexander Severus is also numbred among the British Kings.

Julius Maximinus.

MAXIMINE, a Man of mean Birth, but of prodigious strength and greatness, proved an unweildy, insolent and untractable * 7.53 Tyrant, insomuch that Old Gordianus, and his Son, were set up by the Senate against him; their Reigns were but short, for Ca∣pelianus, Governour of Numidia and Mauritania, more out of private hatred to Gordian than kindness to Maximine, gave them Eattle, the success whereof was, That young Gordian be∣ing slain, his Father out of grief hanged himself.

This Gordian had been Quaestor of Rome, and amongst many of his Magnificent Shews exhibited to the People, one especially was a Wood, wherein were painted two hundred Deer covered with Palms, and Britains mixed among them, which sheweth that the Britains were still matter of novelty and delight to the Ro∣mans. * 7.54

The Gordians, Father and Son, thus happily removed, Maximine who had been all this while in Germany, hastned to Rome, breathing nothing but Revenge to the Senate and People, but endeavouring, first, to reduce the City of Aquilea, who shut its Gates upon him in his passage, he was slain at the Siege thereof by his own Souldiers.

It is reported by Capitolinus, that the City was yielding to admit him, had not one Menophilus a Senatour, perswaded them, that BELINUS (a God peculiar to the Britains and Gauls, and who had a Temple at Aquilea) declared by his Oracle, that Maximine should be overcome. This the Priests gave out, and therefore after his death the Souldiers bragg'd about, That APOLLO fought against them, and that they were not overcome by the Senate and Maximus, who succeeded Maximinus, but by the power of the Gods.

From the circumstances of this story is collected, that the British God BELE∣NUS was the same with APOLLO, or the SUN, and was the Bel or Baal of the Phanicians, from whence the latter part of Eligabal, the Emperours name is derived.

With Maximine died his Son and Caesar, Maximine, in the year of our Lord 238, after they had sate in the Empire three years.

The British Histories allow him King of this Island, after whom follows an Inter∣regnum, but I shall proceed with the Roman Emperours.

Pupienus Maximus, And Clodius Balbinus, EMPEROURS.

PUPIENUS MAXIMUS, and CLODIUS BALBINUS, chosen by the Senate Emperours against Maximine, were not * 7.55 so linked together in Affection, as they were nearly joyned in Authority.

Balbinus was of greater Birth and Nobility, but Pupienus exceeded him in Wisdom and Conduct, insomuch that both of them over-valuing themselves, the one upon the gifts of Fortune, the other the endowments of his Mind, were both slain by the Praetorian Souldiers, having joyntly Reigned little more than a year, during whose short continuance in Power we find not the least remembrance of them in our Island.

M. Anton. Gordianus.

AT the Age of fourteen Gordianus was elected Emperour by the Praetorian Bands, he was the Son of a Daughter of Old Gordianus, being so young he Ruled by the Advice of Misitheus, a prudent Counsellour, whose Daughter he took in Marriage.

And now some glimmering light appeareth concerning the Govern∣ment of this Island, out of an Altar-stone found in Cumberland, at a place then cal∣led † 7.56 Castra Exploratorum, with an Inscription for the health of this Emperour, his Wife, and the whole Family, set up by AEmilius Crispinus, who was Captain of Horse under Nonnius Philippus, Lieutenant General of Britain, as appeareth by the * 7.57 Stone it self.

IOM. PRO SALUTE IMPERATORIS M. ANTONI GOR- DIANI P. F. INVICTI AUG. ET SABI- NIAE TURIAE TRANQUILE CONJUGIRIUS TOTAQUE DOMU. DIVIN. EORUM ALA AUG. GORDIA OB VIRTUTEM APPELLATA POSUIT CUI PRAEEST AEMILIUS CRISPINUS PRAEF. EQ. Q. NATUS IN PRO AFRICA DE TUIDRO SUB. CUR. NONNII PH—LIPPI LEG. AUG. PROPRETO— —ATTICO ET PRAETEXTATO COSS.

After Gordianus had governed the State for the space of six years, he was de∣posed by Julius Philippus, who, to make way for himself, first poysoned Misitheus, and then insinuating himself into favour, was the destruction of his Master; for Gor∣dianus, by the Power of Philip, being cast out of the Throne, was soon afterwards, by the jealousie of the Usurper slain in the year of Grace 245, and of his Age 22.

Gordian is accounted in the British History, King of this Island, upon the account * 7.58 of his being Father to Claudius, whose Title we shall examine hereafter.

M. Julius Philippus.

PHILIP, by treachery and disloyalty to his Soveraign, having ascended the Throne, proved a better Prince than Subject. By * 7.59 embracing the Christian Religion, he strived to wipe away the stains of his former life, much to be approved of if Sincerity were joyned with his Profession, but nothing worth, if to daub over a guilty Conscience, he applied himself to Pardon and Pennance only.

Eusebius, to prove his Sincerity, writes, That he submitted * 7.60 to be placed in the room of Common Penitents, because, in many things he had been faulty. This was a piece of humility not to be slighted, if with that self denial he had resigned his ill-gotten Power, or employed that Authority in the open owning and propagating the truth. But such was the earnest desire, even in those Primitive times, of gaining mighty Prelates to the Church, that the comfortable part of the Gospel, Forgiveness of Sins, was used as a Bait only to draw them in, being drest up in fashion and formality, light and trivial Ceremonies, which had a shew of sub∣mission, whilest the weightier parts of the Law, without which the other availeth nothing, were either neglected or dissembled.

Against this Philip, first Marinus set himself up Emperour, but he failing, Decius was advanced by the Souldiers, whom, whilest Philip sought to reduce, was himself slain by his own Army, and his Head cut off by the Teeth. The memory of him is preserved in Britain, upon a Pyramid or long Stone dug out of the ground not far from Old Carlile, with this Inscription: * 7.61

IMP. CAES. M. JUL. PHILIPPO PIO FELI- CI AUG. ETM. JUL. PHI- LIPPO NOBILIS SIMO CAES. TR. P. COS—

Eusebius saith, he Reigned seven years, but Eutropius and Victor, whom I fol∣low, * 7.62 give him but five.

Upon the news of his death, the Praetorian Souldiers kill'd his Son PHILIP, whom he had created his Caesar, so that we see his disloyalty to his natural Soveraign Gordianus, was returned double fold upon him, and the Christian Religion, which might save him in the World to come, did not exempt him from the Punishments of this life, attending Treason and Usurpation.

Gn. Messius Quinctus Trajan Decius.

DECIUS (elected Emperour by the Persinn Legions, proclaim∣ed in Verona by the Roman Souldiers, and confirmed at Rome * 7.63 by the voice of the Senate) was a wise and valiant Prince, but Reigned but two years, being in his Wars (against the Goths) betrayed by his own Captain Trebonianus Gallus, where having the misfortune to see his two Sons, Decius and Hostilianus, whom he had made his Associates in the Empire, slain before his face, he threw himself into a Whirl-pool, which soon swallowed up both him and his Sorrows; He was a great enemy of the Christians, and raised the seventh Persecution.

Trebonianus Gallus.

TREBONIANUS GALLUS having betrayed Decius, was, upon * 7.64 his death, admitted Emperour. He created his Son Volusianus, a Child, his Caesar, but he enjoyed not long the Imperial Crown, for giving himself up to Pleasures at Rome, he neglected the preservation of the Empire, insomuch that the Goths breaking in on the Frontiers, made great havock, till AEmilian his General put a stop to them, and, giving them Battle, overthrew them with a wonderful slaughter, for which great Action the Souldiers proclaimed him Emperour, and Trebonianus, with his Son, to revenge themselves, were both slain in fight against him, after they had sate in the Empire not quite two years, but AEmilian was in four months afterwards deposed and slain, by the same Souldiers that advanced him.

P. Licinius Valerianus.

VALERIANUS was advanced to the Empire by the Prae∣torian * 7.65 Souldiers, a Man of so great Repute, and so infinitely be∣loved, that he soon eclipsed the glory of AEmilian; He began the Eighth Persecution, but after he had Reigned seven years, in a Battle against Sapor, King of Persia, he was taken Pri∣soner, and for seven years more lived in a miserable Capti∣vity, being made the Footstool of that Tyrant, suffering all manner of Indignities that an Insolent and Barbarous Con∣querour could invent for him.

Publius Licinius Galienus.

GALIENUS, the Son of Valerian, succeeded his Father in the Em∣pire. He is described a proud and unfortunate Prince, and yet not * 7.66 ill beloved by the People, because his Vices were agreeing with the times; He was prodigal and luxurious, wasting the Publick Treasury in vain and fruitless Experiments, all tending to Lust, Gluttony and Riot, careless of the Common danger, and through a haughty Ignorance unappre∣hensive of his own.

In his daies the Empire was on all sides strongly Invaded, the Germans infested Italy, the Goths, Greece, Pontus and Asia, the Sarmatians seized Austrick and Hun∣gary, the Persians spoiled Syria, the Saxons brake into Gallia, the Francks into Spain, so that the Empire had been utterly ruined through the careless neglect of Galienus, had not several Commanders, in several places, undertaken the defence of it.

They were Thirty together, and all assumed the Imperial Robe, and are called by Historians the Thirty Tyrants. Six of them, namely, Lollianus, Victorinus, Posthumus, the two Tetrici, Father and Son, and Marius, are conjectured to have risen, or born sway in this Island, as appeareth by many of their Coyns found in England, but especially at Colchester.

The memory of Marius, as Mr. Cambden conjectureth, is preserved in that In∣scription, MARII VICTORIAE, of which I have spoken before, and some think that a Stone found in Hampshire, bearing this Inscription:

MEMORIAE FL. VICTORI- NAE T. TAM VICTOR CONJUX POSUIT.

It was erected to the honour of Victorina, or Victoria, the Mother of Victorinus, the second Tyrant, afterwards slain by his Souldiers.

This Victorina was called Master Castrorum, or the Mother of the Camp, and did not only set up her Son and Grand-son, both of them Victorini against Galienus, but, after their deaths, Marius also, and both the Tetrici. Hence it is that Porphyrius, * 7.67 a Philosopher then living, saith, That BRITAIN was a soyl fruitful of Ty∣rants.

Marius enjoyed his new Soveraignty but three daies, as for Tetricus and his Son, they held it out till the time of Aurelianus, when we shall hear more of them.

Galienus Reigned eight years after the Captivity of his Father, and was then slain at the Siege of Milan, by three of his own Captains, Martian, Heraclian, and Ceronius, who agreed among themselves to divide the Empire, but their Treason was so ill resented, that they never durst put in their Pretentions.

M. Aurelius Flavius Claudius.

HE was a most worthy Prince, wise of Counsel, and experienced * 7.68 in Wars. The Publick Invaders of the Empire, the Goths, he drove back with the slaughter of three hundred thousand fighting Men, and two thousand Ships, the Germans he utterly subdued, and established again their Subjection to the Roman Power.

Having performed these great Actions, and minding now to reduce the Empire to its Unity in Government, he died of a Feavour, as he was preparing against Tetricus, who held the Western Pro∣vinces.

He Ruled two years, and then his Brother QUINTILIUS was chosen by the Italian Souldiers, but he enjoyed his Election but seventeen daies, for the Victo∣rious Army of Claudius, thinking they had better right to create an Emperour, set up AURELIUS, in somuch that Quintilius finding it in vain to contend, ended his life by opening his own Veins, or as other say, was slain by his Army, for his too great severity in Discipline.

THE British Writers CONCERNING CLAUDIUS.

CLAUDIUS, by our Writers, is allowed a lawful King of this Island, for from the daies of Gordian, which are twenty four years, our home-spun Histories make an Inter-regnum.

GORDIAN was allowed King as being the Father of this Claudius, for (as I said before) by the Law of the British Hi∣stories, the Right of Inheritance ascends, and even Grandfathers hold their Kingdoms by the title of their Grand-children. Let us see therefore, by what Right Claudius is accounted King; We have heard before, that one of his Titles to the Crown, was, that from his Line descended Constantius, who held it in right of his Wife Helena, a British Woman, and so sent the Title up to his Ancestour, the present Claudius. The Genealogy runs thus; Claudius had two Brothers, Quinctilius and Crispus. Claudius and Quinctilius dying without Issue, Crispus had a Daughter named Claudia, who marrying Eutropius was the Mother of Constantius.

But now I shall shew his other Title by which he claims, gathered out of the Ro∣man Histories. Pollio, a Roman Writer, in the Life of Claudius hath these words: He seemeth to draw his Original from Dalmatia, although others say he was a Dardanian * 7.69 by Birth, descended of the Trojans in Ilium, and of the Blood of Dardanus himself; thus far Pollio.

And can we think that the British Writers will slip so fair an occasion of making another Trojan Prince in this Island? No certainly; hear therefore I pray Basing∣stoke: There is a wonderful and secret power of Nature (saith he) whereby the Trojan Original of the Britains, despised by so many, and slighted by Julius Caesar, is still brought to the Empire, as is manifest in Severus his marriage with Martia, and Con∣stantius taking Helena to Wife, which Constantius descended of Claudius, who was of Trojan Race.

Thus we see the Kingdom of Brute, by the wonderful working of Nature, resto∣red again to the Trojans, and that it may not be done without an Oracle, take this story out of Pollio, which for the worthiness of it, I set down among the British Histories.

Claudius being well setled in the Empire, required of the Gods how long he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 enjoy it; The Answer was given,

Tu qui nunc Patrias gubernas or as, Et mundum Regis arbiter Deorum —in veteres tuis novelliis: Regnabunt etenim ter minores, Et Reges facient suos minores.

Thou who thy * 7.70 Fathers Kingdom now dost Rule, And dost the World, and Gods Command. —The next is imperfect, but then follows: Thy Off-spring after thee shall bear the sway, And Kings shall their Inferiours stand.

By his Off-spring is meant, Constantius and his Son Constantine, but it seems Clau∣dius not yet satisfied, enquires further of his own life. The Oracle answered:

Tertia dum Latio regnantem viderit aestas. Three Summers thou in Italy shalt reign.

When finding the Gods more favourable to his Off-spring than himself, he desired to know the time of their continuance. The Oracle returned:

His ego nee metas rerum nec tempora pono, To these I set no bounds of Time or Place.

Much after the rate of Brutus his Oracle:

Hic de prole tua Reges nascentur, & ipsis Totius terrae subditus orbis erit. Here from thy Loyns shall Kings arise, and they Over all Nations shall their Scepters sway.

Thus much concerning Claudius, and his supposed Trojan Original and Progeny; I shall only add one story more out of Basing stoke concerning him, and then conclude, it is this: When he lived a private Man under Gallenus, and often sharply reproved that Prince for his vicious Life, the Emperour one day to bribe and appease him, sent * 7.71 him a Dardanian Coat, and a British Hood, called BARDOCUCULLUS; Two great Gifts, But to what end you may say are they recorded? no doubt there is a great mystery in the bottom; for the former Present was given him as an acknow∣ledgment of his Trijan descent, and the other to signifie his Right to the Kingdom of Britain.

L. Domitius Aurel. Valer. Aurelianus.

AURELIANUS, being chosen Emperour by the Souldiers, and confirmed by the Senate, set himself immediately to the * 7.72 establishing the Peace and Unity of the Empire, a work wherein Claudius his Predecessour had been prevented by death, and which was worthily performed by Aurelian. Te∣tricus, who Ruled in Gaul and Britain by the terrour only of his Arms, was reduced to obedience, and submitting him∣self was led in triumph through Rome, but afterwards came into favour, and was made Governour of Campania, and the south Provinces of Italy, and was often stiled, by Aurelian, Emperour.

He ruled five years, and then was killed by his own Servants, through the Trea∣chery of Mnestheus his Secretary; He raised the ninth Persecution, enquiring once * 7.73 of the Druids, whether his Family should long possess the Empire; They answered, That no name should be so great as that of Claudius.

M. Claudius Tacitus.

TACITUS, after the death of Aurelian, was constrained by the Senate and Souldiers, to accept of the Empire, much unwilling he was as * 7.74 one who foresaw it would be the ruine of himself and Family, and therefore what he took with Regret he never executed chearfully, so that reigning six months only, he died of Grief, saith Vopiscus (who wrote his life) having been continually plagued with Factions and Parties.

Eutropius thinketh him slain by his rebellious Souldiers, and Victor saith he died of a Feaver.

He was no sooner dead but his Brother Florianus, without expecting the voice of the Senate or Souldier, as rashly assumed the Imperial Authority, but hearing that Probus was set up by the Eastern Army, he cut his own Veins and so died, having pleased himself for some daies in dreaming he was an Emperour.

M. Aurelius Valer. Probus.

UNDER the Emperour PROBUS, Bonosus, by descent a * 7.75 Britain, bred up a Spaniard, and his Mother a Gaulish Woman, together with Proculus, usurped the Empire, claiming to him∣self all Britain, Spain, and Gallia-Bracchata. Through many Military employments, from a low beginning, by degrees, he ascended to high Command.

He was an exceeding great Drinker, insomuch that Aurelian would often say of him, That he was born, Non ut vivat, sed ut bibat, not to live, but bib. But the same Vmperour found means to employ him, and held him up in some quality, as a very considerable and useful person, for when the Goths and Germans, those drinking Nations, sent their Em∣bassadours, Who was so fit to undertake them as Bonosus? For besides that he had vast stowage for his Liquor, and so well hoopt, as Vopiscus saith, the Wine lost no∣thing in running through him. He had another most excellent qualification, in be∣ing * 7.76 wisest still in his Cups, by which means he would pump out the secrets of Em∣bassadours, and faithfully retein them, being one of those whom Martial calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an Observing Drinker, holding his Reason sound and secure, though besieged round with Glasses, so that seeming to be disquieted, when (indeed) he was not, he proved the more dangerous, by how much the less he was suspected in effect. He was used as a Spy by Aurelian, by whose procurement also he married a Gothish Lady of Royal Blood, that by so near allyance with that Nation, he might be bet∣ter able to sift out Intelligence.

Being for these great endowments advanced to Command over the German Ship∣ping in the Rhine, through Treachery (as was thought) he willingly suffered them to be burnt, or, if through his Negligence they miscarried, not daring to stand his Trial, but relying on his power with the Western Army, he joyned himself with Proculus, and seizing the Provinces of Spain, Britain and part of Gallia, bore him∣self up a while for Emperour; The Germans, at the news of Probus's advancing against him (looking it seems on Bonosus as a better Companion than a Prince) deserted him, who after a long and bloody Fight at Cullen, being at last vanquisht, hanged himself, and so gave occasion of a ready Jest, Here hangs a Tankard, not a Man.

After this, another Commotion arose in Britain, through the practices of one whom Probus himself, by the entreaty of Victorinus a Moore, had placed here in office * 7.77 and trust, his name is not recorded, but he is supposed to be that Cornelius Lelia∣nus, whose Coyns are found in this Island, and no where else.

These Tumults were suddenly appeased, for Victorinus being upbraided by Pro∣bus, for commending a man to him so treacherous and disloyal, obtained leave for Britain, where, at his Arrival, feigning he had escaped from the Emperour, he was kindly received, and not long after, procured means by night to dispatch the Go∣vernour, by which the Province was quieted, and the Moore returned to Probus, ha∣ving in the same Action given testimony of a severe Loyalty, and a persidious Friend∣ship.

About this time, Probus (having subdued the Burgundians and Vandals in a great Battle) sent many of them into Britain, where they afterwards did great service to the Romans, as often as any new Commotions or Insurrections happened in the I∣sland, and the Britains themselves, for some good Services, were, by him, permitted to plant Vines and make Wine.

This Emperour well deserved the name of PROBUS, but avoided not the Fate of his Predecessours, being slain by his own Army, the occasion whereof, was that * 7.78 most Princely and worthy saying of his, That in a short time he would bring it to pass, that the State should want no more Souldièrs. He Reigned five years, four months, some say, six years, &c.

M. Aurelius Carus.

Carinus,	His Sons and CAESARS.
Numerianus,

PROBUS thus made away, CARUS was advanced to the Em∣pire; * 7.79 He created his two Sons CARINUS and NUME∣RIANUS his Caesars.

To Carinus he gave the charge of Britain, with the rest of the Western Provinces, and taking Numerianus with him into the East, he invaded the Persians, but he died suddenly, as some say struck with Lightning. Vopiscus saith, he died a Natural death, and that the Souldiers, for sorrow, firing his Tent, gave occasion * 7.80 to the former Report.

His pious Son Numerianus was flain by Aper, and he by Dioclesian, who in a set Battle also not long after slew the wicked Carinus, who by his Riot had wasted Bri∣tain and the other Provinces, these Actions happened within the space of two years.

C. Aurel. Valer. Dioclesianus, Jovius, AND M. Aurel. Valer. Maximianus.

DIOCLESIAN being advanced to the Empire, chose MAXI∣MIAN for his Associate, Dioclesian took Galerius, and Maximinus * 7.81 elected Constantius Clorus, constraining them to divorce their Wives, and to take their Daughters in Marriage.

About this time lived Carausius, a Menapian born, but whether of those Menapii that inhabited Germany, about Juliers and Trevers, or of the Me∣napii in Ireland, about Wexford, is uncertain, but it may best seem of the latter rather, for Aurelius Victor calleth him a Citizen of Menapia, and the City Menapia is placed, by Geographers, not in those Low Countries of Germany, but in Ireland. Certain it * 7.82 is, as Bede and Eutropius witness, that he was but of low Parentage, but withal of an * 7.83 Inventive and Active nature, a good Sea-man, and who in many Engagements had gained such Reputation, that he was made at length, Admiral of the Belgick and Ar∣morick Seas, much then infested with the Piracies of the Franks and Saxons. But he used his Commission rather to the enrichment of himself than securing the Coasts. Oftentimes he would suffer these Rovers to seize the Goods and Ships of Merchants, and in their return, laden with spoil and booty, would set upon them and retake them,

but neither restoring the Goods to the Owner, nor accounting to the Publick, he proved the grievance of the two.

But it happened that this Trade failing, the Pirates dreading his Power, and the Merchants not trusting to his protection, now no longer used Dissimulation, but seized the Merchants himself, and suffered the Pirates to pass under Composi∣tions.

Maximian hearing of it, sends privily to slay him, and in the mean time seizes many of his Principal men in Piccardy, about Bullen.

Carausius having intelligence of these things, and finding himself too great a Cri∣minal to be less than an Emperour, took upon him immediately the Imperial Robe, seizes Britain, withdraws his Fleet from the defence of the Belgick and Gaulish Shoars, builds other Ships after the Roman fashion, and secures to himself the Ro∣man Legion, here lying in Garrison, keeping out the Companies of Forreign Soul∣diers. The Merchants and Factors of Gallia he listed, and put a Garrison into Bullen, the publick Revenues of Britain and Belgium he converted to his own use, and by the Spoils of whole Provinces allured many barbarous Nations, the Franks especially, to side with them. These he trained to Sea-service, and was now grown so powerful that all Coasts were dangerous, and no passage left safe for the Romans to assail him.

Maximian, by this time was set forward with a mighty Army, but when he came to the Sea-side, partly discouraged for want of Sea-men, and partly affrighted with the British Fleet that covered the Ocean, he made a stop, and sending to Carausius concluded a Peace with him, yielding to him the Government and Rule of the Island, as one who was best able to defend it from the Invasions and inroads of the Northern Nations; Hence it is, that in the silver Coyns of Carausius this League and Amity is signified on the stamp, being Portraitures of two Emperours joyning hands, with this Inscription,

CONCORDIA AUGG.

This Peace made by constraint, not choice, Maximian revenges upon the Franks, who had secretly, and under-hand sent assistance to Carausius, insomuch that coming upon them suddenly, he makes great slaughter of them, and brings them to a total subjection. But Carausius obtaining the Kingdom thus by force, and governing it with uncorrupt and unstained Reputation, nothing was wanting to the substance and magnificence of a peaceful Reign.

To stop the Inroads of barbarous Nations, he rebuilds the Wall between the mouths of Cluda and Carunus (supposed in the same place where Severus had built his) and fortified the same with seven Castles; Upon the River Carun he erected a round House of polished Stone, which River (as Minutius writes) took name of * 7.84 him, and withal, a Triumphal Arch, in remembrance of some Victory there ob∣tained.

And now it was that Dioclesian and Maximian, as well to preserve what they had won, as to regain what was lost, chose to themselves two Casars, Constantius Clorus and Galerius.

CONSTANTIUS having got together an Army, with speedy Marches went upon Bullen unawares, where Carausius had put a strong Garrison, and beleagured it round about; The mouth of the Haven he blockt up, by driving in huge Piles of Wood into the bottom, and ramming in great Stones between, one upon another in nature of a Mould, which was so strongly wrought, that the Sea for many daies beating upon it, could not break or beat it down, and as no Relief could be sent in by Carausius, the Town was taken. But what is most observable, the very next Tide after the Surrender, made such a breach into the Rampire, that it was wholly disjoyned and broken asunder.

In the mean time Carausius was treacherously slain by Alectus, one who was in special favour and trust under him, after he had Reigned seven years, as some say, with great Justice and Moderation; as others report, with Tyranny and Oppres∣sion.

And now Constantius was wholly taken up in his Preparations (for the recovery of Britain) Rigging, and setting out his Fleet, and storing his Ships with Men and Arms, which done, he divides his Navy into several Squadrons, and at one time sets out from divers Ports.

This so amazed Alectus, who knew not where to find him, that void of Counsel, and not knowing which way to turn himself, he at last perceived, and never before, that he was enclosed by the Ocean rather than defended by it.

The Weather was foul, and the Sea so overcast with Clouds and Mists, that Constantius with his Navy passed undiscerned of the British Fleet, which lay scouting near the Isle of Wight, to intercept his passage. Being got a shoar, the first thing he did, was, the burning his own Ships, that his Souldiers might have no con∣fidence in any refuge but Victory.

Alectus (receiving Intelligence of his Landing) sorsook the Sea, and in great haste marched into the Province, but before he could gather his strength together, he was met by a Party of the Romans, Commanded by Asclepiodotus, Captain of the Pratorian Bands; Grown desperate now, and impatient of delay, not heeding the ordering of his Men, or bringing them all to fight, he first flung off his Purple Robe that he might not be known, and then rushing suriously into the Battle (at∣tended only with the Accessories of his Treason, and his Outlandish Hirelings) was slain in a Tumultuary skirmish, and his body at last, by the discovery of a par∣ticular Souldier, was sound among the rest of the dead Carkasses.

They who escaped the Battle hastned to London, intending with the Pillage of that City to escape by Sea, but it so happened, that another Party of Constantius his Army, by the thick Mist at Sea, severed from the rest of their body, took their way directly to that City, and arrived just in the nick of time to relieve it. And now great slaughter was made of the Franks through all the Streets, and the Citizens not only received safety by the overthrow of their Enemies, but had the pleasure in beholding their deliverance.

At that time it was, as our Chronicles record, that Lucius Gallus was slain, by a little Brook which ran almost from the middle of the City, and of him was called * 7.85 in the British, Nant-Gall, in English, Walbrooke, which name is preserved in that Street, wherein runneth a Common-shoar, in the place, as is supposed, of that River.

All this seemeth by Eumenius, who then lived (and was of Constantius's House∣hold) * 7.86 to have been done in one continued course of Action, and so Sigonius, a Learned Writer, taketh it, but others allow three years to the Tyranny of A∣lectus.

The Recovery of the Province by these great Successes, gave occasion to that. Panegyrick entituled to Maximian only, but penn'd to the honour of both Empe∣rours, in which are many things that shew the state of the Island in those daies, and relate particularly to the Inhabitants, the strength and grandure of the Nation. By our Historians it is cited by piece-meals, as their occasions served to make use of it, but I have thought fit to set it down intire, with some Remarks upon divers occurrences therein mentioned.

THE Panegyrick Oration, ASCRIBED TO MAMERTINUS, In Praise of the EMPEROURS DIOCLESIAN and MAXIMIAN; Intituled only to MAXIMIAN.

WHEN the compass of the whole World (Most Victorious Em∣perour) by your Princely Conduct was recovered, not the Roman World only (that is) the Ancient bounds and limits of the Empire, but new Nations subdued, and the Borders brought into Obedience; when Germany had been so often vanquisht, and Sarmatia discomfited, when the Vitungi, Quadi and Carpi, were driven to flight, and the Goth himself submitted, when the King of Persia, by Gifts and Presents, sought his peace, there was one thing still left behind, and wanting to the compleating of the whole, which we will not stick to confess, sorely grieved us, and seemed the more re∣proachful and intolerable, for that, as it were in despite of so mighty an Empire and Government, it still held out, and suffered not the full accomplishment of your perfect Renown and Glory. For as the name of BRITAIN is but one, so the loss of it, to the Common-wealth, ought not to be esteemed small and inconside∣rable, a Land so plentiful of Corn, and rich in Pasture, so full of Mines and veins of Mettal, so gainful in Tributes and Revenues, so accommodated with Ha∣vens, and of Circuit so large and spacious, insomuch that CAESAR, the be∣ginner of your Royal Dignity, and the first discoverer of that Island, thought he had found a NEW WORLD, supposing it of so vast an extent, that it could not be environed by the Sea, but rather that it encompassed the Ocean it self.

Now Britain, at that time, was not furnished with Ships of War, nor the Romans themselves at first, but soon after the Wars of Carthage and Asia, and through their frequent Engagements with the Pirates, and Mithridates, they were grown as skil∣ful at Sea as Land.

The British Nation even in those daies was accustomed only to the Picts and Irish, Fnemies like themselves, half naked, and not acquainted with Armour, so that for the want of knowledge therein, they were not able to withstand the Roman force, and the only Glory Caesar gained in his Expeditions, was, that he had passed the Ocean.

But in this dangerous and base Revolt, the Fleet which formerly guarded the Coasts of Gallia, was seized by the † 7.87 Pirate at his flight, and a great number of other Ships, new built, after the form and fashion of the Romans; Besides, the Roman Legion was surprized, and constrained to take part with the Enemy, and divers Companies of Strangers that were Souldiers also, were sent aboard and shut up, and then forced to serve against us. The Merchants and Factours of Gallia were Listed in abundance, and no small number of barbarous Nations, invited by the Spoil of the Provinces, were procured to their assistance, all trained to Sea-service, by the diligent instructions of the Rebels, the first attempters of this mischievous practice. And, though our Armies in Strength and Courage were in∣vincible, yet, as to Sea Affairs, they were raw and unexperienced, insomuch that this War was noised about, as likely to continue long and troublesome, and although we hoped well of the Success, yet the fame of the Rebels Advantages sounded in the ears of all.

And what added Courage to their side, was, the long impunity they had enjoyed in their wicked practices, their minds were puffed up, with Presumption, and their former despair heartened into Boldness and Insolence. They haughtily gave out, Our stay was the Fear we had conceived of them, whereas (indeed) the disadvantages by Sea, by a fatal necessity, deferred our Victory, only, till a more convenient op∣portunity offered it self.

But they would not believe, that the War was put off for a time, by sober ad∣vice and counsel, but rather that it was totally omitted, through despair of doing any good against them, insomuch that grown secure and fearless of Common pu∣nishment, one of the * 7.88 Captains slew the † 7.89 Arch-Pirate, or Captain-Rover (as I may call him) hoping in reward of so great an Enterprize to gain the whole Go∣vernment to himself.

This War then being both so necessary in the undertaking, so difficult in perfor∣mance, and on the Enemies part grown to such a stubborn and stiff management, by the pride of their great Provisions, you (most Noble Emperour) did so take in hand, that so soon as you bent the terrible Force of your Imperial Majesty a∣gainst them, it presently was the Judgment of all, that the Enterprize was already performed.

For first of all, by intercession made to your Majesty, it was provided before hand, that the barbarous Nations (a thing chiefly to be fore-seen) by the absence of your divine Power, should not take advantage to raise new Troubles, for You your self in Person, You (I say) Mighty Lord, Maximian, Eternal Emperour, vouchsafed to advance the coming of Your divine Excellence by the speediest way that might be, which to your wisdom was not unknown.

You therefore suddenly came to the Rhine, and not with an Army of Horse and Foot, but with the terrour of your Presence did preserve and defend that Fron∣teir; For Maximian being once upon the River, countervailed the greatest Ar∣my that could be produced, for you (most Invincible Emperour) furnishing and arming divers Fleets, made the Enemy so uncertain of his own proceedings, and void of Counsel, that then at length he might perceive that he was not defended, but rather kept Prisoner by the Ocean.

And here I must call to mind, how delightful and easie was the good fortune of former Princes, who ruled the Common-wealth with Praise, who although sitting at Rome themselves, yet had the Triumphs and Sir-names of such Nations given them, as their Captains subdued. Fronto therefore, not second to any, but in the first rank of Roman Eloquence, yielded to Antoninus the Emperour the Glory of finishing the British Wars, although he sitting at home in his Palace in the City of Rome, had committed the Conduct and success of that Affair to the management of his Captains, for he confesseth, That the Emperour guiding, as it were, the Helm of the Ship, deserved the Honour of the whole course.

But You † 7.90 (most Invincible Emperour) though your Imperial Dignity required no more, have not been only Director of this War, both by Sea and Land, but a present Actor and Engager therein, and by Your Personal Example and Resolution, the Victory was wholly atchieved; For so soon as you embarked at Sluice, you imme∣diately infused Life and Spirit into their hearts, who as yet had not ventured to

sail out of the River Saine, insomuch that those Captains who lay lingring in ex∣pectation of Calmer Seas, and fair Weather, now cried to have the Sails hoised up, the Anchors weighed, and were impatient in prosecuting their Voyage, despising all tokens that seemed to fore-bode their Ruine, and so in a Rainy and tempestuous day, with a cross Wind, they set out.

But what was he that feared to commit himself to Sea, were the same never so unquiet? when you were once under sail and set forward, one voice and exhorta∣tion was among them all (as is reported) when they heard you launched forth; What do we doubt? Why do we stay? He is now loosed from Land, He is forward in his way, and perhaps is already got over; All hands to work, we will thorough, and ven∣ture the dangers at Sea, yet, what Dangers are to be feared since we follow the Empe∣rour?

Neither did the opinion of your good Fortune deceive them, for as by their Report we understand, at that very time there fell such a thick Mist and Fogg upon the Seas, that the Enemies Navy scouting about the Isle of Wight, lost their expectations, and your Ships passed unseen; Neither did the Rebels keep the Seas, although not able to resist you at Land.

But now, that the same invincible Army, fighting under your Ensigns and Name, immediately on its landing, set fire to its own Ships, what induced them to it but only the perswasion of your Divine assistance? or, what other Reason prevailed with them to leave no Refuge (if need were) for flight, nor to fear the doubtful chance of War, seeing that in Battle, good and ill successes have their Common lots, but that by contemplation of your former Fortune, they certainly concluded what would follow, and were fully assured of Victory to be obtained. There were no sufficient Forces at that present with them, no mighty or puissant strength of the Romans, but they had only the consideration of that unspeakable Fortune and Suc∣cess, which was derived to You from the Heavens above. For whensoever Battle is offered, to make full account of Victory before-hand, dependeth not on the Courage and assurance of the Souldiers, but the extraordinary felicity of the Ge∣neral.

But, what meant the Ring-leader of that lawless Faction to quit the shoars which he possessed? Why did he forsake both his Fleet and the Haven? But that (Most Invincible Emperour) he stood in fear of your coming, whose Sails he beheld ad∣vancing to wards him, and therefore whatever happened, he chose rather to try his Fortune with your Captains, than endure the force of your Highness presence. Ah mad man! That understood not, that whithersoever he fled, the power of your Divine Majesty was present, and in all places where your Countenance and Ban∣ner are had in reverence. He fled indeed from your presence, and fell into the hands of your People, of You was he overcome, of your Armies was he opprest.

To be short, he was brought into such Terrour, that continually looking behind him, as it were fearing you at his back, like one out of his wits, and amazed, he knew not which way to turn him, he was hurried to his destruction, neither or∣dering his Men to battle, nor Marshalling such power as he had about him, of the Old Abettors only of that Conspiracy, and the barbarous Hirelings, like one forgetful of those great Preparations he had made, he ran headlong to his ruine.

And in your felicity (most Noble Emperour) the Common-wealth had this good fortune included, that though the Victory was gained in behalf of the Roman Empire, yet scarce a Roman perished in the obtaining it; For, as I hear, those Hills and Vallies were covered with none but the Carkasses of Rebels, all that were found, were either of the barbarous Nations, or drest up in their counterfeit shapes and Apparel, glistering with their long yellow Hairs, but now with wounds, gashes and blood, deformed, lying in sundry postures, as the pangs of death surprized them, and as they drew in their maimed limbs and mangled parts.

Among these, the chief Ring-leader of the Thieves was found, who had cast off those Robes which in his life time he had usurped and dishonoured, being scarcely covered with one piece of Apparel whereby he might be known, so near were his words likely to prove true which he uttered before his death, That he would not have it known how he died.

Thus (Most Invincible Emperour) so great a Victory was appointed to You (by the consent of the immortal Gods) over all the Enemies you assailed, but espe∣cially the Franks, for those your Souldiers also which as before I have said, held not their right Course by reason of the Mist at Sea, were now come to the City of London, where they made great slaughter (through all the Streets) of those Outlandish Hirelings, who having escaped the Battle, intended, with the Pillage of that City, to secure themselves by flight; But now, being thus slain by your Souldi∣ers, the Subjects of your Province were rescued from further danger, and took pleasure in the execution of their Enemies. O, what a manifest Victory was this, worthy of innumerable Triumphs! by which Victory Britain is restored to the Em∣pire, by which Victory the Nation of the Franks is utterly destroyed, and by which many other Nations, found Accessories in that impious Conspiracy, are reduced to Obedience; To conclude, the Seas are cleared, and brought to per∣petual quiet and security. Glory You therefore (Most Invincible Emperour) for that you have as it were got another WORLD, and in restoring to the Roman Greatness the glory of the SEA Conquest, have added to the Empire an Element greater than the Earth, to wit, the Main Ocean.

You have put an end to that War (Invincible Emperour) that seemed to threaten all Provinces, and might have spread abroad, and burst out in a flame as wide as the Ocean extendeth, or the Mediterranean Gulf doth reach. Neither are we igno∣rant, although through fear of You that Infection spread through the bowels of Britain only, and proceeded no farther, with what rage it might have advanced it self elsewhere, if it could have been assured of means to have ranged abroad so far as it desired; for it was bounded in by no border of Mountain or River, which by Garrisons appointed, may be guarded and defended, but was as free as the Ships themselves, and might (notwithstanding we have your Valour and Fortune to relieve us) be continually at our elbows to affright us, so far as either Sea reach∣eth or Wind bloweth.

For that incredible boldness, and undeserved success of a few silly Captive Franks, in the daies of PROBUS the Emperour came to our remembrance, who, conveying away certain Vessels from the Coast of Pontus, wasted both Greece and Asia, and not without great hurt and damage coasting upon Lybia, at length took the City Saragose in Sicily (a Port-Town, in times past, highly renowned for Victories at Sea) and afterwards passing the Streights of Gibraltar came into the Ocean, and so with the Fortunate success of many rash and presumptuous At∣tempts, plainly shewed, that nothing can be safe from the desperate boldness of Pirates, wherever Ships can touch and have success.

So therefore, by this Your Victory, not Britain alone is delivered from Bon∣dage, but to all Nations safety is restored, which might, by the use of the Seas, come to as great Perils in time of War, as to gain of Commodities in time of Peace.

Now Spain (to pass over the Coast of Gallia) with her shoars almost in sight, is in security; Now Italy, now Africk, now all Nations, even to the Fens of Maeo∣tis, are void of perpetual Cares; neither are they less joyful, the fear of Danger being taken away, which to feel, as yet, necessity had not brought them, but they rejoyce so much the more for this, that by the direction of Your providence, and the powerful concurrence of Your fortune, so great a combination of Sea-men is broken, their quarters beat up, and Britain it self, which had given harbour and protection to so long a Conspiracy, was made sensible at last of your Victory, by her restitution to peace and quietness.

Not without good cause therefore, immediately when You her long wished Re∣venger and Deliverer was arrived, Your Majesty was met with great Triumph, and the Britains, full of unspeakable Joy, ran forth and presented themselves before you, with their Wives and Children, adoring not only your self, whom they e∣steemed as one descended from Heaven, but even the sails and tacklings of that Ship which had brought your Divine Presence on their Shoars; And, as soon as You had set foot on Land, they were ready to prostrate themselves before you, that you might, as it were, walk over the Necks of them, who desired you above all things to do it.

Nor was it a wonder they were so Joyful, seeing, after their miserable Captivity, so many years continued, after so long abusing their Wives, and the enslaving of their Children, at length were they reitored to Liberty, at length made Romans, at length refreshed with the true light of the Imperial Rule and Government. For besides the same of your Clemency and Goodness, which was sounded forth by all Nations, in Your Countenance (Caesar) they visibly read the Characters of all Vertues, in your Face Gravity, in your Eyes Mildness, in your Ruddy com∣plexion Bashfulness, in your words Justice; all which things, as by Regard they acknowledged, so with shouts of Joy they signified aloud; To You they bound themselves by Vow, to You they bound their Children, yea, and to your Chil∣dren they devoted all the posterity of their Race and Off-spring.

We truly (O perpetual Parents, and Lords of Mankind!) implore this of the Immortal Gods, with most earnest supplication, and hearty prayer, That our Chil∣dren, * 7.91 and their Children, and such as shall spring from their Loyns for ever, may be dedicated unto You, and to those whom you now bring up, or shall bring up bereafter. For what greater happiness can we wish to them that shall succeed us, than to be made partakers of that Felicity, which at present we our selves enjoy.

The Roman Common-wealth doth now intirely possess, in Peace and Union, whatever formerly, at sundry times, and in scattered parcels belonged to it, and that huge and vast Power, which with its own burthen was sunk and riven asunder, is now again closely compacted and joyned together, by the sure ligaments of the Imperial Government. For there is no part of the Earth, or Region under Hea∣ven, but is either quieted by Fear, subdued by Force, or else won by Clemency; Is there any thing else remaining behind, to which the power and ambition of Man can extend, beyond the Ocean, what is there more than Britain? which is so re∣covered by You, that those Nations also adjoyning to it are subject to your Com∣mands. There is no occasion to invite you further, except the ends of the Ocean, which Nature forbiddeth, should be sought for.

All is Yours (Most Invincible Princes) that is accounted worthy of you, hence it proceedeth that you may equally provide for all, since all is in your Majesties possession. And therefore, as heretofore (Most Excellent Emperour DIOCLE∣SIAN) by Your appointment Asia supplied the Desert places of Thracia, with Inhabitants transplanted thither, as afterwards (Most Excellent Emperour MAXI∣MIAN) by Your orders, the Franks at length brought to a pleasant subjection, and reduced to Laws, have Peopled and manured the empty possessions of the Nervians, and the Neighbourhood of Trier, so now by your Victories (Invincible Constantius Caesar) whatsoever lay vacant about Amiens, Beavois, Trois, and Lan∣gres, begins to flourish with Inhabitants of sundry Nations; Moreover Your most loyal City of Autun, for whose sake I have a peculiar cause to rejoyce, by means of this glorious Victory in Britain, hath received many and divers Artificers, of whom these Provinces abounded, and now, by their Workmanship, the same City riseth up, by repairing her ancient Houses, and restoring her publick Build∣ings and Temples, so that now she accounteth her Ancient and friendly Incorpora∣tion with Rome renewed with advantage, and that she hath, You, for her Founder.

SOME OBSERVATIONS Out of the fore-going PANEGYRICK.

THis is the sum and substance of that Panegyrick inticuled to MAX∣IMIAN, out of which the History of the Wars against Carausius and Alectus is gathered. I need not repeat those several Expressi∣ons therein, which evidently set forth the considerable Power of this Nation united together, though under Usurpers, their dreadful Pre∣parations by Sea, which not only gave Alarums to Spain, Gallia, and Africk, but even to Italy it self, and as far as the Mediterranean extended.

The subduing of these Rebels was esteemed a Victory, in which the power and strength of the whole Empire was engaged, and that action of Constantius, in firing of his Ships at his landing, plainly shewed, that he reckoned himself fighting for the last stake.

So much Masters of the Seas were the British Fleets in those daies, that the Ora∣tour ascribes to the Emperours in having reduced this Island, no less than the glory of having added the whole Ocean to the Empire, and by the Example of the Franks, a few inconsiderable Pirates at first, who from Pontus, within the Bosphor, went on in pillaging and sacking of Towns and Cities, till they passed the Streights of Gi∣braltar, and entred the main Ocean; He evidently shews, that to command the Ele∣ment is of greater extent than to be Lord of all Nations besides, and that Land-Territory is but a slug in comparison of the quick and active Power of Sea Domi∣nion.

But that which more nearly relates to our present purpose, is, that we find in this Panegyrick the first mention of the Picts, a Nation of whose Original there is great dispute. The Oratour here, seemeth to make them Inhabitants of the North of this Island, even in the daies of Julius Caesar, where he saith, That at the arrival of Caesar in Britain, the Britains were only acquainted with their Neighbours the Irish and Picts.

Hence it may be supposed, the Authors of the British History took occasion ever since his daies to make use of that Nation in all their Relations of the North, and to fetch them from Scythia, or Scandia, but this cannot be gathered out of the Pane∣gyrick; For the Oratour (by a usual Figure in such cases) by the Picts, meaneth no more than the Northern Britains, who, about his daies, were named Picts, in di∣stinction to those Britains who were civiliz'd, and lived within the Roman Pale; for after the Romans had conquered this Island, those Natives who could not be brought to subjection, but strugled continually for their Liberty, at last, by the growing Power of the Romans, were constrained to take into the North, as a place of better security, full of rough and rugged Passages, desended by barren and crag∣gy Mountains, and hemm'd in with Washes and standing Mires, for the same Rea∣sons, and upon the same occasions, that the more civilized Britains upon the Invasion of the Saxons, possessed that part of the Island now called Wales. And with this agreeth the Testimony of Tacitus, when he saith, That Enemies of the Romans were, by Agricola, driven into the North, as it were, into another Island, that is, within the * 7.92 Friths of Edinborough and Dunbritton, and none doubteth but they were Britains

that inhabited those remotest parts of the Island. For can we imagine that all those Britains, Enemies to the Romans, which brought out thirty thousand Armed Men into the field against Agricola, who gave unto Severus such great Overthrows that he lost seventy thousand in one Expedition, were pull'd up every Mothers Son, and none left for seed and procreation, that they might make room only for Forreigners out of Scythia and Thrace?

But that the Picts were nothing but the remnant of the Britains, and of the same Nation, Mr. Cambden proveth by their Demeanour, Name, and Language.

First, Both Nations, the Picts and Britains, made no distinction of Sex in Go∣vernment, * 7.93 they were both alike painted; the whole Island in Caesars daies, and in these latter Emperours, that part only which were uncivilized, retained that barba∣rous Custome; besides, we have the Authority of all Roman Writers for this Opi∣nion.

For, those Barbarous People, that from the Forrest of Caledonia, and furthest Tracts in the North, made Incursions on the Romans, are (by Tacitus) called by no * 7.94 other name than Britains; and After-writers, as Dio. Cassius, Herodian, Vopiscus, and others, name them Britains, and Britains of Caledonia. Certainly, had these Authors known of such a Nation as Picts, they would not have been silent therein, especially if they had done such wonders as are ascribed to Them by our late Histo∣rians. Neither would those Roman Emperours, who warred fortunately against them, to wit, Commodus, Severus, with Bassianus and Geta his Sons, have assumed the Title of BRITANNICUS, unless those they had conquered had been Bri∣tains. Surely the Romans, whose chief Magnificence consisted in subduing strange and unknown Nations, if they had conquered any such People as these, would un∣doubtedly have assumed the Sirname of Pictus, and used it in their Coyns and In∣scriptions.

Besides, the very Name of PICTS proveth what Nation they were of, and by whom so called; For when the Roman Language had obtained in the Southern parts of this Island, they called those Britains that lived North, and retained the Custome of Painting, PICTI, a Painted-People.

Neither is it material what Basingstoak writes of them out of Humph. Lloyd, namely, that they were called Picthi, not Picti, seeing that it is usual in the British * 7.95 Language, as well as other Northern Dialects, to abound in the Letter H, neither is the change from Picti in the Latin, to Picthi, or Picths in the British, so great a de∣viation, as from Picths, to call them Pehits and Peohtas, and their Language Phi∣tiade, as other Dialects do; as for what the same Writer produceth, that in the An∣cient Panegyrick they were called Pictones, not Picti, is a mistake, for by the neg∣ligence of the Coppyer, Pictonum was foisted instead of Pictorum.

As for the concordance of the Language of the Picts with that of the Britains, they that desire to be satisfied, may read Mr. Cambden on that subject, neither doth the Authority of venerable Bede, in any wise, make against this Opinion, where he saith, That the Nation of the Picts came in Long Ships, and those not many, out of * 7.96 Scythia (as the Report goeth) into Ireland; for this might be many years after the death of Julius Caesar, and was most probable in the time of these Emperours, when the northern Nations of Scandia swarmed in these Seas, but that they brought the name of Picts with them, for the aforesaid Reasons, is improbable, but it rather seemeth, that Landing in the north of Scotland and Ireland, and mixing with those Barbarous Nations there inhabiting, called Picts, they received their Name, whose Customes, Laws, Language, and Interest, they had espoused; So that whether they were (as Hector Boctius saith) derived from the Agathersi, or as Pomponius, * 7.97 Laetus, and Aventinus, and others, will have it from the Germans, or from the Pictones in France, as some would bring them, or out of Scythia, according to Bede, it mattereth not, seeing what all of them call the Nation of the Picts, is in reason to be understood of some Rovers only which landed in the North, and united with that People about the daies of these Emperours, or some time before, but that ever there was the name of Picts, in Caesars daies, in this Island, or in later Emperours, such a Nation distinct from the Britains, Roman Authors, which could not have omitted such a considerable circumstance, never so much as mention. But thus much concerning the Picts, let us proceed to the History.

In the daies of these Emperours Britain was full of Excellent Work-men, and Builders, as out of the Panegyrick is gathered, whom, upon the setling of Affairs in the Island, the AEduans in Burgundy entertained to build their Temples and Publick Edifices.

Peace thus establisht in Britain, and the State quieted, Dioclesian, who had hitherto employed his Valour with success against his Enemies, now used his Rage in a bloody Persecution against his Innocent and Obedient Subjects, the Christi∣ans.

This is the tenth Persecution, and of all the fore-going the most Bloody, and of longest continuance, the fatal Bill of their Martyrdom was, seventeen thousand a Month, besides infinite numbers that suffered by Confiscation, Banishment, Pri∣sons, &c.

The Christian Churches were every where demolisht, their Bibles sought out and burnt, and death for any to conceal them, and all means practiced, not only to extinguish the Professours; but to root out the very Name of their Re∣ligion.

The most remarkable that had their shares in Britain, were, first, ALBAN of Verulam, beheaded at Holmhurst, since called Derswould, where now the Town of St. Albans (bearing his name) is built, of whom Fortunatus Priscus, in his Book of the praise of Virginity, writes,

Albanum Egregium faecunda Britannia profert. * 7.98

Next his Instructour Amphibolus, then Julius and Aaron of Caerleon, upon Uske in Monmouthshire, Bede saith of Leicestershire; and in Litchfield so many, that the place became another Golgotha, and so the name importeth, as John Ross of War∣wick * 7.99 reporteth, namely, the Field of Dead Bodies. For this cause the City, even unto this day (saith Mr. Speed) doth bear for their Seal of Arms, an Eschochean, or * 7.100 Field, charged with many Martyrs.

Dioclesian and Maximian reigned twenty years, and resigned the Empire to their two Caesars, Constantius and Galerius.

Dioclesian retired into Dalmatia, and lived a private life in the City Solonia, where, afterwards, he poysoned himself, saies Aurelius Victor, Eusebius reporteth he died mad.

Maximian again attempting to resume the Empire, was slain for contriving the murther of Constantius, Eusebius avoucheth, he hanged himself in the City Marseittes, thus ended these two Tyrants.

THE British History, In the Daies of DIOCLESIAN AND MAXIMIAN.

AFter BONOSUS, succeeded CARAUSIUS in the King∣dom * 7.101 of Britain, in the year 289, the fourth of these Empe∣rours; He made the Picts his Confederates, and entertaining all who flockt to him under the hopes of Pillage and Plunder, He constrained the Britains to make him their King, who, not knowing, now, who was their Friend or Foe, partly for fear, and partly for want of a lawful Inheritour, elected him to the Crown.

Having thus gained the Power, first, he rewards the Picts with the vast Territories in Albania, and not content with Invading the property of his Subjects, and dis∣possessing the Ancient Britains, like a proud Tyrant, he infringed all their Rights and Priviledges.

The Romans hearing thereof, sent Alectus with three Legions to kill him, and to restore Britain to the Empire; Carausius accordingly was slain, after he had reigned seven years, but instead of giving the Kingdom to the Romans, Alectus himself usurped it, and assumed the Crown in the year 269. * 7.102

He punished with great slaughter those Britains, who, forsaking the Common∣wealth, had adhered to the society of Carausius, and been partakers in his Robbe∣ries, which they sorely resenting, chose Asclepiodotus to revenge, exhorting him to set upon him in London, whilest he was celebrating a Feast to his Country Gods, at whose Arrival, Alectus forsaking his Sacrifice, and marching out with the choice of his Souldiers, entered Battle with him, but was slain after he had reigned three years.

Livius Gallus, a Captain of Alectus, still held London, to the reducing whereof * 7.103 Asclepiodotus, now King, summoned the Demeta, or the Inhabitants of that part of the Island now called South-Wales, the Venedoti, and those of Deira and Albania. With these Forces he beleagures the City, and with his War-like Engines batters down great part of the Wall. Gallus perceiving himself able to hold out no longer, comes to Parly, and surrenders the Town upon Condition to march out Armed, which being agreed to, Asclepiodotus enters, but the Venedoti, contrary to Articles, fell upon Gallus and slew him, at a Brooks-side within the City, called after his Name, Walbrooke or Gal-brooke.

Thus Asclepiodotus got the full possession of the Kingdom, but being not able, or skilful to defend his Subjects from the cruelty of the Roman Emperours, who in his daies raised the Persecution in Britain, he was slain by Coilus Duke of Colchester, after he had reigned about one year.

COIL, the third of that name, after the death of Asclepiodotus assumed the Crown, and now Constantius having heard of the Troubles in Britain, under the se∣veral Usurpers, lands upon the Coast, Coil informed thereof sends Embassadours to crave Peace, and promises Subjection and Homage, upon condition that he should enjoy the Kingdom of Britain, paying the accustomed Tributes and Tolls to the Ro∣mans.

To this Constantius agrees, and receives Hostages, and not long after marries Helena his Daughter, than whom a fairer Virgin never lived, and who, besides that, she was an excellent Musitian, and generally instructed in all Liberal Arts and Sci∣ences.

Coil, after one years Reign, died, and left the Kingdom to Constantius, who Go∣verned in the Right of his Wife Helena, so that again the British Succession returned * 7.104 to that of the Romans.

Fl. Val. Constantius Chlorus.

AFTER the Resignation of Dioclesian and Maximian, the Empire which hitherto was held entire, though often under * 7.105 many Heads, was now divided into two several Estates, in∣dependent of each other, and ameanable only to their par∣ticular Princes, which (as Eusebius noteth) proved the fatal end of the Imperial Glory. The Western Provinces (the * 7.106 Government whereof alone relateth to our present History) fell to CONSTANTIUS, the Son of a Daughter to Crispus, Brother to Claudius, the second of that name, Em∣perour of Rome. A Prince wise and valiant, and so free from Ambition, that he chose rather to Govern well, than much, resigning to Galerius the Provinces of Italy and Africk, as lying too remote from the Seat of his Residence, which he held in Britain.

He favoured and encouraged the Christians, and abhorred the Superstitious wor∣ship of divers Gods, acknowledging but One only, the Maker and Ruler of all things; and to try the Faith of his Courtiers, he proclaimed a publick Sacrifice, at the solemnity whereof, whosoever should be absent, and refuse to offer, were im∣mediately (as he pretended) to be discarded, and those only that conformed should be retained.

Such were alwaies sure to be of the Religion of their Prince, who had held the Faith only as a Court-fashion, presently crept and cringed to the Gods (as they thought) of their Soveraign; But the Complement took not, that they were all turned out of their Services, with this Rebuke, That he who is difloyal to his God, can never be true and faithful to his Prince.

Many other worthy Actions are reported of this Constantius in favour to the Christians, but the full establishing their Religion, and the publick Authorizing thereof, was reserved to Constantine, his Son and Successour. For having reigned two years, he died at York, in his last Expedition against the Caledonians and Picts.

CONSTANTINE his Son, hearing of his Fathers sickness, escaped from Galerius, with whom he was left Hostage, and riding Post from Rome, on the way lamed and maim'd all the Post-Horses, to the end he might not be overtaken or pur∣sued, and so arriving at York, was with great joy received by his Father, who sitting up-right in his Bed, in the presence of his Counsellors, spake as followeth;

I have here a large Epitaph and Monument, to wit mine own Son, whom I leave on Earth to succeed me in the Empire, who (by Gods assistance) shall wipe away the Tears of the Christians, and revenge the Tyranny used against them, and in this, above all things, I have placed my felicity; which said, Constantine received his Fathers last breath, whereupon an Ancient Oratour spake thus unto him; Thou entredst this Sacred place, not as a Competitour of the Empire, but as Heir apparent and ordained already, and forthwith that Fathers house of thine saw Thee the lawful Successour; For there was no doubt, but the Inheritance, in right, belonged unto him whom the Destinies had or∣dained the first begotten Son to the Emperour.

Helena was the Wife of Constantius, and Mother of Constantine, by birth a Britain, the Daughter of Coilus a British Prince, as Eutropius mentions, but Nicephorus is of * 7.107 Opinion that she was of Bithynia, and others, of her Parentage declare themselves doubtful.

This HELENA in an Ancient Inscription, for purging Jerusalem from Idols, building a Temple upon the same ground CHRIST suffered, finding his Cross, and so holily preserving it, building on the same place (after diligent search for Christs Cribb or Manger, wherein he was born) a stately Church dedicated to Chri∣stian Devotion, and lastly, as she was the only cause of her Husbands Conversion to the Christian Faith, so likewise many distressed Christians, for her sake, that had been hid in Caves and dark holes of the Earth, to escape the bloody persecution of their Enemies, were now freed from that danger and dismal slavery; They enjoyed publick liberty in their Devotion, and for the better propagating the Christian Faith, they had free leave, not only to reedifie and repair decayed and demolisht Temples, but to build new, is called, VENERABILIS ET † 7.108 PIISSIMA AUGUSTA, a Title (no whit unbecoming such eminent Vertues) as a venerable and most pious Princess.

Maximianus, perhaps, not so much envying her Vertues, as desirous to advance his Daughter, compelled Constantius, without just cause, to desert and put her away, and to marry his Daughter Theodora. The Jews, who are Enemies to all such as own any thing Sacred in memory of our Saviour, called this pious Helena, the deserted Queen of Constantius, Stabularia, as much as to say, an Hostess, because she sought out the Manger where Christ was born. Bede calls her a Concubine, from thence inferring, * 7.109 That an Inholdress is usually kind to her Guest, all which (in matter of truth) were reproachful Titles given her by way of derision, for her Zeal and Sanctity in the due worship and honour of her Heavenly Father, our Saviour, for she was a truly Ver∣tuous Queen, and worthy of great renown in that Age; and this rude and impious way of scoffing her, the Gentiles, also as unworthily imitated.

The Funeral Oration, made (by Ambrosius) upon Theodosius, rightly Comments upon the desert of her, in which he takes occasion to speak as followeth, They say that this Lady was at first an Inholder or Hostess, &c. Well (saith Ambrose) did not this * 7.110 good Hostess, Helena, hasten to Jerusalem, and find out the place of our Lords Passion, and made diligent search for the Lords Crib. This good Hostess was not ignorant of that good Guest which cured the Wayfaring-mans heart that was wounded by Thieves. This good Hostess chose to be reputed a Stable-sweeper, that she might thereby gain Christ.

It appeareth out of the Panegyrick spoken to Constantine, the Son of Constantius, that this Constantius obtained some notable Victory at a Town of the Segontiaci, called Vindo, now Silcester in Hampshire, where in Person he received a wound, but against what Enemy is not recorded, but it seemeth to have been done about his first Arri∣val into the Island.

Basingstoak, out of Adolphus Mekurchus writes, that the City Brett in Germany * 7.111 took its name from some Britains, who attended Constantius and his Queen Helena out of Britain, as likewise the City Speizs, from a Garrison or Seed-plot of Britains there left by the same Emperour, but with what truth I leave to others to judge; as∣likewise he reporteth, that Prince Coilus, the Father of Helen, was Master of the Horse to the Emperour, and upon that very account the Enemies of Queen Helen took oc∣casion to call her Stabularia. She is reported to have been born at † 7.112 Colchester, and to have built the Walls thereof, and it is said that the Arms which that City gives, is a Cross enragled between four Crowns, in memory of our Saviours Cross which was found by her.

CONSTANTINE the Great.

CONSTANTIUS dying at York, his Son CONSTANTINE, by the last Will and Testament of his Father, was designed Em∣perour, * 7.113 but he at first (out of modesty) refusing so great and weighty an Employment, or out of design to sift out the Inclinati∣ons of the People, for forbearing a while to undertake it, was at last constrained by the Souldiers, whose affections to him over∣swayed the fears and jealousies which he had conceived of those powerful Competitors, who had already possession of the Empire, and of Maxi∣mian, who although the Empire resigned, yet carried on private practices in the State, and could not choose but have great Interest therein, being not long before Master of the whole Power, which by the occasion of Dioclesian, and much against his own inclinations he had laid down; But the greatest encouragement he received, was from Erocus King of the Almanes, a powerful Nation, which Erocus had attend∣ed his Father in Britain, as some write, as others say, was Constantines Companion in his flight from Rome. However, it seems he was a great lover of that Family, and a close and constant adherer to their Interest, yet the Panegyrick Oration to our Constantine, wholly attributes his unwillingness to accept of the Empire, to his Modesty, and the deep apprehensions of the weight and care of Government, which prove most commonly (if not here also) the certain signs of more than ordinary de∣sire of Rule, and are oftentimes but appearances only attended with most exorbitant Passions, and the fore-runner of an arbitrary and bloody Reign.

But however they write, that the Souldiers respecting rather the Publick good, * 7.114 than yielding to his private affections, forcibly invested him in the Purple Robe; he weeping, set spurs to his Horse, because he would avoid the endeavour and impor∣tunity of the Army that called so instantly upon him; The felicity of the Common∣wealth over-ruled his Modesty, and therefore the Panegyrick crieth out in these words; O fortunate Britain, and more happy now than all other Lands, that hast the first sight of Constantine Caesar! But whether his carriage in the Empire, was equal to the moderation of his mind in refusing, it, I leave to others to judge, who read his History, intending to relate such passages only as concern the History of our Na∣tion.

At his first entrance, having pursued the relicks of the War begun by his Father, against the Caledonians and other Picts, and carried it on further to the Invading of the more Northern Nations, and the Inhabitants of those Islands, that are conscious (saith he) of the Suns setting, partly by Force, and partly by Treaty (for he had * 7.115 greater Affairs called him to Rome) he gained all to himself, not sparing to allure, with large Fees and stipends, all such whom neither fair words nor force of Arms could oblige to his Party. By such like Arts, his open and prosessed Enemies he drew to his Friendship, and his old Adversaries to be his especial Familiars. This done, he sailed into Batavia, and there vanquished the Franckners, afterwards the * 7.116 German and French Nations, then levying Souldiers to the number of 90000 Foot, and 8000 Horse, many of which were raised in Britain, he passed into Italy, over∣threw the Tyrant Maxentius, who, at Rome, had challenged the Empire, and about the fourth year returned again into Britain.

Some make his return into Britain before his engagement with Maxentius, and that out of the words of Eusebius (which nevertheless may relate to his after * 7.117 Troubles) the words are these. Constantine passed over to the Britains, inclosed on every side with the Ocean, whom, when he had overcome, he began to compass in his mind other parts of the World, to the end he might come in time to succour those that

wanted assistance; And in another place, After he had furnisht his Army with mild and modest Instructions of Piety, he invaded Britain, that he might likewise instruct those who dwelt environed round about with the Waves of the Ocean, bounding the Suns setting, as it were, with those Coasts.

The memory of this happy Expedition is preserved to posterity in a Coyn of his the Reverse whereof beareth a Man on Horse-back, with this Inscription round it, ADVENTUS AUGUSTI, and by these Letters † 7.118 P. L. N. at the bot∣tom, the place of the Mint is signified to have been at London.

But his Policy was wanting in this point, that he was the first who made way for Barbarous People to break into Britain, Germany and Gaul; For when he had over∣come the Northern Nations, growing over-secure on that side, he translated those Legions that lay in defence of the Marches, partly into the East, where he had built his new City Constantinople, and in their stead built Forts and Holds, and partly into Cities more remote from the said Marches, so that soon after his death, the Barbarians, forcing the Towns and Fortresses, brake into the Provinces, in which respect he is blamed by Zosimus, as the main and principal subverter of a most flourishing Empire; From hence Malmsbury writeth, That he brought from this Island a great power of Bri∣tish * 7.119 Souldiers, by whose Industry, and good Service, having obtained Triumphal Victo∣ries to his hearts desire, and attained to the Empire, such of them as were past Service, and had performed the painful part of Souldiers their full time, he planted in a certain part of Gaul, westward, upon the very shoar of the Ocean, where at this day their Posterity remaining, are wonderfully grown even to a mighty People, in Manners and Language much degenerating from our Britains. But I fear he hath too boldly colle∣cted out of the words of Zosimus, forasmuch as there is no particular place recorded by him, where those Cities which he calleth, More remote from the Marches were scituate, and the Britains in Gaul are supposed (more probably) to be of an earlier Plantation in those parts.

About this time, as plainly appeareth by the Code of Theodosius, PACATIA∣NUS was the Vicegerent in Britain, for by this time the Province had no more * 7.120 Propraetors or Lieutenants, but instead thereof, was a Vicar substituted. And see∣ing that by this Emperour the form of the Roman Government was altered in this Island, it will not be amiss in this place to note summarily out of Mr. Cambden, in what sort Britain was Ruled under him, and afterwards in the next succeeding Ages.

He ordained four Prefects of the Praetorium, to wit, of the East of Illyricum, of Italy, and of Gaul. Two Leaders or Commanders of the Forces, the one of Foot∣men, the other of Horse-men, in the West, whom they termed Praesentales. For Civil Government, there Ruled Britain the Praefect of the Praetorium, or Grand Se∣neschal in Gaul, and under him the Vicar General of Britain, who was his Vicegerent, and honoured with the Title of Spectabilis, as much as to say Notable or Remarkable. Him obeyed respectively, to the number of the Provinces, two Consular Deputies, and three Presidents, who had the hearing of Civil and Criminal Causes. For Military Affairs, there Ruled the Leader or Commander of the Foot-men, in the West, at whose disposition were the Comes, that is, the Count or Lieutenant of Bri∣tain, the Count or Lieutenant of the Saxon-Coasts along Britain, and the Duke of Britain, stiled every one Spectabiles, that is, Remarkable.

The Comes of Britain seemeth to have Ruled the Inland-parts of the Island, who had with him seven Companies of Foot, and nine Cornets or Troops of Horse∣men.

The Count or Lieutenant of the Saxon-Coasts, namely, who defended the Mari∣time parts against the Saxons, and is named by Ammianus, Comes maritimi tractus, as * 7.121 much as to say, Lieutenant of the Maritime tract, for defence of the Sea-coast had seven Companies of Foot-men, two Guidons of Horse-men, the second Legion, and one Cohort.

The General of Britain, that is, Duke of Britain, who defended the Marches or Fronteirs against the Barbarians, had the Command of thirty eight Garrison-Forts, wherein kept their stations 14000 Foot, and 900 Horse-men; so that in those daies if Pancirolus hath kept just computation) Britain maintained 19200 Foot-men, and 1700 Horse-men, ormuch thereabout, in Ordinary. * 7.122

Besides all these, Comes Sacrarum largitionum, to wit, the Receiver of the Em∣perours Finances, or Publick Revenues, had under him in Britain the Rational or Auditor of the Sums and Revenues of Britain. The Provost of the Augustian, that is, the Emperours Treasures in Britain, and the Procurator of the Gynegium or Drapery in Britain, in which the Cloaths of the Prince and Souldiers were woven.

The Comes Rerum privatarum, had his Rational or Auditor of private State in Britain: To say nothing of the Sword, Fence-School, Procurator in Britain (whereof an old Inscription maketh mention) and of other Officers of an Inferiour de∣gree.

Thus much of the Civil Government administred by Constantine in this Island, as for the change of Religion introduced by him, I must refer you to the Ecclesiastical History of Britain, taking notice only in this place of the words of our Gildas, as followeth; No sooner was the heat of the Persecution quenched, but the Christians appear∣ed with comfort and courage in Publick, rebuilt the Churches so despicably laid low, they * 7.123 founded the Temples of the holy Martyrs, they built and compleated the Banners of the Victory in all places, kept Festival-daies, and, with undefiled words and hearts, per∣formed the Rights and Ceremonies belonging to the true Church, and this they could not do till they had been enabled, by a freedom to leave their Woods, Deserts, and secret Caves, which had before so long bound them up to such Slavery and Bondage, for self-preservation.

This kindness of the Emperour to the Christians gained him a great Name, nay many Names, to advance his Dignity as high as might be;

IMPERATOR FORTISSIMUS A C BEATISSIMUS, PI∣ISSIMUS, FELIX, URBIS LIBERATOR, QUIETIS FUNDATOR, REIPUBLICAE INSTAURATOR, PUBLICAE LIBERTATIS AUCTOR, RESTITUTOR URBIS ROMAE, AT QUE ORBIS, MAGNUS, MAXIMUS, INVICTUS, IN∣VICTISSIMUS, PERPETUUS, SEMPER AUGUSTUS, RERUM HUMANARUM OPTIMUS PRINCEPS, VIRTUTE FORTISSIMUS, ET PIETATE CLEMENTISSIMUS, * 7.124 QUI VENERANDA CHRISTIANORUM FIDE ROMANUM MUNIVIT IMPERIUM, DIVUS, DIVAE MEMORIAE, DIVINAE MEMORIAE, &c.

Most Valiant and Blessed Emperour, most Pious, Happy, Redeemer of Rome City, Founder of Peace, Restorer of Rome City and the whole World, Great, most Great, Invincible, most Invincible, Perpetual, Ever AUGUSTUS; The best Prince of the World, For Vertue most Valiant, and for Piety most Merciful, who also fortified the Roman Empire with the Reverend Faith of the Christians, Sacred, of Sacred memory, of Divine memory, &c.

He translated the Seat of the Empire from Rome to Bizantium, now Constantinople, and having Reigned thirty one years to the great commendation of all, but especially the Christians, he fell sick, and counselled by his Physicians to go to the hot-Baths of Nicomedia, a City of Bithinia, he died on his Journy, leaving his Empire di∣vided among his three Sons.

To his eldest, CONSTANTINUS, he gave Britain, France, Spain, and part of Germany.

To his second Son, CONSTANS, Italy, Africa, Slavonia, Dalmatia, and Greece.

To CONSTANTIUS, the youngest, Thracia, Syria, Mesopotamia, and AE∣gypt. Of which Emperours, I shall write in their orders, not as they held toge∣ther the Roman Empire, but as they successively Ruled this Island, and first of Constantine.

THE British History, In the Daies of CONSTANTINE THE GREAT.

SEEING that CONSTANTINE changed the form of Go∣vernment in this Island, it is no wonder that the British Histories * 7.125 will not suffer so memorable an Action to pass over in silence, without fastning some remarkable story upon it. We must un∣derstand therefore, what was said before, that Constantine having made a Praefect of the Praetorium of Gall, under whom the Vi∣car of Britain was substituted, the Britains who had hitherto * 7.126 lived in equal esteem with the Gauls, taking it ill to be under the Jurisdiction of a forreign Commander, rose up in Arms and began to defend their priviledges.

Octavius, Duke of the Gewisses (whom Jeffery of Monmouth calleth a British Lord) the first (as saith Basing stoak) who held the employment of Praefect of the Praetorium, taking occasion of the Revolt of the Britains, enters the Island, and having punisht the Revolters, and secured his own Power, at length taking the ad∣vantage of the Emperours absence and occupation in Forreign Wars, seized the Kingdom of Britain to himself.

Constantine hearing of his Usurpation, sends Trahernus, his Unkle by his Mothers side (whom he had made Senatour of Rome) to reduce him to Obedience, Traherne with three Legions arrived at Britain, and at his landing took a City named Caer∣peris, at which place Octavius meeting him with a great Army, not far from Winche∣ster, in a set Battle overthrew and put him to flight; Traherne escaping into Albania, or Scotland (by Sea, saith Basing stoak) was pursued by Octavius, but not with like suc∣cess, for meeting him in a place called Vestenavalia (the Manuscript hath it West∣marlandia) he was by him overcome and constrained to flie into Norway, leaving his quarrel to be revenged by the Count of Westmorland.

Whilest he is soliciting the Norwegians for help, Traherne is slain in an Ambush laid for him in a Valley, as he came from the City London, of whose death Octavius having notice, returns into Britain and again assumes the Kingdom. This happened (saith Fabian) about the year 329, in the 22 or 23d. of Constantine, and about two * 7.127 years after the said Octavius had usurped.

Being again established, he Ruled the Island (as the British Chronicle affirmeth) with great Justice and Moderation, even to the daies of Gratian and Valentinian, which (saith Fabian) was fifty four years.

But in this he erreth, in not considering that Gratian was admitted by his Father Valentinian to the Empire in the fourth year of his Reign, which was An. Dom. 368. and according to Fabian, whose account differeth three years, in the year 371, so that from the first usurping of Octavius, in the year 327, to 368, in the daies of Valentinian and Gratian, are but forty one years, and adding three more, for Fa∣bians account, are but forty four at most.

Octavius now grown Old, began to think of a Successour, he had one only Daughter, whom he had thoughts to give in marriage unto Conan Meridoc, the Duke of Cornwals Nephew, but the Nobles not consenting, he was advised to send to Rome for a Noble Man named Maximian, Cousin to the Emperour Constantine by his Mo∣ther Helena's side, to invite him to take his Daughter, and with her the King∣dom.

Maurice the Son of Conan (though the Historian might have chosen a fitter Per∣son) was sent on this Embassage, and performed it in such effectual manner, that Maximian readily embraced the motion, arrived in Britain, and notwithstanding the opposition made by Conan Meridoc to the contrary, obtained the Daughter, and with great solemnity performed the Nuptials.

This Maximian, in the Roman History, is called Maximus, of whom we shall hear more hereafter.

Basing stoak writeth, that Octavius was reduced by Constantine in Person, and that after his Victory, by the intreaty of his Mother Helona he encompassed London with a Wall of three miles in circuit, having six Gates, and where the River Thames begins and ends the City, at those two Corners he built a Tower and Castle; Hence he saith this City was called AUGUSTA, and the Provost of the Augustian Treasury mentioned in the Roman History, and first instituted by this Emperour in Britain, had his name not from the Emperours who were called Augusti, but being Treasurers of Augusta, or London.

Constantinus Junior.

WHEN Constantine was dead, Britain, together with France, Spain, and part of Germany fell to the portion of his eldest Son, the * 7.128 present CONSTANTINE, but he not content with his share in the Empire, though most considerable, invaded the Right and Possession of his Brother Constans, and was by him slain, after he had Reigned the term of three years.

He is reported to have been kill'd by a Captain of his Brother Constans, near to the * 7.129 City Aquileia in Italy.

CONSTANS.

CONSTANS, the second Son of Constantine the Great, after * 7.130 the death of his Brother, puffed up with the Victory, seized Bri∣tain, and the rest of the Provinces, into his own hands, and with his younger Brother Constantius, came into the Island in the dead of Winter.

Hereupon Julius Firmicus, (not that Pagan Astrologer, but the * 7.131 Christian) speaketh in this wise to them; Ye have in the Winter time, a thing that never was done before, nor shall be again, subdued under your Oars the swelling and raging Billows of the British Ocean. The Waves now of the Sea, unto this time well near unknown to us, have trembled, and the Britains were sore afraid to see the unexpected face of the Emperour. What would ye more? The very Elements as vanquisht, have given place to your Vertues.

This Constans was he who called a Counsel to Sardica against the Arrians, at which were assembled three hundred Bishops, and among them the Bishops of Britain, who having condemned the Hereticks, and establisht the Nicene Creed by their Voices and Judgment, approved the Innocency of Athanasius. But this Prince being youthful, and casting away all care of the Empire, and drowned in Pleasures, became grievous to the Provincials, and nothing acceptable to his Souldiers, in∣somuch that Maxentius, Captain of the Jovi and Herculii, beset him in a Town called St. Helens, as he was hunting, and there slew him, whereby the Prophesie was fulfilled, That he should end his daies in his Grandmothers lap, of whom that Town indeed took its name.

This Castle of St. Helens (saith Mr. Speed) was scituated among the Taporis, a * 7.132 Spanish People under the Pyrenean Mountains, and from this murther of his Sove∣raign, Maxentius was therefore called Taporus, as his name is found in an old An∣tiquity of Stone digged up long since at Rome. He had a Britain to his Father, although born among the Lati, a People in France, and after the death of Constans usurped the Kingdom, of whose fall we shall read in the following Empe∣rour.

Basingstoak giveth a particular account of the life and death of Constans, after this * 7.133 manner; He was at first a good Prince, and Ruled well, but afterwards, either through the weakness of Nature, or corruptions of his Flatterers (of whom I add, that all good and well-meaning Princes ought to take care to beware) he gave himself over to all Pleasures and Luxury, which drawing the Gout upon him, made him uneasie, morose, and peevish, by which means he lost the affections of his Souldiers, and the love of his Provincials.

Maxentius was then in the Army a Count of a City in Germany, called Augusta Vindelicorum, he by the incitement of one Chrestus and Marcellinus, when the day was appointed, makes a feast to the Souldiers; Marcellinus seigning that his Sons Birth-day was to be solemnized, when the Company was warm with Wine, Max∣entius withdraws, and putting on the Purple Robe returned again to the Company. They who were not privy to this design, were nevertheless, by the suddenness of the Stratagem, forced to comply, insomuch that having a good Party about him, as he was Robed he hastned to the Palace. The Emperour wearied by Hunting, his usual diversion, was laid upon the Bed, but not asleep as they expected, so that hearing them enter, he escaped to the Temple, but in vain, for Gaison, one of the chief Conspiratours, haling him from the Altar, slew him.

The Ingratitude of this Maxentius to his Master is more remarkable, in that he was not only his bountiful Prince, but had been once his Deliverer; For in a Mutiny in Illyricum, wherein the Souldiers would have killed him, he fled into Con∣stans his arms for refuge, and was protected under his Royal Vesture.

This Maxentius, by the British History, is made King of this Island, and by Basingstoak the successour of Constans, although Constantius the younger Brother of Constans succeeded in the West, and out-lived this Maxentius.

Flav. Val. Constantius.

CONSTANS thus treacherously made away by Maxentius, the Western Empire by Right fell unto CONSTANTIUS * 7.134 his younger Brother, but Maxentius had possest himself of France, and drawn the Britains to side with him, and so for three years bore up stiffly against Constantius. The success at first was various on both sides, but at last the heat of the Revolt being qualified, and the Spirit spent, and Constantius still growing faster upon him, was no longer able to hold up his head, that he slew himself at Lions, so that the peacable possession of the Province was left to CONSTAN∣TIUS.

At this time the General of all the War-Forces throughout Britain was Gratianus, Sirnamed FUNARIUS (so called either from his Trade formerly exercised, being a Rope-seller, or, as others say, from his exceeding strength, five Souldiers being not able, with all their force, to wrench a Rope from him) he being out of favour with the Emperour, because reported to have given entertainment to Maxentius, was not only constrained to return home, being cashier'd of his Military employment, but was also fined, by Constantius, in the confiscation and loss of his Goods.

And now a severe Inquisition fell upon Britain, to detect those who had adhered to the Party of Maxentius, and the Inquisitor sent by Constantius was Paulus, a * 7.135 Spaniard, Sirnamed CATENA, for his severe inflicting of Chains and Manacles upon the accused, or, as Basingstoak reporteth, for his cunning linking his Plots * 7.136 and Devices together.

Martinus, an Aged and worthy Commander, was then Vicar of Britain, who was much concerned and grieved at the rigid way of his proceedings, but whilest he endeavoured to protect others (by the cunning of Paulus) was himself taken in the snare.

For this PAULUS (having a crafty and subtle head) was sent hither to search out such Persons who had sided in the Conspiracy with Maxentius, insomuch for the desire of gain, after he had patched and pieced many faults of some together, (whether the Persons were guilty or not, he regarded not) he seized all their Estates and Fortunes, and so vigorously proceeded to spoil and undoe many, imprisoning the Free-born, and tormenting them with Chains and Fetters; such base and unworthy Acts being committed by him, in the daies of Constantius, as these, branded the whole Emperours Reign with disgrace and scandal.

Paulus perceiving his trade decayed by means of the Vicar, MARTINUS, en∣deavoured to carry him away Prisoner, with divers others, before the Emperours Counsel, for which cause Martinus endeavoured to stab him, but missing his pass, immediately with the same weapon became his own Executioner, which loss, by many, was much com∣miserated, for as he was a Man honest he deserved great Reputation.

Paulus, after he had sufficiently stained himself with Innocent blood, returned to the Princes Court, against whose coming with Prisoners, Racks, Drags, Tortures, and Executio∣ners were prepared, so that many of them were proscribed and outlawed, some banished, and others died by the Sword; Did not the judgment of God justly reward him for his Cruelties, when under JULIAN he was burnt alive?

Upon the neck of these proceedings, other Calamities followed in Britain, for the Scots and Picts, barbarous Nations, brake down the Fronteirs, and taking advantage of the Troubles and destruction of the Province, wasted far and near.

JULIAN, lately chosen Caesar, and afterwards Emperour, was then wintering at Paris, who having notice of their Incursions, yet because the Ger∣mans were but in a doubtful condition of Allegiance (for it was dangerous to leave Gaul without a Governour) durst not adventure to go in person into Britain, but sent Lupicinus, at that time Colonel of the Infantry and Master of the Armory, to quell the Rebels, and compose the Affairs in the Province.

He was an excellent Souldier, well skilled in all Military Affairs, but withal of a haughty and boasting nature, a big Speaker, and in his gesture savouring much of the Buskin in Tragedies, and it was a question whether he were more Covetous or Cruel.

Having raised an Army of light appointed Men, to wit, the Herulians, Batavians, and many Companies of the Maesians, now Bulgarians, he sets out from Bullen with a Fleet well mann'd, with a good fore-wind, in the dead of Winter, and landing at the Haven Rutupiae, over against Bullen, he marched directly to London, in hopes the sooner to give the Enemy Battle, but what his successes were is not left to Posterity; Certain it is, he was recalled by Julian the succeeding Emperour.

And now the Arrian Heresie, whereof Constantius was a great favourer, having spread over the whole World, crept also into Britain, a Nation desirous of change, and stedfast in nothing, concerning which, hear our ancient Gildas complaining: * 7.137 From the first year of CONSTANTINE the Great, a sweet consent and harmony of Christ the head, and his Members, had still continued, were it not for that persidious Arrianisme, that so much poysoning and corrupting us, caused so great a Separation, as frequently so subjects us to be drawn away with Novelties, and sticking close to nothing either firmly or seriously.

To nourish the deadly Opinions of these Arrians, Constantius called (of the We∣stern Church four hundred Bishops) to Ariminum, contributing to their better maintenance necessary Provisions, which (by the Aquitanes, French and Britains) was accounted a very unseemly thing, and so refused the acceptance thereof, although it was an Express of the Emperours good-will. Three only out of Britain, being more necessitous than the rest, received that maintenance, but esteemed it more void of corruption, and safe, to charge the Common-Treasury, than the estate of a private Man.

After this, Constantius died, when he had Reigned seventeen years, without a Com∣petitour seven years in the life of his Brethren, and thirteen a Caesar in the daies of his Father Constantine the Great, according to Socrates, and Zosimus, which compu∣tation * 7.138 I follow, though others speak as if he Ruled twenty four years after his death.

THE British History, In the Daies of CONSTANTIUS.

THE quarrel between Magnentius and Constantius being the chief matter of this Princes reign, Basingstoak reporteth after this manner:

When Magnentius had slain Constans, he sent Letters to his * 7.139 Brother Constantius with Embassadours to this purpose; That he would be content with Thrace, and the Eastern Empire, and suffer him to enjoy Britain and Gaul, now in his possession, to which receiving no Answer, and hearing that Constantius was advanced towards Italy to revenge his Brothers death, he resolves by force of Arms to maintain his Suit.

Constantius hearing of his Preparations, and fearing to engage too deeply the Roman State in Civil combustions, yields to him Gallia, upon condition he would quit his other pretences, which, Magnentius now grown high, and not accepting, they both prepared for a War. The place where they met was at Mursa, before the Fight, Magnentius taking Counsel of a Sorceress, was advised to sacrifice a Virgin, and to give her Blood, mixed with Wine, to the Souldiers to drink, whilest in the mean time she performed her Charms, which done, and the impious Ceremonies being over, the Battle began, in which Constantius was Victor.

Magnentius leaving his Horse and Imperial Robes at random (that he might be thought slain) fled disguised, and gathering together as many of his scattered Forces as he could rally, sent to Constantius first by a Grave Senatour, who was re∣fused, and afterwards by Bishops, to desire only the Government of Gallia to be held of him under the Title of Duke only.

The Souldiers hearing of this base Submission, and doubting his Fortune was but low, fled to Constantius daily, so that Magnentius finding it high time to give Battle whilest he had any left with him, met Constantius in the Field, but was again over∣thrown, when flying to Lions, and perceiving his own Followers ready to betray him to gain favour with the Conquerour, having first feigned himself Mad, he mur∣thered himself after he had reigned three years. Thus Basingstoak; but I fear in some circumstances he confounds Magnentius with that Maxentius who was overcome by Constantine.

Flav. Claudius Julianus Apostata.

JULIAN succeeding Constantius, hath left no memory behind * 7.140 him of his Affairs in Britain. Whilest he was Gaesar at Paris, instead of coming himself into Britain, to compose Differen∣ces arising, he sent (as hath been said) Lupicinus in his stead, now being Emperour, again recalled him, in whose room (as may be guessed) Alipius of Antioch was made Deputy, but soon after employed upon another occasion. For Julian, in spight to the Christians, and that he might frustrate the Pro∣phecy of our Saviour, sends for him out of Britain to re-edifie Jerusalem, but fire breaking out of the Foundation so terrified the Work-men, that they immediately desisted from the enterprize. And now Paulus the Notary, a Spaniard, who carried on the bloody Inquisition in Britain in the last Emperours daies, falling into the displeasure of Julian (as I said before) was burnt alive.

This is all that relates to our Island in the daies of Julian, saving that from hence he exported every year great store of Corn to maintain the Roman Garrisons in Ger∣many. He Reigned about three years, and was slain by a Dart in the Persian Wars.

Basingstoak writeth, that one Gumoarius succeeded Lupicinus in Britain, but I guess he means Fraomarius King of the Almanes, who in Valentinians daies, not long following, was sent with Commission into Britain to suppress the Scots, Picts, Sax∣ons, and Attacotts, which then infested it.

FLAVIUS JOVIANUS.

JOVIANUS, the Son of Varonianus, a Captain of good note, was chosen * 7.141 Emperour by the Souldiers upon the death of Julian, but refusing to com∣mand a Heathen-Nation (as is reported) the Souldiers cried out they were Christians, upon which he accepted of the Empire. His Reign was but short, seven months only, and that in the East; so that we can expect nothing of our Island in his daies. He died (as is said) by the damp of a new Mortered Chamber, or of Coals set therein to dry it, leaving behind him in Ecclesiastical History the name of a good Catholick, and free from the Arrian Heresie.

Flav. Valentinianus.

VALENTINIANUS, upon the death of Jovian, was chosen Emperour; He was the Son of that Gratian, Sirnamed FU∣NARIUS, * 7.142 who had been chief Commander of all the Land-Forces in Britain.

In his Reign, the Picts, Saxons, Scots, and * 7.143 Attacots, infested, the Britains, to the repressing of whose Incursions was sent FRAOMARIUS, King of the Almains, the successour of King EROCUS, who assisted Constantine the Great.

The Almains in these daies were of great repute for their hardiness and skill in War, and their Princes highly esteemed for their faithful Service and constant ad∣herence to the Romans. But it seemeth that Fraomarius, as likewise Erocus, who took Commissions under the Romans, were expell'd their Kingdom by some Rebel∣lion or Insurrection of their People, for the Nation of the Almains, we read, in these daies mightily infested the Romans, and invaded their Province of Gall and Rhetia, so that they who followed Fraomarius into Britain, seem to be a Party of the Al∣mains who attended their Prince in his banishment, Men of Spirit and Nobility, and therefore most likely to do considerable Service for the honour of their Prince, and the quieting of the British Nation.

The Expedition of Fraomarius with his Almains into this Island, appeareth to be in the fifth year of this Emperours Reign, An. Dom. 370. * 7.144

By the general Plots and Contrivances of those Barbarous People Britain was sorely distressed and afflicted, Nectaridius, who at that time was Lieutenant to ma∣nage * 7.145 Maritime Affairs, lost his life, and Bulchobaudes, a General, by the crafty con∣trivance of the Enemy was prevented in his designs.

The Emperour, after he had received Information of these sad disasters, sent Severus, then Lord Steward of his Houshold, to rectifie and set in order miscar∣riages; but being in a short time after called back, was not able to effect what he so much desired; After that Jovinus went to the same parts, and in great haste sent Proventusides to request a potent Force (but this place in the Text Mr. Cambden apprehends, was corrupted) as the necessity of the cause required.

So many dreadful Afflictions and Calamities being daily spread abroad of the Island, Theodosius was chosen, and hastned with all expedition thither, because he was esteemed a Person so fit for that employment. Having collected to himself a sufficient number of stout and valiant Men, the better to strengthen Legions, as Cohorts, led the way with much Courage and Resolution.

About that time the Picts were severed into two Nations, that is, Dicaledonians and l'icturiones, the Attucots, a fierce and resolute People, with the Scots, in divers parts where they roved, did great mischief. In like manner the Gaulish Cohorts Frankners, and Saxons, being next Neighbours to them, made great spoil and ha∣vock both by Land and Sea, and what with murthering Captives, firing Towns, and plundering, represented all places deplorable, and much to be pi∣tied.

To put a stop to the current of these Grievances (if Fortune would have so consented) this zealous and vigorous Captain intended a voyage to the utmost bounds of Earth, for when he arrived to the Sea-side of Bullen, which is sepa∣rated from an opposite piece of Land by a narrow street, called the Sleeve, ebbing and flowing, where the Waves are wont to mount up with swelling Tides, and of

a sudden to humble themselves by a low and submissive level, the better to favour the Passenger, from whence having, by slow and chary sailing, passed the Ocean, he gained the shoar of Rhutapia; called Ribchester, or Richborow by Sandwich, over against it, a place more freed from Rage and disturbance, from whence, after that the Batavians, Heruli, Jovii, and Victores, who followed, were come. Upon this he departed, and reaching that Old Town, AUGUSTA, (now the famous City of LONDON) divided his Army into several parts, he charged upon these robbing Adversaries so briskly, thinking it a time most proper as they were laden with the Spoyls and destruction of his Friends, discomfiting those that were ha∣ling forward their Captives, and such as also drave away Cattle, that they were forced to leave their Prey, and think of nothing more for the present, than how to make, safely, their escapes.

Having made restitution of the Goods so taken to the Owners, save only some small encouragement reserved for the Souldiers, he hastned into the City, now pretty well cleared from Calamities. And moreover, having been advised by the information of revolting Fugitives, and confession of Captives, that so great a multitude of sundry Nations, so resolute and perverse in their Natures, were not to be vanquish'd but by sudden Excursions, and private Contrivances, therefore did not by this first success, puff himself up either with an absolute security, or adventure greater exploits, resting in himself doubtful of the future event.

After he had proclaimed promises of Impunity, he summoned as well the Tray∣terous Runagates, as divers others that went different Journies without controul, to offer themselves for his employment. As soon as most of these summoned were returned, he, loaded with Cares, curbed his former motion, insomuch that he called for Civilis by name, intending him a Deputy Governour of Britain, a precise keeper of Justice and observer of Right, although something touched in his Na∣ture with a haughty disposition. He likewise sent for Dulcitius, a Captain very knowing in War-like employments.

Now gaining courage to a willing heart, he left Augusta, and with faithful and couragious Souldiers, brought great comfort to the ruinated estate of the Bri∣tains, by fore-laying an Ambush in all places against the Barbarians, where was thought to be the greatest advantage, and encouraged the Common. Souldiers much by engaging them in no hot Service, but would take to himself the first essay there∣of, thereby evidencing the part of a stirring and hardy Souldier, as the charge and courage of a noble General, putting to flight divers Nations, who thinking them∣selves secure, through Pride, or vain boasting, were stirred up to invade the Roman Government.

For a long space of time, the foundation of Peace being thus laid by him, Ca∣stles and Cities were restored to their former security and freedom, which before had suffered under many troubles and dangers.

In the time of these his Atchievments, there had like to have happened a hor∣rible Act, which might have been a cause of raising new Troubles, had it not been destroyed in its infancy. Valentinus of Valeria Pannonia, one of a proud Spirit, Brother to the Wife of that pestilent Maximinus, first Deputy Lieutenant; after∣ward President, for some remarkable fault of his was banisht Britain; Through impatience till he could act his Villany, rose up in Arms against Theodosius, con∣triving all imaginable Plots to raise disturbance, occasioned by some private and inward Pride and Malice. And although he perceived him, alone, able to encoun∣ter with his Designes, yet attempted to solicite as well the Banished persons, as Souldiers, promising a Reward, the more easily to draw them to perform for him some publick Attempts.

When the time drew near these projects should take effect, the General being forewarned thereof, committed Valentinus (with some of his pickt Confederates) into the hands of Captain Dulcitius to see them executed, but took care withal, not to make any farther enquiry after other Conspiratours, because he was a Man excelling in Military knowledge all others in that Age, and moreover fore-casting, the future events might prove noxious in too much disturbing the minds of the factious Provinces, whereby it might raise new Commotions. Waving that, and applying himself to reform many Enormities, most necessary, as fortune prospered

him in his undertakings, peace and quiet was restored, those Garrison-Forts and ruined Cities he rebuilt, Fronteirs with standing-Watches he fortified, the Pro∣vince which had so much subjected themselves to the Enemies he recovered, and so strengthned it in its former estate, and, according to his own will, it was Ruled by a lawful Governour, and was called VALENTIA, from the Princes will and pleasure.

The Areans, a sort of People instituted by those of Ancient times, falling by slow degrees into corrupt Vlces, were driven from the places where they most resorted, as convicted publickly how they received Bribes, and promises of large Rewards, to discover to the Barbarians whatever we designed to be acted for us. It being their charge to hasten sometimes to one place, sometimes to another, to acquaint our Captains of all disturbances, the People near adjoyning being at any time in a readiness to rise.

Having compleated all these his Noble Acts, was ordered to attend at the Princes Court, and leaving the Provinces safely rejoycing, was had in as great esteem as either Furius Camillus, or Papirius Cursor, and receiving the honourable and affe∣ctionate Complements of all men towards him, even as far as the Narrow Seas, he safely arrived (with a prosperous Wind) to the Princes Camp, where hew as em∣braced with all the joy and applaud imaginable.

Simmachus writes of the Rewards of this Noble † 7.146 General, thus; The Author of Your stock Captain General, in Africk and Britain, was, amongst other ancient Titles, consecrated by the most Honourable Order with Images of Knighthood, which Statue resembled a Man on Horse-back, in Armour.

Besides, Claudian, in his Poetical-fancy, streins thus in his Commendations:

Ille Caledoniis posuit qui Castra pruinis, Quimedio Libyae sub oasside pertulit astus; Terribilis Mauro, debellatorque Britanni Littoris, ac pariter Boreae vastator & Austri. Quid rigor aternus? Coeli quid Sydera prosunt? Ignotumque fretum? maduerunt Saxone fuso Orcades, incaluit Pictorum Sanguine Thule, Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis Hiberne.

In Caledonian Frosts his Tents he pight, And Lybia's scorching heat endur'd in field; The Cole-black Moors, and Britains fair, in flight He quell'd, and forced both South and North to yield. What then avail'd cold Clime? strange Seas and Stars? When Orkney Isles he dy'd with Saxon gore, The branded Picts now suffered mortal scars, And Ireland did huge heaps of Scots deplore.

—〈1 line〉〈1 line〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lybiz, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Thule, Ille leves Mauros, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pictos 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Scotumque vago 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉; Fregit Hyperboreas remis audacibus undas: Etgeminis fulgens utróque sab axe trophais Tethyos alternas refluas calcavit arenas.

Lybia, whose scorching heat secures her shoars, And Thale senced in with walls of Ice; Both dread his Name, the light and nimble Moors, And Picts who Painting above Garments prize. The wandring Scot through Northern Isles he chas'd, And on their gloomy Seas Triumphant rode: His Trophies thus under both Poles he plac'd, Where e're the Ocean either ebb'd or flow'd.

These are the Actions happening in Britain in the daies of Valentinian, he was an excellent Prince, and highly commended for the endowments both of mind and body, as being a great Souldier, yet Chast and Merciful, qualities rarely found in Sword∣men. Yet among his many Vertues, he is taxed by Ammianus for his over severity in punishing the Common Souldiers for small and trivial offences, and his strange re∣misness towards the crimes and oppressions of their Officers, which (saith he) was a main cause of the Troubles ensuing in Britain. He Reigned eleven years, eight months, and two daies, and died of an Apoplexy, or (as others write) of the Plague.

He is not admitted a King of this Island by our Histories, as being not allied to Constantine, or any of the British Blood; But in these daies OCTAVIUS was King (if he were still living, for the British account is very lame and imperfect in this point) or if dead, MAXIMIAN, whom the Roman Records call Maximus, who married the Daughter of Octavius, and was himself descended of Constantine the Great, of which Maximus we shall have a farther account in the following Empe∣rour, in whose daies it appeareth he assumed the Purple Robe, although some of the British Writers make him King in the year 348, which is 28 years before the daies of Gratian, and I am afraid mistake him for Magnentius.

Flavius Gratianus,	EMPEROURS.
AND
Flavius Valentinianus,

GRATIAN, with his half-Brother VALENTINIAN, both the Sons of Valentinian the Elder, succeeded their Father * 7.147 in the Empire. The East, vacant by the death of Valens, he be∣stowed on Theodosius, the Son of that Theodosius who was so famous for his British Wars, and reserved the Government of the Western Provinces to himself.

Maximus, a Spaniard born, and one who had equally served * 7.148 in the British Wars with the younger Theodosius (for he also, either with his Father, or not long after him, seems to have done something in this Island) and now General of the Roman Armies, either discontented that Theodosius was preferr'd before him to the Empire, or (as Orosius reports) constrained by the Souldiers, who despised * 7.149 Gratian, or hated him, assumed the Purple Robe, a valiant Man, vertuous, and wor∣thy of the Title of AUGUSTUS, had he not against his Allegiance, and by way of Tyranny and Usurpation, attained it. And indeed, the first assaies of his Power were well employed to the good and preservation of his Country; The Scots and Picts, who with their Inroads continually wasted the Province, he utterly subdued and drove back, when pussed up with his success, and not content with his Domi∣nion in Britain, with the flower and strength well near of the British Youth he passed the Seas, and arriving at the mouth of the Rhine, drew to him the whole puissance of the German Army.

His Royal Seat he made at Triers, whence he is called by Gregorius Turonensis, Trevericus Imperator, and spreading his wings (saith Gildas) the one as far as to * 7.150 Spain, the other into Italy, with the terrour only of his Name he brought in Con∣tribution from the most fell and savage Germans.

Against him Gratianus made his Power, but after five daies skirmishing was for∣saken by his own Soudiers, put to flight, and forced to beg his peace. St. Ambrose was sent Embassadour, who in outward shew obtained it, but the event proved that Treachery only, and Treason, iwere intended; For Maximus wholly intent how he might make away Trajan, at last compast it by this wile; He caused Rumors to spread abroad, and Letters given to Gratian, how that his Wife was coming in person to visit him, which Gratian believing, and hastning to meet her, opening the Litter wherein he thought she was, was barbarously murthered by Androgathius, taking in his bosom his deaths wound, where he hoped to have received his Empress. St. Ambrose was the second time sent to demand his Body, but not accepted, be∣cause he refused to communicate with those Bishops which had sided with Maxi∣mus.

All things thus succeeding to the desire of Maximus, having setled the State of France, and casheir'd those Officers who had sided with Gratian, he created Victor his Son, Caesar, committing his Infancy to Nannius and Quintinus, Masters in Mi∣litary skill, whom he appointed to be his Tutors. And now he sends his Embassa∣dours to Theodosius, who governed in the East, to require, or rather to demand to be admitted sharer in Power, which was for the present consented unto by Theo∣dosius, and he saluted Emperour by him, and his Image exhibited to the Alexandrines, and set up in the publick Market-place.

Having thus by Violence and Extortion graspt all into his possession, and filled his own Cosfers with the spoil of the Common-wealth, he made the defence of Ca∣tholick Religion a cloak to cover his oppression and Tyranny. Priscillian, and other Hereticks, convicted in the Councel of Bourdeaux, and appealing (as their manner is) to his usurped Tribunal, he condemned to death, although disswaded by Martin that good Bishop of Towrs, alleadging, It was sufficient they were Excommunicated by the Church, to which in matters of Faith they were only ameanable; These were the first that (being Executed by the Civil Power for matters of Religion) left a foul and dangerous president to posterity.

After this, he entred with his whole Army into Italy, which struck such terrour into Valentinian, that flying to Theodosius, he earnestly besought him to undertake his Quarrel, and to redress the Violence of Maximus. Theodosius, after much en∣treaty (for he upbraided Valentinian, because an Arrian) consented to his Suit, and with all his Forces marehed against the Tyrant, who then lay secure at Aquileia, and in two Battles overthrew him, whom afterwards betrayed by his own Souldiers, he delivered to the Executioner; His Son Victor was vanquished and slain in Gallia, and Andragathius who had assassinated Gratian threw himself headlong into the Sea. The British Souldiers who had assisted Maximus, invaded (as saith Bede) that part * 7.151 of France called Armorica, from whence the Britains first arrived into this Island, but in this Bede is infinitely mistaken, or else we are altogether ignorant of his meaning.

This was the end of Maximus and his Empire, who is reasonably supposed to be that Clemens Maximus, who had under his Command the second Legion Augusta, which was removed from Germany by Claudius the Emperour, and lying long in Garrisonat Isca, Silurum, or Caerleon in Wales, was afterwards translated to Rhutupia, or Richborow, for he is called by Arsonus the Rhutupine Robber, and that his name was Clemens, that Inscription of the Bononians, set up to his Honour, doth sufficiently witness:

DD. N. N. MAG. C. MAXIMO ET FL. VICTORI PIIS FE- LICIBUS SEMPER AUGUSTIS * 7.152 B. R. NATIS.

But whether or no that part of the Inscription, MAG. doth sufficiently authorize Basingstoak to say this is meant of Magnentius who slew Constans the Emperour, and was afterwards slain by Constantius, I will not determine, but leave to others to judge.

THE British Account OF MAXIMUS, And the state of AFFAIRS IN HIS DAIES.

MAXIMUS, whom we must now call Maximian, took to Wife (as hath been said before) the Daughter of Octavian a British Lord, but sore against the will of Conan Meridoc Duke of Cornwal, who hoped (by matching himself with that Lady) to obtain the Crown, wherefore after the Marriage concluded, spur'd on with the loss of a Kingdom, and the disgrace to see a Rival preferred before him, he passes into Scotland, raises Forces, and entring the Country on this side the Humber, wasted far and wide; On the other hand, Maximian arms, and encountring him in several Battles, the success was so equal, and the loss on both sides so great, that they were both content, upon the mediation of Friends, to come to an agreement. A Peace concluded, Maximian passed into France and invaded the Country Ar∣morica, and in a Battle overcame and slew Imball the King of it, and then granted it to Conan Meridoc, to be held of him and the Kings of Britain for ever, changing the Ancient name Armorica into that of Little Britain.

Conan possessed of the Country, expels the Ancient Inhabitants, plants Britains * 7.153 in their stead, who, it seems, grown exceeding squeemish, and disdaining to take the Women of Gaul to their Wives, Conan thought it necessary to supply them out of Britain; A Messenger therefore was dispatched to Dionethus, another Duke of Cornwal (for Meridoc must be supposed to have Resigned) and Governour of Bri∣tain under Maximian, to enjoyn him forthwith to send over into Little Britain eleven thousand Virgins (a hard task) that is, eight thousand for the Commons, and three thousand for the Nobility; yet others, who thought not the raising so many a sufficient employment, make the number fifty one thousand, that is, eleven thousand of the better sort, and forty thousand of the Vulgar. The Count Palatine saies, eleven thousand of the one, and sixty thousand of the other. But however it is, Dionethus sent his Daughter Ursula, a Lady of excellent Beauty, whom Conan had desired in marriage.

These Virgins taking Shipping together (a number never heard of besore, or shall ever after in one Fleet) were not far from shoar, when the ill manner'd Winds blowing rudely upon them, drowned many, and the rest dispersed, they who escaped the Tempest fell into the hands of Guanius King of the Hunns, and Melga King of the Picts, upon the Coast of Germany, set there by Gratian to watch the motions of Maximian.

These Princes either surpriz'd with the exceeding Beauty of these Damosels, or disdaining to see so much Ugliness together (for different Passions often produce the same effect) slew them all, Ursula self not escaping, and (as if they intended to destroy the Country whence they proceeded) they invaded the Island on the North, and proceeded on with great slaughter of the Inhabitants.

Maximian advertis'd thereof, sent Gratianus with three Legions to withstand them, who entering the Island, drave them back, and constrained them to refuge in Ireland.

This Gratianus is supposed, by Mr. Hollinshead, to be the same who afterwards usurped in the daies of Honorius.

Flav. Theodosius.

THEODOSIUS, after the death of Maximus, was in full * 7.154 possession of the whole Empire (for Valentinian was treache∣rously strangled in Vienna by Eugenius, first a Grammarian, then a Souldier, and Arbogastes, a base Commander) but he lived not long after, for having brought the Murtherers of Valentinian to condign punishment, and setled the Empire on his Sons, he died, to the grief of all men, the Union of the whole Empire in the Person of so worthy a Prince, raising no small expectations of a great and glorious Reign.

In his daies Chrysan was Vicar of Britain, of whom more in the following Em∣perour. * 7.155

HONORIUS.

HONORIUS, by the will of his Father Theodosius, succeeded in the Western Empire. During his Minority Stilico was ap∣pointed * 7.156 his Governour, a man for a long time famous, having been an inward Companion of Theodosius, and emp'oyed in the British Wars against the in roads of the Scots, Vandals, Picts, and Saxons, and therein he behaved himself with great conduct and success, which Claudian implieth, where he introdu∣ceth Britain, thus speaking.

Me quóque vicinis pereuntem gentibus, inquit, * 7.157 Munivit Stilico, totam quam Scotus Hibernem Movit, & infesto spumavit remige Thetis. Illius effectum curis, ne bella timerem Scotica, nec Pictum tremerem, ne littore toto Prospicerem dubiis venientem Saxona ventis.

Me to ill Neighbours long a Prey expos'd, With safety now hath Stilico inclos'd. Whilest the false Scot the Irish shoar alarums, And with those Vermin all the Ocean swarms. 'Tis through his care no longer Wars I fear; The Scots and Picts alike now dreadless are. No longer on the Coasts, I quivering stand, Nor fear a Fleet of Saxons on the Strand.

But his great Atchievments were attended with no less Ambition, for not content with the management of the whole Empire in the Minority of Honorius, nor satis∣fied with the honour of having his Daughter an Empress, by matching her with his Ward, be flew up to so high a pitch, that in the end he ruined not only himself but the whole Empire; For by sowing the seeds of Sedition amongst the Lieutenants of Provinces, and raising factions at Court, he made so evil a fermentation through all the Government, which of it self was decaying, that the publick Enemy taking the ad∣vantage, grew daily upon it, and on all sides assaulted its now tottering Fabrick; That which in this nick of time most unluckily promoted its ruine, was, a Party of the Goths, who having served the Romans faithfully for twenty years, and now fallen into the displeasure of this great Favourite, being disgraced and casheir'd, to re∣venge their wrongs publickly Revolted, choosing Alaricus for their Captain, who not long after proved the Scourge of Rome.

In these daies Chrysanthus, the Son of Marian a Bishop, who had been made Vicar of Britain by Theodosius, deserved so much honour for the prudent management of the Common-wealth, that considering his Birth, the Son of a Church-man, and his great Integrity, he was thought the fitter man to oppose the Schisine of the Cathari, who stiffly maintained, That men of Baptism, relapsing into mortal sin, could not renew their state of Salvation. To withstand these, he was chosen, and installed at Con∣stantinople (much against his will) Bishop of the Novatians, and is the same Person whom we find in Ecclesiastical Histories so much commended for his great Tempe∣rance and Mortification.

Contemporary with him flourished Fastidius a British Bishop, and wrote Books of Divinity; yet not withstanding that Britain was so well furnished with eminent Divines, Pelagius, a Native of this Island, brought up in the Monastery of Bangor in Wales, about this time found opportunity to introduce new Heresies into the Church. He having travelled Italy and AEgypt, and insinuated himself into the com∣pany first of Paulinus Bishop of Nola, and afterwards of St. Augustine; finding that preferment came not so fast as he expected, and thinking his great Travels and Study not sufficiently, or not time enough rewarded, set up for new Opinions, and returning into Britain, with his Disciples, Coelestius a Scot, and Agricola, spread them wide, poysoning the minds of the Britains, a Nation (saith Gildas) greedy of any Novelty.

By this time ALARICUS, King of the Goths laid siege unto Rome it self, and now that glorious Empire, like a Body departing, not able to defend its more noble parts, began to contract and draw in its succours from all sides, and such Forces which lay scattered for the defence of the outward Provinces, were summoned to relieve the very heart and Seat of its Empire: amongst the rest the British Legion, which in the Marches kept station against the Barbarians, was called away, which Claudian witnesseth in these words;

Venit & extremis Legio praetenta Britannis, * 7.158 Quae Scoto dat fraena truci, serróque not at as Perlegit exanimes Picto moriente figuras.

Hither the Legion too from Britain came, Which curbs the Scots, and does fierce Nations tame. Who, whil'st the painted Picts expiring lie, Beholds the breathless Figures how they die.

And now the Britains finding themselves deserted by the Romans, and the Barba∣rous Nations continually assaulting them, the Scots from the Irish Seas, the Saxons from the German, and the Picts from the North, beholding withal the desolations of the Continent, through the weakness of the Roman Empire and the power of its Enemies, the Vandals who had wasted Belgia even to those places whence is nearest passage into Britain, and learing lest the heating-flame of their Neighbours fire might fly over to them also, thought it expedient to choose some General or Sove∣raign Commander to lead them. First they elected Marcus, who (it may seem) then * 7.159 was Deputy of the Island, but his carriage not agreeing with their giddy Courses, him they as suddenly slew, and in his stead set up Gratian, a Country-man of their own, whom they Crowned and arrayed in the Purple Robe, and adored as their Prince, but the favour of a heady Rout is as fatal as its fury, for upon some slight mislike taken to him after four Months end, they deprived him not only of life, but Em∣pire also.

There was among them a Common Souldier whose name was Constantine, with him on a sudden so taken, they are upon the conceit of a luckiness in his name, as without any other visible Merit to create him Emperour.

CONSTANTINE making use of the opportunity, and gathering his Forces * 7.160 together whilest the heat lasted, putting to Sea from Britain, landed at Bullen in France, and what with the terrour of his Name, and the numbers of his Followers, he easily brought over to his Party all the Roman Forces on this side the Alpes. Valentia in France he manfully defended against the puissance of Honorius, the Rhine which long time before had been neglected, he fortified with Garrisons. Upon the Alpes as well Cottiae and Penninae, as those towards the Maritime Coasts where ever the passages lay open, he placed Garrisons, built Forts and Castles, and in Spain under the Conduct of his * 7.161 Son, whom (of a Monk) he had made his Caesar, he warred with the like fortune and success.

And now grown high and proud by the constant current of so many Felicities, not content that Honorius had freely yielded to him a share in the Empire, and kindly accepted his excuse (wherein he alleadged the force of the Souldiers in advancing him to that Authority) in hostile manner he passed the Alpes, and intended to march di∣rectly against Rome; But having information that Alaricus King of the Goths (whom lately he had made his Ally) was dead, he returned to Arles, where he planted his Im∣perial Seat, and commanded the City to be called CONSTANTINA, in imi∣tation perhaps of Constantine the Great, who had done the like in the East, and whose Name he had found so lucky to him in all his concerns. Here he ordained, that the Assemblies of Assizes for seven Provinces should be held.

And now well seated in the Empire, he sent into Spain for his Son Constans, to the end that meeting together they might consult further concerning the establishment of the Empire. Constans receiving his Fathers Message, without any delay sets for∣ward on his Journey to him, leaving his Wife, and the furniture of his Court at Caesar Augusta, or Caragosa, and trusting the management of all Affairs, during his ab∣sence, to the care and conduct of Gerontius a Britain, whom a little while after, upon slight occasion he again displaced.

Constans being now come to his Father, seemed rather to be sent for to partake with him in his Vices than Counsels, for by this time grown heedless of any danger from Italy, he gave himself up to all Riot and Luxury, so that advising his Son to return into Spain, he was mindful of nothing more than the pleasing his Appetite alone, and providing of delicate Meats to satisfie his Gluttony.

Constans taking his leave of his Father, having sent his Forces and Retinue before, receives unwelcome News, that Gerontius having revolted from his Obedience, had set up Maximus, one of his Vassals and Followers, for Emperour, and having ga∣thered together great Forces of Barbarians was upon his march against him and his Father.

Constans allarum'd with these Tidings, dispatcht immediately Edo-beccus unto the German Nations, himself attended with Decimius Rusticus, who of the Master of the Offices was advanced to be Praefect, and accompanied with his Army of Franks and Almanes, and other Military Forces, passeth into France, intending with all speed to return again to his Father Constantine, but intercepted by Gerontius in his way, at Vienna in France in a Combat lost his life.

Gerontius marching to meet Constantine found him at Arles, against which City he laid close siege, calling the Vandals to his assistance, who encouraged by him, as before by him they had been represt, breaking into France, overrun most part of the Province.

By this time Honorius had sent an Army out of Italy, under the Command of Con∣stantius Comes his General, at the arrival whereof in those parts, Gerontius, deserted * 7.162 by his own Forces, retired into Spain, where also growing into contempt and ha∣tred with his Souldiers, his House in the night was beset by them, with a few of his Servants he manfully defended himself, slew above three hundred of them, and when his Darts and Weapons were spent, though he might have escaped at a back Door, as all his Servants had done, yet, out of kindness to Alanus and his Wife, he refused to do it. And first having cut off the head of his Friend Alanus, as was a∣greed, in the next place he dispatches, though with great reluctancy, his Wife also, being much intreated and importuned by her, refusing to out-live her Husband, and desiring to be freed from the Violence of an inraged Crew, for which her resolution, Sozomenus, an Ecclesiastical Writer gives her high praise and commendation; This done, he turns his Sword against himself, but that missing to perform the work, with his Ponyard he finisheth his resolution and dies.

Constantius now streightned on all hands, and discouraged with some ill success of Edobeccus, after he had been besteged with his other Son Julian four Months, and Reigned four years, flings off his Purple Robe and turns Priest, and hoping under that shelter to secure himself, not long after surrenders the Town, but his habit pro∣ving no sanctuary to him, he was carried into Italy, and there beheaded together with his Son, to whom he had given the Title of NO BILISSIMUS, and a Brother named Sebastian.

Whilest these things were doing, the Barbarians taking advantage of the negli∣gent Government of Constantine, who at Arles minded nothing but his Pleasures, brake into the Provinces, the Scots and Picts into Britain, and the Vandals into Gaul.

The Britains now destitute of aid, yet held under by them who had not power to protect them, forthwith took Arms, and resolving to stand on their own defence, freed their Cities and States. In like manner their Neighbours, the Britains of Armorica, and the rest of the Gaulish Provinces by their example did the same, casting out the Roman Presidents, and setting up for Liberty, ordained Common-wealths of their own.

But the Roman Power which had been called into Italy, when once the fear of Alarick was over, and Constantine dead, made return into the several Provinces; And it seemeth that Victorinus of Tholosa might be sent Praefect of this Island, if it were not he whom Stilico sent hither. Buchanan and Cambden, whom I follow, assign the time of his being here after Gratianus Municeps, and Constantine the Tyrant, though others say it was before, however certain it is, that during his residence here he was very active against the Scots and Picts, and Buchanan writes, that en∣deavouring to reduce the Picts into a Province, he gave occasion of their calling back Furgutius, and the Scots, whom Maximus by their help had quite driven out of the Island.

He is highly commended by Rutilius Clandius the Poet, out of whose Verses his History is gathered; they are these,

* 7.163 Conscius Oceanus virtutum, conscia Thule, Et quaecunque ferox arva Britannus erat. Quae Praefectorum vicibus fraenata potestas, Perpetuum magni foenus amoris habet. Extremum pars illa quidem discessit in orbem, Sed tanquam medio rector in orbe fuit. Plus palmae est illos inter voluisse placere, Inter quos minor est displicuisse pudor.

The Seas, and Thule, with his Praise resound, And wheresoe're fierce Britains tyll their ground. That Power which others in their turns possest, Him with increase of love, intirely blest. Though from the World his Province too did stand, Yet as by all o're seen he did command. 'Tis more renown good Actions to express, There, where to govern ill, the shame is less.

Seeing that this Victorinus (by most Authors) is placed after Constantine the Tyrant, I suppose he might be sent with that Legion whom Honorius, upon the se∣cond request of the Britains, granted to their assistance, or if it were before that he governed here, and was recalled against Alaricus then besieging Rome, certain it is, that the Britains exhausted of their Youth by Maximus first, who transplanted them into Gallia on the Coast of Armorica; and afterwards by Constantine, not having Power sufficient of their own to defend themselves from the Northern Incursions, and wanting the assistance of the Romans, first having tried what they could do by freeing themselves from Forreign Yoak, grown as weary of their Liberty as they had been formerly of Bondage, sent unto Honorius, humbly craving his Protection, to which Message they received no other answer, but in Words, by which he exhorted them to stand upon their own Guard, and so quitted them of the Roman Jurisdi∣ction.

Thus ended this famous Empire of the Romans, first in Britain, and not long after in Italy it self, having born chief sway in this Island, though never wholly con∣quered, nor at one time intirely possest, for the space of four hundred sixty two years, if we account from the first arrival of Julius Caesar to the taking of Rome by Alarick, in which year Honorius wrote those Letters of Discharge.

Britain thus deserted by the Romans, was left unable to defend it self, having all the flower and choice of her Youth drawn out to serve in the Roman Garrisons abroad, whilest others had forsaken their Country to follow the Ambition of such Tyrants whom they had headily advanced to the Purple Robe, and having Possessi∣ons given them in Gaul never returned, so that before I proceed to set down the Calamities of the Britains, when left to themselves and their own Counsels, it will not be amiss to shew, how from time to time the Romans drew out their Youth, and what numbers attended the Tyrants, which were so frequently advanced in the latter daies of the Empire, when there was no end of their Levies out of Bri∣tain.

To begin with the Romans first, Trebellius Maximus transported into Germany a great number of British Souldiers to make good the Faction of Vitellius against Otho; Honorius Flaccus in the same cause sent out eight thousand chosen Souldiers, Albinus in the bloody Battle at Lyons, against Severus the Emperour, lost fifty thousand Men, most of which were of the British Cavalry.

This loss laid the Province naked, and left it open to the Insolence and Violence of Forreign Invaders, and Constantine the Great (as Malmsbury reporteth) carried * 7.164 out such numbers with him, that to their Assistance especially he owed his Victories, and the Empire of the whole World. Afterwards he planted them on the West∣coast of France, called Armorica, next drawing out those Souldiers who lay for the defence of the Marshes and Fronteirs, he seated them in other parts of the Conti∣nent, carried some into the East, and instead of those Living-strengths, he built Castles and Forts, which seized by the Enemy, proved continual annoyances to the Britains.

Maximus the Tyrant, who slew Gratian the Emperour, levied vast numbers of Britains, and transported them into Gaul, and Ninnius writeth, that he would not send them home again, but gave unto them many Countries even from the Pool, or * 7.165 Meer, which lieth above Mount Jovis, unto the City that is called Cantguic, and unto Curcocchidient.

And he that annexed brief Notes unto Ninnius reporteth, how truly I cannot tel, the Armorican Britains which are beyond Sea attending Maximus in his Expedi∣tion, when they could not return, wasted the Western-coasts of Gaul, and when they had married their Wives and Daughters, cut out all their Tongues, for fear lest the succeeding Progeny should learn their Mother Language, whereupon we call them in our Tongue Lhet vydion, that is, Half-silent, or Tongue-ty'd, because they speak confusedly.

Constantius who was elected only for his Name transported most of the flower and strength of the Britains into Gallia and Spain, where, in his Quarrel, many of them perished, and the rest never returned, having Seats allotted them in the West of Gaul, or else followed the Emperour in his Wars.

Hence it is that Prosper Aquitanus wrote thus; At this instant of time, in respect of the decay of the Roman Forces, the power and strength also of the Britains was brought * 7.166 low, and unable to make resistance. For which cause, and occasion, our Historiogra∣pher of Malmsbury speaks thus; When the Tyrants had rid the Country of all, save half Barbarians, none were there, either in Towns or Cities, but who gave themselves upto Epicurism.

Britain now forgetting the use and practice of good Arts, and wanting assistance of vigorous Youth, for a long time lay open to the Mercy of Ravening mouths that confin'd upon her, which was evidenced by the Incursions of the Picts and Scots, many lost their lives, Cities were subverted, Villages fired, insomuch as all lay naked and low, to express the Rage and Fury of merciless Invaders.

The Islanders in this streight, after they had buryed their Wealth, much of which hath been since found, chose rather to flie unto the Mountain-Country, than to stand the hazard of a set Battle, purposing after that to go to Rome to request assistance.

But to little purpose, for Valentinian the Third, as he was not able to recover either Spain, France or Asrick, Provinces rent by violence from him, so could he not be * 7.167 able to answer their expectation. And Gildas, for this very cause, much pities the dejected case of the Britains. For (saith he) Britain was despoyled of all their Armed-men, her Military Forces, Governours (although cruel they were) and of a mighty number of her stout hard-hearted Youths.

For besides those whom the Tyrant and Usurper Maximus, and the last Con∣stantine carried with them, it appeareth by ancient inscriptions, and the Book called Notitia Provinciarum, that these Companies here-under written were em∣ployed by the Romans in War, dispersed in Parties over their Provinces, which exhausted very much the principal fighting men in Britain it self.

Ala Britannica Milliaria. Ala quarta Britonum in AEgypto. Cohors prima AElia Britonum. Cohors tertia Britonum. Cohors septima Britonum. Cohors 26 Britonum in Armenia. Britanniciani sub Magistro peditum.

Invicti juniores Britanniciani,	inter Auxilia Palatina.
Exculcatores Jun. Britan.

Britones cum Magistro Equitum Galliarum. Invicti Juniores Britones intra Hispanias. Britones Seniores in Illyrico.

So that it will be no wonder, when we shall read the following Calamities and down∣fall of the Britains, that being reduced to so small a number, and worn out with the continual Incursions of their Enemies, the Picts and Scots, deserted by their An∣cient Protectours the Romans, they were constrained to call in another Nation to their assistance, who quickly imposed a Yoak upon them, so much the more heavy and grievous than the former, inasmuch as the Roman Civility exceeded the Rude∣ness of the Primitive Saxons; But before we proceed to these Relations, let us see the British History in the daies of this Honorius.

THE British History, In the Daies of HONORIUS, UNTO VORTIGERN Who brought in the SAXONS.

THE Britains upon dislike to Honorius for that he had slain Sti∣lico, who, by the report of our Histories, did great Service for them, chose Marcus for their King, but him (not found agree∣able to their humour) they slew, and set up Gratianus Muni∣ceps in his stead, a Britain born but a great Tyrant, so that not enduring him above four months, they kill'd him likewise, in which circumstances our stories agree with the Romans, but in the election of Constantine they vary; For he whom the Romans call a Common Souldier, and had the Empire for his Name only, by them is derived of Noble lineage, and made the Brother of Aldroenus King of Armorica, and the fourth from Conan Meridoc, Duke of Cornwal, and first King of Armorica.

Upon the earnest request of Vitelinus Bishop of London, he was sent by his Bro∣ther Aldroenus into Britain, and landed at the same Port that Brute had formerly done, namely, Totness. Having subdued the Enemies of the Britains, and Reigned to the commendation of all People the space of ten years, he was slain by a Pict, his especial Confident.

He left Issue by his Wife (a Woman of Noble extraction, and bred up by Vite∣linus) three Sons, Constantius (whom the Roman Histories call Constans) Aurelius Ambrosius, and Uther, Sirnamed Pen-Dragon.

Constantius being a Man of weak parts in his Fathers time, had been made a Monk, and placed in the Abby of Amphibalus in Winchester, and now, after his death, by the cunning of Vortigern a powerful Britain, who desired to draw the management of Affairs to himself, was taken out of the Abby and made King, and not long after slain by his Guards of Picts and Scots, who for that intent were placed about him,

and suborned by Vortigern upon hopes of Reward, but the Deed done, Vortigern caused them all immediately to be strangled, by which means he not only prevented their discovering him, but gained such reputation for Justice and Integrity that he was chosen King.

The other Sons of Constantine fled into Armorica, where they continued until the alteration of Affairs called them back.

The Count Palatine, better to bring the British History to the Roman, writes, That Constantine left behind him four Sons, whereof Julian, mentioned in the Ro∣man History, was one, but the Relations of the British and Roman Records have been all along so different in circumstances, and so disagreeing in setting down even matter of Fact it self, that the hopes of reconciling them would be fruitless. All therefore that is left in this place, is, to bemoan, that at the fall of the Roman Em∣pire in these parts, that which was truly Roman decayed also, namely, Learning, Eloquence, and History, so that for the future we must steer our course by other Guides, and in many places shall often want such clear and impartial Authors, by whom hitherto we have been directed.

THE AFFAIRS OF BRITAIN, From the decay of the ROMAN State, To the Entrance of the SAXONS.

THE Britains, as we heard, being acquitted of the Ro∣man Jurisdiction by Honorius, in the year of Christ 410, * 7.168 and of the coming of Julius Caesar 462, the Right of Government falling into their own hands, began to be∣stir themselves at first in their new Freedom, living after their own Laws, and standing on their own Defence; But as People more fond of the name of Liberty, than apprehensive of the weight of Governing well, they grew heady and violent in their new Affairs, and eager in what they understood nor. None more stout and daring in Counsels, but in Action none so fearful and and relenting, all pretending to know what ought to be done, yet all drawing back in the performance.

Thus in a short time, when the heat of Liberty was once spent, and the Enemy daily increased, they quickly found their old temper returning upon them, a slavish∣ness of Mind, and slothfulness of Body, then they perceived it was not stomack, or a hot and sudden love of Licence could protect them, but that diligence, wisdom, and labour was wanting, so that their Spirits drooping continually, they shrunk by degrees into their former tameness of mind, and grew as weary of their new tried Liberty, as they had been of their old Subjection. For being no longer able to

support themselves against the continual Incursions of the Picts and Scots, they again sent Letters to Honorius, humbly begging his protection, and vowing Obedi∣ence to Rome, if their Enemies were once removed.

Honorius out of compassion to their Miseries, rather than desire of Rule, sent them a Legion, who coming over made great slaughter of the Picts, soon drove them beyond the Marches, and having cleared the Fronteirs, caused a Wall or Rampire to be built cross the Island, from Sea to Sea, where Agricola had formerly built one, name∣ly, between the Friths of Edinborough to the City Alcluith on Dunbritton, but it being cast up with Turf only, and that slightly, as soon as the Romans were de∣parted to the defence of France, the Barbarous Nations soon broke down and over∣run it, and pouring into the Province like a Torrent, made great devastations, killing, burning, and destroying wheresoever they came.

The Scots, on the other hand, out of their Carroughs, or Leather-Vessels, wherein * 7.169 they used to pass the Scitick Vale, land in whole swarms, and with no less fury, out-rage and cruelty, carry, harry, and make havock of all; thus bandied between two merciless and insolent Enemies, both striving which should out-do the other in Spoil and Rapine.

The Britains once again send their Embassadours to Rome, in mournful manner, * 7.170 with their Garments rent, and sand on their heads, humbly imploring that they would not permit so Ancient a Province, and so serviceable to the Romans, to become a prey and scorn to Barbarians.

Valentinian the Third, then Emperour, pitying their Complaints, sends certain Regiments to their assistance, who coming upon these greedy Spoilers, who were in∣tent only on Plunder, made great slaughter of them, rescued the Britains, and cleared the whole Province. Then, partly at the publick Charges of the State, and partly at the Contributions of private Men, they built another Wall, not of Turf as the for∣mer, but of Stone, twelve foot high and eight broad, traversing the Island in a direct line from East to West, where Severus had walled before, namely, from Newcastle on Tine to Solway-Frith on the Irish Sea, between certain Cities placed as Fronteirs to stave-off the Enemy. On the South-coast also, being an open Shoar, and not free from their Inroads, they built Towers, cast-up Forts and Block-houses at conve∣nient distances, and on certain heights.

Having thus secured the Island on both sides, they exhorted the Britains now to * 7.171 stand in their own defence, and manfully to maintain their Country against rude and barbarous People, not stronger than themselves, if their own Fears had not made them so, to which end they instructed them in the Art of War, and left pat∣terns of their Arms and Weapons behind them, and with many encouraging words, and lectures of Valour to a Hen-hearted Auditory, gave them a final farewel, with∣out intention to return again.

This last friendly Expedition of the Romans, was under the Conduct of Gallio of Ravenna, Buchanan names him Maximianus, and writes, That Firgus, first King of * 7.172 the Scots, after their second coming into Scotland, and Dursius King of the Picts, were both slain in fight against him, and that Dioneth, a supposed King of Britain, or Duke of Cornwal, who assisted them, hardly escaped the Battle. But of any such person as Dioneth ruling in this Island our Histories make no mention, and very un∣likely it is, that they who but just now sued so earnestly to Rome for succour against the Common Enemy, the Picts and Scots, should now enter into League with them, and oppose their Friends, who came so far and kindly to relieve them.

As for Dursius and Firgus, Kings of the Scots and Picts, the supposed Leaders of all these Incursions into Britain, as it is not my business to gain-say their History, so neither will I relate their Actions in particular, although set down in the Scottish Histories with exactness of Circumstances, namely, their order of Battle, and man∣ner of Fight, their different Entrenchings, Marches, Sieges, Numbers of slain, and Articles of Peace, things whereof Gildas and Bede make not the least mention, Authors of far greater Credit and Antiquity than any produced by the Scottish Writers.

But thus much may be noted in this place, that it seemeth not to accord with the truth of History, that those Nations that at this time infested the Island, rather with wild and licentious Inroads, than a just and regular War, and are described

(by Gildas) like ravenous Wolves, or Tories, issuing from their hollow Caves, Dens, * 7.173 and lurking Holes, and alwaies taking advantage of the Romans absence, should be supposed to be under Order and Discipline, in a steady course of Invasion, especi∣ally if we consider with what ease they were repulsed at the appearance of one Le∣gion only, and how, without the least molestation, they suffered the Wall to be built, a thing they would never have permitted, had they been as well linked together in great Bodies, and under good Government, as their minds were unanimous in Plun∣der and Rapine. No more therefore are the Scottish Writers to be heeded in such Relations, than Jeoffery of Monmouth, when he varies most from Authentick story.

As soon as the Romans were finally departed, and their Resolution of not re∣turning * 7.174 known, the Scots and Picts differing in Manners, yet agreeing in the desires of Spoil and Blood-shed, with more considence than ever, like dusky Vermin, in the heat of day and full Noon, in whole swarms issued out of their narrow Holes and Caves, and all the Country north, even unto the Wall, immediately seize, and, as Natural Inhabitants, not fearing any more to be dispossessed, plant and manure it. In the mean time, they who kept Garrison on the Wall like idle Spectatours, and more dreading to be assaulted, than daring to oppose the growing Enemy, stood trembling and quaking upon the Battlements, like Men placed rather to view their Losses than to revenge them; whilest day and night they kept ward in their Stations, by continual beholding their Foe, they conceived the more dreadful apprehensions of them, and by doing nothing spent their Spirits and grew idle.

Thus standing with Weapons in their hands, and esteeming it Manhood sufficient if they did but face the Invader, they tamely suffered the half-naked Picts to come under the Battlements, and with their Engines and Hooks to pull them down head∣long, the rest, quitting the Wall, betook themselves to flight, and left the Enemy in possession of the Fronteir-Cities, who having with such ease broke into the Province, followed their fuccess with like vigour, pursuing the Britains into the Inland-Countries, and making havock and destruction wheresoever they came.

To the heap of these Calamities without were added no less from within, for the Britains employed in the Guard of the Fronteirs had neglected the Tylling Ground, upon which so great dearth and scarcity ensued, that they were constrained, for want of Provisions, to rob and pillage each other. They who came from the North, as may probably be supposed, and had fled from the! Enemy, being not able to buy when they came to the Southern parts, seized what they could find, upon which rose Discords and Animosities, Civil dissensions and Wars. For this Nation (as Gildas observeth) though feeble in repressing an Enemy, yet in homebred-quarrels was al∣waies * 7.175 obstinate and hardy.

And now whilest they wore themselves out with continual acts of Hostility, the Famine grew general upon all, the whole Country was exhaust of Bread, the staff and strength of life, and those miserable People that remained were forced to main∣tain their lives by Hunting, and such like Prey as the wild Forrest would afford. Notwithstanding these great calamities and troubles in the State, there happened new divisions in the Church, for Heresie groweth fastest in distracted times.

Agricola the Son of Severianus, a Disciple of Pelagius, had spread his Doctrine wide among the Britains, but the sounder part disliking his Opinions, but not able to confute them, beg'd assistance from the Churches in France, who sent them Ger∣manus Bishop of Auxere, and Lupus of Troys; These coming into Britain, by as∣siduous preaching in Churches, Fields and Streets, and, as some write, by doing Miracles, confirmed many in the Faith, regained others, and in a publick Disputa∣tion at Verulam confuted the chief of the Hereticks.

The time of Germanus his Arrival is uncertainly guessed at, most probably in the year 430. Matthew of Westminster placeth him under the year 446, not long before the entrance of the Saxons, and indeed, certain it is that he had to do * 7.176 with that Nation here, as shall be shewn in the sequel; But that it was after they were called into this Island under the Leading of Hengist and Horsus, and not before, cannot be collected. For the Incursions of the Saxons into Britain were no new thing before their publick Arrival, wherefore I shall follow on the course of Germanus his Actions in these troubled times, not breaking them into parts and

parcels, according to the confused computations of this Age; take them out of Con∣stantius, the Writer of his Life, who lived in the next Age. * 7.177

The Picts and Saxons, with joynt Force, making daily inroads from the North, those Britains who for fear or hunger had not yielded themselves to the Enemy, but stood daily upon their defence, gathering into a Body from out of Mountains, Caves and thick Woods, full of bushes, Bryers and Brambles, began to march with all their strength against the Enemy, but jealous of their own Power, and it may be now, as Gildas writeth, trusting more on the assistance of God than Man, they sent for Germanus, and his Colleague, in the strength of whose prayers they had more considence than in the numbers of their Men; Being come, their presence in the Camp was no less than if a whole Army were joyned to their assistance. It was in the time of Lent, when the People, instructed by the daily Sermons of these Pastors, came flocking to receive Baptism. There was a place in the Camp set apart for Divine Service, and dressed up with Boughs on Easter-day.

The Enemy having intelligence of this, and thinking that the Britains were more intent upon Religion than the War, advance, after the Paschal Feast, as to a certain Victory.

German, who had notice of their approach, undertakes the conduct of that day, and riding out with some selected Troops to discover a place fit for Ambush, finds a Vally, encompassed with many risings, through which the Enemy was to pass. Here he placeth his Men, and orders them that what word they heard him pronounce, the same they should repeat with an universal Shout.

The Enemy goeth on secretly, and German thrice aloud cries Hallelujah, which answered by the Souldiers, with a sudden noise and clamour is doubly ecchoed from the Hills and Vallies. The Saxons and Picts startled hereat, and supposing it the noise of a huge Host, flung down their Arms and fled, and for hast many of them were drowned in the River which newly they had passed.

The Victory thus obtained without hands, gave to the Britains plenty of Spoil, and proeured to the Person and Preaching of German greater Authority and Repu∣tation than before.

The place of this Victory is reported to have been in Flintshire, by a Town called Guid-eruc, and the River is supposed Allen, where a Field retains the name of Maes German unto this day.

Some have called into question that part of the Relation which maketh mention of the People flocking to be Baptized by German, seeing that Pelagianism was never Re-baptized, and the Heathenish Religion, for a long time before, is not so much as heard of in Britain? But, I think, this cannot take away from the truth of this story, seeing 'tis writ by a Man living so near the times, for it is not to be meant of the whole Army of Britains, but of some part only, and those perhaps Friends and Allies to them; For in a mixture of Nations which in War, either the taking of Prisoners, or the Revolt of disaffected persons, naturally causeth, what wonder is it if there might be Scots, Picts or Saxons in Germans Camp, especially if we consider what intelligence he had of the approach of the Enemy, and the exact time of their coming, which could be given him by none but such who fled over to them, and that many of the Scots and Picts were desirous to embrace the Christian Faith, and wanted only opportunity to do it, may be gathered, in that Palladius a Deacon, about this time was ordained, and sent by Celestine the Pope to be Bishop over them. No marvel therefore, if many of the Picts entring into Britain, and beholding the Lives and Conversations of the Christians here, might be converted from their savage Customes and Religions, and desire to be Baptized by that Man, of whose miraculous Life and Doctrine they had heard such wonderous Relations.

These Astions happened about the year 430, when German departing the Land, the Scots and Picts taking advantage of his absence, prepared again for a new In∣vasion. The Britains wearied out with continual Wars, and not expecting any more Miracles for their deliverance, send to Rome for assistance about the 39th. year of Theodosius, and of our Lord 446. Their Letters were directed to AEtius, or Agitius, then President of Gallia, with this Inscription: * 7.178

TO AETIUS, THRICE CONSUL, THE GROANS OF THE BRITAINS.

The Barbarians drive us to the Sea, and the Sea drives us back to the Barbarians, thus between two kinds of death we are either slaughtered or drowned. * 7.179

And the more to express their Miseries, and to move Compassion, thus they sur∣ther urge;

We the poor Remnant of the Britains, and your Vassals, besides the Enemy, are afflicted by Famine and Mortality, which at this time extreamly rageth in our Land.

Withal they beg him to consider, how nearly it concerned the Honour of the Roman Empire to protect and succour a Province, which for five hundred years almost, had constantly adhered to their Interest, that if they were now weakned, and in a condition rather to take than give assistance, they desire him to call to mind, that it was Their occasions, not their own, that had reduced them to those necessities; the strength of the British Youth were exhausted in the Roman Service, and the Land lest naked to uphold the grandure of the Empire. And, besides the loss of their Youth, their wealth had been wasted and consumed in maintaining so many Legions in forreign Service, and their stores of Corn spent in supplying the Roman Provinces abroad.

To these their urgent Requests they receive no Answer at all, for the Empire sorely infested and overspread with Huns and Vandals, was not in any condition to give them assistance; insomuch that wearied out with continual Complaining in vain, and the Famine daily increasing upon them, like Men in a desperate condi∣tion, their comfort lying only between the choice of two Evils, some meerly to get sustenance, yield themselves to the disposal of the Enemy, whilest others, more hardy and resolute, maintain their lives with what the Woods and Forrests afford them, oftentimes, as their Necessities urged, or Advantage invited them, would * 7.180 they make sallies upon the Enemy, and that with good success, led on (as may be guessed) by some worthy Commander, who advised them not to trust in their own Power but the Divine assistance; And perhaps, if computation would permit, which in these times is very much confused, by the Divine assistance nothing more is here meant, than the fore-said miraculous Victory obtained by German, near the River Allen; But however I shall follow the series of Gildas in setting down the History of these Times.

The Scots, or Irish Robbers (for so are they indifferently called) finding such stout resistance where they least suspected it, for the present depart home with in∣tention to return upon the next fair occasion inviting them.

The Picts also, who not long before, as hath been mentioned, had seated them∣selves in the utmost part of the Island, even unto the Wall, now retired to their new Habitations, and, saving a few Inroads, which now and then they made upon the Borderers, lived without any great molestation, so that the Britains eased from their Enemies began anew to tyll the Ground, which after long discontinuance yielded her fruit in such abundance, as the like in no Age before had ever been re∣membred.

But the Sore of Famine being healed and skinned, others more virulent broke out, Riot, Luxury and Wantonness, the usual attendants of Fulness and Plenty, and with them all Vices incident to Humane nature. For, besides Fornication, Adultery, Uncleanness, Rapes, Incest, the necessary Companions of Intemperance, Contentions, Strifes, Civil discords arose among them, and they who had been feeble and weak in repressing a forreign Enemy, in vindicating their private Animosities were eager and obstinate.

But that which Gildas faith most especially conduced to the corrupting of Af∣fairs, and the overturning the state of all goodness in the Land, and so continued in his daies, was, the hatred of Truth, and the Maintainers of it, the love of Lies, with the Forgers thereof. Evil they called good, and good evil. To be wicked and lewd was honourable, but to be vertuous poor and disgraceful; blind themselves they became haters of the Light, and the measures of their Actions was what was

most pleasing to themselves. No other differences of good or evil were admitted, all weighed alike, saving that the worst was most an end the weightier. All things were done directly contrary to the Publick welfare and safety, not by the Laity only, but the Clergy also, and they who should have been Examples of Vertue often proved the Ring-leaders to Vice. Many of them lovers of Wine and Drunkenness, wallowing in that sin grew benumm'd and senseless, others swoln with Pride and Wilfulness became contentious, envious, indisereet in their Judgments, uncapable to distinguish what was good, what evil, what lawful, or unlawful.

Thus qualified, both Priests and People, they resolve (saith Gildas) to choose * 7.181 several Kings of their own (for that they had not all one Monarch, appears not by the custome of the past Ages only, but the succeeding also) the particular time of their election, as by the confused computations of those troublesome daies, may be most probably guessed was in the year 446, or 447, which was the year of AEtius * 7.182 his Consulship, as appeareth out of the Kalendar of the Consuls, when having sued to Rome for Assistance they were absolutely rejected, and so forced to stand upon their own safeguard.

And who would not think but that a People thus left to themselves, and bereaft of so potent Allies as the Romans, would have behaved themselves cautiously and warily in so great a concern. But hear what Gildas saith of their heady and rash proceedings in this weighty Affair: Kings (saith he) were Anointed not according to Divine approbation, but the Voices and Suffrages of such as were more Cruel than others, and again as suddenly deposed and murthered by their Advancers, without examining the truth, to make room for others more Insolent and Cruel. If any of their Princes seemed more mild, and inclinable to good Counsel, upon him, as the Subverter of Britain, with∣out respect to his Person, the open hatred and malice of all was levelled.

Thus Affairs proceeded in the State, and in the Church no less Commotions ensued, for Pelagianisme again getting head, through the means of a sew, the British Clergy not able to withstand it, intreat the second time German to their assistance; He with Severus a Disciple of Lupus, his former Associate, coming into the Island, stand not now to dispute as formerly (for the generality were not infected with the Heresie) but discovering the Heads and teachers of the new Doctrine, adjudge them to Exile, who being by the Secular Power delivered to him, were by him con∣veyed beyond Sea, where he disposed of them in such places as they could neither infect others, and were themselves under cure, by better Instruction; Germanus the same year died in Italy.

After his departure the Britains receive News, that their old Enemies, the Scots and Picts, were returning with greater preparations than ever, that they threatned the destruction of the whole Land, and intended no less than to plant themselves from one end thereof to the other. But before their Arrival, as if the Instruments of Divine Vengeance were at strife, which should first destroy a wicked Nation, the residue that the Sword and Famine left alive, were now swept away with a sore Pesti∣lence, insomuch that the living scarce sufficed to bury the dead.

But for the present, as one Evil drives off another, the destroying Plague pre∣served the Land from the more Barbarous spoylers, which, for fear of the Conta∣gion durst not engage too far in the Inland Countries; But as soon as the Infection ceased the Enemy began to advance, and were entred as far as Stamford on the River Welland.

VORTIGERN, then King of the Britains, newly elected to the Crown, hearing of their approach, was then meditating how best he might secure himself, and had resolved to flie into those parts of the Island now called Wales (of the Ori∣ginal of this Vortigern, and his advancement to the Crown, I have spoken before in the British History, under the Emperour Honorius) he is described by the truest Historians, an insolent and haughty Tyrant, neither wise in Counsel, nor experien∣ced in War, yet doted on by the People for his Vices so well suiting with their own, heedless of the Common danger, and esteeming the Publick Treasure as a Fund only, to satisfie his Lusts and Extravagance. Nevertheless, awakened with the Cla∣mours of the People, he summons a General Councel to provide some better means than hitherto had been found, to put an end to these Incursions from the North, where it was concluded, that the Saxons should be called into Britain, and Embas∣sadours

sent with great Presents to invite them. Witichindus, a Saxon Writer, re∣porteth, * 7.183 that the Embassadours at their Audience spake as followeth;

Most Worthy Saxons, The distressed † 7.184 Britains, tired out with the continual Incursions of their Enemies, hearing the fame of their Valour, have sent us to implore your Assistance, the Land they possess large and spacious and abounding with all things, they wholly leave to your devotion and disposal: Hitherto we have lived with freedom under the Protection of the Romans, next to them we know none worthier than your selves, and therefore to your Valour we flie for refuge. Leave us not below our present Enemies, and we shall be ready to perform whatsoever by you shall be imposed.

Thus writes an Author of their own, yet Ethelwerd saies, that they promised no Subjection, but League and Amity only.

The Saxons thus invited to what they willingly would have sued for, made no de∣lay, but returned this short and speedy Answer: Be assured that the Saxons will be true Friends to the Britains, and not only stick close by them in their Adversity, but be at all times ready to procure their wealth and prosperity.

The Embassadours return joyful with these Tidings, but how the Saxons per∣formed their Promise you may read in Gildas, and shall be declared in their follow∣ing History.

At what time these things happened in Britain, according to the diversity of Computations, in this most confused Age, can be but uncertainly guessed at. For by the several accounts of Authors there are at least twenty years difference, whilest some measure the time from the AEra, others from another, amidst so great variety I have thought fittest to follow the most received Opinion, which makes the Entrance of the Saxons to be about the year of our Lord 448, or 449, and the Actions of Ger∣man in this Island, in the year 431 to 447, in which time both his Expeditions are * 7.185 included. Neither let any wonder, that being the Saxons came not before the year 448, and German is reported to have defeated that Nation before the year 447, how this can possibly be reconciled, since I have said before, that it was no new thing for the Saxons to make Incursions into this Island long before they were in∣vited hither by publick Authority. Yet that the Reader may not be ignorant of the diversity of Actions, which (as I said) proceeded from diversities of AEra's, I will set them down distinctly according to the most Authentick Histori∣ans.

Bede and his Followers reckon the years thus: In the thirty first year of Theodo∣sius the Younger, and of Christ 430, the Britains craved assistance, but in vain, of AEtius the third time Consul. Thus Bede.

But here may be enquired which is the principal AEra by which this ac∣count is made. If it be the year of Christ 430, then the difference will be whether Theodosius began his Reign in the year 399, or 407, which are eight years difference; The AEra therefore must be brought from Theodosius his Reign, for Bede supposeth him to have begun his Reign in the year 399, and in some Copies of Ninnius there is a note of Computation adjoyned, which Mr. Cambden saith taketh away all scruples, and clears all doubts, which maketh the beginning of his Reign to have been Anno 407.

Again, if you make the chief AEra of this Computation to be AEtius third time Consul, the difference is greater, and we must now seek out the time from the Kalendars of the Councels, and we shall find that the third Consulship of AEtius fell out to be in the thirty ninth year of the said Theodosius, which should be (accord∣ing to Bede) in the year 439, and yet in that account is made after the Birth of Christ 446, and supposeth Theodosius to begin his Reign (according to the Com∣putation in Ninnius) in the year 407, whereas, according to Bede, it should be in the year 399.

Thus much as to Bedes first Account, next he saith, Under Valentinian the Third, German once or twice came into Britain, and led an Army of Britains against the Picts and Scots.

Here the Computations must be made of Valentinian the Emperour, and German. The time of Valentinian after Theodosius is uncertain, yet of necessity must be after the year 446, according to Bede, and yet German by approved Authors (as Mr. Cambden relates) died in the year of Grace 435.

Ninnius writeth, that German returned into his own Country after the death of Vortigern. Now considering that Vortigern called in the Saxons, and Bede saith, That in the first year of Martianus, and the year of our Lord 449, the Nation of the English Saxons arrived in Britain; how is it possible, that German dying in the year 435, could return into his Country after the death of Vortigern, who called in the Saxons in the year 449, and lived many years after.

In the year of Christ 433, Prosper Tyro, who then lived, writeth, That Britain, * 7.186 after sundry overthrows, was brought in subjection to the Saxons.

Thus we see one Computation draweth us back whilest another setteth us for∣ward, whilest some reckon from Christ, some from Theodosius, some from AEtius, some from Valentinian and Martianus, and others from German. But it will not be here amiss, among the rest of the Computations, to set down that which is ad∣joyned in some Copies in Ninnius.

From the Consulship of the two Gemini, * 7.187 Fusius and Rubellius, unto Stilico the Consul, are reckoned 373 years.

From Stilico unto Valentinian the Son of Placidia, and to the Reign of Vortigern, 28 years.

From the Reign of Vortigern to the discord of Gintoline and Ambrose are 12 years, which Battle is Guoloppum, that is, Cathquoloph.

Vortigern held the Kingdom when Theodosius and Valentinian were Consuls, and in the fourth year of his Reign the Saxons came into Britain, and were entertained by Vortigern when Felix and Taurus were Consuls.

From the year wherein the Saxons came into Britain, and were received by Vor∣tigern, unto † 7.188 Decius Valerianus, are 69 years.

By this Account, the coming of the Saxons into Britain was in the twenty first year of Theodosius the Younger, in the year of our Lord 428, and this (saith Mr. Cambden) cometh nearest to the Computation of Bede. But I have rather followed the received Opinion, calculated from the Consulship of AEtius, who (in Gildas) is called AEgitius, and in another Copy AEquitius, than by so far setting back the time, upon too much nicety, to differ from all other Historians.

Having shewn the manner, occasion, and time how the Saxons first entred this Na∣tion, it will now be necessary to relate, by what craft and policy † 7.189 HENGIST their General at last attained to be King, and Governour of Kent, which place at first was (intentionally) assigned him in Trust, and for his more honourable Recep∣tion, or at least better encouragement in using his utmost endeavour to carry on the War against Vortigern's Enemies.

But during the time, his Souldiers had so Couragiously acted in his absence as to deserve Reputation, he secretly managed his Interest at home, providing them greater supplies as occasion should offer, and gathering a greater Body together up∣on notice given him, speedily embarked with his Brother Horsus, and observe the luck of it, that no sooner they appeared in BRITAIN, but were received with great joy by King * 7.190 Vortigern, who at that time was much infested with the Inroads of the Picts and Scots.

After his Reception, the King gave him little or no rest (for the present) in his new Territories, till he had received further proofs of his Valour and Conduct, in quelling the rage and fury of his inveterate Enemies.

The Battles with these Picts the Saxons maintained to their great honour and re∣putation, yet some Historians will not believe that ever King Vortigern was a Man of so weak a Judgment, so earnestly to urge so crafty and powerful a Nation, as the Saxons then were, to his assistance, but that at first they came by chance into the Island, according to an ancient Custome among the English Saxons, a People in Ger∣many, as it was also at first among other Nations, that when in multitudes a People so increased that their own Country was not able to contain them, by an especial Edict of their Prince a set number was chosen out to cast Lots, how many for that year were to depart the Land, and seek out new employments in the Wars of other Nations, For so hath it been conjectured of these, that they came out of their own Country into Britain, to offer themselves to serve in their Wars for meer want of employment and sufficient maintenance at home, which was the first occasion given for their Arrival into this Land.

Hengist, by this time, having gained a considerable Interest among the Britains, and more especially perceiving, that the King wholly depended upon his Valour and Con∣duct, takes his advantage in considering the best and surest means how he might spee∣dily advance his greater Promotion, not only during his own life, but his Heirs and Successours after him, in order to which Polidore Virgil saith, That he fenced a Country round about, with which he was only entrusted, afterwards planted Garrisons in such * 7.191 places as seemed best to him for his advantage.

The King not yet perceiving the shower of Misfortune with black Clouds threat∣ning him, takes Hengists further Advice in hastning speedy Orders for a greater supply of German Forces, in pretence of securing the Land more firmly from the rage and power of his Enemies, which, in truth, at last proved but to promote and strengthen his own Greatness, which so long he had fore-cast in his head to accomplish, esteeming it also to be a great Honour to his Name and Family, that he should approve himself to be the only Man that first laid the foundation of a Saxon Monarchy in so Great and Re∣nowned a Kingdom as BRITAIN, which was not only so esteemed in those daies, but by the Phoenicians, Greeks, and Romans, their Predecessours. And we have just cause to believe his Affairs were managed with more than ordinary prudence and policy, when in one of his Armies was conveyed hither the comely and most beautiful † 7.192 Rowena, on purpose to entice and steal away the Kings heart, that her Father might take the better advantage in compleating his Emperial designs.

The King no sooner saw this Beautiful Virgin at a Banquet, unto which he was in∣vited by Hengist, but so infinitely admired her Person, Beauty, and Noble Behaviour, that nothing would divert his resolution, or quench the heat of so sudden a passion, but the deserting his own Queen to obtain Rowena in Marriage, but Hengist craftily managing his designs, modestly complements the King with humble and submissive Excuses, much after this manner; That neither his Daughters degree, Person, or For∣tune was suitable to Majesty, or the Greatness of his Dominions and Empire; yet at last, through the earuestness of the Kings Importunities, he gave his consent for his speedy Marriage.

By this Hengist was not only honoured in being Related to a British Prince, but firmly received a confirmation of the Kings Gratitude, the Kingdom of Kent for his Recompence, which formerly had been governed by one Guorongus, a Vice-Roy to manage State Affairs in that Province.

This German Alliance with King Vortigern, in a short time made the Saxon Confe∣derates more burthensome to the State than their late Enemies, which at first a little startled the King, nevertheless the crafty and fortunate inventions of Hengist, strengthned by the power of that beloved Rowena, so eclipsed the Kings sight, yea so weakned his Power, that he gained further leave to send into Germany for his Brother Occa, and his Son Ebusa. The pretence was, that the Enemy grew too heady and strong for him, and that by such aids and assistance he could better undertake the defence of the South parts, when at the same time, They, if here, might preserve the North. Some report, although not without contradiction to others, that this Occa was the Son of Hengist, and Ebusa his Uncles Son, but the difference in Opinions in this point is not much material: sufficient that the story is true that such Per∣sons by name, were called hither by the advice and procurement of Hengist, to pro∣mote the power of a Saxon Interest.

The Nobility of the British Nation now sensible of their destruction, knew it was too late to reclaim a Luxurious and careless Prince, and as to little purpose to endeavour the recalling of a neglected opportunity, wherein once they might have stopt the current of such dangerous Events and Accidents; For their Consultations, now, with the King, how to prevent Occa and Ebusa from entring the British shoars were wholly rejected, through the inseparable affection he bore to the content and hap∣piness of his new Associate. The manner of Occa and Ebusa's behaviour after their Arrival, is briefly thus:

After the King had given his consent for the landing of a powerful Army of Ger∣mans, there came with them, as their Generals, Occa and Ebusa, and coasting towards Britain, they struck Sail for the Orkney Isles, after whose arrival the Inhabitants re∣ceived great and unspeakable damages, and not long after the Scots and Picts bore an equal share in affliction, for after they had sufficiently executed their Tyranny

upon the Britains, they proceeded to Northumberland, where, for some time at their first entrance intended only to make a short stay, but in process of time, too well approving the accommodation of that Country, they esteemed it a place worthy of longer residence, yet not so fully and absolutely possessing it as to govern it under the title of KINGS, but Subjects of Kent, till ninety nine years after their first possession.

Now it is that again we hear, how infinitely afflicted and moved the Subjects of King Vortigern were at the increasing Power of the Saxons, and because (as I said before) they could not perswade him into the belief of such great dangers likely to happen, they universally agreed in Counsel among themselves to bereave him of his Regal † 7.193 Power and Dignity, and in whose stead they placed his Son Vortimer, which, for the present, put the Nation into no small confusion and hubbub, besides gave new occasions to the Saxons to revive Insurrections, and commit upon the distressed Inhabitants most deplorable spoil and havock.

Bede, and others, are silent of Vortimers taking possession of the Crown about this time, and consequently that there happened no such fewd and heart-burning be∣tween King Vortigern and his Nobility, upon the account of the Saxons Arrival into this Land. For they say, that when the Saxons came into the Land, they were re∣ceived as Friends, Aiders, and Assisters of the disturbed Britains, against their Ene∣mies. But I conceive, Bede, and others, might mistake the true Timing of Trans∣actions in that State, forgetting the time of the breach of Covenant between them, and so might easily mistake one time for another, as I find the British History in several other cases, are worthy of too great blame and reprehension.

What Courage the Britains took after all these discouragements, in the daies of Aurelius Ambrosius, shall be shewn in a following Treatise relating to the transactions in that Princes Reign.

Hengist, by Birth, however he dissembled his Quality in that modest behaviour of his, in behalf of his Daughter, to King Vortigern, was of the Princely Blood of the Saxon Race, born in Angria in Westphalia, the Son of Wiht-Gisil, of the Line of Prince Wooden. The Kingdom of Kent he obtained by his power and policy, not Right, which in the daies of Julius Casar was never known to be an intire Pro∣vince, as it was alwaies governed by four Petty Kings of the British Race. And al∣though he obtained not the Kingdom by right of Inheritance, yet was he to be com∣mended for his Policy, Valour, and Conduct, He possest not the Kingdom above se∣ven years, but laid the foundation of the Saxon Government, and approved himself an Example, yea the first Rule and direction to Egbert, afterwards a K. of the West Saxons, how to reduce the whole Kingdom into one happy and entire state of Monarchy; So that before we proceed to the History and Chronicle of his Successours, who, after their Arrival, bore the greatest sway in this Kingdom, and by success of Arms, and vast supplies received from the Continent, easily overcame and mastered the di∣stressed Natives, a People at that time reduced to a small number, laden with Di∣stresses, yea worn out with continual Calamities, it will not be amiss first to set down their Original and progress through most parts of the World ere they arrived into this Island, their Religion, some Customes, annexing other memorable things re∣lating to their Arts and Polity, that having at once before our eyes the Vertues and Vices of our Ancestours, we may know the better what to follow, what to avoid, and may the better be enabled how to discern the methods and means whereby to preserve that Empire intire and inviolable, the Foundations whereof have been by them laid so firm, solid, and lasting.

But before we proceed to the Antiquity and History of the Saxons, it will be ne∣cessary to treat briefly of the Original and Antiquity of the Romans, a People so renowned for their ancient Conquests, and so well esteemed for their good Govern∣ment in this Nation.

Notes

• * 1.1

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.2

  Timagenes. Polybius. Festus Avic∣nus.
• * 1.3

  Onomacritus.
• * 1.4

  Cambden 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.5

  Isacius Tzet∣zes.
• * 1.6

  Camb. Brit.
• * 1.7

  Ptolemy Geog.
• * 1.8

  The truest Cal∣culation.
• * 1.9

  Cluverius Geogr.
• * 1.10

  Caesar. Com.
• * 1.11

  Minutius Foe. lix.
• * 1.12

  Tacitus.
• * 1.13

  Brietius.
• * 1.14

  Brietius An∣swered.
• * 1.15

  Tacitus.
• * 1.16

  Eusebius. Herodotus.
• * 1.17

  Justin. Bishop Usher.
• * 1.18

  Learned Sir W. Rawleigh.
• * 1.19

  Note, A Ger∣man mile is four English.
• * 1.20

  Tibullus.
• * 1.21

  Scaliger.
• * 1.22

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.23

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.24

  Learned Selden.
• * 1.25

  R. 1.
• * 1.26

  R. 2.
• * 1.27

  R. 3.
• * 1.28

  Tacitus:
• * 1.29

  1.
• * 1.30

  Bocaitus. Ezckiel.
• * 1.31

  2.
• * 1.32

  Josephus.
• * 1.33

  Herodotus, lib. 4.
• * 1.34

  Hesychius. Pliny.
• * 1.35

  Didimus Cra∣tes Scholiastes Aristoph. ad Ran.
• * 1.36

  In Dictione 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.37

  Diod. Sicul. Plutarch.
• * 1.38

  Caesar. Suidas.
• * 1.39

  Florus. Justin.
• * 1.40

  Paus. AElian. Athenaeus. Suidas. Livy.
• * 1.41

  Plutarch. Festus.
• * 1.42

  Caesar.
• * 1.43

  Tully.
• * 1.44

  Caesar. lib. 1.
• * 1.45

  Virgil. Quintilian.
• * 1.46

  Cambden.
• * 1.47

  Festus.
• * 1.48

  Plutarch.
• * 1.49

  Caesar. Com.
• * 1.50

  Festus. Plutarch.
• * 1.51

  Lazius.
• * 1.52

  Pontanus.
• * 1.53

  Strabo. Caesar.
• * 1.54

  Manlius.
• * 1.55

  Sherringham de Anglorum Origins.
• * 1.56

  Antonius Volscus, Do∣minicus Ma∣rius Niger, Servius Ho∣noratus, John Twyne, Du Bartas, &c. Pliny's Nat. Hist.
• * 1.57

  Lambard.
• * 1.58

  Hist. Richar∣di Viti, lib. 1.
• * 1.59

  Verslegan;
• * 1.60

  Speaking of the Kings of Palestine.
• * 1.61

  Utrecht the Utmost bound of Land.
• * 1.62

  Hugo Groti∣us, De veritate Relig. Christ. lib. 1.
• * 1.63

  Sanchonia∣thon a Phoe∣nician Author.
• * 1.64

  Strab. lib. 3.
• * 1.65

  Medacri∣tus, viz. Meli∣cartus, Her∣cules. Herodotus de Cassiteritibus. Diodorus Sic. lib. 5.
• * 1.66

  Plin. Nat. hist. lib. 8. Sancho.
• * 1.67

  Cambden: Solinus. Eustathius.
• * 1.68

  Ortelius.
• * 1.69

  Strabo.
• * 1.70

  Olivarius.
• * 1.71

  Solinus.
• * 1.72

  Eustathius.
• * 1.73

  Cambden.
• * 1.74

  Prolomy. Cambden. Bochartus.
• * 1.75

  This Island took not us Name from Brit, Brith, or Canta.
• * 1.76

  BRITAIN truly derived from Brat∣anac.
• * 1.77

  Bochartus.
• * 1.78

  Strabo.
• * 1.79

  Pliny.
• * 1.80

  Isidore:
• * 1.81

  Manethon. Josephus.
• * 1.82

  Strabo.
• * 1.83

  Humphry Lloyd.
• * 1.84

  Bish, Cooper:
• * 1.85

  Tacitus.
• * 1.86

  Herudotus, lib. 4.
• * 1.87

  Vulcanus.
• * 1.88

  Bochartus.
• * 1.89

  Strabo, lib. I.
• * 1.90

  Milton.
• * 1.91

  Herodotus in Melpomene.
• * 1.92

  Bochartus.
• * 1.93

  Blondus. Buchanan.
• * 1.94

  Milton's Nist. of England.
• * 1.95

  The Phoenician HANNO's Navigations.
• * 1.96

  Gerardus Vossius. Isaac Vossius.
• * 1.97

  AElianus.
• * 1.98

  Strabo. Bochartus.
• * 1.99

  Onomacritus.
• * 1.100

  Strabo: Pomp Mela.
• * 1.101

  Ptolomy.
• * 1.102

  Orpheus. Aristotle. Claudian. Eustathius. Martian. Juvenal. Pomp. Mela. Diod. Siculus.
• * 1.103

  Bochartus.
• * 1.104

  Procopius.
• * 1.105

  Pytheas Mass.
• * 1.106

  Marinus, Ptolomy.
• * 1.107

  Cadmus his Alphabet. AEthicus.
• * 1.108

  Homer, Odyss. 1. vers. 25. Statius, lib. 4. ad Marcell. lib. 5. in Pro∣terp. ad Cris∣pinum, Suidas.
• * 1.109

  Polybiur, lit. 3.
• * 1.110

  Strabo. lib. 2,
• * 1.111

  Festus Avie∣nus.
• * 1.112

  Tacitus. Clem. A ex.
• * 1.113

  Plin. Nat. hist.
• * 1.114

  Strabo, lib. 4.
• * 1.115

  Sanchonia∣thon.
• * 1.116

  Cambden, 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.117

  Solinus.
• * 1.118

  Martial.
• * 1.119

  Tacitus.
• * 1.120

  Bochartus.
• * 1.121

  Ptolomy.
• * 1.122

  Franciscus Philelphus. Lileus Ge∣raldus. Varro.
• * 1.123

  Pliny's Nat. Hist.
• * 1.124

  Bochartus.
• * 1.125

  Marcellianus ex Timagi.
• * 1.126

  Stephanus. Josephus. Pausanias.
• * 1.127

  Enidius.
• * 1.128

  Geropius.
• * 1.129

  Sheringham.
• * 1.130

  Plutarch.
• * 1.131

  Solinus, Prolomy.
• * 1.132

  Clitophon.
• * 1.133

  Pliny's Nat. Hist. Ptolomy.
• * 1.134

  Jornandus ex Cornello.
• * 1.135

  Tacitus.
• * 1.136

  Note, Godol∣anac is a place of Tynn, from which Godol∣can is derived.
• * 1.137

  Anton. Goll. lib. 1. cap. 29.
• * 1.138

  Jamblicus. Julian the Apostate.
• * 1.139

  Tacitus. Caesar. Lactant.
• * 1.140

  Lucan.
• * 1.141

  Livy.
• * 1.142

  Philo Bibl. Sanchonia∣thon.
• * 1.143

  Plato's Phil.
• * 1.144

  Tully. Lactantius.
• * 1.145

  Pomp. Mela.
• * 1.146

  Bochartus.
• * 1.147

  Polybius. Cambden.
• * 1.148

  Plutarch. Orosius.
• * 1.149

  Servius, 8th. AEneid.
• * 1.150

  Hesychius.
• * 1.151

  2 Sam. 18. 14
• * 1.152

  Pausanias.
• * 1.153

  Quintilian. Pliny.
• * 1.154

  Salassians, viz. Gauls.
• * 1.155

  Eusebius. Orosius. Eutropius. Salvianus. Prosper. Eumenius.
• * 1.156

  Salvianus. Allobroges.
• * 1.157

  Isidorus, and Diodorus.
• * 1.158

  Geraldus Camb.
• * 1.159

  Rhenanus. Ortelius. Cambden. Pliny.
• * 1.160

  Antoninus. Dio Cassius, Pliny. Tacitus.
• * 1.161

  Gul. Malmsb.
• * 1.162

  Antoninus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Itinery.
• * 1.163

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Girald. lib. 2. cap. 1, 5.
• * 1.164

  Plutarch; Silius Itals Tacitus, Bochartus,
• * 1.165

  Old Seol. on Juvenal.
• * 1.166

  Caesar, Com.
• * 1.167

  Quoere nominae BRITAN∣NICA.
• * 1.168

  Note, Ducts, I think should be ducitis, as it is spoken of the Derivation of Paterius, and Delphi∣dius.
• * 1.169

  St. Hierom ad Hedeb.
• * 1.170

  Posidonius, Strabo, Festus.
• * 1.171

  Caesar.
• * 1.172

  A 〈◊〉〈◊〉 account of this Chapter.
• * 1.173

  Rahab.
• * 1.174

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.175

  The interpre∣tation of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Latins from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 made Punice∣us, and from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Poe∣nus.
• # 1.176

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mar∣ther.
• * 1.177

  Syrian, ie. Syrim, then 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and Syri, and by prefixing the Article Hassu∣rim, was brought in || Assyrian.
• * 1.178

  Grorius in E∣pist. ad Gall. 114, p. 242. Hesychius.
• * 1.179

  Herodotus.
• * 1.180

  Plin. Nat. hist.
• * 1.181

  Strabo, lib. 3. Geogr.
• * 1.182

  Cambden.
• * 1.183

  Liv7.
• * 1.184

  St. Hieroms Quest. on Gen.
• * 1.185

  Varro's Antiq.
• * 1.186

  Caesars Com∣ment.
• * 1.187

  Caesar. Tacitus.
• * 1.188

  〈1 line〉〈1 line〉
• * 1.189

  Caesar. Tacitus.
• * 1.190

  Sheringham, de Orig. Angl.
• * 1.191

  Pythias,
• * 1.192

  Polybius, lib. 3.
• * 1.193

  Thucidides. Herodotus.
• * 1.194

  Stephanus, in voce 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.195

  Isacius Tzer. in Lycoph.
• * 1.196

  Mirae
• * 1.197

  Plutarch on the life of Ser∣torius.
• * 1.198

  Cambden cut of Rob. of Avesbury.
• * 1.199

  Milton's Hist of England.
• * 1.200

  Merlyn, and Thaliassen.
• * 1.201

  Sr. John. Price;
• * 1.202

  Joh. Price; Defen. Hist, Brit. c. 1.
• * 1.203

  Plin. Nat. hist.
• * 1.204

  Sheringham, De Angl. Orig.
• * 1.205

  Camb. Rem;
• * 1.206

  Alscricus, a Saxon Writer in King Eg∣berts daies.
• * 1.207

  Cambden cut of Pausanias.
• * 1.208

  Festus.
• * 1.209

  Tacitus.
• * 1.210

  Note, G. stands for the Gaulish Language, and B. for the Bri∣tish.
• * 1.211

  Strabo, lib. 9. pag. 392.
• * 1.212

  Joseph. Antiq. Dan. 8. 21
• * 1.213

  Cratyl. f. 426. Edit. Steph. Thucid. lib. 1.
• * 1.214

  Strabo ex He∣cat.
• * 1.215

  St. Walter Rawleigh's Hist. World, p. 357.
• * 1.216

  Diod. Sic.
• * 1.217

  Archaeolog. Att. lib. 1. c. 4.
• * 1.218

  Herodotus in Terpsich. p. 48
• * 1.219

  St. Aug. de Ci∣vit. Dei, 1. 18. c. 10.
• * 1.220

  Thucid. lib. 1.
• * 1.221

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.222

  The Faction in which Me∣gacles was head.
• † 1.223

  Cimon their Admiral.
• * 1.224

  Sr. Walter Rawleigh's Hist. World.
• * 1.225

  Justin. lib. 2.
• * 1.226

  Porphyr. lib. 4. Hermip. l. 2.
• * 1.227

  The Place where they met together in Council.
• * 1.228

  Archaeolog. Attic. lib. 3. cap. 3.
• * 1.229

  Supposed to be the Druids.
• * 1.230

  Caesar. Tacitus. Strabo, & Alii.
• * 1.231

  Strabo. Posidonius. Festus. Diodorus. Hesychius.
• * 1.232

  The Scholiast on Pindar.
• * 1.233

  Pindar.
• * 1.234

  Musaeus.
• * 1.235

  Herodotus, lib. 5. cap. 48.
• * 1.236

  Many Roman Authors. Sr. Joh. Prices defence of the British Hist.
• * 1.237

  Janus Angl. lib. 1. pag. 32.
• * 1.238

  Apud P. Metu∣lam in Cosm. part. 2. lib. 3.
• * 1.239

  Agellius.
• * 1.240

  Caes. Com. lib. 1.
• * 1.241

  The Druid Government by Election.
• * 1.242

  Caesar, Com. lib. 6.
• * 1.243

  Plin. Nat. hist. lib. 16. cap. 4.
• * 1.244

  Learned Sel∣den.
• * 1.245

  Sheringham, de Orig. Angl.
• * 1.246

  Geropius Becanus.
• * 1.247

  Caes. Com.
• * 1.248

  Gerop. Bec. Cambden. Sheringham, Orig. Angl. cap. 1, & 4.
• * 1.249

  Lazius.
• * 1.250

  Franciscus Stancharus, Christoph. Milander.
• * 1.251

  The Monk of Cogshal.
• * 1.252

  R. Cavendish.
• * 1.253

  Havillan the Pott.
• * 1.254

  An. MMDLX.
• * 1.255

  Caesar. Com.
• * 1.256

  Lucian.
• * 1.257

  Solinus.
• * 1.258

  Ovid. deTrist.
• * 1.259

  Herodotus.
• * 1.260

  Orpheus.
• * 1.261

  Athenaeus, 1. 4: Causabon. Dioscorides. Marcellus.
• * 1.262

  Bochartus:
• * 1.263

  Plin. Nat. bist.
• * 1.264

  Gildas.
• * 1.265

  Pliny Nat. bist.
• * 1.266

  Annius Viter.
• * 1.267

  Selden.
• * 1.268

  Caes. Com.
• * 1.269

  Plin. Nat. bist.
• * 1.270

  Dio Nicaeus;
• * 1.271

  Caesar. Strabo.
• * 1.272

  Dio Nicaeus.
• * 1.273

  Diod. Sic.
• * 1.274

  Plin. Nat. hist.
• * 1.275

  Speeds Chron.
• * 1.276

  Strabo.
• * 1.277

  Caes. Com. lib. 6.
• * 1.278

  Speeds Chron.
• * 1.279

  Caesar.
• * 1.280

  Herodian.
• * 1.281

  Caesar Com.
• * 1.282

  Dio Nice s.
• * 1.283

  Plia. Nat. hist.
• * 1.284

  Solinus.
• * 1.285

  Herodianus.
• * 1.286

  Caesar Com.
• * 1.287

  Plin, Nat. hist.
• * 1.288

  Caesar Com.
• * 1.289

  Tacitus.
• * 1.290

  Caesar.
• * 1.291

  Isidore.
• * 1.292

  St. Hieroms.
• * 1.293

  Claudian.
• * 1.294

  Cambden.
• * 1.295

  Herodotus.
• * 1.296

  Strabo.
• * 1.297

  Herodianus.
• * 1.298

  Caesar Com.
• * 1.299

  Strabo.
• * 1.300

  Caesar Com.
• * 1.301

  Tacitus. Plutarch. Strabo. Solinus.
• * 1.302

  Plin. Nat. hist.
• * 1.303

  Caesar Com.
• * 1.304

  Varro.
• * 1.305

  Isidore.
• * 1.306

  Bochartus.
• * 1.307

  Martial.
• * 1.308

  St. Aug. 68. Epist.
• * 1.309

  Speeds Chron.
• * 1.310

  Strabo.
• * 1.311

  Tacitus.
• * 1.312

  Pliny.
• * 1.313

  Solinus, cap. 22:
• * 1.314

  Diod. Sic.
• * 1.315

  Caes. Com.
• * 1.316

  Selden.
• * 1.317

  Diod. Sic.
• * 1.318

  Lucan.
• * 1.319

  Tacitus, in Agric.
• * 1.320

  Caes. Com. lib. 4.
• * 1.321

  Pomp. Mela.
• * 1.322

  Caesar Com.
• * 1.323

  Exod. 13. 25
• * 1.324

  Tacitus.
• * 1.325

  Dio Nicaeus.
• * 1.326

  Propertius;
• * 1.327

  Caesar Com. Strabo.
• * 1.328

  Tacitus.
• * 1.329

  Isidore.
• * 1.330

  Polyb. lib. 2. Livius, lib. 32.
• * 1.331

  Festus.
• * 1.332

  Bochartus.
• * 1.333

  Ammianus, lib. 31.
• * 1.334

  Festus.
• * 1.335

  Hesychius. Strabo. Pollux.
• * 1.336

  Caesar Com.
• * 1.337

  Caesar Com.
• * 1.338

  Gildas
• * 1.339

  JUPITER,
• * 1.340

  Adam Bre∣mensis of the Swedes.
• * 1.341

  Lucan.
• * 1.342

  Hntillan.
• * 1.343

  TUTATES, viz. MERCURY.
• * 1.344

  Livy.
• * 1.345

  Sanchonia∣thon cited by Philo Biblius, &c.
• * 1.346

  Tacitus. Livy.
• * 1.347

  Caesar Com.
• * 1.348

  HESUS.
• * 1.349

  Caesar Com.
• * 1.350

  Cambden.
• * 1.351

  Lucan.
• * 1.352

  Homer;
• * 1.353

  Bochartus.
• * 1.354

  Orgia, viz. A Festival of Bacchus.
• * 1.355

  Pliny:
• * 1.356

  Gildas
• * 1.357

  Marcellinus;
• * 1.358

  Bochartus.
• * 1.359

  Paterae.
• * 1.360

  Julius Capit.
• * 1.361

  Herodianus, lib. 8.
• * 1.362

  Hesychius.
• * 1.363

  Philo Bibl. ex Sanchon.
• * 1.364

  Saturnal. lib. 1. c. 31.
• * 1.365

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, viz. Only.
• * 1.366

  Jambicus,
• * 1.367

  The Interpre∣tation.
• * 1.368

  Ninnius the Britain.
• * 1.369

  R. 2.
• * 1.370

  Dio. Cass
• * 1.371

  R. 3.
• * 1.372

  Gildas. Cambden
• * 1.373

  Ptolomy.
• * 1.374

  DIANA, viz. the Moon. Poliaenus, lib. 8.
• * 1.375

  Strabo.
• * 1.376

  ONVANA, or, MINERVA. Stephanus.
• * 1.377

  ANDRASTE
• * 1.378

  Pausanias.
• * 1.379

  The Spear called Hastata.
• * 1.380

  Ausonius.
• * 1.381

  Tully de nat. Deor.
• * 1.382

  Cicero.
• * 1.383

  Tacitus.
• * 1.384

  Caesar. Com.
• * 1.385

  CERES, and PROSER∣PINA. Strabo, lib. 4.
• * 1.386

  Bochartus.
• 1 1.387

  '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• 2 1.388

  '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• 3 1.389

  '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• 4 1.390

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.391

  Mela.
• * 1.392

  Strabo.
• * 1.393

  Herodotus.
• * 1.394

  Fanum, a place of Devo∣tion.
• * 1.395

  Caesar Com. Bochartus.
• * 1.396

  Caesar. Com.
• * 1.397

  JANUS, & Dea Syria, aut CYBILE.
• * 1.398

  Selden.
• * 1.399

  Philo Biblius, ex Sanch.
• * 1.400

  Procop. Van. lib. 4.
• * 1.401

  Strabo: Applanus. Diodorus. Arrianus. Philostratus.
• * 1.402

  AEschylus. Strabo. Dionysius, & alii.
• * 1.403

  Firmicus.
• * 1.404

  Marcellinus upon Timagi∣nes.
• * 1.405

  Bochartus. Plutarch.
• * 1.406

  Plin. Nat. bist.
• * 1.407

  Lucian.
• * 1.408

  Bochartus.
• * 1.409

  Lucian.
• * 1.410

  Hartlow in Devonshire.
• * 1.411

  Athenaeus.
• * 1.412

  Varro Antiq.
• * 1.413

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.414

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.415

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.416

  Pliny Nat. hist.
• * 1.417

  Varro.
• * 1.418

  Berosus. Learned Sel∣den.
• * 1.419

  Prima Terrae divisio.
• * 1.420

  JAPHET, the first Bri∣tish Monarth.
• * 1.421

  Bochartus.
• * 1.422

  Caesar. Com.
• * 1.423

  Seldens Jan. Ang.
• * 1.424

  Richard. Vit. Basingstoak. Palat. Historia d. Antiq. Brit.
• * 1.425

  SAMOTHEA A. M. 1910. viz. Ab orte 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.426

  Plin. Nat, hist.
• * 1.427

  S. Forcatulus. quoted by Seld.
• * 1.428

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, idem. Diodorus Sic. Caesar. Com.
• * 1.429

  Mamre in the vally of Hebron. Gen. 13. 18.
• * 1.430

  Hollinsheads Chron.
• * 1.431

  Basingsto. chius.
• * 1.432

  Berosus: Basinstochius:
• * 1.433

  Isacius Tzet∣zes.
• * 1.434

  Berosus. Hollinshead.
• * 1.435

  Basinstochius.
• * 1.436

  Herodotus.
• * 1.437

  Speeds Chron.
• * 1.438

  Virgil.
• * 1.439

  Manethon.
• * 1.440

  Josephus.
• * 1.441

  Basingsto. chius.
• * 1.442

  Livy.
• * 1.443

  John of Wea∣thamstead.
• * 1.444

  Gyon. Villani cited by Hol∣linshead.
• * 1.445

  Gildas.
• * 1.446

  Pandrasus, 〈1 line〉〈1 line〉
• * 1.447

  Hollinshead Hist. of Brit.
• * 1.448

  Hollinsheads Brit. Hist.
• * 1.449

  The time of: Brutes Land∣ing in Britain is judged un∣certain.
• * 1.450

  Caesar, Tacitus, Gildas, Ninius.
• * 1.451

  Cambden. Speed. Sheringham, de Orig. Angl.
• * 1.452

  Will. of New-borough.
• * 1.453

  Scriverius.
• * 1.454

  Records of R. Edw. l. An. 29
• * 1.455

  Hannes Tha∣liassen, a Bri∣tish Poet.
• * 1.456

  More of Troi-novant, in the Reign of King Lud.
• * 1.457

  The Learned Writers against Brutes Histo∣ry;
• * 1.458

  Mr. Seldens Question, not yet answered.
• * 1.459

  C. Palatine;
• * 1.460

  Prolomy: Antoninus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Hot Waters.
• * 1.461

  William of Malmsb.
• * 1.462

  The descrip∣tion of the BATHS.
• * 1.463

  Solinus.
• * 1.464

  Sr. Walter Rawleigh.
• * 1.465

  SILVIUS, the first K. of BRITAIN, A. M. 3287. Olymp. 4.
• * 1.466

  Harding, the Old Poet.
• * 1.467

  Harding.
• * 1.468

  P. Virgil ex Euseb.
• * 1.469

  Sr. Joh. Prices Hist. of Brit.
• * 1.470

  Of the Seven Molmutian Laws.
• * 1.471

  Antoninus's Itin.
• * 1.472

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Price.
• * 1.473

  Ranulph, a Monk.
• * 1.474

  R. Vitus.
• * 1.475

  Camb. Tri∣umph. p. 68.
• * 1.476

  Beda. Pol. Virg. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Hum. Llhoid.
• * 1.477

  Verstegans Antiq.
• * 1.478

  Sheringham, de Orig. Angl.
• * 1.479

  Leland.
• * 1.480

  Erasmus. Camb. Brit.
• * 1.481

  The true deno∣mination of Troy-novant.
• * 1.482

  Cambdeu.
• * 1.483

  Count. Palat.
• * 1.484

  Anne ante Christum, 24.
• * 1.485

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. de vtta Jul. Caes.
• * 1.486

  Caesar Com. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 4.
• * 1.487

  Caesar Com. lib. 4.
• * 1.488

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Com. 2.
• * 1.489

  Suetonius de vild Caesaris.
• * 1.490

  Orosius.
• * 1.491

  Suetonius.
• * 1.492

  Lucan.
• * 1.493

  Horace.
• * 1.494

  Propertius.
• * 1.495

  Lucan.
• * 1.496

  Julian.
• * 1.497

  Anno ante Christum 54.
• * 1.498

  Com. Pal:
• * 1.499

  Caesar lib. 5.
• * 1.500

  Athenaeus.
• * 1.501

  Orofius. Beda:
• * 1.502

  Cambden.
• * 1.503

  Tacitus. Sueronius. Orosius. Dion. Cass. Quintillian. Eutropius.
• * 1.504

  Julius Caesars Life.
• * 1.505

  Caesars Pedi∣gree, declared by himself.
• * 1.506

  Seneca.
• * 1.507

  Anno ants Christush, 53;
• * 1.508

  Com. Pal.
• * 1.509

  Anno ante Christ. 45.
• * 1.510

  Tacitus, Strabo.
• * 1.511

  Dion. Cass.
• * 1.512

  August. antc Christ. 32.
• † 1.513

  Antc Chr. 25
• * 1.514

  Anno 3. ante Dom.
• * 1.515

  Horacei
• * 1.516

  Strabo.
• * 1.517

  Cambden.
• * 1.518

  Com. Pal.
• * 1.519

  Tacitus.
• * 1.520

  Strabo.
• * 1.521

  Com. Pal.
• * 1.522

  Suetonius.
• * 1.523

  Anno Dom. 43
• * 1.524

  Suetonius. Dion. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.525

  Roger Bacon,
• * 1.526

  Anno Dom. 42.
• * 1.527

  Anne Dom. 44.
• * 1.528

  Suetonius;
• * 1.529

  Dion. Cass.
• * 1.530

  CLAUDIUS, in Person.
• * 1.531

  A remarkable Instance to the Honour of BRITAIN.
• * 1.532

  Suetonius.
• * 1.533

  Anne Dom. 44.
• * 1.534

  Math. Parker.
• * 1.535

  Tertullian.
• * 1.536

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Eccles.
• * 1.537

  Melkinus.
• * 1.538

  Malmsbury.
• * 1.539

  Girald. Cam.
• * 1.540

  Hist. Bede lib. 3. cap, 10.
• * 1.541

  Ovid.
• * 1.542

  Suetonius;
• * 1.543

  Camb. Brit.
• * 1.544

  Tacitus, di vit. Agri.
• * 1.545

  Cambd. Brit.
• * 1.546

  Yorkshire, Lancashire, Bishoprick of Durham, Westmorland Cumberland. Scotch Hist. Buchanan. Tacitus. An. Dom. 53, or 54.
• * 1.547

  The manner of Caratacus Reception at Rome.
• * 1.548

  Observe how elegantly Mr. Speed has translated this Speech.
• * 1.549

  Ostorius dead.
• * 1.550

  AUL. DID. Propretor, succeeded.
• * 1.551

  Suet. vits Claud.
• * 1.552

  Seneca.
• * 1.553

  Anno Dom. 56.
• * 1.554

  Tacitus, An. lib. 12. Hist. lib. 3.
• * 1.555

  Tacit. ibid.
• * 1.556

  Tacitus, Ann. lib. 14.
• * 1.557

  Dion. Cass.
• * 1.558

  Tacitus vit. Agric.
• * 1.559

  Camb. Brit. The Frith of Famesa; Tacitus calls it Tamesa.
• * 1.560

  Suetonius de vita Neronis.
• * 1.561

  Dion. Cassies.
• * 1.562

  Dion. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.563

  Dion. Cass.
• * 1.564

  BOADICIA, described in Person by the Greeks.
• * 1.565

  Tacitus.
• * 1.566

  Tacitus, vit. Agric.
• * 1.567

  Ann. Dom. 60.
• * 1.568

  An. Dom. 70.
• * 1.569

  Suet. vit. Ner.
• * 1.570

  Josephus.
• * 1.571

  Suet. vit. Galbae.
• * 1.572

  Suet. vit. Otho.
• * 1.573

  Ann. Dom. 71.
• * 1.574

  Tacitus.
• * 1.575

  Tacitus.
• * 1.576

  Ann. Dom. 72.
• * 1.577

  Tacit vit. Agr.
• * 1.578

  Ann. Dom. 80.
• * 1.579

  Count Palat.
• * 1.580

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.581

  Count Palat.
• * 1.582

  Anna Dom. 81.
• * 1.583

  Tweed, as some think.
• * 1.584

  Ann. Dom. 82
• * 1.585

  Ann. Dom. 83.
• * 1.586

  An. Dom. 84.
• * 1.587

  Anne Dom. 85.
• * 2.1

  Trinobantes rather,
• * 3.1

  The Order of the Battles on both sides.
• * 3.2

  Anno post Christum 86.
• * 3.3

  Hol. Hist. of Brit.
• * 3.4

  Suet. vit. Do∣mitian.,
• * 3.5

  Tacitus:
• * 3.6

  Juvenal.
• * 3.7

  Agricola, poysoned by Domitian, in reward of his good Service and Vertues.
• * 3.8

  Juvenal.
• * 3.9

  Ann. Dom. 86.
• * 3.10

  Martial.
• * 3.11

  Joh. Bale. Matt. Parker.
• * 3.12

  An. Dom. 98.
• * 3.13

  Ann. Dom. 96.
• * 3.14

  Anno Dom. 98.
• * 3.15

  Gal. l. 9. c. 8. Method. Med.
• * 3.16

  Tacitusi
• * 3.17

  Beda.
• * 3.18

  Am. Marcel. Beda.
• * 3.19

  An. Dem. 118.
• * 3.20

  Cambden
• * 3.21

  Spartianus in vit. Hadriani,
• * 3.22

  Speed Chron.
• * 3.23

  Ann. Dom. 80.
• * 3.24

  Bishop Usher.
• * 3.25

  William of Malmsbury.
• * 3.26

  An. Dom. 132.
• * 3.27

  Ann. Dom. 139.
• * 3.28

  Digest. lib. 36.
• * 3.29

  An. Dom. 162.
• * 3.30

  Capitolinur.
• * 3.31

  Capitolinus vit. Macrin.
• * 3.32

  Ann. Dom. 181.
• * 3.33

  AElius Lamp.
• * 3.34

  Fol. 1119;
• * 4.1

  Anno à Passio∣ne Christi 169a al. 156, ex Leg. St.Edv. Reg. & Confes∣ità inscribitur. M S. Guil. Lond.
• † 4.2

  Rege. dimica∣bunt.
• * 4.3

  degunt & consistunt.
• * 4.4

  MS. ibid.
• † 4.5

  Rege. dimica∣bunt.
• * 4.6

  MS. ibid.
• * 5.1

  The first Bi∣shops in Bri∣tain.
• † 5.2

  Ante adven∣tum Augustini;
• * 5.3

  Gal-Arturius.
• * 5.4

  Vodinus Mart.
• * 5.5

  Christian Re∣ligion establisht in Britain 181 years after the death of our Saviour Christ.
• * 5.6

  Capitolinus, Beda.
• * 5.7

  Pope.
• † 5.8

  Princeps magna gloriae: Ninnius.
• * 5.9

  Fabianus. Harding.
• * 5.10

  Count Palat.
• * 5.11

  An. Dom. 183.
• * 5.12

  Xiphilinus out of Dio. Cass.
• * 5.13

  Tilia, and in Gr. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Tree bearing fruit as great as a Bean, round, within seeds like An∣tiseeds.
• * 5.14

  AElius Lamp. in vit. Comm.
• * 5.15

  Hel. Pertinax Propraetor.
• * 5.16

  Jul. Capitol. in vit. Pertin.
• * 5.17

  Clo. Albinus.
• * 6.1

  Jul. Capitoli∣nus.
• * 6.2

  Crassus.
• * 6.3

  Julius Seve∣rus Propraetorl
• * 6.4

  Commodus requited for designing Mar∣tia's death.
• * 6.5

  Camb. Brit.
• * 6.6

  Lampridius vit. Commod.
• * 6.7

  This is said to PERTINAX the following Emperour.
• * 6.8

  An. Dom. 1941
• * 6.9

  Jul. Capitol.
• * 6.10

  Clo. Albinus again Pro∣praetor.
• * 7.1

  Ann. Dom. 194.
• * 7.2

  Eutrop. Spart, Dio.
• * 7.3

  Ann. Dom. 194.
• † 7.4

  Constantino∣ple
• * 7.5

  Herodian.
• * 7.6

  Onuphrius.
• * 7.7

  Herodian.
• * 7.8

  An. Dom. 198.
• * 7.9

  Digest. lib. 28. tit. 6.
• * 7.10

  Speed Chron.
• * 7.11

  An. Dom. 208.
• * 7.12

  Dio. Cass. Herodian.
• * 7.13

  Spartianus.
• * 7.14

  Orofius.
• * 7.15

  Spart.
• * 7.16

  Eutrop. Victor.
• * 7.17

  Hect. Boet.
• * 7.18

  Hier. Surita. Guid. Pauc.
• * 7.19

  Bede.
• * 7.20

  Cambd. Brit.
• * 7.21

  Xiphiline ex Dion.
• * 7.22

  Speed Chron.
• * 7.23

  An. Dom. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 7.24

  Spartianus.
• * 7.25

  Homer.
• * 7.26

  Spartianus.
• * 7.27

  Cod. lib. 3. Tit. de Ret vindi∣catione, lig. 1.
• * 7.28

  Liv. Dicad. 1. lib. 1.
• * 7.29

  Flor. Val. Max.
• * 7.30

  Varro de Ce∣remontis.
• * 7.31

  Note. No Emperour was capable of this Honour, in being Deified, but such as left Children and near Relations behind them, according to the Customs at first instituted by Augustus, and after∣wards rein∣forced by Tiberius.
• * 7.32

  Herodotus vit. Severi.
• † 7.33

  The Senate mourning in Black.
• * 7.34

  Via Sacra.
• † 7.35

  FORUM.
• f 7.36

  viz. FORUM, Eoarium, Piscarium, Olitorium.
• * 7.37

  Lipsius, lib. 3. cap. 7.
• * 7.38

  Tarq. Su∣perb. deposed.
• * 7.39

  An. Dom. 212.
• * 7.40

  Aurel. Victor. Sabellicus. Bede. Eutropius.
• * 7.41

  An. Dom. 284.
• * 7.42

  An. Dom. 218.
• * 7.43

  Count Palat.
• * 7.44

  An. Dom. 219.
• * 7.45

  Lamprid.
• * 7.46

  Herodian.
• * 7.47

  Aurel. Vict.
• * 7.48

  Euseb. Onuph.
• * 7.49

  An. Dom. 223.
• * 7.50

  Lampridius. Sabellicus.
• * 7.51

  Lampridius.
• * 7.52

  An. Dom. 236. Basinstoke, Not. 18. ad lib. 5. & Not. 15. ad lib. 3.
• * 7.53

  An. Dom. 236.
• * 7.54

  Capitolinus.
• * 7.55

  An. Dom. 238.
• † 7.56

  Old Carlile.
• * 7.57

  An. Dom. 243.
• * 7.58

  British Hist. Basing stoke.
• * 7.59

  An. Dom. 245;
• * 7.60

  Eusebius.
• * 7.61

  Camb. Brit.
• * 7.62

  Eusebius. Eutrop. Vicior.
• * 7.63

  An. Dom. 250.
• * 7.64

  An. Dom. 252.
• * 7.65

  An. Dom. 254.
• * 7.66

  An. Dom. 261.
• * 7.67

  Porphyrius.
• * 7.68

  An. Dom. 269.
• * 7.69

  Pollio. Not. 22. adl. 5.
• * 7.70

  FATHERS; That is, ac∣cording to the British Hist. the Trojans.
• * 7.71

  Basingstoke;
• * 7.72

  An. Dom. 271.
• * 7.73

  Vopiscus.
• * 7.74

  An. Dom. 276.
• * 7.75

  An. Dom. 277.
• * 7.76

  Vopiscus vit. Benosi.
• * 7.77

  Camb. Brit.
• * 7.78

  Vopiscus.
• * 7.79

  An. Dom. 282:
• * 7.80

  Vopiscus.
• * 7.81

  An. Dom. 285.
• * 7.82

  Aur. Vict.
• * 7.83

  Bede. Eutrop.
• * 7.84

  Ninius.
• * 7.85

  Cambd. Tri∣nobantes.
• * 7.86

  Eumenius. Sigonius.
• † 7.87

  Caraucius, or Alectus. Caraucius. This seemeth to be spoken to Constantiu{que}
• * 7.88

  Alectus.
• † 7.89

  Caraucius, or Alectus. Caraucius. This seemeth to be spoken to Constantiu{que}
• † 7.90

  Caraucius, or Alectus. Caraucius. This seemeth to be spoken to Constantiu{que}
• * 7.91

  The acknow∣ledgment of perpetual Obe∣dience.
• * 7.92

  Tacitus.
• * 7.93

  Camb. Brit.
• * 7.94

  Tacitus. Dio Cass. Herod. Vopisc. & al.
• * 7.95

  Basingstoak, Not. 14. ad. 1. 5.
• * 7.96

  Bede.
• * 7.97

  Hect. Boet. Pompo. Latus, & Avent.
• * 7.98

  Fort. Prisc. in Laud. Virg.
• * 7.99

  Bede.
• * 7.100

  Speed Chron. Aurel. Vict. Eusebius.
• * 7.101

  An. Dom. 289.
• * 7.102

  An. Dom. 269.
• * 7.103

  An. Dom. 299.
• * 7.104

  An. Dom. 300.
• * 7.105

  An. Dom. 305.
• * 7.106

  Eusebius.
• * 7.107

  Eutrop. Niceph.
• † 7.108

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. Religious, de∣vout, godly, merciful, ho∣nest, just, and bountiful. In Essex.
• * 7.109

  Hist. Bede Angl. l. 1. c. 8.
• * 7.110

  Ex Orat. Am∣brosii in laud. HELENAE Reg.
• * 7.111

  Basingstoak cut of Mekur∣chus.
• † 7.112

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. Religious, de∣vout, godly, merciful, ho∣nest, just, and bountiful. In Essex.
• * 7.113

  An. Dom. 306.
• * 7.114

  Panegyrick Oration to Constantine the Great.
• * 7.115

  Euseb. vit. Constant.
• * 7.116

  Gelasius Ciz. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Act. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Nicen. cap. 3.
• * 7.117

  An. Dom. 310. Camb. Euscbius.
• † 7.118

  Pecunia Londini notata.
• * 7.119

  Zosimus. Malmsbury.
• * 7.120

  An. Dom. 319.
• * 7.121

  Ammianus.
• * 7.122

  Pancirolus.
• * 7.123

  Gildan
• * 7.124

  And in the Laws.
• * 7.125

  Basiggstoak, lib. 6.
• * 7.126

  Gaufrid. 1. 2. c. 3, 4.
• * 7.127

  Fabian.
• * 7.128

  An. Dom. 337.
• * 7.129

  Socrates, lib. 2, cap. 31
• * 7.130

  An. Dom. 340.
• * 7.131

  Jul. Firmicus.
• * 7.132

  Speed Chron.
• * 7.133

  Basingstoak, lib. 6.
• * 7.134

  An. Dom. 344.
• * 7.135

  Am. Marcel. lib. 15. cap. 2.
• * 7.136

  Basingstoak, lib. 6.
• * 7.137

  Gildas.
• * 7.138

  Socrates. Zosimus.
• * 7.139

  Basingstoak, lib. 6.
• * 7.140

  An. Dom. 361.
• * 7.141

  An. Dom. 364.
• * 7.142

  An. Dom: 365.
• * 7.143

  Called other∣wise Attigotti, Catalotti, & Cattiti. Erasmus gi∣veth them the name of Azoti. They were Cannibals as st. Hierom writeth, lib. 2. cont. Jov.
• * 7.144

  An. Dom. 370.
• * 7.145

  Amm Marcel. lib. 27, and 28.
• † 7.146

  Simmachus. Speaking to his Son THE∣ODOSIUS the Emperour.
• * 7.147

  An. Dom. 376.
• * 7.148

  MAXIMUS the Tyrant.
• * 7.149

  Orosius;
• * 7.150

  Gregor. Tu∣ronensis. Gildas.
• * 7.151

  Bede.
• * 7.152

  Bono Rei∣publicae.
• * 7.153

  〈◊〉〈◊〉, now Little-Britain.
• * 7.154

  An. Dom. 379.
• * 7.155

  CHRYSAN 〈1 line〉〈1 line〉.
• * 7.156

  An. Dom. 395.
• * 7.157

  Claudian.
• * 7.158

  Claudian.
• * 7.159

  MARCUS, chosen Empe∣rour by the Britains. GRATIAN Emperour.
• * 7.160

  CONSTAN∣TINE a Soul∣dier chosen Emperour.
• * 7.161

  Constant.
• * 7.162

  Sosom. lib. 9. Olympiador. apud Photium.
• * 7.163

  Rutil. Claud.
• * 7.164

  Malmsbury.
• * 7.165

  Ninnius.
• * 7.166

  Prosp. Aquit.
• * 7.167

  Nicepharus. Gildas.
• * 7.168

  An. Dom. 4104
• * 7.169

  Gildas.
• * 7.170

  An. Dom. 418.
• * 7.171

  An. Dom. 423.
• * 7.172

  Buehanan.
• * 7.173

  Gildas.
• * 7.174

  Gildas: An. Dom. 430.
• * 7.175

  Gildas.
• * 7.176

  Mat. Westm:
• * 7.177

  Constantius vit. Germ. Gildas.
• * 7.178

  An Dom. 446.
• * 7.179

  Bede.
• * 7.180

  Gildas.
• * 7.181

  Gildas.
• * 7.182

  An. Dom. 446, or 447.
• * 7.183

  Witichindus.
• † 7.184

  BRETS.
• * 7.185

  Saxons, An. Dom. 448, or 449. German, An. 431, to 447.
• * 7.186

  Prosp. Tyro.
• * 7.187

  Rusus in the copy. First Duke of the Guisses, and Earl of Cornwal, then King of Britain.
• † 7.188

  Elsewhere Decius Pau∣linus. A Pagan Prince.
• † 7.189

  Elsewhere Decius Pau∣linus. A Pagan Prince.
• * 7.190

  Rusus in the copy. First Duke of the Guisses, and Earl of Cornwal, then King of Britain.
• * 7.191

  Polider. Virg.
• † 7.192

  The Daughter of Hengist.
• † 7.193

  Deposed af∣ter six years Government.