Britannia antiqua illustrata, or, The antiquities of ancient Britain derived from the Phœenicians, wherein the original trade of this island is discovered, the names of places, offices, dignities, as likewise the idolatry, language and customs of the p by Aylett Sammes ...

THE ANTIQUITY AND ORIGINAL OF THE ROMANS,

THEIR Religion, government in State Affairs, discipline in War, with several of their Rules and Methods relating to their Polity; Unto which is added Some Observations upon what relates more particularly to the Greek Idolatry, omitted in a former Treatise.

PLUTARCH reckons up many supposed Founders of ROME, Herodotus, Marsylus, and some others, will have them descended from the Graecians, and Coecilius a Roman Historiographer, in Strabo, proves that Rome was built by the Graecians, because the Romans, after * 1.1 the manner of the Greeks, by ancient Institution and Custome did sacrifice to Hercules, and that the Romans also worshipt the Mother of Evander; Yet the most vulgar received Opinion, is, that Rome was the work of ROMULUS from the Foundation, and that the Romans were a Body aggregate, and compounded of Sabines and Latins, and others are of Opinion, which I have shewn in another place, that they were a conflux of the worst of the Neighbouring People of that State; For Romulus, after the deposing and murthering his Uncle Amulius,

and re-instating his Grandfather Numitor in the Albane Throne (having got together Shepheards and some Malefactours, that had fled for of Justice from their natural Princes) soon left Aiba to the quiet enjoyment of his Grandfather, he himself not being willing to live under any other Laws than his own, or else the nobleness of his Ambition dehorting him from injuring one, whom lately he had so generously restored, resolves to contrive the model and platform of his future Government, yea lay him∣self the foundation of his own Greatness; For being made KING by the general consent of his ragged Associates, and that consent confirmed, ratified, and establisht by lucky signs and tokens from the Gods; after several contrivances and designs pitches upon Mount Palatine, where he himself, and his Brother, had been exposed by their Uncle Amulius, as a fortunate place for their erecting a New City, hoping that as the Gods (from a poor, miserable, and abandoned Infant) had made him a glorious King, so by the same power they might, in time, of this little Village make a considerable Kingdom.

Moreover he looked upon this Mountain as the fittest place for defence, if any E∣nemy should dare to oppose him, and a place very inconvenient for the approaches and assaults of all Besiegers, nevertheless secured it with a Ditch and Wall. But lest the three adjoyning Mountains, viz. Capitoline, Coelian, and Quirinal, might rather serve (as they lay then) for Forts and Bulwarks, from whence the Enemy might storm and molest his New City, he fortified them with a Ditch and a Wall also, and placing therein Garrisons, they served instead of Castles for the security of the City; But after he had subdued T. Tatius King of the Sabines, he gave to him and his People the Tarpeian, or Capitoline Mountain to inhabit, bringing it also within the Walls and compass of the City. L. Tarquinius Priscus mended and repaired the Walls with Stone, which before were cast up with Mud and ordinary Rubbish, but Servius Tullius was the first that encompast Rome with a Stone-wall, adding to the City three other Hills also, both Kings and People being as ambitious in augment∣ing their City, as they were in propagating and increasing the largeness of their Do∣minion and Empire.

Lastly, It was so enlarged and admirably beautified with the Spoyls and Orna∣ments of the Chiefest places of EUROPE, that Rome (which was first scarce a Mile in compass) was afterwards esteemed as one of the Wonders of the Earth. And without question 'twas a pleasing spectacle, which could make St. Augustine (otherwise a Person of great gravity and self-denial) to his other two pious wishes, annexed this, Of seeing ROME in its full Glory.

Of the distinction and division of the People.

WHEN Romulus had secured his City, he began to think on conve∣nient waies of Policy whereby he might the better attain to a certain method of Government, that might be best suitable to the genius of his rude and disorderly Subjects, who therefore ran∣ged them into three National Tribes or Wards.

• 1. The first Ward was of the SABINES, called Tatienses.
• 2. The second of the ALBANS, viz. Ramnenses.
• 3. The third was of the LUCERES, named so from the Grove where the Asylum or Sanctuary stood, whither the People of all conditions daily repaired for defence and protection, and every Ward was divided into ten Parishes.

Then he distinguisht them according to their Degrees and Offices, calling the Oldest, best, and ablest of his Citizens (if they had Children) Patricii, and the Meane sort Plebeii, enacting Laws containing the duty, negotiation, and obligation of both.

The Patricii were to superintend Religion, bear City Offices, administer Justice to the Common people. The Commons were to look to their Cattle, tyll the Ground, exercise all Handicrafts.

Out of all those Seniours he chose an hundred, whom he called Senators from their Age, who for distinctions sake wore a half-Moon upon their Shooes after this man∣ner, ☽, the letter standing for one hundred.

With these he consulted in things more particularly concerning the Common∣wealth; but lest puft up with Pride, these Patricii should contemn and trample upon the Commonalty, and the Meaner sort envy the happiness of the Great ones, which in time might prove the seeds of Sedition, to prevent such Inconveniences he so effected the matter, that each should be mutually obliged, and absolutely depend one upon another, making it lawful for any of the Commons to choose (according to an old Custome of the Thessali and Athenians) whom he pleased out of the Pa∣tricii for his Patron.

The Patron was bound, by Office, to appear and answer for his Client in all Law∣suits, to manage his business to the best advantage, whether absent or present. In a word, to endeavour as much as he could his ease and quiet.

The Client was to pay all due respects to his Patron, assist him with his Purse in raising Portions for his Daughters, to redeem him and his Sons (if taken Prisoners by the Enemy) into Liberty, to contribute largely, when their Patron sued for any honourable Office of State, to pay all pecuniary Mulcts arising from private Quar∣rels, never expecting again eithe Use or Principal, and to present, on the Kalends of January, their Patrons with New-years-gifts.

It was not lawful for them to give their Votes for any of the contrary Party, if they did, they were guilty of the breach of Statute made against Traytors, and fell under the Curse of their Decemviral-Law, viz. Patronus si Clienti, Cliensvè Patrono fraudem faxit, sacer esto. By vertue of which Law, they were mutually obliged to be faithful one to another.

The Roman Gentry took great pride in vying with one another, who had in his Re∣tinue most of these Clients, nay, many Provinces and Nations too, had one of the Great ones at Rome for their Patron, to plead for them in their absence, the Senate many times referring their Causes to be decided by the Patron they had chosen, resting satisfied in his determination.

This Custome kept them so entirely united, that it preserved the City free from slaughter, and those inhuman Civil Wars, which (through neglect) afterwards fol∣lowed (though there were several Quarrels between the Commons and Gentry but soon compos'd) for the space of 630 years.

After the Expulsion of Tarquin they were divided into Senatours, Knights, and People.

A Senatour was he which at first was chosen by the Kings, next by the Consuls, afterwards by the Censors into that great Councel of State called the Senate, whether Noble-Man, Knight, or Plebeian. The value of a Senatours Estate, until the time of Augustus, was Octingenta Sestertia, 60001.

A Knight (a Name of great esteem and honour among the Romans) was an Order betwixt the Senatour and Commonalty, they were chosen into that Society by the Censors, who at the time of their Election delivered them a Ring for distin∣ction, to the Commonalty a Horse, to be maintained in Peace and War at the Pub∣lick charge, so that the Commonalty were not allowed the use of Rings. The estimation of a Knights Estate was, Quadringenta Sestertia, viz. 30001. which sum, if any waies imbezelled, or they had committed any notorious Crime, those Orna∣ments were taken from them, and themselves degraded from the reputation of that Order. Their Robes were little different from the Senatours, only the purple Studs, or Tufts of the Senatours Garment were somewhat larger. They degraded for unseemly Gestures, and irreverent Responsals, or for having lean and poor Horses, which seems to prove that their Horses were kept at their own charges, and not at the publick expence of the State.

The Commonalty, whom Livy calls Ignota Capita, Men of little or no account, were * 1.2 the same there as in other Countries, yet if any of them had attained to a Knights E∣state, and Procured from the Censors a Horse and Ring, he was accounted a Knight, and might be capable of being chosen into the Senate, yet those Senatours that were chosen from among the Plebeians, were, for any notorious fault, liable to be degraded, and have their Names enrowled in the Caerites Tabulae, or Censors

Tables, whereby they were deprived of giving their Votes, as did other Citi∣zens.

The next division of the People, was, into Nobiles, Novi, and Ignobiles.

Their Noble-Men were those that could produce the Images of their Ancestors, which were equivalent to our Coats of Arms; Their Novi were those that had only their own, and were beholding more to their Vertues, than their Ancestors, for their Nobility. Ignobiles were those that had none of their own, or of their Predecessours.

Now an Image was the Effigies or representation of any Person of their Family, whose glorious Actions had formerly preferred him to any of the great Offices of State, which Images were used carefully to be kept in Wooden Presses, in the best part of their Houses; For, to none but those who had born the Curule Magistracy was the use of Images lawful, but after the Commons, by an Act of Senate, were made capable of obtaining those places as well as the Gentry (without doubt) they also might have the priviledges of using Images also.

These Images were sometimes placed over the Gates of their Houses, with Inscrip∣tions, UT EORUM VIRTUTES POSTERI NON SOLUM LEGERENT, SED ETIAM IMITARENTUR. Upon daies of Feasting and Rejoycing these Figures were spruck't up with Garlands and Flowers, but on daies of Mourning they were deprived of all their Jovial Ornaments, seeming to sympathize and partake with their sorrow. They were represented commonly but from the shoulders up∣wards, the matter whereof they were made being Wax; But when any of the Hou∣shold died they were carried before the Corps (as I have shewn more fully in the Ceremonies of Deifying their Emperours) with a Body or Trunck annexed to them, Addito ut magnitudine quàm simillima apparerent reliquo corporis trunco, that they might seem proportionable in length to the Person deceased, they were dressed up in the Robes peculiar to the quality of the Person, the Ensigns of his Office being alwaies carried before him.

The Citizens of Rome were distinguisht by the difference of Freedoms in the City of Rome, and were termed either Liberti, Libertini, aut Ingenui.

Libertus was he that had been formerly a Slave or Servant, and afterwards was made free. The Son of any Person thus made free was called Libertinus, and the Son of two that were born free, or of two Libertines, was termed Ingenuus. These were capable of the Order of Knight-hood, but not of being elected into the Senate, which we may gather from Suetonius his own words, who saies, That, anciently, the dignity * 1.3 and honour of being a Senatour, was conferred not upon the Pronepotes Civium Roma∣norum, but upon the Abnepotes, viz. such as were removed four degrees from a Li∣bertus.

The usual way of their making them Free was after this manner, † 1.4 The Master bringing his Servant, whom he desired should be made free, took the Servant by the Head, or any other part, saying to the Praetor, I will that this Man be made Free, and then he let him go. Some say, They used to take the Servant a box on the Ear, turn him round, and then let him go out of their hands. Then the Praetor laying a certain Rod, called Vindicta, upon the head of the Servant, said, I pronounce this Man free after the manner of the Romans, his Head at the same time being shaved, received of the Praetor a Cap in token of his Liberty.

Of their Civil Government.

AFTER Romulus his death, his Successours, till the Reign of Tarquin, Sirnamed the Proud, thought it not only their greatest security to go∣vern their People with great Justice and Moderation, but the highest point of Glory also, to admit them into a share and participation of the Government, that it might be said, They Ruled over Princes rather than Slaves. And although most Writers agree, that the Polity of Rome was Mo∣narchical, it seems rather to have been a mixture of Monarchy, Aristocracy, and De∣mocracy, therefore they were divided, accordingly, under the Government of a King, Senate, and Commonalty, the power and prerogative of their KING, was,

First, Jus rerum Sacrarum, a Right over all Ecclesiastical Affairs, to constitute what Religious Orders he pleased, and to see that all Sacrifices and their Ceremonies were rightly performed, and to offer up in his own Person, as being their Pontifex Maximus, in case their Wars did not call him aside, all Propitiatory Oblations for the appeasing and averting the Anger of the Gods.

Secondly, Legum morumque Patriarum custodiam, the preservation and interpre∣tation of all Laws and Customes whatsoever, the determining of all Controversies of weight, referring all business of smaller consequence to the decision of the Se∣nate; yet in case of wrong Judgment, reserved to himself a power of otherwise ad∣judging the Matter as the cause required.

Thirdly, Jus Senatus & Comitiorum, a power of assembling Senate and People, propounding what he thought convenient, but first giving his Opinion of it again, yet that constantly took place, and prevailed most, which was confirmed by the Suffrages of the greatest number.

In the dispose of the Senate, or Great Councel of the City, was the Publick Trea∣sury, and consequently the ordering of the Revenues and Expences of the State, the Treasurers themselves having no power (unless for the use of the Kings, and that of the Consuls afterwards) to expend upon any Publick account whatsoever, with∣out an especial Order and Decree of Senate; Under their cognizance also fell enor∣mous and heinous Crimes, committed within the Confines of Italy, likewise of pro∣tecting and taking into favour any private Person, or City of Italy, that implored the favour of their assistance.

Fourthly, That Great and Royal Prerogative of sending Embassadours, and giving Audience to those of Forreign Princes, was solely in the Power of the Se∣nate.

These Senatours (at the sacking of Rome by the Gauls) were singly taken for Gods, and together, by Pyrrhus his Embassadours, for so many Kings at an inter∣view. Tarquin, Sirnamed the Elder, was so tender of displeasing them, that being presented by the Hetrurians with a Golden Crown, and an Ivory Scepter with an Eagle on the top, he refused to appear in publick with those Ensigns of Majesty, till * 1.5 he had leave from the Senate and People, which Custome the succeeding Kings after∣wards retained.

The Election of their Kings, and afterwards of the chief Ministers of State, the making of Laws, concluding on War or Peace, was altogether in the Jurisdiction of the People.

By such Polity these Kings secured themselves from danger of the suspicion of Tyranny, and consequently assured and confirmed themselves in the love of their Subjects. Neither could the People reasonably desire innovation or change, where they were governed by no other Magistrates than of their own choosing, where they were obliged to live under no other Laws than of their own making, or forced to be engaged to any other Wars than of their own concluding.

By this kind of Equilibrium of Power was Rome peaceably and happily governed by its first Kings, the Royal Prerogative seldom interfering with the Peoples privi∣ledge. But Tarquin, Sirnamed the Proud, overstraining his Prerogative, spoiled the

harmony and concord of the whole Government, the King and People being before like a fifth and eighth that are Unisons, strike one and the other shakes, that is, they were highly concerned in the honour of their King, and the King in the loss and sufferings of his people; But Tarquin, who had seized on the Throne by Violence and Usurpation, was resolved to defend it by Rapine and Murther, and justifie them too by Insolence, though as insupportable as both; At his receiving the Title of MAJESTY he seemed to have laid down all his Humanity, for after the mur∣thering his Father-in-law (over whose dead Corps Tarquinius his Wife commanded her Coach-man to drive, at her return from proclaiming her Husband KING) he trampled on both Priviledges and People; Some he banisht by his Cruelty, others through the insupportableness of his Behaviour, he committed continual Maf∣sacres and Butcheries on the Senate and People. So that while this Feaver lasted, Rome was like the Torrid Zone (supposed by the Ancients) too hot to be inha∣bited.

But the People, by the disposition and vertue of their Primitive Laws, being too well acquainted with Majesty to be made any longer Slaves, finding the Kings resolutenets and violent Nature not at all to be moved by their Complaints, which were constantly blasted with the odious Name of Rebellion and Treason, upon the ravishing the beautiful Lucretia by Tarquin's Son, Sextus, being animated and headed by Brutus and Collatinus, were inraged to that degree of Courage, that they began to expostulate their Liberty with their Swords in their hands, driving the Tyrant (taught by his own Example) from the Throne into perpetual banishment, teaching Governours what it is to out-live the Affections of their well-meaning Sub∣jects.

After this they stood up so stiffly for Liberty, that though Porsenna King of He∣truria (commiserating Tarquin's condition) came with a puissant Army to re∣instate him in the Roman Throne, yet they maintained their cause so gallantly, and gave so many signal Testimonies, nay miracles of their Valour, witness the Actions of Horatius Cocles, Mutius Scaevola, that Porsenna of a terrible Enemy became a gene∣rous Friend, and chose rather to make Peace with them (although the Victory was well nigh assuredly his own) than unjustly oppress so much an injured Ver∣tue.

That they might the better hereafter stop the Precipice of their future ruine, and free themselves from the like Jealousies and Fears, they first made it their business to render the word KING as detestable and odious as the power of a Tyrant; And the People taking a solemn Oath never to admit Monarchy among them for the future, they erected a Government consisting of two Officers chosen out of the Pa∣trioii, whom they called CONSULS, named so from their Duty, not their Power. They were two, that one might be a stop and check to the Ambition of the other; Their Government was Annual, that through shortness of time, and multiplicity of business, they might not have leisure enough to fall in love with the Majesty and Grandeur of their Office, supposing they would govern the better, when they knew, that afterwards they were to live private Men under the Commands of others.

But Brutus and Collatinus, who had been the chief Authors and sticklers in ex∣pelling Tarquin, were chosen Consuls by the People, yet they fearing Tyranny might run in a Blood, deposed Collatinus in a short time after, for being a kin to Tarquinius Superbus, though he was Husband to Lucretia who had been so lately ravisht, sub∣stituting Valerius Publicola in his place, who (to oblige and secure the Fears of the People) caused his own House to be pulled down, because it looked so like a Castle and place of Defence; Brute on the other side, hearing that there was a plot on foot, among the young Gentry of Rome, of restoring the Tarquin's, and that his own Sons had a hand in it, he brought them to the Market-place, where they were pub∣lickly whipt, and asterwards to the Block, where they lost their Heads.

It was not lawful for any Person to sue for the Consulship till he had first past through, successively, the Offices of Quaestor, Aedile, and Praetor, and arrived to the forty third year of his Age, that is, past the extravagances of Youth, and free from the infirmities of Old Age, the greatest concerns of Peace and War depending solely on their management.

The Romans had alwaies so great a respect and honour for this place of Dignity, by vertue of which their Empire was enlarged, their Liberties strongly upheld, that to encrease the Majesty of it, changed the Ancient date of things which before was ab Urbe condit à (in favour of them) into L. AE. T. V. Consulibus, viz. John Anoaks, and John Astiles being Consuls.

The Ensigns of their Office was the Sella Eburnea, the Ivory Chair, which was car∣ried about in a Charriot, where the Consul sate administring justice. The great Gown of State called Trabea, was worn, first by their Kings, asterwards by the Consuls. Lastly, twelve Lictors or Serjeants, which went before one Consul one Month, the second another, with bundles of Rods in their hands, and Axes bound up in the middle, the one gently to correct small offenders, the other to lop off (from Humane society) those that were otherwise incurable.

These Consuls had power of stopping any proceedings in the Senate, as may be seen by Ambitious Lentulus, who passionately desired Africa, then the seat of the War and of Glory, for his Province, threatning the Senate, that unless he had his will he would have nothing to pass in the House.

In the time of Sedition, or any sudden danger from abroad, they chose a Dicta∣tor, to whom was committed an Arbitrary Power, and different in nothing from a KING, but in Name, and the continuance of six months in the Office. From him lay no appeal to the People, twenty four Lictors went before him, as if they in∣tended (by the greatness and Majesty of his Authority) he should affright the Sedi∣tious into their wonted Obedience, and having no equal to dispute his Commands, (the consequence of equality in Arms may be learnt from the fate of Paulus AEmi∣tius and Ter. Varro, at the Battle of Cannae) might, by the suddenness of his dire∣ctions, prevent the Storm before it grew too blustering and violent, or, if it did, he might be in a better capacity of opposing it, the strength of an Army consisting in the Union of their Forces under one Commander; Besides, the opinions of a Se∣nate, or an Assembly, commonly are very inconstant, great diversity and mutability arising from such numbers, or from the wranglings of two adverse Factions, we seldom finding any such irresolutions in a single Person.

From hence, and from their sending single Persons as Governours of their Pro∣vinces (however the Senate, and wiser sort of the People, dissembled) we may con∣clude on their approbation of Monarchy, as the fittest form of Government to ex∣pel danger, and enlarge their Dominions, although their Judgments were perverted and blinded by Ambition (Passion being most commonly stronger than Reason) for in Aristocratical and Democratical Common-wealths, most Men are capable of a share in the Government, which under Monarchy was impossible for them to attain to; And we may easily see how much they esteemed Monarchy in the latter Ages, Viz. their Government of Great Britain by Vice-Roy's, not in the Name of the Senate, but Emperours in possession.

From the root of the Consulship sprung those two great branches of the Censor∣ship, and Praetorship, the Consuls, in whose Power they were formerly included, be∣ing for the most part employed in the Wars, were forced to confer them on o∣ther persons, for the regulation of Manners, and distribution of Justice at home.

The Censors took cognizance of all Ill-manners, they had power to degrade both Senatour and Roman-Knight from the Honour of their constituted Order, and re∣move the People, in case they deserved it, from a more honourable Tribe to a less, from whence they were called the Masters of Manners.

Besides these things, they also took care of all Publick-works, as, mending High∣waies, Bridges, and Water-courses, the reparations of Temples, and several other Buildings. If any man encroached upon the Streets, High-waies, or other places that were in use for the Publick good, the Censors compell'd him to make satisfaction for the injury committed.

They had also the letting out of Lands, Customes, and other Publick Revenues to Farm, so that most of the Citizens of Rome were beholding to this Office, as main∣taining themselves by some of the Trades thereunto belonging; and this was no small help to preserve the Dignity of the Senate, the Commonalty being obnoxious to the Censors, which were alwaies of that Order, and careful to uphold the Reputation thereof.

They also took notice of those that mis behaved themselves in the Wars, or went about to discourage any of the Souldiers, after any notable defeat. Thus we see Marcus Attilius Regulus, and P. Furius Philus, called L. Caecilius Metellus to an ac∣count, for that, after the Battle of Cannae, he held discourse with some of his Companions about flying beyond the Seas, as if Rome and all Italy had been no better than lost.

They also pronounced Infamous, those, that having brought to Rome the Message of their Fellows made Prisoners at Cannae, returned not back to Hannibal; as they were bound by Oath, but thought themselves thereof sufficiently discharged in that they had stepped back once into his Camp, with pretence of taking better no∣tice of the Captives Names, as also, all those that had not served in the Wars after the term the Law appoints.

In their keeping was the Censual-Roll, or Doomsday-Book, wherein was the true Estate and value of what every Man was worth, that the People might be the better Governed, and the easier distinguisht.

They continued in their Office five years, and yet if one of them died, his place was lookt upon as ominous, yea dangerous to the Common-wealth, one of the Cen∣sors dying that very year that Rome was sackt, and almost destroyed by the fury of the Gauls.

There were two Praetors, or Lord Chief Justices, the one for judging and exami∣ning matters between Citizen and Citizen, whom they called Praetor Urbanus, the other for adjusting the Controversies of Strangers, and was termed Praetor Pere∣grinus, and Praetor Minor, but afterwards, Law-suits increasing, there were many more added to the former, who were to sit in the Court of Life and Death.

The two Chief Praetors took notice of all matters concerning Equity and Wrong, between Man and Man, and under them the Centum Viri, but especially all Crimes Capital, as Treason, Murther, buying of Voices for the obtaining of Magistracy, &c. which were at first heard by the Kings and Consuls, and afterwards by certain Persons appointed by the People for that purpose, who were called Quaesitores Parricidii; But in time, the hearing of these Publick, or Capital Causes, was confirmed and transferred unto certain Magistrates, who continued in their Office a whole year. Others had their Office no longer than they sat in Judgment, which were, for distincti∣ons sake, called Praetores Quaesitores, and their Causes Quaestiones perpetuae, because in their Causes there was one set form of giving Judgment constantly used, whereas, in Private and Civil causes, the Praetor yearly changed the form, by hanging up new Fdicts and Laws, by which he intended to administer Justice, that year, to the Peo∣ple; for as the Causes were different, so were the signs and distinctions of their Courts, a Spear erected denoting the Nisi Prius Court, and a Sword hung out in token of that which related to the sentence of Life and Death.

The Praetor Urbanus was wont, at the entrance into his Office, to collect a set form of Administration of Justice, out of the former Laws and Edicts of other Praetors, according to which he would distribute Justice all the year following; And lest the People might be ignorant of the contents thereof, he caused it to be hung up in publick view. This form of Justice was termed Edictum, because he did thereby forbid, or command something to be done.

This Edict being delivered out, the administration of Justice consisted in the use of one of these three words, Do, Dico, Addico, he is said Dare actionem, when he grants an Action or Writ against any man, Dicere jus, when he passeth Judgment on him, Addicere res aut personas, as when he in the Court doth see and allow the delivery of the thing, or the Person, on which Judgment is passed. The form of Ad∣diction was thus; After Judgment had been pronounced in Court, the Party which prevailed, laid his hand on the thing or person against which Sentence was pro∣nounced, using this form of words: Hunc ego hominem, five hanc rem ex jure Qui∣ritium meum esse dico, then did the Lord Chief Justice Addicere, i. e. approve the challenge, and grant a present possession.

But these forms and waies of proceeding being uncertain, and the Law it self un∣known to most of the Roman Commonalty, as lying for the most part in the Breast of the Praetor, to avoid this incontroulable power, and the infinite disadvantages

that daily ensued, Three men were deputed by the Senate to go to Athens, and other Greek Cities, to make a collection of what Laws they thought convenient, by which they were resolved the City should be governed.

At their return the Consuls were deposed, and the Government of the Common∣wealth put into the hands of Ten Men, all of Consular dignity, to whose wisdom and Integrity was referr'd the new modelling of the Laws contained in the Ten Tables, having power of curtailing what was superfluous and unnecessary, and of interpreting any thing that was dark or obscure, and of adding any thing where they found a necessity or occasion; From the addition of two Tables, they were called the Laws of the twelve Tables, the Fountain from whence the Civil Law proceeded.

These Men were allowed the same Ensigns of Majesty, and the same power and Authority as the Consuls formerly had, as of calling together the Senate, ratifying and confirming their Decrees, and managing the chief business of State; Neverthe∣less but one at a time took this Power upon him, the others in the mean while differ∣ing little from private Men.

The People at first were so in love with this Decem-Viral way of Governing, that they willingly diminished and abated their own Priviledges, to advance the Credit and Honour of their new laid Greatness; These Ten abrogated the Statute of Appeal, made by Valerius Publicola, to the Judgment of the People, and they not much grumbling at it, expected that the Greatness they allowed them in Majesty, would be sufficiently recompenced by the happiness and infinite advantages they should receive from the Justice and Moderation of their Government; But they, now they had gotten the Reins in their hands, began to contrive how to make that Govern∣ment perpetual, which before was but Annual; They agreed among themselves, that every one should take upon him the grandeur and Authority of a Consul, intending, by Cruelty and Oppression, to force the People into a certain fear and dread of their Authority, rather than by Mild usage, to let them fall (gently, and by degrees) in love with their own Slavery, and bondage.

'Tis strange, that they having all formerly proved good Consuls, should, when they came to be good Lawyers, prove such ill Governours; For they instead of Instructing the People by their Laws, by their insolent Oppression and Inconti∣nency, gave occasion daily of their Complaint and Murmur, making the Law rather a share, than a help or ease to the People (as hath often appeared to the grief of other Nations in successive Ages) punishing the faults of the Commonalty (which, for the most part, proceeded from Necessity) by the same Laws they desended the ex∣travagances of their own Passions.

These Oppressions and Injuries were patiently endured by the People, but Ap∣pius Claudius, a Man of a bolder and wickeder Nature than the rest, lusting after the fair, but vertuous Verginia, whom (according to the Law) 'twas below him to marry, and purposing to leave no kind of means unattempted for the enjoyment of his Love, and the more speedier easing of his tormented mind, resolved (not reflecting upon Tarquinus his fate) to have recourse to strength and Authority, where the interpo∣sition of Love was ineffectual, hoping by the Law to justifie his Rape, as well as his other Brethren had sormerly their Oppressions and Wrongs. This his project pro∣ved very unsuccessful, for the Father of the Lady, though of a low Degree, yet of a great and generous Spirit, killed his Daughter in an open assembly to secure her Honour.

This last fault of Appius was so unparallel'd an Indiginity, that 'twas like a great spot of Oyl upon Cloth, which seems to have diffused and spread it self abroad to that degree of inhumanity and ugliness, that they lookt upon the Ravisher rather, as a Monster, then a Man; Appius was forced, through shame and fear of the fury and anger of the Multitude, to be his own Executioner in Person, his Companions in the Government, on the same account, quitting their Offices also.

This was the second time, that, in the Honour of the Female Sex, they changed the form and manner of their Polity.

The Consuls, after this, were restored to Soveraignty again, and although the storm seemed to have ceased, yet the Waters kept on rowling still, for not withstanding the People had fully satisfied themselves for the asfront put upon Verginia, and the de∣posing

the rest, yet now as their Courage was elevated, and their Party strong, they were resolved to petition the Fathers to lay aside all distinctions of Marriage, making it lawful for the Nobility and Commonalty to marry with one another, if the Parties could agree about the Bargain, alledging that the impossibility of Appius his marry∣ing with Verginia (the one a Peer, the other a Plebeian) was the chiefest Cause, that put him upon so horrid a piece of Villany.

The Senate gratiously condescended to a grant of their requests, but the People finding, that the Nobles scarce would match themselves with the Plebeians, and no great probability of the Plebeians mixing their Blood with the Nobles, unless by a Decree of Senate, they were in as great a possibility of obtaining the great Offices of State, as the Nobles, thought it convenient, now their hand was in, to prefer a Bill of being made capable of the Consulship also. The Senate at first look'd upon the Demands, as too saucy and confident; yet found the Denyal to be altogether as dangerous (fearing lest they would have recourse to their old refuge, of forsaking the City, leaving the Senate to be Princes without Subjects) by the advice of Claudius, took a middle course, enacting, that there should be six persons appointed to steer the Commonwealth; three to be chosen out of the Nobility, and three out of the Commonalty, whom they termed Tribuni militum Consularis Potestatis, allowing them the power of Consuls; but at the same time, checking their Insolence, by denying them the Majesty and Greatness of the Title.

This form of Government lasted not above seventy eight years, the Senate at last decreeing, that one Consul should be chosen out of the Nobility, another out of the People; nay, a Citizen, whose Vertues could entitle him to it, should obtein the Dictatourship, making Merits equal with Nobility.

The People thus sharing, with the Nobility, in the Government, now was the time for busy Heads to lay their ambitious designs, and shew the utmost of their * 1.6 skill in feeding the humours of the People: Now the Tribunes (who at first were chosen as Protectours of the People, to preserve their Liberties free from Encroach∣ments and Insolencies of the Nobility) did not only justifie their Affronts and Indignities towards the Senate, under the notion of upholding the Privi∣ledges of the People, but turned the Government quite into a perfect Demo∣cracy.

The affections of the Common People were sway'd now more by flattery and cor∣ruption than desert, and the Commonwealth lay like a Vessel, driven too and fro by the wind of Ambition; all good men fearing, and the bad wishing, when it would split it self on the Rock of a Civil War, having nothing to loose, expecting to be gainers by the wreck.

In this juncture, up-start Marius and Sylla contending sor the management; non aliud discordantis Patriae remedium est quàm ut ab uno regeretur, there was no other way of saving a male-contented and seditious Commonwealth, than by the commit∣ting the Government of it to the unlimited Power of one Person; But these men, as they were extraordinary valiant, so were they beyond all measure cruel, delighting rather in blood than in War; yet neither (it seems) thought fit to be Rulers of so large an Empire, who took more pleasure in the slaughter and banishment of their fellow-Citizens, than in their security, unity and welfare at home.

Marius soon after submitted himself to the forces of Sylla, and Fate, leaving the world in as great obscurity as he came into it; for although afterwards Sylla by decree of Senate was made perpetual Dictator, yet of his own accord, mildly and weakly resigned it, which was the occasion of Caesar's expression, Sylla dicta∣re nesciit— That Sylla did not understand, what it was to be a Dicta∣tor.

The two next that appeared on the Stage, were the two greatest Captains in the world, i. e. POMPEY and CAESAR, who, as they had formerly been of the above∣said Factions, so they now began to take up the same Pretences. The ground of their Quarrel (as is reported) was, that POMPEY would endure no equal, nor CAESAR allow of any superiour: (i. e.) The one would brook no Co∣partner in the Government, the other none to leap into the Saddle before him∣self.

Pompey, was the Favourite of the Nobility, Caesar the peoples Darling, the one valued himself by the number of his Conquests, the other by the difficulties of his Victories. In fine, they were Men whom Courage never failed, or Fortune frown'd on or deserted; They began now to be jealous of one anothers Actions, endeavouring the suppression of the contrary Faction, as an increase and accomplishment of their happiness.

Pompey, and his Faction, made it their business (whilest Caesar was employed in the conquest of Transalpine, Gaul, and Britain) to cross all his designs and projects at Rome, reflecting on the Counsel given by his Kinsman Sulla. He began now vi∣gorously to oppose and obviate the daily increasing Greatness of Caesar, who proved too great a Politician, and of too resolute a nature to let pass Opportunities, which of themselves were apt enough to slip away; therefore marching with his Army into Italy, he resolved to set his own Forces against Pompey's Power, where, by his old Success and good Conduct, confirming his Reputation, Pompey was forced to leave Italy, and pass over with his Army into Greece.

Caesar, after he had setled his Affairs in Italy, soon after followed him, thinking that the shortness of time he allowed him to reinforce his Army would be the surest way of facilitating his Conquest; But had Pompey continued his first Resolution of playing the Fabius Cunctator, and forbore longer engaging with him, Caesars good Fortune could scarce have preserved him and his Army from an absolute Over∣throw.

But Pompey being perswaded more by the importunities and rash Counsels of some of his Followers, than by his own Judgment, to a resolution of fighting, not at all becoming the Age and Wisdom of so great a Captain, was totally routed at the Battle of Pharsalia in Thessaly, from thence Pompey escaped into AEgypt, to his old Friend Ptolomy, who instead of repairing his Fortune (for some private Reasons of State) struck off his Head, preferring the favour of the Conquerour before either Generosity or Friendship.

Caesar, as a reward of his Valour, seized on the Empire, being made by Decree of Senate, perpetual Dictator, yet at last he was paid home for his bold Attempt, receiving in the Senate-house no less than twenty three wounds, as a reward of his five years Usurpation. For it seems, the Romans had enjoyed their Liberty over long, and lost it too late to forget it so soon.

'Tis to be admired that Great Men, although they are sometimes fore-told of their destruction, by previous signs, yet think it a great weakness to credit it, and a signal injury to be put in mind of their own Mortality.

Alexander was forbidden entring Babylon, and Caesar fore-warned of coming to the Senate, yet the Admonishers, by both, thought frivolous and vain; for having been so long above Fortune, in the frequent successes in their Wars, they verily thought themselves beyond the reach and malice of Fate. But Fortune who had been his good Friend in his life time, made him sufficient amends for the unkindness she had shewn him at his death;

First, By fixing the Empire afterwards in his Family.

Secondly, Leaving his Name to his Successours, as the greatest title of Honour Majesty it self was capable of.

Thirdly and lastly, By the appearance of a Star after his death, which the Com∣mon people thought to be his Soul, placed there by the especial favour of the Gods, to upbraid the Senate of Ingratitude, and Inhumane actions.

After the death of Julius, young Octavius, whom Caesar made his Heir, came to Rome, to demand of Antony his Inheritance left him by his Father Julius, but find∣ing by Antonies Delaies that there was little good to be done, he told the People, He intended it not for himself, but as a Donative to be distributed amongst Them, which procured Him the Love, and Antony the Curses and Hatred of the People.

Antony, after the defeat given him by Hirtius and Pausa, repaired to Lepidus, perswading the good natur'd General to march with his Army into Italy, proposing to him the Empire as the ends of his labour, but Octavius understanding their in∣tentions, thought it his best way to bring himself into the League also, meaning, under this pretended Friendship, only to stay till time should present him with a

fitter opportunity of ruining both, which very soon happened, for Antony, after he had overthrown Brutus and Cassius, makes over with what haste he could into AEgypt, to assure his dearest Cleopatra of the truth and constancy of both his Love and good Fortunes; Octavius soon catcht hold of the opportunity this their separa∣tion offered him, for having lately found by experience what advantages Antony had over him by joyning with Lepidus, was resolved for the future to allow them no such odds over him, wherefore for some private Reasons, best known to himself, suddenly seizes Lepidus in his Camp, deposes him from a share in the Government, and confines him to Rome as a single Person.

Once again the Empire was laid at stake, but Antony proved the unfortunate Gam∣ster, for consulting more his Love (than his Reason) Cleopatra, than his old Captains, determined to venture All in a Sea-battle, wherein he was overthrown by the good Fortune and Conduct of Octavius.

Thus being acquitted of all Competitors, he enters Rome in a Triumphant man∣ner, where, by his Vigilancy, Wisdom and Gentleness, he firmly established (though against the grain and humour of the Roman People) the greatest Empire that ever was.

Of their Religion, some of their GODS, and manner of Worship

WHAT GODS were worshipped in Rome, or what publick forms of Adoration were used there before the death of Romulus, few or no Authors have delivered unto us, most referring the esta∣blishment of Religion, and its Ceremonies, to Numa Pompilius, who is called by Arnobius, In Religionibus comminiscendis Artifex, ingenious in coyning or devising Religions.

But suppose we should grant, that the Romans, as a Savage multitude of Thieves and Out-Laws, had but few or no notions of a Deity before the death of Romulus, yet that then Religion took root amongst them, which was something before NU∣MA's coming to the Crown, may be gathered from the words of Plutarch in Re∣mulo, to this purpose:

When the People began to Mutiny, and cry out that the Fathers had murthered * 1.7 Romulus, and seemed resolved to take Revenge upon them for so Inhumane an action, Julius Proculus, a man eminent amongst the Fathers, Kinsman, and of unsuspected Loy∣alty to Romulus, coming out into the Market-place, the Multitude there present, swore solemnly, That in his Journey he met Romulus, whose Countenance seemed more divine and glorious than ever, and his Armour more glittering than formerly; Whereupon he began thus to Reason the case with him. What Injury, O King! or what was it in your mind, that first moved you to expose us to the sury, clamour, and ac∣cusations of our Adversaries, and leave your poor Orphans City in a General mourning and confusion; To which the King answered, O Proculus! 'Tis the pleasure of the GODS that I am sent from Heaven (understanding the prosperous Fate of my City) and their will that I return thither again, therefore be of good chear and comfort, and charge the Romans that they worship Valour and Prudence, and by so doing they shall propagate their Dominion, and become a potent People, and I, QUIRINUS, will be their Indulgent and propitious God; Moved by these words, and the Authority of the person, the People were suddenly appeased, and from that time forward called upon ROMULUS as their God, in which words are comprehended the very defini∣tion and nature of Religion it self, viz.

• First, The Duty of the People.
• Secondly, The benefit resulting from it.
• Thirdly, The promise of being their God.
• Fourthly, The general belief of the People, with their Obedience to the Civil Magistrate immediately ensuing the same.

Thus at first was the foundation of Politick Theolopy laid at Rome, on which NUMA (who succeeded next in the Government) built so large and happy a superstructure; For he, more out of a deep reflection on the death of Romulus, than any inbred or natural inclination to Peace or Religion, made it his business to instruct the People rather in Sacred Matters, than encourage them to enlarge their Territories, by Warring on their Neighbours, for having arrived to the same height of Glory, was exposed to the like Envy, and consequently to the same Fate also, unless he could lay greater Ties and Obligations on the Consciences of his boiste∣rous Subjects than his Royal Prerogative; For finding, by late experience, that no Earthly power was so sacred or secure, but Ambition (when opportunity presented) would strike at, nor any Government permanent or successful without some establisht Religion, which makes deeper impressions in mens minds than the Civil Power can, by proposing, after death, such large Rewards, and such severe Punishments, he made it his business to alienate their minds from their Wars, and accustome them (a thing easily done, considering it was new and strange unto them) to Religious exercise, giving out withal to the People (understanding the easiness of their Nature by the reception of Proculus his story) That the Laws which he delivered them, were made by the Nymph AEgeria, moreover telling them, That all success imaginable should attend them, if they religiously observed those Institutions, and, Losses, and strange Calamities, ensue upon violation and neglect of the same.

† 1.8 Plato, it seems, approves of such pretentions as mighty necessary for all Legisla∣tors, and therefore laies it down as a Rule, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 That all Laws (about Divine Matters) must be setcht from the Delphick Oracle, which Opinion being throughly confirmed in them, by the continual success they had in the Wars under their succeeding Kings, they grew at last not only Religious, but extreamly Superstitious, which may be seen from the tedious Catalogue of the Gods they worshipped, exceeding (as Varro reporteth) in number thirty thou∣sand. * 1.9

With what zeal did they Deifie the extravagant Passions and phrenzies of their own minds, with what care did they make Gods of Diseases and Corruptions, and how diligently did they feign (out of their own brains) particular Gods to pre∣side over particular Matters. When they sate down before a City with their Army, they first, by Enchantments and Spells, conjured the Gods of the place to desert their Enemies, and the Roman Priest (in the face of the whole Army) invited them to Rome, promising them better accommodations, and statelier Temples than their Native Countries could afford them; And lest other Nations should serve them the same trick, they constantly concealed the true name of their City, that the name of their Tutelar Gods might not be discovered.

The Athenians had Altars erected to the Unknown Gods, lest by leaving any out of the Catalogue they might incur their displeasure. The Athenians (but especi∣ally the Romans) had such an opinion of the certainty and infallibility of Sooth∣saying, that the last are said scarce ever to have undertaken any Action of importance, either within their City or without, before they had first consulted their Augures, and if at any time they had been beaten by their Enemies, they commonly attributed their Mischance to the omission of some Rite or Ceremony or other, when the defeat plainly proceeded from the ill management of their Affairs by their Commanders.

Of SOOTH-SAYING there are fonr kinds.

FIrst, AUSPICIUM, in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is a way of Sooth-saying or divining by Birds, when such or such Birds flie before or behind, on the right or the left, to shew what it doth prognosticate, sometimes from the number of them, whence Romulus had promised to him the Empire be∣fore his Brother, because he had seen a double number of Vultures, and lastly from the nature of them.

Secondly, ARUSPICIUM (under which is comprehended what by the Greeks is termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was an observing, whether the Beast to be sa∣crificed came to the Altar willingly, or no, or whether he died without strugling or bellowing; In the next place they made an * 1.10 inspection into his Bowels, to see whether they were of a natural Colour, whether they were corrrpted or exulcera∣ted, whether any parts were wanting, this is that part of it which is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by the Latins Extispicium.

The next thing presented to their consideration at these Sacrifices was the Flame, observing whether it presently consumed the Sacrifice, whether it were of a pure bright and lively colour, whether thick or smoaky, whether it burnt without crack∣ling, noise, or ejaculation of its sparkles; This the Greeks call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the signs by which they foretold events are termed by AEschylus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Latins learnt this Art from the Hetrurians, and they were instructed in it by one Tages, who ap∣pearing * 1.11 to certain Plough-men out of a furrow, gave them many good and wholsome instructions concerning this kind of Sooth-saying.

Thirdly, TRIPUDIUM, was a conjecture of Future success by the dancing or rebounding of Crums cast unto Chickens, which was performed after this man∣ner; Silence being commanded, and to the Coop, where the Fowls were opened, they cast down crumbs of Bread, if the Chicken came slowly, or not at all, or walked up and down carelessly without minding the Bread, then should the business fall out unsuccessful, but if they hastily leapt out of the Coop, and fed greedily, as if some crumbs should fall out of their mouths again, it betokened happiness and good success.

Fourthly, AUGURIUM, was a fore-telling things from the chattering of Birds, or from any sudden or surprizing sounds or voices, of which we can give no cause or reason.

After the destruction and sacking of Rome by the Ganls, it was disputed by the Fathers, whether they should remove to Veii, then a noise of a Centurion being heard, told them, 'Twas best tarrying where they were, that immediately they gave over all thoughts of a Removal. And the death of CAESAR was divined from the clattering of Armour in his house.

The Athenians and Romans very much agreed in superstitiously observing good daies and bad, making several conjectures from the Weather, from the crossing of the way by a Hare, or Cat, from a Hens crowing, from the entring of a black Dog into their Houses, &c.

That which was first adored in the World instead of its Creatour, is supposed, by some, to be the Sun, which was occasioned by some broken Traditions, conveyed by the Patriarchs to their Children, touching the dominion of the Sun by day, and by the constant wondring of the Heathens themselves, at the glorious constitution and admirable course of that Coelestial body, with the infinite advantages it daily bestowed on Mankind; Upon the same account, soon after', came the Moon to be worshipped, the chief place from whence this poyson dispersed it self over the East, is thought, by Meade, to have been Babylon, from Revelations 17. 15. where * 1.12 Babylon is called the Mother-Harlot, that is (saith he) the First parent of Idols, for as Babel was the first seat of Temporal Monarchy, so is it of Idolatry, which is more probable than the Opinion of Diodorus Siculus, which makes the AEgyptians the first Inventers of this Superstitious worship.

This kind of Idolatry was very early brought into Greece, if we will give any credit to Plaeto, who in his Cratylus speaks thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 * 1.13 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It seems to me, that the Ancient Inhabitants of Greece had the same Gods the Barbari∣ans have now, viz. the Sun and Moon; And Plutarch affirms, in the Life of Pericles, That they worshipt the Sun, punishing the neglect thereof with death, and that this kind * 1.14 of Sun-worship was known to the Romans also in its very Infancy, may be proved from the Testimonies of Ter. Varro, and Dio Halicarnassaeus, who affirm, That Tatins, King of the Sabines, was the first at Rome that consecrated Houses to the Honour of the Sun and Moon.

Now this, as it was the most ancient Theology of the Heathens, so was it in it self more reasonable and natural than that which was taught the People by the Poets, called Poetick, or fabulous Theology; For they lighting on some imperfect Relations concerning the Creation, and some broken Traditions touching GOD, and the Wonders he wrought in the behalf of his People, have so strangly inveloped the Truth, by delivering it in a dark and mystical sense, and by mixing it with divers trumperies and figments of their own brains, that the lustre of Moses's Writings could scarce be discovered; For they made their Verses and Songs, more to please and wheedle the weak Multitude into an opinion of their Wisdom, and veneration of their Persons, than (by any solid reason) to satisfie the minds of their Auditors con∣cerning those new-fangled Deities.

What an infinite number of Gods, and strange Legends concerning them, did they invent and hammer out from the Attributes and Miracles of the Great and True GOD, and from the confused stories of Adam, Cain, Noah, and his Sons, Joseph, and others, &c. so that at last they were forced, for distinctions sake, to divide them into De∣grees and Orders, namely, Dii Consentes seu Majorum Gentium, Selecti, Patricii, In∣signiores, Dii Medii, Dii Infimi; At last, not only every Nation, but every City, nay private Families had their peculiar Tutelar Gods, and every Wood and Fountain had certain Nymphs assigned unto it.

The truth of which may plainly be seen from the Oath and Covenants between Hannibal, General of the Carthaginians, and Xenophanes, Embassadour of Philip King of Macedon.

This the League ratified by Oath with Hannibal the General, and with him Mago Myrcal and Barmocal, as also the Senatours of Carthage that are present, and all the Carthaginians that are in his Army, have made with Xenophanes Son of Cleomachus the Athenian, whom King Philip, Son of Demetrius, hath sent unto us for himself, and the Macedonians, and his Associates, before Jupiter, Juno, and Apollo, before the God of the Carthaginians, Hercules, and Tolaus, before Mars, Triton, Neptune, before the Gods accompanying Arms, the Sun, the Moon, and the Earth, before Rivers, Meadows, and Waters, before all the Gods that have power over Carthage, before all the Gods that Rule over Macedon, and the rest of Greece, before all the Gods that are Presidents of War, and present at making this League.

Out of this vast multitude, the Athenians had twelve Gods, for whom they had a more particular honour and veneration. For this reason was erected in Athens, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and in their Common discourse they were wont to swear, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, these, Herodotus saith, they received from the AEgyptians, Duodecim Deorum nomina, primos AEgyptios in usu habuisse, atque Graecos ab illis caepisse mutuatos, eosque priùs Aras, & Imagines, & Templa Diis sibi erexisse; The AEgyptians first in∣vented the Names of the twelve Gods, which the Greeks borrowed or received from them, for they first erected to themselves Altars, Images, and Temples for their Gods; For the Graecians worshipped their Gods a long time without any distinct Names or Titles, only under the common name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as the same Author assures us.

As the Graecians had twelve 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or principal Gods, so the Ro∣mans had twelve Dii Consentes, who were supposed to be of Jupiter's Privy-Councel, and as the Greek Gods had their Pictures drawn out in a Gallery in Cerami∣cus, so these had erected in the Market place twelve guilt Images, their Names are comprehended in this distick of Ennius:

Juno, Vesta, Minerva, Ceres, Diana, Venus, Mars, Mercurius, Jovis, Neptunus, Vulcanus, Apollo.

But for the conveniency of a speedier dispatch of this matter, we will treat only of two of these, as also of Pan and Janus, who more particularly belonged to the Romans, and may serve to type out the nature and manner of the rest, and first of

JANUS.

WHo this JANUS was, Authors extreainly disagree among themselves, some * 1.15 affirming him to be the Sun, others the World, the Year, Noah, Japhet, and o∣thers, Javan; That the Ancients, by Janus, designed the last of these is probable, first from the nearness of their Names, secondly from the Fable of Janus it self; JA∣NUS is made to be the first King of Italy, and JAVAN supposed to be the first person that brought Colonies into Italy.

The Image of JANUS had two Faces looking East and West, as Greece and Italy lay, and was stamped on Coyns with a Ship on the reverse, all which may be re∣ferred to Javan Father of the Greeks and Latins, who sayling over the Ionian Sea, that lies between AEtolia, and the Western parts of Greece and Italy, planted Colonies in both; Others make him the same with Noah, drawing their Argument from the similitude of his Name with the Hebrew 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Jain, Wine, whereof Noah was the first Inventer, but although 'tis uncertain who, really, he was, yet without que∣stion, he was honoured by the Age he lived in as a great Benefactour to Mankind, and afterwards, for the usefulness of his Inventions, was lookt upon, by fond Posterity, as a God.

He is said first of all to have taught the Italians, That Bread and Wine was fitter for Religious Asses, than eating and drinking; He also introduced Altars among them, and taught several Rites and Ceremonies used in Sacrifices. Upon this ac∣count, at all their Oblations, their first Applications and Invocations were made to JANUS by way of Introduction and Preface, the Wine and Bread being offered up to him, as the First-fruits due to him; He found out Shipping, the Invention of Coyning, Keys and Locks for the security of Houses.

He was called more particularly Father, though that appellation grew afterwards common to most of the Gods, his Effigies in the Capitol of Rome was very much admired, for the artificial placing of the Fingers. His Right-hand represented three hundred daies, and his Lest sixty five, which makes up the daies of the year, signi∣fying thereby that he was God of Time.

He had at Rome three Temples sacred unto him, but I shall only speak of that which was built by Romulus, upon the Peace made between him and Tatius, in which was the Image of Janus looking two waies, an Emblem of the Romans and Sabines, who upon this Peace became one People.

This is that Temple (so much talkt of in Authors) that was alwaies shut in the time of Peace, and open in times of War, from whence Janus is called, Patulcius and Clusius.

This Temple, from the time of Numa to Augustus, was never shut but thrice, first by Numa, secondly, after the first Punick War, by T. Manlius Torquatus, and lastly by Augustus, after the Battle of Actium.

JUPITER.

JUPITER was the Son of Saturn and Rhea, or Ops, but how he came after∣wards to be Deified, we must learn from Diodorus Siculus. * 1.16

Some are of Opinion (saies he) that after Saturn took his place among the Gods, that Jupiter, justly and lawfully (and not by force) succeeded in the Kingdom, although o∣thers say, Saturn being foretold by an Oracle, at the Birth of his Son, that he should be expelled the Kingdom by Jupiter, was moved by Interest of State, for his own security, to destroy all his Sons, hoping by that means to prevent and nip Rebellion in the bud; But Ops resenting this his Inhumanity, and seeing no hopes of appeasing her incensed Husband, privately sent him to be brought up by the Curetes that lived about Mount Ida, these recommended the bringing up of the Infant to the care of certain Nymphs that inhabited a Den thereabouts, who fed him with Goats-milk and Hony. After he came to mans estate he built a City on Ida, the relicks of whose Ruines remain to this day.

This God exceeded all men in Valour, and all other Vertues whatever; for pos∣sessing himself of the Kingdom after Saturn, he contributed very much to the ease and comfort of Mans life.

He first taught that Justice was to be observed, and Force and Injury to be avoided, all Strife and Controversies he determined by the acuteness of his Judgment, making the peace and Happiness of Mankind his great business. The Good, by perswasions, he invited to proceed in Vertue, and the Insolencies of the Wicked he restrained by fear of punishment.

He Travelled through most parts of the World, publickly denouncing War against all Robbers and Irreligious Persons, commending and introducing Equity and Laws; About the same time is reported his Victory over the Giants, who depending upon their strength, unjustly opprest and brought into slavery the rest of their Neigh∣bours; In few words, for all these benefits he was accounted a God, and sett Sacri∣fices appointed for him, but as he grew up to this height of Glory, so we have good reason to believe (if good Authors, but especially the Poets, have not belyed him) that he soon fell from his wonted Vertue; nay, by their relations, he was so far from a Divinity, that he is made altogether a Monster in humanity. What Woman, but of ordinary Beauty, near him, could escape the fury and violence of this lecherous, hot-backt Deity. The Oblations he most delighted in were Maiden-heads of his own sacrificing, wherefore he translated more Whores to Heaven, for their kindness and Beauty, than Religious Persons for their Piety and Vertue, many of the Stars being supposed to have been either his Concubines or Bastards, and that he might be wicked and debauched enough for a Heathen-God, he is reported to have married his own Sister, and to have offended in the sin of Sodom with his little Ganimedes, but perhaps many of those stories were put upon him by some Heathens, who thought the Essence of a Deity consisted rather in the largeness of its Power, than in the uni∣versality of its Goodness.

He was painted (according to Albricus) sitting in his Majesty in an Ivory Throne, having in his Left hand a Royal Scepter, with the other casting Thunder∣bolts to Hell, and trampling under his feet the Giants overthrown with the same, near him was an Eagle, which flying between his legs, carried away by force a beau∣tiful Boy named Ganimedes, having in his hand a Bolt, or Beaker-Cup, ready as it were to present it to Jupiter.

CERES.

CERES was the Daughter of Saturn and Ops, and had in great estimation both * 1.17 by the Greeks and Latins, She was respected as the Goddess of Husbandry, and supposed to have been the first that taught Men the Art of Sowing, She is also reported to have given out good Laws, to make the life of Man more easie and plea∣sant.

The Ceremonies and Sacrifices which were performed to her, were brought (into Rome) out of Greece, by Evander.

She was painted in a Matrons habit, adorned with a Garland of Corn, sometimes sad with a Torch in her hand, as if she were seeking out her Daughter Proserpina, ravisht by Pluto the God of Hell, at other times with an handful of Corn and Pop∣pey, as may be seen in Ancient Coyns.

PAN.

PAN was the Son of Mercury, and superintendent both of Sheep and She∣pheards, * 1.18 He was an ancient Deity of the Arcadians, and translated by them from Arcadia into Italy, where, according to the command of Themis they built him a Temple in the place where Romulus was nursed by a Wolf, called by the Romans Lupercal, afterwards was much respected at Rome, several Games and Sacrifices be∣ing set up and instituted in his Honour. The Ceremonies used were these;

Two Goats being sacrificed, two Noble mens Sons stood by, whose foreheads some stained with their bloody Knives, and others presently dried it up with Wool dipped in Milk, it being necessary for the young Men to turn round about, and whilest their foreheads were drying to laugh. After this the Goat skins being cut into Thongs, they run about almost naked, having only their private parts covered, striking with those Thongs whomsoever they met; neither would the younger sort of Women endea∣vour the avoiding those stroaks, because they thought they very much furthered Con∣ception, and facilitated their Delivery.

At the same time was sacrificed a Dog, as an irreconcilable enemy to a Wolf.

He was pictured Naked, having Horns in likeness to the Sun-beams, a long Beard, his Face red, his Breast shining with Stars, the nether part of his Body rough, his Feet like a Goat, having in one hand a Pipe, in the other a Shepheards-Crook, and was al∣waies imagined to laugh.

But we should very much injure the wisdom of the Ancients, if we should suppose that the Learneder sort also believed in such sensless Deities, and ridiculous stories concerning them, or that they could really entertain any good opinion of such odd and antick forms of Worships as were used at their Sacrifices. Many of their Wri∣tings assure us sufficiently to the contrary, and many of the Philosophers understood GOD to be, the first, Eternal, Infinite, and most Unchangable Being.

Plato, in his Metaphysicks, stoutly asserted the Unity, Simplicity, and Immutability of GOD, he also demonstrated his All-sufficiency, Incomprehensibility, and Omni∣presence also.

Socrates asserted the spiritual, infinite and eternal Nature of God, and his unity, which was the great Reason, why he suffered death, and dyed a Martyr for the true God; He affirmed likewise, that vertue was the effect of neither Naturenor Art, but the product of Divine Inspiration.

Antisthenes, Socrates his Schollar taught, That Vertue was the chiefest Good, and that God cannot be resembled to any thing upon Earth, and not elsewhere known, but only in that everlasting Country, of which we have no Idea or Image at all.

Plato terms his own divine Philosophy 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the knowledg of the first Being, and proves, that it is most conversant about God, thus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that which always is, is always most to be known.

St. Augustine says, that this Plato merifice iis delectatus est, quae de uno Dco tradita fuerant, that he was strangely taken with those things, which were delivered con∣cerning one God, and although they were forced (sometimes to please the Civil Ma∣gistrate) to intermix their own Grecian Trumperies and Fooleries with serious truths, and for fear (of the superstitious humour of the rabble) to deliver many of their notions concerning God under those common and more conceived Appellati∣ons of Jupiter, and Apollo, yet the Sentiments and Apprehensions, they really had of the Deity, were far more noble and refined than those of the Vulgar, though they were many times shrouded in cryptick and aenigmatical Ex∣pressions.

Justin Martyr bouldly affirms, that Plato never spoke any thing of Moses for * 1.19 fear of the times, his words are these; Plato Mosis mentionem facere obid, quod u∣num solumque Deum docueraet, sibi apud Athenienses tutum non putavit, veritus Areo∣pagum. Plato for fear of the Judgment and inquisition of the Areopagites thought it not safe to make any mention of Moses to the Athenians in that he affirmed there is but one God.

And Pythagoras condemned Homer and Hesiod to Hell, to be there stung and bit∣ten by Serpents for delivering such impertinent, senceless and improper stuff con∣cerning the Gods, by which we may guess what opinion the wiser sort of Greeks en∣tertained of the Deity.

The Romans likewise at first had far modester conceptions, and more proportio∣nable to the nature of God than those in the time of Tarquinius Priscus, who was the first that introduced Images and Pictures of their Gods into their Temples, a thing absolutely forbidden the Romans by Numa, who taught them to believe, that God had neither form or likeness of Man or Beast; which was very consonant to the doctrine of the Pythagoreans, who taught the Gods were invisible, incorruptible, and only intelligible.

St. Augustine (out of Varro) affirms, that the Romans for above 170 years worshipped the Gods without Images, which custom (said Varro) if it had still continued, the Gods had been more purely worshipped.

The Persians could allow of no Temple, deeming it a piece of Impiety and Irreli∣gion, to pen up and circumscribe with walls the Majesty of their God, the Sun, who fill'd the World with its Glory; And Tully saith in his second Book De Legibus. Non esse parietibus includendos Deos quibus omnia deberent esse patentia, ac libera, * 1.20 quorumque hic mundus omnis Templum esset, ac Domus.

Numa (as it appeared afterwards) by his Books that were found at the digging up of his Grave, condemned the Superstition that he had establisht, as altogether vain and delusive. It seems that he (saith Sr. Walter Rawleigh) did intend to acquit him∣self to wiser Ages, which he thought would follow, as one that had not been so foolish as to believe the Doctrine wherein he instructed his own barbarons times; And now, we have good reason to believe, that he lookt upon what he laid down to the Romans concerning Religion, rather as a fit way of Policy whereby he might reduce a savage Multitude of Thieves and Outlaws to Civility, and direct them into a better course of life, than as the true and proper sentiments he had of the Deity.

Nevertheless the Proetor of the City (though Numa cried out of the Grave, and gave testimony against himself, that the Religion he had instructed them in was false and erronious) was so far satisfied in the truth and reasonableness of it, that though he strongly credited Numa in one point, yet strangly distributed him in the other, therefore with a great deal of zeal and vehemency of Spirit acquainting the Senate whither this Opinion tended; The Books immediately were commanded immedi∣ately to be burnt, as contrary to the Religion then in use among them. The truth is, they had good reason of State for it, having prospered better under this than any Nation did before or after them, for although their Religion in it self was but a meer Politick-cheat, yet the constant Belief, and strong Opinion they had of their readi∣ness of their Gods in assisting them (if their Sacrifices were rightly performed) was the chief thing that rendred them incapable of irresolution and despair.

This boy'd up their spirits in the unhappiest storms of ill accidents, and made the Roman Valour be so highly extoll'd and talkt of beyond that of any other Nati∣on, and had not too much prosperity (the effect of their valour which brings along with it a Triumvirate of pride, luxury, and licentiousness, satal and destructive to all kind of Government) infected the innocency and ingenuity of their natures, and un∣manned and dispirited their wonted Courage, had not Justice been banisht the Com∣monwealth, by which for so many years, it had been preserved, had not the Intro∣duction of so many Gods, which at last justled out of mens minds both Religion, and themselves (the Commonwealth not having Faith, either publick or private to suf∣fice so many) made the Commonalty head-strong and saucy, and the Governours more intent upon their own pleasure than the good of the Republique; this well and state∣ly erected Empire might not only endured far longer than it did, but might have been capable of greater enlargements and accessions also.

Their Order of Sacrificing was after this manner.

WHEN the Priest had brought the Sacrifice to the Altar, he standing laid his hands upon it and pray'd: In the beginning of his pray∣ers, he made his first addresses to Janus and Vesta, believing them to be the chiefest Deities at all Sacrifices, and that the first ap∣plications of their Vows ought to be made to them, if they in∣tended thereby to receive favourable Access to any of their other Gods: their Prayer being ended, the Priest laid the Corn, Meal and Salt, with some Frankinsence, on the head of the Sacrifice. This was called Immolation, then he poured upon it Wine, but before that was performed, he took a little earthen Chalice or Ewer, out of which he tasted of the Liquor, then giving it to the People that stood about him to do the like. This Ceremony was called Libation, this being effected, the Priest pluckt off the Hair that grew between the Horns of the Sacrifice, and committed it to the slames as his first Offering, then turning towards the East, he drew a crooked Knife along the Beasts back, from his forehead to his tayl, commanding his Attendants to cut the throat of the Sacrifice so presented and dedicated to the Gods, called by some Cultrarii, and Victimarii, by others, Popae, or Agones, some made haste to catch the Blood in Vessels, others, to skin the Beast and wash it, others, to kindle the fire, then the South-sayer or Priest, with an Iron-knife made diligent inquiry, by turning the Entrails, whether the Gods were pleased with the Sacrifice, not daring to touch them with his hands, fearing that if the Sacrifice was polluted, his hands would presently rot off.

After they had made a sufficient inspection, those Sub Officers cut from every bowel and part certain pieces, which they wrapped up in Meal, presenting them in Baskets to the Priest, who immediately laid them on the Altar, and burnt them, which they called litare, or reddere, that is, to please, or satisfie, by Sacrifice.

It was not lawful to light this fire with any of the Olive or Lawrel Tree, nor with the thick or gross Bark or rotten Root of an Oak, being things esteemed to carry mischief and ill Omens in them.

When that part of the Sacrifice which belonged to the Gods was consumed by the fire, then did the People return to their Feastings and Junkettings, singing, whilest they were at meat, songs in praise of their Gods, Revelling, and dancing to Cymbals about the Altars of their Gods, intending that every part of their bodies should be serviceable, in its kind, to their Religion, &c.

Of their Religious places for Worship.

THE chiefest of which they called a TEMPLE, which word, though it has other significations, shall be considered by us only as it imports a Church, or Building consecrated to the Honour of some God. And this differed from the AEdes sacra, or Religious house, not only as it was sacred to some God, but because it was consecrated by the Augures, for without their Consecration it had been no Temple, therefore it was, they were called Sancta & Augusta, i. e. Augurio consecrata; yet many Nations have thought it not fit to honour their Gods, but it was more to their glory to build them none.

The Sicyonians erected neither Temple nor Statue to their Goddess CORONIS, and the Athenians following their example, suffered no effigies or representation to be made of their Goddess Clementia.

Nulla autem Esfigies, nulli commissa metallo * 1.21 Forma Deae, mentes habitare ac pectora gaudet.

Neither had the Persians any Fanes or Temples, lest they should prophanely seem to limit and pen up the Majesty of the SUN within the narrow limits of a Temple, or, as Cicero speaks in his second Book De Legibus, Non esse parietibus includendos Deos, quibus omnia deberent esse patentia ac libera; quorumque hic mundus omnis * 1.22 Templum esset ac Domus (as I have shewn in another place) and this is consonant to the Doctrine of their Magi.

Neither were there among the Romans themselves, for the space of the first one hundred and seventy years, any Temples or Images of their Gods, if we may believe Varro, cited by St. Augustine, in his fourth Book De Civitate Dei, but the usual * 1.23 places of Devotion were, Groves, Woods, or Mountains, and the Rites or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of Bacchus are derived 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from the Mountains on which they were per∣formed.

But although these Temples were so sacred, yet, by the right of War, they were liable to the same Violence, and in the power of the Conquerour, though many persons out of respect and reverence to Religion have spared them, as Alexander at the taking of Thebes, and Agesilaus, when his Enemies secured themselves in the Tem∣ple of Minerva Itonia, he is said by Xenophon, in his fourth Book of the History of Greece, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Who, though he had many * 1.24 wounds then upon him, yet forgot not his respect to the Deity. But Tacitus saies, Romanorum primus Cneius Pompeins Judae domuit, templumque jure victoriae in∣gressus * 1.25 est, That Pompey was the first Roman that subdued the Jews, and entred their Temple, not as a Suppliant but Conquerour; Cum loca capta sunt ab hostibus omnia desi∣nunt religiosa, vel sacra esse.

To these Temples they had also adjoyning their Area's, which as one has learn∣edly observed, was, Spatium illud ante Deorum AEdes, quod in privatorum edificiit vestibulum vocatur, in Templis Area solet nuncupari. Now in this Area, or Vestibulum, was a Pentzo consisting of four * 1.26 Pillars, under which any body might walk that pleased, likewise they had certain Walks on each side of the body of the Church, which they called Porticus, and in these places it was lawful for them to Merchan∣dize, make Bargains, or confer about any Worldly business, as likewise in the Ba∣silica, or Body it self.

Their Chorus or Quire, was, an holy place set apart for their Divine Service, the other part was called Adytum, because it was only lawful for the Priests to come into it. An Old Grammarian saies, that Adytum est quod adiri non potest, expressing the meaning, though not the true derivation, which must be fetcht from the Greek.

Penetrale was also a part of the Temple, which Servius Manlius expounds, * 1.27 Secreta Templorum, here were the Bodies of Great Persons and Princes buried, here

were the preciousest things of the Temple hid, on purpose to deter Sacriledgers from stealing for fear of the present Deity; For here were placed the Images and Statues of their Gods, so that if that derivation be true, Sicut locum in quo figerent candelam, candelabrum, appellatum, ita in quo Deum ponerent, nominatum delubrum, then are Penetrale and Delubrum in this respect the same, as Adytum and Penetrale also, for Claudian likewise doth write,

— — Penetralibus amens Exilit & Adytis gavisa Cybelle prosilit,

Although this last, by some, is interpreted otherwise, and in this Delubrum which some interpret, a place, where before they Sacrificed they used to wash and cleanse themselves, they used to lay themselves down upon the skins of the Sacrifices to take a nap, expecting to have a full account in their Dreams, from their Deities, of what should happen hereafter.

This has been an Ancient way of Divining, and Pliny imputes it to Amphyction, * 1.28 the Son of Deucalion, Pausanias in his Atticks to Amphiarus, Philo, to Abraham, but most to Joseph, especially the Epitomator of Trogus Pompeius, who speaking how Joseph came to be sold, and of the excellency of his parts, adds, Et somniorum pri∣mus intelligentiam condidit.

The causes of these Dreams are excellently described by Petronius in his Fragments, or some body else for him,

—nam cum prostrata sopore Urget membra quies, & mens sine pondere ludit, Quicquid luce facit tenebris agit, &c.

And so goes on, imputing the cause of Dreams to the nature of every mans busi∣ness, yet 'tis made more plain and satisfactory by Mr. Hobbs in his Leviathan. * 1.29

As Hope and Fear made many of the Roman Gods, so likewise they caused the erecting many of their Temples for divers of them, either desiring their Hopes might succeed, or their Fears cleared, promised their Gods, if it happened as they wisht, a Temple, on the same account was it that their Temples were so well stored with all kinds of Riches and Ornaments, which they called Donaria, the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, so that these Donaries were Arguments and signs of past dan∣gers.

The Old Souldier dedicated his Arms for the Battles he had escaped, and the Ship∣wrack, a Picture, or wherein were painted his Rags he got to shoar with, others for thanks of Victory, as Livy relates, namely, Jovis Feretri, inquit, haec tibi victor Romulus, Rex regia arma fero, others, if they returned from a dangerous Expedi∣tion, * 1.30 as we may read in Ovids Epistles,

Et sua dat reduci vir meus arma Jovi. * 1.31

And Hector vows if he could but kill Ajax;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

And this Phrase, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is used when the War is done, and Peace con∣cluded.

They did not make choice of any place indifferently to build the Temples of their Gods, but some were within the City, some without, some upon the Moun∣tains, some in the Market-place, &c. Neither had they all the same form, some round, some square, some open a top.

The Temples of the Heavenly Gods were commonly something from ground, those of the Infernal were under ground, and these of the Terrestrial on the ground. Also according to the degrees of their Gods, they had three kinds of different Altars.

The first was Altare, which was proper to the Coelestial Gods, and called so, being built higher from the ground than the rest, or, from holding up their hands when they offered Sacrifice.

The next was Ara, not very high from the ground, and this was for the Terrestrial Gods, and Coelestial also, the Altare only to the Coelestial, and these were com∣monly placed near the Tombs and Sepulchres of the deceased:

—stant manibus Arae. * 1.32

When they acted their Comedies, they also erected two Ara's, that on the right hand being sacred to Apollo, that on the left to some Hero, or one God or other in whose honour the Play was celebrated; in a Tragedy, that on the right was consecrated to Bacchus; They used when they Sacrificed, or solemnly Swore to any thing, to hold by those Altars, whosoever also, on what account soever made his escape hither, could not without great impiety be drag'd thence, but if it was any great Villany, it was lawful to apply fire, and so to make him voluntarily to depart, or else by shut∣ting the Doors starve him to death, and this priviledge was allowed to the Statues of their Princes also.

Scrobiculus, was, a furrow or ditch containing an Altar sacred to the Infernal Gods, in which they poured the blood of the Beast, together with Milk, Hony, and Wine.

Of their Military Discipline.

THE Romans were ever backward (or else would fain seem so) in bringing an unjust War upon any of their Neighbours, many of their Writers affirming, all Wars whatsoever, if not justly and upon good grounds undertaken, to be unlawful; By Numa Pompilius therefore were certain Priests constituted, whom they called Feciales, whose duty it was, to put the Senate in mind (before they made War with any Confederate Nation) seriously to consider, Ambition and Interest being laid aside, whether the cause of their Quarrel was founded upon Justice and Reason; Neither would the Romans, although the Injuries they suffered were great, and the affronts insupporta∣ble, do, as the French lately in Flanders, appear in an hostile manner in the Enemies Country, before they had given out some Reason concerning the grounds and occa∣sion of the War, they esteeming it neither Honourable, nor Just, to bring a War with all its sad consequences on a sudden into an Enemies Country, before they had tried milder waies for obtaining satisfaction; Therefore upon any wrong done them, they sent their Feciales, or Spiritual Embassadours, to the Country of their Oppressours, who, when they arrived, invoked Jupiter, and all the Gods, to be witness of the Justice of their Cause, cursing both themselves and the People of Rome, if they came to desire any thing but their Right, Whomsoever they met in the Fields, or at the Gate of the City, they called them as witnesses of the justness of their Com∣plaints, then going to the Market-place, they declared to the Magistrates the Cause of their Embassie, demanding, in the name of the Senate and People, restitu∣tion for Wrongs and Injuries offered to the People of Rome, or else a delivery of the Persons that had been the cause of them, shewing the unwillingness of the Roman People, though for regaining their own, to enter into a War with any Nation, al∣lowing them thirty three daies to consider the Proposals, to which, if they received no satisfactory Answer, they returned to the Senate, telling how they had duly performed their office, and their Adversaries obstinately refuseing to deliver up their Right, then, if they pleased, they might lawfully engage themselves in a War against a People that were detested by Mankind for their Insolence, and odious for their Perjury to the Gods.

If the Senate consented to it, they returned with a Dart to the borders of their Enemies, where, in the presence of Three at the least, naming the name of the People

they were sent against, declared in what manner they had exasperated and offended the Romans, and therefore the Senate and People of Rome had commanded them to proclaim War against them, which here they did: having so said, they flung a Dart into their Territories, which was a sign that War was denounced. Peace alwaies was proclaimed by the usual form and Ceremony that followeth;

One of the Embassadours, commissionated by the Senate (both sides having con∣cluded on Peace) took up a Stone, using this form of words, If uprightly, and with∣out any Mental reservation and deceit I enter into this League, let all things prove prosperous and successful to me, but if I do, or think otherwise, I wish I may, where∣soever I am (all other being safe) fall down dead as this Stone falls out of my band, and thereupon he cast out of his hand the Stone. This manner of Swearing was termed Jurare Jovem lapidem.

War being proclaimed, they generally appointed a sett day, place, and time for a Muster, whither all the Romans (that were by reason of their Age fit to bear Arms) punctually repaired, all above seventeen, and under forty six, being liable to an Impress.

The General, the better to secure himself of the sidelity, Allegiance, and love of his Souldiers, obliged them singly to an Oath, whereby they solemnly swore, That in the greatest dangers they would never for sake their Captain, or in time of distress de∣sert their Country. They swore likewise, That they would readily obey and put in ex∣ecution the Command of their General, if the performance of it was not impossible. This Oath was termed Sacramentum Militare.

This publick Muster of the Roman Citizens was yearly appointed, and the Soul∣diers were elected by the Military Tribunes, under the Consuls.

If any Souldier for fear had withdrawn himself, and did not appear at the day ap∣pointed by the Consul, they either imprisoned him, or confiscated his Goods, or sold him for a Slave, intending to deprive him of the Name and priviledges of a Roman, for as he had not Courage, so was he not accounted worthy to be owned of the Ro∣man Blood.

If any sudden Uproar or Confusion happened in Italy or Gaul, the chief Leader of the Army went to the Capitol, bringing from thence two Banners, one Red, to which the Footmen repaired, the other Sea-colour, which the Horsemen followed; and that the remedy might be as sudden as the disease, the Expedition at the up∣rising, one of the eminentest Souldiers in a whole Legion, took the Oath as large, the rest crying out in order, one by one, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that he swore the same with the first; These were called Milites Subitarii, or per conjurationem, yet if the Tribune suspected the Fidelity of his Souldiers, he swore them severally, notwith∣standing the nearness of the danger and hazard was like to besal them.

Their Army consisted of Legionary Souldiers, and Auxiliaries. It was lawful for none to fight in these Legions unless they were Roman Citizens born, free by Father and Mother, and was inrolled in one of their five Classes. Slaves, Libertines, Old men, Boyes, and Stage-players, &c. were never suffered to fight, unless some urgent necessity required, as for want of number, and more speedy expedition.

At first they received no pay, but every one at his own Charges, moved thereunto by the love of his Country served the Common-wealth. Anno 347, at the sacking of Anxur, a Town of the Volsci, the Footmen entred into pay, and three years after the Horsemen, a Footmans pay being but three Asses, the least piece of Mony currant amongst them, an Horsemans pay was about seven pence, being to find themselves necessary Rayment and Provisions out of it; Julius Caesar raised it to six or seven of these Asses a day, Augustus (after the settlement of the Common-wealth) setled the Souldiers pay, allowing them ten Asses a day, so that this pay, Monthly, amounted to the value of a Roman Crown, which was the double value of the French Crown.

Thus was the Art Military, which at first was an honourable Calling, by the Am∣bition of some Princes, and the necessity of others, made a Mercenary trade, and way of livelyhood, and which afterwards proved one of the causes of the ruine of the Empire.

What number a Legion consisted of is uncertain, the difference arising from the diversity of times. At first it consisted of 3000 Foot, and 300 Horse, but after∣wards increased to four or five thousand, and Caius Marius made it up of his own

accord (without any Decree of Senate) to 6200 which number it seldom exceeded.

Now, as of what Number a Legion consisted was uncertain, so was the number of Legions afterwards themselves. At first they were but four, each Consul had two under his command, afterwards, according as the necessity and circumstance of time required, they came to be X, XIV, XIIX, XX, and in process of time more.

Every Legion had a peculiar Name by which it was distinguisht from the rest, which it commonly took either from the order of the Muster or Inrollment, as first, second, third, and ninth Legion, or from the place of the Warfare, as Macedonica, Bri∣tannica, or from their General, as Augusta, Vitelliana, or from some Accident, as Vi∣ctrix Fulminatrix.

A Legion consisted of ten Companies, or Cohorts, and every Cohort consisted of three small Companies or Maniples, viz. a Maniple of the Hastati, a Maniple of the Principes, and another of the Triarii. These three sorts of Souldiers were separated by distance of place from front to back, so was every Battle divided into his Ma∣niples, and these were divided by little allies and waies one from another, that the Hastati (who ever in front began the Battle) if they found themselves unable to su∣stain the shock of the Enemy, might retreat, and withdraw themselves through those Allies, into the distances which were between the Principes and Triarii, where they rested themselves, while the Principes charged the Enemy; But if the Officers thought it convenient, they clapt them both into one Body, and so charged the Ene∣my in gross, and in case this did not take effect to their minds, they retired again into the distances between the Triarii, and so they gave the last onset, all three Bo∣dies being united together. This way of fighting was commonly used by Caesar, who never was known to have used the former, but only in a case of great necessity in his Wars against the Britains.

These three several sorts of Souldiers, made three several sorts of Battles. The Hastati, who were alwaies placed in the Front, were called Acies prima, behind these in convenient distance stood the Principes, termed Acies secunda, and behind them in like manner the Triarii, and made Aciem tertiam. The Velites are omitted, as being no part of their standing Battles, and the other three sorts of Souldiers to be distinguisht from these, were termed Milites subsignani, for these Velites being not divided into Bands, had consequently no Ensigns of their own, but were distri∣buted amongst other Companies, so that every Maniple had forty Velites attending upon it.

When the Consuls had pitcht upon the number of Souldiers, they gave the Oath, the Tribunes pickt out the poorest and weakest sort, and called them Velites, who sustained the same place as our forlorn hope, but those that promised in the aspect better Valour, and besides Persons of more considerable Fortunes, were termed Hastati, the strongest and lustiest body'd Men, from the prime of their Age, were termed Principes, and the eldest and best experienced, Triarii.

As a Maniple contained two Centuries or Orders, so a Century consisted of an hundred Men, and was the least Company in a Legion, but when a Legion was ready to joyn Battle with the Enemy, the least Body it contained was a Maniple. The two Orders being joyned together, in every Order was a Centurion or Captain, and a Lieutenant also, whom they termed Optio, or Turgiductor. Those that had Command over a thousand Footmen, were called Tribuni militum, he that was Generalissimo, and had the Command of the whole Army, was called Imperator, and his Lord Lieu∣tenant, Legatus.

The chiefest Weapon used by them was the Pile, which is described thus by Poly∣bius; To be a casting-Dart, the staff whereof is almost three Cubits long, and had an hands breadth in thickness, the Staves were armed with an head of Iron, equal in length to the Staff it self, but in that sort half the head was fastned up to the middle of the Staff, with plates of Iron, like the head of an Halbert, and the other half stuck out of the end of the Staff like a Pike, containing about one fingers breadth in thickness, and so decreasing less and less unto the point which was bar∣bed. This Head was so slender, that the weight of the Staff would bend it as it stuck. Lipsius saith an hands breadth, for the Staff in thickness was too unweildy to be managed by any mans hand, therefore he interprets it to be four Inches in cir∣cuit, if the Staff were either round or square. But Patricius, in his Parallel, maketh

the Staff to have an hands breadth in the Butt end, but the rest of the Staff he maketh to decrease Taper-wise unto the head of the Iron, where it hath the thickness of a mans singer, and so it answereth both in form and weight to a Pestle, from whence it had its name (as Varro noteth) Quod hostes feriret ut Pilum.

The Legionary Souldiers had no other offensive Weapon than one or two Piles at most, and their Swords, by which it may be gathered, all their Victories came by buckling at hand-blows, for they came alwaies so near before they cast their Pile, that they left themselves no more time than might conveniently serve to draw their Swords. Neither would their Arms of defence, which were compleat, besides a large Target which they carried on their left Arm, suffer them to make any long pursuit, or continued chase, whensoever a light armed Enemy did make any speedy Retreat.

This Target (according to Polybius) contained two foot and a half in breadth, and four foot in length, of what form or fashion soever they were of.

There were two sort of Targets in use amongst the Legionaries, the one oval, the other of equal latitude, and resembled the fashion of a Gutter-tyle, and was called Scutum imbricatum. The substance of this Target was a double Board, one fastned upon another with Lint and Bulls-glew, and was covered with an Oxes-Hide, or o∣ther stiff Leather, the upper and lower part of it was bound about with a plate of Iron or Brass, which they called Umbo; Romulus brought them up first among the Romans, taking the use of them from the Sabines.

The Auxiliaries were such Forces as were sent to the Romans by the Praefects of the Neighbour and Confederate Countries, at the command of Consul or General. Their Horsemen were divided into Troops, called Turmae, containing thirty Horse∣men, every Turmae was again divided into three less Companies, called Decuriae, con∣taining ten Horsemen, whence their Captain was called Decurio; But those to whom the several wings of Horsemen were committed, were stiled Equitum praefecti.

The Roman Horsemen (saith Polybius) at the first carried but a weak, limber Pole or Staff, and a little round Buckler, but afterwards they used the furniture of the Graecians, which Josephus affirms to be a strong Launce or Staff, and three or four Darts in a Quiver with a Buckler, and a long Sword by the Right side. Upon any sudden Expedition, out of the whole Army were taken the choicest Young-men, both for strength and agility, to them were given little round Bucklers, and seven Darts apiece. These Souldiers practiced to ride behind the Horsemen, and speedily to alight from their backs at a Watch-word given, and so to charge the Enemy on foot. This custome was first used at the Siege of Capua, and first brought into practice by one Q. Navius a Centurion, and he was honourably rewarded for it by Q. Hulvius the Consul, and from hence (saith Livy) grew the institution of the Velites.

The Romans had four forms of the front of a Battle, the first was called Acies recta, when neither the Wings, nor the Battle advanced one before another, but were all carried in a right line, and made a strait Front.

The second form was called Obliqua, when one of the Wings was advanced nearer the Enemy than the rest, to begin the Battle, and this was commonly called (as Vege∣tius noteth) the Right wing, as having great advantage against the Left of the Enemy.

The third form was called Sinuata, when both the Wings were advanced for∣ward, and the Battle stood backwards off from the Enemy, after the fashion of a half Moon.

The last form was Gibbosa, or Gibbera acies, when the Battle is advanced, and the two Wings lagg behind.

Caesar's custome in Marching, was, to send his Cavalry and light armed Footmen before the body of his Army, both to discover and impeach the Enemy. For these Troops were nimble in motion, and fit for such services, but if the danger were greater in the Reer than Front, they marched in the tail of the Army, giving security where was most cause of fear; But if they were found unfit to make good that Ser∣vice in that place, as it often fell out in Africa against the Numidians, he then remo∣ved them as he found it most convenient, and brought his Legionary Souldiers (which were the strength of the War) to march at the back of the Army, to make good that which the Horsemen were not able to perform.

The manner of their Encamping.

THE Centurion that went before to choose a convenient place, and having found a fit scituation for their Camp, first assigned a station for the Generals pavilion, which was commonly in the most eminent place of the Camp, from whence he might easily overview all the other parts, or any Alarum or sign of Battle from thence might be discovered from all parts; This Pavilion was known by the name of Praetorium, the General of the Army being formerly called Praetor.

In this place they stuck up a white Flag, from which they measured every way an hundred foot. The Area or content thereof was almost an Acre, the form of the Praetorium was round and high, in this Praetorium was the Tribunal, or Chair of State, and the place of Divination, which they called Augurale, with other appendices of Majesty and Authority.

The Generals Tent being thus placed, they considered which side of the Pavilion lay most convenient for Water and Forrage, and on that side they lodged the Legions, they being divided one from another by a Street or Lane fifty foot in breadth, ac∣cording to the degree of Honour that every Legion had in the Army. So were they lodged in the Camp, either in the midst, which was accounted most honourable, or towards the sides, a place of meaner reputation.

Between the Tents of the first Maniples in every Legion, and the Praetorium, there went a Way of one hundred foot in breadth throughout the whole Camp, which was called Principia. In this place the Tribunes sate to hear matters of Justice, the Souldiers exercised themselves, and the Leaders and chief Commanders frequented it as a place of Publick meeting, on either side the Emperours Pavilion, in a direct line, to make eaven and streight the upper side of the Principia.

The Tribunes had their Tents, every Tribune confronting the head of his Legion. Above them, towards the head of the Camp, were the Legates and Treasures, the upper part of the Camp was strengthned with some select Cohorts and Troops of Horse, according to the number of Legions that were in the Army. Polybius de∣scribing the Camping used in his time, when they most commonly had but two Le∣gions in the Army, with as many Associates, placeth the Ablecti and Extraordinarii, which were select Bands and Companies, in the upper part of the Camp, and the Associates on the outside of the Legions.

The Ditch and Rampier that encompassed the whole Camp about, was two hun∣dred foot distant from any Tent, whereof Polybius giveth these Reasons;

First, That the Souldiers marching into the Camp in Battle array, might dissolve themselves into Maniples, Centuries, and Decuries, without tumult and confusion, and again, if occasion, were offered to sally out upon the Enemy, they might very conveniently (in that place) put themselves into Companies and Troops, and if they were assaulted by night, that the Darts and Fire-works (which the Enemy might cast) should do them no harm.

This Ditch and Rampier was made by the Legions, every Maniple having his part measured out, and every Centurion overseeing his Century; The approbation of the whole work belonged to the Tribunes, and their manner of Intrenching was thus.

The Souldiers being girt with their Swords and Daggers, digged the Ditch about their Camp, which was alwaies eight foot in breadth at the least, and as much in depth, casting the Earth thereof inwards. But if the Enemy were not far off, the Ditch was eleven, fifteen, or eighteen, in latitude and altitude, according to the discretion of the General, the Ditch being as broad at bottom as at top. The Ram∣pier from the brim of the Ditch was three foot high, and sometimes four, made after the manner of a Wall with green Turfs cut all to one measure, half a foot in thick∣ness, a foot in breadth, and a foot and a half in length, but if the place wherein they were encamped would afford no such Turf, then they strengthned the loose earth with Boughs and Faggots.

The Rampier they properly called Agger, the outside whereof that hung over the Ditch, they used to stick with thick and sharp Stakes, fastned deep in the Mound for their better security.

The Camp had four Gates, the first was called Porta praetoria, which was alwaies behind the Emperours Tent, and this Gate did usually look towards the East, or to the Enemy, or that way the Army was to march. The Gate opposite to this was cal∣led Porta decumana, a decimis Cohortibus, for the tenth or last Cohort in every Le∣gion was lodged to confront this Gate. By this Gate the Souldiers went out to fetch their Wood, Water and Forrage, and this way their Offenders were carried to Execution. The two other Gates were called Portae principales, for as much as they stood opposite to both ends of that so much respected place which they called Principia, on'y distinguisht by these Titles of, Laeva principalis & dextra, the lest, and right hand principal Gate.

All these Gates were shut with Doors, and in standing Camps, fortified with Tur∣rets, upon which were planted Engines of defence. Their Tents were made of Skins and Hides, held up with props, and fastned with Ropes, eleven Souldiers being contained in a Tent, which society was called Contubernium, the chiefest of whose company was named Caput Contubernii.

The Romans never suffered their Souldiers to lodge one night without the Camp, where they were enclosed with Ditch and Rampier, and for the greater security of every Member, every one, both Free and Servile, were sworn by the Tribunes, not only, not to take away any thing by stealth, but also if they found any thing, to bring it to the Tribunes.

The Romans divided the whole night into four Watches, every Watch containing three hours; The first began at six of the Clock at night, and ended at six in the Morning, and these Watches were distinguished by several notes, and sounds of Cor∣nets or Trumpets, that by distinction and diversity it might easily be known what Watch was sounded.

The Charge and Office of sounding Watches belonged to the chief Centurion of a Legion, whom they called primus Pilus, or primus Centurio, at whose Pavilion the Trumpeters attended, to be directed by his Hour-glass.

We must take notice, that the chief Ensigns (of the Romans) of every Legion, was an Eagle, which alwaies attended upon the principal or chief Centurion of the said Legion. The Ensign of a Maniple was either an Hand, Dragon, Wolf, or Sphinx, as it appeareth (beside the testimony of History) by the Column of Trajan at Rome, where in the Ensigns are sigured with such portraitures, so that these resembling the proportions of living Creatures, bad their fore-parts alwaies carried that way which the Legions were to march, or where they were to fight.

When the General had determined to sight, he hung upon the top of his Tent a scarlet Coat or Flag, that thereby the Souldiers might be warned to prepare for Batde.

The second warning was, the proclaiming Battle by sound of Trumpet, and this was a noise of many Trumpets at once, which they termed by the name of Classicum a Calando, which signisieth Calling.

The third was the encouraging of Souldiers with an Oration, and confirming their Valour by the strong motives of Reason.

The Roman way of Victualling was far more advantagious than ours, which was per∣formed by Sutlers, for 'tis impossible that they should follow an Army, upon Service in the Enemies Country, twenty or thirty daies together, with sufficient provision for such a multitude of Men, whereby a General is often forced to hazard the whole upon unequal terms, or to sound an unwilling Retreat; But the Roman Camp was either furnisht with Corn from the Provinces and next Confederate Nations, or when they were in an Enemies Country in the time of Harvest, by the Souldiers themselves, who reaped and gathered Corn, and delivered it threshed and cleansed to the Treasurer, that it might be kept till the day of payment, upon which was de∣livered out so much Corn to every Souldier, for a certain time (which the nature of our Victuals will not admit) by which measure they very well knew the next day of payment. Every Foot-man received after the rate of a bushel a Week, which was thought sufficient for him and his Man, for if they had paid them in Mony, it

might have been wasted in unnecessary expences. This Corn they ground with Hand. Mills, which they alwaies carried with them for that purpose, making it into hasty Cakes for themselves and their Servants; To sell or exchange this Corn for Bread was accounted a great Crime, insomuch that Salust reckons it up amongst other dis∣honours of the Discipline corrupted.

In their assaulting or taking Towns they used several defensive Engines, after they had encompast the Town with a broad and deep Ditch, they raised a Rampier or Mount called Agger, made of Earth and other substance, which by little and little was raised forward, until it approacht near the place against which it was built, that upon it they might erect Fortresses and Turrets, and so fight with advantage of height.

The sides of this Mount were of Timber, to keep in the loose matter, the fore∣parts which were towards the place of Service, were open, without any Timber∣work, for on that part they still raised it, and brought it nearer the Walls.

The Romans often raised these Mounts in the mouth of an Haven, to over-top the Town.

They used also moveable Turrets with wheels, driving them to the Walls of a Town, these were of two sorts, great and little, the lesser sort are described by Vi∣truvius to be sixty Cubits high, and the square side seventeen Cubits, the breadth at the top, was a fifth part of the breadth at the Base, and so they stood sure without danger of falling.

There were commonly ten stories in these little Turrets, and Windows in every story, in every one of these stories were Souldiers, Engines, Ladders, Casting-Bridges, by which they got upon the Walls, and so entred the Town. The fore∣part of these Turrets were covered with Iron and Welt-coverings, to save themselves from fire.

They had another Engine termed Vinea, which was a little House or Hovel, made of light Wood, that it might be removed with greater ease, the roof was supported by divers Pillats of a foot square, whereof the foremost was eight foot high, and the hindmost six, and between every one of these Pillars was sive soot in distance; It was alwaies made with a double Roof, the first or lower Roof was of thick Planks, the upper of Hurdles to break the force of any weight cast upon it, with∣out destroying the building; The sides were of Hurdles to defend the Souldiers, the upper Roof commonly covered with raw Hides to keep it from burning.

Many of these Hovels were joyned together in rank and order, when they went to undermine a Wall, the higher end was put next the Wall, that all the weights that were thrown upon it might tumble down without much damage to the Engine. It was driven (from place to place) upon four wheels as occasion required.

Another was the Testudo, of which I have treated and described in another place.

Their offensive Weapons were Balista, or the Sling, which is thus described by Marcellinus, translated by Godwyn; Between two Planks there is set a frame, and fast joyned a strong and big Iron, reaching out in length after the manner of a good great Rule; Out of the round body whereof, which is artificially wrought, there lieth forth farther out a four-square Beam, made hollow, with a direct passage in manner of a narrow Trough, tyed fast with many Cords, or Sinews twisted one within the other, and thereunto are joyned two wooden Screws, near unto one of which standeth the cunning Balister, or Engineer, and subtilly putteth into the hollow passage of the Beam a Wooden-shaft, with a big head glewed fast unto it, this done, on both sides, two lusty young men do bend the Engine, by turning about certain Wheels, when the top of the head is drawn to the uttermost end of the Cords, the shaft being carried forth by the Balista, by the inward force thereof, flyeth out of sight.

The Battering Ram was a great Tree or Beam like unto the Mast of a Ship, having a piece of Iron in manner of a Rams head fastned at the end thereof, with which they did demolish the Walls of a City, it was hung unto a Beam which lay cross over a couple of Pillars, and hanging thus equally ballanced, it was by force of Men pulled backward, and then recoyled upon the Walls.

Malleoli (saith the same Author) were certain Darts fashioned in this manner; There was an Arrow made of a Cane, betwixt the head and the neck whereof was fastned an Iron full of clifts, which Arrow, like unto a Womans distaff, was finely made hollow within the belly, yet open in many places; In the belly it received fire, with suel to feed on, and thus being gently discharged out of a weak Bow (for with an over strong shooting, the fire was extinguished) if it took fast hold on any place, it burned the same, and water being cast thereon the fire increased, neither was there any means to quench it, but by casting Dust upon it.

They had other Engines for under-mining the Walls of a City, but the Re∣lation being too tedious, we shall make no further mention of them at this time.

The Romans, after a Victory, are observed to have been less Cruel and Insolent than any other People whatsoever, yet they had punishments among them, but such as were suitable to the obstinacy and malice of the Enemy. Some they punished with death, some they exposed to sale in the Market place, some they enforced to pay them Tribute, others they banisht their own Country, giving those forsaken Ter∣ritories as a reward to their Old Souldiers, which place ever after was accounted a Roman Colony, to others, sometimes, they were content to allow them a peacable possession of their Country, upon condition they would tender due respect and allegiance to whatsoever Government the Senate should think fit to place over them, who was commonly called Proconsul, and his Power, in his own Province, was little less than absolute; For he did not only rule and dispose of all things as he thought best, and most advantagious to the safety of his Province, but also without leave from the Senate, or People, might undertake a War with any Neighbouring Nation.

The absolute disposition of the whole course of it, whether it were to Treat, Ca∣pitulate, Compound, or what else they thought convenient, for the advancement of the Common-wealth, did also wholly rest upon his direction.

Touching the security (which the Romans required) of the Loyalty of such People as they had conquered, their manner was to take Hostages, a sufficient num∣ber of Male-children of the chiefest Men of that Nation, whose lives depended upon their Parents fidelity, and ended with the first suspicion of Rebellion, which Custome, besides the present good, promised the like, or better Security, to the next Age, when as those Children, by Conversation and Acquaintance, should be so affected to the Roman Empire, that returning to their own Country, their Actions might tend to the advancement, rather than any way to the prejudice of the same.

And lest the love of Liberty and Freedom should prevail more with them, than that affectionate Nature had enjoyned to bear to their Children, they did what they could to take away the Instruments of Rebellion, by causing them to deliver up such Arms and Weapons as were there present, and so became suitable to that Petition of Peace which they had presented to them.

Of their Habits.

THE GOWN was the particular Habit of the Ancient Romans in time of Peace, they being as easily distinguished from all other Nations by that expression of Gens Togata, as they were by that of Populus Ro∣manus; This Gown, according to some, was open before, according to others, sowed down to the bottom, and close, it came down to the Ankles, and was made without Sleeves, so that it was to be taken up and cast behind their backs, before they could make use of their Arms. But this liberty of casting back their Gowns, for the use of their Arms, was not allowed the first year to those that wore the Toga Virilis, as favouring too much of sauciness and im∣modesty, according to that of Cicero, in Orat. Pro Calio nobis annus erat unus ad cohibendum brachium, Toga constitutus. The matter of which it was commonly made, was Wool, more for use than ornament, the wearing of Silks not being in use among the Romans till good Manners were out of fashion.

The just measure or quantity of Cloth a true Roman Gown took up, was six Ells, yet it was made sometimes larger or straighter, of courser Wool or finer, according to the estate of the Person that was to wear it.

That this Gown was to be girded or tuckt up, Sigonius affirms out of Ma∣crobius * 1.33 his second Book, and saies, that this Cincture or Girding was three∣fold.

The first was the loose kind of cincture, notwithstanding which the tayl or gard of the Gown swept the ground.

The close kind of girding, was, when the bosom of the Gown was so tucked up before that it could not reach the feet.

The last was called Cinctus Gabinus, which was a Warlike-girding, not so that the whole Gown should be tucked up about the middle, but that it being cast quite backwards, the Person should gird himself with one skirt thereof.

This manner of Girding the Consul used, when he was going to proclaim War, which Custome he received from a City of Campania, called Gabii, for the Citizens of this place being suddenly set upon by their Enemies, as they were at Sacrifice, girded one skirt of their Gowns about them, and so went to the Wars, where they obtained a memorable Victory, but Aldus Manutius stoutly opposes this Opinion, and proves it out of Suetonius, that they girded their Tunicks, not their Gowns, * 1.34 suspecting that place of Macrobius (which Sigonius quoted as advantagious to his own purpose) of errour and corruption, for Suetonius speaking of the same thing, saies, That Caesars Tunick, not his Gown, was loosly and effeminately gir∣ded.

There were several sorts of Gowns used by the Romans.

First, Toga praetexta, so called, because 'twas edged about with Purple, the Greeks termed it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; This Gown was worn at first only by the Roman Priests, and chief Magistrates, next it was allowed to Noble-men and their Chil∣dren, but afterwards it grew the habit of all the Roman Children, both Male and Female, in general.

The Boys used this Gown till they came to be seventeen years of Age, and Mai∣dens till they were married, so that this word Praetextati signified both young Chil∣dren, and Magistrates.

Secondly, Toga pura, so called from the whiteness of its Colour, in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because it was free from all admixtures of Purple. It was termed also Virilis, as being the general wear of all private Men, at the going out of the sixteenth year of their Age, and also of all new married Women.

It was called also Libera, because at that time they were free from the over∣seeings and chidings of their Tutors, and capable of all Freedom as other Citizens were.

And the day of laying down the Praetexta, and taking up this, was called in their Kalender, Liberia, at which time, they, or their Relations, put into the Treasury (which was in the Temple of Youth) a Roman Penny, whereby they knew the true number of those that came to Mans estate that year.

Thirdly, Toga Candida, which was worn by those that sued for publick Offices, called Candida, because, besides the natural Whiteness of its colour, it was arti∣ficially made more intensively white and conspicuous with Chalk, from hence those that stood for such Offices were termed, Candidati.

Fourthly, Toga pulla, this Gown (whilest the Common weal flourisht) was only used by Mourners, but under the Emperours, when the Toga alba, or Virilis, grew out of fashion, these black Gowns were the ordinary wear of the Common people.

Hence grew that distinction, unknown to former Ages, of Pullati, which signified the Commonalty, and Candidati, the better sort of Citizens, and not those (as for∣merly it signified) which sued for Magistracies. With such Gowns, in most parts of Italy, they wrapped up their dead, from whence Juvenal takes occasion to write thus,

Pars magna Italiae (si verum admittimus) in quá Nemo togam sumit nifi mortuus—. * 1.35 Such Gowns in Italy (if truth wee'l hear) The dead instead of Winding-sheets did wear.

The Sordida Toga, which was also the wear of the Poorer sort, was not of a Cole∣black colour, as Sigonius falsly imagined, but was a Gown which at first was White, but afterwards, by long usage and constant wearing, became durty and sullied, for the Richer and neater sort of People alwaies went abroad in White garments, and if by walking they had contracted any filth, there were Fullers at Rome on purpose, who would take out those spots with Sulphur and Chalk, and restore them to their pristine colour.

But on the daies of publick and private Rejoycing, they appeared in fresh Gowns more particularly, the Meaner sort also, who could not change so often, were wont, on daies of Publick Games (that they might seem finer, and gentiler than ordinary) to Chalk their Gowns all over, but the Nobility, who alwaies appeared in White, if they were supposed Guilty, during the time of their Arraignment, both they, and their Relations, wore this Toga Sordida, their Hair, and their Beards, long, neglecting on purpose all kind of Ornaments, that they might the easier incline the People to pity and favour.

Not only the Romans, but the Jewish Nobility also affected this colour of White, thereby distinguishing in like manner their People from their Noble-men, and those of the better Rank they termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Chorim, Albatos, Men in White, and on the contrary, the ordinary sort 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Chaschucim, Sordidatos, Men clad in foul Garments.

Toga Picta was an Hetrurian Garment, of a Purple colour, embroidered and richly wrought with Gold, worn generally by those that had the liberty of a Tri∣umph allowed them, therefore 'twas some times called Toga Triumphalis, brought to Rome by Tarquinius Priscus, after the conquest of Hetruria, sometimes Toga Palmata, from the Palm-branches which were wrought in it, betokening Vi∣ctory.

Toga Purpurea was not wrought or flowered, but plain, differing in that respect from the Toga picta, and from the Praetexta, in regard that was all white, except the Border or Edging, which was purple, this all purple, having no such gard or edging at all.

There were three sorts of Gowns termed Trabeae, the first consisted of Purple only, termed Trabea consecrata, sacred to the Gods, the second was of Purple woven upon White, called Trabea Regia, worn by their Kings, the third was Scarlet woven upon Purple, called Trabea Auguralis, which the Augures, or Sooth sayers only did wear.

After the deposing of their Kings, the Trabea Regia was worn by the Consuls also.

Under their Gown they wore a Garment streighter and shorter, called Tunica, at first 'twas made without Sleeves, afterwards with them, on those that had not the pri∣viledge of wearing the larger Studs, it was so girded, that the forepart came down something below the Knee, the hinder part to the middle of the Ham, it being pecu∣liar to the Women only to wear them lower, and to Centurions higher. It was ac∣counted unseemly and scandalous if they reached down to the Ankles, or if the Sleeves covered the hands.

This Garment, in continuance of time, grew the general wear of the Romans, and the Citizens were distinguisht by it.

The Senators Coats were embroidered with large studs of Purple, like broad Nail-heads, whence they were termed Lati-clavia, those on the Roman Knights were somewhat less, and these Coats were called Angusti clavia, the Tribunes of the Souldiers were distinguisht (from one another) in quality and worth, by the large∣ness and narrowness of these Studs in like manner, also the Commonalty wore them plain, and these were called Tunicaerectae.

Upon these Coats they commonly wore Campaigne Coats, or long Cloaks, to defend them from the Weather, called Lacernae, and Penulae, which covered their hands also, being buttoned or clasped under the Chin.

The Lacerna was in frequent use in the Camp among the Souldiers, so that as To∣gatus signified Citizen, so Lacernatus was used for a Souldier, but when the Civil Wars broke out, the Toga was laid aside, and these Penulae Lacernae, but especially the Tunicae, became all in fashion, so that this distinction grew useless and unnecessary in the conclusion.

The Lord Generals Coat was called Paludamentum, and the Souldiers usual Coat Sagum.

Of the Womens Garments.

THE Matrons and honester sort of Women, wore a long Robe or Vest∣ment called Stola, which came down to their heels, bordered about at the bottom, but the Roman Courtizans were known by their wear∣ing Gowns, a proper attire for those that were more in love with Mens Breeches than their own Petticoats.

They wore also a Pallium, or Mantle, which, on occasion, they put over their Stola's and Tunicks, something differing from those which were worn by Men and Boys.

They secured and defended their stomacks against Cold with a Capitium, or Stomacher, their Shoulders and Breasts they streightly bound with Swadling-bands, left the shoulders should grow too broad, or start out and prove unequal, or lest their Breasts should swell into too large a round: they had their Tire-women, and many of the waies of dressing their Heads, and setting off their Faces, as ours have now adaies.

This full account have I given you of the Romans, not only to shew you the manner of the People, but the nature of their Government, if not all, part of which, doubtless, they used, during so many hundred years time they had (by their Conquest) reduced this Island in subjection to their Empire and Govern∣ment.

The Old ROMANS (as I said before) were nothing but a Company of Thieves and Out-Laws, which Juvenal very plainly and ingeniously affirms in these fol∣lowing Verses, checking a Roman Citizen overvaluing himself upon the account of his Nobility.

Attamen ut longè repetas longéque revolvas, Majorum quisquis primus fuit ille tuorum, Aut Pastor fuit, aut illud, quid, dicere nolo. Boast not, proud Roman, thy Nobility, Should'st thou but search into thy Family, Who ever of it was the first and Chief, Was Shepheard, or (I'm loath to name't) a Thief.

They appeared to their Neighbours, but especially the Sabines, so contemptible, that they esteemed it a scandal to their Families to give them their Daughters in Marriage, and had not the Romans by a subtle Wile suddenly surprized them, they had been cut off for ever bearing the name of a People.

Afterwards they proved a very Just, Grave, and sober sort of Men, but above all things extreamly Ambitious, Semper appetentes gloriae praeter caeteras Nationes sunt Romani, saies Tully; The ROMANS were ever (beyond all Nations) desirous of Glory. * 1.36 And that they were Valiant and strangly Resolute in as great a measure, is evident from History, for in the lowest ebb of Fortune, and greatest distress of the Common-wealth, when no Human wisdom could perceive any way of escaping in∣fallible Ruine, then were they proudest, their Demands almost insolent, and their Hopes outwardly greatest.

What Answer did they send to Pyrrhus, a Captain (among Historians) of no mean Reputation, just before the Battle near the River Siris, under Laevenus their Consul, That they had neither chosen him their Judge, nor feared him their Enemy, and though he (after this Battle in which they were utterly defeated, and in all proba∣bility likely to be beaten again and again) by his Embassadour Cyneas, under∣hand sued, nay would have bribed them to appease, yet they sent word, that before

that could be done he must first depart out of Italy, neither in the height of Hanni∣bals good Fortune, did they ever wrong the Roman Courage with the least thought of Irresolution and Despair.

What happy Constellation was predominant at the founding of the City of Rome, I cannot certainly tell, but that it was led and directed by the especial care and providence of the Gods, whose favour it had merited, and to whom it was most dear above all other places, may be reasonably presumed on from the incon∣siderableness of its beginning, and the continuance and long-life of its Em∣pire.

Thus much we have discoursed purposely on the Romans, for the benefit of those that understand not Latin, that they may, in some measure, be acquainted with some few of their Customes, and the forms of Government used by those Ancient Hero's, thereby to know how much we owe to their Memories; for certainly, we ought to be obliged rather to them for their Victories, than any waies concerned at their Conquests, who were to us, and most Nations elsewhere, rather civil Tutors than domineering Tyrants; Wheresoever they came, unless highly provoked, they built and beautified more than they destroyed, and treated the Inhabitants as Friends and Allies rather than bitter Enemies.

What infinite pains did they take in mending the Roads of many Counties, and making their rough and boggy places passable, for producing commerce and ac∣quaintance amongst the Natives themselves.

At what vast expences did they maintain their Legionary Souldiers, and erect Courts of Judicature, for quelling the private Animosities of the Inhabitants, when the Revenues they exacted would scarce quit Charges, or the place it self prove worth the keeping, excepting that of Great Britain. So that all their Cruelties we can complain of, is the reducing of the Savage Nations, by force of Arms, to a com∣pliance with their reasonable Laws, when milder usage could not effect it. Neither have we reason to think much at the loss of our Liberty, when't was exchanged for such a glorious Subjection, under which slavery we lived more happy than under our own mild Extravagances, which hurried us headlong into a thousand Inconve∣niences.

The Romans relinquished BRITAIN, suffering the Government to relapse into the Natives hands, upon those Letters of Discharge sent hither by Honorius, then with the Empire (to use Mr. Miltons own words) fell also what before in this We∣stern WORLD was chiefly Roman, namely, Learning, Valour, Eloquence, History, Civility, and even Language it self, the particulars of which have been more largely shewn in a former Treatise.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Strabo, lib. 5, p. 159.
• * 1.2

  Livy.
• * 1.3

  Suetonius.
• † 1.4

  The Ceremony of the Roman Freedom.
• * 1.5

  Dion, lib. 3. Livy, lib. 9.
• * 1.6

  Note, Titles of Ho∣nour originally were conferred for the sake of vertue, not e∣state; witness Sir Walter Rawleighs Hist. of the World.
• * 1.7

  Plutarch in Romulo.
• † 1.8

  De Leg. 6. fol. 759.
• * 1.9

  Varro Ant.
• * 1.10

  Note, This Custome was much in use among the Britains.
• * 1.11

  Cicero de Divin, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ovid. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. 15.
• * 1.12

  Rev. 17. 15.
• * 1.13

  Plat. in Crat,
• * 1.14

  Plutarch in the Life of Pericles, Ter. Varro: Dio. Halicar.
• * 1.15

  The God JANUS.
• * 1.16

  The God JUPITER.
• * 1.17

  The Goddess CERES.
• * 1.18

  The God PAN.
• * 1.19

  Justin Mart.
• * 1.20

  Tully, lib. 2. de Legibus.
• * 1.21

  Stat. lib. 12: Thebaidos.
• * 1.22

  Cicero, lib. 2. de Legib.
• * 1.23

  August, lib. 4. de Civ. Dei, cap. 36.
• * 1.24

  Xenoph. lib. 4. hist. Graec.
• * 1.25

  Tacit. lib. 5. Hister.
• * 1.26

  Called Te∣trastylum.
• * 1.27

  Serv. Manl. lib. 2. & 6. AEn.
• * 1.28

  Pliny Nat. hist. Pausan. Auic.
• * 1.29

  Hobb: Livia. cap. 2.
• * 1.30

  Liv. 1. Dec: lib. 1.
• * 1.31

  Epist. 13.
• * 1.32

  Virg. lib. 32 Aeneid.
• * 1.33

  Sigonius ex lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.34

  Aldus Manut. ex Suet.
• * 1.35

  Juvenal.
• * 1.36

  Tully.