The history of philosophy, in eight parts by Thomas Stanley.

PLATO.

CHAP. I.

The Country, Parents, and Time of PLATO.

THE most eminent of all the Sects derived from Socrates was the Academick, so called from the Academy, a place in Athens, where the Pro∣fessors thereof taught: This Sect was instituted by Plato, continued by Speusippus, Xenocrates, Polemon, Crates, Crantor, thus farre called the first or old Academy. Arcesilaus, succeeding Cran∣tor, instituted the middle Academy, continued by Lacydes, Telecles, Euander, and Hegesinus. Carneades founded the new Academy, of which was also (••litomachus: Some reckon a fourth Academy, insti∣tuted by Philo and Charmidas: a fifth by Antiochus.

a 1.1 Plato was out of doubt an Athenian, nor are they to be cre∣dited who relate himb 1.2 a Theban, born at Cynocephalus;c 1.3 An∣tileon affirmes his Parents to bee of Colly••tus.d 1.4 Hee was born (according to Phavorinus) in the Island Aegina, in the house of Phidiades, son of Thales; his Father sent with others thither at the division of the Land (upon their defection from, and subjection by the Athenians, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian War) and returned to Athens, at what time those Athenians were ejected by the Lacedemonians, in aid of the Aeginetae.

e 1.5 He was of an eminent Family; his Father Aristo (Son of Aristoteles) of the race of Codrus, Son of Melanthus, who (as Thra∣sylus affirmes) derived themselves from Neptune. Melanthus fly∣ing Messena, came to Athens, where afterwards by a Strata∣gem killing Xanthus, he was made King after Thymocles, the last of the Theseidae. His Mother Perictione, by some called Potone, whose Kindred with Solon is thus described by Laertius and f 1.6 Proclus. Execestides had two Sons, Solon and Dropides: Dropides had Critias, mentioned by Solon in his Poems.

Bid fair-haird Critias his Sire observe; A wandring minde will from his leader swerve.

Critias had Callaeschrus, Callaeschrus had Critias, one of the thirty Tyrants, and Glaucon (whom Apuleius calls Glaucus) Glaucon had Charmides and Perictione; Perictione by Aristo had Plato, the sixt from Solon; Solon was descended from Neptune and Neleus, [Father of Nestor.] Thus Laertius, from whom Proclus dissents only in that, that he makes Glaucon Son of the first Critias, Bro∣ther to Callaesch••us, which Critias manifestly (saith he) in Plat. Charmides confirmes, calling Glauco (Father of Charmides) his Uncle. Thus was Plato descended both waies from Neptune.

••here are (saithg 1.7 Apuleius) who assert Plato of a more sublime race: Aristander, followed by many Platonists, thinks, he was begotten on his Mother by some Spectrum in the shape of Apollo:h 1.8 Speusippus in his Treatise, entitl'd Plato, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Clearchus in his Eulogie of Plato; Anaxili••es in his second Book of Philosophers;i 1.9 Plu∣tarch, Suidas, and others, affirm it to have been commonly re∣ported at Athens, that he was the Son of Apollo, who appearing in vision to her (being a woman of extraordinary Beautie) k 1.10 Perictionae se miscuit, she thereupon conceived: Aristo (her Husband) having often attempted to enjoy her, but in vaine; at last Apollo appearing to him in a vision or dream, and a voice commanding him to refrain the company of his Wife for ten Months, untill her delivery were past, he forbore; whence Tyndarus

He did not issue from a mortall bed; A God his Sire; a God-like life he led.

Some thereupon (asl 1.11 Saint Hierom saith) affirmed, he was born of a Virgin, andm 1.12 it was a common speech among the Athenians, that Phoebus begat Aesculapius and Plato, one to cure Bodies, the other Soules.

n 1.13 Aristo had afterwards by Perictione, two Sons, Adimaretus and Glauco, and a Daughter Potone, Mother to Speusippus: These relations of Plato will be more conspicuous in this Genealogicall Table.

[illustration]

For the Year of his Birth, (to omit the mistakes of Eusebius, who placeth it in the fourth year of the eightie eight Olympiad, in the Archonship of Stratocles, and of the Chronicon Alexan∣drinum, that placeth it the year following) Laertius saith, He was born, according to the Chronologie of Apollodorus, in the eightie eight Olympiad, which seemes to be towards the beginning of the first year, whilst Aminias was yet Archon. For Laertius else∣where saith, that he was six years younger then Isocrates; for Iso∣crates (saith he) was born, when Lysimachus, Plato, when Aminias

was Archon, under whom Pericles dyed: in the third year of the Peloponesian War. This Aminias is by ther 1.14 Scholiast of Euripi∣des called Ameinon, bys 1.15 Athenaeus, Epameinon, byt 1.16 Diodorus Siculus, Epaminondas. The various reading, occasion'd either by addition or detraction of the Preposition 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but by which of these two cannot easily be evinc'd.u 1.17 Salmasius endevouring to prove the name to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, positively affirms, that the Greeks never name an Archon without the Preposition 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but that errour* 1.18 Pe•• avius confutes, whose opinion is confirmed by the antient Marble at Arundell-house, which addeth not the Pre∣position to the names of the Archons.

Neither is the opinion ofx 1.19 Athenaeus much different, who affirmes, Plato was born (the Year before) Apollodorus being Archon, who succeeded Euthydemus, who was Archon the third Year of the eightie seventh Olympiad, and that under Euphe∣mus, in the fourth year of the nintieth Olympiad, he was fourteen years old. For both Laertius and Athenaeus agree in the Year of his death, viz. the first of the hundred and eight Olympiad, when Theophilus, the successor of Callimachus, was Archon; Athenaeus only differeth in this, that, computing eightie two Archons, he attributes so many years to Plato's life, whereas it is certain, that he lived but exactly eightie one.

The day of his birth,y 1.20 according to Apollodorus, was the seventh of Thargelion, at which time the Delians did celebrate the Feast of Apollo. So likewise Florus, cited byz 1.21 Plutarch, who addes, that the Priests and Prophets call Apollo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as being born upon this seventh day; whence perhaps was occasion'd the fiction, that he was Son of Apollo, which Plutarch esteemes no disparagement to his Deity. In the first year of the eighty eight Olympiad, the Neomenia of Hecatombaeon fell upon the second of August, and (upon those Hypotheses which we laid down formerly in thea 1.22 life of Socrates) the Dominicall Letter for that Year being E. the seventh of Thargelion will (according to the Julian accompt taken proleptically) fall upon Friday, the thirtieth of May; according to the Gregorian, upon Friday the ninth of Iune, in the year of the Julian period, 4286.

This is according to the faith of the Historians, with whom the Astrologers do not agree; forb 1.23 Iulius Firmicus hath erected the Scheme of his Nativity after this manner.

[illustration]

If the Ascendent saith he shall be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 therein posited; and if 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 then be placed in the seventh, having 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for his signe, and in the second the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the fifth house beholding the Ascendent with a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 aspect, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the ninth from the Ascendent in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. This Geniture renders a man Interpreter of Divine and heavenly Instituti••ns, who endued with instructive speech, and the power of divine wit, and formed in a manner by a celestiall Inst••••tion, by the true license of disputations shall arrive at all the secrets of Divinity. Thus Firmicus, whose Scheme agreeth not with the other Calculation, as being betwixt the midst of February and of March, during which time the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Hence will appear the great Anachronisme of those, who affirm, that Plato went to Aegypt in the time of the Prophet Hieremie (whom Eusebius placeth in the thirtie sixt Olympiad) and heard him there. Hieremie at the captivity of the Jewes into Babylon, was carried by Iohanan son of Caree into Aegypt: The Jewes were carried away by Nebuchadnezzar, at what time Tarquinius Priscus reign'd at Rome, Vaphres in Aegypt, to whom the rest of the Jewes fled, which was in the fortie seventh Olympi∣ade, 160 years before Plato was born. This opinionc 1.24 once held, was afterwards retracted by Saint Augustine, in his Book of Retractations, and confuted, de Civit. Dei. 8. 11.

CHAP. II.

His first Education, Exercises, and Studies.

a 1.25 WHilst Plato was yet an Infant carried in the armes of his Mother P••rictione, Aristo, his Father went to Hymettus (a mountaine in Attica, eminent for abundance of Bees and Honey) to sacrifice to the Muses or Nymphs, taking his Wife and child along with him; as they were busied in the divine rights, she laid the Child in a thicket of Mirtles hard by; to whom, as he slept (b 1.26 in cunis dormients) came a swarm of Bees, artists of Hymettian Hony, flying and buzzing about him, and (as it is reported) made a honey-combe in his mouth. This was taken for a pre••age of the singular sweetnesse of his discourse; his future eloquence fore∣seen in his Infancy.

His Parents (saithc 1.27 Alexander) named him after his Grand∣father, Aristocles:f 1.28 Speusippus (instituted in his domestick docu∣ments) extolleth his sharpnesse of apprehension, whilst yet a Child, and the admirable modesty of his disposition (g 1.29 which was such, that he was never, even all those years, seen to laugh immoderately) affirming, that the beginnings of his youth were season'd with labour and love of Study; which Vertues encreased and met with all the rest; when he came to mans estate.

h 1.30 Of Dionysius the Grammarian (mentioned in his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) he received the first ••udiments of Learning. Of Aristo, an Argive, he learned the Art of Wrestling (at that time much in esteem, as being one of the Olympick Exercises) wherein he became so great a Proficient, that some affirm, he wrastled at the Isthmus, in the Pythian Games.

i 1.31 As in years and vertue, so likewise he encreased extraordi∣narily in outward proportion and shape, insomuch, that Aristo named him Plato (which implyeth Latitude) in allusion to the largenesse of his person; others say, to the widenesse of his shoul∣ders; Neanthes of his forehead: some, to his large Eloquence. Whatsoever the occasion were, this name wore out and displa∣ced the other. That he was called also Sarapis, is affirmed by k 1.32 ••esychius. There was not any imperfection throughout his person, except a gibbosity in the hinder part of his head, and (as Timotheus affirms) a kind ofl 1.33 Hesitation in his speech.

m 1.34 He learned also (as Dicearchus relates) to Paint: He addicted himselfe much to Poetry, and wrote many Poems: First, Dithy∣rambs; then Epick Poetry, which comparing with Homer, and finding far short of him, he burned. Then he betook himselfe to writing Tragedies: He made a compleat Tetralogie (four Drama's, as the manner was, when they contested, to be pre∣sented at four severall Festivalls, Lenaean, Panathenaean, Chy∣traean,

the fourth Satyricall) and gave it to the Players to be acted, intending to contest for the Palm upon the Olympick Theater: but the day before it should have been presented, chan∣cing to hear Socrates discourse at the Olympick Theat••r (n 1.35 before the Bacchanals) he was so taken with that Syren, that he not only forbore to contest at that time, but wholly gave over all Tra∣gick Poesy, and burned all his Poems, saying that of Homes,

Vulcan come hither, Plato needs thy aid.

From that time (the twentieth year of his age, which falls about the 4^th of the 92 Olympiad) he became a follower of So∣crates, and studied Philosophy.

Some affirm (of the truth of which report,o 1.36 Aelian justly doubts) he was driven by poverty to betake himselfe to the Warres, but intercepted by Socrates, and instructed in that which concerns M••n∣kind, he sold his armes, and through his perswasion, addicted himselfe to Philosophy.

That he fought for his Country is certain, express'd in his answer top 1.37 Crobylus the Sycophant:q 1.38 Aristoxenus and Aelian af∣firm, he was engaged thrice: First, at Tanagra; the second time at Corinth; and lastly at D••lium, where he fought best of all the Souldi∣ers. Thus Aristoxenus. But that this is false, may be easily evinced by computation of times. The first fight of the Athenians at Ta∣nag••a, was in the 4^t year of the 80•• Olympiad, 17 years before Plato was born: The second, in the first of the 89•• when he was but six years old. The fight at D••lium, was in the first of the 89^th, at what time 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was•• but foure years old; from the last words of Aristoxenus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (implying, that at Delium he had the prize for sigh••ing best) may be conjectured, that this was meant of Socrates, who was thrice personally engag'd, and ats 1.39 Delium should have had the prize for fighting best, but that his modesty procured it to be conferr'd upon Alcibiades.

CHAP. III.

His Masters in Philosophy, and his Travells to that end.

a 1.40 Socrates, the night before Plato was recommended to him, dreamed, that a young Swan fled from Cupid's Altar in the Academy, and sat in his lap, thence flying up to Heaven, it de∣lighted both Gods and Men with its Musick. As Socrates [the next day] was relating this to some of his Auditors, Aristo came at the same time, and presented his Son Plato to him, to be his Disciple. As soon as Socrates saw him, reading in his looks his ingenuity; Friends, saith he, this is the Swan of Cupid's Academy.

Eight years he lived with Socrates, in which time, he commit∣ted

(as others of his Disciples) the effect of his Masters discourse to writing: hereof he composed Dialogues, but with so great additions of his own, thatb 1.41 Socrates hearing him recite his Lysis, cry'd out, Oh! Hercules, how many things doth this young man feigne of me? For not a few things (addes Laertius) of those which he writ, Socrates never spoke.

At the time of Socrates's arraignment, the first year of the 95^th Olympiad, he was one of the Senate, the youngest of that Con∣vention. That he was a Senator, implies he was full thirty years old at that time, according to Solon's Law. This arguesc 1.42 Hermo∣dorus of a mistake, who saith, he was twenty eight years old when he fled to Megara, upon the death of Socrates; and subverts the accounts of those who under-reckon his birth.d 1.43 The Judges being much displeas'd at Socrates, Plato went up into the Ora∣tour's Chair, intending to plead in his defence, and began thus; Though I (Athenians) am the youngest of those who come up into this place. But all the Senate crying ou•• of those who go down, he was thereupon constrained to do so. Socrates being condemned, Plato offer'd him to procure so much mony as might purchase his li∣berty, but Socrates refused the offer.e 1.44 About that time, Socrates his friends being met together to condole his death, Plato encourag'd them, and bid them not despair, for that himself was capable to govern the School: and in so saying, drunk to Apollodorus, who answer'd, he would sooner take up the cup of poyson from the hand of Socrates, then pledge him upon that condition. Upon the death of Socrates, Plato (whose excessive grief upon that occasion is observed byf 1.45 Plu∣tarch) with others of his Disciples, fearing the Tyranny of those persons, who put their Master to death,g 1.46 ••ed to Euclid at Megara, who friendly entertained them, till the storm was blown over.

h 1.47 Apuleius saith, that before he came to Socrates, he was initiated in the Sect of Heraclitus. But more likely is that which is affirmed by Laertius, that after Socrates's death, he applyed himselfe to Cra••ylus, a follower of Heraclitus, and to Hermogenes. He conceived, saithi 1.48 Saint Augustine, that his own invention, and Socrates's in∣structions came short of the true aime of Philosophy: He considered with himselfe what course he should take to benefit himselfe most, for this pur∣pose he determined to travell to any place, where report told him he might drink of the spring of Learning, even to the farthest parts of the Earth, saithk 1.49 Cicero:l 1.50 First, to Italy, where he addicted himselfe to the discipline of Pythagoras, which, though he saw replenished with curious and high reason, yet, he chiefly affected to imitate the continence and chastity thereof; though them 1.51 Pythagoreans themselves affirme he had all his naturall Philosophy from thence.

n 1.52 Perceiving the knowledge of the Pythagoreans to be assisted with other disciplines, he went to Cyrene, to learn Geometry of Theodorus the Mathematician: thence to Aegypt (which was then

under the Empire of Artaxerxes Mnemon)o 1.53 under pretence of selling Oyle, but the scope of his journey was to fetch Astrology from thence: To learn Arithmetick and Celestiall Speculations of the Barbarians, (saithp 1.54 Cicero)q 1.55 and to be instructed in the rites of the Prophets.r 1.56 He travelled over the Country, in••orming himselfe all the way by their Priests, of the multiplicious proportions of Geometry, and the observation of Celestiall motions. At what time the young Students at Athens ••ere enquiring for Plato to instruct them, he was busied in sur∣veying the inexplicable banks of Nilus, the vast extent of a barbarous Country, and the winding compasse of their trenches, a Disciple to the Aegyptian old men.s 1.57 Having taken a full survey of all the Country, he at last setled himselfe in the Province of Sais, Learning of the Wise men there, what they held concerning the Vniverse, whether it had a beginning, and whether it is moved at present, wholly, or in part, ac∣cording to Reason. From these,t 1.58 Pausanias affirmes, he learn'd the Immortality of the Soul, which that they held, as likewise the transmigration thereof into severall bodies, is affirmed byu 1.59 He∣rodotus. * 1.60 Some say, that Euripides followed him to Aegypt, and falling sick, was cured by the Priests with Sea-water, where∣upon he said,

The Sea doth wash away all ills of Man.

But this agrees not with the time of his death, which was be∣fore that of Socrates, viz. in the 93^d Olympiad.

From Aegypt Plato returned to Tarentum in Italy, at what time L. Camillus and P. Claudius were Consuls at Rome, asx 1.61 Cicero af∣firmeth. What Fasti he used, I know not, for in those which are now with us received as authentick, there are no such Consuls during the whole life of Plato. And indeed, in those times, Rome was, for the most part, govern'd by Tribunes.y 1.62 Here he conver∣sed with Eurytus of Tarentum, the Elder; Archytas the Elder (at whose discourse concerning Pleasure he was present) and with the rest of the Pythagoreans, Echecrates, Timaeus, Acrio (corruptly inz 1.63 Valerius Maximus, Ario) and Coetus Locrians. Thus to the lear∣ning of Socrates he added that of Pythagoras, and informed him∣selfe in those things which Socrates neglected: He would have gone also to the Indians, and to the Magi, but that the Warres which at that time were in Asia hindred him.

CHAP. IV.

What Authors he follow'd.

a 1.64 EUgubinus affirmes, that Plato borrow'd the mystick part of his Philosophy from Hermes Trismegistus; particularly, that concerning the Divine Goodnesse: which, I suppose, he rather asserts from his own conjecture, in regard Pla••o had been long in Aegypt, then from any good Authority. He was induced there∣unto by those Books, which are now commonly, but falsely, vented under the name of Hermes Trismegistus; whereas, the lear∣ned Casaubon, in hisb 1.65 Exercitations upon Baronius, hath suffici∣ently taught us the forgery of those Books, which seem by some Impostor, to have been compiled out of the works of Plato, and the Divine Scripture.

That Plato received some light from Moses, is affirmed with much greater Authorities of severall Nations and Religions: Of Iewes byc 1.66 Aristobulus, Plato (saith he) followed our Law in many things, his various allegations evince him a curious observer thereof: for the Volumes of Moses were translated before Alexander's time. Andd 1.67 Iosephus, Plato chiefly followed our Law-giver. Of Philosophers, bye 1.68 Numenius, what is Plato, (saith he) but Moses speaking Greek? Of Fathers, byf 1.69 Iustine Martyr,g 1.70 Clement Alexandrinus,h 1.71 Eusebius, Theodoret,i 1.72 Saint Augustine, &c.

k 1.73 When Plato went to Sicily, he bought the Books of Philolaus, a Pythagorean, which were three, of N••turall Philosophy, the first that ever were published out of that School: Some say, he had them of Dionysius's friends, for four Alexandrian Minae: Others, that Dionysius had them of a young Man, one of Philolaus's Dis∣ciples, and gave them to Plato. Others, that he sent to Dion at Syracuse to buy them for him, which he did for 100 Minae:l 1.74 A∣gellius saith, ten thousand Denaries: For, having received of Dionysius above eighty Talents, he was very full of mony. Out of these, he is said (as Agellius and Laertius affirm) to have taken a great part of his Timaeus; for which derided by Timon, (in Sil∣lis) thus:

You (Plato) with the same affections caught, With a great Summ a little Treatise bought, Where all the knowledge, which you own, was taught.

m 1.75 Alcimus in his four Books to Amintas, affirmes, that Plato borrow'd much from the writings of Epicharmus, the Comick Poet, in the first Book he hath these words: In Sensibles (saith Plato) neither magnitude nor quality is permanent, but in continuall fluxion and mutation; as if we should substract number from them,

which are neither equall, nor certain, nor quantitative, nor qualita∣tive; these are they where generation is alwaies, their essence never. To Insensibles nothing can be added, nothing taken away. This is the nature of Eternall Beings, the like and same ever. Thus Plato cited by Alcimus. Indeed, he teacheth this in many places, particularly in Timaeo, where he at large explaineth what is that which never is, and never had beginning, and that which hath beginning, but no being. He concludes the first comprehensible, by the Intellect with Reason, the other by sence and opinion. But the citation of Alcimus seems to refer to Plato's Theaetetus, the subject of which Dialogue is Science: there he examines some Definitions of Sci∣ence by the Antients, amongst the rest, the assertion of Protago∣ras, that Science is Sence; against which he disputes largely, the summe this. That the Soul apprehends some things by medi∣ation of the Body, others without; of the first kind are things warm, light, dry, sweet, &c. of the other, Essence and not being, similitude and dissimilitude, identitie and diversity, uni••e and number. Hence it followes, that Sence apprehends not Essences, and con∣sequently not Truths, for Essence and Truth are convertible. This assertion of Platon 1.76 Alcimus deduceth from Epicharmus, who (saith he) hath plainly spoken of things subject to Sence and Reason, in these words:

Gods alwaies were, to be, desisted never, Like them Eternall, still the same persever. Chaos the first begotten Deitie Is stil'd: of something how can nothing be? Thence nor the first nor second nothings are, How we ••steem of those we thus declare: If we an even or uneven summe Alter, by adding or substracting one, Seems it to you the same? to me not so; If a continu'd measure shrink or grow, It is not the same measure: such the lives Of Men are, one decayes, another thrives; That Nature, which new being ever takes Is different from the being it forsakes, Not yesterday the same were I and you, Nor shall tomorrow be what we are now.

O 1.77 Again, Alcimus, The wise say, that the soul apprehends some things by mediation of the body, as when she hears or sees; others, she conceiveth within her selfe, without using the body, whence of beings, some are sub∣ject to sence, others, c••mprehensible by the Intellect. Therefore Plato saith, that they who desire to know the principles of the Universe, must first distinguish the Ideas in themselves, as similitude, unity, mul∣titude, magnitude, restauration. Secondly, add in it selfe, honest,

good, just, and the like; thirdly, examines what Idaea's cohaere mutually with one another, as Science, Magnitude, Power: and withall, to think that those who are amongst us, because they participate of them, should be called by the same name, as for instance, just things are those which participate of Iust, Honest, which of honest: one of every Species is eter∣nall, perceptible by the mind, and consequently free from perturbation. Wherefore, he asserts Idaea's in nature as Exemplars, after whose likenesse other things are made. Thus Alcimus; the first part whereof seems to be taken out of Plato's Theaetetus, the latter out of his Parmeni∣des. The words of Epicharmus concerning Gods and Idea's, to which Alcimus referrs this of Plato, are these:

Is Musick then a thing? It is; the man Musick? no: what then? a Musician A man or not? he is the same of good, Good from the thing apart is understood: whoever learns good by t••at art is made, who Musick a Musitian: of each trade As dancing, weaving, and the like the same, The Art and Artist have a different name.

p 1.78 Again, Alcimus: Plato in his opinion of Idea's saith thus; if there is memory, there must be also Idea's, for memory is of a quiet permanent thing, but nothing is permanent except Idea's, for how, saith he, could living creatures be preserved unlesse by their Idea and receiving a naturall mind; Now they remember Similitude and their nourishment: showing that all Creatures have an innate understanding of their own similitude, and therefore perceive things belonging to their kind. Thus Alcimus: What place of Plato he means I know not,q 1.79 Scaliger reads, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. omit∣ting 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as if he made a doubt whether that both of the opini∣ons of Idea's were Plato's; but I rather think Alcimus meant not the title of any Book, having named none in the rest of his citati∣ons, but what himself abstracts out of Plato's opinion concern∣ing Idea's. Plato in Philedo, teacheth this concerning memory, that sence is a motion common to the Soul and Body; this suffering from externall Senses, the other acting and dijudicating; that memory is a conservatory or repository of the Senses. For the Soul, as oft as she in her self, or by assistance of the Body, calls to mind what she hath suffer'd, she is said to remember. To Pla∣to's assertion, Alcimus applyeth this of Epicharmus:

Eumaeus Wisdome's not to one consin'd; Various in every living knowing mind. The Hen first doth not living things beget, But sits and hatcheth with enliv'ning heat:

This Wisdom only Nature's friend discerns, Of whom (her Mistresse) she this lesson learns.

And again,

This is not strange for every thing we find Is to its proper species most enclin'd; To Dogs a Bitch seems fairest, and to kine A Bull, an Asse to Asses, swine to swine.

These things Laertius cites out of Alcimus, adding that there are more of the same kind in those four Books, whereby he intimates the help that Plato receiv'd by the writings of Epicharmus; neither was Epi∣charmus himself ignorant of his own wisdom, as may be collected from these Verses, predicting that he should have a follower:

This I assert, and what I now maintain, Shall Monuments to future times remain, Some one hereafter will my verse review, And cloathing it in language rich and new Invincible himself, others subdue.

r 1.80 Moreover Phavorinus alledgeth the whole form of Plato's Common-wealth in Protagoras's Antilogicks, others say, he bor∣rowed his Politicks from Socrates.

s 1.81 Lastly, it is related, that much of Plato's morality was in the Books of Sophron the Mimographe, which having been long neg∣lected, were by him first brought to Athens, and were found lying under his head, when he was dead.

CHAP. V.

His School.

a 1.82 BEing return'd to Athens from his Journey to Aegypt, he set∣led himself in the Academy, a Gymnasium or place of Exer∣cise in the Suburbs of that City, beset with woods, taking name from Ecademus one of the Hero's, as Eupolis,

In sacred Hecademus shady walks.

And Timon,

The fluent sweet-tongu'd Sage first led the way, Who writes as smoothly as from some green spray Of Hecademe, Grashoppers chirp their lay.

Hence it was first called Ecademy, the occasion of his living here, was, that he was poor and had nothing but one Orchard in

or adjoyning to the Academy, which was the least part of his Successours. This Orchard at first yeelded but three aurei nummi of yearly rent to the Owners, afterwards the whole Revenue a∣mounted to a thousand or more. It was in processe of time much enlarged by well-willers, and studious persons, who dying, be∣queathed by will something to the Professours of Philosophy, their riches to maintain the quiet and tranquillity of a Philosophicall life. Plato (the Academy being said to be a sickly place, and Phy∣sicians advising him to transfer his School to the Lyceum, would not be perswaded, but answered, I would not live on the top of Athos to linger my life. The unwholsomnesse of the place brought him to a Quartan ague, which lasted eighteen months, but at length by sobriety and care he master'd it, and recover'd his strength more perfect then before.

First, he taught Philosophy in the Academy, and after in the Gardens of Colonus. At the entrance of his School in the Acade∣my was written, LET NONE IGNORANT OF GEOME∣TRY ENTER HERE, meant, not only of the measure and proportion of lines, but also of the inward Affections.

CHAP. VI.

How he instituted a Sect.

HAving thus setled himself in the Academy, he began out of the Collection he had made from others, and his own in∣vention to institute a Sect, called from the place where he taught Academick.a 1.83 He mixed the Heraclitian discourses, with the So∣cratick and Pythagorick, following in sensibles Heraclitus, in Intel∣ligibles Pythagoras, in Politicks Socrates. Whereas Philosophy, saith,b 1.84 St. Augustine, concerns either action or contemplation (thence assuming two names, Contemplative and Active) the Active consisting in practise of morall Actions, the contemplative, in penetration of abstruse Physi∣call causes, and the nature of the Divinity, Socrates excelled in the Active, Pythagoras in the Contemplative. But Plato join'd them into one perfec•• kind, which he subdivided into three severall parts; Morall, consisting chiefly in Action, Naturall in Contemplation, Rationall in Distinction of true and false, which though usefull in both the other, yet belongeth more particularly to Contemplation. So that this Trichotomy con∣tradicts not the other Dichotomy, which includeth all within Action and Contemplation.c 1.85 And as of old in a Tragedy, the Chorus acted a∣lone, then Thespis making some intermissions of the Chorus intro∣duc'd one Actour, Aeschylus a second, Sophocles a Third, in like manner Philosophy was at first but of one kind, Physick, then Socrates added Ethick, thirdly, Plato inventing Dialectick, made it perfect.

Of these three parts as they were held by Plato, and the rest

of the old Academy, we cannot have a generall better accompt then this ofd 1.86 Cicero.

Sect. 1.

Ethick.

The first, concerning well living they sought in Nature, affirming that she ought to be obeyed: and that in nothing else but Nature was to be had that chief good whereto all things should be referr'd, that the ulti∣mate being of desirable things, and end of all good in the mind, body and life were acquir'd by Nature. Those of the body they placed in the whole, and in the parts: Health, Strength, Beauty in the whole, in the parts, sound Sence, and a certain Excell••nce of particular parts, as in the feet swiftnesse, strength in the hands, clearnesse in the voice, in the Tongue, plainnesse of expression. Of the mind were those which are pro∣per to comprehend the power of wit, which they divided into Nature and Manners. To Nature they ascribed quickness of apprehension, and memo∣ry both proper to the mind and wit; To manners belonged study and a kind of wisdom formed partly by continuall exercise, partly by reason, in which consisted Philosophy it self, wherein that is begun and not perfected, is called progression to vertue, what is perfected, Virtue; perfection of Nature of all things in the mind, the most excellent. Thus of Min••s: The Adjuncts of life, that was the third, they asserted such things as conduced to the practise of Vertue.

Sect. 2.

Physick.

Of Nature (for that was next) they so treated as to divide it into two things: One the efficient, the other giving it self to this, that, thereof might be made somthing. In that they conceived to be a power, in this a certain matter to be effected: in both, matter could not cohere, unlesse contained by some power, nor the power without some matter, for there is nothing which is not enforced to be some where: that which consists of both, they called Body and Qualitie: Of Qualities, some are primary, others arising from these: the primary are uniform and simple; hose which arise from these are various, and as it were multiform. Air, Fire, Water, and Earth are Primary, of these arise formes of living Creatures, and of those, things which are made of the Earth. These principles are called Elements, of which, Air and Fire have a faculty to move and effect; the other parts, Water and Earth to suffer. To all these there is subjected a certain matter without form, destitute of quality, out of which all things are expressed and formed; It is capable of admitting all; and of changing all manner of waies, in the whole, and in every part: This resolves nothing to nothing, but into its own parts, which are divisible into infinite, there being in na••ure no least which cannot be divided. Those which are moved, are all moved by intervalls, which intervalls likewise may be divided in∣finitely, and that power which we call quality, being moved and agitated every way, they conceive the whole matter to be throughly changed, and by

that means those things, which they call qualitative, to be produced, of which, in all coherent nature continued with all its parts, was effected the World, beyond which there is not any part of matter or body: The parts of the World are all things therein, kept together by a Sensitive nature, wherein is likewise perfect reason; It is also sempiternall, for there is no∣thing more strong whereby it may be dissolved: This power they call the Soul of the World, God, a certain providence over all things sub••ected to him, regarding in the first place heavenly things, next on the Earth those thing which appertain to man. The same they somtimes call Necessity, because nothing can be otherwise then is by him ordained; a fa∣tall immutable continuation of eternall order; somtimes Fortune, as producing many things not foreseen or expected by us, by reason of the ob∣scurity and our ignorance of the Causes.

Sect. 3. Dialectick.

Of the third part of Philosophy, consisting in reason and dissertation, they treated thus. Though Iudgment arise from the Sense, yet the Iudgment of truth is not in the Senses. The mind they affirmed to be Iudge of things, conceiving her only sit to be credited, because she alone seeth that which is simple, and uniform, and certain; This they called Idea. All sense they conceived to be obtuse and slow, and no way able to perceive those things which seem subject to sense, which are so little, as that they cannot fall un∣der sense, so moveable and various, that nothing is one, constant, nor the same, because all things are in continuall alteration and fluxion. All this part of things they called Opimative; Science they affirmed to be no where but in the Reasons and Notions of mind, whence they approved definitions of things, and applyed them to all whereon they discoursed. They approved likewise explications of words by Etymologies: They used Arguments and marks for things, to prove and conclude what they meant to explain; In this consisted all the discipline of Dialectick, that is, of Speech concluded by Reason.

This accompt in generall Cicero gives of the old Academy; Plutarch, Laertius, Apuleius, and others have made collections more particular: we shall make choice of that of Alcinous, as most full and perfect, which by reason of the length is referred as an Appendix to Plato's life.

CHAP. VII.

His Inventions.

HE added much to learning and language by many inventi∣ons, as well of things as of words. To omit Dialectick, of which we treated last,a 1.87 Phavorinus attributes to his invention, discoursing by way of Question; but Aristotle ascribes it to Alexame∣nus, a Styrian or Teian, and it appears by the Dialogues of Plato, that Socrates also used that form of arguing. Laertius informes us, that Zeno Ele••tes was the first composer of Dialogues; yet in my opinion, saith he, Pla••o hath so much refined the form thereof, that he deserves to be preferr'd before all others, as well for invention as reformation.

More properly may be attributed to him the invention ofb 1.88 Ana∣lyticall Method, which reduceth the thing sought unto its principle, the best of Methods. He taught it to Leodamas, and by it found out ma∣ny things in Geometry: Analysis, as defined by thec 1.89 Scholiast up∣on Euclid, is a sumption of the thing sought, by the consequents, (as if it were already known) to find out the truth. Examples thereof we find in the five first propositions of the 13^t• Book of Euclid, besides se∣verall others, that occurre in Apollonius Pergaeus, and Pappus Alexandrinus.

Amongst his Geometricall Inventions also must be remembred the duplication of a Cube, the occasion and manner whereof is rela∣ted byd 1.90 Plutarch ande 1.91 Philoponus. The Delians afflicted with the Pestilence, consulted the Oracle of Apollo; he answer'd, the Plague would cease if they doubled their•• Altar, which was of a Cubick figure. Plu••arch saith, that hereupon the Overseers of the Altar made all the four sides double to what they were before, & so in∣stead of doubling the Altar, they made it octuple to what it was. Philoponus saith, they caused another Cube of the same bignesse with the former to be set upon it, whereby they changed the fi∣gure of the Altar, which was no longer a Cube, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a qua∣drilaterall Pillar. The first way, it was Cubicall, but not double, the second way double, but not Cubicall. The Plague not cea∣sing, they consulted the Oracle again. Apollo answer'd, they had not fulfilled his Command, which was to build a Cubicall Al∣tar as big again as the former. Hereupon they went to Plato, as most skilfull in Geometry, to learn of him the Oracle's meaning, and how they should find out the way of doubling a Cube, re∣taining the Cubick figure. Plato answered, that the God mocked the Grecians for their neglect of Philosophy and Learning, in∣sulting over their ignorance, that he commanded them seri∣ously, to addict themselves to Geometry, that this could not be done any other way, then by finding out two mean proportio∣nalls between two right lines in a Duple proportion (Plato's par∣ticular

method herein is delivered, Eutocius in his comment upon the first proposition of the second Book of Archimedes de Sphaera & Cylindro.) He added that Eudoxus the Gnidian, or Helico the Ci∣zycene would do it for them, That the God needed not this dupli∣cation of his Altar, but commanded all the Grceians, that avoy∣ding war and the miseries wherewith it is attended, they should apply themselves to the Muses; and having setled the turbulent commotions of their minds, converse harmlessly and beneficially with one another. Philoponus addes, that Plato expounded this Pro∣blem to his Disciples, who writ much upon this subject, though nothing thereof be extant. Of the Antients, labour'd in this Problem be∣sides Plato, Archytas the Tarentine, Menaechmus, Eratosthenes, Philo of Byzantium, Hero, Apollonius Pergaeus; Nicomedes, Diocles and Spo∣rus. f 1.92 Valerius Maximus saith, that Plato remitted the Overseers of the sacred Altar to Euclid the Geometrician, as submitting to his Science and Profession; but this is an Errour, because Euclid the Geome∣trician was much later then Plato, and the other Euclid, Plato's contemporary, nothing eminent in Mathematicks, as hath been before me observed byg 1.93 Sir Henry Savile.

That Plato invented many other things in the Mathematicks, (more then appears from those writings of his that are extant) and was most eminent therein, may be argued from the three Books of Theon Smyrnaeus, the first Arithmetick, the second Harmo∣nicks, the last, (not yet publish'd) Astronomy. Those Books contain∣ed many things, singular and choice, not to be met elsewhere. The design is acknowledg'd by the Author, to be as an introduction necessary to the understanding of Plato's writings.

There are also divers words of which he is esteemed to be the first Author, ash 1.94 Antipodes, a word by him first introduced into Philosophy, to signifie those people whose feet are diametrically opposite.

i 1.95 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Element, untill his time was confounded with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Principle, by all Philosophers from Thales. Plato distinguish'd them thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, principle is that which hath nothing before it whereof it might be generated; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Elements are com∣pounded.

k 1.96 The word Poem also, though since very triviall, was not u∣sed by any before him.

l 1.97 He first used this term, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, oblong number, [in Theaeteto] thereby signifying the product of a greater number multiplyed by a lesser.

m 1.98 He also first introduced the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Superficies, for which before was used 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Plane. Thus Laertius, though n 1.99 Proclus implies, that neither Plato nor Aristotle use the word, but for it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Divine Plato, saith he, calls Geometry the Contem∣platrix of Planes, opposing it to Stereometry, as if Plane and Superficies w••re the same. So likewise doth Aristotle. But Euclid and those who

succeed him, make Superficies the genus, plane a species thereof.

o 1.100 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Divine Providence, a word since much used by Christians, was first the expression of Plato.

p 1.101 He first of Philosophers wrote against Lysias, Son of Cephaluo, in Phaedro.

q 1.102 He first considered the force and efficacy of Grammar.

r 1.103 He first wrote against all that were before him, whence it is wondred at that he never mentions Democritus.

CHAP. VIII.

His Distinctions.

OF his Distinctions Aristotle made this Collection in some piece not extant, cited by Laertius.

Good is threefold,

in the Soul, as Justice, Prudence, Fortitude, Tempe∣rance, and the like.

In the Body, as Beauty, good habit, strength.

Externall, as friends; prosperity of our Country; Wealth.

Friendship is three∣fold.

Naturall, which Parents bear to their Children, and kindred to one another; which kind is also amongst beasts.

Sociable, begotten by conversation, without any relati∣on of kindred; such was that betwixt Pylades and Orestes.

Hospitable, towards Guests, or wherewith we affect strangers even upon letters of recommendation.

Some adde a fourth kind, amatory.

Govern∣ment is of five kinds.

Democraticall; a Democracy is that wherein the peo∣ple rules and hath power to make Magistrates and Laws.

Aristocraticall; an Aristocracy is that wherein neither rich nor poor nor Nobles govern, but the best per∣sons of the whole City.

Oligarchicall; an Oligarchy is when Governours are e∣lected by the votes of Magistrates, for they are fewer then the poore.

Regall:

Elective by Law; as that of the Carthagini∣ans; for it is civill.

Successive in a Family; as that of the Lace∣daemonians and Macedonians, who confine themseves to a certain race.

Tyrannicall, Tyranny is that wherein men are brought to subjection either by fraud or force.

Iustice is threefold

Towards the Gods; they who sacrifice as the Law re∣quires, a••d perform the Divine rites, are just to∣wards the Gods.

Towards men: They who restore what was lent or committed to their trust, are just towards men.

Towwards the dead: They who take care of Sepulchers are just towards the dead.

Science is threefold.

Practick, as playing on the flute, lute, and the like; which effect nothing visible.

Mechanick, as architecture of Houses, Ships, or the like, which produceth a visible effect.

Theoretick, as Geometry, Harmonick, Astronomy, which act not, neither produce any thing. The Geometrician considers the proportion of lines to one another; Harmonick sounds: Astronomy stars and the World.

Medicine is of five kinds.

Pharmaceutick, cureth diseases by application of Me∣dicine.

Chirurgick by incision or cauterising.

Diaetetick, by diet.

Nosognomonick discernes diseases.

Boethetick removeth diseases.

Law is twofold.

Written; such are those by which states are governed.

Not written, grounded upon custom; as that no man shall go naked into the forum, or habited like a woman, is not forb••dden by any written law, but forborn because of the unwritten.

Speech is of five kinds.

Politicall, used in Orations by such as govern States.

Rhetoricall, used by Lawyers in pleading either to confirm, praise, dispraise or accuse.

Vulgar, used by people in common discourse.

Dialecticall, used by such as discourse in short questi∣ons and answers.

Artificiall, used by Tradesmen in their severall professions.

Musick is threefold.

Of the Voice onely.

Of the Voice and hands, as singing to the Lute.

Of the Hand only, as the Harp.

Nobility is of four kinds.

If the Predecessors were upright, just, and honest.

If the Predecessours were rulers of Princes.

If the Predecessours acquired honours, as the com∣mand of an Army, or were crown'd in publick games: those who are descended from such we call Noble.

If a man be endued with a generous mind; this is the best kind of Nobility.

Beauty is threefold.

Commendable, as a fair form.

Usefull, as an instrument, house, or the like.

Beneficiall, as all that belongs to institution of Laws.

The Soule hath three parts, the

Rationall, the principle whereby we judge, discourse, and the like.

Concupiscible, whereby we desire meat, coition, and the like.

Irascible, whereby we are emboldned, joyned, grie∣ved, enraged.

Perfect vir∣tue hath four kinds.

Wisdom, the principle of doing things aright.

Justice, the principle of doing things equally in pri∣vate conversation and publick affairs.

Fortitude, the principle of not flying danger through fear, but meeting it.

Temperance, the principle of subduing desires, and yielding to no pleasures, but living mode∣rately.

Govern∣ment is of five kinds.

By Law: Those who are chosen Magistrates in a City govern by Law.

By Nature: the males not only of mankind, but of most other creatures are predominant over the Females by nature.

By Custome, as that which Masters have over their Dis∣ciples.

By Descent, as the Lacedaemonian Kings, who succeed out of one Family: and in Macedonia they use the same custome.

By force, as those who rule a Kingdom against the will of the people.

Of Rhetorick are six kinds.

Adhortation, as when we perswade to war against any.

Dehortation, as when we disswade from War.

Accusation, when we declare that we have been in∣jured by one whom we prove cause of our mis∣fortune.

Defence, when a man proves he did not an injury or offence.

En••omium, when we speak well of another.

Vituperation, when we declare a man to be wicked.

Of Right speaking are four kinds; when wee speak

What is requisite; those things which will benefit both the hearer and speaker.

As much as is requisite, if we speak neither more nor lesse then concerns the businesse.

To those to whom it is requisite; as when we speak to old men that have done amisse in such terms as are fit for old men, or to young as becomes young.

When it is requisite, neither too soon nor too late; for if that be not observed, nothing can be spoken aright.

Benificence is of four kinds.

In Wealth, when we relieve the wants of any accor∣ding to our means.

In Body, when we succour those who are beaten.

In Knowledge, when we instruct, cure, teach any good.

In Speech, he, who pleadeth in defence of another, helpeth him in words.

The end of things is of four kinds

Legall, imposing an end to things by decree.

Naturall, such as dayes, years, and houres have.

Artificiall, as the building of a house.

Accidentall, by chance unexpected.

Of powers are four kinds

One in the minde, to think and conjecture.

Another of the body, to walk, give, receive, and the like.

A third, consisting in a multitude of Souldiers, and store of wealth, in which respect, Princes are called Powerfull.

The fourth, as to suffer good or evill to be done to us; as to be capable of Sicknesse, Learning, health, or the like.

Of Huma∣nity are three kinds.

In calling, as those who call all they meet, and salute them, taking them by the hand.

In relieving, in relieving the misfortunes of another willingly.

In feasting and conversation.

Felicity is divided into five parts.

Prudent Counsell, acquired by learning and experi∣ence.

Soundnesse of senses, consisting in the parts of the bo∣dy, as to see with the eyes, to hear with the ears, to smell and tast.

Prosperity of affairs, when those things which a man intendeth, he performeth fully.

Good reputation amongst men, when a man is well spoken of.

Plenty of riches, and things necessary to life, so as to be able to supply friends, and perform works of publick magnificence: He who hath all these five kinds is perfectly happy.

Arts are of three kinds.

The first diggeth out mettalls, and fells wood.

The second gives varietie of shape to things, as Wood∣work and Iron-work.

The third maketh use of these, as horsemanship of bridles, Soldiery, of arms, musick of instruments.

Good is of four kinds.

One, as wen wee call a man good from his proper goodnesse.

A second, as we call Virtue and Justice it self good.

A third, as we say, food, exercise and medicines are beneficiall.

The fourth good we call the act of playing on musick, or acting in a play.

Of things some are

Ill, alwaies capable to do hurt, as ignorance, impru∣dence, injustice, and the like.

Good, the contrary to the former;

Indifferent, which somtimes may benefit, sometimes hurt, as walking, sitting, eating, or cannot do hurt at all, being neither good nor bad.

Good Go∣vernment is threefold.

If the Laws be good.

If the Laws be well kept.

If without Laws the people live orderly by custome.

Ill Govern∣ment is threefold.

If the Laws be bad for Natives and Forainers.

If the Laws in being are not observed.

If there are no laws at all.

Contraries are of three kinds.

Good to ill, as justice to injustice, wisdom to impru∣dence, and the like.

Ill to ill, as prodigality to avarice, unjust torments to just.

Neither to neither, as heavy to light, swift to flow, black to white.

Good is of three kinds.

Some we have, as Justice and Health.

Of some we participate, as good it self cannot be had, but may be participated.

Some are sixt, which we can neither have, nor parti∣cipate as to be virtuous and just.

Consultati∣on is three∣fold.

From the Past, by example; as what befell the Lace∣daemonians through overmuch confidence.

From the present, as considering the timerousnesse of men, weakness of walls, scarcity of provision, and the like.

From the Future, as that Ambassadours should not be injured upon suspicion, least it cast infamy upon all Greece.

Voice is

Animate, of living creatures.

Articulate of men.

Inarticulate of Beasts.

I••animate, sounds and noise.

Tings are

Divisible, compoun∣ded as Syllables, Symphonies, li∣ving creatures, water, Gold.

Homogeneous, consist of similar parts, differing from the whole onely in number, as water, gold, and all liquid things.

Heterogeneous, consist of dissi∣milar parts.

Indivisible, com∣pounded of no∣thing, as a point, sound.

Things are

Absolute, requiring nothing else to expresse them, as a man, a horse and other creatures.

Relatives, which imply another thing, as greater (then others) swifter, fairer, and the like, for what is greater relates to somthing lesser, and the like.

These according to Aristotle were Plato's divisions of first things.

CHAP. IX.

His three voyages to Sicily.

a 1.104 PLato made three voyages to Sicily; the first to see the f••ery ••bullitions of Aetnab 1.105 and to improve the knowledge of States, and Philosophy, which he got by his other travells; This was about the 40^th year of his age,c 1.106 at what time Dionysius the elder, Son of Hermocrates, reigned in Syracuse;d 1.107 Plutarch saith, hee was led thither by providence, not fortune, and that some good Genius, designing a far off the liberty of the people of Syracuse, brought him acquainted with Dion then very young, who entertained him as hise 1.108 guest: He much disliked the luxury of that place, feasting, nocturnal lucubrations and the like; Con∣versed frequently with Dion, discoursed with him of those things which were best in man, and with his best arguments exhorted him thereto; by which he seemed to lay grounds for the subver∣sion of that Tyranny, which afterwards hapned;f 1.109 Dion though young, was the most ingenious of all Plato's followers, and most eager in pursuit of Virtue, as appears as well by the testimony of Plato, as his own actions. Though he had been brought up by the King in an effeminate luxurious kind of life; yet as soon as he tasted of Philosophy the guide to Virtue, his soul was enflamed with love thereof, and from his own ••andour and ingenuity was perswaded that Dionysius would be no lesse affected therewith: And therefore desired him when hee was at leasure to admit and hear Plato: Hereupon the Tyrant sent for him; at that meet∣ing all their discourse was concerning fortitude; Plato affirmed none was further from that Virtue then a Tyrant, and, proceed∣ing to speak of Justice, asserted the life of the Just to be happy, of the unjust miserable. Dionysius was displeased at this discourse (as reflecting upon himself) and with the standers by for approving it, at last much exasperated, he asked Plato why he came into Sicily? Plato answered, to seek a good man: it seems, replyed Dyonisius, you have not yet found him. Laertius saith, Plato disputed with him con∣cerning Tyranny, affirming, that is not best which benefits our selves, unlesse it be excellent also in Virtue; whereat Dyonisius incensed, said to him, your discourse favours of old age; and yours, answered Plato, of Tyranny. Dionysius, enraged, comman∣ded him to be put to death; I will have, saith he, your head taken off; at which words Xenocrates being present, answered, He that doth it must begin with mine: but Dion and Aristomen••s wrought with him to revoke that sentence. Dion thinking his an∣ger would have proceeded no further, sent Plato away at his own request in a Ship which carried Pollis (whom Laertius calls Polis, Aelian Pôlis,) a Lacedaemonian Captain (who at that time had been sent Embassadour to Dionysius) back to Greece: Dionsiyus

secretly desired Pollis to kill him whilst he was on Shipboard; or if not, by all means to sell him, alledging, it would be no injury to Plato, for he would be as happy in bondage as at liberty, as be∣ing a just man. Some affirm the occasion of Dionysius his anger was, because, that when he asked what was the best brasse, Plato answered, that whereof the Statues ofg 1.110 Aristogiton and Harmodius were made. Others, that it was because he was over-mastered in learning. But Tzetzes rejecting these, as idle fictions of Philosophers, & falsifiers, affirms the true reason to have been, that he perceived, he advised Dion to possesse himselfe of the Kingdome: Pollis tran∣sported him to Aegina; there Charmander, son of Charmandrites, accused him, as meriting death by a Law they had made, that the first Athenian that should come to that Island, should, with∣out being suffered to speak for himselfe, be put to death: Which Law, as Phavorinus affirms, he himselfe made. One that was pre∣sent, saying in sport, he is a Philosopher, they set him at liberty: Some say, they brought him to the publick assembly, to plead for himselfe, where he would not speak a word, but underwent all with a great courage. Then they altered their intent of putting him to death, and agreed to sell him for a slave. Plutarch saith, that upon a decree of the Aeginetae, that all Athenians taken in that Island, should be sold for Slaves; Pollis sold him there: Anniceris, a Cyrenaick Philosopher, being accidentally present, redeemed him for twenty, or as others thirty Minae, and sent him to Athens to his friends; they immediately returned the mony to Anniceris, but he refused it, saying, they were not the only per∣sons concerned in Plato's welfare: Some say, Dion sent the mony, which he would not accept, but bought therewith a little Or∣chard in the Academy. Pollis was defeated by Chabrias, and after∣wards drowned in Elice. The report goes, that an apparition told him, he suffered those things for the Philosophers sake. Dio∣nysius understanding what had happened, writ to Plato, to desire him not to speak ill of him; Plato returned answer, that he had not so much time vacant from Philosophy, as to remember Diony∣sius. To some detractours who upbraided him, saying, Dionysius hath cast off Plato; no, saith he, but Plato Dionysius.

Dion continued to live, not according to the ordinary luxury of the Sicilians and Italians, but in vertue, untill Dionysius died, for which maligned by those who lived after Tyrannicall insti∣tutions. Then considering, that these documents were not practi∣sed by himselfe alone, but by some others, though few, he enter∣tained a hope, that Dionysius the younger, who succeeded his Father in the Government, might become one of those, to the extraordinary happinesse of himselfe, and the rest of the Sicili∣ans: To this end, he used many exhortations to invite him to vertue, intermixed with some sentences of Plato, with whom Dionysius, upon this occasion, became extreamly desirous to be

acquainted: To that effect, many Letters were sent to Athens to him, some from Dionysius, others from Pythagoreans in Italy, de∣siring Plato to go to Syracuse, who, by prudent Counsell, might govern the young man, transported by his own power to luxury. Plato, as himselfe affirmeth, fearing to be thought a Person only of words, and not willing to engage in action, and withall ho∣ping, by purging one principall part, to cure the disease of all Sicily, yielded; Laertius saith, upon a promise made to him by Dionysius, of a Place and People that should live according to the rules of his Common-wealth; which he made not good. Hence Athenaeus accuseth Plato of Ambition. In the mean time, the ene∣mies of Dion, fearing a change in Dionysius, perswaded him to call home from banishment Phil••stus (a person very rationall, but educated in Tyrannicall principles) as an Antidote against Pla∣to's Philosophy; but Dion hoped, the comming of Plato would regulate the licentious Tyranny of Dionysius.

Plato at his arrivall in Sicily (placed by Agellius, betwixt the beginning of Philips raigne, foure hundred years from the buil∣ding of Rome, and the Chaeronean fight) was received by Dio∣nysius with much respect: One of the Kings magnificent Chariots stood ready to receive him assoon as he landed, and carried him to the Court. The King offered Sacrifice to the Gods for his comming, as a great blessing upon his government. The tempe∣rance of their Feasts, alteration of the Court, meeknesse of the King, gave the Siracusians great hopes of reformation: The Cour∣tiers addicted themselves to Philosophy so much, that the Palace was full of Sand (wherein they drew Geometricall figures.) Not long after Plato's comming, at a Sacrifice in the Castle, the He∣rauld, according to the usuall manner, made a solemn Prayer, that the Gods would long preserve the Kingly Government: Dion standing by, said, Will you never give over praying against me? This troubled Philistus and his friends, who feared Plato would insinuate into the favour of Dionysius so much, as that they should not be able to oppose him, since in so short time, he had effected so great an alteration in him: Hereupon they all joyntly accused Dion, that he wrought upon Dionysius, by the eloquence of Plato, to resigne his Government, that it might be transferred to the Children of his Sister, to quit his command for the Academy, where he should be made happy by Geometry, resigning his pre∣sent happinesse to Dion and his Nephews. With these and the like instigations, Dionysius was so incensed, that he caused Dion to be unexpectedly carried on Ship-board in a little bark, giving the marriners order to land him in Italy. This happened four months after Plato's comming.h 1.111 Plato, and the rest of Dion's friends, feared to be put to some punishment, as partakers of his offence. A report was raised, that Plato was put to death by Dio∣nysius, as author of all that happened: but, on the contrary, Dio∣nysius,

doubting, lest something worse might happen from their fear, treated them all kindly, comforted Plato, bid him be of good cheer, and intreated him to stay with him:i 1.112 He caused him to be lodged in his Castle,k 1.113 in the Orchards adjoyning to his Palace, where not the Porter himselfe could go out without Dionysius his leave; thus cunningly, under pretence of kindnesse, he watched him, that he might not return into Greece, to give Dion notice of the wrong done to him. Dionysius by frequent conversation with Plato (as wild Beasts are tamed by use) fell into so great liking of his discourse, that he became in love with him; but, it was a Tyrannicall affection, for, he would not that Plato should love any but him, offering to put the power of the Kingdome into his hands, if he would value him above Dion. With this passion, troublesome to Plato, Dionysius was sometimes so farre transported, as men jealous of their Mistresses, that he would upon the suddain fall out with him, and as suddainly be reconciled, and ask him pardon. He had indeed a great desire of Plato's Philosophy, but a great respect likewise on the other side for those who disswaded him from it, telling him, that it would ruine him to be too far ingaged therein.l 1.114 In the mean time, there happening a War, he sent Plato home, promising, that the next spring (as soon as there was peace) he would send back for him and Dion to Syracuse: but he kept not his promise, for which he desired Plato to excuse him, protesting the War to be the occasion thereof, and that assoon as it were ended, he would send for Dion, whom he desired in the mean time to rest satisfied, and not attempt any thing against him, not to speak ill of him to the Grecians. This Plato endeavoured to effect; he in∣structed Dion in Philosophy, in the Academy: Dion lay in the City at the house of Calippus, with whom he had been long ac∣quainted. He purchased a Country house for pleasure, whither ••e sometimes went; this he bestowed afterward, at his return to Sicily, upon Speusi••pus, with whom he conversed most intimately, as being so advised by Plato, who knew the cheerfull humour of Speusippus to be a fit divertisement for the reserved disposition of Dion. Plato had undertaken the expence of some Playes and Dances by some youths; Dion took the pains to teach them, and paid the whole charge: By this liberality which Plato suffered him to confer upon the Athenians, he gained more love then Plato honour.

In the mean time, Dionysius, to acquit himselfe of the disesteem he had gained amongst Philosophers in Plato's cause, invited ma∣ny learned men, and in a vain ostentation of Wisdome, applyed improperly the sentences he had learned of Plato: Hereupon he began to wish for Plato again, and to blame himselfe, for not knowing how to use him well when he had him, and that he had not learned so much of him as he might: and being like a Tyrant

transported with uncertain passions and changes, a suddain ve∣hement desire came upon him of seeing Plato again.m 1.115 The peace being now concluded, he sent to Plato to come to him (but not (as he had promised) to Dion) writing to him, that he would have him to come immediately, and that afterwards he would send for Dion. Hereupon Plato refused to go, notwithstanding the in∣treaties of Dion; alledging for excuse his old age, and that no∣thing was done according to their agreement. In the mean time, Archytas, whom, with others of Tarentum, Plato, before his de∣parture, had brought into the acquaintance of Dionysius, came to Dionysius; there were also others there, Auditors of Dion. Dionysius being refused upon a second invitation, thought his honour deep∣ly concerned, and thereupon sent the third time a Galley of three banks of Oares (n 1.116 trimmed with Fillets) and other Ships, and with them Archidemus, whom he conceived Plato most affected of all his friends in Sicily, and some Sicilian Noblemen:o 1.117 He had by all means obliged Archytas the Pythagorean, to let Plato know, he might come without danger, and that he would engage his word on it.p 1.118 As soon as they came to Plato, they all protested, that Dionysius was much inclined to Philosophy, and delivered an Epistle from him to this effect.

Dionysius to Plato.

(AFter the accustomed way of Preface) nothing (saith he) should you do sooner, then come to Sicily at my request. First, as conc••rning Dion, all shall be done as you will; for, I think you will only moderate things, and I will condescend: But, unlesse you come, you shall not obtain any thing which you desire for Dion, nor in anything else, not in those which chiefly concern your own particular.

q 2.1 Other Epistles were sent from Archytas, and other Italians and Tarentines, praising Dionysius for his love of learning; adding, that if Plato came not, it would reflect upon his friends, as well as on himselfe.* 2.2 Many Letters and intreaties were sent to Dion, from his Wife and Sister:r 2.3 to these were joyned the importuni∣ties of some friends of Plato's at Athens,s 2.4 insomuch that Dion brought it to passe, that Plato (t 2.5 lest he should desert him and the Tarentines) yielded to Dionysius, without any excuse; and, as he writeth himselfe, was driven the third time to the Sicilian straits.

Once more Charybdis dangers to essay.

At his arrivall in Sicily, Dionysius met him with a Chariot, drawn by four white horses,u 2.6 whereinto he took him, and made him sit, whilst himselfe plaid the Coachman: whereupon a facete

Syracusian, well vers'd in Homer, pleased with the sight, spoke these verses out of the Iliads, with a little alteration:

The Chariot groan'd beneath its waight, Proud that the best of men there sat.

And as Dionysius was much joy'd at his comming, so were the Sicilians put in great hopes, being all desirous, and endeavou∣ring, that Plato might supplant Philistus, and subvert Tyranny by Philosophy: The Ladies of the Court entertained Plato with all civility; but above all, Dionysius seemed to repose more confi∣dence in him, then in any of his friends; for, whereas he was jealous of all others, he had so great respect for Plato, that he suf∣fered him only to come to him unsearched (* 2.7 though he knew him to be Dions intimate friend) and offered him great summs of mo∣ny, but Plato would not accept any: (yetx 2.8 Onetor saith, he recei∣ved eighty Talents of him, wherewith enriched, he purchased the Books of Philolaus) whence Aristippus the Cyrenaean, who was at the same time in the Court, said, Dionysius bestoweth his bounty on sure grounds; he gives little to us who require much, and much to Plato who requireth nothing. And being blamed, that he received mony of Dionysius, Plato books, I want mony, saith he, Plato books. So untrue it is, asy 2.9 Xenophon asperseth him, that he went thither to share in the Sicilian luxury: or asz 2.10 Tzetzes, that he studied the art of Cookery, and lived with Dionysius as his pensioner and parasite. So far was he from any sordid compliance, that at a Feast,a 2.11 Di∣onysius commanding every one to put on a purple Gown, and dance, he refused, saying,

I will not with a female robe disgrace My selfe, who am a man of manly race.

Some likewise ascribe this to him, which others to Aristippus, that Dionysius saying,

Who ere comes to a Tyrant, he A servant is, though he came free.

He answered immediately,

No servant is, if he came free.

b 2.12 Plato, after a while, began to put Dionysius in minde of the City he had promised him to be governed by his rules; but Dio∣nysius retracted his promise: He moved him also in the behalfe of Dion; Dionysius at the first delay'd him, afterwards fell out with him, but so secretly, that none saw it, for he continued to confer as much honour on him, as he could possibly, thereby to make

him forsake his friendship to Dion? Plato from the beginning perceived there was no trust to be reposed in what he said or did, but that all was deceit; yet concealed that thought, and pa∣tiently suffered all; p••etending to believe him. Thus they dissem∣bled with each other, thinking they deceived the eyes of all men besides; Helicon of Cyzicum, a friend of Plato, foretold an Eclipse of the Sun, which falling out according to his prediction, the Ty∣rant much honoured him, and gave him a Talent of Silver: then Aristippus jesting with other Philosophers, said, he could tell them of a stranger thing that would happen; they desiring to know what that was, I foretel, saith he, Plato and Dionysius will be at difference ere long; and it came to passe.c 2.13 Dionysius detain'd Dion's Rent which he used to send yearly to him to Peloponnesus, pretending he kept it for his Nephew, Dion's Son. Plato discon∣tented hereat, desired he might go home, saying, he could not stay, Dion being used so ignominously: Dionysius spoke kindly to him, desiring him to stay: He thought it not convenient to let Plato go so soon to divulge his actions: but being not able to pre∣vail with him; hee told him he would provide a means for his Passage; Plato had designed to go with the Passage••boates; Dionysius seeing him bent upon his voyage, the next spoke thus kindly to him; that the differences betwixt Dion and me may be composed, I will for your sake condescend thus far, Di∣on, shall receive his revenewes living in Peloponnesus not as a banish∣ed person, but as one that may come hither when he and I, and you his friends shall think convenient. The Trustees for this businesse shall be your self, and your and his friends who live here; Dion shall receive his Rents, but through your hands, otherwise I shall not dare to trust him ▪ in you and yours I have more confidence; stay for this reason a year here; and then you shall carry along with you his money, wherein you will do Dion a great courtesie. To this Plato after a daies deliberation con∣sented; and writ to that effect to Dion; but as soon as the Shippes were gone, that Dionysius saw he had no means to away, forgeting his promise; he made sale of Dions Estate.

d 2.14 At this time hapned a mutiny amongst the Souldiers of Diony∣sius, of which Heraclides a friend of Plato's was reported the Au∣thor: Dionysius laid out to take him, but could not light on him: Walking in his Garden he called Theodot••s to him; Plato being accidently walking there at the same time; after some private discourse with Dionysius, Theodotes, turning to Plato, Plato saith he, I perswade Dionysius that I may bring Heraclides to him to answer the crimes wherewith he is charged, and then if Dionysius will not suffer him to live in Sicily, that he at least permit him to take his Wise and Children along with him to Peloponnesus, and live there, and, whilst he shall not plot any thing against Dionysius, that he may there enjoy his Revenewes. With this ussurance I have sent to Heraclides, and will send again to him to come hither; but if he come either upon the first or second notice, I have made an agreement with Dionysius, and

obtained a promise from him that he shall receive no harm, either in or without the Citty; but, if he be so resolved, that he send him away beyond the con••ines of this Country, untill he shall be better satisfied with him: Do not you Dionysius consent hereto saith he, I do, answered Dio∣nysius, neither if he be in your house shall he receive any prejudice; The next day (about 20. daies before Plato left Sicily) came Eurybi∣us and Theodotes to Plato in so much hast and trouble; Plato, said Theodotes, you were yesterday present at the agreement betwixt Dio∣nysius and me, concerning Heraclides. I was so, answered Plato, but since continues Theodotes, he hath sent out Officers to apprehend him, and I fear he is somewhere very nigh; therefore go along with us to Di∣onysius, and let us use our utmost endeavour with him: They went, when they came before him, Plato (the rest standing silent by, and weeping) began thus, ••hese men, Dionysius, are afraid lest you should do somthing against Heraclides contrary to the agreement you made yesterday, for I suppose he is come near here abouts, Dionysius at this grew angry, his colour often changed with rage; Theodotes fell at his feet, and taking him by the hand, besought him not to do any such thing: Plato continuing his speech; Be of good chear, saith he, Theodotes, for Dionysius wil•• not do any thing contrary to the promise he made yesterday. Dionysius looking severely upon Plato, to you, saith he, I made no promise; yes by the God's answered Plato, you promi∣sed not to do those things which Theodotes now beseecheth you not to do. Archedemus and Aristocritus being present; he told Plato (as hee had done once before, when he interceded for Heraclides,) That he cared for Heraclides and others more then for him: and asked him before them, whether he remembred that when he came first to Syracuse, he counselled him to restore the Graecian Cities: Plato answered, he did remember it, and that he still thought it his best course, and withall asked Dionysius whether that were the only counsell he had given him. Dionysius returned an angry contumelious reply, and asked him, laughing scornfully, whether he taught him those things as a School boy; to which Plato answe∣red, you well remember, what replies he, as a Master in Geometry, or how? Pla••o forbore to reply, fearing it might occasion a stop of his Voyage; But immediately went away; Dionysius resolved to lay wait for Heraclides; but hee escaped to the Carthaginian Territories.

From this displeasure against Plato, Dionysius took occasion to forbear to send to Dion his money; and first sent Plato out of his Castle, where, til then, he had lain next the Palace, pretending that the women were to Celebrate a Feast ten daies in the Gar∣dens where he dwelt; For that time he commanded Plato to live without the Castle with Archedemus; during which time T••eo∣dotes sent for him, and complained to him of Dionysius his proceed∣ings. Dionysius, receiving information that Plato had gone to The∣odotes, took a new occasion of displeasure against him, and sent

one to him, who asked him whether he had gone to Theodotes. Plato acknowledged that he had, then saith the Messenger, Dio∣nysius bad me ••ell you; you do not well to preferre Dion and his friends before him. Never from that time did he send for Pl••to to the Court, looking upon him as a profest friend to Theodotes and Heraclides and his profest enemy:e 2.15 Plato lived without the Castle amongst the Souldiers of the Guard▪ who, as Dionysius well knew, had born him ill will long, and sought to murtler him, because he counsel'd Dionysius to giv•• over the Tyranny, and live with∣out a Guard.f 2.16 Some, who came to visit him, gave him notice that calumnies were spread against him amongst the Souldiers,g 2.17 as if he excited Dion and Theondas to restore the Island to liberty, and that some of them threatned, when they could light upon him to kill him. Hereupon Plato began to think of some means of Escape, which he effected in this manner; He sent to Arobytas at Tarentum, and to other friends advertising them of the danger wherein he was; They, under pretence of an Embassy in the name of the Country, sent Lamascus (whom Laertius calls Lamis∣cus) one of their party with a Galley of three banks of Oares to redemand Plato, declaring that his comming to Syracuse upon the engagement of Archytas: His letter was to this effect.

Architas to Dionysius, health.

WE all Plato's friends have sent Lamiscus and Photides to re∣demand the man according to your agreement with us: You will do well to consider with what importunity you prevail'd with us to invite Plato to you, promising to yeeld to all things, and to give him liberty to go and come at his pleasure; remember how much you prized his comming, and pre••erred him before all others: if there hath hapned any difference betwixt you, it will be••it you to treat him courteously, and restore him safe to us. This if you do, you will do justly, and oblige us.

h 3.1 Dionysius to excuse himselfe, and to shew he was not angry with Plato, feasted him magnificently, and then sent him home with great testimonies of affection: One day amongst the rest he said to him, I am afraid Plato you will speak ill of me when you are amongst your friends. The Gods forbid, answered, Plato, smiling, they should have such scarcity of matter in the Academy, as to be constrained to discourse of you. Dionysius at his departure, desired him to find out whether Dion would be much displeased if he should dispose of his Wife to another; there being at that time a report that he did not like his match, and could not live quietly with his Wi••e. Plato in his return, came to Peloponnesus at what time the Olym∣pick games were celebrated; where the eyes of all the Grecians were taken off from the sports and fixed upon him as the more worthy object: Here he found Dion beholding the exercises, To

whom hee related what had happened. Dion protested to revenge the discourtesie of Dionysius towards Plato, from which Plato earnestly disswaded him: Being come home to Athens, hee wrote to Dionysius, and gave him a plain accompt of every thing, but that concerning Dion's Wife, he set it down so darkly, that hee alone to whom the letter was directed could understand him; letting him know that he had spoken with Dion•• about the busi∣nesse which he knew, and that he would be very much displeased if Dionysius did it: so that at that time, because there was great hopes of reconciliation between them, the Tyrant forbore a while to dispose of his Sister Arete, Dions Wife, as, soon after, when he saw the breach irreconcilable, he did, marrying her a∣gainst her will to one of his friends named Timocrates. Dion thence forward prepared for War against Plato's advice, who endeavoured to disswade him from it, as well for respect of Dio∣onysius his good reception of him, as for that Dion was well in years; though Aelian saith, he put Dion upon that war; which Plu∣tarch imputes to the instigations of Speusippus.

CHAP. X.

His Authority in Civill Affairs.

AT home he lived quietly in the Academy,a 3.2 not engaging himself in publick Affairs; (though he were a person very knowing therein as his writings manifest,) because the Atheni∣ans were accustomed to Laws different from his sense.

b 3.3 His fame spreading to the Arcadians, and Thebans, they sent Embassadours earnestly to request him to come over to them, not noly to instruct their young men in Philosophy, but, which was of higher concernment, to ordain Laws for Megalopolis a Citty then newly built by the Arcadians, upon occasion of the great de∣feat given them by the Lacedaemonians, in the first year of the 103. Olympiad. Plato was not a little pleased at this invitation, but asking the Ambassadours how they stood affected to a parity of Estates, and finding them so averse from it, as not to be by any means induced thereto, he refused to go: but sent Aristonimus his familiar friend.

The Cyrenaeans likewise sent to him,* 3.4 desiring him to send them Laws for their City, but he refused, saying, it was difficult to to prescribe Laws to men in prosperity.

Yet to severall people upon their importunities he condescen∣ded.

To the Syracusians he gave Laws upon the ejection of their King.

To the Cretans, upon their building of Magnesia, he sent Laws digested into twelve Books.

To the Ilians he sent Phormio; to the Pyrrheans, Mededimus (his familiar friends) upon the same designe.

This is enough to justifie him against those who* 3.5 accuse him, of having written a form of Government, which he could not perswade any to practise, because it was so severe: and that the Athenians, who accepted the Laws of Draco and Solon, derided his.

CHAP. XI.

His Vertues and Morall Sentences.

a 3.6 HE lived single, yet soberly andb 3.7 chastly, insomuch as in his old age (in compliance with the vulgar opinion) he sacri∣ficed to Nature, to expiate the crime of his continence. So con∣stant in his composure and gravity, that a Youth brought up un∣der him, returning to his Parents, and hearing his Father speak aloud, said, I never found this in Plato. He ate but once a day, or, if the second time, very sparingly; he slept alone, and much dis∣commended the contrary manner of living. Of his Prudence, Pa∣tience, Magnanimity, and other Vertues, there are these in∣stances.

c 3.8 Antimachus a Colophonian, and Niceratus a Heracleot, con∣tending in a Poetick Panegyrick of Lysander, the prize was be∣stowed upon Niceratus: Antimachus in anger tore his Poem; Plato, who at that time was young, and much esteemed Antimachus for his poetry, comforted him, saying, Ignorance is a disease proper to the ignorant, as blindnesse to the blind.

d 3.9 His servant having offended him, he bad him put off his coat, and expose his shoulders to be beaten, intending to have corrected him with his own hand; but perceiving himselfe to be angry, he stopt his hand, and stood fixt in that posture; a friend comming in, asked him what he was doing, Punishing an angry man, saith he.

e 3.10 Another time, being displeased at his servant for some of∣fence, do you (saith he to Speusippus (or as Laertius to Xenocrates) accidentally comming in) beat this fellow, for I am angry. And ano∣ther time to his servant he said, I would beat thee, if I were not angry. f 3.11 Fearing to exceed the limits of correction, and thinking it unfit the Master and servant should be alike faulty.

g 3.12 Chabrias the generall being arraigned for his life, he alone shewed himselfe on his side, not one of the Citizens else appea∣ring for him. Crobulus the Sycophant met him, accompanying Chabrias to the Tower, and said unto him, Do you come to help o∣thers,

you know not that the poyson of Socrates is reserved for you? Plato answered, When I fought for my Count••y I hazarded my life, and will now in duty to my friend.

h 3.13 At the Olympick Games, he fell into company with some strangers, who knew him not, upon whose affections he gained much by his affable conversation, Dining and spending the whole day with them, not mentioning either the Academy or Socrates, only saying, his Name was Plato. When they came to Athens, he entertained them curteously. Come Plato, said the strangers, shew us your namesake, Socrates his Disciple; bring us to the Academy; recommend us to him, that we may know him. He smiling a little, as he used, said, I am the man: Whereat they were much amazed, ha∣ving conversed so familiarly with a person of that eminence, who used no boasting or ostentation; and shewed, that besides his Philosophicall discourse, his ordinary conversation was ex¦treamly winning.

When he went out of the School, he alwaies said, See (Youths) that you imploy your idle houres usefully.

At a Feast he blamed those that brought in Musicians to hin∣der discourse.

Seeing a young man play at Dice, reproved him, he answe∣red, What,* 3.14 for so small a matter? Custome (replies Plato) is no small thing.

Being demanded,* 3.15 whether there should be any record to po∣sterity of his actions or sayings, as of others before him: First, saith he, we must get a Name, then many things will follow.

Getting on Horse-back,* 3.16 he immediately lighted again, saying, He feared lest he should be carried away 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by a high wil∣full conceit, a metaphor taken from a Horse.

He advised drunken and angry men to look in a Glasse,* 3.17 and it would make them refrain from those vices.

He affirmed, that to drink to the excesse of drunkennesse was not allowable at any time,* 3.18 unlesse upon the festivall of that God who gives Wine.

Sleep also much displeased him, whence he saith in his Lawes,* 3.19 No man sleeping is worth anything.

That truth is more pleasing to all, then any feign'd story,* 3.20 so of truth he saith, de legibus: Truth, O guest, is an excellent thing, and durable, but to this we are not easily perswaded.

Being told,* 3.21 that Xenocrates had spoken many unjust things against him, he presently rejected the accusation; the informer persisted, asked, why he would not believe him? He added, it was not probable, that he whom he loved so much, should not love him again. Finally, the other swearing it was thus; he, not to argue him of perjury, affirmed, that Xenocrates would never have said so, but that there was reason for it.

He said,* 3.22 No wise man punisheth in respect of the fault past, but in prevention of the future.

Seeing the Agrigentines magnificent in Building,* 3.23 luxurious in Feasting, These people (saith he) Build, as if they were to live for ever, and Eat, as if they were to die instantly.

Hearing a wicked person speak in the defence of another,* 3.24 This man, saith he, carries his heart in his tongue.

Being told,* 3.25 that some spoke ill of him, he answer'd, Tis no matter, I will live so that none shall believe them.

Seeing a young man of a good family,* 3.26 who had wasted all his means, ••itting at the door of an Inn, feeding upon bread and water, he told him, If you had dined so temperately, you would never have needed to sup so.

To Antistenes,* 3.27 making a long oration, You know not, saith he, that discourse is to be measured by the hearer, not the speaker.

Seeing a youth over-bold with his Father,* 3.28 Young man, saith he, will you under-value him, who is the cause you over-value your selfe?

To one of his Disciples, who took too much care of his body, he said, Why do you labour so much in building your own prison?

Of a prisoner fettered, he said, That man is dead in his own bo∣dy, he lives in another.

He said, that whosoever neglected himselfe for another, was the most happy of all persons, for he enjoyed neither.

One Leo, an eminent Citizen, being blamed for loud and im∣moderate clamour in the Senate, That is, saith he, to be a Lyon indeed.

His Disciples wondring, that Xenocrates, severe all his life time, had said something that was pleasant, Do you wonder (saith he) that Roses and Lillies grow among Thorns?

Xenocrates by reason of his severe conversation,* 3.29 he advised to sacrifice to the Graces.

He used to say, Prefer labour before idlenesse, unlesse you esteem rust above brightnesse.

He exhorted the young men to good life, thus; Observe the different nature of vertue and pleasure; the momentary sweet∣nesse of the world is immediately followed by eternall sorrow and repentance, the short pain of the other by eternall pleasure.

He said, that it was a great matter in the education of youth, to accustome them to take delight in good things; other waies, he affirmed pleasure to be the bait of evill.

He affirmeth Philosophy to be the true help of the Soul, the rest ornaments; that nothing is more pleasing to a sound minde, then to speak and hear truth, then which nothing is better or more lasting.

To some, who demanded what kinde of possessions were best to be provided for Children: Those (saith he) which fear nei∣ther stormes, nor violence of men, nor Iove himselfe.

To Demonicus, asking his advice concerning the education of his Son: The same care (saith he) that we have of Plants, we

must take of our Children; The one is Labour, the other Plea∣sure. But we must take heed that in this we be not too secure, in that too vigilant.

To Thiledonus, who blamed him that he was as Studious to learn as to teach, and asked him how long he meant to be a Disciple? as long saith he, as I am not ashamed of growing better and wi∣ser.

Being demanded what difference there is between a learned Man and an unlearned, the same saith he, as Betwixt a Physitian and a Patient.

He said, Princes had no better Possessions then the familiarities of such men who could not ••latter, that Wisdom is as necessary to a Prince, as the Soul to the Body. That Kingdoms would be most happy, if either Philosophers Rule, or the Rulers were inspired with Philosophy, for no∣thing is more pernicious then power and arrogance accompanied with ig∣norance. That Subjects ought to be such as Princes seem to be. That a Magistrate is to be esteemed a Publick not a private good. That not a part of the Common-wealth, but the whole ought to be principally regarded.

Being desirous to take off Timotheus Son of Conon,* 3.30 Generall of the Athenians, from sumptuous Military Feasts; he invited him into the Academy to a plaine moderate Supper, such as quiet pleasing sleeps succeed with a good temper of body. The next day Timotheus observing the difference, said, They who feasted with Plato were the better for it the next day; and meet∣ing Plato, said unto him; Your Supper, Plato, is as pleasant the next morning as overnight, alluding to the excellent discourse, that had past at that time.

Hence apears the truth of that Poet's saying, who being de∣rided for acting a Tragedy, none being present but Plato, answered, but this one person is more then all the Athenians besides.

CHAP. XII.

His Will and Death.

THus continuing a single life to his end, not having any Heirs of his own, he bequeathed his Estate to young Adi∣mantus, (probably the Son of Adimantus, his second Brother) by his will; thus recited by Laertius.

These things Plato hath Bequeathed and disposed, The Eniphistidaean grounds bordering North, on the high way from the Cephisian Temple, South on the Heracleum of the Eniphistiades, East on Archestratus the Phrearian, West Philip the Cholidian, this let it not be lawfull for any man to sell or alienate, but let young Adimantus be possessour thereof in

as full and ample manner as is possible. And likewise the Enerisiadaean Farm which I bought of Callimachus, adjoyning on the North to Eu∣rymedon the Myrrinusian, on the South to Demostratus Xypeteron, on the East to Eurymedon the Myrrinusian, on the West to Cephissus; Three minae of Silver; a Golden Cup weighing 160. a ring of Gold, and an earing of Gold, both together weighing four drachmes and three aboli; Euclid the Stone-Cutter oweth me three Minae, Diana I remit freely, I leave Servants, Ticho, Bictas Apolloniades, Dionysius Goods, whereof Demetrius keepeth an Inventory. I ow no man any thing, Executors, Sosthenes, Speusippus, Demetrius, Hegias, Eu∣rimedon, Callimachus, Thrasippus.

If this Will be not forged, that of Apuleius is false,* 3.31 who a∣verrs the Patrimony he left was a little Orchard adjoyning to the Acade∣my, two servants, and a Cup wherein he supplicated to the Gods; Gold no more then he wore in his ear when he was a boy, an Emblem of his Nobility.

He died in the 13^t• year of the Reign of Philip King of Macedon,* 3.32 in the first of the 108. Olympiad; the 81. (according to Hermip∣pus, Cicero, Seneca, and others) of his age (not as Athenaeus the 82.) which number he compleated exactly, dying that very day whereon he was born; For which reason the Magi at Athens sa∣crificed to him, as conceiving him more than man, who fulfilled the most perfect number, nine multiplyed into it self.

He died only of age,* 3.33 which Seneca ascribes to his temperance and diligence; Hermippus saith, at a Nuptiall Feast; Cicero saith, as he was writing; they therefore who affirm he dyed (as Phere∣cydes) of lice, do him much injury;* 3.34 upon his Tomb these Epitaphs.

The first.

Whose Temperance and Iustice all envies, The fam'd Aristocles here buried lies; If Wisdom any with renown indued, Here was it most, by envy not pursued.

The second.

Earth in her bosom Plato's body hides, His Soul amongst the deathlesse Gods resides Aristo's Son; whose fame to strangers spread, Made them admire the sacred life he lead.

Another later.

Eagle, why art thou pearcht upon this stone, And gaz••st thence on some Gods starry throne? I Plato's Soul to Heaven flownrepresent, His body buried in this Monument.

Phavorinus saith, that Mithridates the Persian set up Plato's statue in the Academy with this Inscription;

MITHRIDATES SON OF RHODOBATES, THE PERSIAN, DEDICATED THIS I∣MAGE OF PLATO, MADE BY SILANION TO THE MUSES.

CHAP. XIII.

His Disciples and Friends.

THE Fame of this Scool attracted Disciples from all parts: of whom were

Speusippus an Athenian, Plato's Sisters Son, whom he said he re∣formed by the example of his own life.

Xenocrates a Chalcedonian, Plato's beloved Disciple, an imita∣tour of his gravity and magnanimity: Athenaeus saith, hee was first the onely Disciple of Aeschines, and relief of his poverty, se∣duced from him by Plato.

Aristotle a Stagirite, whom Plato used to call a Colt, foresee∣ing that he would ungratefully oppose him, as a Colt having suckt, kicks at his Dam: Xenocrates was slow, Aristotle quick in extremity, whence Plato said of them, what an Asse have I, and what a horse to yoak together.

Philippus an Opuntian, who transcribed Plato's Laws in wax; to him some ascribe Epinomis.

Hestiaeus a Perinthian.

Dion a Syracusian; whom Plato exceedingly affected, as is evi∣dent from his Epigrams; seeing him in the height of honour, all mens eyes fixt upon his noble actions, hee advised him to take heed of that vice, which makes men care onely to please them∣selves; a consequent of solitude.

Amyclus (or as Aelian, Amyclas) a Heracleote. * 3.35 Erastus and Coriscus Scepsians.

Temolaus a Cyzicene.

Euaemon a Lampsacene.

Pithon, whom Aristotle calls Paron, and Heraclides Aenians.

Hippothales and Callippus, Athenians.

Demetrius of Amphipolis.

Heraclides of Pontus.

Two women, Lasthenia a Mantinean, and Axiothia a Phliasi∣an, who went habited like a man.

Theophrastus, as some affirm.

Oratours, Hyperides, Lycurgus, Demosthenes. Lycurgus (saith

Philistus) was a person of great parts, and did many remarkable things, which none could perform, who had not been Plato's auditor. Demosthenes, when he fled from Antipater, said to Archi∣as, who counsell'd him to put himselfe into his hands, upon pro∣mise to save his life; Far be it from me to choose rather to live ill, than to die well, having heard Xenocrates and Plato dispute of the Soules immortality.

Mnesistratus a Thasian.

To these reckoned by Laertius, add Aristides a Locrian.

Eudoxus a Gnidian, who at a great Feast made by Plato, first found out the manner of sitting in a circular form.

Hermodorus, of whom the Proverb, Hermodorus traffiques in words.* 3.36

Heracleodorus, to whom Demosthenes writing, reprehends him, that having heard Plato, he neglected good arts, and lived disor∣derly.

* 3.37 Euphratus, who lived with Perdiccas King of Macedonia, in so great favour, that he in a manner shared command with him.

Euagon of Lampsacum.* 3.38

Timaeus of Cyzicum.* 3.39

Chaeron of Pellene.* 3.40

* 3.41 Isocrates the Oratour, with whom Plato was very intimate▪ Praxiphanes published a discourse they had together, in a field of Plato's, who at that time entertained Isocrates as a Guest.

Aster, P••aedrus, Alexis, Agatho, young men, whom Plato parti∣cularly affected, as appears by his Epigrams.

* 3.42 Aristonymus, Phormio, Mededimus, his familiar friends, already mentioned.

CHAP. XIV.

His Aemulatours and Detractours.

AS Plato's eminent learning gained on one side many Disci∣ples and admirers, so on the other side, it procured him ma∣ny emulators, especially amongst his fellow Disciples, the fol∣lowers of Socrates; amongst these,

Xenophon was exceedingly disaffected towards him; they emu∣lated each other, and writ both upon one subject; a Symposium, Socrates his Apologie, morall commentaries: One writ of a Commonwealth, the other, the Institution of Cyrus: which book * 3.43 Plato notes as commentitious, affirming Cyrus not to have been such a person as is there exprest. Though both writ much con∣cerning Socrates, yet neither makes mention of the other, except Xenophon once of Plato, in the third of his Commentaries.

Antisthenes being about to recite something that he had writ∣ten,

desired Plato to be present; Plato demanding what he meant to recite, he answered, that to contradict is not lawfull. How come your, saith Plato, to write upon that subject? And thereupon demonstrating that he contradicted himselfe, Antisthenes writ a Dialogue against him, intituled Satho.

Aristippus was at difference with him, for which reason (in Phaedone) he covertly reproves Aristippus, that being near at Ae∣gina when Socrates died, he came not to him. He writ a book of the luxury of the antients; some ascribe the amatory Epigrams to his invention, his designe in that treatise being to detract from eminent persons, amongst the rest from Socrates his Master, and Plato and Xenophon his fellow Disciples.

Aeschines and Plato also disagreed: some affirme, that when Plato was in favour with Dionysius, Aeschines came thither very poor, and was despised by Plato, but kindly entertained by Ari∣stippus: But the Epistle of Aeschines put forth by Allatius, expres∣seth the contrary. The discourse which Plato relates, betwixt Crito and Socrates in Prison, Idomeneus saith, was betwixt Socrates and Aeschines; by Plato, out of ill will to Aeschines, attributed to Crito. But of Aeschines he makes not any mention in all his works, except twice slightly; once in Phaedone, where he names him a∣mongst the persons present at Socrates his death; and again in his Apology speaking of Lysanias his Father.

Phaedo, if we credit the detractions of Athenaeus, was so much maligned by Plato, as that he was about to frame an indictment against him, to reduce him to that condition of servitude, out of which, by the procurement of Socrates, he had been redeemed; but his designe being discovered, he gave it over. Besides his condisciples.

Diogenes the Cynick derided his Laws, and assertion of Ideas; concerning the first, he asked if he were writing Lawes? Plato assented. Have you not written already a Commonwealth, saith Diogenes? Yes, answered Plato. Had that Commonwealth Lawes, saith Diogenes? Plato affirmed it had. Then, replyed Diogenes, what need you write new?a 3.44 Another time, Diogenes saying, he could see the things of the world, but not Ideas: Plato answered, that is no wonder, for you have, and use those eyes, which be∣hold such things: but the minde, which only can see the other, you use not.

b 3.45 Molon, in detraction from him, said, It was not strange Dio∣nysius should be at Corinth, but that Plato should be at Sicily.

From these private differences, arose many scandalous impu∣tations, forged and spread abroad by such as envyed or maligned him: as,c 3.46 That he profest one thing, and practised another:d 3.47 that he loved inordinately Aster, Dion, Phaedrus, Alexis, Agatho, and Archeanassa, a Curtesan of Colopho:e 3.48 That he was a calumnia∣tour, envious, proud, a gluttonous lover of Figgs:f 3.49 that he was

the worst of Philosophers a parasite to Tyrants, and many other accusations alike improbable: from these the Comick Poets and others took liberty to abuse him;g 3.50 Theopompus in Autochare.

—for one is none, And two (as Plato holds) is hardly one.

Anaxandrides in Theseo;

When Olives he (like Plato) doth devour;

Timon,

As Plato feignes, in framing* 3.51 wonders skill'd;

Alexis in Meropide,

Aptly thou comest, I walking round could meet (Like Plato) nothing wise; but tir'd my feet.

And in Anchilione,

Thou speak'st of things thou understands not, go To Plato, thence Nile and onyons know:

Amph in Amp hicrate,

What good from hence you may expect to rise, I can no more then Plato's good comprise;

And in Dexidemide,

Plato thou nothing knowst, but how To look severe and knit the brow.

Cratylus in Pseudobolymaeo,

A man thou art, and hast a soul, but this With Plato not sure, but opinion is.

Alexis in Olympiodoro.

My body mortall is grown dry, My soul turn'd air that cannot dy▪ Taught Plato this Philosophy?

And in Parasito.

Or thou with Plato rav'st alone.

i 3.52 Ephippus in Naufrago, objects to Plato and some friends of his, that corrupted with money they detracted from many persons; that they went proudly habited, and they took more care of their outward beau∣ty, then the most luxurious: See Athenaeus, lib. 11.

CHAP. XV.

His Writings.

THE writings of Plato are by way of Dialogue; of the In∣vention of Dialogue we havea 3.53 already spoken; now of the Nature thereof.

A Dialogue is composed of puestions and answers Philosophical

or Politicall, aptly expressing the Characters of those persons that are the speakers in an elegant stile; Dialectick is the art of discourse, whereby we confirm or confute any thing by questions and answers of the disputants.

Of Platonick discourse there are two kinds, Hyphegetick and Exe∣getick, subscribed thus,

Hyphegetick	Theoretick.	Logick.
Physick.
Practick.	Ethick:
Politick.

Exegetick	Gymnastick,	Majeutick▪
Physick.
Agonistick,	Endeitick.
Anatreptick.

we know where there are other divisions of Dialogues; as into dramatick Narrative mixt: but that division is more proper to Tragedy then to Philosophy.

Of Plato's Dialogues are

Physick,

Timaeus.

Logick,

The Politick.

Cratylus.

Parmenides.

The Sophist.

Ethick,

Apology of Socrates.

Crito.

Phaedo.

Phaedrus.

Symposium▪

Menexemus.

Clitophon.

Epistles.

Philebus.

Hipparchus.

The Rivalls.

Politick,

The Common-wealth.

The Lawes.

Minos.

Epinomis.

The Atlantick.

Maieutick,

Alcibiades.

Theages.

Lysis.

Laches.

Pirastick,

Euthyphron.

Menon.

Ion.

Charmides.

Theaetetus.

Endeictick,

Protagoras.

Anatrep∣tick,

Euthydemus.

Hippias 1.

Hippias 2.

Gorgias 1.

Gorgias 2.

It being much controverted (continueth Laertius) whether Plato doth dogmatize, some affirming, others denying it, it will be necessary to say somthing thereupon, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to dogma∣tise is to impose a Doctrine, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to impose a Law; A Doctrine is taken two waies, either ••or that which is Decreed, or the Decree it self; That which is Decreed is a proposition, the Decree it self an imposition. Plato expounds those things which he conceiveth true: Confutes those which are false, sus∣pends his opinion in those which are doubtfull. He asserts what he conceiveth true under one of these four persons, Socrates, Ti∣maeus an Athenian Guest, an Aelian Guest; The Guests are not, as some conceive, Plato and Parmenides, but imagined namelesse persons, as what Socrates, Timaeus speak, are the Decrees of Plato. Those whom he argueth of falsehood are Thrasymach••s, Callicles, Polus, Gorgias, Protagoras, Hippias, Euthydemus, and the like.

In Argument he often used induction of both Sorts. Induction is a discourse, which from certain truths Collects, and inferreth a truth like to those: Of Induction there are two kinds, one from Contraries, another from Consequents: From Contraries, as when he who is questioned, answereth in all things contrary to himself, as thus; My Father is either the same with yours, or

not the same, if therefore thy Father be not the same with mine, he is not my Father: and again, if a man be not a living crea∣ture, he is stone, wood, or the like, but he is neither stone nor wood, for he hath a soul, and moveth himselfe, therefore he is a living creature; if a living creature, a dog and an Ox. This kind of induction by contraries, serves not for assertion, but confuta∣tion: Induction by consequents is two-fold; one, when a singu∣lar being sought, is concluded from a singular, the first proper to Oratours, the second to Logicians; as in the first, the question is, Whether such an one were a murtherer, it is proved from his being bloody at the same time. This induction is Rhetoricall, for Rhetorick is conversant in Singulars, not in universalls; it inquireth not after justice, but after the severall parts thereof: the other is Dialectick, whereby Universalls are concluded from Singulars, as in this question; Whether the Soule be immortall, and whether the living are of the dead, which is demonstrated in his Book of the Soul, by a generall Maxime, that contraries proceed from contraries, this being generall, is proved by sin∣gulars, as, waking succeeds sleeping, the greater the lesser, and so on the contrary. Thus he useth to confirm what he asserts.

Thrasylus saith, he published his Dialogues according to the tragick Tetralogie: His genuine Dialogues are fiftie six, his Common-wealth divided into ten, they make nine Tetralogies, reckoning his Commonwealth one Book, his Lawes another. The first Tetralogie hath a common subject, declaring what is the proper life of a Philosopher: every Book hath a two-fold title; one from the principall person, the other from the subject.

The first.

Euthyphron; or of Piety: Pirastick.

Socrates his Apologie: Ethick.

Crito, or of that which is to be done: Ethick.

Phaedo, or of the soul: Ethick.

The se∣cond.

Cratylus; or, of right naming: Logick.

Theaetetus; or, of Science: Pirastick.

The Sophist; or, of Ens: Logick.

The Politick; or, of a Kingdome: Logick.

The third.

Parmenides; or, of Idaea's: Logick.

Philebus; or, of Pleasure: Ethick.

The Symposium; or, of Good••Ethick.

Phaedrus; or of Love: Ethick.

The fourth.

Alcibiades 1. or, of human Nature: Majeutick.

Alcibiades 2. or, of Prayer: Majeutick.

Hipparchus; or, the Covetous: Ethick.

The Rivalls; or, of Philosophy: Ethick.

The fift

Theages; or of Philosophy: Majeutick.

Charmides; or, of Temperance: Pirastick.

Laches; or, of Fortitude: Majeutick.

Lysis; or, of Friendship: Majeutick.

The sixt

Euthydemus; or, the Litigious: Anatreptick.

Protagoras; or, the Sophist: Endeictick.

Gorgias; or, of Rhetorick: A••atreptick.

Menon; or, of Vertue: Pirastick.

The seventh

Hippias first; or, of Honest: Anatreptick.

Hippias second; or, of Fal••••: Anatreptick.

Io; or of Ilias: Pirastick.

Menexenus; or, the funerall Oration: Ethick.

The eight

Clitophon; or the Exhortation: Morall.

The Commonwealth; or, of Just: Politick.

Timaeus; or, of Nature: Physick.

Critias; or, the Atlantick: Ethick.

The ninth

Minos; or, of Law: Politick.

Lawes; or, of Legislation: Politick.

Epinomis; or, the Nocturnall convention; or, the Philosophers Politick.

Epistles thirteen, Ethick, in the inscriptions whereof he useth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Cleon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. to Aristodemus one; to Architas two; to Dionysius foure; to Hermias, Era∣stus, and Coriscus one; to Leodamas one; to Dion one; to Dions friends two. Thus Thrasilaus.

Others, of whom is Aristophanes the Grammarian, reduce his Dialogues to Trilogies, placing in

The first

The Common-wealth.

Timaeus.

Critias.

The se∣cond

The Sophister.

The Politick.

Cratylus.

The third

Lawes.

Minos.

Epinomis.

The fourth

Theaetetus.

Euthyphron.

Apology.

The fift.

Crito.

Phaedo.

Epistles. The rest single without order.

Some, as we said, begin with Alcibiades major, others from Theages, others from Euthyphron, others from Clitiphon, others from Timaeus, others from Phaedrus (which they say was the first Dialogue he wrot, as the subject it selfe seemeth to confirme, which savours of youth; and therefore Dicearchus condemnes it as too light: to which censure Cicero agreeth, as conceiving, he ascribeth too great a power to Love) others begin with Theaete∣tus, many with his Apologie.

He mentions not himselfe in all his writings, except once in his Phaedo, and another time in his Apologie for Socrates. At the recitall of his Phaedo, all, but Aristotle rose, and went away. The efficacy of that Dialogue (which treats of the immortality of the Soule) is evident from Cleombrotus of Ambracia, who, assoon as he had read it, was so disaffected to life, that he threw him∣selfe from a high wall into the Sea;b 3.54 upon whom thus Callima∣chus,c 3.55

Cleombrotus cries out, farewell this light, And headlong throwes himselfe int'endlesse night: Not that he ought had done, deserving death, But Plato read, and weary grew of breath.

The Dialogues generally noted as spurious (not to say any thing of his Epinomis, though some ascribe it to Philippus the O∣puntian) are these,

• Midon, or the Horse-courser.
• Erixias, or Erasistratus.
• Alcyon.
• Acephali, or the Sisyphi.
• Axiochus.
• Phaeaces.
• Demodochus.
• Chelidon.
• The seventh,
• Epimenides.

Of these Alcion is ascribed by Phavorinus to Leon.

His stile, Aristotle saith, is betwixt Prose and Verse. He useth variety of names, that his work may not easily be understood by the unlearned. He conceiveth wisdome properly to be of intel∣lectuall things, Knowledge of reall Beings conversant about God,

and the soul separate from the body. Properly, he calleth Philoso∣phy Wisdome, being the appetition of divine Knowledge; but, com∣monly he calleth all skill knowledge, as an Artificer, a wise man. He likewise used the same names in divers significations; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which properly signifies Evill, he useth for Simple, as Euripides in his Lycimnius of Hercules,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

The same word Plato sometimes takes for honest, sometimes for little. He likewise useth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 names to signifie the same thing: Idaea he useth both for species and genus; Exemplar, both princi∣ple and cause. Sometimes he useth contrary expressions to signi∣fie the same thing; Sensible he calleth a being and no being; a be∣ing, as having been produced; no being, in respect of its conti∣nuall mutation. Idaea, neither moveable nor permanent, the same both one and many. The like he useth often in other things.

The method of his discourse is three-fold: first, to declare what that is which is taught; then for what reason it is asserted, whether as a principall cause, or as a comparison, and whether to defend the Tenent, or oppugne the contrary. Thirdly, whether it be rightly said.

The marks, which he usually affixed to his writtings, are these.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 denotes Platonick words and figures.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Doctrines and opinions proper to Plato;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Choice expressions.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Corrections.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Things superfluous.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Double signification or use.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Philosophicall institution.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, agreement of opinions.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Improbation. Hitherto Laertius.

There are two Epistles under Plato's name, besides those in his works, already mentioned, one in Laertius his life of Architas.

Plato to Architas, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

THe Commentaries which came from you, we received with extra∣ordinary content, infinitely admiring the writer, who appears to us a person worthy of those antient predecessors; for those men are said to be Myraeans of those Trojans, which were banished in the time of Laome∣don, good men, as Tradition speaks them. Those Commentaries of mine, concerning which you write, are not yet polished; however as they are, I have sent them to you, in the keeping of them we agree both, so as I n••ed not give you any directions. Farewell.

Another published by Leo Allatius amongst the Socratick Epistles.

I had not any of those things to send to Syracuse which Archytas desired to receive by you; as soon as possible I will send to you. Philosophy hath wrought in me I know not whether good or bad, a hatred of con∣versing with many persons, justly, I think, since they erre in all kind of folly as well in private as publick affairs; but if unjustly, yet know I can hardly live and breath otherwise. For this reason I have fled out of the City, as out of a Den of wild Beasts, living not far from the Ephestia∣des, and the places thereabouts. I now see, that Timon hated not men, he could not affect Beasts, therefore lived •• alone by himself, perhaps not without danger. Take this as you please; my resolution is to live far from the City, now and for ever hereafter, as long as God shall grant me life.

In Poesy he writ,

Dithyrambs.

An Epick Poem,

Four Tragedies, all which (as we said) he burned.

The Atlantick story, of which thus Plutarch; Solon begun the At∣lantick story (which he had learnt of the Priests of Sais, very proper for the Athenians) but gave it over by reason of his old age, and the large∣nesse of the work. Plato took the same argument, as a wast piece of fer∣tile ground fallen to him by hereditary right; He manured it, refined it, enclosed it with large Walls, Porches and Galleries, such as never any Fable, or Poem had before; but because he undertook it late, he was prevented by Death. The more things written delight, the more their not being perfected is For as the Athenian City left the Temple of Jupiter; so Plato's Wisdom, amongst many ex••••llent wri∣tings, left the Atlantick argument alone imperfect.

Epigrams, of which these are extant in Laertius, and the Anthologie.

Upon one named After.

d 4.1 The Stars, my Star, thou view'st; Heav'n I would be, That I with thousand eyes might gaze on Thee.

Upon his Death.

e 4.2 A Phosphor 'mongst the living late wert thou, But shin'st among the dead a Hesper now.

Epitaph on Dion, engrav'd on his Tomb at Siracuse.

f 4.3 Old Hecuba the Trojan Matron's years Were interwoven by the Fates with Tears; But thee with blooming hopes my Dion deckt, Gods did a Trophy of their pow'r erect. Thy honour'd reliques in their Country rest, Ah Dion! whose love rages in my breast.

On Alexis.

g 4.4 Fair is Alexis, I no sooner said, When every one his eyes that way convey'd: My soul (as when some dog a bone we show, Who snatcheth it) lost we not Phaedrus so?

On Archaeanassa.

h 4.5 To Archae'nassa, on whose furrow'd brow Love sits in triumph, I my service vow; If her declining Graces shine so bright, What flames felt you▪ who saw her noon of light?

On Agathon.

My Soul, when I kiss'd Agathon, did start Up to my lip, just ready to depart.

To Xantippe.

i 4.6 An Apple I (Love's emblem) at the throw, Thou in exchange thy Virgin-zone bestow. If thou refuse my suite, yet read in this, How short thy years, how frail thy Beauty is. I cast the apple, loving those love thee, k 4.7 Xantippe yeeld. for soon both old will be.

l 4.8 On the Eretrians vanquish'd by the Persians.

m 4.9 We in Eubaea born Eretrians are Buried in Susa from our Country far.

Venus and the Muses.

n 4.10 Virgins (said Venus to the Muses) pay Homage to us, or, Love shall wound your Hearts: The Muses answer'd, take these toyes away, Our Breasts are proof against his childish darts.

Fortune exchang'd.

o 4.11 One finding Gold, in change, the halter quits, Missing his Gold, 'tother the halter knits.

On Sappho.

p 4.12 He, who believes the Muses Nine, mistakes, For Lesbian Sappho ten their number makes.

Time.

q 4.13 Time all things bring to passe, a change creates In Names, in Formes, in Nations and in S••ates.

Death.

r 4.14 That is a Plough-man's grave, a Sailor's this; To Sea and Land alike Death common is.

On one Shipwrack'd.

s 4.15 The cruell Sea, which took my life away, Forbore to strip me of my last array: From this a covetous man did not refrain, Acting a crime so great for so small gain; But let him wear it to the shades, and there Before great Pluto in my cloaths appear.

Another.

t 4.16 Safely (O Saylors) presse the Land, and wave, Yet know, ye passe a Shipwrack'd persons grave.

On the Statue of Venus.

u 4.17 Paphian Cythera, swimming crosse the Main, To Guidas came her Statue there to see, And from on high, surveying round the plain Where could Praxiteles me spy? (saith shee) He saw not what's forbidden mortall Eyes, 'Twas Mars's Steel that Venus did incize.

Another.

* 4.18 Not carv'd by Steel, or Praxitele's fam'd hand: Thus nak'd before the Iudges did'st thou stand.

Love sleeping.

x 4.19 Within the Covert of a shady Grove, We saw the little red-check'd God of Love. He had nor Row nor Quiver, those among The neighb'ring Trees upon a bough were hung: Upon a Bank of tender Rose-buds laid He, (smiling) slept; Bees with their noise invade His rest, and on his lips their honey made.

Pan Piping.

y 4.20 Dwell awfull Silence on the shady Hills Among the bleating flocks, and purling rills, When Pan the Reed doth to his lip apply, Inspiring it with sacred Harmony, Hydriads, and Hamadryads at that sound In a well order'd measure beat the ground.

On the Image of a Satyre in a Fountain and Love sleeping.

z 4.21 A skilfull hand this Satyre made so near To life, that only Breath is wanting here: I am attendant to the Nymphs; before I fill'd out purple wine, now water powre▪ Who ere thou art com'st nigh, tread softly, lest You waken Love out of his pleasing rest.

Another.

a 4.22 On horn'd Lyaeus I attend, And powre the streams these Nayads lend, Whose noise Lov's slumber doth befriend.

Another.

b 4.23 This Satyre Diodorus did not make, But charme asleep; if prick'd he will awake.

On a Seal.

c 4.24 Five Oxen grazing in a flow'ry Mead, A Iasper seal done to the life doth hold, The little herd away long since had fled, We'rt not inclos'd within •• pale of Gold.

Notes

• a 1.1

  Laert.
• b 1.2

  Tzetz. Chili∣ad. 11. 390.
• c 1.3

  Laert.
• d 1.4

  Laert. Suid.
• e 1.5

  Laert. Apul. Suid.
• f 1.6

  In Timaeum.
• g 1.7

  D••gm. Plat.
• h 1.8

  Laert 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: perh. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. it shou'd be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 amongst the wri∣tings of ••peusip∣pus is mentioned 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• i 1.9

  Sympos. 8. 1.
• k 1.10

  Apul. d••gm. Plat.
• l 1.11

  Advers. Iul.
• m 1.12

  Laert.
• n 1.13

  Laert. Suid.
• r 1.14

  Argum. Hip∣pol.
• s 1.15

  Deipn. 5.
• t 1.16

  Lib.
• u 1.17

  Plin. Exercit. p. 157.
• * 1.18

  Doctr. temp.
• x 1.19

  Deipn. 5.
• y 1.20

  Laert.
• z 1.21

  Sympos. 8. 1.
• a 1.22

  Cap. 1.
• b 1.23

  Astron.
• c 1.24

  De Doc••r. Christ. 2. 28.
• a 1.25

  Aelian. var. hist. 10. 21.
• b 1.26

  Cic. divinat. lib. 1.
• c 1.27

  Laert.
• f 1.28

  Apul. dogm. Plat.
• g 1.29

  Laert.
• h 1.30

  Laert.
• i 1.31

  Laert.
• k 1.32

  In verbo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• l 1.33

  Laert. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. which (besides 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 smalness of voice, in which sence it is here taken by •• he Interpre∣ters and Fi∣cinus signifieth an imperfecti on of speech by stammering: Arist. Pr••b. 11. 30. unless there and here ••e sh••uld read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• m 1.34

  ••aert. Suid.
• n 1.35

  Aesian. var. Hist. 2. 20.
• o 1.36

  Var. Hist.
• p 1.37

  Afterwards, cap. 11.
• q 1.38

  Laert.
• s 1.39

  See Socrates life, cap.
• a 1.40

  Apul. dogm. Plat. Laer••. Suid.
• b 1.41

  Laert.
• c 1.42

  Laert.
• d 1.43

  Laert. vit. Socr.
• e 1.44

  Athen. deipn. lib.
• f 1.45

  De virtu••. moral.
• g 1.46

  Laert.
• h 1.47

  Dogm. Plat.
• i 1.48

  De Civ. dei. lib. 8. cap.
• k 1.49

  De finih. 5.
• l 1.50

  Apul. dog••. Plat.
• m 1.51

  Porphyr. vit. ••ythag.
• n 1.52

  Apul.
• o 1.53

  Plut. in Solon
• p 1.54

  De finib. 5.
• q 1.55

  Apul.
• r 1.56

  Val. Max. 8. 7.
• s 1.57

  Epist. Socratic. 26.
• t 1.58

  Messen.
• u 1.59

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.60

  Laert.
• x 1.61

  Cat. Major.
• y 1.62

  Cic. Apul.
• z 1.63

  8. 7.
• a 1.64

  Peren. Philos. 1. 27. & 5. 2.
• b 1.65

  Exercit. 1. num. 18.
• c 1.66

  Euseb. praep. Evang.
• d 1.67

  Contra. Apion. lib. 2.
• e 1.68

  Clem. Alex. Strom. 1 Suid.
• f 1.69

  Paraen.
• g 1.70

  Strom 1.
• h 1.71

  Praepar. Evan. lib. 11.
• i 1.72

  Civ. Dei. 8. 11.
• k 1.73

  Laert. and a∣gain in Philola••
• l 1.74

  3. 17.
• m 1.75

  Laert.
• n 1.76

  Laert.
• O 1.77

  Laert.
• p 1.78

  Laert.
• q 1.79

  In Arist. de animal.
• r 1.80

  Laer••▪
• s 1.81

  Laert.
• a 1.82

  Laert.
• a 1.83

  Laert.
• b 1.84

  Civil. dei. lib. 8.
• c 1.85

  Laert.
• d 1.86

  Acad. quaest. 1.
• a 1.87

  L••••rt.
• b 1.88

  Laert. Procl. in Euclid. lib. 3.
• c 1.89

  Lib. 13.
• d 1.90

  de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 delph.
• e 1.91

  In Anal. post. lib. 1. cap. 7.
• f 1.92

  8. 13.
• g 1.93

  Praele••. 1.
• h 1.94

  Laert.
• i 1.95

  Laert.
• k 1.96

  Laert.
• l 1.97

  Laert.
• m 1.98

  Laert.
• n 1.99

  In Euclid. lib. 2.
• o 1.100

  Laert.
• p 1.101

  Laert.
• q 1.102

  Laert.
• r 1.103

  Laert.
• a 1.104

  Laert▪ Apul:
• b 1.105

  Plat. ••pist.
• c 1.106

  Laert.
• d 1.107

  In Di••ne.
• e 1.108

  Plat. Epist. 3. & 7.
• f 1.109

  Plut. in Dione.
• g 1.110

  Wh••s s••ew Hip∣parchus, bro∣ther of Hippi∣as the Tyrant of Athens; up∣on which the Pisistratidae were expelled.
• h 1.111

  Plat. Epist.
• i 1.112

  Plutarch.
• k 1.113

  Plat. Epist. 7.
• l 1.114

  Plat. Epist.
• m 1.115

  Plat Epist. 3.
• n 1.116

  ••li••.
• o 1.117

  Plut.
• p 1.118

  Plat. Epist. 7.
• q 2.1

  Plat Epist.
• * 2.2

  Plutarch.
• r 2.3

  Plat. Epist.
• s 2.4

  Plut.
• t 2.5

  Plat.
• u 2.6

  Aelian. var. Hist. ••. 18.
• * 2.7

  Aelian. var. Hist. 4. 18.
• x 2.8

  Laert.
• y 2.9

  Epist. ad Aeschin.
• z 2.10

  Chillad.
• a 2.11

  Laert. vit. Aristip.
• b 2.12

  Plat. Epist. Plut.
• c 2.13

  Plat. Epist.
• d 2.14

  Plat. Epis••••:
• e 2.15

  Plut.
• f 2.16

  Pl••t. Epist.
• g 2.17

  Laert.
• h 3.1

  Plutarch. vit. Dion.
• a 3.2

  Laert.
• b 3.3

  Aelian. var. hist. 2. 41.
• * 3.4

  Plutarch. ad princip. in••rudit.
• * 3.5

  Athen▪
• a 3.6

  Laert.
• b 3.7

  Suid.
• c 3.8

  Plut.
• d 3.9

  Senec. de ira. 3. 1••.
• e 3.10

  Senec. de ira. 3. 12.
• f 3.11

  Val. Max.
• g 3.12

  Laert.
• h 3.13

  Aelian. var. hist. 4.
• * 3.14

  Laert.
• * 3.15

  Laert.
• * 3.16

  Laert.
• * 3.17

  Laert.
• * 3.18

  Laert.
• * 3.19

  Laert.
• * 3.20

  Laert.
• * 3.21

  Val. Max. 4. 1.
• * 3.22

  Senec. de ira. 1. 16.
• * 3.23

  Aelian.
• * 3.24

  Stob.
• * 3.25

  Stob.
• * 3.26

  Stob.
• * 3.27

  Stob.
• * 3.28

  Stob.
• * 3.29

  Laert. vit. Xen.
• * 3.30

  Plut. Sympos. 6. praefat. Aelian. var. hist.
• * 3.31

  Dogn 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.32

  Laert.
• * 3.33

  Epist. 1. 5••.
• * 3.34

  Laert.
• * 3.35

  See also S••ob. lib. 13.
• * 3.36

  Zenob.
• * 3.37

  Athen. delp••. lib. 11:
• * 3.38

  Athen. Ibid.
• * 3.39

  Athen. Ibid.
• * 3.40

  Athen. Ibid.
• * 3.41

  Laert.
• * 3.42

  Chap. 10.
• * 3.43

  In Logib.
• a 3.44

  Laert. vit. Diog.
• b 3.45

  Laert.
• c 3.46

  Seneca.
• d 3.47

  Laert.
• e 3.48

  Athen.
• f 3.49

  Tzetz. Chiliad.
• g 3.50

  Laert.
• * 3.51

  Su.
• i 3.52

  Athe••. lib. 11.
• a 3.53

  Chap.
• b 3.54

  Cicer. Tusc. quaest. 2.
• c 3.55

  Epigr.
• d 4.1

  La••rt. An∣thol. 3. 6. 27.
• e 4.2

  Laert.
• f 4.3

  Laert. Anthol. 4. 33. 26.
• g 4.4

  Laert. An∣thol. 3. 33. 44.
• h 4.5

  Laert.
• i 4.6

  Laer••.
• k 4.7

  Anthol.
• l 4.8

  Herod. lib. 6.
• m 4.9

  Laert.
• n 4.10

  Laert.
• o 4.11

  Laert. Anthol. 84. 1.
• p 4.12

  Anth. 1. 67. 13.
• q 4.13

  Anth. 1. 1••.
• r 4.14

  Anthol. 3. 22. 3.
• s 4.15

  Anth. ••. 22. 6.
• t 4.16

  Anth. 3. 22. 7.
• u 4.17

  Anth. 4. 12. 8.
• * 4.18

  Anth. 4. 1••. 9.
• x 4.19

  Anth. 4. 12. 19
• y 4.20

  Anth. 4. 12. ••4.
• z 4.21

  Anth. 4. 12. 96.
• a 4.22

  Anth. 4. 12. 97.
• b 4.23

  Anth. 4. 1••. 102.
• c 4.24

  Anth. 4. 1••. ••