A treatise of the Roman ports and forts in Kent by William Somner ; publish'd by James Brome ... ; to which is prefixt, The life of Mr. Somner.

THE HISTORY OF THE Roman Forts in KENT.

THAT the Romans having once the supreme command in Bri∣tain,* 1.1 had their Forts as well as Ports in Kent, is evident enough by that Notitia Imperii Occidentalis, that Roman Office-Book set out by Panci∣rollus, where we find the names of Dubris, Lemanis, Anderida, Rutupis, and Regulbium, under that notion. All which our▪ Antiquaries generally agree to be Kentish Roman garrisons or sta∣tions. Gildas, followed by Venerable Bede, hath respect hither in that pas∣sage of his1 1.2 Epistle, where giving an account of the Roman's care to pro∣vide against the invasions and infesta∣tions

of such Barbarians and Saxons, as annoyed this maritime tract, he saith,1 1.3 In littore quoque Oceani ad meri∣diem, &c. i. e. On the Southern coast of Brittain, where the ships were, be∣cause they feared from thence the Bar∣barians would make their in-rodes, they placed Towers, (watch-towers) at convenient distances, to take from them a prospect of the Ocean.

I SHALL begin with the last,* 1.42 1.5 Re∣gulbium. Hereof in that Book of No∣tices, where the Leiutenant of the Saxon shore (whose office it was with those garrisons to repress the in-rodes and depredations of the Rovers) with such as are under his command, is spoken of, we read, that the Tribunus cohortis, &c. The Captain of the Primier band of the Vetasians lay here in gar∣rison. Now to prove that by this name Regulbium,* 1.6 what we now call Reculver is intended and to be understood, will be no hard task. For first, that so it was is the common and received opi∣nion and verdict of the whole College

of our English Antiquaries; and that reason of1 1.7 Mr. Camden rendred for his conjecture, is very plausible and satis∣factory; the often digging and turning up there of Roman Coins; which of my cer∣tain knowledge is to this day very true and usual, who have been owner of many, as I am still of some, pieces of old Roman coin had from hence.

The Roman tile or brick here also found, some in buildings, others by the clift-side, where the sea hath wash'd and eaten away the earth (as it daily doth, to the manifest endangering of the Church by it's violent encroach∣ments) give like evidence of the place's Roman Antiquity; whereof some are remaining in and about that little stone cottage without the Church-yard, (of some holden to be the remains of an old Chappel or Oratory) and others not far off. If this give not satisfaction, let me here add that observation of the learned Antiquary2 1.8 Mr. Burton: It is to be observed (saith he) that all places ending in Chester, fashioned in the Saxon

times, arise from the ruines of the old Ro∣man castra; and therefore the ancient sta∣tions about the wall, the carkasses of many of which at this day appear, are called Chesters by the country people. Very good; (to bring this observation home) Reculver was of old in the Saxon's time, as1 1.9 sometimes (from the Monastery there) called Raculf-minster, so like∣wise other while (from that Roman castle or garrison there in former time no doubt) Raculf-cester. As for instance, in a Charter or Grant of Eadmund, a Kentish King, in the year 784. running thus: Ego Eadmundus, Rex Cantiae, do tibi Wihtrede, honorabili Abb••ti, tuaeque familiae degenti in loco qui dicitur. Raculf∣cester, terram 12. aratrorum, quae dicitur Sildunk, cum universis ad eum ritè perti∣nentibus, liberam ab omni seculari servitio, & omni regali tributo, exceptis2 1.10 expedi∣tione, &c. Nor is that parcel of evi∣dence resulting from and couched in the present and forepast name of the place to be slighted, especially that

more ancient name of it in the Saxon times Racul••, altered since into Raculfre and Reculvre, and (which it now bears) Reculver; none of which but do retain a grand smack and quantity of that Ro∣man name1 1.11 Regulbium.

Whereabouts at Regulbium this Ca∣strum stood,* 1.12 where the place of this Roman garrison or station was, is not at this day so clear and certain. but 2 1.13 as it is well observed that all the Ro∣man Colonies, Towns, Stations, or Forts generally were set upon hills, so I suppose this might be placed on that ascent or rising ground whereon the Monastery afterward stood, and the Church now stands erected, within (I mean) that fair square plot of ground converted to the Church-yard, and environing the Minster or Church, enclosed and circumscribed with a wall of stone. The Minster, I say; for of a Royal Palace (to which after the Roman time this Fort or station3 1.14 is said to have received a conversion by King Ethelbert upon his withdrawing thither from Canterbury,

in favour of Augustine and his com∣pany) it became e're long a Monastery or Abby of the Benedictine Order, of whose founder with the time of the foundation, thus in the English Saxon Annals, Anno DCLXIX. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. This year (669) King Egbert gave to Bassa Priest, Raculf, whereon to build a Mo∣nastery.

From thenceforth the place became called Raculf-minster,* 1.15 and was at first governed by an Abbot, Brightwald the 8th. Arch-bishop of Canterbury, from be∣ing Abbot there (as Venerable Bede hath told us) was1 1.16 preferred to the Arch-bishoprick. This Abby or Min∣ster, with its whole revenue, was after∣ward, anno 949. by King Eadred made and granted over to Christ-church, as 2 1.17 in my Antiquities, and in the first part of the Monasticon, p. 86. where the Grant or Deed it self is at large re∣cited, with the bounds and extent of the sight and circuit, reaching over the water into Thanet, and laying claim

to four1 1.18 plough-yards there. The Mo∣nastery nevertheless (it seems) conti∣nued, but with an alteration in the Governour's title from that of Abbot to Dean, as will also appear by2 1.19 my Antiquities from a Charter not many years antedating the Norman Conquest; by what time (it seems) it's Monastick condition ceased, being changed into that of a Mannor (as it still is) of the Arch-bishop's, in which state and no∣tion we meet with it thus described in Doomsday-Book: Raculf est manerium Archiepiscopi, & in T. R. E. se defendebat pro. VIII. sull. & est appretiatum XL. & II. Lib. & V. sol. tres minutes minus. I shall close concerning Reculver with that ac∣count given of the place by Leland, in Mr. Philpott's Villare Cantianum.3 1.20 The old buildings of the Abby Church continues,

(says he) having two goodly spiring steeples. In the entring into the Quire is one of the fairest and most ancient Crosses that ever I saw, nine foot in height; it standeth like a fair column. The basis is a great stone, it is not wrought: the second stone being round, hath curiously wrought and painted the image of our Saviour Christ, Peter, Paul, John and James: Christ saith, Ego sum Alpha & Omega. Peter saith Tu es Christus filius Dei vivi. The sayings of the other three were painted majus∣culis literis Romanis, but now oblite∣rated. The second stone is of the Passion. The third stone contains the twelve Apo∣stles. The fourth hath the image of our Sa∣viour hanging and fastned with four nails, & sub pedibus sustentaculum: the highest part of the Pillar hath the figure of a Cross. In the Church is a very ancient Book of the Evangelies, in majusculis literis Ro∣manis; and in the borders thereof is a Crystal stone thus inscribed, Claudia Ale∣piccus. In the North-side of the Church is the figure of a Bishop painted under an arch. In digging about the Church they find old buckles and rings. The whole print of the Monastery appears by the old wall; and the Vicarage was made of the ruines of the Monastery. There is a neglected Chappel

out of the Church-yard, where some say was a Parish-Church before the Abby was suppress'd and given to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury.

And yet to do the place right,* 1.21 for antiquitie's sake, I cannot leave Recul∣ver, until I have given some further account of the dignity of the Church there, the Parson or Rector whereof, when in being, and when petit Eccle∣siastical jurisdictions under foreign Com∣missaries (as they called them) was in fashion, now 300. years ago and up∣wards; had the same jurisdiction with∣in his own Parish and Chappelries an∣nexed, as afterward and at this day the Commissary of Canterbury exerciseth there. I have seen Commissions to this purpose to the Rector there for the time being, both from the Arch-bishop sede plenâ, and from the Prior and Co∣vent sede vacante. And it was indeed a common practice with it and such other exempt Churches, as (like it) were Mo∣ther-Churches in the Diocess in those days. When, why, and how this course and custom ceased, may be found1 1.22 in my Antiquities. So much for the Rector.

Now for his Church; it was and is a Mother-Church, upon which of old depended four Chappels of ease, Hoth, Hearn, and in Thanet, St. Nicholas and All-Saints. Upon the three last of which, for the Mother-Churche is great∣er honour and dignity, or in signum subjectionis, (as the instrument runs) an annual pension to the Vicar of Re∣culver, upon the founding of that, with those other Vicarages of Hearn and St. Nicholas, was imposed; the Vicar of of St. Nicholas and All-Saints being charged with 3l. 3s. 4d. per annum, and the other of Hearn with 40s. per annum. And as the Vicars of these dependant or annexed Chappels were under this charge and burthen to him of the su∣periour or Mother-Church, so the Pa∣rishioners and people of those Chap∣pelries, however gratified and accom∣modated with Chappels of ease for les∣sening their trouble, by shortning their way to Church, whether for divine service in their life time, or interment after death; yet (as the law in that case

requires, where no privilege or dis∣charge from it is indulged at or by the first foundation or following prescri∣ption) where it seems left as liable and subject to the repair of the Mother-Church of Reculver, as the peculiar and proper inhabitants of the place, and themselves, before the Chappels erected by laws, were: a thing controverted between them of Hearn and Reculver, in Arch-bishop Stratford's days, who after ••cognizance taken of the cause and audience of all parties, passed a decree in the year 1 335. (which I have seen under seal, whereof I have a copy by me) in behalf of the Reculverians, condemning and adjudging those of Hearn to the repair of the Mother-Church. Much contest and dispute hereabouts have hapned afterwards be∣tween the succeeding inhabitants, until by a decree (which as I remember I have seen) of Arch-bishop Warham, in Henry the eighth's days, the difference was, by and with the consent of all parties, thus finally composed: That the people of each Chappel (Hearn and St. Ni∣cholas) should redeem the burthen of repairs with the payment of a certain moderate annual stipend or pension in money, payable

at a certain set day in the year, but with this Proviso, that if they kept not their day, but overslipt it, they were then laid open, and exposed to the law, and must fall un∣der as full an obligation to the repairs of the Mother-Church, as if that decree had never been. At which pass (I take it) the matter now stands, and so is like to do, unless any default of payment chance to alter it.

PASSING now from Reculver;* 1.23 the next to this of all the Kentish Roman Forts, Stations, or Garrisons, was Ru∣tupium; whereof1 1.24 before so largely and fully in my discourse of the Roman Port so called, that I scarce know what to add, except (in observance of2 1.25 Mr. Burton's double direction, to enquire in such cases for a hilly situation, and for that note and badge of what had been a Roman fortress, Chester) to note first, that Richborough (where I have placed this Fort) hath an high an eminent situation, i. e. upon an hill, whereof the present name from good antiquity en∣joyed, taketh notice, Richberge, Ratis∣burge

and Richborough; the latter part whereof betokeneth an hill, whether natural, or cast up by hand, as probably this was; all the ground on each hand of the place for a good distance, being low, plain, and part of a great level, void of all advantage for a Specula or Watch-tower, a place of prospect. Next, (or what is secondly observable) that it participated with Reculver in the composition of the name, as ending heretofore in Chester, being (as Vene∣rable Bede acquaints us) vulgarly called, (and not corruptly, by his favour, if we apply it to the Fort, not to the Port) Reptacester. This is all I thought to have spoken of this Fort; but since I wrote this, meeting with a1 1.26 rela∣tion of Leland's concerning the face and state of the place in the 30th. year of Henry the eighth, I cannot but im∣part it; and the rather because I find some confirmation from it concerning the quondam existence of a Parish Church within the walls of it, as I have 2 1.27 hinted in my discourse of the Port.

The site of the old Town or Castle (says Leland) is wonderful fair upon a hill, the walls which remain there yet be in compass about almost as much as the Tower of London; they have been very high, thick, strong, and well embattled; the matter of them is flint, marvellous and long bricks, both whole and red, of the British fashion: the cement was made of the sea and small pebble. There is great likelyhood that the goodly hill about the Castle and especially toward Sandwich, hath been well inhabi∣ted, corn grows there in marvellous plenty; and in going to plough, there hath been time out of mind, and now is, found more An∣tiquities of Roman mony, than in any place else of England.

HAVING taken leave of Rutupium,* 1.28 Richborough; our next remove is to Du∣bris or Dover: where although we find a Castle, and such a Castle too as1 1.29 of old was called, and both at home and

abroad accounted the lock and key, the barr and sparr of all England; yet I cannot believe it (the present Castle I mean) either of Iulius Caesar's building, whose time of stay in Britain was too short for so vast an undertaking, or to be that wherein about the time of Theodosius the younger, the Praepositus militum Tungricanorum, that band or company of the Tungricans, in the Western Empire's Book of Notices, is said to lye in garrison. And yet I doubt not but such a company lay there in∣garrison'd, and that the place was then fortified, and had within it a specula or watch-tower also, from whence to 1 1.30 espie out and descry Invaders. And where else to seek or place it than within the confines of that large and spatious round of the present Castle∣wall, I know not. Wherefore being up∣on the place, and casting a diligent eye about me, whilst I give the go by to

that Castle within the Castle, that noble and goodly pile there called the Kings-keep, with the wall or fore-fence surrounding it; I rather chuse to think, that which at present is, and for many ages past hath been the Church or Chappel to the Castle, either to have risen out of the ruines of that Roman fortress, or that at least the square tower in the middle thereof, between the Body and the Chancel, fitted with holes on all parts for speculation, to have been the very Roman specula or watch-tower: at the same time with Twine, conceiving that which at this day they call the Divel's drop, a mouldring ruinous heap of masonry, on the op∣posite hill, on the other side of the Town, to be the remains of a Roman Pharos, a structure of their's intend∣ed for the placing of night-lights to secure their passage (otherwise very perilous) who should put into Port by night.

Why I chuse to single out the Church or Chappel,* 1.31 and balk the Keep or Dun∣geon, my reasons are first, that whilst I can discover no jot of Roman or Bri∣tish tile or brick about the Keep or

main Castle, I can discern a great a∣bundance of it about that tower shoot∣ing up in the middle of that Church or Chappel; and that after the Ro∣mans were gone, the Christians of suc∣ceeding times, projecting and design∣ing the accommodation of the garrison with a Church or Chappel, did make use of and take the advantage of that specula, and added to it those parts, whereof the rest of the Chappel now consists. Next (and that others may not wonder at my questioning the Ro∣man antiquity of the Castle in general) they may take notice with me, that (as I have it from1 1.32 very good autho∣rity) King Henry the 2d. it was, that about the year of Christ 1153. first erected that pile, the Kings-keep, or (as the French men term a strong Tower or Platform, as this is, on the middle of a Castle or Fort, wherein the besieged

make their last efforts of defence when the rest is forced) Dungeon, and gave it that inclosure of a wall, bulwarks, and towers, wherewith we now find it for∣tified, and hence happily it is called the King's-keep.

I HAVE no more to say of Dubris or Dover,* 1.33 as to the garrison. Our next flight therefore is to Folkstone, a place to which, how eminently soever situ∣ate, none of the Roman forts or gar∣risons remembred in the Book of No∣tices is, or (for ought I know) ought to be referr'd. Yet what saith1 1.34 Mr. Camden of it, It was a flourishing place in times past, as may appear by the pieces of Roman coin and British bricks dayly there found. Probable it is (so he adds) that it was one of those Towns and holds, which, in the reign of Theodosius the younger, the Romans placed to keep off the Saxons, &c. And if so, Castle-hill a place in Folkflone, whereof notice taken by Mr. Lambard and others,

might probably be the place of that Turret's situation.

The name Folkstone (I confess) can pre∣tend to no such Antiquity, being purely of a Saxon extraction and composure, signifying (as Mr. Lambard,1 1.35 among other conjectures at the etymology, has it) lapis populi in latine. The men∣tion whereof calls to my remembrance that place's name in2 1.36 Ninius (so fa∣mous both for Vortimer's designed mo∣nument,* 1.37 and for the last of his notable encounters with the Saxons, and their defeat) lapis tituli, which by the com∣mon consent of our both Antiquaries and Historians, can no where else be found but at Stonar in Thanet: à lapide illo Stonar nomen retinet, in Thanato In∣sulâ non procul a Rhutupino portu,3 1.38 saith one; an Author (I confess) of very high regard, and with none more than my

self; but in this (I perceive) led as the rest, chiefly by the allusion and seeming agreement or resemblance of one place•• name with the other, that of lapis ti∣tuli in the latine and Stonar in the English sounding not much unlike. But Ninius, the Author of that story, how∣ever he makes mention of lapis tituli as the place of Vortimer's last battel with the invading Saxons, and their over∣throw there, yet he lays it not in Tha∣net, nor gives it other description than this, that it lyes by or upon the shore of the French sea; in campo juxta lapi∣dem tituli qui est super ripam Gallici ma∣ris, &c. those are his words. Probably had this fight been in Thanet,1 1.39 as some of his former were, and Stonar in Tha∣net the place where the battel was fought, the Author, who mentions those former like encounters in Thanet, would not have gone to a new descri∣ption of the place in this unwonted new expression, without mention made of Thanet at all.

I confess likewise that Vortimer might give commandment for his burial, and monument to be erected for him at that place of the battel, upon such an account, (like to that of1 1.40 Scipio Afri∣canus) as our stories deliver, namely, to repress hereby the furious outrages of the Saxons, and for their further ter∣rour; that in beholding this his tro∣phy, their spirits might be daunted at the remembrance of their ••reat over∣throw: this (I say) he might, and hap∣pily did command to be done at lapis tituli. But stay we here, for the text goes no further, no Stonar, no entrance into Thanet mentioned of Ninius; that's of a much later stamp, nothing but the conjectural comment of some2 1.41 after∣Scholiast.

Besides, Stonar being a low and flat level apt to inundations, how unfit a

place is it for erecting of an eminent and conspicuous monument, visible at a remote distance; a design that re∣quired the advantage of a lofty situa∣tion. Such indeed there are many upon this coast; but as in this respect Folk∣stone seated by high rising hills over∣looking the sea, (and thence no doubt of the Romans chosen out (as we see) as a fitting place for a Watch-tower to ken and keep off the invading Saxons) is a far more likely place than Stonar; so in another regard some resemblance, I mean between the names of Lapis ti∣tuli and Lapis populi (as Folkstone you see is turned by Mr. Lambard) and as withall in respect of it's1 1.42 situation by the shore of the Gallic Ocean, I should pitch upon Folkstone before any place I know upon this our Kentish sea-coast, for the very place of Ninius his Lapis tituli; but that I am loath to be2 1.43 the first, who but by supposition only, much less suspicion, should charge upon

the Historian such a mistake as that of Lapis tituli for Lapis populi.

However,* 1.44 to refute and refell that argument drawn from the name of Sto∣nar, as derivative from a stone, I am to acquaint you, that in the first and most ancient Deeds that I have met with concerning Stonar, it is written thus, Estanore, and sometimes Estanores. So for instance in a Charter of the Con∣queror's to St. Augustine's Abby, whereto it belonged. Ego Willemus Rex Anglor. &c. Sciatis quod ego volo & praecipio, ut sanctus Augustinus & Abbas Wido firmiter & honorificè teneat omnes rectitudines suas & consuetudines ad Estanores tam in aquâ quam in terrâ, &c. So again in a follow∣ing Charter of his son and immediate successor, William Rufus; wherein it twice occurs by the name of Estanores, and the like; and not otherwise in ma∣ny subsequent Charters, as of Henry the first, King Stephen, and King Iohn, which I have ready by me (if occasion be) to produce.

Stonar then is but a contraction of Estanore,* 1.45 and that in sense and signifi∣cation, what but the Eastern border, shore, or coast? (whence that double shore famous, the one for Cymene, the

other for Cerdice's. landing there, are in our elder Historians, Ethelwerd and Florence of Worcester, written Cerdices Oran and Cymenes Oran.) Which deriva∣tion of Estanore is so proper, natural, and suitable to the situation, as none that either know or shall enquire after the place, can make the least que∣stion of.

If any man now (desirous to abound in his own sense) acknowledging the ground of this derivation to be sound and good, but not reconciled to the latitude of it, shall incline rather to think, that the place came first to be called Estanore, for distinction's sake from another in this Country, hard by Feversham Town, upon the sea-coast, simply called Ore, the conjecture is so plausible and reasonable, and withal so consistent with the former deriva∣tion, that I shall not contend; con∣tented rather to concur in the same opinion with him, as to conceive, that that indeed might partly be the cause of the first imposition of the name; especially since this Ore also belonged to St. Austin's. But of this enough.

ADVANCE we now to Lim or L••m∣hill,* 1.46

where, although we find nothing at this day of a Port or Haven, (which, 1 1.47 as I have shewed, lay elsewhere) yet want we not sufficient vestigia and re∣mains of a Roman Fort or Garrison.

2 1.48 Witness Stutfall-castle,* 1.49 that large cir∣cuit and plat of about ten acres of ground on the side, brow, or descent of the hill, of old inclosed and fortified on all parts with a wall of the Roman mode and make, full of British bricks, lying by lanes at set and certain di∣stances, but by the edacity of time at this day here and there quite wasted and gone, elsewhere full of gaps and breaches; not so much (it may be) to be imputed to time and age, as to a seisure of it's materials in after times (when become useless as to the primi∣tive institution and design) for building what, with3 1.50 Mr. Lambard I take it, arose out of the ruines of that Fort, Lim-Church, and that vast and sturdy

structure by it, the Arch-deacon's ca∣stellated mansion.1 1.51 Here (within I mean that Roman fortress) the band or company of Turnacenses (so called of Tornacum now Turnoy in France) kept their station under the Count or Lieu∣tenant of the Saxon shore, and by the advantage of that ascent on which it stood, very commodious it was2 1.52 in point of prospect.

But from a Castle, a Garrison, a re∣ceptacle, and harbour for men, placed there for the safeguard and defence of the place and the countrey about it, it at length became a receptacle, a fold for cattel, a horse-fold, a place inclosed and set apart for keeping of steeds or stallions, horses and mares for breed, and from thence was and to this day is called (instead of Stodfold as heretofore) Stutfall-Castle,* 1.53 a compounded name from the Saxon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sometimes writ∣ten 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉-ho••••, in barbarous latine, Sto∣tarius a steed or stallion, (as a mare for breed was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉-myna) and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, septum, a fold, close, or inclosure; as in

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. a park, or inclosure for Deer. The name of Stod-mersh in this County hath thence (no doubt) in part it's origine, being in the signification of it, a marsh set apart and noted for that use.

Having1 1.54 formerly given you the de∣rivation of Lim (the place of this quon∣dam Roman Garrison) as to the name of it;* 1.55 I shall stay you here no longer, than while I observe that the place is likewise called Shipwey, as the whole Lath (formerly and of old called Lim∣ware leth) is also now altered in the name of it, and called the Lath of Ship∣wey; a name, I find, of good antiquity and continuance; witness the mention made of it in Bracton, Lib. iii. c. 2. and also in Fleta Lib. ii. c. 55. but with a mistake of Shepey there for Shipwey. The name2 1.56 seems to be of a meer Eng∣lish original,* 1.57 betokening3 1.58 the way of the ships, the rather perhaps fastned on this place, as by the great advantage of the lofty situation, remarkable for prospect and discovery of naval vessels (whether inward bound or out) in their

passage through the Channel. However for the almost equal distance sake, I take it, which the place bears to the farthest of the Cinque-Ports on either hand, (as lying much about mid-way between both) it was pitch'd upon of old, as for the place of holding pleas relating to the Ports,1 1.59 so for the Limenarcha, the Lord Warden's taking of his oath at the entrance into his Office.

WE are at length arrived at the last of the Kentish Forts or Garrisons,* 1.60 An∣derida or Anderidos, where they placed the band of the Abulae with their Cap∣tain; which I should not unreasonably, methinks, have sought for, as all the rest, (being designed for espial of sea∣rovers at or by the sea-coast) so many miles within the land, and at that great distance from the sea, as where by the direction of our2 1.61 best Antiquaries, we are sent to seek it, namely at or about Newenden, upon the banks of the river Rother. Indeed, if we consider Gildas's

words, In littore quoque Ocea••i ad meri∣diem, &c. where in reason are we to exspect the Garrison in question,* 1.62 but by the sea-side to the south-ward? A∣mong the British Cities reckoned up by their Historians (whereof from thence a catalogue in the Britan. Eccles. Primordia Cap. 5.) Cair P••rsauel••ott is one; by which the1 1.63 Learned Author there, understands Pemsey in Sussex, of old written Penvessell and Pevensell, to which (saith he) the addition of the British word Coit, i. e. wood, doth not ill suit, be∣cause (as he adds) the County of Sussex, in which it lyes, is a woody Country. True it is that immanis sylva, that immense and vast wood Andred, was not confin'd to Kent, but extended it self from the south-part thereof quite through Sus∣sex into Hampshire. Add to this what we have from2 1.64 Mr. Camden himself con∣cerning Pemsey. It hath had (saith he) a

fair large Castle, in the ruinous walls whereof remain great bricks, such as the Britains used, which is some argument of the Anti∣quity thereof. So he. All this put toge∣ther (a maritime wea••dish situation, with the remains of a Castle partly built of British or Roman brick) can it seem unreasonable, that Pemsey should be thought the place of the garrison, we have in chafe Anderid••? But if any one do more fancy Hastings than Pemsey, since it hath the badge of a quondam Roman Fort or fortress in that addi∣tion of Chester given it by the Saxons, and can (as1 1.65 Mr. Camden affirms) shew the ruines of a great Castle upon the hill, besides light-houses to direct sailers in the night time, and was thought fit to be made one of the five Ports, I shall not dispute the probability of their conjecture, and choice of Hastngs.

But if rejecting both these, and all but Newenden, the Reader cannot think

of any other place, the authority of such famous and learned lights and guides as Mr. Camden and Mr. Selden especially, (who have pitch'd upon Newenden for the place) is, I confess, so weighty, that I shall not be unwil∣ling to excuse him from refusing me his company in my travails to that double place in Sussex, to seek out this Fort.

No more then of the place.* 1.66 Some∣what now of the name Anderida, which still in good part survives in Andred, did at least for and through many Centuries of years after the Romans exit. The Britains called it C••id Andred, the Saxons sometimes simply Andred, other while Andreds••erg, and Andreds∣wald, which latter is now the only syl∣lable left surviving in the place's pre∣sent name,* 1.67 the Weald. In latine it is found of old sometimes called saltus Andred, otherwise sylva Andred: here saltus communis, there sylva regalis, and the like.1 1.68 Mr. Lambard discoursing of the place, tells of an opinion which some have maintained, that this Weald was a great while together in a man∣ner

nothing else but a desert and waste wilderness, not planted with Towns, or peopled with men, as the outsides of the shire were; but stored and stuffed with herds of deer, and droves of hoggs only. And he seems to be of the same opinion himself. For (1 1.69 saith he) besides that a man shall read in the Hi∣stories of Canterbury and Rochester sundry donations, of which there is men∣tion only of2 1.70 Pannage for hoggs in Andred, and of no other thing: I think verily that it cannot be shewed out of ancient Chro∣nicles, that there is remaining in the Weald of Kent or Sussex any one monument of great Antiquity. Thus he. For my part, as I embrace the opinion, so I approve of the reasons, especially the former, the mention only in those ancient do∣nations of2 1.71 Pannage for hoggs in An∣dred. For numbers of such are found in the evidences and Chartularies both at Christ-church and elsewhere.

Doubtless,* 1.72 as in those days the whole Weald appertained to none but the King, acknowledging no private Lord or Proprietor, and thence was usually

called Syla Regalis, so in Royal Lan••∣bocs or donations, (for I find it in no other of that age) wherein this or that praedium or possession, this or that farm, seat, or mansion out of the Weald was given by the King to any person or place, in the nature of what since is termed a Mannor or Lordship; it was the usual custom (for the better com∣pleting of the feat) to accommodate it by an additional grant in the Deed with a Common of Pannage, a liberty for hogg-keeping or hogg-feeding in the Weald, yet not at large, but with a li∣mitation usually, and with reference to such and such a part of it, one or more Den or Dens,* 1.73 in their term, i. e. a woody valley, or place yeilding both covert and feeding for cattel, especially swine. And fearce any ancient Grant is there in either the Church of Canterbury's St. Au∣gustine's, or Rochester's Registers of any considerable portion of land from the King out of the Weald, without the ad∣dition and attendance of such a liberty; for example in those of Aldington, Cha∣ring, Liminge, Westgate, Reculver, Ickham, Chartham, Godmersham, Brook, Mersham, Westwell, Great and Little Chart, Holling∣bourn, Eastry, Newington by Sittingbourn,

Trottesclyve, Bromley, Darent. And Den∣bera for the most part, sometime Weald∣bera, was the usual word and expression, by which such a liberty did pass and was conveyed. For an instance or two. In King Offa's Grant of Ickham to Christ∣church, Anno. 971.—Et in saltu qui di∣citur Andred pascua porcorum in his locis, Dunwalingden, Sandhyrst, &c. In ano∣ther like Grant of his of Brasfield to St. Austin's—Et ad pascendum porcos & pe∣cora & jumenta in sylvâ Regali, &c. In the gift of Lenham to the same place by Kenewilf King of Mercia, and Cuthred King of Kent, Anno 804.—•• XIII Den∣be••enbe on Anoneb, So the Saxon, which 1 1.74 the Chronicler of the place turns XIII. Dennas glandes portantes. In a grant of land about the river Limen to Min∣ster-Abby in Thanet by Ethelbert the son of King Withred, with his father's con∣sent. —Pascua porcorum in Limen-wera∣weald & in Wy-wera-weald, &c. These were parcels it seems, (like as Burg-wera∣weald elsewhere occurring also was) of the Weald, where the men of these three Laths, since called Shipwey, Scray, and St. Austine, were more peculiarly ac∣commodated

with the liberty of Pan∣nage. In the Grant of Mersham to Christ-church by King Ethelred—haec sunt pascua porcorum quae nostrâ linguâ Saxonicâ Denbera nominamus, h. e. El∣frethingden, Herbedingden, Pafringden, Wirheringden, Bleccingden, &c. In the Grant of Bromley by King Ethelred to the Church of Rochester,—& utilitatem sylvarum ad ••andem terram pertinentem in Andred, &c. In that of Trottesclyve to the same Church by King Offa—Ad hanc quoque terram pertinent in diversis locis porcorum pastus, i. e. Wealdbera, ubi dicitur Hobenspyc, &c. In another of his of Deorwent, now called Darent, to the same Church—adjectis Denberis in communi saltu, &c. In an old custom of Newington-Mannor by Sittingbourn,—septem Dennas in sylva quae vocatur Wald.

From hence (I take it) there results much support to that opinion of the Weald's quondam desart-like unpeopled condition,* 1.75 quoted by Mr. Lambard: and hence I likewise gather that in those days it was not parcelled, carved, or canton'd out into Mannois; nor in∣deed was it so, as I believe, a long time after; Doomsday-book, I take it, giving

no account of any one entire indepen∣dant Mannor there. Yet can I not agree with1 1.76 Mr. Lambard in his opinion,* 1.77 that the Weald of old yielded no quit-rents, customs, or services, as other places; in regard I find the contrary very often. And no marvel; for albeit there were of old no Mannors in the Weald, yet the lands lying there (when once cultivated and manured) being ap∣pendant to and depending on Mannors elsewhere, the Tenants in respect of and proportion to their holdings and tenancies▪ might be and were lyable to the Lord of the Mannor, whereof they held for services and customs, as other Tenants elsewhere. For besides fealty, suit of Court, reliefs, &c. these (among other local customs and services here∣tofore obtaining there) do frequently occur.

[ 1] 1 1.78 Gavelswine▪ which was a custom so called when pay'd in kind, but if redeemed with money, then called swine-mony, swine-peny, and was for the Lord's leave and sufferance of his Te∣nant to keep and feed swine of his own, or to take in other men's to feed with∣in his land.

[ 2] 2 1.79 Scot-ale; which was a shot or con∣tribution from the Tenants for a pro∣vision of Ale to entertain the Lord, or his Bayliff or Beadle, holding a Pa∣rock or meeting on the place, to take an account of his Pannage, (what it yeilded) at the proper season for it. In the extent of the Mannor of Terring in Sussex, Anno 5. Edw. the first, under the title of Lewes: Memor, quod praedicti tenentes debent de consuetudine inter ••os, fa∣cere Scotalium de 16d. ob. ita quod de singulis 6d. detur 1d. ••b. ad potandum cum Bedello Dni. Archiepiscopi; super praedictum feodum.

[ 3] Pannage; Pessona, (as they latin'd it) and it was the emolument arising from the Pannage of hoggs, there feeding

and fatting with the mast of the place, whereof tithe was in those days usually payd; many old accounts, as of Alding∣ton, Chari••••, and other Mannors taking notice of so much money received by the Accomptant for Pannage in Waldis, deductâ decimâ Particularly, one, at Charing sans date, thus expresseth it: Et de LXXI••. 1d. de pannagio de la Rye Hirst, & 7. Dennarum vendito, deductâ de∣cimâ. Et pr••terea Rector habet XI porcos in pessonâ 7 dennarum, quietas de pan∣nagio.

Gate-peny; it was a tribute for the [ 4] liberty of one or more Gates for the Tenants ingress and egress to and from his own, by the Lord's land.

Sumer-••us-silver: whereof in the old [ 5] Custumal of Newington by Sittingbourn,—homines quoque de Walda debent unam domum ••estival••m quod Anglice dicitur Su∣merhus, aut XX solidos dare. If seems it was the custom of such as were Lords or Proprietors of these dens or parcels of the Weald, to repair thither in Sum∣mer-time to take care and dispose of their Pannage, (in such years at least as it had taken) and for their reception and accommodation some kind of house or habitation was to be provided for

them by their Tenants, or a recompence made them in money for it.

[ 6] Corredy: it was (like that of our Dean and Chapter's entertainment at this day) a provision of dyet for the Lord's coming upon that occasion; whereof in the old Custumal of I••kham-Mannor thus, in reference to one or more of those dens.—Et in quolibet anno debet invenire Corredium & omnia necessaria Domino, cum venerit videre Pessonam, vel famulo ejus.

[ 7] Danger: An accompt-roll of Charing-Mannor, Anno 1230. thus••explains it.—Et de XXVIs. VIIId. de Waldis, ut pos∣sint arare & seminare tempore pessonis sin•• dampno Archiepiscopi. By this and the like passages it appears, that the Wealdish Tenant might not plough or sow his land in Pannage-time without the Lord's leave (whence it was otherwise termed1 1.80 Lef-silver) for fear of endam∣aging the Lord in his Pannage; or

if he did, he was liable to recompence.

Add hereunto, that the Auditors of the Prior and Covent of Christ-church's Accompts of their Mannors in the Ar∣ticles by which of old their Accompts were taken, were charged with the two last and the third of these services un∣der these heads:

De Courediis in Waldis. De Dangeriis in Waldis. De Pannagio in Drovedennis in Waldis.

The dens it seems, set out for the agistment and feeding of hoggs and o∣ther droves of cattel, being thence cal∣led Drove-denns, as he that had the cu∣stody and driving of them to and fro (as there was occasion) the Hog-heard, or Neat-heard, Drof-mannus.

The Weald then ('tis plain) like as other places yeilded customs and ser∣vices,* 1.81 (as at present) from good anti∣quity, whereof if these particulars be not evidence enough, I shall in a way of supplement offer what I suppose will put it out of all dispute. In Edw. the third and Richard the second's time the then Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and the Prior and Covent of Christ-church

respectively, amongst (I sup∣pose) other like Lords and Owners of the Wealdish dens, finding themselves agrieved by their Tenants there, and others in the wasting and making ha∣vock of their woods, which in and by former feoffments they had expresly reserved from their Tenants to them∣selves, (over and besides fealty, suit of Court, and certain other services and customs) to quit and rid themselves of further care and trouble in that mat∣ter of the wood, entred into compo∣sition with their Tenants, and for a new annual rent of Assise (generally equal to what money was pay'd before) made the wood over to them by in∣denture of feoffment in perpetuity, either to be cut down or left standing at the Tenant's choice; reserving still their old or wonted rent, and all their former services, except (what upon parting with the wood was unreaso∣nable to require) Pannage and Danger. Ever since which time (I conceive) the interest of the Lord so compounding hath been taken off, as to the wood it self, and nothing left remaining but so much rent of Assise, the new and the old, with the former services.

Many of these compositions relating to the Arch-bishop and Monks afore∣said I have seen, and for satisfaction's sake of others, who would be willing to know more than vulgarly of the Weald, I shall for a close of all pre∣sent them with a1 1.82 copy of one of each sort.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The Ro∣mans had their Forts in Kent.
• 1 1.2

  The passage here cited is not in the Epistle, but in the Treatise entitled Historia Gildae, p. 13. Edit. Oxon.
• 1 1.3

  See the whole passage quoted before, p. 5.
• * 1.4

  Regul∣bium.
• 2 1.5

  Twine calls it erroneously Reculsum.
• * 1.6

  Regul∣bium the same with Re∣culver.
• 1 1.7

  Et hanc sanè suam antiquitat••m effossis Imper••i Romani nummis adhuc testatur. Camd. Britan.
• 2 1.8

  Comment upon the Itinerary, p. 41.
• 1 1.9

  That Monastery was founded about the year 669. Hinc Raculf-minster etiam à monasterin dictum fuit, cùm Edredus, Edmundi senioris frater, Ecclesia Christi Cantuaria ••onaret. Camd.
• 2 1.10

  The Expeditio was an obligation upon the tenant to serve the Lord with so many men, horses, &c. in war.
• 1 1.11

  Which (as Lambard thinks) is deriv'd from the British word Racor, signifying forward, for so (says he) it standeth towards the sea
• * 1.12

  Wherea∣bouts at Reculver the Fort was plac'd.
• 2 1.13

  Burton's Comment upon the Itinerary pag. 41.
• 3 1.14

  Lambard 's Perambulation, Pag. 279.
• * 1.15

  Regulbi∣um why call'd Raculf-minster.
• 1 1.16

  He was made Arch-bishop, An 696. Dy'd, An. 731.
• 2 1.17

  Pag. 216.
• 1 1.18

  The plough-yard, I take for granted, is the same with plough-land, (for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Saxon is terra,) and in many ancient Charters, especially belonging to Kent, is term'd Sulinga, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, aratrum. It may be desin'd in general, a quantity of ground that one plough could till yearly, but the compass, according to the nature of the ground, and custom of the place, seems to have been different.
• 2 1.19

  Pag. 424▪ where is an original Grant of Agelnoth's (made Archbishop about the year 1020) giving to Alfwold and Aedred L. agros, belong∣ing to Raculf-minster, by the consent Givehardi, Decani ejusdem Ecclesi••.
• 3 1.20

  The account is not set down in the ori∣ginal, but in Philpott, p. 278. I find this description of the place.
• * 1.21

  Dignity of the Church and Re∣ctor of Reculver.
• 1 1.22

  Pag. 354. He there sets down an original paper, entitled Revocatio Iurisdictionis Ecclesiarum exemptarum, da••ed An. 1317. The cause of this revocation, was to advance the dig∣nity of the Commissaryship, then erected.
• * 1.23

  Rutupi∣um.
• 1 1.24

  Vide supra pag. 2. & qu•• sequuntur.
• 2 1.25

  Comment upon the Itinerary, pag. 41.
• 1 1.26

  The description is not quoted in the original MS. but in Mr. Philpoit's Villare Cantianum, Pag. 53. it is set down as here you see it.
• 2 1.27

  Vide supra, pag. 6.
• * 1.28

  Dubris.
• 1 1.29

  That it was look'd upon as a place of very considerable im∣portance, is plain from that passage in Knyghton, concerning Lewis the 8th. of France. It seems he came over to assist the Ba∣rons against K. Iohn, and sending back an account of his pro∣gress, his Father demanded of the messengers, Ubi filius ejus esset in Anglia? Responderunt, (so the Historian goes on) Apud Stanfordiam. Et ille; Nunquid habet castrum Doverni••; At illi, Non. Et intulit Rex, Per brachium sancti Iacobi non ha∣bet filius me••s unum terr•• pedem in Anglia, As if all the d••∣vastations they had made in other parts signified nothing, un∣less they were possessed of that Castle.
• 1 1.30

  All the Roman towers in those parts were built for the espial of enemies, ad prospectum maris, says Gildas; least they should be surpris'd by foreign invaders.
• * 1.31

  The keep or Dun∣geon not the Ro∣man Spe∣cula.
• 1 1.32

  In a short historical account of the Foundation of Dover•• monastery, set down in the Monasticon Anglicanum, Part 2. p. 2. we find this passage: L'an de grace mil cens cinquant•• tiers, regna en Engle terre Henry le fitz Maud l' Emperice, c••sti fit le haut touren le chastel, & enclost le dongon de nouelx meurs, i.e. In the year of our Lord one thousand a hundred and fifty three, reign'd in England Henry the son of Maud the Emperess; he built the high tower in the Castel, and enclos'd the Dongeon with a new wall.
• * 1.33

  Folk∣stone.
• 1 1.34

  Oli•• floruisse, Romanorum Numismata quotidie invent a persuadent—Ex illis turribus fuisse probabile est, quas Ro∣mani ad Saxones arcendos (Theodosio juniore regnante) per intervalla (ut inquit Gildas) ad meridianam Britanniae plagam in littore colloc••arunt.
• 1 1.35

  He falsly imagines that it might be anciently written Flor••ane, which (says he) signifies a rock, coaffe, or flaw of stone, which beginneth here; for otherwise (so he goes on) the cliffe from Dover till you come almost hither is of chalke.
• 2 1.36

  Cap. 46. Tertium bellum in campo juxta lapidem tituli, qui est super ripam Gallici maris, statutum.—And a little after, Ante mortem suam ad familiam suam animadvertit, vt illius sepulchrum in portu ponerent, à quo exirent [hostes] super maris ripam.
• * 1.37

  Ninius's Lapis ti∣tuli not Stonar in Thanet.
• 3 1.38

  ••ishop Usher, Primordia Ecclesiae Britan∣nicae, Cap 12. p. 413.
• 1 1.39

  Nimnius, Cap 45. tells us there were three battels before this, in Thanet: Eos [Saxonas] usque ad Insulam qu•• dicitur Thaneth, [Gourtemir] expulit, ••llosque illi•• tribus vicibus con∣clusit, percuss••••, objedit, comm〈◊〉〈◊〉, terruit.
• 1 1.40

  Quemadmodum Scipio Africanus, (says Camden in the de∣scription of this place) qui it a sibi sepul••hrum stat•••• praecepit, ut
• 2 1.41

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 prospectaret, ratus vel hoc etiam Paenis terrori futur. •• In the margin of the original MS. Mr. Somner has added at this place, Like that put down by the transcribers, whereof Mr. Camden, pag. 803. I cannot certainly tell what edition of Camden he had, but he seems to refer to that passage about Portus Lemanis, which Camden says Ptolemy calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 quod cum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Graecos sig〈◊〉〈◊〉 sit (so he adds) Librarii ut viderentur defectum supplere, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 scripserunt.
• 1 1.42

  A very good argument, if we reflect upon what Gildas says about the situation of these Castles; In littore quoque O∣ceani ad meridiem, &c.
• 2 1.43

  This opinion is confirm'd by the learned Bishop Stilling fleet, in his Origines Britannica, p. 322.
• * 1.44

  Why Sto∣nar can∣not be the Lapis ti∣tuli.
• * 1.45

  Deriva∣tion of Stonar.
• * 1.46

  Lim.
• 1 1.47

  Pag. 39, 40, &c. where he proves the mouth of the river Limene, and the ancient Port Lemanis, to have been at New∣Romney.
• 2 1.48

  Castrum, quod in dejectu collis, decem quasi jugera inclusit, moeniúmque reliquiae supersunt Britannicis lateribus, silicibus, calceque cum arena & gr••mis intrita, sic compact••, ut nec dum vetustati cesserint. C••md. Britan.
• * 1.49

  Stutfall∣castle.
• 3 1.50

  There are moreover Britain bricks in the walls of the Church and the Arch-deacon's house. Lambard Perambul••t. p. 194.
• 1 1.51

  Stationem hic sub Comite litoris Saxonici Praepositus nu∣meri T••rnacensium habuit. Camd.
• 2 1.52

  The same argument that he elsewhere uses, built upon Gildas's expression about the design of those towers; in prospectum maris.
• * 1.53

  Deriva∣tion of Stutfall.
• 1 1.54

  Pag. 39.
• * 1.55

  Lym o∣therwise call'd Shipwey.
• 2 1.56

  Talbot and Lambard are both of the same opinion.
• * 1.57

  Deriva∣tion of Shipwey.
• 3 1.58

  ••rom the Saxon ••cip navis, and p•••• via.
• 1 1.59

  Guardianus Portuum hic solemne iniit jusjurandum, ubi prim••m Magistratum iniit, & hic de causis inter Portuum in∣colas, statis diebus cognoscit. Camd.
• * 1.60

  Anderida, where si∣tuated.
• 2 1.61

  Mr. Lambard; with Camden and Selden, the famous and learned lights and guides, as Mr. Somner afterwards terms them.
• * 1.62

  Anderida probably either at Pemsey, or Ha∣stings.
• 1 1.63

  Arch-bishop Usher, after he has in that place express'd his dislike of Camden's opinion, who places it at Ivelc••ester, adds; Mi••i tamen Ninii ••ensauelcoit, Guilielmi Pictaviensis, Orderici Vitalis, & Guilielmi Gemeticensis Penvessellum potiùs fuisse videatur▪ q••ae Pemseia hodiè dicta, primo Guilielmi Normauni in Angliam appulsu celebris est. Cui & B••itannici vocabuli coit adjectio non malè convenit: quum sylvestribus sepibus de••sa fuerit, in qud hac sita est, Sussexiensis regio.
• 2 1.64

  These are not Mr. Camden's words, but Mr. Holland's, who translating Camden into English, did (as that curious Anti∣quary Mr. Wood hath observ'd) scatter several of his own ad∣ditions in many places. And this I the rather believe, because I find Mr. Somner's Quotations word for word in Holland's English, whereas it is not to be found in any latin Edition of Camden, especially that in 1607. which I take to be the last that was publish'd in his life time.
• 1 1.65

  This, as that in p. 104. is not Camden's, but Holland's in∣terpolation.
• * 1.66

  The seve∣ral names of Ande∣rida.
• * 1.67

  The Weald.
• 1 1.68

  Perambulat. p. 224.
• 1 1.69

  ••erambulat. p. 224.
• 2 1.70

  What Pannage was see hereafter among the Catalogue of Quit-rents pay'd out of the Weald.
• 2 1.71

  What Pannage was see hereafter among the Catalogue of Quit-rents pay'd out of the Weald.
• * 1.72

  Donati∣ons of tho Weald.
• * 1.73

  In the Weald so many di∣stinct Dens.
• 1 1.74

  Thorn, inter X. scriptores, p. 1776.
• * 1.75

  The Weald formerly unpeopled
• 1 1.76

  Mr. Lambard grounds his opinion very rationally upon this foundation, that among the accounts of the Reditus de Walda, he had never seen any sort of services express'd, for which they pay'd their rents; whereas in the accounts of all the Tenants without the Weald, there is express mention made for what special, cause the same rent grew payable. From whence he infers that those payments (differing from others both in quantity and quality) could not be quit-rents for any service, as the rest were.
• * 1.77

  Quit-rents pay'd out of the Weald.
• 1 1.78

  Of Gavel-swine see more in Somner's Gavelkind, p. 23.
• 2 1.79

  It was otherwise called Bere-gaefel and Drin••-elan. See Som∣ner's Gavelkind, p. 29.
• 1 1.80

  The custom is confirm'd and explain'd by an old Custu∣mal of Tenham-Mannor (quoted by Mr. Somner, Gavelkynd pag. 27.) which calls it Lyef-yeld: Tenentes in Waldis non pos∣sunt arare ••erras suas ab equinoctio autumpnali usque festum beati Martini ••ine licenti••▪ Et ideo reddunt ann••••atim dimi∣diam marca•• ad sestum S. Martini, sive fuerit Pessona, sive nou & vocatur Lyef-yeld.
• * 1.81

  The wood of the Weald made o∣ver to the Tenant.
• 1 1.82

  There is not a copy of these Compositions in Mr. Somner's Manuscript; and where the Originals are, I know not.