A treatise of the Roman ports and forts in Kent by William Somner ; publish'd by James Brome ... ; to which is prefixt, The life of Mr. Somner.

THE HISTORY Of the ROMAN PORTS AND FORTS in KENT.

FOR our discovery both of one and the other, the Itinerary vul∣garly ascribed to Antoninus (1 1.1 a∣bout which there is some dispute a∣mongst the Learned) and that Notitia Imperii publish'd by Pancirollus, must be our chiefest guides. To begin with

the Ports: the Itinerary mentioneth on∣ly three, Rutupia, Dubris, and Lemanis: unde colligo hos tantum tres portus apud Cantios antiquitùs fuisse celebres. So Le∣land (to whom I subscribe) in Doris.

As to the first;* 1.2 Ptolomy calls it Vrbem Rutupiae; Antoninus Rutupae, por∣tum Ritupium, also portum Rutupai; the Notitia Rutupis, placing there the Pro∣vost or Praefect of the Legionis secundae Augustae: the1 1.3 Peutingerian Tables Ra∣vipis; Ammianus Marcellinus Rutupias; Cornelius Tacitus rightly reads portum Rutupensem; Beda Ruthubi portum, quiportus (so he2 1.4 adds) à gente Anglorum nunc corruptè Reptacester vocatus, &c. 3 1.5 Thus we see what some call urbem a City or walled Town, others call por∣tum, a Port, Haven or Harbour. The same Marcellinus, as he calls it also Ru∣tupias, so by way of character he terms it stationem Britanniae tranquillam, a

quiet or calm station or bay for ships. In Orosius we read it call'd Rhutubi por∣tum & civitatem, the Port and City Rhutubi.

Before we offer at the Etymology of the name,* 1.6 let us enquire out the place's situation. Twyne will have Dover here∣by understood: but that conjecture of his is not only questioned, but rejected of Mr. Lambard; and that very justly, as I conceive, in regard that Rutupia and Dubris, as distinct, are under several names mentioned in the Itinerary: to say nothing here of the distance (which continues and holds good to this day) between Gessoriacum and it. Mean time Mr. Lambard disliking the1 1.7 Monk of Westminster's applying the name to Sandwich, and consequently his refer∣ring whatsoever he findeth storied of the one to the other, with2 1.8 Leland and

Camden, restrains it to that place half a mile distant from Sandwich north∣ward, which Alfred of Beverly calls Richberge, and is at this day vulgarly called Richborough or Richborough Castle.

For my part,* 1.9 with Florilegus of old, and Pancirollus of late, I perswade my self that Sandwich Town and Haven is the place intended under those afore∣recited various names and titles; not the whilst excluding Richborough as the proper seat of that Legion, lying in garison in a Castle there purposely e∣rected, as in respect of the ascent or high rising ground whereon it stands, of singular advantage both as a specula for prospect and espial of enemies and invaders, and as a Pharus or high tower, to set up night lights for the sea-mens better and safer guidance in∣to the harbour. For that Richborough-Castle was ever other, or of other use in the Romans time I cannot believe.

1 1.10 Gildas tells us of the Romans erecting on this coast, at convenient distances, Watch-towers for such uses as I have intimated, that of espial and discovery. In litore quoque Oceani ad meridiem, quo naves eorum habebantur, quia & inde Bar∣barorum irruptio timebatur, turres per in∣tervalla ad prospectum maris collocant, &c. So he; and with him2 1.11 Venerable Bede. And of these Watch-towers, our County had (I take it) five in number, one at Reculver, a second here at Richbo∣rough, a third at Dover, a fourth at Folkstone, and a fifth at Limne or Lim∣hill, of all which hereafter in due place.

3 1.12 Some will tell you (what others take up more upon fancy and fabulous tra∣ditions than good authority) that* 1.13

Richborough was a City, the streets where∣of (say they) are as yet visible and traceable, at least in the spring and summer time, by the thinness of the corn on those dry and barren tracts and places of the ancient streets, which they call St. Augustin's Cross. But would you truly be informed of the cause of that? Why then know, that there was sometime indeed a Cross there; a parcel, I mean, of the Castle ground, about the middle or center of it layd out cross∣wise, and set apart for the building of a Church or Chappel there: and such a structure at that place really there was, and it was call'd Richborough Church or Chappel. One Sir Iohn Saunder,* 1.14 a Pre∣bendary of1 1.15 Wingham, (then a College of Secular Canons) Parson of Dimchuroh, and Vicar of Ash, in his Will dated Anno 1509. thus makes mention of it: Item I bequeath to the Chappel of Richborough one Portuys printed, with a Mass-book which was Sir Thomas the old Priest's. Item, to the use of the said Chappel 205. to make them a new window, in the body of the Church. A Chappel then we see there was,* 1.16 and

intended it was, and whilst it stood, which no doubt it did till the Refor∣mation, (when many such Chappels and some Churches, by reason of the cessation of Offerings, Obits,1 1.17 Tren∣tals, Anniversaries, almesses, and the like Sacerdotal advantages were deserted) was used for a Chappel of ease to some few, inhabiting at or near the Castle, and with those of Fleet and Overland depend∣ed upon the head or Mother Church of Ash, as that on Wingham. The rubbish whereof, occasioned either by the de∣molition or decay of the building; has rendred the soil whereon it stood of that more barren and less Fruitful nature and quality, than the adjacent parts.

And this (I take it) and no other was the estate of Richborough, until these later times, whilst Sandwich doubtless was the Town and Port by Ritupia or Rhutupia, and the like. So that what Florilegus ascribeth and applyeth unto Sandwich under that name, I am very confident doth rightly appertain unto it; as2 1.18 that of Iulius Cesar's hereabouts

landing, and of1 1.19 Vespasian's attempt for landing here Anno gratiae 52. Advisedly then enough (as I conceive) are the Fryars Carmelites at Sandwich by2 1.20 Harps∣field called Rutupini sive Sanduichiani.

And considerable it is,* 1.21 that as be∣tween this place Rutupium and Gessoria∣cum i. e. Bolen, more anciently called Portus Iccius (3 1.22 as I have elsewhere at large asserted) it was that in those elder (the Roman) times, the ordinary and usual passage lay between France and England (4 1.23 as afterward between Wit∣sand or Whitsand and Dover, and in lat∣ter times between Calais and Dover) so the distance between them, according to the Itinerary was 450. stadia or fur∣longs, or (as Pliny has it) 50. miles, which is all one. And a distance it is by

modern proof and observation still con∣tinuing to this very day. Hither (I say) made those who taking ship at Bolen were bound for Britain, especially if London-bound. Adultâ hyeme, dux ante∣dictus Bononiam venit, quaesitisque navigiis & omni imposito milite, observato flatu se∣cundo ventorum, ad Rutupias ex adverso sit as defertur, petitque Londinum. So 1 1.24 Ammianus Marcellinus, speaking of Lu∣picinus, sent Deputy into Britain. And from hence happily this place losing and letting go its former British name of Ritupium or Rutupium,2 1.25 became of the Saxons called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉;* 1.26 i.e. the port of London; as in likelyhood the place where those that traded either to Lon∣don from foreign parts, or from Lon∣don into foreign parts, made and had their prime resort and rendevouz. Mil∣thredae verò Abbatissae de Menstre, in In∣sulâ Thaneti, dedit libertatem thelonii ac totam exactionem navigiorum, sibi & ante∣cessoribus suis jure publico in Londinensi portu primitus competentem, cartâque suâ

confirmavit; as it is in a Book of St. Au∣gustin's Abby at Canterbury, making mention of Athelbald and Offa, the Mer∣cian Kings and Saxon Monarchs, whose grant and Charter is afterward vouched and confirmed by Aldbert or Ethelbert (one of the Kentish Kings, in the line of the Saxon Heptarchy) in his Charter to Minster-Abby.

Now that Kentish Sandwich, and not London City, is here intended and to be understood, is plain by this passage in the laws of Lothaire and Eadric, meer Kentish Kings, recorded in that famous ancient monument called Textus Rof∣fensis, concerning Commerce at that place. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. i. e. If any Kentish Man shall buy any thing in Lun∣den-wic, let him take unto him two or three honest men, or the Kings1 1.27 Portreeve to

witness, &c.1 1.28 as if indeed this were not only a Market-town, but the prime and most frequented Emporium, or Mart∣town in Kent, in those days.

Somewhat elder yet is the place's men∣tion under that name; to wit, in the days of Arch-Bishop Brightwold, or (as some call him)2 1.29 Berhtwold (i. e. Illustri∣ous Ruler) to whom by Ina, the West-Saxon King, with the advice of his Clergy, Boniface, afterward the first Arch-Bishop of Mentz in Germany (an English man born, and first named Winfrid) was sent into Kent upon an Embassy. This Boniface shortly after, with that Arch-Bishop's consent, not easily at first obtained, quitting his fa∣ther's house and, native soil, and out of a pious and Christian desire and design

to propagate the Gospel, and both by life and doctrine to convert Hea∣thens to the Faith of Christ, determin∣ing to travel into Fresia or Friesland, immensis peragratis terrae partibus, i.e. journying from the Western to the Eastern parts of England, he repairs to this place Lunden-wich, from whence taking ship, he sets sail and arrives at Dorstat, now Dieerstede, a town of Hol∣land, and so makes forward into Fresia; whereof Willibald in the Life of Boni∣face, at the end of his Epistles thus: 1 1.30 Hic etiam dum spirituali confortatus ar∣maturâ, & seculari sublimatus sumpturâ, utriusque vitae stipendiis minimè careret; adhibitis secum duobus aut tribus fratribus, quorum corporali spiritualique indigebat su∣stentaculo, profectus est: ac sic immensis per∣agratis terrae pantibus, prospero ovans fra∣trum comitatu, pervenit ad locum, ubi erat forum rerum venalium, & usque hodie antiquo Anglorum Saxonumque vocabulo appellatur Luidewinc (in the margin more correctly Lundenwich.) The same holy man afterwards returning home, and after some stay here resolving a

visit to Rome, betakes himself again to the same Port; whence setting sail he arrives at Cuentawic, a Sea Town in France, now called Estaples in Picardy; whereof the same1 1.31 Willibaldus: Qui pro∣tinus quidem valedicens fratribus, profectus est, locumque per longa terrarum spatia, qui jam praedictus dicitur Lundenwich (I follow the margin) voti compos adiit, & celocis celeriter marginem scandens, caepit ignotas maris tentare vias, tripudiantibus∣que nautis immensa, Coro flante, carbasa consurgebant, & pleno vento prosperoque cur∣su ostia fluminis citius quod dicitur Cuent, omni jam expertes periculi naufragio aspi∣ciunt, & ad aridam sospites terram perve∣niunt, sed & castra metati in Cuentavic, donec superveniens se collegarum multitudo congregasset.

Clear enough then I suppose it is that by Lundenwich,* 1.32 Sandwich Town and Haven was intended and is to be under∣stood; but whether so called from the same ground with that o•• London City, 2 1.33 whereof in my Glossary at the end of the Historiae Anglicanae scriptores anti∣qui,

and in my Saxon Dictionary; or from the trade and traffick there ex∣ercis'd by merchants trading to and from London, as the next Port to the river of Thames, and so most commo∣dious for that purpose; or lastly, from some more special and peculiar interest of the Londoners in that above other of the Ports, I cannot say.

Only this is certain,* 1.34 that some such interest was challenged by the Lon∣doners1 1.35 in Stonor lying in Thanet, on the other side of the channel, but sub∣ject unto Sandwich, as a limb or mem∣ber of that Port. For in the year 1090. (as it is in Thorn, the Chronicler of St. Augustin's Abby at Canterbury; quoted by Mr. Lambard) there happened a great dispute betwixt the Londoners and the Abbof of St. Augustin's, and his men and homagers of Stonor. The Londoners challeng'd the Lordship or Seignory of Stonor, as a sea-port sub∣ject to their City: but the King (Wil∣liam Rufus) taking the Abbot's part, it was adjudg'd by the Justices upon that place, that none from thenceforth

should claim any thing here, but that Wido the Abbot and his Covent, should freely and quietly without any questi∣on have the land, and the whole share, as far as to the middle of the water; and that the Abbot of St. Augustin's should freely enjoy all rights and cu∣stoms to the same village appertain∣ing.

All this while we hear nothing of the name of Sandwich.* 1.36 Indeed that name (for ought I find) occurs not in any coëtaneous writer or writing until the year 979. when (as it is in the Chartu∣laries of the Church of Canterbury) King Egelred granted it by name unto the Monks there, for their supply and maintenance in clothing.1 1.37 King Cnute afterward coming in by Conquest, and consequently having all parts and places of the Kingdom at his disposal, he with some regard (no doubt) to the Monks former right and title to the place (being the same, where coming to subdue the Saxons, and make a Con∣quest of the country, he first landed) gave, or rather restored, the place (the

Port of Sandwich by name) to the same Monks for their sustenance in victuals, with the addition of his golden Crown, and (what perhaps was of equal value in the estimation of the times) St. Bar∣tholomew's arm.

The further tracing and producing of what in story concerns this place, I refer and leave to Mr. Lambard, and such as are willing to be their own in∣formers from our Chronicles; saving that I think it not amiss to observe that signal mention of it in1 1.38 the Writer of the life of Queen Em, where he tells of Cnute's landing there, and calls Sandwich the most famous of all the Ports of England: Expectabili itaque ordine, flatu secundo, Sandwich, qui est omnium Anglo∣rum portuum famosissimus, appulsi, &c. So he.

But to to return to the old obsolete name Rutupium,* 1.39 or Ritupium: for the etymologizing of it, wherein the most learned and Judicious Camden, (as his manner is) hath been so exceeding happy, that waving all other conje∣ctures that either are or may be started,

and embracing his,1 1.40 I shall not stick with him to fetch it from the old Bri∣tish Rhyd tufith, i. e. vadum sabulosum: and the rather because of that subse∣quent and succeeding name of Sand∣wich, which plainly betokens a sandy reach or creek; for so it is, being a place notable indeed for abundance of sand of each side of the Channel, whose banks s••us-like are of a winding, cur∣ving, and imbowed form and figure; (which to this day we call a reach) espe∣cially about Richborough,2 1.41 thence hap∣pily denominated as being a Berg i. e. a hill, or a Burg i. e. a castle (like the

termination cester1 1.42 in its name of Re∣ptacester) a castle at or near the reach or creek.* 1.43 But to keep up to Rutupium, so famous (it seems) in those elder i. e. Roman times was the place for the Ro∣mans often landing there, and the fre∣quent passage thence out of Britain into the continent, that the whole Eastern and Southern maritime tract, coast, or shore of Britain was thence denominated, being usually, termed Rutupinum littus, i. e. the Rutupine or Rutupian shore, whereof instances e∣nough are collected and exhibited by the same Mr. Camden.2 1.44 The Romans at length deserting the Island, and the Saxons shortly after being possess'd of it, as they (Conquerour-like) changed the language, introducing their own; so rejecting the wonted name of this place Rutupium,* 1.45 they new-named it (••, as was shewed above with the reasons for

it) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which name it afterward retain'd until their supplanting by the Danes; of whom or about whose time, from the sandy soil there and there∣abouts extending from thence so many miles, even as far as about Walmer∣castle, casting off the former name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 call'd it was Sandwich, which it retaineth to this day, having for∣merly given name to a family of Knights for several descents called de Sandwico, or of Sandwich; one of which, Sir Simon of Sandwich,1 1.46 was the Foun∣der of St. Bartholomew's Hospital there. But of that Roman Port hitherto. Only let me here add the account given or taken of it in the Conquerours Sur∣vey, call'd Doomsday-Book in these words.

Sanduic est Manerium Sanctae Trinitatis, &2 1.47 de vestitu Monachorum, & est3 1.48 Leth

& Hundredus in seipso, & reddit Regi ser∣vitium in mare, sicut Dovera: & homines illius villae, antequam Rex dedit eis suas consuetudines, reddebant XV libras; quan∣do Episcopus recuperavit reddebat XL li∣bras, & XL millia de alecibus, & in prae∣terito anno reddidit L libras, & alecia sicut prius. Et in isto anno debet reddere LX & X lib. & alecia sicut prius. In1 1.49 T. E. R. erant ibi CCC & VII mansurae, nunc autem LX & XVI plus.

To gratifie the curiosity of such as may be studious either of the genius and temper of that age, or of their mode and way of framing and phrasing their Grants and Conveyances;2 1.50 I shall here, from the original subjoyn that of Sandwich Town and Haven by the King Cnute, to the Monks of Christ∣church Canterbury, as I find it there ex∣tant both in Saxon and Latine.

THE common opinion much counte∣nanced* 1.51

and confirmed by our coun∣trymen1 1.52 Twine,2 1.53 Lambard and some o∣thers, (late writers only whilst all the elder sort are silent in the point) is that this being before and Island of some call'd Lomea, very fertile and abound∣ing with pastures, &c. was by an hi∣deous tempest of winds and rains, and an unusual rage and inundation of the sea, hapning3 1.54 in the reign of William Rufus, in the year 1097. overwhelmed; and hath been ever since a quick-sands, Charybdis-like, dangerous to Naviga∣tors. This I say is the common opi∣nion.

Notwithstanding which,* 1.55 that it ever was other than what it is at present; that at least it was till that inundation such a piece of firm and fertile ground as1 1.56 Twine in his description of it a∣voucheth, or that ever it was4 1.57 Earl Goodwyn's patrimony, and took name from him, I dare confidently deny; and that with warrant enough I trow

from hence alone, that in the1 1.58 Con∣querour's Survey (that famous and most authentick Record and Repertory of all lands whatsoever throughout the whole English Empire) wherein (a∣mongst the rest, and in the first place) Kent, with all the lands in it, whether of the King, the Arch-Bishop, the Earl, or whatsoever person high or low is amply and accurately described, sur∣veyed, and recorded; in this universal Terrier (I say) there is not any mention made, or the least notice taken of such an Island. And as not there, so not elsewhere (in any Author whether fo∣reign or domestick, of any antiquity, that ever I could meet with) doth it occur: whereas both of Sheapy, Thanet, &c. (other Kentish Islands) there is fre∣quent mention both in Dooms-day-Book, and in many of our English Historians, as well elder as later, to say nothing of several Charters both of Christ∣church and St. Augustine's in Canterbury, where they are very obvious.

And as for that argument (much in∣sisted on1 1.59 by the most) drawn from the name of Goodwyn-sands,* 1.60 it may (as I conceive) receive this answer, that pro∣bably it is not the true, genuine, anci∣ent, and original name, but rather a corruption of the right name contract∣ed and caused by that grand corruption as well of names as things, time. Yet what the true and right original name was, I cannot possibly say, nor am scarce willing to conjecture, least I seem to some too bold. But when I consider the condition, nature, and quality of the place in hand; the soil or rather the sand, which is both lentum & tenax, soft and pliant, and yet tenacious, and retentive withall; I am almost per∣swaded it might take the name from the British Gwydn so signifying, which in tract of time much the easier, and ra∣ther corrupted into Goodwyn, because of a Kentish Earl of that name a little before the Norman-Conquest. A con∣jecture in my judgment much fa∣voured by the name2 1.61 given it by Twine,

(from what authority it appears not) Lomea, which (though not in sound yet in sense) seems in some sort to an∣swer the British Gwydn, as coming pro∣bably of the1 1.62 Saxon lam, whence our modern English lome, as that I conceive of the Latine limus, slime, mudd, &c. and that as some derive it of the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. terra madida, locus humidus. These sands (happily) being so called for distinction's sake from those many other thereabouts, as the Brakes, the Fower-foots, the White-ditch, &c. as con∣sisting of a more soft, fluid, porous, spongious, and yet withal tenacious matter than the neighbouring sands, and consequently of a more voracious and ingurgitating property than the rest, which were more hard, solid, rug∣ged, and rocky.

But in regard of that altum silentium,* 1.63 the pretermission of it in utter silence by ancient Authors, and the no other than a very late notice taken, and men∣tion made of it by any writer, it will hardly pass with judicious men for a thing of such antiquity as to owe its name to the Britains. Indeed were it a

thing of that great antiquity (a place I mean of that strange and stupendous nature for such a standing) so very re∣markable it is, as we cannot easily be∣lieve it should have quite escaped the many elder writers both at home and abroad, or not indeed be reckoned a∣mongst the wonders of our Britain. And therefore with several men of judgement it is look'd on as a piece of 1 1.64 later emergency than Earl Goodwyn, much more than the British age. What in this case to reply I scarcely know; that it is a most notable and wonderful thing as to the nature and quality of it, I cannot but acknowledge, and yet that it hath escaped the pens of all an∣cient writers both foreign and do∣mestick, I neither can deny. Upon a melius inquirendum therefore resuming and reviewing the matter, I cannot but refer to consideration as their conje∣cture who are for the late emergency of it, so withal what is said in favour of it.

Instead then of the over-whelming this place (formerly supposed an Island,* 1.65 and a part of Earl Goodwyn's possessions)

by that inundation of the sea in or a∣bout William the second or Henry the first's time, whereunto the loss of it is of some (as we have seen) ascribed; more probable it seems to others, that (on the contrary) this inundation be∣ing so violent and great, as to drown a great part of Flanders and the Low-Countries, was and gave the occasion of the place's first emergency, by lay∣ing and leaving that, which formerly was always wett and under water, for the most part dry and above water. Or if happily that one inundation did it not alone, yet might it give such a good essay to it, and lay so fair a begin∣ing of it, as was afterward perfected and compleated by following irrupti∣ons of that kind; especially that upon the parts of Zealand, which consisting of old of fifteen Islands, eight of them have been quite swallowed by the sea and utterly lost.* 1.66 Whence that of a late 1 1.67 Geographer of our own concerning both inundations. The Country Belgium lyeth exceeding low upon the seas, inso∣much that it is much subject to inundations. In the time of Henry the second (it should

be the first) Flanders was so overflown, that many thousands of people, whose dwellings the sea had devoured, came into England to begg new seats, and were by the King first placed1 1.68 in Yorshire, and then removed to Pembrokeshire. Since that it hath in Zealand swallowed eight of the Islands, and in them 300 Towns and Vil∣lages: many of whose Churches and strong buildings are at a dead low water to be seen; and as Ovid has it of Helice and Buris Cities of Achaia,

Invenies sub aquis, & adhuc ostendere nautae Inclinata solent cum moenibus oppida versis. The water hides them, and the shipmen show, The ruin'd walls and steeples, as they row.

To the same purpose the2 1.69 Belgick Geographer thus: Zelandia multis in∣sulis, distinguitur: tametsi enim superiori seculo Oceanus magnam huic regioni cladem intulit, & aliquot insulas, perruptis agge∣ribus, penitus hausit, alias mirum in mo∣dum

arrosit, &c. And what saith1 1.70 Guicci∣ardine speaking of Flanders? Usque ad annum salutis 1340 &c. Vntil the year 1340. (saith he) as often as any bargain was made for the sale of any lands along the maritime tract, provision was expresly made, that if within ten years space next ensuing, the land should be drowned, then the bargain to be void and of none effect.

That this (the emergency of what we call the Goodwyn) was the product and consequence of those inundations,* 1.71 that at least a probable conjecture may hence be grounded of its emergency by this means, they thus make out. This shelf (the Goodwyn) although it were a kind of shallow lying between the Eng∣lish and the Flemish coast, yet until so much of the water sound a vent and out-let into the neighbouring parts of Flanders and the Low-countries, was allways so far under water, as it never lay dry, but had such a high sea run∣ing over it, as it no way endangered the Navigator; the sea or channel be∣ing as safely passable and navigable there as elsewhere. But so much of the water betwixt us and them having for∣saken

its wonted and ordinary current and confines, and gained so much more elbow-room and evacuation into those drowned parts on the other side, (the sea usually losing in one place what it gains in another) this shelf (the Good∣wyn) from thenceforth, for want of that store of water which formerly over∣layd it, became (what it is) a kind of arida, a sand-plott, deserted of that water's surface in which it was formerly immersed.

This (for ought I perceive) is pro∣bable enough, and hath nothing that I can see, to oppose or controul it, but the name (the Goodwyn) which indeed cannot consist with so late an emer∣gency, whether by the Goodwyn we un∣derstand the Earl sometime so called, or the British word or Epithet for soil or ground of that tenacious sort and temper. Not knowing therefore what further to reply, I shall leave it in medio, not daring to determine either way, as be∣ing a research of so much difficulty, as I foresee, when all is done, must be left to conjecture, which may prove as various as the Readers.

Now to Dubris,* 1.72 another of the Kentish Roman Ports, and of them so called; 1 1.73 but whether from the British Dyffrin signifying a vale or valley (whence that famous vale or valley of Cluyd in Den∣bigh-shire is called Dyffrin Cluyd, as one would say, the inclosed vale or valley; for so it is, being on all quarters but the North environed with hills or mountains:) or from their Dufr or Dur or Dyfr, betokening: water; running wa∣ter, or a river, (whence Dowerdwy is of Girald Cambrensis in his Itinerary of Wales in Latine rendred Fluvius Devae i.e. the river of Dee) is somewhat disputable. Both derivations are enough probable, the former in regard of the place's si∣tuation in a valley, between two very high hills or rocks: nor is the latter less probable in respect of the water, the fresh or river running through it, and presently emptying it self into the sea, and by the way serving to scour the haven, and keep it open. So that leaving the Reader to his liberty of

choice, I shall have done with the name when I shall have told him, that after the Romans▪ it was of their immediate successors, the Saxons, called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 1 1.74 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and of after times 2 1.75 Dovor and Dover.

3 1.76 Some have called it by what is the proper name of Canterbury, Dorobernia,* 1.77 others Dorvernia; but very erroneously both; and upon that mistake, what, tumult or hurly-burly hapned in the year 1051. or as some have it. 1052. at Dover by the means of Eustave, Earl of Bolen and his men, likely to have ended in a sore and bloody civil war, (the King taking part with his brother in law, and Earl Good••yn siding with the Doverians as his Clients and Vassals) the scene, I say, of that commotion is of some laid at Canterbury: whereas it is4 1.78 hence clear enough that Dover was the place, inasmucn as Marianus and Hoveden, who (as Malmsbury speaks of a

Castle there which Knighton calls Castel∣lum Dovoriense) make express mention of a Castle on the cliff or by the cliff∣side, which must needs be Dover-castle; Canterbury being an inland-town and standing (both City and Castle) in a level or valley. But for more certainty, the Saxon relation of the matter (in which language I take it the story was originally penned) as I find it in a small Saxon MS sometime belonging to Mr. Lambard, and procured for me by my late deceased friend Thomas Godfrey of Hodiford Esq, lays the scene at Dover. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (1052) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. The same year (1052) Eustatius came on shore at Dover,* 1.79 &c. So that what of that tumult is record∣ed in our Chronicles as hapning at Dorobernia belongs to Dover, not Can∣terbury. What also is spoken by1 1.80 Picta∣viensis of Alfred's landing place, or place of arrival, under the same name, re∣lates thither, and is to be under∣stood

not of Canterbury but Dover. But to keep us to the Port; a Roman Port it was, and continued afterwards a Port through the Saxon, Danish, and Norman ages unto this present. But as after the Roman times Bolen decayed and grew into some disuse on the French coast, so Rutupium or Sandwich in tract of time did the like on the Bri∣tish, that being supplanted and put by of Witsand, this of Dover, as of most ad∣vantage to the passenger by reason of the greater shortness of the cut be∣tween.

Yet late was it e're Witsand came in∣to request,* 1.81 no mention in story being found of it in the notion of a Port, 1 1.82 until between 5. or 600. years ago. But from about that time indeed it became much frequented, and no no∣tice scarce taken of any other there∣abouts. Whence that of Lewis the French King, who in the year 1180. coming in pilgrimage to visit Thomas of Canterbury, besought that Saint, by way of humble intercession, that no

passenger might miscarry by shipwrack between Witsand and Dover. Yet nei∣ther was this Port Witsand very long lived; for not many years after Calice-Port coming into request, Witsand gives it place, which it retains to this day. And indeed it is matter of more wonder, that it held up so long, than that it decayed no sooner, in regard of the danger of the passage between, through the greater narrowness and straitness of the British Channel or Frith at that place, rendring it apter to a more impetuous motion than where, as somewhat further off, on either hand more sea room may be had.

Here without all doubt it was that Iulius Caesar,* 1.83 in that famous expedition of his for the Conquest of Britain, first intended and attempted to arrive: a matter evident enough by the descri∣ption of the place,1 1.84 in his Commentary terming it locum ad egrediendum nequa∣quam idoneum, a place very unfit for landing; which he further thus de∣scribes; Loci haec erat natura, atque ita montibus angustis mare continebatur, ut ex locis superioribus in litus telum adjici pos∣set.

From whence without any violence we may conclude that the sea in those days more in••inuated it self into the valley here than afterwards and at this day (being somewhat excluded and fell further off by the ingulfed beach) it did and doth, flowing up even as high, if not higher into the land, as where the Town it self is now seated: whereof also the Anchors and planks or boards of ships there (1 1.85 as Mr. Camden hath it) sometimes digged up, are indi∣cations sufficient of themselves to e∣vince this truth.

And more have I not to say of this Port neither; only to represent what description thereof is recorded in Doomsday-book, in these very syllabes,2 1.86 Do∣vere tempore Regis Edwardi reddebat, &c. Hereunto let me add a Topographical account hereof given by Guliel. Picta∣vensis, who (as he was the Conquerour's Chaplain, and one that attended him

in the expedition, and shared with o∣thers of his train in the division of the land) hath written his Life and Acts. His words are these. Situm est id castel∣lum (Dovera) in rupe mari contigud1 1.87.

From this description it appears, that what fortification the place had in those days to the sea-ward at least, was not so much from art as nature; in∣deed rather mixt, the rock or clift's∣top with tools and instruments of iron being cut into such notches and inden∣tures, as it both resembled and served in the stead of walls with battlements: which it seems afterwards decaying (as the clift there consisting more of chalk∣stone is apt to crumble away, drop down, and fall) such walls as now the Town hath to the sea-ward were erect∣ed for supply to those natural Bulwarks, which that edax rerum, all devouring time, had so consumed.

PASSING from hence (reserving the* 1.88 Castle to my future discourse of the Roman-Forts) I come in order to the third and last of their Kentish Ports, Lemanis1 1.89 as called of Antoninus, of the Notitia Lemannis, in the Peutingerian Tables Lemavius. Concerning the situ∣ation hereof various are the conjectures of our English Chorographers;2 1.90 some placing it at3 1.91 Hyth, others at West-Hyth, a third sort at or under Lim-Hill; to none of all which the distance be∣tween it and Durovernum (i.e. Canter∣bury) in the Itinerary (to omit other arguments) will very well suit being sixteen miles, which is more by two than that between Durovernum and Du∣bris, which is full out as great as this.

But as there is not much heed to be given to the distances there, being (as some have observed) often mistaken, so am I apt to suspect a mistake here, of XVI I mean for XXI, the second of those numeral letters in the Itinerary by an easy mistake of an V for an X being miswritten; which supposed, the Port (as to the distance) is easily found, and that ineeed is Romney, or as we now call it New-Romney,* 1.92 distanced much about so many Italian miles (21) from Durovernum or Canterbury; and so called happily to answer and suit with the Greek1 1.93 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the Latin novus portus, as some have termed it: although I rather deem that Epithet given it more of late to distinguish it from the other Romney, called Old Romney, which distinction I find used near 500 years ago. But be that as it will, Romney either the Old or the New seems to be the Port of the Ro∣mans

so termed, and that either from the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Port, according to that of Leland, Refert hoc nomen origi∣nem Graecam, quòd pleno diffluens alveo portum efficiat: est enim Portus, litus, sinus maris Graecis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; or else from their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 palus a moore or fennish place, as the soil hereabouts for many miles far and wide is none other; which Ethelwerd's Limneus portus, and the old and yet continued writings of the Pa∣rish and Deanries name of Lime or Limpne seems more to favour. Romney, I say, as I conceive was that Roman Port Lemanis, which although at pre∣sent, and for1 1.94 some hundred of years lying dry, and unbestead of any chan∣nel of fresh water to serve it, yet had of old a fair and commodious river running along by it, and unlading or emptying it self into the sea, in those days nothing so remotely from the Town as (by the sands and beach in process of time cast up and inbeaten by the Sea, and for want of the fresh to repel and keep it back stopping up the Harbour) since and now it is.

This River1 1.95 rising and issuing or breaking forth about what for the right name Ritheramfield we call now Rotherfield,* 1.96 (a place in Sussex) and so passing under Rother-bridge (corruptly termed Roberts-bridge is from thence called the Rother: but afterwards run∣ning and keeping on it's course to Ap∣pledore, and from thence to Romney called (as we said) Lemanis, and serving the Haven there, becomes from thence termed Limena, as the mouth thereof where it falls into the sea, Limene∣mouth. And thus may those be recon∣ciled that are at odds about this River's right name, some calling the whole River Rother, others Limene; which former name occurreth not to me in any ancient record, whereas the2 1.97 lat∣ter doth, and that as high up as where∣about it first riseth. It was afterward (from the Port so called, to and along by which it had it's course and current)

named Romney, as shall be shewed anon. Mean time for better method's sake, I shall endeavour to assert three things. First, that there was such a river; one, I mean, of that name of Limene, and Romney. Secondly, that this river had it's mouth at or by Romney-Town. Thirdly, about what time, and by what occasion it ceased running hither, and forsook it's wonted channel.

Now as to the first,* 1.98 express mention is found made of it by that name of Limene, in a Charter or Grant of Ethel∣bert the son of the Kentish King1 1.99 Wi∣thred, about the year 721. whereby he grants to Mildred, the then Abbess of Minster in Thanet, terram unius aratri circa flumen Limenae i.e. a plough-land lying by or about the river Limene. It next occurs to me in a Charter of King Eadbright dated in the year 741. granting to the Church of Canterbury capturam piscium quae habetur in hostio fluminis cujus nomen est2 1.100 Limeueia &c.

i.e. the taking or catching of fish to be had in the mouth of the river, which is named Limene &c. In a Charter or Grant of Egbert, the West-Saxon King, and first English Saxon Monarch, and Athulf or Ethelwulf his son to one God∣ing in the year 820. it thus again oc∣curs: Duo ar atra in loco qui dicitur Ang∣licis Werehornas, in paludosis locis; & empta est pro M solidis nummorum. Et haec sunt territoria: On 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. Ex Orientali parte porrigit Austrum versus, ultra Limenae fluvium usque ad Australium Saxonum limitem, i.e. Two plough-lands in a place in English cal∣led Werehorns, amongst the fenns, and cost M. shillings or 50l. of money: and these are the boundaries; on the East∣part it extendeth South-ward over the river Limen, unto the South-Saxon limits. In a Deed or Grant (of one 1 1.101 Warhard or Warnard a Priest) to the Monks of Canterbury, dated Anno 830. thus again we meet with it: unum ju∣gum qued jacet in australi parte Limene,

& ab incolis nominatur Lambeham, per∣tinet autem ad Burnham, &c. i.e. One yoke of land lying on the South-side of Limene, and of the inhabitants is called Lambeham, but belongeth to Burnham, &c.

To pass over the mention of it in our English1 1.102 Saxon Annals Anno 893. not long after it was (Anno sc. 895) that the same river (that part of it at or near Romney Town) in a Grant of Plegmund the Arch-bishop of Canterbury under the name of Romney occurs thus. Terram quae vocatur Wefingmersc juxta flumen quod vocatur Rumeneia, &c. i. e. The land called Wefingmersh, beside the river called Romney. In an old Deed sans date of Thomas and Iames, sons of Kennet of Blakeburn and others, it comes into mention thus: Totum nostrum im∣brocum de Blakeburn, sive praedictus bro∣cus sit major sive minor, cujus broci longi∣tudo ex australi parte incipit ad pontem de Oxenal, & ducit super aquam de Lime∣nal usque ad piscarium de Blakeburn, &

de eadem piscaria incipit longitudo ex parte Aquilonis, & ducit per wallam de Pigg∣broke, i. e. All our im-brook of Blake∣burn, whether the said brook be greater or less, the length whereof on the South-part begins at Oxney-bridge and leadeth over the water of Limene, unto the fishing place of Blakeburn; and from thence begins the length of it on the north-part, and leads by the wall of Piggbrook, &c. So much, and enough of the first.

Passing from which to the second re∣search or Proposition,* 1.103 that the river or water so called, Limene and Romney, or (as more of late) Rother ran to Romney, and there by its mouth or out∣let called (as in that old Charter of King Eadbriht) Limen-mouth, emptying it self into the sea, gave beginning and occasion to the Port or Haven there. For this, if1 1.104 Mr. Camden's testimony, chiefly grounded (I suppose) on the inhabitants tradition of his time, be not full satisfaction,

who saith, that1 1.105 in the reign of Edward the first, the sea raging with violence of winds, overflowed this tract and made pi∣tiful waste of people, of cattel, and of houses in every place, as having quite drowned Promhill, a pretty Town well frequented, and made the Rother forsake his own chan∣nel, which here beforetime emptied himself into the sea, and stopped his mouth, open∣ing a new and nearer may to pass into the sea by Rhie; so as by little and little he forsook this Town, &c. If this (I say) be not sufficient, let me add, that as New-Romney is to this day a Port, and one of those five, which lying on the East and South sea-coast of England, are called the Cinque-Ports, so doubtless hath it been from the first. It was some∣time (2 1.106 saith Mr. Lambard) a good sure and commodious Haven, where many ves∣sels used to lye at road. For3 1.107 Henry the Archdeacon of Huntingdon, maketh re∣port, that at such time as Goodwyn Earl

of Kent and his sons were exiled the Realm, they armed vessels to the sea, and sought by disturbing the quiet of the people to com∣pel the King to their revocation. And there∣fore, among1 1.108 sundry other harms that they did on the coast of this shire, they entred the Haven at Romney, and led away all such ships as they found in the Harbour there.

In the Conquerour's expedition for the Conquest of England, some of his company by mistake it seems landed, or were put a shore at Romney, and were rudely and barbarously treated by the inhabitants hereof; and of the revenge upon them taken by the Con∣querour after his victory, and settling his affairs at Hasting, his Chaplain2 1.109 Pi∣ctaviensis, and after him3 1.110 Ordericus Vi∣talis, gives us this account. Humatis autem suis, dispositâque custodiâ, Hastingas cum strenuo Praefecto Romanarium (saith the former, for Romaneium, as it is in the latter) accedens, quam placuit paenam exegit pro clade suorum, quos illuc errore appulsos fera gens adorta praelio cum utri∣usque partis maximo detrimento fuderat.

This I take it is the Port in Dooms-day-book called Lamport,* 1.111 and the hun∣dred wherein it lay, the hundred of Lamport. In Lamport, hundred (so that book) Robertus de Romenel tenet de Archiepisc. Lamport: pro 1 solino & dimid. se defendit. Ad hoc manerium pertinent 21 Burgenses qui sunt in Romenel, de qui∣bus habet Archiep. 3 forisfacturas, latro∣cinia, pacem fractam, foristellum. Rex vero habet omne servitium ab eis, & ipsi habent omnes consuetudines, & alias foris∣facturas pro servitio maris, •• sunt in manu Regis. Thus in the account of the lands and possessions of the Arch-Bishops Knights: afterward in that of the Bi∣shop of Bayon thus. In Lamport hund. Robertus de Romenel tenet de Episcopo 1 1.112 Affetane, pro I solino se defendit. Idem Robertus habet 50 Burgenses in burgo de Romenel, & de eis habet Rex omne ser∣vitium, & sunt quieti pro servitio maris ab omni consuetudine praeter latrocinium, pa∣cem infractam, &2 1.113 foristel. It was since,

and is at this day altered into Langport, and containing the Towns of St. Ni∣cholas, ctc. And as there was and is a double Romney, the old and the new; so in the 14th. year of Edward the 2d, I read of an old and a new Langport. By the way,1 1.114 Mr. Lambard in his Per∣ambulation represents the state of this place otherwise than Dooms-day-book doth, whom the Reader may please hereby to correct accordingly.* 1.115

Now as all Sea-ports or Havens have, at least first had (what since sometime, as here, is discontinued and diverted)

a river, stream, or course of fresh wa∣ter falling into them for their better keeping open, and to prevent their obstruction and choaking by sands, beach, slime, or other like suffocating matter, without which it cannot be, or be properly called a Port: so doubtless did this Port or Haven sometime par∣ticipate of this commodity and pro∣perty, and had a river, a fresh, a cur∣rent running to it, and there discharg∣ing or shedding it self into the sea; and the same so called (from the seve∣ral places by which it had it's passage) Rother, Limen, and Romney. For albeit the Rother (for that only is the now remaining name, though some call it Appledore-water) cuts or falls many miles short of Romney-Port, (after it is once gotten to Appledore, wheeling about and running into that arm of the sea or aestuary insinuating into the land by,

what from that or some other current became so called, Rye yet had it here∣tofore a direct and foreright continued current and passage as to Appledore, so from thence to Romney, the old and new: on the West-side whereof meet∣ing with the aestuary, it presently dis∣embogued and fell into the sea,* 1.116 which in elder times with so large and wide a mouth flow'd up within the land there, that in the year 774. Lyd, both to the Northern and Eastern bounds thereof, is said to border on the sea. Witness the Charter of K. Offa of that Mannor, given to1 1.117 Ianibert the then Arch-bishop, of this tenour. In nomine Iesu salvatoris mundi, &c. Ego Offa Rex totius Anglorum patriae, dabo & concedo Janibert Archiepiscopo ad Ecclesiam Christi, aliquam partem terrae, trium aratrorum, quod Cantianitè dicitur three2 1.118 sulinge, in occidentali parte regionis quae dicitur Mersware ubi nominatur ad Lyden: & hujus terrae sunt haec territoria: Mare in Oriente, in Aquilone, & ab Austro terra Regis Edwy—nominant Deugemere us∣que

1 1.119 ad lapidem appositum in ultimo terrae, & in Occidente & Aquilone confinia regni ad Bleechinge. Et hoc praedictum do∣num,&c.

From whence clear enough it is that the sea with a large and spatious in∣let, arm, and aestuary, in those days flowed in between Lyd and Romney, and was there met with the river Limen, which of necessity must have a very large capacious mouth, or bosom to re∣ceive, as it did,2 1.120 a Fleet of 250 sail, the number of those Danish pyrats be∣ing no less, who in the year 893 put in here, and towing up their vessels four miles within the land, even as far as to the Weald (which3 1.121 then extended East-ward unto Appledore) there cast anchor, and destroying a fort or castle, as old and imperfect as ill defended, built a new one and kept their rendez∣vous there.

For I can easily believe that how∣ever Appledore be distanced from Rom∣ney about six miles, yet so large a bo∣som

had that arm or aestuary, and so high up into the land the sea then flowed, (haply so high as that place in Romney-Custumal written about Edw. 3d's. time, called Readhill, whither the Franchise from the entrance of the ha∣ven is said to reach) that Appledore was not above four miles from the river's mouth: some vestigia and remains whereof, that trench of large extent both for length and breadth between Appledore and Romney along the wall, (from thence called the Ree-wall) by the diversion of the current at this day lying dry and converted to pasturage, (if it be not all one with that hereun∣der mentioned, passed over by the King to the Arch-bishop and others) may seem to be: over which (I take it) there sometime was a passage between Romney-marsh and Walland-marsh, by that bridge which in these latter days is (as the hundred wherein it lay) cal∣led Allowesbridge, for what of old was called Alolvesbridge, so named haply from some Lord or great person, who (whether he or some other that gave name to that Bocton called Aloof for Alolfe an Earl so called, whence the place of old is otherwise termed Earl

Bocton, I cannot say) was known by the Christian name Alolfe, or the like.

Observable here it is to our purpose,* 1.122 that amongst the places mentioned in that Grant or Charter of K. Eadbriht to the Church of Canterbury, (without which the Arch-bishop of old had had no interest in Romney) some if not all agree and suit to Romney for the place of Limen-mouth, as that of the situa∣tion of St. Martin's Oratory, the Fisher∣men's houses, the Ripe, Bishop's-wike, &c. The first of which, as it was in our fore∣father's days to be found in Romney-Town, being one of the Parish Churches there, (St. Nicholas being the other;) so those houses or some of them might probably enough be the same which in Dooms-day-book are said to be 21 Bur∣genses belonging to Lamport; which Port in those days belonged to the Arch-bishop, and as his of right, was (with other things) by him recovered from some Norman-usurpers in or by that Placitum or pleading at1 1.123 Pinedene, published by the most learned Selden. Upon this account it was (the Arch∣bishop's peculiar interest there) that

Arch-bishop Becket in the year 1164. intending a1 1.124 secret escape and depar∣ture out of England, made choice of this Port to put to sea. But to pro∣ceed to the other places mentioned in that most ancient Charter: not far from hence (I take it) lay the Marsh called (from the Arch-bishop as the owner)2 1.125 Bishop's-wike; whilst the Ripe (though cleared of the wood, if ever it were wood) yet remains by that name at Lyd. In an old Accompt-Roll of the Arch-bishop's Mannours sans date, the Accomptant of Oxency craves this al∣lowance. Oxenal. In conducendis batellis ad ducendum 1053 1.126 summas avenae usque Rumenal missas ad Liminge, 5s. 9d. Whence it appears that there was then a channel leading down to Romney from Oxeney: not to urge any thing from what we find in that Ordinance of Iohn Lovetot and Henry of Apuldrefeild made Anno 16 Edw. 1. and extant in that

little Treatise called the Charter of Rom∣ney-marsh, where order being taken for the security and defence of that Western part of the Marsh, at this day called Walland-marsh, lying west-ward of Romney-channel (the Eastern part, or that on the other part of the channel, called Romney-marsh, and no more, be∣ing formerly provided for by the Or∣dinance of Henry of Bath and his asso∣ciates, Nicholas of Handly, and Alured of Dew, in the 24th. year of Henry the third) we have that part of the Ordi∣nance ushered in with this Preamble, Et quia &c. i. e. And because before that time in this Marsh of Romenal beyond the course of the water of that Port run∣ning from the Snergate towards Romen∣hal, on the west-part of the same Port as far as to the County of Sussex, there had not been any certain law of the Marsh ordained, nor used otherwise than at the will of those who had lands in the same, &c. Not (I say) to insist on this, because it brings the water-course but from Sner∣gate not from Appledore; let us now in the third and last place, having brought the Channel to Romney, shew (if we

can) when it forsook it, when and how it came to be diverted; and whither; which is the third Proposition.

For forsaken it hath,* 1.127 insomuch as there is neither Haven, Harbour or Channel, neither in-let nor out-let near it, but left quite dry it is and de∣stitute both of salt and fresh water. And indeed so long it hath been thus, that without some difficulty the certain time is not retrievable: nor may we think it came to pass all at once, but at times and by degrees, which we shall track and trace out as well as we can.

Gaufridus, the Prior of Christ-church Canterb. in Henry the first's time with his Covent, made and passed many grants of Land at Appledore1 1.128 in Gavelkind, with this covenant and tye upon the Tenants; Et debent wallas custodire & de∣fendere contra friscam & salsam, &, quoties opus fuerit, eas reparare & firmas facere secundum legem & consuetudinem marisci, &c. setting them but at small rents in respect hereof. But I shall not insist on this and many such like any fur∣ther, than to note that the sea did

much infest and endanger those parts with its aestuations and irruptions, in those days. Witness this demand in our Accompt-Roll of the Arch-bishop's Mannor of Aldington, about the year 1236. In expensâ Iohannis de Watton & Persona de Aldington per tres dies apud Rumenal & Winchelse & Apelder, una cum seneschallo, ad vidend. salvationem patriae & marisci contra inundationem maris, 41s. 4d. This inundation was the same (I take it) with that mentioned of both the1 1.129 Matthews (Paris and Westminster) in that year. The same Matthew Paris relating the hideous, uncouth, violent rage and aestuation of the sea in the year 1250. and the inundations con∣sequent, reports thus. Apud Winchelsey &c. At Winchelsey, above 300. houses with some Churches, by the seas violence were overturned. In an ancient French Chro∣nicle, sometime belonging to the Church of Canterbury, and written by a Monk

of the place in Edw. 2d's days, which I light on in Sir Simon Dews his Library, I read thus. And the same year (1286) on the second of the nones of February, the sea in the Isle of Thanet rose or swelled so high, and in the marsh of Romenal, that it brake all the walls, and drowned all the grounds: so that from the great wall of Appledore as far as Winchelsey, to∣wards the South and the West, all the land lay under water lost. Mr. Camden1 1.130(I sup∣pose) intends the same inundation when he saith, that in the reign of Edw. 1. the sea raging with the violence of winds, overflowed this tract, and made pitiful waste of people, cattel, and of houses, in every place, as having quite drowned Promhill, a pretty Town well frequented: and that it also made the Rother forsake his old Channel, which here beforetime emptied himself into the sea, and stopped his mouth, opening a new and nearer way for him to pass into the sea by Rhie. Hence follow∣ed that Ordinance of Iohn of Lovetot and his associates the very next year, 16. Edw. 1. (whereof before) by the King's writ, to whom sent and pre∣mised, they are assigned ad superviden∣dum

Wallas, &c. i. e. to view the walls and ditches upon the sea-coasts and places adjacent within the County of Kent, in divers places then broken through, by the violence of the sea, &c. To proceed,1 1.131 Mr. Lambard tells us of a strange tempest that threw down many steeples and trees, and above 300 mills, and housings there, in the 8th year of Edw. 3d. about the year of Christ 1334. Now lay to all these what occurs in a Grant or Letters Patents from K. Edw. 3d. in the 11th. year of his reign, passing o∣ver to the then Arch-bishop, the Prior, and Covent of Christ-church, and Mar∣garet de Basings, an old trench lying betwixt Appledore and Romney, with licence at their pleasure to obstruct, dam, and stop it up, as by reason of the sands, and other imbelched, ob∣structive matter, made and become useless and unserviceable, and so having then continued for 30 years past and upwards: lay all this, I say, together, and then it will be credible enough that the old trench was lost and disused upon that inundation about the year 1287. and the new one made and be∣gotten

by that other about the year 1334. being the same that is mentioned in the same Ordinance of Io. de Lovetot, and his Associates.

Before we proceed, take here the Grant it self in it's own words as I met with it in the Archives of that Church of Canterbury, and thus there intituled. Licentiâ Dni. Regis super qua∣dam antiquâ trencheâ apud Apulder ha∣benda Dno. Archiepiscopo, Priori, & Con∣ventui Ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. ac Dnae. Margaretae de Passele, prout eisdem me∣lius visum fuerit esse expediens, Anno regni ejus 11. Edwardus Dei gratiâ,1 1.132 &c.

Here we find that by the seas impe∣tuosity and rage, the old ••rench was lost, and a new one made and succeed∣ed in the room; both the old when in being, and the new afterwards from Appledore to Romney; the time we have also both of the one and the other's beginning. And now as on the one hand some violent irruptions of the sea by the parts of Rye and Winchelsea, had made way for the Rother's mingling her waters with that aestuary, and the

breaking off it's wonted course by Ap∣pledore and Romney, so the in-let, creek, or haven at Romney, wanting the river's wonted help to scour and keep it open, what with that and the working of the sea still casting up and closing it with sands and beach, became in time obstructed, and for many ages hath been so quite dammed up, that the sea now lyes off at a great distance and re∣moteness from the Town. And thus far of those three Propositions.

To return now to our Port Lemanis,* 1.133 whereof I have not more to say than that as the inhabitants of this Marish Countrey, were of the English Saxons called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. viri palustres, marsh-men or fen-men,1 1.134 and the Re∣gion it self 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as in Ethel∣werd,

Anno 795. and Mersware as in King Offa's1 1.135 fore-recited Charter or Grant of Lyd to the Arch-bishop, and Merseware as Hoveden,2 1.136 if rightly printed, Anno 838. so were the same inhabitants also called Limware, and the whole Lath (since and to this day called Shipway) as in Doomsday-book often, Limware∣best, and Limeware-leth, and the like; which if derivative from the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Limware is of the same sense and signification3 1.137 with that other Merscware. It (the Port) was also called Romeney, Rumeney, and sometime Ru∣menal, by the same misrule that Oxney, Graveney, Pevensey, &c. are of old called Oxenel, Gravenel, Pevensel, &c. The el∣dest mention that I find of Romney, is in4 1.138 that Grant or Charter of Plegmund the Archbishop, in the year 895.

Whence that name might come va∣rious also are the conjectures.* 1.1395 1.140 Some latine it Romanum mare, as if it were sea

in the Romans time. Indeed much more of it formerly than at present has been under water as overflowed by the sea; whence I read of Archbishop Becket's, Baldwin's, Boniface's, and Peck∣ham's Innings; to which I may add what bears the name to this day of Elderton's Innings. Wibort a Prior, and his Covent of Christ-church Canterbury, near upon 500. years since, grant to Baldwyn Scade∣wey and his heirs, as much lands at Mistelham in the Marish (about Ebeny I take it) as he could inne at his own cost against the sea, gratis for the two first years, and at 4d. the acre per an∣num afterwards.1 1.141 Others perhaps fetch it from the Saxon Rumen-ea the large water or watry place; to which I sub∣scribe: though some perhaps meeting with the Tyber's ancient name of Ru∣mon (whereof Marlianus in his Topo∣graphy of Rome) and the etymology of it from rumino, quasi ripas ruminans & exedens, may fancy the same etymo∣logy for this of Romney, especially con∣sidering how, if not the river, yet the sea, impatient of restraint within the channel of our narrow seas, all along

this coast, hath been and is very apt to eat away the shore, and either break∣ing through, or swelling over the banks and walls, to overwhelm and drown much of the level, as the inhabitants and owners of land there find by woe∣ful and costly experience.

HAVING had so much occasion to mention Appledore,* 1.142 I may not part from hence without giving some further ac∣count both of place and name. The first mention I find of it is in the year 893. when (as in that fore-cited place of our Saxon Annals) it is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 1 1.143 Ethelwerd recounting the same story calls it (if not mis-printed) a Pol∣dre, for Atpoldre or Apledore, according as it is also named in a Charter or Grant of it to Christ-church by one Aedsi a Priest becoming a Monk there, with the consent of his Master King Cnute and his Queen, in the year 1032. where also it is written Apeldre, and the like before in the Charter or priviledge of K. Ethelred about the year 1006. and

in Doomsday-book, where said it is to lye in Limewareleth or the Lath of the men of Limene or Lime, the same which is since (1 1.144 as was said) called Shipway. Since which time undoubtedly there hath been some alteration of the Laths, and other divisions of our County; for as there Niwenden also is said to be in the same Lath, so both it and Apple∣dore, both in that elder record of Knight's-fees of Henry 3d. or Edw. 1's. time, and in that latter of the 13. of Queen Elizabeth, exemplified by Mr. Lambard, are said to be in the Lath of Scray or Sherwinhope (as called at this day) but of old, as in Doomsday-book Wimare-lest, i.e. the Lath of the men of Wye, and are accordingly placed by Mr. Kilburne in his Alphabetical Kentish tables, and his Survey.

The place, the soil is moorish, boggy, and fenny,* 1.145 such as our Ancestors here at home, with some of their neigh∣bours abroad, have usually called Pol∣der; (we have a place near Canterbury lying by the river's side of that name, and another of a moorish situation at Herbaldown) a word of Kilianus in his Teutonick Dictionary, turned palus

marina, pratum littorale, ager qui è fluvio out mare eductus, aggeribus obsepitur, i.e. a marish fenn, a meadow by the shore side, a field drain'd or gain'd from a river or the sea, and inclosed with banks. To all which qualities and pro∣perties, our Appledore fully answereth, being a kind of meer bogg or quag∣mire, bordering on the water, and often overlaid of it. Witness the great in∣nings, securing, and improving of it at several times, by the care and at the charge of the Church of Canterbury, whereof in their accompts and other records. Whilst therefore1 1.146 others fetch it (without all probability in my appre∣hension) from the Saxon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 malus, pomus, an Appletree, (a plant for which the soil is nothing proper, nor scarce for any other) I rather would derive it from that other name Polder to which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 being (2 1.147 as in the

names of most places) prefixed by the Saxons, it was originally called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and in process of time (wearing out the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as since and at pre∣sent more corruptly Appledore; from their seat or abode at or about which place the families name of Ap••ldor∣field.

Some perhaps may fancy a Latin derivation of the name from appello,* 1.148 to arrive or land, and hence probably it is that some do hold the place to have been sometime a Haven or sea-town, or Port, and consequently a landing place, or a place of ships arrival. But to this I first answer, that the name is not found until the Saxon times, and they never used to borrow or be be∣holding to the Latin for any, whether local or other name. Next, although now and of latter years, that arm or aestuary of the sea flowing in by Win∣chelsea and Rye, reach up as high as

Appledore-town, yet questionless of old it did not so; so long ago at least, as there is mention made of Appledore, which out-dates the first institution and original of the Ports, referred at the furthest no higher up than Edward the Confessor's time, at what time had it been since and at this present a mari∣time place, and used as an Harbour or Haven-town, it could not in all pro∣bability have escaped the being taken in as a limb or member at least, either as Winchelsey and Rye of Hastings, or as Lyd and Promhill of Romney, or some other of the Ports. But no marvel that it is not, it being more than likely, that till some such great flood or inun∣dation 1 1.149 as that spoken of before, hap∣ning in the year 1287. or some other about the same time, that aestuary, although beginning somewhat early to put fair for it, (witness that Charter of Prior Wibert in Henry the first's time, providing for defence against the sea's encroachment) was not of so far and large extent into the land: but then or about that time, by the violence of that in∣undation rolling and reaching up as far as Appledore, it not only kept its

ground, but laying hands on the Ro∣ther in her wonted course by those parts to Romney, and without regard to poor Romney's detriment and dam∣age, by the loss of so advantageous a friend both to Town and Haven (by no better title than that of a plain rape) keeps possession of her, enforcing her along in the same channel (or torrent rather) with her by Gilford (so called from the gill, gulel,* 1.150 or rivulet there of old easily fordable) to (what in all likelyhood ows it's name to that Ree or channel) Rye, and so to (1 1.151 what by its name betokens a waterish place seated in a corner, as old Winchelsey was, lying at the corner of Kent and Sussex) Winchel∣sea: making ever now and then bracks and breaches by the way, to the pre∣judice of the level or low grounds near adjacent. Whence (besides what we have in that little Treatise called Or∣dinalia Marisci, or (for so it is entituled in English) the Charter of Romney-marsh, 2 1.152 before remembred, providing against such inundations and the damages

consequent) that Charter or1 1.153 Letters Patents granted and directed to certain Knights, and other persons of quality in the 2d. year of Henry the 5th. to em∣power them for the repairing breaches past, and preventing the like for the time to come, in the parts betwixt Rye and Odiam-bridge, whereof many other of like nature concerning other parts of the level in2 1.154 Mr. Dugdale's History of Imbanking, &c.

But to return to Appledore; Dooms∣day-book shewing it to be a Mannor belonging to Christ-church, and (as that which the Saxons called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) allotted ad cibum monachorum, i. e. to∣wards feeding of the Monks, or towards their provision of sustenance, thus speaks of it. In Let••••de Limware, &c. as 3 1.155 in my Antiquities. Would you see the first grant of it, with some other places to the Church? I shall here for a close of my discourse concerning this place, present you with a true copy of it for a4 1.156 second taste and specimen of the

mode and manner of the donations of that age; and the rather, that hereby you may see the vast difference between the candid simplicity and plainness of those elder times (when conscience was accounted the best evidence) and the serpentine subtilty of these, (justly taxed by that eminent Lawyer and An∣tiquary1 1.157 Mr. Selden;) when no convey∣ance but in folio, when an acre of land cannot pass without almost an acre of writing, such a voluminous deal as would in a manner, if not serve to co∣ver, yet if cut in thongs (as that Bull's hide wherewith the circuit of what was hence to be called Thong or Thoang-Castle was said to be laid out) would go near to compass it; their honest meaning of old going further in point of security than our much writing now, whilst their plain dealing supplied and made up what was wanting either in in matter of form or multitude of words.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Here appeareth in this writing how Cnut King and Aelfgife his Lady gave to Eadsy their Priest when he turned Monk, that he might convey that land at Apuldore as to himself most pleasing were. Then gave he it to Christ-church to God's servants for his soul, and he it bought that of the Covent for his days and Aedwine's with four pounds, on that contract that men deliver every year to Christ-church three weights of cheese from that land, and three1 1.158 bundles of Eeles, and after his days and Aedwine's go that land into Christ-church, with meat

and with men, even as it then inriched is, for Eadsie's soul, and he bought that land at Werhorne of the Covent for his days and Eadwine's also with four pounds; then goeth that land forth with the other after his days and Edwine's to Christ-church with the crop that there then on is, and that land for his days at Berwick which he obtained of his Lord Cnute King; and he gives also those lands at Orpinton in his days for his soul to Christ-church to God's servants for garment-land, which he bought with eighty marks of white silver1 1.159 by Hustings weight, and he gives also those lands at Palstre and at Wittresham after his days and Ed∣wine's forth with the other to God's servants for foster-land for his soul. This bequest he giveth to the Covent on this contract that they ever him well observe, and to him faithful be in life and after life, and if they with any unadvisedness with him this contract shall break, then stands it in his own power how he afterwards his own dis∣pose will. Of this is for witness Cnute

King, and Aelfgife his Lady, and Aethel∣noth Archb. and Aelfstan Abb. and the Covent at S. Austine's, and Brihtric young, and Aetheric husbandman, and Thorth Thurkille's nephew, and Tofi, and Aelfwine priest, and Eadwold priest, and all the King's Counsellours; aud this writing is threefold, one is at Christ-church, and one at S. Augustine's, and one hath Eadsy with himself.

Notes

• 1 1.1

  Vossius de Historicis Latinis, in the Life of Livy, men∣tioning the Itinerary, says sen Antonii, for Anto••••ii, seu Aethici; and afterwards speaking of that which Anuius ••i∣terbiensis publish'd, he calls it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and Antoninus supposititius. Vide de hac re Philippi Cluverii Italiam. An∣dreae Schotti Praefationem ad Itinerarii Editionem Colonicn∣sem, As••. 1609. Burton upon the Itinerary, p. 5.
• * 1.2

  Rutupi∣um.
• 1 1.3

  First publish'd by Marcus Velserus; and so call'd, because they were found out in the Library of Conrade Peutinger, a noble man of Auspurg.
• 2 1.4

  Hist. Eccl. l. 1. c. 1.
• 3 1.5

  The Saxon word po•••• does not only signifie portus, but also urbs, oppi∣dum. So 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is us'd in the Saxon-Annals, An. 1010. to signifie the Town of Northamton: and Porthund, near Shrewsbury, where Althelm was treacherously slain, is interpreted by Floren••ius Wigorniensis oppidum canis.
• * 1.6

  The situ∣ation of Rutupi∣um.
• 1 1.7

  He is commonly call'd Matthew Westminster, and Flori∣legus, the writer of the Flores Historiarum.
• 2 1.8

  Of the same opinion is Burton, in his Comment upon the Itinerary p. 20. which makes me wonder why he should say afterwards p. 94. that the Iter secundum began near upon the mouth of Ituna, and had it's ending in the east of the Island at Ru••upiae, or Richburrow, now call'd Sandwich in Kent. I cannot tell why he should confound Richburrow and Sandwich, unless it be upon an opinion he and Caniden had, that the old Haven at Richburrow being stopt up with Sand, open'd a new one at Sandwich; which made the first call it the old Haven, and Sandwich the new Town, risen out of the ruines of Rutupiae: the second, the Rutupiae of the Romans, prolem suam paulo inferius ostendit, quam à sabulo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dixerunt Saxones, nos vero Sandwich. So that Richburrow and Sandwich, (if that opinion of their's be true) may seem to be the same Port, which had only a little chang'd it's place.
• * 1.9

  Sandwich formerly call'd Ru∣tupium.
• 1 1.10

  Gildae Historia p. 12. Sect. 16. Edit. Oxon.
• 2 1.11

  Hist. Eccl. l. 1. c. 12.
• 3 1.12

  Leland, Camden, Burton, and Lambard, are all of that mind; grounding no doubt upon Venerable Bede's words, Civitas quae dicitur Ruthubi portus•• Hist. Eccl. l. 1. c. 1.) For first certainly concluding that this was no other but our present Richborough, they might very well on course settle there an ancient City. So that if Bede's Ruthubi should be at Sandwich, their City must necessarily be remov'd. Beda civitatis nomine insignivit, says Camden. And; In dejectu collis urbs exporrecta videbatur. What he offers (besides Bede's authority) as a confirmation of this, namely, the plate∣arum tractus cùm seges succreverit se intersecantes, I think Mr. Somner (who veiw'd the place very curiously) sufficiently answers.
• * 1.13

  Never a City at Richbo∣rough.
• * 1.14

  Richbo∣rough Chappel.
• 1 1.15

  Iohn Peckham chang'd the Pa••i••h-Church of Wingham into a Collegiate Church, about the Year of our Lord, 1282.
• * 1.16

  When de∣molish'd.
• 1 1.17

  The Trentals was one of the offices for the dead, so call'd because it consisted of thirty Masses; fetch'd from the Italick trenta, i.e. triginta. ••ee Sir Henry Spelman's glossary upon the the word.
• 2 1.18

  Matt. Westm. Cap. 28. In Rutupi portu, qui modo Sandwicum dicitur, cum prosperitate applicuit.
• 1 1.19

  The Historian does not here expresly refer this attempt of landing to Sandwich, but barely says, that as Vespasian came into the haven (in Rutipi portu, without any mention of San∣wich) Arviragus surpris'd him and oblig'd him to retire.
• 2 1.20

  Hist. p. 634.
• * 1.21

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 prov'd to be Sand∣wich from the distance between that and Gessoria∣cum.
• 3 1.22

  Meric. Causabou, in his Treatise de vetere Lingua Saxonica, tells us that Mr. Somner writ an accurate Tract de portu Iccio; which is still in Manuscript.
• 4 1.23

  In the Saxon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So William Rusus coming from France in∣to England, is said to have took shipping at 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and landed at Dover. Chron. Sax. An. 1095.
• 1 1.24

  Lib. 20.
• 2 1.25

  And yet in the Saxon Chronicle ad An. 604. it is expresly said that Aethelbert made Mellitus Bishop of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which is certainly London and not Sandwich; and this reading is confirm'd by all the 5 MSS saving that Cot∣ton's reads it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.26

  Rutupi∣um call'd by the Saxons 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 1 1.27

  The same term frequently occurrs in the old Laws. And not only the term, but also a Law much of the same nature with this, we meet with in the Laws of Edward, son to K. Alfred, whereby 'tis order'd ut nemo barganniet extra por∣tum, sed habeat Portireve testimonium, vel alterius non men∣dacis hominis cut possit credi And of K. Athelstan: Ne quis aliquid emat extra portum supra xx. d. sed in eo barganniet sub testimonio Portireve, &c. The word signifies the Super∣visor of a Port, for the Saxon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (from which the ter∣mination reve is melted) signifies Praefectus, Praeses, Praeposi∣tus. Of this word, see Spelman's Glossary in the word Grafio; and the general rules at the end of the Saxon Chronicle, un∣der the termination grave.
• 1 1.28

  I think this does not necessarily follow from the form of the Law. For tho' Sandwich was, no doubt, a very eminent Port, yet the fore-cited Laws of Edward and Athelstan plainly shew that the same Law was made for all Ports in ge∣neral; and therefore the words of this cannot give it any pe∣culiar preeminence.
• 2 1.29

  From 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cla••us and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 gubernar••. See the general rules for the names of Men at the end of the Saxon Chronicle.
• 1 1.30

  Willibaldus de vita S. Bonifacii, p. 354. Edit. Ingolstad. cum aliis quibusdam Tract. An. 1603.
• 1 1.31

  Vita Bonifacii p. 358. Edit. Ingolstad.
• * 1.32

  Sandwich why call∣ed Lun∣denwic.
• 2 1.33

  He there derives it from the British Llawn, plenus, frequens, and dyn, homo, of din (the same with dinas) urbs, civitas; either of which joyn'd with Llawn will signifie a populous place, as London has al∣ways been.
• * 1.34

  Particu∣lar inter∣est of the London∣ers in Stonor.
• 1 1.35

  Falsly written for Estanore, as Mr. Somner in this discourse plainly shews, under the title Folkstone.
• * 1.36

  The first mention of Sand∣wich.
• 1 1.37

  Thorn's Evidenti•• Ecclesi•• Christi Cant. inter X s••••i∣ptore•• p. 2••25. l. 21.
• 1 1.38

  His name is not known; but he is suppos'd to have been some Monk, that liv'd about that time. The tract is call'd Emmae Reginae encomium, edit. Paris. 1619.
• * 1.39

  The Ety∣mon of Rutupi∣um.
• 1 1.40

  ••ut Burton in his Comment upon the Itinerary, p 24. dislikes it: But that anciently (says he) Rutupiae should be from thence (that is, from the st••re of sands cast up from the Goodwyn upon this shore) so call'd, when it was an harbour for the Roman Navies, I would fain have some body to satisfie me therein how it might be; except they then had some fore∣sight of what in after ages would come to pass. So he. How∣ever (by his leave) I do not see that Camden's conjecture is so absurd as he would make it. or all that Camden urges the Saxon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for, is to show that the sands upon that coast were as old at least as the Saxons, and infers from thence, that 'tis not improbable but the state of those parts under the Britains might be the same, and consequently give occasion to the name Rutupiae.
• 2 1.41

  I should rather derive it from the Saxon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and the Islandick hriggur dorsum, to denote the high situation; so that Richborough may signifie a burrow or castle upon a hill.
• 1 1.42

  If it's name refers to Richborough (as I cannot see what else it should relate to) our Author seems to be incoherent with himself. For a little before he is angry with Leland, Lambard, &c. for placing Rutupium at Richborough; and yet if Richborough was otherwise call'd Reptacester (as he here intimates) Rutupium must be there too▪ for Bede puts them at the same place; Ruthubi portus, qui portus à gente Ang∣lorum nunc corruptè Reptacester vocatur, Hist. Eccl. 1. 1. c. 1.
• * 1.43

  Rutupi∣um a fa∣mous port in the Romans time.
• 2 1.44

  Their going off was about the year 418. 3 pag. 9.
• * 1.45

  When it chang'd it's name.
• 1 1.46

  So Mr. Kilburn (says Somner) but I am otherwise in∣form'd by a•• Historian of Edw. 2's time, who saith it was founded at the common charge of the Towns-men.
• 2 1.47

  The land allotted for the cloathing of Monks is call'd in the ancient re∣cords scrud-land, from the Saxon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, vestis; as that for maintenance in victuals is call'd foster-land.
• 3 1.48

  The leth or lath is a larger sort of divisions in Counties, containing so many Hundreds. I think there is no doubt but it comes from the Saxon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, congregare, convocare, from con∣vening the inhabitants within such a jurisdiction. The leta (the court) seems to have the same original; tho' Spelman doubts of it. Vide Glossar. ejus in voce Leta.
• 1 1.49

  i. e. Tempore Edwardi Regis. This is generally observ'd in Doomsday-book; in the description of e••ch place, to set down the state of it, number of inhabitants, &c. as it stood in the days of Edward the Confessor.
• 2 1.50

  This grant is not ex∣tant either in Saxon or Latin in Somner's original MS.
• * 1.51

  Goodwyn-sands.
• 1 1.52

  Comment. de rebus Albionicis p. 27.
• 2 1.53

  Perambulation p. 105.
• 3 1.54

  Lambard adds, or the beginning of Henry the first.
• * 1.55

  Never an Island.
• 1 1.56

  Comment. de re••us Albionicis p. 27.
• 4 1.57

  As Lambard lays down for an undoubted truth, and with∣out more adoe derives thence the name of the place. And Twine; Lomea verò, quae aliquando fuit Godwini Comitis ditio, ejus nominis hodie arenae vel syrtes dicuntur. Antiquit. Albion. p. 24.
• 1 1.58

  Commonly call'd Dooms-day-Book; a specimen whereof the eminent Dr. Gal•• has given us in his first Volume of Hi∣storians, p. 759. as also a differtation upon it, p. 795.
• 1 1.59

  Twine, Lambard, and others.
• * 1.60

  Original of the name of Good∣wyn-sands.
• 2 1.61

  De Lomea verò, vel (ut nunc est) Godwinianis syrtibus. Twine Comment. de re∣bus Albion. &c. p. 27.
• 1 1.62

  The Saxon lam signifies limus, dirt, clay.
• * 1.63

  Why it cannot be of a Bri∣tish ori∣ginal.
• 1 1.64

  Earl Goodwyn dy'd in the year of our Lord 1053. Chron. Sax.
• * 1.65

  Cause of Goodwyn-sands.
• * 1.66

  Inunda∣tions in the time of King Henry 1.
• 1 1.67

  Heylin Cosmogr. p. 231.
• 1 1.68

  Lambard says about Carlisle.
• 2 1.69

  Laët, descriptio Belgii p. 124.
• 1 1.70

  Comment de rebus memorabilibus in Europa, in Belgio max∣imè.
• * 1.71

  These in∣undations the cause of Good∣wyn-sands.
• * 1.72

  Dubris. It's deri∣vation.
• 1 1.73

  Dover (says Lambard) call'd diversly in Latine Doris, Durus, Doveria and Dubris; in, Saxon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ all seem to be drawn from the British word dufir water, or dufirrha high or steep, the situation being upon a high rock ove the water, which serveth to either.
• 1 1.74

  As also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• 2 1.75

  Doomsday-Book calls it Dovere, Huntingdon Donere and Doure. Sim. Dunelm. Dovere. Hovd: Dowere:
• 3 1.76

  Speed, Holi••sheed and Milton, (out of a mistake either of the Saxon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or else led into it by those who translated it out of the Saxon) place tho scene of this action at Canterbury.
• * 1.77

  Dover falsly call'd Doro∣bernia.
• 4 1.78

  What makes it yet more clear, are the cir∣cumstances of that expedition deliver'd by the Saxon Chro∣nicle, ad As. 104••. It tells us that after he had deliver'd his message to the King, he came East-ward to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i.e. Canterbury; where he with his men, dining, after∣wards 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i.e. went forwards to Dover.
• * 1.79

  When Dover came to be a haven.
• 1 1.80

  Non multo post deinde intersticio temporis, Doroberniam venit Aluredus, transvectus ex portu Iccio, &c. Gesta Guil. Ducis, in initio.
• * 1.81

  Witsand when first a Port.
• 1 1.82

  I believe the first mention of it is Auno 1095. where (as was before observ'd) William Rufus is said to have taken ship∣ping there. Chron. Sax.
• * 1.83

  Dover the place where Caesar in∣tended to la••d.
• 1 1.84

  Comment. Lib. iv. c. 5.
• 1 1.85

  Mr. Camden says of Dover; Oppidum quod inter cautes considet, ubi portus ipse olim fuit, cum mate se insinuaret, ut ex anchoris & navium tabulis colligitur.
• 2 1.86

  There is no more extant in the original MS of Mr. Somner, but I suppose it is the same account that Dr. Gale (Hist. Vol. 1. p. 759.) has given us of Dover out of Dooms-day-book; to whom I refer the Reader.
• 1 1.87

  The original quotes Pictaviensis no further; but because what follows is very material to this account of Dover, take the whole together: Situm est id castellum [Dovera] in rupe mari contigua, quae naturaliter acvta undique ad hoc ferra∣mentis incisa, in speciem mari directissima altitudine, qu••n∣tum sagittae joctus permetiri potest, consurgit, quo in latere ••ndamarina alluitur.
• * 1.88

  Lemanis it's names and situ∣ation.
• 1 1.89

  In Antoni••us some read Limenis, as well as Lemanis, says Burton in his Comment upon the Itinerary, p. 193.
• 2 1.90

  I think Lime or Limne is the place generally pitch'd upon by our English writers, grounding, no doubt, principally upon the agreement in sound between the old and the new name. What they say of Hithe and West-hithe is, that the former began to flourish upon the stopping up of the latter, and the first rise of West-hithe, was the decay of Limne or Lime, which they suppose to have been the ancient Haven. So Leland; who is followed by Camden and Lambard.
• 3 1.91

  If Hythe were of greater antiquity than is generally suppos'd, it might probably be the ancient Roman Port; for the present name being deriv'd from the Saxon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 portus, would exactly answer the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from whence Lemanis is suppos'd to be deduc'd.
• * 1.92

  New-Romney the Le∣manis of the anci∣ents.
• 1 1.93

  Camden and Burton are of opinion that the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is no part of the ancient name, but foisted in by the Librarians: Quod 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cum apud Graecos significativum sit, Librarii ut viderentur desectum supplere 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 scripserunt, Latinique interpretes novum portum ineptè converterunt, &c. So Cam∣den; and much to the same purpose Burton in his Itinerary p. 193.
• 1 1.94

  Ever since the time of Edw 1. when by the violent rage of the sea, the Rother chang'd his course, and so the harbour was stop'd up. See Som••er hereafter in his third Proposition.
• 1 1.95

  It riset•• (says Lelend, and after him Lambard) at Argas bill in Sussex, near to Waterdown-forest, and falleth to Rother∣field, &c.
• * 1.96

  Limene∣river.
• 2 1.97

  An: 5. Edw. 1. (says Somner) in an extent of the Lord Arch-Bishop's manor of Terning in Sussex, under the title of Borgade maghefeud: Martinus le Webb-tenet quar∣•••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 unius radae apud la Limene, & debet quad. ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mick.
• * 1.98

  I Propo∣sition. That a ri∣ver there was call'd Limene and Romney.
• 1 1.99

  I think the right name is Wihtred. He is always call'd so in our Saxon Annals, and most of our English Historians.
• 2 1.100

  In the ancient Church-record (as set down by Mr. Somner in his Antiquities of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I find it thus: Eadbriht Re••∣edit Ecclesiae Christi in Darobernia ••••pturam piscium in Lam∣hethe, & alia quaedam Ecclesiae de Liminge, tempore Cuth∣berhti Archiepiscopi.
• 1 1.101

  In an original Charter he is written Werhardus.
• 1 1.102

  Where the Danish army is said to have come on Li∣mene 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (Canterbury copy reads it Limenan 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉CCL. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i. e. in Limeni ostium, cum CCL. navibus.
• * 1.103

  2 Propo∣sition. That Li∣mene and Romney-river ran out at Romney.
• 1 1.104

  Verùm regnante Edw. 1. cum Oceanus ventorum violentia exasperatus, hunc tractum operuisset, lateque hominum, pe∣corum, adificiordmque stragem dedisser; & Promhil viculo frequenti possundato, etiam Rother, qui hic prius se in Oceanum exe••eravit alveo em••vit, ostiumque obstruxit, novo in more ••ditu compendio per Rhiam aperto. Camd. Britain.
• 1 1.105

  About the year 1287.
• 2 1.106

  Mr. Lambard speaks all this of Old Romney, and expresly tells the reader in the beginning: as touching the latter (New-Romney) I mind not to speak, having not hitherto found either in record or history any thing pertaining thereunto.
• 3 1.107

  This account of Goodwy•• is very distinctly deliver'd in the Saxon Ann••ls, from whence Ho••y of Huntingdon transcrib'd.
• 1 1.108

  A full account whereof see in the Saxon-Annals, ad An. 1052.
• 2 1.109

  Gesta Guil. Ducis, p. 204.
• 3 1.110

  Hist. Eccl. Lib. 3. An. 1066.
• * 1.111

  Romney in dooms-day-book call'd Lamport.
• 1 1.112

  al. Offetane, says Somner in the margin of the original MS.
• 2 1.113

  Otherwise written faristel; as also forstall, for stallatio. The meaning and definition of it is given us by the history publish'd under the name of Brompton, amongst the X Scriptores, p. 957. Forstal est coactio vel obsistentia in regia strata facta. Tis of a Saxon original, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ante, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 contra, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉, status; an intercepting such things as were design'd for the market, before they came to publick sale, with an intent to gain by them. And such a person (as we learn from a law of Edw. 1.) was look'd upon as patria publicus inimicus •• pauperum depressor. Vide Spelman. Glos∣sar. in voce 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• 1 1.114

  What Mr. Lambard quotes out of Dooms-day-book con∣cerning Romney, is this: I•• was of the possession of one Robert Rumney, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Odo (then Bishop of Baleux, Earl of Kent, and brother to K. William the Conquerour) i•• the which time the same Robert had thirteen Burgesses, who for their service at the sea were acquitted of all actions and customs of charge, except felony, breach of the peace and forestalling. Which account differs from Dooms-day-book, 1 In the name of the possessor, which is in Dooms-day Rome••el. 2 The number of Burgesses, in Dooms-day 21. 3 The actions and customs of charge; besides these three, is reckon'd in Dooms-day Forisfactura, some heinous crimes for which a man for∣feited his estate, liberty, life, &c. Some will have it deriv'd from foris, and so extend it to nothing but the loss of liberty, or estate, which (as Spelman observes) by such a crime sibi extra••eum facit. But Somner in his Glossary derives it from the Saxon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and facio; which is in effect confirm'd by the Learned Dr. Hickes, when he lays down this rule in his Saxon-Grammar, p. 85. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈…〉〈…〉 dat composito significationem, quae simplicis significationem pessundat, & in malum sensum vertit. o that forisfacere is nothing but malè, pravè facere. Vide Spelmanni. & Somneri Glossar. in hanc vocem.
• * 1.115

  The river Limene turn'd from Romney another way.
• * 1.116

  The river Limene had a wide mouth.
• 1 1.117

  Otherwise called in our English Histories Iea••bryht, Ian∣berht, Eanbriht, Ianbyrht, Lanberht, Lanbyrht. He was made Arch-bishop in 763 and dy'd in 790.
• 2 1.118

  From the Saxon rulh aratrum, a plough.
• 1 1.119

  This Lapis appositus in ultimo terrae, is at this day call'd Stone-end in the south part of Kent.
• 2 1.120

  See an account of this in the Saxon Chronicle, An. 893.
• 3 1.121

  The Saxon Annals tell us, it was longa ab Oriente ad Occidentem centum & vigin••i milliaria ad minimum, & triginta milliaria lata.
• * 1.122

  Romney the place of Li∣mene-mouth, from Ead••rojt's Charter.
• 1 1.123

  I think 'tis generally call'd Pinenden; it was held An. 1072.
• 1 1.124

  The cause whereof see in Lambard's Perambulation, p. 209.
• 2 1.125

  i. e. Episcopi vicus; à pic vicus, sinus, castellum.
• 3 1.126

  Summa est mensura contineus 8 modios Londonienses, says Spelman. 'Tis primarily deriv'd from the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, onus jumen••i sarcinarii; thence sauma and summa signifie a horse load of any thing, and summarius, saumarius, or somarius denote the carriage-horse, or (what we now call him) a Sumpter-horse. Vide Spelmanni Glossarium. Somneri Glossar▪ ac Vossium in voce Saginarius.
• * 1.127

  •• Propo∣sition. When and how Romney••river cea∣sed, and came to be diver∣ted; and whither.
• 1 1.128

  Of Grants in Gavelkind, see Somner's Treatise upon that subject, publish'd 1660. p. 38.
• 1 1.129

  Matthew Paris thus describes it: In crastino verò beati Martini, & per octavas ipsius, vento validissimo, associato tumultu, quasi tonitruo, inundaverurt fluctus maris, metas solitas transeuntes, ita, quod in confinio ipsius maris, & in ma∣risco, ut pote apud Wisebiche & locis consimilibus, naviculae, pecora, nec non & hominum maxima periit multitudo. The like account Matthew Westminster gives of the great devasta∣tions caused by the overflowings of the sea and rivers this year.
• 1 1.130

  See Mr. Camder's own words, as quoted in the notes, p. 44. per.
• 1 1.131

  Perambulation of Kent, p. 209.
• 1 1.132

  The Grant is transcrib'd no farther in Mr. Somner's o∣riginal MS.
• * 1.133

  The vari∣ous names of the in∣habitants of the Marshes.
• 1 1.134

  I think our Historians are generally mistaken in this and such like passages. For translating from the Saxon, which they did not well understand, and finding there on 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. presently concluded that these were certainly the names of the Countries, whereas no doubt they are the inhabitants of such places. Which as it holds in all, so especially in such as end in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, since the Saxon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies incolae, habitatores, &c. But when the Saxons mention the name of any Country, they express it generally by the genitive case plural of the possessive, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Merciorum terra; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉Northymbrorum terra.
• 1 1.135

  Pag 50.
• 2 1.136

  'Tis certainly a mistake of the press for Mersc∣ware.
• 3 1.137

  As 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Greek, so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Saxon sig∣nifies palus.
• 4 1.138

  Vid. supra p. 43.
• * 1.139

  The Ety∣mon of Romney.
• 5 1.140

  Quis quaeso hodie credat, magnam partem illius prati seu planiciei, nobis nunc Rumnesis marshii, id est, Romani maris, nomine dictae, fuisse quondam altum pelagus & mare velivolum. Twini Comment. de rebus Albion. p. 31.
• 1 1.141

  Amongst whom is Mr. Lambard, Perambulat. p. 208.
• * 1.142

  First mention of Ap∣pledore.
• 1 1.143

  Ethelwerd likewise calls it Apoldore, Florence of Worcester Apultrea, and King Aethelred's Charter to the Church of Canterbury, publish'd by Spelman. Concil. T. 1. p. 505. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• 1 1.144

  Pag. 62.
• * 1.145

  Deriva∣tion of Appledore.
• 1 1.146

  Appledore, corruptly, from the Saxon Apul••neo; in Latin maelus, that is, an Appletree, says Lambard, Perambulat. p. 205. 'Tis probable Florence of Worcester was of the same opinion, because he writes it Apultr••a.
• 2 1.147

  The general way of naming places in the Saxon times was prefixing the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, apud to the name of some thing remarkable in the place. But the succeeding Monks, who translated their records, or else those who publish'd their translations, have bred some confu∣sion in them by joyning the two words, and very often for the easier pronuntiation, leaving out the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ For I believe those who writ Annals, did not set down the names of places exactly as they found them in the Author from whence they took their matter; but as they were commonly call'd by the age wherein they liv'd. An argument whereof is this, that the nearer our own age they come, the more we find them melted and contracted.
• * 1.148

  Appledore never a Haven.
• 1 1.149

  Pag 45.
• * 1.150

  Deriva∣tion of G••lford and Win∣chelsey.
• 1 1.151

  Twine in his Comment de rebus Albion. p. 25. orrone∣ously imagines that the true name of it is Windchelseum; olim (so he adds) vento, frigori, & ponto obnoxium, unde ei nomen obvenit.
• 2 1.152

  Pag. 55.
• 1 1.153

  The originals whereof (as Somner tells us) are among the records of Christ-church Canterbury.
• 2 1.154

  Pag. 87.
• 3 1.155

  Pag. 435.
• 4 1.156

  There was before a specimen of this nature hinted to, Pag. 20. but neither of them are set down in the original MS. How∣ever, least the reader should be altogether disappointed, I thought fit to give him here out of Somner's Gavelkind, p. 214. the grant of Appledore to Christ-church, in Saxon and English, which I am confident is the same as he refers to in this place.
• 1 1.157

  Lib. 2. Iani Anglorum p. 70. Quam facilis & apicibus juris soluta, videre est, domini•• fuit translatio, simul & à perplexantium captios•• malitiâ, turgescentibusque membrana∣rum fascibus & polyptychis libera.
• 1 1.158

  What the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is, Sir Henry Spelman has told us out of the Stat. Composit. Ponderum & mensurarum: Binde anguillarum constat ex 10. sticks, & quaelibet stick ex 25. anguillis.
• 1 1.159

  Somner in his Glossary says of the Hustingi pondus, that it was statutum pondus commercio inserviens, ipsum scil. Standardum (ut vocaut) Regis, (quod pondus signat originale & Canonicum, ad quod alia pondera ejusdem speciei debent examinari, & cum eo concordare. Vide Somneri Glossar. in voce Hustingum.