All the works of that famous historian Salust Containing, I. The conspiracy and war of Cataline, undertaken against the government of the senate of Rome. [2]. The war which Jugurth for many years maintained against the same state. With all his historical fragments. Two epistles to Cæasar concerning the institution of a common-wealth and one against Cicero: with annotations. To which is prefixt the life of Salust. Made English according to the present idiom of speech.

FRAGMENTS Out of other HISTORIES OF SALUST.

The Oration of M. Aemilius Lepidus, Con∣sul to the People of Rome, against Sylla.

YOUR Clemency and Integrity, most Wor∣thy Romans, which have rendred ye so great and famous above other Nations, create in me a more then ordinary fear of the Progress of L. Sylla's Tyranny, least while you nere suspect in others, what in your selves you deem abominable, you be beguil'd and circumvented (especially since all his hopes are grounded upon Villany and Perfidi∣ousness, and that he does not think himself other∣wise safe, then by proving far worse and more de∣testable then you can fear him to be, that so your Miseries may exempt ye, his Slaves as he accounts ye, from the care of your Liberty) or if ye provide for your selves, that ye may be employ'd rather in fending off your apparent dangers then in re∣venge

of offer'd violence. The Pensioners of his Guard, Men that make a great Figure in the world, and no less eminent for imitating the worthy Examples of their Ancestors, I cannot too suffici∣ently admire, to see how they enslave themselves, to tyranize, over you; choosing Both out of a natural inclination to Injustice, rather then uprightly and le∣gally to live in Freedom. Most noble Off-spring of the Brutus's, the AEmilius's, and the Lutatii; born to subvert those things which their Fore-fathers pur∣chased by their Vertue and their Courage. For then, what else did They defend, but their Liberty and their native Mansions from the Violence of Pyrrhus, Hannibal, Philip and Antiochus, that we might not be obedient to any but our own Laws? All which, this same cruel Romulus, as if wrested from Fo∣reigners, holds fast in his own Possession; not sati∣ated with the slaughter of so many Armies, nor of the Consul, nor of so many others of the Princi∣pal Nobility whom the Fortune of the War had destroy'd; but then more cruel, when prosperity turns the hearts of other Men from Fury to Compassion: The only Person in the World, since the memory of Man, that ever invented punishments for those that were to come; who were certain to be wrong'd before they were born: and became most wickedly secure in the Inhumanity of his barbarous proceedings, while you, for fear of more grievous servitude, were deterr'd from the recovery of your Liberty. But you must to work, and make head against this Torrent, least your spoyls come once to be at his Command. 'Tis now no time to dally, or to stay for Succour in an∣swer of our Prayers. Unless you hope, that either a weary, or asham'd of his Tyranny, he will ven∣ture to quit with danger, what he has ravish'd into

his Possession by violence. But he has gon so far' that he accompts nothing Honourable but what is safe, and deems all things just and honest that serve to uphold his Usurpation. Therefore that same Rest and Tranquillity with freedom, which many good Men rather chose then labour accom∣pany'd with Honour, are now quite vanish'd from the World. At this time we must either serve, or domineer, Most worthy Romans, be afraid our selves, or be a terror to others. For what is more to be expected? What is there, either Human or Divine that has escap'd without Pollution? The Roman People, ere while the Lords of Nations despoil'd of all Command, their Glory and their Pri∣vileges, without life or motion, and contemn'd as useless, have hardly left 'em the allowances of Slaves: a great number of our Allies and all the Latines, whom you for many and important ser∣vices, made pertakers of your Franchises, are now prohibited by one; and a few Life Guard-Pensioners possess the hereditary Habitations of the Innocent Commonalty, as the wages of their Villanies. Our Laws, our judicial Proceedings, the Publick Treasures, the Provinces, nay Kings themselves, are all at the Disposal of one man's Will: in a word, absolute Power of Life and Death lies prostrate at the Pleasure of a single Tyrant. Ye have beheld at the same time human Victims offer'd to his Fury, and the Sepulchres of the slain besmear'd with Civil Blood. Does there any thing then more remain for Men to act; then either to dissolve the Injustice, or to dye Couragi∣ously? For Death has still determin'd the same end to all Men, though environ'd and immur'd in Steel; nor is there any Man that waits the last con∣straint of Fate, afraid to dare, unless effeminately

abject. But I am Seditious, as Sylla terms me, because I seem to affect the rewards of Tumult and Faction; and a promoter of War, for rede∣manding the Privileges and Rights of Peace. That is to say, because you never will be other∣wise secure, or safe in your Empire, till Vettius Picens, and the Notary Cornelius have made a wastful sale of other Mens Estates acquir'd by Pains and Industry: unless you approve all the Proscriptions of the Innocent, because they were wealthy; the Tortures of Illustrious Men; the City lay'd Desolate by Banishment and Slaughter: and the Estates of your Afflicted Fellow-Citizens, either sold or given away in Recompences, like the Cimbrians spoils.

But he Objects against me Possessions bought with the Plunder of Persons proscrib'd. Which was indeed the most enormous of all. his own Com∣mitted Crimes, that neither my self, nor any man else could be safe, if we acted fairly and honestly. However what I then purchas'd out of fear, when I had pay'd down my money, I restored to the Right Owners: Neither is it my design to make a prey of any of my Fellow-Citizens. Certainly, those Calamities might have been sufficient, which infected with the same Fury, we suffer'd for a while; Roman Armies sharply encountring one another, and Foreign Weapons turn'd upon our own Breasts. Let there be end of all these Injuries and Oppressions. Of which Sylla is so far from repenting, that he glory'd in what he had done, and might he but have been permitted, would have far more greedily perpetrated. Nei∣ther now do I fear, what your Opinion is con∣cerning him, but how far you dare adventure: least while ye stand gaping one upon another, who

should lead ye on, ye be prevented (not by his Forces, which are inconsiderable and weak, but by your own Cowardice) ere you are prepar'd to anticipate him, and be so far happy as you shall dare to act. For setting aside the Debauch'd Pensioners of his Guard, who takes his part? Ra∣ther, who does not desire a Change of all things, excepting Victory? Surely not the Souldiery that have only spilt their blood to enrich Tarrula and Scyrrus, the worst of Slaves: Certainly, not they, before whom Fusidius was preferr'd when advanc'd to several Offices; a Beastly male-Cham∣bermaid, a defilement and Scandal to all Honours. And therefore I have a great Confidence in the Victorious Army, who after all their Wounds and Hardship, have only gain'd a Tyrant. Unless they went about to subvert the Tribunitial Au∣thority, which their Ancestors erected by force of Arms; or to wrest out of their own hands their Laws and Privileges. Rarely well repay'd indeed, when sent back again to the Bogs and Woods, they found their wages, I mean contempt and hatred, to be at the Disposal of a few. Why then does he March with such a Body, and so elated in mind? Because Prosperity wonderfully obscures and mantles Vice. But when this Prosperity be∣gins to fail, then as formidable as he was before, as much will he be afterwards contemn'd and scorn'd unless pretence of Peace and Concord give him Confidence, which has appropriated Names to his Villany and Parricide. For, says the Tyrant, the Roman People otherwise can have no end of War, unless the Commonalty, expell'd from their Inheritances, to Him become a Civil Booty; unless the Right and Arbitrement of all things be at his disposal, which formerly belong'd to the People of

Rome. Which if you acknowledge to be Peace and Concord, approve the most pernicious plagues and grievances that can befal the Common-wealth: embrace Leisure with Servitude; and transmit to Posterity a President, that once the People of Rome were deluded and fool'd at the expence of their own Blood. For my own part, though as you see, By this same High Command I have as much as in reason I can well desire, to keep up the Grandeur of my Ancestors, to sup∣port my own Reputation, and to secure my self, 'twas never my design to Study my Private In∣terest, as preferring a dangerous and hazardous Liberty before quiet servitude. Which if it be your opinion likewise, resume your wonted Courage, and with the Favour of the Gods follow the Con∣sul M. Aemilius, your Captain and Leader, for the recovery of your Liberty.

The Oration of L. Philippus against Lepidus.

THere is nothing which I more eagerly desire, Conscript Fathers, then the Tranquillity of the Common-wealth; or that it should be de∣fended when in danger, by the Stoutest and most forward of its Members. In a word I heartily wish, that all wicked enterprizes may prove the ruin of the Contrivers. On the other side, all the whole Frame of Government is unhing'd by Factions; and these Factions encourag'd by those whom it rather became to endeavour their total Suppression and Extirpation: and what the

worst and most extravagant of Mens decree, the most vertuous and most prudent are oblig'd to execute. A War at present you believe unrea∣sonable, yet you must take Arms, because for∣sooth, tis Lepidus's pleasure; but perhaps there may be some that love Peace best, yet can endure War. Good Gods! that Men should rule this City, yet lay aside all Care of Governing. M. AEmilius, of all Fla∣gitious Caitiffs the most wicked, and whether more Villain or more Coward cannot well be determin'd, has got an Army to oppress your Liberty, and he that was contemn'd has made himself more formidable while you sit whispering together, and regardless of the sayings and the Prophesies of the Sybills, seem rather to wish for Peace then to defend it: not understanding, that by the Lenity of your De∣crees you lessen your own Authority, and ren∣der him exempt from fear. And that deservedly: since he has obtain'd the Consulship by Rapine, and a Province together with an Army, to carry on Sedition and Faction. What would he have receiv'd for his good Services, whose vile misdeeds ye have so liberally rewarded? It was perhaps, because that they who even to the last, gave up their Votes for Legates, Peace, Concord and the like, were favour'd and promoted by him. No; for They, despis'd, and thought unworthy of the Common-wealth, were lookt upon as only fit to be made Booty of; as suing again for Peace with the same fears which they had about 'em when they lost it. Truly at the very beginning, when I saw Hetruria in Rebellion, the proscrib'd Per∣sons recall'd, and the Republic rent and torn with Bribes and Pensions, I thought it high time to hasten, and with some few others follow'd the advice of Catulus. But they who extoll'd the

Aemilian Family for their good Services, and mag∣nify'd the Roman People for augmenting their Gran∣deur by Pardoning and Clemency, never discern'd that Lpidus also was a Branch of the same Stock: when he took up Arms as a private Person to subvert their Liberty, every one labouring after wealth, or the Protections of great Personages, destroy'd the Public Interest. And then was Lepidus a meer Robber surrounded with Camp-Boys, and some few Ruffianly Bravoe's: among whom there was not one that did not value a days wages above his life. Now he is a Proconsul in high Command, not purchas'd; but conferr'd upon him by your selves, with Leiutenants as yet Legally obedient: and to him resorted Men of all Degrees the most corrupt and vicious; inflam'd with lust and want: whirl'd to and fro with the Guilt of their Crimes: people never at rest but in Sedition; in peace most turbulent: sowing Tumult upon Tumult, and War upon War; the Pensioners of Saturninus formerly, afterwards of Sulpitius; then of Marius and Damasippus, and now of Lepidus. Besides Hetruria up in Arms, and all the Embers of extinguish'd Wars now breaking forth again: Both Spains Sollicited to Insurrection, Mithridates the next Neighbour to our Tributaries, by whom we are as yet sup∣ported, watches round about an Opportunity for Invasion: so that there is nothing but a proper Captain wanting to subvert the whole Body of the Empire. Which I beseech and implore ye, Con∣script Fathers, to consider; and that you will not suffer Licentious Villany like a pestilence, by con∣tagion to infect the sound. For when Rewards attend the wicked, there's no man easily will ad∣dict himself to vertue gratis. Do ye think it fit to

wait till with a new embody'd Army they once more invade the City with Fire and Sword? Which seems much more like and nearer to its pre∣sent Condition, then from Civil War to Peace and Concord. A War which he has inflam'd in contempt of all things both Divine and Human; not for any wrong done either to himself or at least as he pretends to others, but for the Subversion of our Laws and Liberties. For he is tortur'd and harrass'd in his mind with Ambition, and dread of ill success, void of Counsel and Restless; Try∣ing this, attempting that, he fears Tranquillity, hates War, foresees a Curb upon his Luxury and Licentiousness, and in the mean time makes an Abusive Advantage of your Remissness. Which I know not what to call, whether Fear, or Sloath or Madness. While every one singly seems to pray that the threatning mischief, may not like Lightning dart upon himself, but no man stirs an inch to prevent the gathering Cloud. I be∣seech ye consider how the Natural Order of things is ranvers'd. Formerly public Contrivances of mischief against the State were secretly carry`d on; the Remedies openly provided; and by that means good Men had the Advantage of the Wicked: Now Peace and Concord are openly disturb'd, but secretly defended. They who de∣light in War and public Calamity are up in Arms, and you in fear and Consternation. What are your Hopes? unless perhaps you are asham`d, or look upon it as an irksome Toyl to do your Duty. Do the Commands of Lepidus, appease your Indignation? Who tells ye, `tis his pleasure that every Man should have his own, yet has no∣thing but what belongs to other Men: who would have all Claims of War cancell`d, yet all the

while compels by force of Arms: who desires the Freedom of the City to be confirm'd, yet de∣nies the Citizens their Franchises of which they were depriv'd; who for Concords sake would have the Tribunitian Power restor'd to the Com∣mons, from maintenance of which all our Discords have deriv'd their Original. Most villanous and impudent of all Mankind, canst thou be thought to mind the wants, the grievances and lamentations of thy Fellow Citizens, who canst call nothing thy own, unless what forcibly thou hast gain'd by Plun∣der and Rapine? Thou standest for a second Con∣sulship, as if thou hadst resign'd the First. Thou seek'st for Peace by that same very War, by which it was disturb'd when fairly once obtain'd: Traytor to Us, faithless to Them; the Enemy of all good People; regardless both of Gods and Men whose Laws Divine and Humane thou hast viola∣ted by Treason and Perjury. Who being what Thou art, I advise thee to continue thy Resoluti∣ons, and not to quit thy Arms; nor to keep Us in continual Cares and Anxieties, thy self so restless when Seditions are delay'd. Neither Provinces nor Laws nor Houshold Gods allow thee for a Ci∣tizen? Go on then, as thou hast begun, that so thou mayst the sooner meet with thy Reward. But as for You, Conscript Fathers, how long will you by tedious lingring suffer the Commonweath to be in jeopardy, and only talk of taking Arms in its Defence? Souldiers are dayly listed against ye; vast sums both publickly and privately extorted: The Laws commanded to be serviceable to Ambi∣tion, Will and Pleasure, while you sit voting Lieutenants, and considering what Decrees to make. And upon my word, the more earnestly you sue for Peace, so much the sharper the War

will be, when he finds himself more strongly suported by your fears, then by the Justice of his Cause. For they that tell ye they abominate Tu∣mults, and the Slaughter of their Fellow Citizens, and for that reason detain ye unarm'd from oppo∣sing Lepidus in Arms, believe you will more readily, suffer what the vanquish'd must endure, when ye so loosely brook what might be in your power to chastise. Thus they disswade him from Peace with you, and you from War with him. If these things please ye; if such a Lethargy benum your Sences, that forgetful of Cinna's Devastations, up∣on whose return to the City, all Majesty and De∣grees of Dignity were trampl'd under foot, you will nevertheless surrender up your selves, your Wives and Children to Lepidus, what need of more Decrees? to what Purpose the Assistance of Catu∣lus? in vain both he and all good men take care to support the Commonwealth. Do as you think fit; sue to Cethegus and other Traytors for their Pro∣tections, that long to glut themselves with new Rapines and Conflagrations, and to brandish once more their naked Swords against their Houshold Gods. But if Liberty and Justice be more accep∣table; Let your Decrees become your Grandeur; and fortify the Commonwealth with men of Ver∣tue and Courage. There is a new rais'd Army at hand; moreover Colonies of Veterane Souldiers, all the Nobility, most expert Commanders, and Fortune ready to attend the Best. In a short while the Forces already muster'd together will disband and melt away through our Remissness. Where∣fore it is my Opinion clearly, since Lepidus of his own head is Marching to the City with an Army compos'd of Russians and Enemies to the Common-wealth, in contempt of the Authority of this Senate.

that Appius Claudius, as * 1.1 King pro tempore toge∣ther with Q. Catulus, and others that are at present in Com∣mand, be appointed to guard the City, and to take care that no Detriment befall the Commonwealth.

The Epistle of Cn. Pompey to the Senate.

IF as your Enemy, and the Enemy of my Coun∣try, and your Houshold Gods, I had undergone as many Hardships and Dangers, as from my early Adolescency the most Barbarous of your Foes have been vanquish'd under my Conduct, and your Security thereby establish'd, you could not have enacted any thing against me in my absence more severely, then your present Unkindness, Conscript Fathers, makes me sensible of. Me, whom expos'd to a most cruel Enemy, 'ere scarce my Age was capable of Action, together with an Army most deserving, as much as lies within your power you have betray'd to perish for want of Food, the most miserable of all Deaths. Was it with this Design the Roman People sent their Sons to War? Are these the Guerdons of our Wounds, and Blood so often shed for the Honour of our Coun∣try? Tyr'd out with writing and sending Messen∣gers, I have wasted all my private Wealth and

Hopes, While you for three Years time have scarce allow'd me a single Years Expence. I call the Immortal Gods to witness, whether you think me to be a Bottomless Exchequer, and whether I am able to Support an Army without Food or Pay. I must confess indeed I hasten'd to this War with a more eager desire, then prudent Consideration; as one who having from you receiv'd the Title of General, in forty days levy'd an Army, and from the Alpes drave back the Enemy already pressing upon the Neck of Italy, into Spain. Through them I open'd another Passage, more then ever Hanni∣bal did, and more convenient for our Marches. I recover'd Gallia, the Pyrenae∣ans, Lace••ania a 1.2 and Jergetum, and with raw Souldiers, and much fewer in number stood the first shock of Victor Sertorius; and surrounded with a cruel and barbarous Enemy, winter'd in the field, not in warm Quarters, nor of my own choice. But why should I enumerate Battels, or winter Expeditions, Towns levell'd with the Earth, or taken by Composition? Deeds are more prevalent then Words. The Enemies Camp surpriz'd nere the Ri∣ver b 1.3 Subro, the Battel by the River Durius c 1.4 and C. Heremius chief Leader of a Potent Adversary, vanquish'd, and his Army with the City of Valencia utterly ruin'd, are sufficient Testimonies of the Truths I utter: For which, most grateful Fathers, you repay Us with want and starving Hunger. So that the Condition of mine, is no better then that of the Enemies Army. Neither of the two are paid; and both ready to March Victors into Italy. Of which I put ye in

mind, and beseech ye to take care That I may not be constrain'd to take private Resolutions in the midst of these Necessities. The hither Spain, of which the Enemy has no part, either our selves or Sertorius have laid wast even to utter destructi∣on, unless some Maritime Towns which are rather a burthen and a charge to Us. The last year Gallia supply'd the Army of Metellus with Corn and Money. Which now, by reason of bad and blasted Harvests is scarce able to support it self, And for my own part, I have not only wasted my particlar Estate, but lost all my Credit. Our last Hopes are in your selves, who unless you relieve our distresses, must expect no other, then what I now foretel ye, and which I never shall be able to pre∣vent, that the Army will March from hence, and with it all the whole War of Spain must be remov'd into Italy.

The Oration of Marcus Licinius, Tribune of the People, to the Commonalty of Rome.

IF, Worthy Romans, you were not well acquaint∣ed with the difference between the Rights and Privileges which you inherit from your Ance∣stors, and that same servitude design'd by Sylla, my Discourse would then require a longer time, and it behov'd me to instruct ye for what Oppres∣sions, and how oft the Armed Commons made a separation from the Fathers. Now it suffices only to encourage ye, and first to lead the way, which

I esteem most proper to redeem our Liberty. Nor am I ignorant, how vast a Power and Interest among the Nobility, I am about to pull down from domineering Usurpation, my self alone, without assistance and unguarded: only with the shadow of Magistracy: and how much safer it is for a whole Faction to act in Combination, then for Persons innocent to move singly by themselves. But be∣sides the good Hopes which I have in you, This has overcome all my fears, that the Misfortunes of Contending are far more satisfactory to a generous Courage, then never at all to have contested. Tho all others who have been created Tribunes to secure your Franchises, have turn'd all their Power and Authority to your prejudice, o'er sway'd by Favour, Hopes, or by Rewards; and rather chose to sin for Hire, then do justly Gratis. For these reasons they all submitted under the Domination of a Few, who by their Reputation in War have got Possession of the public Treasure, Armies, Kingdoms, Pro∣vinces, and make your spoils their Towre of safety: while you, the Multitude, like to many Sheep surrender your selvs in Vassalage to this and t'other Paramounting Lord, dispoyl'd of all those Blessings which your Fore-fathers left you. But perhaps it is, because as formerly you gave your Suf∣frages for Rulers, now you give the same for Ma∣sters. Therefore all your Tribunes flock to them; and if it be your chance to recover your own a∣gain, you shall see 'em upon the Turn of the Tyde return to you again. For few have the Courage to defend what best they like; the t'other are the stonger Party that fight in their own wrong. But can you dream of meeting an Obstruction when unanimous and resolute, from those that fear'd ye when remiss and negligent? unless you think

that Cotta, a Consul of the middle Faction, re∣stor'd some certain Privileges to the Tribunes for any other reason then out of fear: for tho L. Si∣cinius, first adventuring to open his Mouth in be∣half of the Tribunitian Power, was disappointed while you only mutter'd at it, yet they that oppos'd him first began to dread your Hatred, 'ere you would be brought to resent the Oppression. At which I never can sufficiently admire, most worthy Romans. For you knew it was a vanity to tire your Expectations. After the Death of Sylla, who impos'd that heavy Bondage, you thought that then the end of all your Mischiefs was at hand? But there sprung up a far more Cruel Catulus. A Tumult brake out when Brutus and Aemilius Mamerous were Consuls; But then C. Cu∣rio play'd the Tyrant, even to the fatal destructi∣on of the innocent Tribune. You saw last year how furiously Lueullus threatned L. Quinctius, and wrought him from his Purpose. And lastly now, how I am plagu'd and harrass'd among 'em! A needless Trouble, would they but once surcease their Usurpation before you made an end of ser∣ving: Especially, seeing whatever are the preten∣ces for their civil Broils, the main Contest on both sides is for Dominion over you. Those other Fig∣ments of Licentiousness, Hatred or Avarice are but Flashes that extinguish in a short Time. On∣ly one thing continues permanent, the end at which both sides with ardour drive at: and that is to dispoilye perpetually of the Tribunitial Power, the only Buckler which your Ancestors provided to shield your Liberty, which I admonish and be∣seech ye to consider: and that you would not, od∣ly changing the Names of things to favour sloth, call Servitude Tranquillity; which it were not now a

Season to enjoy, if Wickedness have vanquish'd Truth and Honesty; but had been, had You been altogether lull'd asleep. Now therefore mind your Business: for unless ye overcome, since all Oppression is by its weight the more secure, they will be sure to press more bard upon ye. What's my Opinion, then, some one will say? First then, you must lay aside your present man∣ner of Behaviour; Tongues let loose at random, Hearts of Mice; no longer mindful of your Li∣berty, then in the Public Place of Meeting. Nei∣ther do I exhort ye to those Masculine Proceed∣ings, as when your armed Ancestors obtain'd Pa∣tritian Magistracy to be conferr'd upon the Tri∣bunes by the free and unextorted Votes of the Se∣nators: altho, most worthy Romans, it be in your Power that what you suffer commanded now for others, you may either dispose or not dispose of for your selves. Expect ye then great Jupiter, or some other Deity to be your Adviser? Those high Commands of the Consuls and Decrees of the Fa∣thers you confirm by Execution; and hasten of your own accords, that Licence that is made use of to your prejudice. Nor do I advise ye to the revenge of Oppression, but rather to sit still and be quiet upon that Account. Neither desirous of discord as they recriminate upon me, but wishing an end of all disorders, do I repeat and recal to your Memory their Miscarriages; which is no more then the Law of Nations allows me: yet if they obstinately persist, 'tis neither Force of Arms, not a Secession that I encourage; only I exhort ye, that ye will no longer afford 'em the Advantage of shedding your Blood. Let 'em rule, and manage the Government after their own manner, let 'em hunt after Triumph; Let 'em prosecute Mi∣thridates,

Sertorius, and the remainder of the Exiles, to dignifie their Illustrious Statues. Let not them incur the hazard and the danger that have no part of the Profit: unless you think your Services re∣paid by that same sudden Frumentarian Law. A mighty purchase, to value your Liberty at Five Bushels of Wheat, which is no more then the Allowance allotted to the Prisoners in the Com∣mon Goal. For as that same sorry Pittance keeps 'em from starving, yet decays their strength; so neither is so small a Portion sufficient to support Your Families; but frustrates the slender hopes of every Coward. Which, tho large and muni∣ficent, considering it to be the Hopes of Servi∣tude, yet what a peice of sottishness it is to be deluded, and to be thankful for your own dues, so parsimoniously scatter'd among you? For any o∣ther way they neither could prevail, nor durst they strive against ye all in General. Nor are you less to guard your selves against their cunning Artifices. For therefore it is they give ye good words on pur∣pose to amuse and put ye off, till the return of Pompey. Whom though they reverence and dread at present, and carry about exalted upon their Shoulders, yet when those fears are over, you shall hear, how they will rend and mangle his Re∣putation. Neither are these Assertors of Liberty, as they pretend themselves, asham'd to acknowledge their own weakness, so many without one, nei∣ther daring to forgive an Injury, nor being able to defend their Rights. For I am certainly con∣vinc'd, that as for Pompey, a young Gentleman of such high and early Renown, will rather choose to be your Chieftain with your own Consent and Ap∣probation, then associate with them in Tyranny and Usurpation; and that you will find him no less

forward to assert the Tribunitian Authority. How∣ever worthy Romans, in former times, 'twas the Custom for particular Citizens to have Protection of many; never did the entire Body of the People relie upon one single Person: neither was it in the Power of any one particular Man to dis∣pose by Gift, or tear away such Privileges. There∣fore we have said enough. Neither is it a mat∣ter clos'd up in Ignorance. But I know not what Stupidity has seiz'd your understandings, that nei∣ther Honour, nor vile Oppression can move ye: you have made a base Exchange of all your former Bravery, for a little present Idleness; believing you enjoy sufficient Liberty, because your Backs are spar'd or else because you are admitted to the Pub∣lick shews, the Munificences of your wealthy Lords and Masters, Privileges indeed not granted to the Country Peasants; who are slaughter'd and crush'd to death between the Contentions of the Potent; or bestow'd in free Gift upon the Magistrates in their Provinces. Thus a few both fight and vanquish: But the Victory, whatever happens, lights heavy upon the Commons: and dayly will do more and more: while they are so industirous to defend their Usurpations, you so negligent to redeem your Liberty.

A Copy of a Letter sent from Mithridates King of Pontus, to Arsaces King of the Parthians.

KIng Mithridates to King Arsaces, Greeting. All men who are invited to a Confedracy in War, ought well to consider with themselves

whether at that time it be at their choice or no to live in Peace; then whether what is by the Sword contended for, be honourable, safe, and just, or wicked and illegal. 'Tis true; Thou mightest perhaps enjoy perpetual Peace, wert thou not so near a Neighbour to the most wicked and vexati∣ous of Enemies; and were it not for that same high Renown that will attend thy prosperous suc∣cess in subduing the Romans. Nor had I otherwise adventur'd to crave thy Alliance, out of a vain hope to recover my loft Affairs, by blending my Misfortunes with thy Triumphs. Now, that there should be no delay of this Conjunction, if thou wilt but rightly consider the Conjuncture of Af∣fairs, the storm of a new War at this time threat∣ning Tigranes, and my own unfortunate Condi∣tion, are at present the greatest Arguments that may be. For He, surrounded with his fears, will accept of an Alliance upon any Terms. And for my self, my adverse Fortune, after many Losses, has rendred Me more fit to give the best of Counsel upon all Occasions. And what the Prosperous wish for most, Me you shall have day∣ly before your Eyes a President, what to embrace, what to refrain in all your future Conduct. For there is one and the same cause of warring against the Romans common to all People, Nations and Princes, a profound Ambition of Empire and thirst after the Riches of the World; which was the only occasion of their first War with Philip the Macedonian King. While the Carthaginians press'd hard upon 'em, they craftily diverted the Relief of Antiochus with a feign'd Concession of all Asia. Yet no sooner was Philip vanquish'd, but Antiochus was despoil'd of all his Territories on this side,

* 1.5 Taurus, and ten thousand Talents to Boot. Then Pereus, whom after many Bloody Con∣flicts with various Fortune, when he had betaken himself to the Sanctuary of the Samo∣thracian Gods, these crafty Con∣trivers of Treachery, seduc'd into their Clutches; and be∣cause they had granted him his Life by Articles mur∣dered him for want of sleep, while Guards were put upon Him, that would not suffer him to take a wink of Rest. Eumenes, whose Friendship they pretended so highly to value, they betray'd to Antiochus, the Price of Peace: Attelus, the Guardian only of a subjugated Country, after they had rendred him ridiculous by their Taxes and their Contumelies, of a Sovereign Prince they made the meanest of their Slaves; and having forg'd an impious Will, led his Son Aristonicus in Triumph like an Enemy, because he only laid claim to his Paternal Inheritance. Asia is by them entirely usurp'd: and lastly Nicomedes being dead, they have laid violent hands on all Bithynia, tho' the Son of Nysa, to whom they had been pleas'd to give the Title of Queen, were then with∣out doubt among the Living. For wherefore should I name my self? with whom though every way distinctly bounded from their Empire by Kingdoms and Tetrarchies, because reported opulent, and one that would not be a slave, they found a way to quarrel, and set upon Me Nicome∣des, not ignorant of their Impiety, and as it hap∣pen'd afterwards, before attesting, that only the Cretans and Ptolemy liv'd free and uncontroul'd

at that Time. However in revenge of that In∣justice, I expell'd Nicomedes out of Bithynia, re∣cover'd Asia, the spoils of King Antiochus, and rescu'd Greece from ponderous Servitude. My farther Progresses the basest of my Vassals Arche∣laus put a stop to, by betraying my Army; and they who either through Cowardice or wicked subtlety, withdrew the Assistance of their Arms, thinking to be secure by the Hardships I endur'd, now reap the fatal harvest of their Treachery. Pto∣lomy, well brib'd, can find no just occasion for a War. The Cretans already assaulted are to ex∣pect no other Issue, but utter devastation.

Assuredly, for my own part when I understood, that by reason of their Intestine Broils, Battle and Bloodshed rather were delay'd, then peace confirm'd, contrary to the Opinion of Tigranes, who too late approv'd my Counsel, and notwith∣standing thy remoter distance, while my Neigh∣bours were their Slaves and Vassals, yet I under∣took a second War: at what time I overthrew by Land M. Cotta the Roman Ge∣neral nere * 1.6 Chalcedon; and by Sea despoil'd 'em of a good∣ly Fleet of Ships. But sitting down before Cyzicum, and lingring there with a numerous Army, Provision fail'd me, without the least Relief of all my Allies: and more then that, the Winter debarr'd me the benefit of the Sea. Thus without any molestation of the Ene∣my was I constrain'd to retreat into my own King∣dom, no less unfortunate in the Loss of the best of my Souldiers, together with my Fleets, that were Shipwrackt within sight of Para and * 1.7 Heraclea. But then having recruited my Army

Cabira a 1.8 after several Con∣flicts between Me and Lucullus, both Armies labour'd under pressing Necessities. Howe∣ver Lucullus had at his devoti∣on the Kingdom of Ariobarza∣nes, as yet untouch'd by War: I retreated into Armenia, all the Countries round about Me, being utterly destroy'd and laid wast. At what time the Romans following not alone, but their Custom of subverting all Kingdoms, because the Nature of the Country would not suffer Multitudes to engage in set Battels, they boasted the rash imprudence of Tigranes for a Victory. Now con∣sider, I beseech thee, whether if we should be subdu'd, it would be advantageous any way to thee to make a more powerful Resistance, or whether it be thy Opinion, that then the War will be at end. I know thee to be vastly Opulent, and stor'd, to infinite abundance, with Men, with Arms and Money. And for that Reason 'tis we covet such an Associate in the War; They, such an Enemy for booty. But 'tis the judgment of Ti∣granes, while his Kingdom remains entire, that the War may be made an end of against an Enemy far from home, with little labour, by the Valour of my own well disciplin'd and experienc'd Souldi∣ers: since we can neither vanquish, nor be van∣quish'd without hazard and prejudice to thy self. Canst thou be ignorant, that the Romans, after the Ocean had set limits to their Western Con∣quests, turn'd the fury of their Arms upon these parts? That from the begining they ne'er had any thing but what they got by violence, not so much as their Wives and Houses, much less their Lands and Empire? A medley of Vagabonds, having

neither Country nor Kindred, born to be the Plague and Destruction of the whole World. Whom neither Laws divine nor human, no fear of Gods or Men can restrain from Ransack, Ravage and Destruction both of Friends and Allies, whether remote or neighbours, Powerful or Indigent; profess'd and mortal Enemies of all Mankind, that are not Vassals to themselves; of Soveraign Prin∣ces more especially. For only few desire Liberty, the greatest Part are contented with just Ma∣sters: So we are suspected to be their Rivals, and dreaded perhaps least we should prove the fu∣ture Chastizers of their Insolencies. But thou, the Monarch of Seleucia, the biggest of Cities, and Soveraign Lord of Persia, what canst Thou from Them expect, but Treachery at the Present, and War hereafter? The Romans draw their Swords against all Nations, and People, yet most keenly sharpen'd against those, who being vanquish'd yield the richest spoils. By daring and deceiving and raising War, they are become Potent. By such havocks and destructive Courses as these, they will either extirpate all before 'em, or perish themselves; which Latter seems not so improba∣ble to happen, if thou from Mesopotamia, and We from Armenia surround their Armies, wanting Pro∣vision and destitute of all Assistance; and only secure by some strange favour of Fortune, through our own Divisions or our Cowardice. And then will that Renown attend Thee, having succour'd once two mighty Kings, to have subdu'd the grand Robbers of the Nations. Which I admonish and exhort thee to do, unless thou hadst rather to our perdition, a while prolong thy single Empire till they have leisure to subdue thee, then be a Conqueror by our Alliance.

The Oration of C. Cotta the Consul to the People.

MAny dangers, most worthy Romans, have be∣fallen me in Peace, and as many Misfor∣tunes have I met with in War; of which, some I have been forc'd to undergo, others I have war∣ded off by the Assistance of the Gods and my own Vertue. In all which, neither my Courage was wanting to my Business, nor my Industry fail'd my Resolutions. Adversity and Prosperity made an Alteration in my Estate, but not of my Natural Inclinations. On the other side in these Calami∣ties all things deserted me, when Fortune left me. Moreover Old age, cumbersom of it self, re-doubles my cares: considering my self in that miserable Condition, that it is not permitted Me to hope for so much as an honest death. For if I have been the Parricide of your security, and being born by Restoration from Exile, have dishonour'd my Houshold Gods, my Country and the highest De∣gree of Magistracy, what Torment can be thought sufficient for Me living, or what punishment after my Decease? From my first years of Adolescency, your Eyes were still upon me both a private Per∣son, and a Public Magistrate: They who desir'd it had all my Elocution, my Advice, my Money at their Service; nor did I ever make a Crafty use of Eloquence to uphold the Knacks of Law, or Exercise my Parts in Mischief. But covetous of private favour, was forc'd to bow under the weight of ponderous Animosities for the good of the Commonwealth. At what time depress'd when she was quite subdu'd, and expecting dayly

nothing but utter ruin, You, most worthy Romans, restor'd me to my Country, and my Houshold Gods, with accumulations of Dignity. For which excess of Favours, I could not shew my self too grateful, should I for every single Kindness expend as many Lives. For Life and Death are only Claims and Rights of Nature; but for a Man to live blameless among his fellow-Citizens, entire in his Fortunes and his Reputation, that's a gift kindly as well bestow'd as acceptably receiv'd. You have made us Consuls, most worthy Romans, now that the Commonweath is in a most distracted Conditi∣on. For the Generals in Spain demand Money, Souldiers, Arms and Provisions: and 'tis but what necessity constrains 'em to: For that by reason of the revolt of our Allies, and the Flight of Sertorius among the Mountains, they neither can come to blows, nor get the necessary supports of Nature. The Excessive Power of Mithridates compels us to maintain great Armies both in Asia and Cilicia. Macedonia is crouded with Enemies. Nor are the Maritime Coasts of Italy, and the Provinces less infested. In the mean time our Tributes be∣ing small, and by reason of the Wars, but ill and uncertainly paid, hardly defray a part of the Ex∣pences: So that we are forc'd to lessen the number of our Ships that us'd to carry and convoy our Provisions. These things whether they befal Us through fraud or negligence do you consider; and as you find it, punish the Offenders. But if it be a general Misfortune and Calamity that attends Us, wherefore is it that ye enterprize things both unworthy of your selves, of Us and the Commonwealth. For my own part, whose years are near the Precipice of death, I do not wish one minute longer of Life, if that might

prove the least Advantage to your safety: not deeming this same free-born Body of mine can more be honour'd, then by submitting to its disso∣lution for your welfare. Here then behold the Consul Caius Cotta ready: ready to do what oft our Ancestors have done in times of dubious War. I freely devote and offer up my self a Victim for the Commonwealth. Of which, to whom you after∣wards shall recommend the Care, your selves be circumspect. For no good Man will be covetous of such an Honour, when either he must give an account of the success of Peace or War by others carry'd on, or suffer ignominious death. Only remember this, that I was not cut off for acts of Villany or Avarice, but willingly surrendred up my Life in gratitude for exceeding favours. For your own sakes therefore, most worthy Romans, and by the Glory of your Ancestors I conjure ye, a while to be patient in your adversity, and con∣sult the welfare of the Commonwealth. Great is the Care and many are the toyles that accom∣pany supream Command; which in vain ye refuse, yet seek the Opulency of Peace; when all our Provinces, Kingdoms, Seas and Lands are har∣rass'd and tyr'd with the Calamities and Hardships of War.

Two * Orations to C. Caesar attributed to Salust.

* MAny Learned Men have made a Question whether these Orations were really writ∣ten by Salust or no. But Douza, one of his Com∣mentators stiffly maintains 'em to be the Genuine

Productions of the same Author. Nor are the Arguments he brings without great probability and reason. For he alledges not only the Con∣sent and Agreement of the Vellum Originals but the congruity of stile and censorious No∣tions, natural only to that Satyrical and Grave Historian. Further he asserts that there is not that Purity of Latin in Tacitus, besides the vast difference between the Writers of the Flavian and Julian Times. Whereas it is object∣ed that there is not the same conciseness in these Orations as in the rest of Salust's Writings, that seems of little moment, since there can be nothing more concise nor more agreeable to Salustian brevity then the Stile and Language of these Orations. But the same Commentator mislikes the Title of Orations: and that not without just Cause, since the Author himself gives them the Appellation of Epistles. Forsitan, says he, Impera tor, perlectis Literis, decernes, &c. So that allow∣ing these two small Peices to be the Works of Salust and no other we shall only alter the Title, and call 'em,

Two Epistles concerning the Ordering of a Commonwealth, directed to C. Caesar.

The First Epistle.

IT was the Common Opinion that formerly the Ro∣man people by Fortune had Kingdoms and Em∣pires, in her Gift, besides those other things which

Mortal Men so greedily thirst after; because they are frequently possess'd by Persons without Desert, conferr'd as it were at Will and Pleasure, and ne∣ver any Man could boast 'em stable and perma∣ment to himself. But experience has taught us how true it is what Appius tells us in his Verses, That every Man is the Architect of his own Fortune. A sentence more especially verify'd in Thee, who hast so far out-gone all others, that Men are tyr'd first with applauding thy Atchievements, ere thou art weary of performing Deeds deserving Praise. But vertuous Acquisitions like sumptuous Edifices, are still to be preserv'd with sedulous Industry; least through negligence they run to decay, or fall to the ground, while the foundations fail. For no Man willingly surrenders Empire and Command to another; And though he be Just and Mild who is in Power, yet because it is at his Choice to be rigorous and tyrannical, he is dreaded. This comes to pass, because the most that are in high Authority take wrong Measures, believing themselves so much the more secure, by how much the more pusillanimous and servile the People are whom they Command. But quite the contrary to this ought chiefly to be aim'd at; that is to say, being Vertuous and Brave thyself, thou shouldst endeavour to Command the best of Subjects: for he that is lewd himself impatiently brooks a Ruler. But thou hast a more difficult Task then all that were before thee, to settle what thou hast won by force of Arms. For thou hast wag'd a War more soft and gentle then the Peace of others: besides the Victors demand their Booty; and the van∣quish'd are thy fellow-Citizens. In the midst of these difficulties there is an honest Medium to be found out, that the Public Welfare may be esta∣blish'd

not by force, as a Foreign Enemy is curb'd, but which is more noble and much more difficult, by the profitable Arts of Peace. Therefore is this a Matter of such importance, as summons toge∣ther all Men, as well those of great as of moderate Wisdom, for every one to give the best advice he can. And indeed it is my Opinion that as the Victory is compos'd, the settlement of all other things will be the same. Now therefore that thou maist more readily and firmly order this Establish∣ment, accept of some few Notions that occur to my mind.

Thou hadst a War, most Noble Emperour, with a Man Illustrious for his Birth, of vast Riches, most greedy of Superiority more * 1.9 Fortunate then Wise. Of his Party were but few: some through their own In∣justice became thy Enemies; others whom Affinity or other Obligations drew to his side. For never was any man a sharer with him in the Supream Authority, which if he could have en∣dur'd, the whole, Terrestrial Globe had never been so violently shaken with War. The Inferiour Multitude, more out of Custom then judgment flock'd after him as, the more prudent Person.

At the same time, upon the scandalous rumors daily spread abroad, inflam'd with hopes of Usur∣ping the Commonwealth, many men contaminated with Lewdness and Luxury, resorted to thy Camp; and openly threatned those that were at Peace with Murders, Rapines, and all the worst of Out∣rages to which their impious Minds could prompt

'em. Of whom the greatest part, when they saw that neither their debts were paid, nor Fellow-Citizens by thee despoil'd and harrass'd like Ene∣mies, deserted Thee: only some few remain'd, who thought the Camp would be a safer Place then Rome, where they were continually Dunn'd and Pro∣secuted by their Creditors. But for the same Rea∣sons, incredible it is to relate, both the Quality and the Number of Persons that troop'd after Pompey; whom All that were in debt made use of, during the whole time of the War, as of a most sacred and inviolable Sanctuary.

Therefore since now both War and Peace fall under thy Consideration as the Victor, to the end thou mayst gently and mildly surcease the one, and that the other may be just and permanent, meditate seriously with thy self, at whose disposal the Composition is, and what is most proper to be done. For my part I am apt to believe all cruel Dominations more oppressive then Diuturnal, not that any one single Person can be dread∣ed by many, but that the same fear returns from many to himself. Such a Life wages a continual and doubtful War within a Man; for that being neither safe before, behind, or on either side, al∣ways thy Lot will be to live surrounded with fears and dangers: on the other side they who have tem∣per'd the Severity of Command with Humanity and Clemency, to them all things have appear'd with a joyful and smiling Prospect; by their Enemies more cheerfully obey'd and reverenc'd, then others by their own Subjects. Be there any who for this ad∣vice will deem me a Depraver of thy Conquest, or count me a well Wisher to the Vanquish'd? Per∣haps, because it is my Judgment that what both we and our Fore-fathers have granted to Foreign

Nations, naturally our Enemies, are equally to be allow'd to Fellow-Citizens; and that neither Slaughter with Slaughter, nor Blood is to be a∣ton'd with Blood after the manner of the Barbari∣ans. Has Oblivion cancell'd those Cruelties, that before this War were condemn'd in Pompey and Sylla's Victory? He slew Domitius, Carbo, Brutus, and others that were Weaponless; not slain in Battel, according to the Laws of War, but Butch∣er'd afterwards when Suppliants with the greatest Impiety imaginable: the Commonalty of Rome were Slaughter'd like Sheep in the Public Palace ordain'd for the Reception of Embassadors. Hea∣vens! What hugger mugger Funerals of Citizens, what sudden Massacres committed in the very Arms of Parents and Children! What flights of Women and Infants! What devastations of Houses! Before the Victory by Thee obtain'd, nothing but Outrage, nothing but Cruelty enrag'd. To which the same Persons exhort and spur thee on: insinuating as if the Contest between you two had been, which should have the absolute disposal of Oppression and Injustice: that thou didst not recover, but win the Commonwealth by force of Arms, and for that reason, the stoutest and the oldest of the Souldiers were still ready to take Arms a∣gainst their Fathers, Brothers, nay their very Children; that so the most wicked of Mortals, from the Miseries of others, might have where∣withal to supply the Expences of their Gluttony and exorbitant Lust, or rather to be the Scandals and Reproaches of thy Victory; as being such, whose Debaucheries were a Contamination to the Praises of good Men. For I cannot forbear to mind thee, what was their Behaviour and their Modesty, even

when it was * 1.10 dubious which way Victory would encline and how, when the Enemy was in the field those very Persons a∣bandon'd themselves to Strum∣pets and Luxurious Banquets, whose Age in times of Peace could not without Reproach have pretended to the Tast of such immoderate Pleasures. Thus much concerning War.

Now as concerning the Establishing a secure Peace; which is the present main Design of Thee and all thy Followers; Consider I beseech thee in the first place what it is thou art about to con∣sult: for so, by separating the Good from the Bad, thou wilt proceed in the open way to Truth. 'Tis my Opinion, since all things that have a Beginning must have an End, that whenso∣ever the Fate of Romes destruction shall happ'n to approach her Walls, Citizens shall be engag'd in Civil Broyls with Citizens; at what time exhausted and languishing for want of Blood, they will become a Prey to some Prince or Nation. Otherwise not the whole Globe of Earth, nor all the People of the World united and mustred to∣gether, can either move or bruise this Empire. Therefore the Blessings of Concord are to be esta∣blish'd upon sure Foundations, and the Mischiefs of Discord to be expell'd. That will so come to pass, if you remove the Licence of expensive Riot and Rapine. Not recalling antiquated Consti∣stutions,

which upon the general Corruption of Manners are now become contemptible; but if you limit the Expences of every particular Family to the Condition of their Fortunes. For now, 'tis the prevailing Custom for Young men to think nothing more brave and generous, then prodigally to wast their own and the Estates of others; to deny nothing to their Pleasures, or that they take for Gallantry and Magnanimity; despising Continency and Reservedness, as the Effects of Cowardice.

Therefore a Haughty Disposition, once launch'd into destructive Courses, when his accustom'd Allowances fail, flies out, inflam'd with inconsiderate fury, sometimes upon Allies, sometimes upon his Fellow-Citizens; unsettles the compos'd Order of things, and by Old Practices of Villany seeks for New Disturbances. Wherefore let not the Usurer for the future be sufferr'd any longer; that every one may mind his own affairs. That's the true and Plain way, to Officiate in the Magistracy for the Benefit of the People, not the Profit of the Creditor; and to shew Magnanimity in augment∣ing not diminishing the Common-wealth.

'Tis true, I know how difficult a thing this will be to accomplish at first; especially with those who thought, when Conquerors, to have liv'd with greater Liberty and Licence, not under a more strict Controul. For whose safety if you rather provide then to uphold their Luxury, you will secure both Them and Us and our Allies in a firm and lasting Peace. But if you still connive at the same Practices and Debaucheries of our Youth, assuredly that High Renown of thine, and that Great City of Rome, will in a short time fall to Ruin both together.

In the last place, Prudent Men make War for the sake of Peace, and undergo hardships in hopes of rest and leisure. Until you fix and ascertain that Tranquillity what matter is it, whether we are vanquish'd or Victors. Wherefore in the name of all the Gods, hold fast the Helm of the Com∣monwealth, and boldly break through all Contend∣ing opposition as you were wont: for either you must heal us, or all Men else must lay aside all thought of Cure. Neither does any Man incense ye to cruel Punishments, or dismal Executions, by which a City is rather depopulated, then re∣form'd; but rather to restrain the vicious Practi∣ces and luxurious Debaucheries of the young No∣bility and Gentry. That will be real Clemency, to have put a curb upon their Folly and false Pleasures, that Citizens may not come to be deservedly ex∣pell'd their Native Country; to have establish'd Peace and Concord; not to have been always a Conniver at their present Enjoyments, which sud∣den Sorrow follows at the heels; indulgent to Vice, and remissly permitting Offences. And in∣deed such is my Courage, that it chiefly relies on that which scares and daunts most undertakers, the Difficulty of the Business. And because you are now to reform the Disorders both of Sea and Land and restore Tranquillity to the whole World (for such a soaring Mind can never stoop to little things) the greater the care, the greater will be the recompence. Therefore your Care is mainly to be expended, that the Commonalty, corrupted with Bribes, and public distributions of Corn, may be so employ'd and kept from Idleness, as neither to have Lei∣sure nor Opportunity for Public Mischeif: but that the Young Men may be enur'd to Probity and Industry, and not to hanker after vain Expence,

and Riches. Which may be effected, if you take away the abuse and Reputation of Money, the chiefest Plague and Destruction of Human Kind. For often revolving in my Mind, by what means the most renowned Men attain'd their Greatness; what things had rais'd People and Nations to their most flourishing Estates; and lastly what had oc∣casion'd the Ruin and Destruction of mighty King∣doms and Empires, I still observ'd that the same things were good, the same things Evil; and that always the Victors were Dispisers, the Vanquish'd always Covetous of Money. Neither can any Man exalt his groveling Thoughts, or Mortal as he is, attain Divine Perfections, unless neglect∣ing the Delights of Gold and Bodily Enjoyments, he forbear to Flatter and pamper the Vanity of his Mind, to gratifie perverse Desire; but rather ex∣ercise it in Labour, Patience, wholesom Precepts, and magnanimous Atchievements. For to build a City House, or Country Palace, and furnish 'em with Statues, Pictures, Persian Hangings, and o∣ther sumptuous Ornaments; and tomake a Splen∣did Shew of all things but Himself; This is not to enjoy Riches as an Ornament, but for the Owner to make himsef a Reproach to his Wealth. More∣over they, whose Custom it is twice a day to stuff their Paunches, and not a Night to sleep without a Curtezan, when they have oppress'd with ser∣vitude the Mind which ought to Command, in vain expect to make use of it as duly exercis'd, when lame and drowsie. For through Imprudence they precipitate themselves and most of their designs. But these and all other Mischiefs will cease with the Adoration of Money, when neither these Gaudy Pomps, nor any other Things so much thirsted after by Magistrates and Vulgar are any longer set to sale.

Morever care is to be taken that Italy and the Provinces may be more secure: wherein there is not so much difficulty neither. For the same Men lay all the Countries desolate, deserting their own Habitations, and through Oppression seizing those of other Persons. Moreover let not the Stipends of the Souldiers, or their years of service be either unjustly or impartially num∣ber'd. While some are * 1.11 com∣pell'd to serve out thirty Sti∣pends or Years of Duty, others scarce oblig'd to one. And let the Corn, which was formerly the reward of Sloath and Cow∣ardice, be distributed through the Municipal Towns and Colonies, to the dis∣miss'd Veteranes returning home after the expira∣tion of their Stipends. And thus as concisely as I could I have declar'd my thoughts of what I deem'd either advantageous to the Public, or to your Honour; and now it may not seem amiss to speak something in Justification of this presumption.

Most men have wit enough, or think they have, to censure others; and every one is forward and quick to find fault with the deeds and sayings of other Men; their Mouths are scarce wide enough, nor their Tongues sufficiently nimble to troul out the hasty Conceptions of their Envy or their private disgust; Though notwithstanding all the Blasts of their censorious Descants, I do not at all repent me of the Enterprize; rather it would have been a trouble to me to have been silent. And now the Best of my wishes only remain be∣hind that whatsoe're thou shalt decree, the Im∣mortal Gods may well approve, and Crown with happy Success.

The Second Epistle to C. Caesar, concerning the ordering of a Commonwealth.

THis Epistle shews the great Familiarity between Caesar and Salust, and seems to have been written before his expedition into Spain against Petreius and Afranius, or at least in the seat of the War.

I Am not ignorant, how difficult and dangerous and Attempt it is to give Counsel to a Prince or Emperor. or indeed to any Man, who sits in the Upper Region of great Authority; Considering that they can neither want Advisers, and that no man is sufficiently circumspect or prudent to fore∣see future Events. Besides, oft-times it so falls out that precipitate and evil Counsels are attended with more prosperous success, then the most grave and serious of deliver'd Opinions, by reason For∣tune rules the World at Pleasure. I must confess, when I was Young, my Inclinations lead me to the management of Public Affairs; and my greatest Care and Study was to understand the depth of those Mysteries. Not only that I might appear great in Offices and Employments of high Dignity, which many had obtain'd by wicked and corrupt means; but that I might be acquainted with the true State of the Commonwealth both at home and abroad, and what her intrinsic strength might be of Warlike Provisions, of Men and Money. At length revolving many things in my Mind, I deter∣min'd to prefer your Dignity before my own Reputation and Reserv'dness, and to run any ha∣zard that might be advantageous to your Honour. Nor did I make this Resolution rashly, or in Adu∣lation

of your good Fortune; but because in you I observ'd, one particular Excellency above all the rest, to be egregiously admit'd; I mean, a greater Courage always in Disaster, then in Prosperity. But this is still no more then what is yet more ma∣nifest from other men, who are tyr'd with applaud∣ing and admiring your Munificence, before you are weary of performing Deeds deserving Fame Im∣mortal. And I am firmly perswaded there is no∣thing so sublime or so profound, but what is with∣in the easy reach of your thoughts. Nor have I sent ye my Opinion and Judgment concerning the order∣ing of a Commonwealth, as having a higher conceit then becomes me of my Advice and Parts; but because I thought it necessary in the midst of Military Toyls, in the hurry of Battels, Victories and high Command, to retrieve back your thoughts, sometimes to the Consideration of Civil Affairs.

For if it be your only design to secure your Per∣son from the violence of your Enemies, or how to retain the favour of the People, that you may be able to cope with the Consul, you harbour thoughts unworthy of your Courage. But if your Magna∣nimity still continue such, as from the beginning disturb'd the Faction of the Nobility; recover'd the Roman People out of heavy Bondage into Li∣berty; that during your Pretorship, unarm'd and naked as you were, out-brav'd and daunted the insulting Fury of the Enemy; and both at home and abroad perform'd so many and such far fam'd Exploits, that your very Adversaries have nothing to object against ye but your Greatness; vouch∣safe to accept these few Notions of Mine, touch∣ing the Grand Concerns of the Commonwealth, which you will find to be true, or at least not far

remote from Truth. For since that Pompey either through oversight, or else because he car'd not what he did to obstruct your Proceedings, fell into such a Fatal Error, as to put Weapons into the hands of his Enemies, by the same means that he brought all things out of Order, the same Courses must you take to restore Tranquillity to the Com∣monwealth.

In the first place he resign'd his absolute Power of disposing of the Imperial Revenue, the Public Expences and the Penal Laws into the hands of a Few Senatours: but as for the Roman Commonalty, in whom the Supream Power was vested before, he left 'em without so much as the Relief of Common Justice. For Causes and Actions are still committed to the determination of the three Orders, yet the same small Number of Tyrants are above all, go∣vern all, place and displace as they think fit; They circumvent and oppress the Innocent; and ad∣vance their own Tools and Favourites to Honour. Neither Iniquity nor Scandal, nor the most hai∣nous of Crimes are any obstruction, to debar their assuming Offices of Trust and Dignity: Whatever is commodious and profitable they haul and tear away by violence: Lastly, as if the City were taken by Assault, absolute Will and licenci∣ous Domineering are the only Laws they will en∣dure. And yet it would not grieve me much thus servilely to be enthrall'd, according to their usual Practice, had they obtain'd the Victory by their Bravery and Valour. But it perplexes me to see the most sloathful among Mortals, all whose Vigor and Courage lies in their boasting Tongues, insolently exercising a Tyranny offer'd 'em by Chance, and through the Remissness of another. For what Civil Sedition and Dissention ever extirpa∣ted

so many and such Illustrious Families? Or whom did ever Victory so precipitate and render so e∣normously Outragious? L. Sylla, who had some pretence as a Victor, to plead the Laws of War in justification of his Cruelty, though he knew his Interest, could no way better be secur'd then by the Capital Punishment of his Enemies; yet after he had put some few to death chose rather to restrain the rest by Clemency then Fear. But now, besides Cato, L. Domitius and others of the same Faction, above Forty Senators, and many Young Gentle∣men of great Hopes have been slaughter'd like Victims on the Altar; and yet the most cruel of all Mankind, cannot be satiated with the Blood of so many miserable Fellow-Citizens. Neither Orphans, nor aged Parents, not the Moans of Men; nor the Lamentations of Women could mollify their inexorable Inhumanity: but every day more vio∣lent then other, and raging both in Word and Deed, some they degraded from their Dignities, while others were expell'd their Native Country. Nay what shall I say of You your self, whose ignomini∣ous fall the basest of Men, were it permitted 'em, would purchase with the loss of their own Lives? Whose Tyranny is not so great a Pleasure to 'em (though it befel 'em unexpected) as your high Dignity a Grief and Disturbance to their Minds. Men that would rather choose to bury their own Liberty in your Calamity, then that the Empire of the People of Rome should by your means of Glorious be made the most Glorious in the World: So much the more then it ought to be your daily care to fortify and establish your own Inte∣rest. For my part what my own thoughts are, I will not be afraid to utter: 'tis in your pru∣dence only to make Trial of what you think most probable and beneficial.

The City, according to what I have heard from my Ancestors, I take to be divided into two Parts; the Fathers, and the Common People. For∣merly the Chief Authority rested in the Fathers; but the greater Force by far was in the People. Thence frequent Secessions in the City, and still the Power of the Nobility lessen'd; but the Privileges of the People were enlarg'd. By that means the Commonalty liv'd in Freedom, because the Power of no Man was above the Law: the Noble surpass'd the ignoble not in Wealth or Pride, but in Repu∣tation and valiant Exploits. Every one alike hum∣ble at the Plough or in War, wanting nothing of honest and necessary accomodation, thought he had sufficient to serve himself, enough to serve his Country. But when expell'd by degrees from their Possessions, Laziness and Poverty compell'd 'em to seek uncertain Habitations, then they began to thirst after other Mens Estates, and to set to sale, both their Liberty and the Commonwealth. Thus insensibly the People, then the Lords of many Nati∣ons, dwindl'd into Contempt; and instead of Em∣pire in Common, every particular Person procur'd his own Slavery.

This Multitude therefore, first infected with ill Manners, then dispers'd into sundry Trades and Courses of Life, no way united among themselves, seems to Me by no means fit to manage the Commonwealth. But being intermixt with new Citizens, my mind gives me, that so, they may be all awaken'd and rouz'd up to Liberty; while the one would be careful to preserve their Free∣dom, the other glad to shake off the Fetters of their Servitude. These Citizens thus blended, old and new together, my Judgment is, you should distribute into Colonies. By which means your

Militia will become more Numerous, and the Common People, honestly employ'd, will forbear crowding after Mischief and Sedition.

But yet I am not ignorant, when this is put in Execution, what Storms and Tempests the Nobi∣lity will raise; how they will rage and clamour, that things are turn'd Topsie Turvy; that the antient Citizens are enslav'd; and lastly that there will be a change of the Government, from a Free State into a Monarchy, when by the favour of one single Person an infinite Multitude shall be admitted sharers of the City Privileges. However I am firmly convinc'd that he admits a wicked Crime into his Bosom, who to the disadvantage of the Public welfare strives for the favour of a Private Faction. More especially where the Public good redounds to particular Bene∣fit, to hesitate in such an Enterprize, I look upon to be the greatest mark of Sloath and Cowardice immaginable.

It was always the Design of M. Livius Drusus, in his Tribuneship, to contend with all his might, for the Nobility: nor did he intend at the be∣ginning to have acted any thing of Importance but in pursuance of their Decrees. But certain Factious Persons prizing Fraud and Malice above Honesty and Fidelity, when they understood that by the Means of one Person so great a Benefit would accrue to such a vast number of People, every one, Conscious to himself of his own wicked and Treacherous Disposition, had the same ill O∣pinion of Drusus as of themselves. Therefore afraid, least by so great a Favour he should get the sole Power into his hands, contriving all they could to hinder him, they broke the Neck of his and their own Designs together.

Therefore, Noble Emperor, 'tis your Business to make a more Industrious Provision of Friends and Guards, all Persons of approv'd Integrity. 'Tis no great difficulty for a Man of Courage and daring Boldness to suppress an Open Enemy; but the best of Men as they scorn the Contrivance, so are they less easily induc'd to suspect, and consequently shun occult and treacherous Stra∣tagems.

For this reason when you have introduc'd those new Members into the City, because the Commonalty will be then recall'd, study to your utmost the Introduction likewise of good and laudable manners; and by Concord to Unite the new and old together. But a far greater Benefit will accrue to your Country, your Citizens, your self, your Offspring, and lastly to all Man∣kind, if you can but quench that Immoderate Thirst of Gold, or at least abate it to that degree that the Season of Reformation will bear. Otherwise it will be impossible to regulate either private Misdemeanors or public Abuses, either at home or abroad. For where the raging Desire of Riches has once got Footing, neither Discipline, nor Vertuous Industry, nor Generous Ingenuity can ever Flourish; but early or late, at last the Soul will Flag, and Languish under the Burthen of loose Temptations.

I have often heard what Kings, what Cities and Nations once grown Opulent, have lost great Empires, which when Indigent, they won by their Courage: which is no Miracle at all. For when a stout man sees another weaker then himself more Illustrious for his Wealth; more cring'd to and courted, he's chaf'd at first; and with a thousand Agonies torments his mind:

At length, as every day more and more Desire of Glory vanquishes Honour, and Opulency over∣comes Vertue, the Mind revolts from Truth to Pleasure. For Glory is cherish'd by Industry; take that away, Vertue of it self, becomes bit∣ter and unpleasant. Lastly, where Riches are in high Esteem, all things good and sacred then are undervalu'd, Fidelity, Integrity, Shame and Mo∣desty. For to Vertue there's but one, and that a steep and rugged Passage: to Money, every Body chuses the Road that likes him best; for Wealths acquir'd as well by honest as by evil Practices.

Therefore in the first place take away the Repu∣tation and Authority of Money: for no Man will make a Judgment this or that way in Point of Life or Honour; when 'tis apparent that neither Pretors or Consul are created according to their wealth, but as they Merit. However in the choice of Magistrates let the Election of the People be free. Where the Judges are approv'd by few, it is an Argument of Royalty; to choose 'em for Mo∣ney, is dishonest. Wherefore I could wish that all the Judges were of the first Classis, but more in number then at this time. For neither the Rhodians nor any other Cities ever repented of their Deter∣minations, where Rich and Poor promiscuously, as they came into Court, debated as well the most Important as the slightest Affairs. But as to the Creation of Magistrates, I think I may without absurdity commend the Law, which C. Gracehus propounded to the People in his Tribuneship, that the Centuries should be summon'd out of the five Classes, without any premeditated Choice or Or∣der; by which means being alike equal in Dignity and Wealth, they would strive to excel one ano∣ther in Vertue; and these I deeme to be the chie∣fest

Remedies against Riches. For all things are applauded or desir'd, according to the Use which is made of those things: Rewards are the incen∣tives to Wickedness; take away the Hire, there's no Man will do an evil Act for nothing. But A∣varice is a Savage, cruel and intolerable Monster; wherer'e it bends its Bulky force, it tramples and lays waste whole Cities, Fields, Temples, Houses; turns all things both Divine and Humane into a Chaos and Confusion; neither Armies nor Walls can withstand its Fury: in a word it robs all Man∣kind of their Reputation, Chastity, Children and Parents. But take away the Glory of Money, and that impetuous Force of Avarice will soon be van∣quish'd by good Manners. And tho all Mortal men both just and unjust, know these things to be true, nevertheless you will have a sharp Combat with the Faction of the Nobility; whose Wiles and Stratagems if you can warily escape, the rest will succeed of course, according to your Wishes. For these Men, had they but so much Courage, would rather emulate, then envy the brave and generous. But being totally possessed with Idleness, Stupidity, and Cowardice, they make a noise, detract and look upon the Reputation of another to be their Disgrace. But wherefore should I make more words as if I spoke of Men that were unknown to the World? The Fortitude and Valour of M. Bi∣bulus made open way to the Consulship; one that scarce had the use of his Tongue; and for his Parts, more wicked then crafty. How far can such a one presume to dare, to whom the Consular Dig∣nity, the highest of Commands was but a meer Disgrace? Can greater Abilities be ascrib'd to L. Domitius, a Man that has not a Member, but what is contaminated with Villany and lascivious Intem∣perance?

A boasting Vain-glorious Tongue; Hands embru'd in Blood; Heels nimble and speedy in flight; besides his other Incontinences not pro∣per to be nam'd. Cato's the only Person among 'em, whose Parts are not to be contemn'd, a Craf∣ty, Talkative, Double-dealing Fox, the Effects of Grecian Education: but neither Industry, Vertue or Vigilancy are to be found among the Greeks. For can it be imagin'd, that they who have lost their Liberty through sloth at Home, should be a∣ble to instruct others to command? The rest of the Faction are a Crew of noble Drones; who Statue-like, besides the Name, can Challenge no∣thing else of worth but Form and Feature. L. Post∣humius, and M. Favonius seem to me like the su∣perfluous Lading of some great Fly-boat, which if the Vessel arrive safe in Harbour, may be some way useful, but in a Storm are the first undervalu'd things thrown over-board. And now, having thus far, to my own thinking, sufficiently discours'd the Point of renewing and reforming the Commonalty, I shall speak somewhat of what may seem proper to be done in reference to the Senate.

So soon as I grew Ripe in years and understan∣ding, I was not so much for Exercise of Arms, or managing of Horses, but rather for the studious part of Learning: that is to say, finding where my strength lay, I betook my self to the Labours of the Brain. During which retirement, by reading and hearing much, I found that all Kingdoms, Cities, Nations, were prosperous so long, and flourish'd in Command, while they were guided by True and uncorrupted Counsels: but that when those Coun∣sels came to be tainted once by Favour, fear or In∣terest, soon after their Power decay'd; in the next place, they lost their Dominion, and lastly were

enslav'd. And therefore 'tis my absolute Opini∣on, that whoever is advanc'd to a more Conspi∣cuous and Illustrious degree in his City, above all things, ought to be more especially careful of the public Welfare. For all the rest are only safe in their Liberty, so long as the City is secure: They who by their Vertue have acquir'd Riches, Honour, and Authority, when they perceive the Common-wealth in a declining Posture, they are presently alarm'd, and their restless Minds are vex'd with various Cares and Toyls: they are presently for defending their Honour, their Liber∣ty or their Estates: they bestir themselves, they are here and there, all in a hurry; The more they flourish'd in Prosperity, the more grievously and impatiently they brook Adversity. Therefore when the Commonalty obeys the Senate, as the Body sub∣mits to the Soul, and respectfully execute their Commands, it behoves the Fathers to be able in Councel; for subtilty and cunning are superfluous in the People. Our Ancestors therefore, when low reduc'd by dangerous and cruel Wars, after they had lost their Men, their Horses, and their Money, were never weary of contending with their Swords in their hands for the Empire. Neither want of Treasure, nor the prevailing Power of the Enemy, nor threatning Calamity could subdue their generous Courages, but that what they had won by their Valour they resolv'd to defend to the last drop of Blood. Which they did rather by sage and prudent Counsels, then fortunate in Bat∣tel. For among them there was but one Common∣wealth: for the Welfare of that they all consulted: Faction was contriv'd and sow'd among their Ene∣mies. All Men exercis'd their Bodies and their Wits for the good of their Country, not to ad∣vance their own private Interest.

But now the Case is alter'd; the Nobility, pos∣sess'd with sloth and Cowardice, knowing neither what Hardship, Enemies or Warfare mean, medi∣tating nothing but Faction at home, proudly Lord it over all the Nations. Thus the Fathers, by whose prudence the tottering Estate of the Com∣monwealth was formerly re-establish'd, now under Oppression, are driven fluctuating this way and that way, with the Tyrannick blasts of Will and Pleasure; sometimes they decree one thing, then another: as if they thought there were no other public Good or Evil, but what the private Grud∣ges or the Arrogancy of their Lords and Masters dictated. Whereas if all had equal Liberty, or the Decrees were render'd less Authentic: The Commonwealth would grow more powerful; the Nobility less potent. But because it is impossible to please all Men, or to level the Degrees of Qua∣lity and Birth, while the Nobility enjoy the Ac∣quists of their vertuous Ancestors, Honour, Dig∣nity and numerous Tenants; on the other side the multitude are for the most part ignorant and illi∣terate, let 'em be free in the Delivery of their Opinions. Thus the Power of others no way rea∣ching themselves, and consequently less discernable, will be the more easily brook'd. The good as well as the bad, the Coward and the Valiant, all are desirous of Liberty. But the more silly sort of Men, which are the greatest part, desert it out of Fear: and while the conflict is dubious, before the Victory be won, basely submit their Necks as vanquish'd to the Yoke of Servitude.

Therefore in my Opinion, there are two ways to restore the dignity of the Senate: First, that the num∣ber of Persons being augmented, they may be order'd

to deliver their Votes in * 1.12 Tables.

The Tables will be a means that every Man may be bold to use his Freedom: In multitude there will be more assurance, and ampler Benefit. For now adays it falls out so, that many being taken up in hearing public Controversies, others employ∣ed in soliciting their own and the private Affairs of their Friends, there are few that attend the Con∣cerns of the Public. Besides that many times it is not business so much, as the Commands of their domineering Superiours, which deter 'em from ma∣king their Appearances. The Grandees forsooth, with some few of the Senatorian Order, Chips of the same Block, They are the Men that whatso∣ere they please to approve, revoke, anull, decree, and then at Pleasure put in execution. But when after the number of the Senators shall be augmen∣ted, they shall be forc'd to give their Votes by Ta∣bles, you shall find they will lay their Loftiness a∣side, when they must be obedient to those, o'er whom before they Tyrannously domineer'd.

Perhaps, most noble Emperour, upon reading these Letters, you may desire to know, what num∣ber

of Senators I think sufficient, and how they may be distributed into sundry and various Em∣ployments; and because 'tis my Opinion that the Judgments of the first Classis ought to be abroga∣ted, what number of Judges, what Method of E∣lection may be most convenient? To every one of which particulars, it would be no difficult thing to return an Answer; but it behoves Us first to discharge our selves of the grand Concern of Coun∣sel, and to ascertain the Truth of what we have deliver'd in that Point. If you resolve to make use of this Method of proceeding; there will be little Difficulty in what comes after. 'Tis my de∣sire, that my Advice may be both wholsome and profitable. For then according to your Success my Reputation will extend it self. But that which I am much more zealous for at present is this; that the Commonwealth may be reliev'd and regula∣ted as soon as may be, let the Manner and the Methods be what they will, Liberty is that which I more highly prize then Honour. And there∣fore, most renowned Emperour, I beseech and beg it of ye, that since the Gallic Nation is so happily subdu'd, you will not suffer the mighty and invincible Empire of the Roman People to con∣sume away with Age, or by Discord and Dissenti∣on to be dissolv'd. For should that come to pass, assuredly nei∣ther Day or Night would ease the Anguish of your Mind; but still a restless Fury, that were would give ye leave to close your Eyes, would be the Tor∣ment of your latter days. For I am certainly * 1.13 convinc'd, that the Lives of all Mankind are

observ'd by the All-seeing Eye of the Divine Dei∣ty: that there is an account taken of all the good or evil Deeds of Men: and that naturally vari∣ous rewards attend the good and bad. Perchance they move with a slower pace; yet every man hopes according to his Conscience. Certainly had your Country and your Progenitors the Liberty to discourse ye, they would use no other then these Expressions. Oh Caesar, we most valiant Men be∣gate thee in a most noble City, to be to Us our Honour and Protection, a terrour to our Enemies. What we, with many Hardships and Dangers won, that we deliver'd to thee as soon as born, to∣gether with thy Life; the most renowned Coun∣try upon Earth; the most illustrious Family in all that Country: a vertuous Education, and Riches honestly obtain'd: moreover all the Dignities of Peace, and the rewards of War.

For these most extraordinary Kindnesses we do not require from thee, any Act of Lewdness or Im∣piety; but to restore our Liberty subverted. Which being once perform'd, the Renown of thy Vertue will swiftly fly through all the habitable World. For as yet, tho thy Atchievments have been famous both in Peace and War, however thy Glo∣ry is but equal with that of many other illustri∣ous Persons. But if thou dost restore almost from utter Ruin, a City the most celebrated for its Name and large extent of Empire, who will be more renown'd, who more illustrious upon Earth? But if otherwise it befal this Empire through thy lingring Sickness or Death, who so stupid not to dread the Devastations, Wars and Slaughters that will ravage all the Nations of the World.

Thus if you have an honest Intention to gratifie your Country and your Ancestors, succeeding

Ages enjoying the fruits of your Labours, and li∣ving in Peace and Liberty, will pay their acknow∣ledgments to Your Vertue, and your Death will prove far more Illustrious then your Life, For the Living sometimes Fortune, sometimes Envy worries; but when Life has paid the debt of Nature, Detraction ceasing, Vertue more and more exalts it self. And thus what I thought ne∣cessary to be done, and advantageous to Your self as briefly as was possible, I have laid open; be∣seeching the Immortal Gods, that whatsoever course you take, all your endeavours may be Crown'd with prosperous Success for your own good and the welfare of the Public.

The Declamation of C. Crispus Salustius a∣gainst M. Tullius Cicero.

I should not easily be induc'd to brook thy scurril∣lous Reproaches. Marcus Tullius, if I thought it were not rather the distemper of thy Mind, then thy Judgment that provok'd thee to this Petulant Hu∣mor. However, because I find, thou hast neither Moderation nor Modesty, I will vouchsafe thee an Answer; to the end that if thou hast taken any Pleasure in Obloquy, thou maist be quit of it, by being sharply told thy own. Where shall I complain? To whom shall I make my Moan, most noble Conscript Fathers; that the Commonwealth is rent in pieces, and obnoxious to the Treachery of every Audacious Sycophant? Must it be to the People of Rome so corrupted with Bribes and Ex∣hibitions, that they put both themselves and all their Fortunes to Sale? Or to you, most noble

Conscript Fathers, whose authority is the scorn of every lewd and wicked Rakeshame? More especially when M. Tullius defends the Laws and Judicial Pro∣ceedings of the Roman People, and Governs in this Se∣nate, as if he were a Branch of the Renowned Scipio Africanus, and not an Upstart, an Inn-mate, and but lately admitted to the Privileges of this City. Thinkst thou, Marcus Tullius, thy Words and Acti∣ons are unknown to the World? Hast thou not so liv'd from thy Childhood, as not to believe any thing a Defilement to thy Body, which another took delight in? Did it not cost thee the loss of thy Chastity to learn that Scolding Eloquence of thine from M. Piso? No wonder then that thou putst it as ignominiously to sale, as thou didst lewdly pur∣chase it. But I am apt to believe, thy Domestic Splendor elevates thy Thoughts: Thy Sacrilegious Wife, besmear'd with Perjury: Thy Daughter a Whore, that goes snips with her Mother, more gamesom and obedient, then is decent, to a Fa∣ther: Thy House thou gottest by Violence and Rapine, fatal to thee and thine; as if it were to let us understand, how strangely this City is ran∣vers'd, while thou the most vile of Men, Usurp'st the Habitation of M. Crassus, once a Consular Person.

Which being so, yet Cicero makes his Braggs, that he hath sate in Council with the Immortal Gods; and thence that he was hither sent a Guar∣dian, and Protector of the City; not to give him the Title of Hangman, who derives his Glory from the Public Calamity: as if thy Consulship were not the Cause of that Conspiracy; and the Commonwealth half ruin'd, when she had Thee for her Preserver.

But perhaps those things advance thee more,

which in Consultation with thy Wife Terentia, af∣ter thy Consulship, were acted by thee for the Public good: when at home ye contriv'd the Judge∣ments of thy * 1.14 Plautian Law; condemning some of the Conspirators to death; and fining others. When one built up the Tusculanum for thee, another the Pompeian Country Palace; another purchas'd thee a City House. But he that could do nothing, he was sure to be accus'd; ether he came to storm thy House; or he had plotted to Murder the Senate; in short, thou hadst evidence enough against him. If I accuse thee falsely, give an account how thou cam'st by such an Estate; what were thy Gettings by bawl∣ing and wrangling at the Bar? where thou hadst the Money to erect those sumptuous Edifices, the Tusculanum, and the Pompeianum? Or if thou hast nothing to say, who can be so silly as to doubt, thou didst rake thy Wealth out of the Blood and Bowels but of thy fellow Citizens?

But perhaps this Upstart of Arpinum, descended from the Family of C. Marius, imitates his Courage; contemns the private grudges of the Nobility; takes care of the Roman People neither terrify'd by Threats; nor coax'd with Favour. But is this an Argument of his Amity and Verture? A very pro∣bable Story: the most inconstant of Men, a Crin∣ger to his Enemies, contumelious to his Friends; sometimes of this, sometimes of that side; faithful to no body; a Shuttlecock of a Senator; a Mer∣cinary Patron; no part of whose Body is free from the Contamination of Lewdness: a vain Tongue, rapacious Hands, an Abyss like Throat, and speedy

Heels to run for his Life: qualities so lewd, that 'tis a shame to name 'em. Yet being such as we have here describ'd him, this very Man is not asham'd to boast and cry

O Fortunate Rome, re-born when I was Consull

Fortunate when thou wert Consul, Cicero! rather unhappy and miserable, which suffer'd the most cruel Proscription of her Citizens; when thou, in the Distractions of the Commonwealth, constrai∣ned'st all good Men, dismay'd with fear to obey thy Tyranny; when all Penal proceedings, all the Laws were in thy hands; when after thou hadst abrogated the Porcian Law, and made a Rape upon our Liberty, Thou hadst assum'd to thy self the Power of all our Lives and Deaths.

But 'tis not enough that thou hast done what thou hast done unpunish'd; thou put'st us always in Mind of it; and throwest it in our Teeths: we are not permitted to forget our Slavery. Prethee, Good Circero, be contented with what thou hast acted; Pride thy self in what thou hast accom∣plish'd: 'tis enough that we have been the sufferers. But why shouldst thou still load our Ears with what we hate, thy odious Name? Wilt thou persecute us with thy presumptuous surquedry?

Arms yield to Gowns, and Lawrels to the Tongue.

As if thou hadst perform'd those things of which thou boasts, not arm'd, but with thy hands in thy Gown sleeves; or that there were any difference between thee and Sylla the Dictator, but only the Title of Command.

But why should I talk any more of thy Insolence?

whom Minerva instructed in all the Sciences, the Mighty Jupiter admitted into the Council of the Gods; and Italy when banish'd, brought back upon her Shoulders. I beseech thee, dear Romulus of Arpi∣num, who hast surmounted in Valour all the Pau∣lus's, Fabius's, and Scipio's, what Office dost thou hold in this City? what Faction Suits with thy Humour best? What Friends, what Enemies hast thou? The lewdest in the City are thy Friends, thy Enemies all those that love the Commonwealth. The Persons, whom fain thou would'st have be∣tray'd in the City, thou courtest like a Courtesan. Else, returning out of Exile from Dyrrachium, wherefore didst thou follow them? They who were Tyrants formerly, their Grandeur now delights thee: They who were thy Patriots before, are now Mad-men, and Lunaticks. Thy Tongue is oyl'd for Vatinius: Sextius is a Knave. Thou mak'st nothing, sawcily to wound the Reputation of Bibulus: but Caesar's extoll'd. Him whom thou couldst have eaten once, obsequiously now thou fawn'st upon. Thou think'st one thing sitting, another standing; of the Commonwealth: a Hair∣brain'd Fugitive, that knows not where to put his Confidence.

The END.

Notes

• * 1.1

  In Latin Inter∣rex, who was a great Officer crea∣ted by the Romans in troublesom Times when the Grand E∣lections could not proceed through the Sickness or Re∣bellion of the Consul: whose Dignity lasted only five days, at the end of which he surrendred his Dignity to another.
• a 1.2

  Parts of Ca∣taloma.
• b 1.3

  Now Xucar.
• c 1.4

  Duero.
• * 1.5

  If the Talents were of Silver, it makes the sum one Million two hundred and fifty thousand pound Ster∣ling: if of Gold, Four hundred and fifty hundred thou∣sand pound.
• * 1.6

  Now Scutari by Constantinople.
• * 1.7

  Now Penderachi under the Dominion of the Turks.
• a 1.8

  The Royal Seat of Mithridates of which there re∣mains no footstep at this time.
• * 1.9

  Contrary to the Opi∣nion of Lucan and Cicero, who say that Pompey had a good Cause, but that For∣tune and the Gods were against him.
• * 1.10

  For Caesar wit∣nesses, that in Pom∣pey's Camp the Tents of the Cap∣tains were spread with Persian Car∣pets and great Cup∣boards of Plate expos'd to view, That the Pavilions of Lentulus and others were cover'd with Ivy; perfect demonstrations of their Luxury and confidence of Victory.
• * 1.11

  Which occasion'd that terrible Sedi∣tion in Germany, mention'd by Ta∣citus in the first of his Annals.
• * 1.12

  Of these Tables two were to be given to every Sena∣tor; in the one of which were written these two Letters U. R. or, Let it be as you ask: in the other a great Roman A. They that lik'd the Decree threw into a little Chest for that purpose the first Tablet; they that dislik'd it the latter with the A. that is, Antiquo, I deny it. The Tables thus cast in were number'd, which and which, and then the difference of both sides set down in another void Table in little Pricks or Dots: Thus neither could any Man recal his Vote; nor could it be known who was for or against the Decree.
• * 1.13

  Some think these Exhortations of Salust to Caesar, proceeded from his believing him ad∣dicted to the Epicu∣rean Sect, as Cato seems to inimate in his Speech against Catiline.
• * 1.14

  Which enacted the choice of Judges from among the Com∣mon People, fifteen out of every Tribe.