All the works of that famous historian Salust Containing, I. The conspiracy and war of Cataline, undertaken against the government of the senate of Rome. [2]. The war which Jugurth for many years maintained against the same state. With all his historical fragments. Two epistles to Cæasar concerning the institution of a common-wealth and one against Cicero: with annotations. To which is prefixt the life of Salust. Made English according to the present idiom of speech.

ALL THE WORKS OF THAT Famous Hi&s;torian SALUST.

Containing, 1. The Conspiracy and War of CATALINE, undertaken against the Government of the SENATE of Rome. 2. The War which JUGURTH for many years maintained against the same STATE. With all his HISTORICAL FRAGMENTS. TWO Epistles to CAESAR concerning the Institu∣tion of a COMMON-WEALTH and one a∣gainst CICERO: With Annotations. To which is prefixt the Life of SALƲST.

Made English according to the present Idiom of Speech.

Printed for R. Wilde, at the Map of the World in St. Paul's Church-Yard. 1692.

[illustration] portrait of Sallust

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To the READER.

AMong the several Histories that Salustwrote when living, by which he acquir'd the Title of Prince of Historians, there are none that have reach'd our times entire, nor many Ages before, but only the Conspiracy of Catiline,and the War of Jugurth. The rest were stifl'd, as some conjecture, by the Admirers of Cicero and Livy, Mortal Enemies to the Fame of Crispus. The Orations also in his Fragments and his two Epistles to Caesar are without all doubt his own; So that there is nothing to be question'd but his Declamati∣on against Cicero. Yet that stands fair too in the O∣pinion of Jerom and Fabius. But let the Ni∣cer Criticks dispute that point; certain it is, that Salustis one of the greatest LatinAuthors Extant, both for Stile and Language. Of whom Quinti∣lian says, That Livy was fitter to be read by Boys, then Salust,as being the Nobler Historian of the two, whom rightly to understand both Age and Judge∣ment were requir'd. Conformable to which, L. Vivesspeaking of this Fam'd Historian, Salustsays He, the most florid Writer of theRoman Atchieve∣ments, is very frequently thumb'd by School∣boys, but in my Opinion much more deserves to be handl'd by Men of riper years and un∣derstanding.

There are two things, for which Salustis ap∣plauded and admir'd above all others, except Thu∣cidides

of whom he was an imitator; Fidelity and Conciseness. As to the first, Vibius Sequester and St.Jerome gave him the Encomiums of Autor Certissimus; and St.Austinstiles him an Histo∣rian of ennobl'd Truth.

His Conciseness and the Gravity of his Sentences acquir'd him by the unanimous consent of all the Learned Men of Martial's Time, to be Romana Primus in Historia: and Quintillian affirms the Salustian Brevity to be such, that nothing can be more perfect to a Learned Ear.

Nevertheless, and altho' these curtail'd Senten∣ses, these unexpected Cadences of Periods, this ob∣scure brevity of Salust, might well be apprehended and understood by them whose mother Language was the Latine Tongue, yet they that are not accustom'd to the natural Idiom of any Speech, will find it a hard task to unravel the Sence of Sentences including much in little. As if these Mystic Authors made it their strife to imitate Nature, that holds her most precious Treasures in the Earth, to make us delve and labour before we can come at 'em. And therefore I cannot chuse but laugh at those who tell me 'tis an easy thing to Translate Salust, Trans∣late! there's no such thing to be done. For to Translate him word for word into English, were to set the two Languages together by the Ears: You may as well make Brains and Stairs to Rime, as make that sense in English which is sence in the Origi∣nal. As may be seen by those Hide-bound Trans∣tionss

of Heywood and Cross; especially the latter; so pitiful, that the very Ribbs of verbal Deformity appear through the slender skin of the Translation: especially when they come to the knotty Orations and Moral Excursions of their Au∣thor. For his compacted Latin is like a solid piece of Gum that must be melted into English Phrase, before it will dlate it self.

But nothing plagu'd me more then to observe that insipid clutter which that impertinent and trifling Chiurm of Pedants make, that call them∣selves Expositors: a sort of Pismires, whose la∣borious toyl produces nothing but the most Chaffy and Husky part of all Learning. They fill the Text with Stars and little Letters; but when you think to meet with a Clue to guide ye through the Labyrinth of the Obscurity; Heavens! How your expectations are deceiv'd! There's nothing but a scuffle about the Genitive or the Ablative case, whether Locupletum or Locupletium; whether Locupleti or Locuplete; whether ac or et. When you look for the unravelling of a dark sen∣tence, Satis, cries Thomas a Didimus, is absent in four Manuscripts. Apage At, cries another in great Wrath: another as furiously sends Que to the Gallows, or to use their own words, ad Ge∣monias Scalas. Another storms, and says it must be written Plancia and not Plautia with a Dipthong: another will have it right or wrong ab Numidis, and not a Numidis; another tho' it

cost him a fall will have it Arteis and not Artes; Omneis and not Omnes. Another finds that his changing ne into nec will do the business, and then he crows out like a Cock of the Game, Heu∣reca, Heureca, as if he had made a new discovery of a Fifth part of the Earth: with a thousand more such Fopperies as these. As if it were not better to cite the variations of Manuscripts, for others to make a judicious choice, or else to be careful in Correcting the truest Edition, without such a deal of triffling Ostentation, and bringing all the Old Roman Engines upon the Stage of an Annotation to defend an Autem or an Etiam, in hazard of Eternal Ex∣tirpation, All this while not a word of the Authors meaning: not the least Dark-lanthorn Light into the Obscurity of the Sence. Besides when that there is a gapp indeed, there like Hounds at a fault, they sinell about, and snuff up their Noses i'th Air, but all to no purpose; they are got into a Wood, and the Game is lost.

Thus finding little aid from them, after a more serious Study and Meditation I found Salust to be the best Expounder of himself: only that it would take up a little more Time and Industry. Both which produc'd at length this new Attempt to make the choicest of the Latine Historians more mode∣rately familiar with the English Tongue. Wherein however I do not think my self so absolute, but that I am ready to submit to any other, who may think to gain a better Credit by correcting what I have done amiss.

The Life of C. Salustius Crispus.

C. Salustius Crispus (not to trifflle as Vossius and others do, whether Salustius were spelt with a double or single L) was born at Amiternum (formerly a Great City of the Sa∣bines; now S^to Victorino a smallage in that part of Italy called La Sabina) the next year after Catullus was born at Verona, or the same Year that Athens was taken and Sack'd by Sylla's Army.

He was descended of the Noble Family of the Salustii, which for a long series of years re∣tain'd the splendor of its antient Dignity. It is by all allow'd that from his Childhood he had his Education in Rome, and that his Genius led him to the milder Studies of the Liberal Arts. But hapning to live in those unfortunate times of Faction and Popular siding, when Vertue and Learning wanted their due Encouragements (His Inclinations being deprav'd in a City so corrupted) he was easily vanquish'd by voluptuous Allurements. So that being call'd to public Employment, so soon as his years render'd him capable of it, he suffer'd many Misfortunes, through the Iniquity of the Times; in regard the Commonwealth was then turmoyl'd and beset with Sylla's Party.

However this is certain that Salust had a rea∣dy Wit, and was well versed in all kind of Learn∣ing, though his chiefest Excellency lay in writing History. Wherein he was much beholding to Atteius Philologus the Grammarian, who fur∣nish'd him with an Epitome of all the Roman Atchievements to pick and choose what he pleas'd himself.

He was a Tribune of the People the same year that Clodius was slain by Milo, Seven hundred and two from the building of the City; at what time Pompey the Great was Consul alone for several Months without any Collegue. In that Tri∣buneship, wherein hs got no repute at all, he was a great Enemy as well to Cicero as Milo; for that being taken with Fausta, the Daughter of L. Sylla, he was order'd to be well scourg'd by Milo; and not so discharg'd neither, till he had paid a sum of Money. For which Gellius brings the Testimony of M. Varro, in a Book which he Entitled de Pace. And several other Authors, among the rest the Author of the Invectives a∣gainst Salust ascrib'd to Cicero, says, That he was expell'd the Senate for his Fornications and Adulteries, by Appius Claudius Pulcher, and L. Calpurnius Piso, then Censors in the year from the City built 703. Of which expulsion Dio likewise makes mention. Suetonius also in his Book of the Famous Grammarians, relates how

he was Lampoon'd by Leneus the Enfranchiz'd Bondman of Pompey the Great, who never scrupl'd to call him Glutton, Whoremaster, Var∣let and Debauchee; a Monster of Contrarieties in his Life and Writings: In Confirmation of which, Lactantius says of him, That he was a slave to his Lusts, and defil'd his own Sentences by the wickedness of his Life. So hard a thing it is for a Man to say well and do well.

However by the favour of Julius Caesar, when he came to have the Power in his own hands, he recover'd his Senatorian Dignity, was made Questor; and then Pretor; in which Em∣ployment he was commanded by Caesar, then bound for Africa against Scipio, to sail with part of his Navy to the Island of Cercina, to fetch Corn. Afterwards, when Juba was kill'd, and his Kingdom reduc'd into a Province, Caesar left him with an Army Proconsul or Deputy Lieu∣tenant of Numidia; where, by Peeling and Polling the Country, he so well lin'd his Coffers, that he bought a whole Forum or Market-place in Rome, where now stands the Temple of Sta Susanna; The Village of Tiburtum, and those Gardens which still to this day retain the Name of Salustian. Caesar forgave him his depredation; but he could never wipe of the Ignominy of being so sharp a Re∣prover

of other Men's failings, who was so Vi∣cious himself.

He Marry'd Terentia, Cicero's Wife, after her being Divorc'd from her Husband; and at the Age of threescore Years, some say threescore and two, died presently after the Murder of his Pa∣tron, Julius Caesar; and was Buried in the same place where he was Born; leaving behind him those living Monuments, that will preserve his Memory so long as Learning endures.

THE WAR OF CATALINE, BY Caius Sallustius Crispus.

IT behoves all Men that labour to ex∣cel all other Creatures, to make it their chief Endeavour not to wast their Lives in Silence like the Brute Beasts, form'd by Nature prone to the Earth, and only Slaves to their Bellies. But our whole strength and vigor is sòated as well in the Mind as in the Body. We make more use of the command of the Mind than of the service of the Body.

The one we share with the Gods, the other is common to us with the Beasts. Whence it appears to be a nobler way to purchase glory rather by our Ingenuity, than our Strength of Body; and because the life it self which we enjoy is but of short conti∣nuance, to render our Memories the long∣est that we can. For the Spendor of Form and Riches is frail and transitory; but Vertue is accounted Illustrious and Eternal. 'Tis true the Contest has been long among Mortals which most prevail'd in War, vigor of Mind, or strength of Body. For first, before we begin, it be∣hoves us to consult, and after delibera∣tion, nothing more requisite than speedy Execution. Thus both defective of them∣selves, the one becomes effectual by the assistance of the other. Therefore at the beginning Kings (for that was the first Ti∣tle of Soveraign Dignity upon Earth) pre∣dominant in several places, some made use of their Parts and Ingenuity, others exercis'd their Bodies. Then also was the Life of Man without Ambition; while every one was pleas'd with what himself enjoy'd. But after that in Asia Cyrus, in Greece the Lacedaemonians and Athenians, began to subdue Cities and Nations, that

they made Ambition of Dominion the cause and foundation of War; and mea∣sur'd the extent of Glory by the spacious∣ness of their Territories, then Danger and Business taught the world that War was chiefly manag'd by Wit and Ingenuity. So that if the Vertue and Magnanimity of Kings and Emperors were alike in Peace as in War, Human Affairs would be less subject to inconstancy; nor should we see such Changes, such Revolutions, nor such Topsy Turvies in the world. For Empire is easily preserv'd by the Arts, by which it was at first acquir'd. But when Sloth, instead of Industry; when Ambition and Pride, instead of Equity and Modera∣tion, invaded once the Breasts of Men, then their Fortune with their Customs underwent a universal change. Thus is Empire always translated to every one that is most excellent from the Inferiour and less Brave. The toyls of Plowing, hazards of Navigation, and expence of Building, all submit to Vertue, as being obedient to her Instigations. But many Men addicted to Luxury and Sleep, Illi∣terate and void of Education, consume their Lives like Travellers upon the Road; to whom, quite contrary to Nature, their

Body is a Pleasure, but their Soul a Bur∣den. Now their living and their dying, I look upon to be the same, as being both buried in Silence. But he it is, who seems to me to live and enjoy a Soul, who finding himself employment, labours for the Fame of some great Action, or some noble Sci∣ence. Though in such a vast variety of busi∣ness, Nature chalks out distinct and various Roads for differing Undertakers. Among the rest 'tis highly Commendable to act well for the Common-wealth; nor is it ab∣surd to speak well in its Honour; for thus may Fame be purchas'd both in Peace and War; since many are applauded that acted themselves, and many that wrote the Atchievements of others. And for my own part, although I never thought the same Renown attended the Writer as the Ac∣complisher of great Affairs, yet it seems to be no such easy task to commit to writing Public and Memorable Transactions. First because that Deeds require Words to equal their Grandeur: for that most People believe the Reprehensions of Crimes and Miscarriages, to be the Reprimands of Envy or Ill will: where the Author insists upon the Vertue and Honour of good Men, there, whatever every one deems

easily perform'd he patiently endures; but whatever is extraordinary, that he ac∣counts as Fiction. For my part from my youth, my Inclinations carry'd me to Public Affairs, where I met with many Crosses and Obstructions of Misfortune. For Modesty, Abstinency and Vertue were over rul'd by Insolence, Profuseness and Avarice. Which though my disposition abhor'd, as unaccustom'd to the Practices of Evil, yet among so many Vices, my weak and tender Age could not resist the strong Corruptions of Ambition. And though averse to the lewd Customs of the Age, yet the same Ambition tormented me as well as others, with thirst of Fame and envy'd Greatness. Therefore, when after many Miseries and Dangers, my thoughts came once to be at Rest, and that I had resolv'd to spend the Remain∣der of my days remote from Business, my Intentions were not to consume a happy leasure in Sloth and Vanity, nor to waste my time upon those meaner and more servile Employments of Husbandry and Hunting; but returning to the same de∣signs and purposes, from whence unruly Ambition had before withdrawn me, I de∣termin'd briefly to write the several

Transactions and Atchievements of the Roman People, as they occurr'd most worthy the Remembrance of Posterity: So much the rather, as knowing my self no way engag'd by Hope or Fear, nor any way byass'd by prejudice or Interest. In pursuance of which Determination I shall endeavour a concise, and to the utmost of my Ability, a sincere Relation of Cata∣line's Conspiracy. For that same perpe∣trated Act of Villany do I esteem most Memorable, as well for the novelty of the Crime as of the Danger. Of the Man∣ners and Inclinations of which Person it will be expedient in the first place, to give a short Accompt before I begin my Relation.

L. CATALINE, descended of a Noble Family, was a Person of Great Strength and Vigour both of Body and Mind; but of an Evil and Vicious Disposition. From his early Adolescency nothing was more grateful to him than Civil War; Slaughter, Rapine and Domestic Discord were the Pastimes of his Youth. He had a Body enur'd to Hunger, Cold, and want of Sleep be∣yond Belief. Daring beside, and Crafty, Inconstant, able to counterfeit and dis∣semble

what he pleas'd himself; greedy of other Mens Proprieties, Prodigal of his own; Ardent in his Desires, and Burning in his Lusts; sufficiently Eloquent, but his stock of Prudence very small; A vast Mind that always Thirsted after things Exorbitant, In∣credible, and two High above his Reach. This Man, after the Domination and Tyranny of L. Sylla, nothing would satis∣fie but an unreasonable desire of invading the Common-weal. Nor by what means he might obtain it, so he might grasp a Kingdom to himself, did he at all regard or value. But every day his Thoughts were more and more tur∣moyl'd, himself grown wild through his Domestic Wants, and the Guilt of his Crimes. Both which he had accu∣mulated by his Deprav'd and Vicious Life, augmented moreover by the cor∣rupted Customs of the City; which two the worst Distempers of a Common-wealth, and most directly opposite one to another, Luxury and Avarice, in∣fected at that time. For which reason, the Subject it self seems to require, since opportunity has put us in mind of the Vices of the City, to go a little Back,

and take a short view of the Constitutions of our Ancestors; after what manner they govern'd the Common-wealth, how they left it, and how being alter'd by Degrees, from most beautiful and fa∣mous, it became deformed and flagi∣tious.

The City of ROME, as I have gather'd from Tradition, at first the Trojans built and then possess'd; who un∣der the Conduct of Eneas, Fugitives from their native Country, wander'd up and down without any certain Habitati∣ons; with whom also join'd the original Off-spring of the Land; a savage sort of People, living at their full swinge of Li∣berty and Licence without Laws or Government. These after they were muster'd together within the same Walls, of differing Race, and different Language both, and no less different in their Manners and Ceremonies of living, incredible it is to think how easily they embody'd. But when their Power, enlarg'd with Number of Citi∣zens, with Constitutions and Extent of Territory, began to seem sufficiently prosperous and prevalent, as generally it happens among Mortals, Envy

sprung from Opulency. The neigh∣bouring Princes and States disturb'd 'em with Invafions; few of their friends would stir to their Relief; the rest dis∣may'd with fear kept far enough from danger. The Romans therefore sedulous at home and no less diligent abroad, make hast, prepare, encourage one ano∣ther; march forth to meet the Enemy, and with their Arms protect their Liberty, their Country and their Aged Parents. Afterwards, when they had foyl'd all Danger, and repell'd it from their own Walls, they lent their Succour to their friends and Allies; and establish'd Amity and Leagues among the neighbours more by giving than receiving benefits. Legitimate was their Form of Gover∣ment; and the Title of their Form was Regal. Certain Persons selected, whose bodies were infirm with years, but active Brains were vigorous in wisdom, con∣sulted for the Common Good; who either for their Age, or the Resemblance of their Cares, were call'd Fathers. Af∣terwards, when Regal Dominion, made choice of at the beginning for the preser∣vation of Liberties, and enlarging the Territories of the Common-wealth, dege∣nerated

into Pride and Tyranny, changing their Custom, they set up An∣nual Governments, and became subject to two Supream Commanders. For by that means they thought to prevent the Pride of Dignity from growing too exorbitant. But at that time every one began to advance himself more and more, and to shew the sharpness of his Wit upon all Occasions. For Kings are still more jealous of the vertuous than the wicked; and always that vertue which displays it self in others is most formidable. But the City, so soon as once it had recover'd its Liberty, incre∣dible it is to think how suddenly in grew into Renown; such was the universal desire of Fame and Glory. Immediate∣ly the Youth of the City were no sooner able to endure the Hardships of War, but in the Camp continual La∣bour taught 'em the practice of Military Discipline; while their delight was only in their burnish'd Armour, and their Warlike Steeds, contemning Effeminate Lewdness and Voluptuous Riot. To such men therefore Labour was no unusual thing, not any Cliff seem'd steep and rugged, nor armed Enemy frightful:

their vertue subdu'd all things; while the chiefest Contests among them were only for Fame and Honour. Every one hasten'd to give his Enemy the first Blow; to scale the Wall, and be conspi∣cuous in the Action. In such Atchieve∣ments they plac'd their chiefest Riches, their greatest Honour, and most Illu∣strious Nobility. Covetous of Ap∣plause they were, but liberal of their Money; Vast Fame, but moderate Wealth was their desire. I could call to mind in what pitch'd Fields the Ro∣man People with a small handful of Men have over-thrown most nume∣rous Armies of their Enemies; what Cities Fortifi'd by Nature they have wrested from the Defendants by bare fighting, but that I fear so great a Task would draw me too far from my design. Nevertheless Fortune assuredly prevails in every thing, she Celebrates or Ecclipses all things more according to her own will and pleasure than adhering to truth. The Actions of the Athenians were suf∣ficiently great and magnificent, in my Opinion; however somewhat less than Fame reports 'em. But in regard that there it was so many Writers flourish'd,

matchless for their Ingenuity, the Athe∣nian Atchievements are those which are celebrated above all others over all the World. And the Vertue and Courage of those that perform'd those great Actions are deem'd to be as great as those high soaring Wits had with their Elo∣quence extoll'd 'em to be. But the People of Rome had never that abun∣dance, because that the most prudent were still most publickly engag'd: no man exercis'd his Wit without his Body; every one chose rather to act than speak; and that his deeds of Merit should rather be applauded by others, than that he should be the magnifier of other Men's Exploits. And therefore both in Peace and War good Customs were religiously observ'd. There was most of Unity, the least of Avarice. Right and Justice a∣mong them prevail'd by Nature more than through the Terrour of the Law. Their Quarrels, their Discords and their Contentions were only with their Ene∣mies; Citizen with Citizens contested only for preheminence in vertue: Mag∣nificent in their Adoration of the Gods, thrifty in their Houses, and faithful to their Friends. By these two never fail∣ing

means, in War by daring Boldness, and when at Peace by Justice, they pre∣serv'd both themselves and the Common-weal. Of all which things I have these signal Proofs to produce, for that in War, they more severely punish'd those, who disobedient to command adventur'd to fight the Enemy, or latest left the field when order'd to retreat, than such as durst forsake their Colours, or give ground to their Adversary. On the other side, in Peace they rather chose to oblige by beneficial Indulgence, than constrain by Fear: and having receiv'd an Affront they rather chose to pardon than to pro∣secute.

Thus while the Common-wealth en∣larg'd it self by Labour and Justice, Kings vastly Potent were subdu'd by War, Barbarous and Populous Nations were tam'd by Force: Carthage jealous of the Roman Empire was utterly ruin'd; All Seas and Continents lay open; Fortune seem'd to rage and ranverse all the world. They who had undergone all sorts of Labour, Dangers, Hardships and Uncertainties of chance, Leasure and Riches so much desir'd by others, to them were but a Burthen and Affliction.

First therefore Thirst of Money, then of Rule encreas'd. They, were the Materials of all ensuing mischiefs: for Avarice sub∣verted Fidelity, Probity, and all other vertuous Practices: in stead of these it taught 'em Pride, Cruelty, to neglect the Gods, and to put all things to Sale. On the other side Ambition enslav'd her Captives to Treachery; to conceal one thing within their breasts, and utter quite the contrary with their Tongues: to estimate friendship and hatred not as they are in themselves, but according to the dictate of Interest: and to carry rather an honest Countenance than an honest In∣tention. These things at first insensibly grew up, and sometimes were punish'd. But when the Contagion once began to spread, the face of the whole City was alter'd, and that Government which was the justest and the best, became not only Cruel but intolerable. But first of all Ambition more than Avarice employ'd the thoughts of Men. A Vice that ap∣proaches the nearest of the two to Ver∣tue. For that the sedulous and slothful are equally covetous of Glory, Honour, and Dominion. However the one takes the Right Course to obtain his lawful

ends; the other wanting vertuous means, by fraud and treachery aspires to what he never deserv'd. Avarice, Toiles and La∣bours after Money; of which no wise man ever coveted the Superfluity. That Vice, envenom'd as it were with poison∣ous mixtures, effeminates the body and the Masculine Soul of all Mankind: 'tis al∣ways unlimited and insatiable; neither does abundance or penury exhaust it.

But after L. Sylla, having by force of Arms laid violent hands upon the Com∣mon-weal, turn'd good beginnings into ruinous events, then there was nothing but rending and tearing; one must have a House, another Lands; the Victours observ'd no bounds, no moderation, but fowl and hainous were there Cruelties to their fellow Citizens. To which we may add, that L. Sylla, contrary to the Custom of our Ancestors, oblig'd the Army which he had Commanded in Asia, thereby to render it more affectionate and faithful to his Interest, by a Toleration of all man∣ner of Luxury, Debauchery; and the delightful Quarters where they wallow'd in pleasure and ease, had soon softn'd the fierce and martial Dispositions of the Souldiery. And then it was that the Ro∣man

Army first began to be in Love, to drink, to admire Pictures and emboss'd Goblets of Gold and Silver, to commit public and private Robbery, to Plunder the very Temples, and to Pollute all things both sacred and Prophane. There∣fore those Souldiers, after they had once obtain'd the Victory, left nothing remain∣ing for the vanquish'd: For Prosperous success never leaves tyring out the Minds of wisest men with her Importunities, least they themselves, their Manners being cor∣rupted, should moderate their Con∣quests, or know which way to consult for the best.

When Opulency thus began to be in high Esteem, and that Renown, Domini∣on, Power attended upon Riches; Ver∣tue began to grow Numb and Stupid, Poverty to be derided, and Innocence to be taken for Ill will. Therefore from the Source of Riches, Luxury and Avarice together with immoderate Pride first as∣sail'd the Roman Youth. And then their business was to catch and snatch, con∣sume, despise their own and covet other Men's; to cast off shame and modesty, make no distinction of Divine or Hu∣man, nor any reckoning of thrift or mo∣deration.

It might be worth the while for him that first has view'd so many Houses and Palaces, rear'd up as big as Villages, to visit the Temples, which our Ancestors, the most Religious of Mor∣tals, erected to the Gods. You find 'em much the lesser Fabricks; yet they a∣dorn'd their Temples with Piety, their Houses with Fame and Honour; nor did they deprive the Vanquish'd of any thing but only the Liberty of doing wrong. But these men, quite the contrary, of Mortals the most slothful, most wicked∣ly, and ingloriously wrest from their Friends and Allies those things which their Couragious and Victorious Ance∣stors left their very Enemies, as if doing wrong were the true Exercise of Domini∣on. For wherefore should I call to mind those things, which, unless to such as have beheld 'em, are hardly Credible, that is to say, great Mountains levell'd, and whole Sea's built over by several Private Persons, that in so doing seem'd to me to make a May-game of their Riches? since what they might have honourably en∣joy'd, they made such hast in scorn to fling away. Nor is the Rage of adulterous Lust, of Brothel-haunting and other

Bestialities less prevalent, while Men as Women suffer, and Women make public Prostitutions of their Chastity: to satiate their Riot, they ransack Sea and Land: They sleep ere need of Rest requires: Nor will they stay in expectation of Hun∣ger or Thirst, of Cold or Weariness; but all those things their Luxury pre∣vents. And those Exorbitances inflam'd the Roman Youth, when once their Pa∣trimonies fail'd, to seek for new supplies, by Acts of Horror and Impiety: for when the Mind is season'd thoroughly with evil Courses, it never fails of loose desires; and for that reason so much the more profusely raves after extravagant Gain and wild Expence.

In so great and so corrupt a City, Cataline, a Peice of Pomp most easily to be obtain'd, walk'd the Streets atten∣ded by whole Troops of Dissolute Ruf∣fians and Debauchees that follow'd his Heels, like so many Guards of his Body. For whoever he were that void of shame, an Adulterer, a Glutton or a Gamester had dissipated his Paternal Fortunes ei∣ther with his Hand, or kindness to his Belly, Venereal Member, or run himself up to the Ears in debt, to purchase the

Pardon of his Villanies: all Parricides, Sa∣crilegious Persons, Convicts after Sentence, or such as fear'd the Judgment of the Law for their Misdeeds; moreover such whose Hands or Tongues earn'd 'em their Bread by Perjuries or Shedding Civil Blood; and lastly, all whom Villany, Penury, or guilt of Conscience agitated with Conti∣nual Terror, These were Cataline's Fami∣liars and Favourites. Or if any Person blameless and free from miscarriage hap∣pen'd to light into his friendship, by day∣ly Practice and repeated Allurements, he soon was taught to be alike and equal to the Rest; for above all he coveted the ac∣quaintance of young men, whose disposi∣tion's being soft and yielding, were easily entangl'd in the snares of crafty Tempta∣tion. For still as he observ'd the Flame of their youthful Inclinations, some he dazl'd with the Charms of Curtezans; while others were won with Dogs and Horses. Nor did he spare for Cost or to expose his own Reputation, so he might render 'em obnoxious and faithful to himself. I know there were some Peo∣ple who shrewdly suspected, that the Young Gentlemen frequenting Cataline's House, were somewhat too undecently

lavish of their Chastity: But that Report was raiss'd and believ'd, rather upon other Grounds, then that any Person could affirm it upon knowledg. Cataline had been Guilty of several Nefarious Forni∣cations, as having Debauch'd a Lady of Noble Extraction, and a Vestal Virgin, besides sundry other Crimes, of the same Nature, which he had Committed in Contempt of Gods and Men. At length, falling in Love with Aurelia Orestilla, who had never any thing in the World to Commend her in the Opini∣on of any honest Man, besides her Form, because she delay'd to marry him for fear of her Son-in-Law that was of Age, 'tis certainly believ'd, that he murder'd the Young Man, and extinguish'd the Family to enjoy an Impious Wedlock. Which Fact of his seems chiefly to me to have been the Cause of hastning his Villanous Design. For his Polluted Soul abominable both to Gods and Men, could take no rest awake or asleep; in such a manner did his Conscience perplex and terrify his restless and destracted Mind. Therefore was his Complexion pale and wan; his Eyes hollow, his Pace sometimes swift, sometimes slow; in a

word, Madness and Fury display'd them∣selves in every Lineament of his Counte∣nance. And for the Young Gentlemen whom he had thus debauch'd, he was not wanting so to instruct 'em, as to make 'em serviceable to all his pernicious pur∣poses. For out of them he cull'd False Witnesses and Forgers of Wills and Deeds. Them he taught to despise their Credit, their Fortunes and all manner of Danger. And when he had thus ruin'd their Honour, and their Modesty, then he Commanded other greater Villanies. And if he could not meet with a present Opportunity for Mischief, they were to circumvent and massacre the Innocent as if they had been guilty; meerly to keep their thoughts and hands in ure; while their Tutour rather chose to exercise his Cruelty gratis, then to lie idle in drowsy wickedness. Confiding in such Friends and Associates as these, Cataline began to consult how he might grasp the Soveraign Power, and subdue the Common-weal: so much the rather because he knew his own Retinue to be so vastly every where in debt, and for that the most of Sylla's Souldiers having spent their ill got Plun∣der, and calling these Victorious daies

to mind, when they wallow'd in Rapine and Massacre, both the one and the other thirsted after Civil War. In Italy there was no Army. Pompey was waging War in the remote parts of the World; he had great hopes, if he stood for the Con∣sulship, of obtaining it. The Senate were careless and minded little business; all things were quiet and a kind of Calm of Affairs: which were all seasonable Opportunities for Cataline.

Therefore about the first of June, Luci∣us Caesar, and Caius Figulus being Consuls, first he discourses 'em in private one by one, encourages some, of others he feels the Pulses, urges his own Power, the un∣provided Condition of the Common-wealth, and the vast rewards of a Successful Conspiracy: and when he had sufficiently tented every one in particular, he sum∣mons 'em all together, whom he knew to be most in want and daringly bold. Upon this summons there appeared of the Sena∣torian Order Publius Lentulus Sura, P. Autronius, Cassius Longinus, Caius Cethe∣gus, P. and Ser. Sylla, the Sons of Servius; Lucius Vargunteius, Q. Annius, M. Porcius Lecca, Lucius Bestia, Q. Curius. More∣over of the degree of Knights, M. Ful∣vius

Nobilior, Lucius Statilius, Mar. Ga∣binius Capito, and Caius Cornelius. Be∣sides those there were also many out of the Roman Colonies, and Municipal Towns, who were of Noble Extraction at home. Nor were there wanting a good number of other Accomplices, who more privately and closely favour'd and abetted this design, excited rather by the Hopes of Domination, than through any want or necessity. However, the Greatest part of the Younger sort, especially the Nobly descended, wish'd well to Cataline's Pro∣ceedings: who having sufficient where∣withal to live in Pomp and Luxury, yet rather chose Uncertainties for Certainties, and War instead of Peace. There were also some at the same time who verily be∣liev'd that M. Licinius Crassus was not ig∣norant of the Design, in regard that Pom∣pey, whom he hated, then Commanding a numerous Army, he minded not what Party he supported in Opposition to his Power: Confident moreover, That if the Conspiracy prevail'd, he should easily be able to make himself chief Head of the Faction. Yet some few there were, who joyn'd in a Conspiracy against the Com∣mon-wealth before: of which design it is

my purpose now, as truly as I can, to give a plain and unbyass'd account.

L. Tullus, and M. Lepidus being Consuls, P. Autronius, and P. Sylla being design'd Consuls, being accus'd of using indirect means to attain their Honour, had un∣dergone the Punishment of the Law. A little after that, Cataline being condemn'd for Bribery, was forbid to stand for the Consulship; so that he could not give in his Name within the days appointed by the Law. At the same time there was al∣so Cn. Piso, a Young Gentleman of No∣ble and Ancient Extraction, most daringly Arrogant, Needy and Factious, whose wants and wicked course of Life, spurr'd him forward to disturb the Common-wealth. With him Cataline and Autro∣nius having consulted together upon the Fifth of December, agreed upon the First of January ensuing to Assassinate Lucius Cotta, and Lucius Torquatus, the two Consuls, in the Capitol. Which done, they themselves, after they had seiz'd up∣on the Fasces, or Ensigns of Consular Dignity, were to have sent Piso with an Army to take Possession of both the Spa∣nish Provinces. But this Plot having ta∣ken wind, they deferr'd the Execution of

the Murder till the Fifth of February follow∣ing, but contriv'd in the mean time the Massacre, not only of the Consuls, but of most of the Senators; so that had not Cataline been too hasty to give the Signal to the rest of his Confedrates, since the first Foundations of Rome were laid, never had an Act of Villany so execrable been perpetrated within her Walls. But the Conspirators not meeting so early as they ought to have done, that Opportunity was lost. After this, Piso was sent Treasurer or Questor into the hither Province of Spain, with Praetorian Power, Crassus con∣niving at it, because he knew him to be a bitter Enemy of Pompey's. Neither was the Senate averse from decreeing him the province, as being desirous to remove from the City a Person of his Vitious Principles. Besides, they thought that many good men might relie upon him; for that Pompey's greatness began already to be formidable. But Piso, in his Journey toward his Province, was slain by certain Spanish Horsemen that he carry'd along with him in his Army. Some there are who report, the Barbarians could not brook his unjust, his haughty and Cruel Commands: though others say,

that those Horsemen, having been long pa∣troniz'd by Pompey, and being become his faithful Clients, had by his connivance made that attempt upon Piso: for that the Spaniards had never enterpriz'd so foul a fact before; although they had suffer'd for∣merly many more Severities of Lordly Im∣position: However it were, we shall leave the Question undetermin'd: and so let this suffice concerning the first Conspiracy.

Cataline, when he saw the Persons, by me already mention'd, to be Assembl'd all to∣gether, though he had frequently discours'd the Point with every one apart, however, deeming it more advantageous to his De∣sign to bespeak and encourage'em all to∣gether, withdrew into the remotest part of the House, and there excluding all others that were not absolutely con∣cern'd, he made 'em an Oration to this Effect.

Were I not sufficiently assur'd of your Courage and Fidelity, in vain this Opportunity had happen'd; in vain had I conceiv'd these Noble hopes of Abso∣lute Dominion; nor should I go about to grasp at uncertainties upon the weak support of Sloth, or fickle Irresolution. But because I have found ye stout and

faithful to me in many and most despe∣rate Attempts, therefore it is that my un∣daunted Bravery has begun the Greatest and Noblest of Designs: as also for that I understand you have no other Felicity or Miseries but what are still the same with mine; for to have still the same desires, and the same disaffections, that's the only firm and perfect Friendship. Now what it is I have been thus revolving in my mind, you have already severally heard. And I must tell ye, that this Resolution of mine is every day still more and more enflam'd, when I consider what our future Condition of Life must be, unless that we our selves redeem our own endanger'd Liberty. For when the Common-wealth is once reduc'd under the Power and Jurisdiction of a few, then shall Kings and Tetrachs be their Slaves and Tributary Vassals. People, Nations must pay Them their Taxes and Impositions: all others, as well the Brave, the Stout, the Noble must be the Vulgar Herd, dishonour'd and without the least Authority, in subjection to Them, to whom, did but the Common-wealth retain it's perfect

Health and Vigour, we should be a Ter∣rour: while they engross to themselves all Favours, Honour, Dignity and Riches, or else bestow 'em where they please, but leave us nothing but Dangers, Repulses, Condemnations and Poverty: which how long will ye at length endure, most Couragious of Men? Is it not far more glorious to dye Magnanimously and Bravely, then Ignominiously to lose a miserable and contemptible Life, after ye have been the sport and scorn of others domineer∣ing Pride? But by the Faith of Gods and Men the Fault's our own; The Victory is in our hands; Our years are in their Prime; Our Courage un∣daunted and Vigorous; They, on the other side, grown old and feeble with Age and Wealth. We only want but to begin, the rest would follow. For who among the Race of Mortals, endu'd but with a Masculine Spirit, would ere endure, that they should wallow in wealth, which they profusely lavish in rearing Palaces upon the Sea, and levelling Mountains, while we are pinch'd at home with want of necessa∣ries? That they should have their

Change of Sumptuous Houses, while we can no where find a Cottage of our own to harbour our Misery? They purchase Pictures, Statues, Sculptures and Embossments of all sorts to pamper their Eyes; pull down, build up again, and by all manner of extortions hale and torture Money to themselves, un∣able still with all their Luxury to sub∣due their Wealth; we Starve at home, abroad our debts ore-whelm us; mi∣serable our Condition, and our hopes more desperate: Then what remains for us besides a wretched Life? Why sleep ye therefore? Behold that Same, that very Liberty which ye have so often sigh'd for: Moreover Plenty, Splendour, Honour, shew themselves in view: For all those things does Fortune offer to the Victors. Let the Enterprize it self, the Opportunity, the Dangers, your own Wants and the magnificent Spoils of War inflame your Courage beyond my Oration. And whether you make use of me as your Com∣mander or a Private Souldier, my Va∣lour nor my Person shall be absent from ye. For these are still the things which I intend to act in Common Con∣sultation

with ye; unless perhaps my Courage fail me, and you prove more prepar'd to serve, then to Com∣mand.

These things were heard by People a∣bounding in Misery, but to whom not any hope surviv'd: and though they look'd upon it as a sufficient recompence to be disturbers of Public Tranquillity; never∣theless the greatest Part desir'd him to declare the Conditions of the War; what rewards the success of their Arms might Challenge; how their wants and how their expectations might every way be satisfi'd. Then Cataline promis'd 'em New Tables, or the Cancelling of their Debts, the Proscription of the Wealthy, Offices, Priesthoods, Rapines, Plunder, and all those Advantages which War and the Victors Fury render lawful. Moreover he assur'd 'em that Piso pos∣sess'd the Hither Province of Spain, that in Mauritania P. Sitius Nucerinus was lodg'd with an Army, Both privy to his design. That C. Antonius stood for the Consulship, and as he hop'd would happen to be his Collegue, his Familiar Friend, and a Person under the burthen of utmost Indigency. That being Consul with him he would

then begin to act. Moreover all whom he thought Honest he loaded with In∣vectives and Reproaches: then calling every one of his own Confederates by their Names, some he applauded, others he put in mind of their Penury, several of the danger of Punishment and the ig∣nominy that attended 'em; and many of Sylla's Victory, especially those who had tasted the sweets of Pillage and Rapine. Then beholding a chearful unanimity in their Countenances, after he had ad∣monish'd 'em to be mindful of streng∣thening his Party against he stood for the Consulship, he dismiss'd the Assembly. Some there were, who at that time repor∣ted, that Cataline, after he had concluded his Oration, when he took the oath of secrecy from his Confederates, caus'd Human Blood to be mingl'd with the wine, and then to be given about to every man his Cup. Of which, when after the Repetition of the Curse, they had all sipp'd, according to Custom at the Solemn Sacrifices, then he reveal'd the depth of his design, and told 'em the reason of his urging such a Ceremony, which was to engage 'em to the greater Secrecy and Fidelity one among ano∣ther,

while sodder'd thus together, equal in Guilt, and equal in their Fears. Yet some there were who deem'd these Stories fain'd, and many things invented besides by those, who believ'd, that the Antipathy conceiv'd against Cicero, which brake out soon after, might be asswag'd by im∣proving the hainousness of their Crime, who had suffer'd punishment. However 'tis my Opinion, That had the Crime been so great as was reported, it could not have escap'd our knowledge.

But notwithstanding these precautions, there was in this Conspiracy Quintus Cu∣rius, a Person of no mean Parentage, tho' in∣famously branded with all manner of Lewdness and Villany, whom therefore the Censors had expell'd the Senate as a Public Nuisance.

This Person was a Man no less vain∣glorious than insolently bold: He neither could contain the Secrets which he heard, nor conceal the Crimes which he himself committed. Among the rest he had been long familiar with Fulvia, a Woman however of Noble Descent, to whom at length when he became impertinent and troublesom by reason of his Indigency, that could no longer present and treat her

as he was wont; of a sudden, as if he had commanded all the World, he began to promise her whole Seas and Mountains; at other times threatning her with his drawn Sword, unless She comply'd with his de∣sires; and in short, to behave himself af∣ter a more Lordly and Domineering man∣ner then formerly. Fulvia therefore, having sifted out the cause of this unsual swagger∣ing of her Paramor, ne'er went about to conceal a danger that so nearly threatn'd the Common-wealth, but suppressing her Authors name, recounted to several what∣ever She had heard concerning Catiline's Conspiracy. This Rumor first of all stirr'd up the Favor and good Will of most Men, to procure the Consulship for M. Tullius Cicero. For before that time the greatest part of the Nobility burn'd with disdain, and thought the Consulship defil'd by ad∣mitting a Person but newly known to the World, though otherwise of soaring and egregious Parts, to that degree of Honour. But when Danger was so near their doors, Malice and Pride were laid asleep. Therefore upon the day of Election M. Tullius and C. Antonius were declar'd Consuls. Which was the first thing that shook the Abetters of the Conspiracy.

However, Cataline's Fury was nothing a∣bated; but every day made new Pro∣gresses to advance his Design; making Provision of Arms in all Convenient Places all over Italy: and taking up Money either upon his own or the Credit of his Friends, sent it away to one Manlius, then dwelling or residing at Faesulae, and afterwards Captain General for the War.

At the same time he is reported to have purchas'd to himself several Men of all Sorts and Conditions; nay, and some Women too, who first of all had maintain'd themselves at a prodigious Rate by the Prostitution of their Bodies; but afterward, decay of Youth and Beauty limiting their Gains, though not their Luxury, had vastly run themselves in Debt. By their Assistance Catiline thought to sollicite and inveigle the City Rabble, to set the houses on fire, and either to gain or murder their Husbands. In this Number was Sempronia, who had frequently Committed several Facts of Masculine boldness. This Woman was for her Birth and Beauty, in her Hus∣band also and her Children sufficiently

happy; well acquainted with the Greek and Latin Learning; Sung and Danc'd with much more exactness and elegancy then was necessary for a Woman pro∣fessing Chastity. With many other Graces also that heighten Lascivious∣ness was she endow'd; but still she priz'd all other things above her Mo∣desty. Whether she were more Prodigal of her Money or her Reputation you could not easily discern; and such was the heat of her Lust, that she more often courted Men, then Men Her. False to her Promise, to her Trust Forsworn, and Driving head-long where-ever the Torrent of her Luxury and Poverty carry'd her. Otherwise a Woman of no mean Wit: for she made Verses, jested facetiously, could vary her Dis∣course to Modest or Obscene according to her Company: and in a word had all the Charms of Speech and Breed∣ing.

All this Provision thus far made, Ca∣tiline nevertheless put in to be Consul the next year, hoping if he were elected, that he should govern Antonius at his own pleasure. Nor was he Idle in the mean while, but laid all Ambushments

imaginable for Cicero, who on the other side wanted neither craft nor subtilty to guard himself; for from the beginning of his Consulship, making great Promi∣ses by Fulvia's means he had brought it to that pass, that Quintus Curius had al∣ready laid open to him Catiline's De∣signs. And besides that, he had made sure of his Collegue Antony, by confirm∣ing to him the Grant of his Province, that he should not dissent in any thing from him to the Prejudice of the Com∣mon-wealth. He had his Guards of Friends and Clients also alwaies within call.

Therefore so soon as the day of Electi∣on was past, and that Catiline had not only miss'd of the Consulship, but also fail'd in all the Snares and Plots which he had contriv'd against Cicero, he resolv'd upon a War, and to make tryal of all Extremities, since what he had Clan∣destinly attempted, had prov'd so difficult and unsuccessful.

Therefore he dispatch'd away C. Man∣lius to Fiesoli, one Septimius Camertes into the Coun∣try of Picenum, C. Julius in∣to Apulia; and some one way, others another, as he thought every

one might prove most serviceable to him. In the mean while himself at Rome had many Irons in the Fire, to get the Con∣sul Murdred; to order the firing of the City, to seize and fill convenient Posts with Armed men; some he commanded; others he encourag'd, to the end they might be always ready and prepar'd: Day and Night in a continual Hurry; restless, wa∣king, and yielding neither to want of sleep, nor labour. Lastly, When after many meditated Mischiefs, nothing succeeded, again in a tempestuous Night he sum∣mon'd the Ring-leaders of the Conspiracy by M. Porcius Lecca. Who being met, he chid 'em first for their Remissness, then gave 'em to understand, how he had sent Manlius before to head such Forces as he had got together ready to take Arms: Others to other convenient Places: and that he was prepar'd to go to the Army himself, so soon as he could but get Cicero murder'd; for that mainly obstructed his Designs. Thereupon, when all the rest were in a kind of amaze∣ment and tottering in their Resolutions, C. Cornelius, a Roman Knight, and with him L. Vargunteius, a Senator, promising their Assistance, they agreed to go that

Night, with an armed Retinue, as if it were upon a Visit to Cicero; and ere he were aware to Stab him unprovided in his own House. Presently Curius, when he understood the Danger that so nearly threatn'd the Consul, by Fulvia gave him swift Intelligence of the sudden Plot upon his Life. So that the Assassinates not being permitted Entrance into the House, they undertook in vain a Fact so Hain∣ous.

In the mean while Manlius Sollicits the Rabble in Tuscany, where want and the smart of former sufferings had prepar'd the People for Change; for that under the Tyrannical Usurpation of Sylla, they had lost their Lands and all their Goods. Nor did he leave uninveigl'd the very Thieves and Robbers, who were very numerous in that Country; and some that Sylla himself had planted there by way of remuneration, who by their Lu∣xury and Prodigality, had wasted what before they had got by Plunder and Ra∣pine.

When Cicero had Intelligence of these Proceedings, startl'd at the Apprehension of a double Mischief, and finding he could no longer, by his single care and assiduity,

Protect the City from menacing Con∣trivances, nor certainly knew how nume∣rous Manlius's Forces were, nor what his Councels drove at, he reports the whole Matter to the Senate, which had been toss'd already to and fro in common Ru∣mour and vulgar Discourse. Thereupon, as usually was done on all Important Oc∣casions, the Senate decreed, That the Con∣suls should take care, least the Common-wealth receiv'd any Damage. Which Power, the greatest that could be, was granted by the Senate to the Supream Magistracy, according to the Roman Cu∣stom; to raise Armies, carry on the War, and by all ways whatever to sup∣press and curb both Subjects and Allies: and both at Home and in the Field to Exercise both Soveraign Empire and Ju∣dicature. Otherwise, without the Com∣mand of the People, no Consul has any Authority to act in those Affairs.

Some few days after, L. Senius, read certain Letters in the Senate, which he said were brought him from Fiesoli; of which the purport was, That C. Manlius had taken Arms with a numerous Multitude, about the beginning of November. And some there were, as is usual upon such oc∣casions,

that talk'd of great Prodigies and Wonders: Others discours'd of fre∣quent Assemblies in several places, of Arms carry'd to Capua, and that the Slaves would rise in Apulia. Thereupon by a Decree of the Senate, Q. Marcius Rex was dispatch'd away for Fiesoli, and Q. Metellus, Sirnamed Creticus, was sent into Apulia and the neighbouring Parts. Both these returning to the City, were de∣barr'd their triumphal Entrance, through the malice of some few Detractors, whose Custom it was to put all things to Sale, whether honest or dishonest. But for the Pretors, Q. Pompeius Rufus, Q. Metellus Celer, the first was sent to Capua, and the latter into Picenum, or La Marca D' An∣cona, with Power to raise an Army ac∣cording to the Importance of the Occa∣casion and the Danger. Moreover if any one should make any discovery of the Conspiracy on foot against the Common-wealth, Rewards were promis'd; to a Ser∣vant his Liberty, and Two Thousand Five Hundred Crowns; To a Freeman, a General Pardon and Five Thousand Crowns. They also farther decreed, That the Families of the Gladiators should be separated and distributed into Capua and

such other Municipal Towns, that were most wealthy and populous; That at Rome the Guards should be doubl'd through the whole City; and, That the inferiour Magi∣strates should take charge of the Watches. These things put the whole City into such a Consternation, that the Counte∣nances of the People were quite alter'd; instead of Jolity and Wantonness, the effects of long repose, all Men were seiz'd with sudden Sadness and Perplexity: all in a Hurry; all in Fear; not knowing whom to trust, or where to be secure; neither at War, nor in Peace, but every one measuring his danger by his fears. Nay the very Women too, to whom the Terrors of War, in such a Potent Common-wealth, were altogether unusual, bemoan'd themselves; spread their sup∣pliant hands to Heaven; bewail'd their tender Infants; inquir'd the News; dreaded all things; and laying aside their Pride and Pleasures grew distrustful of their own and the safety of their Coun∣try. But Catiline's cruel fury acted still with the same Vigor, notwithstanding the Preparations of Military opposition, and that he himself were impeach'd upon the Plautian Statute by L. Paulus. But then

to shew how well he could dissemble, or else to justifie himself, as if the Quarrel had been pickt out purpose to teaze him, he went into the Senate. At what time M. Tullius, the Consul, either dreading his Presence, or incens'd with Anger, made a splendid Speech, highly to the benefit of the Common-wealth, which af∣terwards he publish'd to the World. But so soon as he sate down again, Catiline, who was a person well prepar'd for all manner of Dissimulation, with a dejected Countenance and suppliant Tone, besought the Fathers not over rashly to credit vain Reports concerning him; that the Fami∣ly was such from whence he was de∣scended, and such the Life which he had lead from his Youth, that he had all things great and good to hope for: Nor to believe that he, a Person of Patrician Quality, whose own and the services of his Ancestors had been so beneficial to the Roman People, stood in need of a ruin'd Common-weal, especially when M. Tullius forsooth preserv'd it, an Ad∣ventitious Citizen of Rome. Which words being closely follow'd with other Re∣proachful Invectives, all humm'd him down, and call'd him Enemy and Parricide.

Then in a Rage,

Because, said he, Thus circumvented, I am driven head-long by my Adversaries, I'll extinguish the Con∣flagration of my Fortunes with Ruine.

And so saying he flung out of the Senate, and made directly home; there musing and revolving many Mischiefs in his Mind: for that he saw his Plots upon the Consul had no success; and understood besides, that the City was sufficiently guarded from all Attempts of Fire. And therefore deeming it his wisest course to augment his Army, and before the Legi∣ons were enroll'd, to be beforehand with many things that might be useful to him in the War, with a few Attendants in a Tempestuous Night, he posted to the Manlian Camp. But first he left strict Or∣ders with Cethegus, Lentulus and others, whose daring Boldness he sufficiently knew, to strenghthen the Power of the Faction by all the ways they could; to hasten the Destruction of the Consul, to provide for Slaughter, Conflagration, and all the dismal Executions of War: and that he himself in a short time would appear before the Walls of the City. Now while these things were thus acted at Rome, C. Manlius sent certain Commissio∣ners

selected out of his own Number, to Q. Marcius Rex, with Instructions to the following Effect:

We call both Gods and Men to wit∣ness, Noble General, That we have taken up Arms, neither against our Country, nor to terrify others with the fears of danger; but only to protect our Bodies from Oppression. Who miserable, in∣digent, and over-whelm'd with Violence and Cruelty of Usurers, are most of us devested of our Country, but all de∣spoil'd of our Reputation, and our For∣tunes. Neither is it permitted any of Us, according to the Custom of our Fathers, to have the benefit of the Law; nor after the loss of our Patrimonies, to enjoy the freedom of our Bodies. Such was the severity of the Bankers and the Pretor. Yet your Forefathers in Com∣passion to the Roman People by their De∣crees reliev'd their Wants: and lately, in our Memory, by reason so vast a a number were every where endebted, by the consent of all good Men, three parts of the Silver Credit were abated, and only a fourth part paid in Brass. Nor is it the first time that the Common-People themselves, either affect Domi∣nion;

or provok'd to Arms by the Pride of the Magistrates, have revolted from the Fathers. But neither do we desire Empire or Wealth, the general Causes of all the Wars and Contests among Mortals: 'tis only Liberty we see, which no man of Courage ever loses, but his Life together with it. We conjure both Thy self and the Senate, that you will consult the good of your unfortunate fellow-Citizens; that you will restore us the benefit of the Law, which the In∣justice of the Pretor has wrested from Us: and that you will not impose that dire Necessity upon Us, to seek which way to perish, chiefly in revenge of our own Blood.

To this Q. Marcius return'd for An∣swer, That if they had any thing to Pe∣tition the Senate, they should lay down their Arms, and repair in an humble manner to Rome. That the Senate and the Roman People were endu'd with that Meekness and Compassion, that never any Supplicant in vain implor'd their Assistance. On the other side Catiline, while he was upon the Road, sent Letters to all the Consular Personages, and the chiefest of the Nobility, That being op∣press'd

with false Aceusations, because he could not withstand the Faction of his Enemies, he had therefore submitted to Fortune, and was retiring, a willing Exile, to Marseilles: not that he was guilty of so great a Crime; but for the Repose of the Common-weal; and that no Sedition might arise from his contending with the Public. But Q. Catulus read other Letters in the Senate, quite different from these; which he affirm'd to be deliver'd to him in Ca∣tiline's Name, and of which the follow∣ing Copy gives the sence.

L. Catiline to Quint. Catulus, Greet∣ing. Thy singular Fidelity, being as∣sur'd of the thing it self, so grateful to me in these my threatning dangers; gives me the Confi∣dence of this Recom∣mendation. Where∣fore I have determin'd not to ground any De∣fence upon new Consul∣tations; yet I have decreed to propound satisfaction, as no way conscious of of∣fending: which in good truth it is not im∣proper for thee to know. At length provok'd with Slights and Contumelies; for that being depriv'd the fruits of all my

Labour and Industry, I could not obtain the Dignity I stood for, according to my innate disposition, I have undertaken the public Cause of the Unfortunate. Not but that I could pay my own Debts by the Sale of my Lands; and for what I stand engag'd for others, the Liberality of Orestilla has been such as to take care to discharge it out of her own and her Daughters Revenues; but because I saw unworthy Persons advanc'd to Ho∣nour, my self neglected and thrown by, through jealousie and counterfeited suspi∣cion. For that reason I have pursu'd those Hopes for preserving the remain∣der of my Reputation, which, consi∣dering my Condition, I deem to be suf∣ficiently honest. While I was about to have written more, Intelligence was brought me, That Force is preparing. I recommend Orestilla to thy Care, and deposite her in Trust with thee, Conjur∣ing thee for the sake of thy own Chil∣dren, to protect her from all Injury. Farewel.

But Catiline himself after he had staid some few days with C. Fla∣minius in Reatinum, to to Arm the Neighbouring

Parts, already sollicited and drawn to his Party, he March'd directly to the Camp, to joyn Manlius with the Con∣sular Fasces, and other Ensigns of Supream Authority born before him.

When these things were known at Rome, the Senate pronounc'd both Catiline and Manlius open Enemies. To all the rest of the Multitude, those only excepted that were convicted of Capital Crimes, they prefix'd a certain day, before which time, if they departed from their Arms, they should incur no Penalties. Farther also they decreed, That the Consuls should proceed to a Muster, that Antony should follow Catiline with his Army, and that Ci∣cero should stay to take care of the City. At that time, the vast Dominion of the Roman People seem'd to me beyond extream∣ly miserable. To whom when all the Conquer'd World, from the Rising to the Setting Sun, pay'd Homage and Obedience; when they wallow'd at home in Plenty and Tranquillity, which Mortals deem their chiefest Blessings; that among Them there should be such a Crew of fellow-Citizens, so fatal∣ly, and with such obstinate Fury bent to ruine themselves, their Fortunes and the

Common-weal. For after two Decrees of Senate, among so vast a Multitude, neither did so much as one, assur'd of great Rewards, make the least Discovery of the Conspiracy; nor any one desert the Camp of their Rebellious Leader, Ca∣tiline. Such was the violence of the Di∣stemper, which like a Contagion had in∣fected the Minds of all those People. Neither did this Pestilence spread it self, to alienate the Affections of those alone, who were guilty of the Conspiracy; but even all the Commonalty, covetous of Innovation, applauded Catiline's Pro∣ceedings. But this they seem'd to do ac∣cording to their usual Custom. For al∣waies in a City, they who labour under Penury, envy the better Fortune of o∣thers; extol the Wicked; abominate the ancient Constitutions, covet Novelty, and detesting their own Conditions, study Change of all things: they are nourish'd, void of Care, by Tumult and Sedition; For that want is easily supported and che∣rish'd with public dammage. But many Motives carry'd head-long the City Rab∣ble. First of all, who ever they were that in any corner of the Country, sur∣pass'd in Impudence and Debauchery;

whoever had wasted their Patrimonies by expensive Lewdness; And lastly, all whom Villany and Crimes the most Enormous had Out-law'd from their Native homes; all these together empty'd into Rome, as into the Common Sewer of all Disorder. Many others remembring Sylla's Con∣quests, while they beheld some rais'd from Souldiers to the degree of Senators; o∣thers so Wealthy, that they liv'd like Princes in the height of Ease and Plenty; promised every one to themselves the same Enjoyments from successful Victory. Moreover the Younger sort, that wrought hard for a poor Living in the Country, finding the sweets of Private and Public Liberality, preferr'd the City Ease before severe and painful Labour. However both Them and all the rest, the Public Calamity supported. So that it is the less to be admir'd that Men so badly. Prin∣cipl'd, so wrapt up in Expectation, should be as little careful for the Common good, as for themselves. And then again, all those whose Parents upon Sylla's Victory, were proscrib'd, who lost their Estates, and were depriv'd of their Right of Freedom, had the same Interest in the Success of the War. To which I may add, that

whoever sided with any other Faction than that of the Senate, rather desir'd to see the Common-wealth disturb'd, than grow too Potent. And this was a Mischief, that many years after this time return'd again to the City. For when the Tribuni∣tial Authority was restor'd to. Cn. Pompeius, and M. Crassus, Young Gentlemen ha∣ving got the Supream Power into their hands, whose Years and Courage were full of mettle and fury, by calumniating the Senate, they began to put the Vul∣gar into a Ferment; then by Gifts and Promises more and more to inflame 'em: and so became Eminent and Powerful themselves. Against them the greatest part of the Nobility contended with all their Might, under colour of defending the Honour of the Senate, to support their own Greatness. For to conclude in few words, Whoever in those times disturb'd the Public Peace, made use of specious pretences; while some made a shew of Protecting the Privileges of the People, and others pretending to advance the Au∣thority of the Senate, had all their diffe∣rent Aims to promote their own Interest: neither did they observe any Limits of Moderation in their Contests, both exer∣cis'd

cis'd their Victories with Cruelty. But when Pompey was sent against the Pyrates, and soon after against Mithridates, the Authority of the People fainted, and the Power of a few encreas'd. These few dispos'd of Magistracies, Offices, Pro∣vinces and all things Else. They, not to be controul'd, and flourishing liv'd free from fear; yet terrifying the Tribunes with their Sentences and Condemnations, to prevent their exasperating the People against their Proceedings; to which purpose they were compell'd to abate of their former severities. But so soon as first the hopes of introducing Change in dubious Affairs was offer'd, then the old Contest set their thoughts and courages at work: So that had Catiline been Victor in the first Battle, or that the Combat had been equal, certainly a most Pro∣digious effussion of Blood, and Calamity had afflicted the Common-wealth: nei∣ther would it have been in the Power of the Victorious to have made any advan∣tage of their Conquest; for that whoever had been more prevalent would have wrested the Supream Dominion and the Public Liberty from the weary and en∣feebl'd. However there were several with∣out

the pale of the Conspiracy, who at the beginning went to joyn with Catiline. In which number was Fulvius, the Sena∣tor's Son; who being Apprehended upon the Road, and brought back, his Father commanded him to be put to death. At the same time Lentulus also abiding at Rome in pursuance of Catiline's Orders, made it his business to sollicite all such Persons, whose loose manner of Living, or decay'd Fortunes rendred 'em fit for State-Innovation; not only Citizens, but all sorts of Persons whatever, that might be useful in the War. To that purpose he gave Commission to one P. Ʋmbrenus to tamper with the Ambassa∣dors of the Allobroges and if he could, to draw 'em in to be Confederates in the War. Believing, that in regard they were both publicly and privately vastly in Debt; besides that the Gauls were naturally a Warlike People, they might be easily in∣veigl'd to lay hold of the Opportunity. This Ʋmbrenus having traded much a∣mong the Gauls, was known to most of the Chief Princes of the Cities, and like∣wise

knew Them. Therefore without de∣lay, so soon as he beheld the Embassadors in the Forum, or Place of usual Concourse, after some few Questions concerning the Condition of the City, and as it were be∣wailing the Public Calamity, he began to ask 'em, what they thought would be the Issue of such destructive beginnings. In answer to which, when he heard 'em complain of the Covetousness of the Magi∣strates; accuse the Senate, as from whom there was no hopes of redress; and ma∣king Lamentations, that only death could terminate their Miseries; But I, said he, will shew ye a way, provided ye will be but Men, how ye may avoid all these great and Terrifying Misfortunes. The Allobroges, their Expectations thus screw'd up, be∣sought Ʋmbrenus to compassionate their Condition; assuring him, there was no∣thing too desperate or difficult which they would not most readily undertake, pro∣vided it might conduce to discharge their City out of Debt. Thereupon he car∣ry'd 'em to D. Brutus's House, as being near the Forum, and not altogether a stranger to the Conspiracy, because of Sempronia, for that Brutus him self was not then in Town. Moreover he sent for

Gabinius, to the end that Credit might be given to his words. In his hearing he says open the whole Conspiracy, names the Confederates, together with several others, who were no way concern'd, to give the Embassadors the more Encourage∣ment; and having so done, after they had made him fair Promises, he sent 'em to their Lodgings.

However the Allobroges when they came to consider, were long uncertain and hesitating what Course to take. On the one side, there was a Ponderous Debt, a prompt Inclination to War, and a charming Prospect of great Gain from the hopes of Victory. On the other side there was greater Wealth and Power, the safer course, and for uncer∣tain hopes assur'd re∣wards. And long they rowl'd and tumbl'd these Considerations in their Minds; but at length the Fortune of the Common-Wealth obtain'd the Victory. Therefore away they go to Fabius Sanga, and to him as Patron of their City, discover'd the whole Plot, as far as it had been laid open to them. Cicero being inform'd of this Discovery by

Sanga, gave order to the Embassadors to dissemble strongly their Approbation of the Conspiracy; that they should apply themselves to the rest, and to do their ut∣most endeavour to assure themselves of their Names and Persons.

At the same time there were also some Commotions in the a Hither and b Farther-most Gaule, as likewise in c Picenum among the d Bruttii and in e Apu∣lia; but they prov'd to be only Tumults and no more. For the Persons whom Catiline had sent thither, acted without any consideration like so many Mad men; and with their Midnight Assemblies, their disposing to and fro of Arms and Darts, their Hurrying and Bustling about, occasion'd more of Ter∣ror than Danger. So that Q. Metellus Celer the Pretor, when he understood by the Senates Decree, the Reason of their Deligence, Apprehended and Imprison'd a great Number of those Busie fellows; and the same did also C. Murena in the Hither Gaule, being Lord Lieutenant of that Province.

But at Rome, Lentulus with the rest of the chief Ring-leaders of the Conspiracy, having as they thought a sufficient strength about 'em, resolv'd, that so soon as Catiline was advanc'd as far as Fiesoli with his Army, Bestia the Tri∣bune of the People, in a set Speech should inveigh against Cicero's Proceedings, and lay the odium of a most terrible War upon the best of Consuls; which being the Sig∣nal, the next Night the whole Body of the Conspirators was to rise, and every one to act his Part: Though they were reported to have been thus order'd to their several Posts. That Statilius and Gabinius, with a considerable number, should set fire to twelve convenient Pla∣ces of the City: to the end that in the Hurry of that Tumult, there might be the more easy access to the Consul, and such others as were design'd to be mur∣dred. That Cethegus should beset Cicero's House, and by main force make way to his Person. Others were to attempt o∣thers; and the Sons of the Families, of whom the greatest part were of the No∣bility, were to murder their Parents; and thus when all the whole City was in a general Consternation, dismay'd with Fire

and Sword, the next work was to force their way through the Guards, and march directly to meet Catiline. In the midst of these Preparations and Counsels, Cethegus often complain'd of the sloath and slackness of the Confederates: that by hesitation and delay, they lost great Opportunities; that in dangers of that Na∣ture, Execution not Consultation was re∣quir'd: and then proffer'd, if only a few would stand by him, since others were so faint and tender hearted, himself to lead the way into the Senate House: for being naturally fierce, choleric, and prompt of hand, his chiefest Confidence was in Ex∣pedition.

In the mean time the Allobroges according to Cicero's Instructions, being introduc'd by Gabinius, met the rest of the Conspirators; at what time they requir'd from Lentulus, Cethegus, Sta∣tilius and Cassius an Oath which they might carry Sign'd to their Magistrates and fellow Citizens; for that else they would never be induced to engage in such a weighty Enterprize; which they, suspect∣ing nothing, readily gave. Cassius also promis'd to be with 'em in a short time, but left the City a little before the Em∣bassadors.

But when they went, T. Vol∣turcius of Crotona was order'd to attend 'em, and to procure a mutual Confirma∣tion of the League between the Allobroges and Catiline, and an Exchange of the Articles on both sides. He also sent a short Letter by Volturcius to Catiline, to this effect.

Who I am thou wilt understand by the Messenger I have sent thee. Be sure to consider the vastness of the Danger wherein thou art; and remember that thou art a Man. Consider, what thy Affairs require; and beg Assistance from all, even from the Lowest.

Moreover he had Instructions to admo∣nish him by word of mouth, that seeing he was adjudg'd an Enemy by the Senate, for what Reason would he refuse the worst of Slaves? that all things were ready in the City according to his Orders; and that he should not delay to make his Approach a little nearer.

Having thus far in this manner pro∣ceeded, upon the Night appointed when they were to go, Cicero, who was inform'd of every thing by the Embassadors, gave Orders to the Pretors, C. Pomptinius, and L. Valerius Flaccus, to surprize the Embas∣sadors

and their Train so soon as they, arriv'd at the Mulvian Bridge; unfolded to 'em the Reason, why they were sent, and bid 'em act in other things as they saw occasion. They being Military men that understood business, having Posted their Guards without the least disturbance, as they were commanded, beset the Bridge; so that when the Embassadors, together with Volturcius came to the Place, presently there was hideous bawling and tearing of Throats on both sides. But the Gauls understanding the Design, yielded forth∣with to the Pretors. Volturcius at first en∣couraging the rest, defended himself a while with his Sword from the Multitude; but finding he was deserted by the Embas∣sadors, after he had with many Impreca∣tion's adjur'd Pomptinius, with whom he was acquainted, to serve him with his Inte∣rest, at length fearful and distrustful of his Life, he surrendred himself to the Pretors, as if they had been Enemies.

This being done, an exact Relation of all things was sent to the Consul; who at the same time was no less over anxious than over joy'd. He rejoic'd, for that the

Conspiracy being now discover'd, the City was wrested from the Jaws of danger. But his trouble was no less extream, seeing so many Eminent Citizen's the detected Au∣thors of so foul a Crime, what was to be done. Their Punishment was greivous to him, and their Impunity the ruin of the Common-weal. But at length recovering his Resolution, he commanded Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius to appear before him; also Ceparias of Tarracina, who it seems was gone for Apulia, to raise the slaves; the rest attended without delay. The Con∣sul himself, taking Lentulus by the hand, because he was a Pretor, lead him into the Senate; the rest he order'd to be sent to the Temple of Concord under strong Guards. Thither he summons the Se∣nate, and before a great Appearance of that Order, causes Volturcius and the Em∣bassadors to be brought in; and com∣mands Valerius Flaccus to bring in the lit∣tle Pacquet of Letters which he had re∣ceiv'd from the Embassadors.

Volturcius being Examin'd concerning his going out of Town, and the Letters, what was his design, or what the cause of his Journey; at first fram'd several fictitious stories, and shifted off the Conspiracy; but

being commanded to delare the Truth up∣on the Public Faith, he unfolded all things as they were transacted; that he was some days before drawn in by Gabi∣nius, and Ceparius; but that he knew no more than the Embassadors; only he had heard from Gabinius, that P. Au∣tronius, Ser. Sylla, L. Vargunteius, and many others were involv'd in the same Confe∣dracy. The Gauls confess'd the same things. But as for Lentulus, who dissembl'd and veil'd the Truth, they convinc'd him not only by Letters, but from several brags that he was wont to make in Public, That the Kingdom of Rome was ascertain'd to three Cornelii by the Prophesies con∣tain'd in the Sibilline Books. That Cinna and Sylla had had their Turns, and that he was the Third, whose Fate it should be to rule the Roman People: Moreover that from the Burning of the Capitol, the twentieth Year was now arriv'd, which the Soothsayers from several Prodigies had foretold, should be deeply dy'd with Civil Blood. Therefore the Letters being read, after the Criminals had all acknow∣ledg'd the Seals to be Lentulus's, the Senate decreed, That Lentulus, being de∣graded from the Magistracy, and the

rest, should be confin'd in free Prisons. Therefore Lentulus was committed to the Custody of P. Lentulus Spinther who was Edile, Cethegus to the care of Q. Cornificius; Statilius to C. Caesar; Gabinius to Mar∣cus Crassus; Ceparius (for by this time he had been apprehended upon the Road and brought back) to Cn. Terentius the Se∣nator.

And now the Conspiracy being detect∣ed, the Common People, who before, out of their usual desire of Change, had too much favour'd the War, now vearing a∣bout, curs'd Catiline's Designs, applauded Cicero to the Skies, and as if they had been snatcht from the Jaws of Bondage, by their Gestures and their Counte∣nances fill'd the Streets with Joy and Ex∣ultation. For other Acts of War would rather afford 'em the Advantages of Plunder, than bring detriment to Them; whereas they lookt upon firing of Cities to be cruel, excessive and chiefly pernici∣ous to themselves; since all their Riches consisted in their Cloths and Houshold∣stuff.

The next day after, one L. Tarquinius was brought before the Senate, who was re∣ported to have been apprehended upon the Road, going to Catiline. This Man promi∣sing to make great Discoveries of the Con∣spiracy, if he might be assur'd of his Pardon; and being thereupon commanded by the Senate to declare his knowledge, inform'd the Senate the same things which Voltur∣cius had done, concerning the Firing of the City, the Massacre of all the honest Party; and the March of the Enemy; and farther, that he was sent by M. Crassus, to give him an Account of what had happen'd, least he should be deterr'd to hear that Lentulus, Cethegus, and so many others of the Conspirators were in Custody; and to advise him so much the rather to hasten his March to the City, as a means to re∣vive the Spirits of the rest, and the better to secure 'em from the danger they were in. But when Tarquinius named Crassus, a Person Illustrious by Extraction, vastly Rich and most eminently Potent, some deeming the thing incredible, others, tho' they thought it true, yet because at such a Conjuncture, the Power of so great a Man was rather to be appeas'd and qualify'd, than exasperated, the most part obnoxious

to Crassus, upon the score of their Private concerns, unanimously cry'd out, That the Witness was Perjur'd, and demanded a Re∣ference upon the whole Matter; therefore by Cicero's Advice, it was Decreed in a in full Senate, That the Evidence was lookt upon as false, that Tarquinius should be laid in Irons: and that he should never be admitted more to give his Testimony, unless he discover'd the Person who had put him upon inventing such a falshood. Some Persons at that time were of opinion, that this same Evidence was contriv'd by P. Autronius, to the end that Crassus being Impeach'd, might be the more ready to Protect the rest by his Power, when in∣volv'd in the same danger. Others re∣ported that Tarquinius was Suborn'd by Cicero, least Crassus, undertaking the Pa∣tronage of wicked Miscreants, according to his Custom, should joyn with Them to disturb the Public Peace. And I have af∣terwards heard Crassus himself declare, that the Affront, though of so high a Nature, was put upon him by Cicero.

At the same time neither Q. Catulus, President of the Senate, nor C. Piso could either by Favour, Importunity or Bribes prevail with Cicero, that C. Caesar might

be falsely accus'd either by the Allobroges, or any other Evidence: For they were both his Mortal Enemies. Pi∣so, as being Condemn'd upon an Impeachment of Bribery, under pretence that he had unjustly punish'd with death a certain Piemontane. Ca∣tulus burning with Revenge, for that upon his standing for the Supream Pontificate in his Hoary years, C. Caesar a young man had carry'd against him. And now they thought they had an Opportu∣nity put into their hands, for that Caesar, partly through his excessive Liberality in Private, and partly through the Pro∣fuseness of his Public Presents, had run himself deeply in Debt. But when they could not perswade the Consul to such a dishonourable Compliance, they them∣selves by running personally from place to place, and spreading false Reports of what they had heard from Volturcius and the Allobroges, had heap'd no small Odium upon him, insomuch that some of the Roman Knights, who guarded the Temple of Con∣cord with their Partisans in their hands, whether mov'd thereto by the Greatness of the Danger, or the Inconstancy of their

own Affections, to make their zeal for the Common-wealth the more remark∣able, threatn'd him with their naked Weapons as he came forth of the Se∣nate.

While these things were transacted in the Senate, and that Rewards were decreed to the Embassadors of the Allobroges and Volturcius, Lentulus's Enfranchiz'd slaves, and some few of his Clients taking several Roads, made it their business to sollicite Handicraft Tradesmen and Slaves, and incense 'em to his Rescue; while others sought out every where for the Ring∣leaders of the Rabble, who for Money were wont to perplex the Common-wealth. Cethegus also by Messengers, besought his Family and his Enfranchiz'd slaves, all fellows cull'd and exercis'd in Insolence, to make a Body, and by force of Arms to break in upon him. The Consul there∣fore understanding how these Plots were laid, having plac'd his Guards as the time and the occasion requir'd, after he had summon'd a Senate, made a Motion what should be done with those Prisoners that were under Custody. For not long before a full Senate had adjudg'd 'em to have acted against the Commonwealth.

Upon that Motion therefore D. Junius Silanus, being first of all desir'd to deliver his Opinion, in regard he was at that time design'd Consul, had declar'd, That not only they who were in Prison, but also L. Cassius, P. Furius, P. Ʋmbrenus, and Q. Annias, so soon as they were appre∣hended, should be put to death. Though afterwards being mollify'd by Caius Cae∣sar's Oration, he had protested his Com∣pliance altogether with Tiberius Nero's Vote, which Report he did not think however fit to have been made till the Guards were doubled. But Caesar being ask'd his Opinion by the Consul, deliver'd himself in these words.

It behoves all Men whatever, Con∣script Fathers, who deliberate in dubious Affairs, to be void of Hatred, Friend∣ship, Anger and Compassion: for where these things obstruct, the Mind can never have a perfect Prospect of Truth: neither was there ever any man who at the same time, could indulge his private desires and the public good. When we fortify our resolution, it grows vigorous; If Passion possess us, that prevails, and Resolution languishes I want not plenty of Presi∣dents, Conscript Fathers, to shew what

Kings, and People upon the Motives of Anger or Pity, have ill consulted in the main. But I rather choose to cull out what our Ancestors have done in Oppo∣sition to their Passions. In the Macedo∣nian War, which we wag'd with King Perseus, the City of the Rhodians, mighty and magnificent, and grown up to that height by the Assistance and Support of the Roman People, became treacherous and injurious to Us. Yet when the War was ended, and that the Rhodian Ingra∣titude came to be debated, our Ancestors, least any might say hereafter they had begun a War in thirst of Riches, rather then sensible of suffer'd wrongs, they dismiss'd the Rhodians home unpunish'd. Also in all the Punic Wars, when fre∣quently the Carthagenians, both in Peace, and by breach of Treaties, had per∣petrated many abominable Acts, never did they, when opportunity offer'd, do the like; they rather sought what might become their own Dignity, then what they might justly retaliate upon them. This therefore, you are to take care of, Conscript Fathers, that the Impious Crime of Lentulus and the rest, do not sway your Passions more prevalently

then your honour; and that you be not more indulgent to your Anger, then your Flame. For if there might be found a punishment to equalize their Misdeeds, then I approve your Counsel newly taken; but if the vastness of their Crimes surpasses all our Invention, 'tis then my Judgment, that we make use of those which are provided by the Law. Most of those Persons, who before me, have declar'd their Opinions, have sedately and nobly compassionated the Condition of the Common-wealth: they have number'd up the Cruelties of War, and what most usually befalls the van∣quish'd: Rapes of Virgins, and Young Boys; Infants torn from the Embraces of their Parents; Mothers of Families at the Lustful pleasure of the Victors; Temples and Private Houses robb'd and and plunder'd; nothing but Fire and Sword; All placed lastly strew'd with scatter'd Arms and Carcasses, besmear'd with Blood, and fill'd with Lamentati∣ons. But by the Immortal Gods, what did that long Oration drive at? was it to raise your Antipathy to the Conspi∣racy? that is to say, who e're he be, whom so prodigous, and so terrible a Fact cannot

exasperate, that same Oration shall incense. It cannot be so; neither does any Man look slightly upon his own Injuries: nay, many bear 'em with less Patience then they ought to do. But, Consceipt Fathers, there is one sort of Liberty to some allow'd, another sort to others. They who lead their Lives in Obscurity, if at any time they com∣mit an Error in heat of Anger, few take Notice: their Reputation and their For∣tunes are alike. But they who being arriv'd to large Command, live in the soaring height of Greatness, are always in view, and their actions are beheld by all men. So that in Fortunes most conspicuous, there's the least of Liberty; there's no permission to Love or Hate, much less to be in Wrath. What is call'd Anger among others, in Government bears the name of Pride and Cruelty. I must con∣fess, 'tis my Opinion, Conscript Fathers, that all the Tortures in the World are far inferior to their Crimes. But most Men still remember what was last; and in the sufferings of the most Impious, forgetting the Fact, discourse of nothing but the punishment, if more severe then ordinary. As for Decius Silanus, a Man most Brave and Stout, I am cer∣tainly

convinc'd, that what he has said, he has spoken out of his Affection to the Common-wealth; and that he is byass'd neither by Favour nor Enmity, in a concern of this Importance; so well I have been acquainted with the Conditi∣ons and Moderation of the Person. But his Judgment in this case seems to me not cruel, no, (for what can be thought cruel when inflicted upon such Men) but without president in our Common-wealth. For certainly, Silanus, either Fear or In∣jury orerul'd thee, being the design'd Consul, to decree an unusual sort of Punishment. To talk of fear is altogether now superfluous, seeing that by the propi∣tious diligence of our most Illustrious Consul, such numerous Guards are up in Arms. As to the Punishment, I shall say no more, then what is obvious from the thing it self; that in Sorrow and Affliction, 'tis death not torment that surceases all our Miseries: that puts an end to all the sufferings of Mortals: be∣yond that, there is no room for Care or Joy. But wherefore, by the Immortal Gods, didst thou not add this farther to thy Sentence, that first they should be rigorously scourg'd? Was it because

the Porcian Law forbids it? However there are other Laws that Privilege con∣demn'd Citizens from loss of Life, command∣ing only Banishment. Or was it because it is more grievous to be Whipt then to be put to Death? Pray, what can be too grievous or severe for men to suffer, once Convicted of so great a Crime? But if it be the slighter punishment, why so observant of the Law in the Lesser Infliction, when thou hast broken it in the Greater? But who dares question what shall be Decreed against Parricides of the Common-wealth? A time, a day to come; nay. Fortune her self, that at her pleasure governs all the World: Then, whatever happens will deservedly befall 'em. But as for you, Conscript Fathers, consider what ye de∣cree against these Men. All bad Ex∣amples derive their Original from bad beginnings. For when the Government shall fall into the hands of the Ignorant and Unjust, that new Example will be transferr'd from the worthy and fit, to the unworthy and unfit to rule. The Lacedaemonians having vanquish'd the

Athenians impos'd upon 'em Thirty Per∣sons to manage the Public Affairs. These, first of all, began to put to death, though uncondemn'd, the worst of Men, and only such as had deserv'd the General hatred: at this the People rejoyc'd, and cry'd twas justly done. But when this Liberty augmented and grew bold, then Will and Pleasure raigning, Good and Bad were put to Death without distinction, and the City under Bondage and Oppres∣sion, pay'd severely for their foolish joy. In our remembrance, Sylla then Victorious, caus'd Damasippus and others that were grown up to the prejudice of the Com∣monwealth, to beput to Death; and, Who did not applaud the Fact? Such as they, they cry'd, Men Impious and Factious, that with Sedition did nothing but dicturb the Public Peace, deserv'd a Public Ex∣ecution. But that very thing was the beginning of horrid Calamity and Blood∣shed. For as every one had a fancy to this or that Neighbours House or Farm, his Furniture or his Cloaths, he took care to get him Listed in the number of the Persons that were to be proscrib'd. And thus, they who rejoyc'd at the death of Damasippus, soon after them∣selves

were dragg'd to Massacre. Nor was there any end of Slaughter, till Sylla had gorg'd his followers with the wealthy Spoils of the Innocent. Not that I am jealous in the least of M. Tul∣lius, or fear the same Confusion in these times. But in a spacious Common-wealth, there are men of various Inclinations and Designs. At another time, and by another Consul, that has an Army at his heels, something may be believ'd that may beget misunderstanding. And when the Consul once by virtue of this President has drawn his Sword in pursuance of a Decree of Senate, who shall then limit his Ambition, or moderate his Passion? Our Ancestors, Conscript Fathers, never want∣ed either Counsel or Courage: nor was their Pride so great, but that they could imitate Foreign Customs when they found 'em Advantageous. Their Military Wea∣pons and Darts they borrow'd: from the Samnites; and most of their Ensigns of Majesty from the Tuseans. Lastly, whatever they beheld proper and useful either among their Enemies or their Allies, that they put in Execution with an eager Industry, choosing rather to imitate then to despise. Therefore at

that time, they only Scourg'd offending Citizens, and those that were condemn'd for greater Crimes they put to death. But when the Common-wealth encreas'd in Power, and Factions became Potent through multitude of Citizens, then the Porcian Law and other Statutes were ordain'd which only punish'd Capital Offenders with exile. Which is the Rea∣son, Conscript Fathers, that I take to be of highest Importance, why we should not make any Innovations in our Counsels. For certainly their Wisdom and Vertue was greater, who rais'd so vast an Em∣pire from such small beginnings, then ours who hardly can preserve what they so bravely won. Would we therefore have the Prisoners set at Liberty to en∣crease the number of Catiline's Army? No, but this is my Opinion, that their Estates be put to Sale; their Persons kept in durance apart, in the several Munici∣pal Towns, which are most responsible for their forth-comming: that after this, the Senate be no farther mov'd, nor the People tamper'd with in this Matter, and that whoever shall do otherwise, the Senate shall adjudge him to act a∣gainst the Common-wealth and the Pub∣lic Safety.

After Caesar had made an end of speak∣ing, some by word of mouth, others to vari∣ous Opinions variously delivered their As∣sents. But M. Portius Cato, being ask'd his Judgment, made the following Oration.

I am quite of another Opinion, Con∣script Fathers, when I consider our Af∣fairs and our Dangers, and ponder in my mind the Judgements of some Per∣sons. They seem to me to have dis∣cours'd concerning the punishment due to those Persons who have rais'd a War against their own Country, their own Pa∣rents, their Religion and Liberty. But the Conjuncture admonishes us to de∣bate, rather how to preserve our selves from their Attempts, then what Penal∣ties to inflict upon 'em. For other Mis∣chiefs we may prosecute when acted; this, we must take care to prevent; least after it has done the fatal Execution, it be too late to consult Opinions. But by the Im∣mortal Gods, I appeal to you your selves, who always had a greater value for your Houses your Mannors, your Statues and your Pictures, then for the Common-wealth, if you have a desire still to hold fast those things whatever they be, which you embrace and hug with so much Affection

and Content; whether this be a time of leasure for your Pleasures: therefore for shame awake at length, and save the Com∣mon-wealth. Neither our Tributes, nor the Wrongs of our Allies, but our Liberty and our Lives lye now at stake. Frequently, Conscript Fathers, I have deliver'd my self in this Assembly: often have I com∣plain'd of the Luxury and Avarice of our fellow Citizens; and for that reason have contracted the Enmity of many Men. I who never pardon'd in my self the least Error of my own Thoughts, could not easily forgive the Misdemeanors of Passion and Ambition in others. Of which though you took little Cognizance, yet such was then the same Condition of the Common-wealth, that it's united Power could brook your negligence: But now the question is not whether we shall be able to support our selves by good and laudable Customs; nor how large, nor how magnificent the Roman Empire is; but whether these things, whatever they be, shall be ours, or that our Enemies must be allow'd their share. In this case, shall any man talk to me Mildness and Pity? Certainly we have long since lost the true Significations of

words. Since the Prodigal disposal of other mens Estates is call'd Liberality; and Boldness in evil Enterprises goes by the name of Fortitude. And between these two Extreams the Common-wealth is seated. Well then, since their good Na∣tures are such, let 'em be Liberal of their Friends Estates; let 'em be merciful to those that rob the Public Treasury; let 'em not be prodigal of our Blood; and while they are so sparing to a few notori∣ous Villains, go about to ruin all honest Men. Well and Learnedly has C. Caesar discours'd of Life and Death in this As∣sembly; deeming, as I believe, those things to be Fables, which are taught us concerning Hell; that the Wicked are reserv'd in Places horrid, dark and frightful, at a distance from the Just. Therefore it was his Opinion that their Estates should be put to sale, and their Persons be sent to the particular Munici∣pal Towns, least if they should be kept in Rome, they might be rescu'd by their Confederates in the Conspiracy, or by the tumultous Rabble. As if all the profli∣gate Villains were only at Rome, and not dispers'd over all Italy; and as if auda∣cious boldness were not like to be more

prevalent in places where there was less power to oppose it. Wherefore certainly this advice was very frivolous, if he have any fear of them, as dangerous Persons; but in the general Consternation of all Men, if he alone be not afraid; the more it concerns me to look both to my self and you. Therefore when you shall make any Decree concerning P. Lentulus and the rest, assure your selves the same Decree will reach both Catiline's Army and all the Conspirators: the more sedulously and vigorously you act in those Affairs, the more their Courage will be daunted; but if they find you once remiss and timo∣rous, there's nothing then will stop their Fury. Never believe our Ancestors en∣larg'd our Common-wealth from small to great by force of Arms. For were it so, it would be much more spendid now, since we are much more numerous in Allies and number of People; far bet∣ter provided with Weapons and Horses: But other things were those that made them Great; all which we want: Seduli∣ty at home and just Command abroad: a Mind in Consultation free, nor favouring the Crime, nor obnoxious to Passion: Instead of these, we flourish in Luxury

and Avarice; in public want, and pri∣vate opulency: Wealth we applaud, but follow Sloth: between the Good and Bad there's no distinction: but Ambiti∣on enjoys all the Rewards of Vertue. Nor is it a thing to be admir'd; be∣cause you never advise together for the common Good, but separately consult your own Interests: because at home you serve your Pleasures, and here en∣slave your selves to Profit or Favour. From whence it comes to pass that Vio∣lence invades the empty Common∣wealth. The most Illustrious of our Fellow-Citizens have conspir'd to burn their Countrey; to revolt and war they inflame the Gauls, the mortal Enemies of the Roman Name; and the General of the Rebels himself is with his Army almost at our doors. And do ye now at such a time as this sit lingring and staggering what to do with Enemies ap∣prehended within your walls? My O∣pinion is, ye should take pity of 'em. They are young men that have offend∣ed through Ambition; and therefore give 'em their Liberty and their Wea∣pons to boot; but assure your selves, this Clemency and Compassion of yours,

if they have liberty to use their Armies, will turn to all our Sorrows. 'Tis true, Misery is a grievous thing, but you are not afraid of it. Yes, most of all; but through Sloth and want of Courage, you sit staring one upon another, expect∣ing help from the Immortal Gods, who oft have sav'd this Commonwealth in all her greatest Dangers. But the Assistance of the Gods is not obtain'd by Female Importunity and Supplication: Prospe∣rity attends on watchfulness, activity, and well consulting. When we aban∣don our selves to Sloth and Pusillani∣mity, 'tis in vain to implore the Gods, who are offended and angry. Among the rest of our Progenitors, A. Manlius Torquatus, caus'd his own Son to be put to death, because he had fought the Enemy contrary to his Command; so severely was the valiant Youth cha∣stiz'd for his over-hasty Courage. And do you hesitate what to decree against the most cruel of Parricides? Oh! but 'tis pity to punish 'em, considering their former vertuous Lives: However, I'll give ye leave to be merciful to Lentu∣lus's Dignity, if ever he were merciful to his own Chastity, his own Honour;

if e'er he spar'd the Gods or Men. Par∣don Cethegus's his Youth, because this is but the second time he has rebell'd a∣gainst his Country. For what do I talk of Gabinius, Statilius and Ceparius, who had they had the least Grain or Sence of Vertue and Reputation, would never have engag'd in such Designs against the Commonwealth. Lastly, Conscript Fathers, were there any room for an Oversight, readily would I brook that you should be corrected by the Matter of Fact it self, since you so little regard my words; but we are every way sur∣rounded. Catiline with his Army is ad∣vanc'd to the very Passages of the Apen∣nine; other Enemies we have within the Walls of the City, and even in our Bosoms; no private Preparations can be made, no secret Consulations taken: For which reason, we must use the greater diligence. Therefore 'tis my O∣pinion; since the Commonwealth is now upon the Brink of Danger through the Sacrilegious Machinations of profligate and impious Wretches, who being detected by the Discoveries of Vol∣turcius, and the Embassadors of the Al∣lobroges, have confess'd their joynt Con∣federacy

to murder, burn, and utterly destroy their Country and their Fellow-Citizens, together with other enormous Cruelties and publick Havock by them intended, That capital Punishment be inflicted upon Them confessing, as if they had been actually convicted of the Crimes.

So soon as Cato sate down, all the Con∣sular Personages, and the greatest part of the Senate applaud his Opinion, and extol his Courage to the Skies; while others are upbraided with the Name of Cow∣ards; but Cato is look'd upon by all as great and famous; and a Decree of Se∣nate passes in compliance with Cato's O∣pinion. And here, as being a person who have heard and read much more of what renown'd Atchievments the Ro∣man People have perform'd both in Peace and War, by Sea and Land, by chance it came into my Mind to consider, what it was that upheld the management and accomplishment of such glorious Actions. I knew, That frequently with inconside∣rable Bands they had vanquish'd nume∣rous Legions of their Enemies: That with small Forces they had wag'd War against potent Princes; moreover, That

they had many times experienc'd the Vi∣olence of Fortune: That for Eloquence, the Greeks; in Military Glory, the Gauls were superior to the Romans. But after many serious Reflexions and Considerati∣ons, it was plain to me at length, That the surpassing Courage of a few Citizens had brought all things to pass; and thence it fell out, That Poverty overcame Opu∣lency, and Multitudes were vanquish'd by a few. But when the Commonwealth was once corrupted by Luxury and Sloth, then the Commonwealth by her own Vastness supported the Vices of her Com∣manders and Magistrates; for that, like a Woman that has done bearing Chil∣dren, for several Intervals of Time, Rome could not shew a famous Person: But in my Memory there were two Great Men of different Dispositions and Manners of Living, yet in Vertue both surmounting; M. Cato, and C. Caesar; whom therefore, since so fair an Opportunity offer'd, I could not think it became me to pass by in silence, before I had given a true Cha∣racter, as far as my Wit would reach, of the Genius and Nature of Both. For Nobility of Descent, for Years and Elo∣quence, the difference of Equality was

very small between 'em. In Magnanimity likewise equal, as also in Glory, thô treading different Paths to purchase Fame: For Caesar's Bounty and Munificence made him great; Cato, his Integrity of Life. The first, his Clemency and Com∣passion render'd Illustrious; the other was admir'd for his Severity: Caesar, by giv∣ing, relieving, pardoning; Cato, by be∣stowing nothing, got Renown: In the one, the Miserable found a Sanctuary; the other was a Terror to the wicked: The one for his easie Temper, the other was applauded for Constancy of Resolu∣tion. Caesar had made it his business to labour and watch; intent upon the occasions of his Friends, to neglect his own; to de∣ny nothing that was worthy giving; thirsting after great Command, an Army and a new War, that so the Lustre of his Courage might shine brightly forth. On the other side, Cato study'd Mode∣sty, Temperance, Decency, but Austeri∣ty above all the rest: He never contended for Riches with the wealthy, nor with the Factious for Command: but who was most couragious with the Stout; most modest with the Bashful; and with the most abstemious, who more temperate

and continent? He rather chose to be, then seem to be good; so that the less he courted Honour, the more she follow'd him.

Now then so soon as once the Senate had approv'd the Opinion of Cato, the Con∣sul, believing it the safest way to take the advantage of the Night approaching, for fear of any unexpected Accident in the mean time, commanded the a Capital Triumvirs to make ready the Place and Instruments for Execu∣tion. He, after the Guards were set, brings Lentulus himself to the Prison, as the Praetors also did the rest. Within the Javl there is a certain place call'd b Tullianum; after a small Ascent to the left hand a∣bout Twelve Foot under ground, being wall'd about on every side, with an Arch of Stone over head; but nasty, dark, offensive to the Smell, and frightful to the Sight. Into this Dungeon Lentulus be∣ing let down, the Lictors or Executioners,

according to their Orders, strangl'd him with a Halter. Thus fell that great Pa∣trician, descended from the Illustrious Fa∣mily of the Cornelii, that frequently had held the Consular Dignity of Rome, meet∣ing that fatal End which the Course of his Life, and his Actions justly merited. In the same manner also Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius and Ceparius were executed at the same time.

While these things are thus transacted at Rome, Catiline, of all the Men which he had rais'd himself, and those that Manlius had muster'd to∣gether, made two a Le∣gions, and fill'd up his b Cohorts proportionable to the Number of his Men. Then as Voluntiers or Friends came in to him, he made an equal distribution of their Number; insomuch, that in a short time he compleated both his Legi∣ons, whereas before he had but Two Thousand in all. Of these, not above a fourth part were arm'd with Souldier like Weapons; the rest supply'd by Chance and Fortune, carry'd either Country Pike∣staves, Javelins, or Stakes made sharp at

the end. But when Antonius approach'd with his Army, Catiline keeping the Mountains, bent his March sometimes to∣wards the City, sometimes towards Gallia, carefully avoyding Combat with his Ene∣my; for he was in hopes of numerous Re∣inforcements, so soon as his Confederates had accomplish'd their work at Rome. In the mean time, he refus'd the Assistance of Slaves and Servants, of which, a great Number had resorted to him at the be∣ginning, confiding in the strength of the Conspiracy; and deeming it might also disadvantage his Interests, to have inter∣mix'd the Complaints and Cause of Free Citizens with Slaves.

But afterwards, when News was brought to the Camp that the Conspiracy was dis∣cover'd, and that Lentulus, Cethegus, and the rest were executed, the greatest part, whom hopes of Plunder, and desire of new revolutions had inveigl'd to the War, dropt from him: with the rest Catiline swiftly retires through the rough and difficult Passes of the Hills, into the Ter∣ritory

of the a Pistorien∣ses, with a Design to steal away privately under the shelter of the Woods and Mountains into Lumbardy: But Q. Metellus Celer lay with three Le∣gions in the Territory of Picenum, rightly conjecturing Catiline's Intention, consider∣ing the distress of his Affairs. Therefore having intelligence of his March, by cer∣tain Fugitives, he presently raises his Camp, and posts himself at the foot of the Mountains, where Catiline must come down in his March for Hither Gallia. Nor was Antonius far behind, as he that follow'd the nimble Fugitives with a nu∣merous Army through more level and less incumber'd ways.

Catiline therefore, when he perceiv'd himself enclos'd with Hills and numerous Enemies, that all things had fail'd his Expectations in the City, and that there was no safety in flight, nor hope of Suc∣cour, believing it his wisest course in such a condition, to try the chance of War, he resolv'd to hazard his For∣tune with b Antonius: And to that purpose, at the Head of all his Army he made this Oration to his Souldiers:

I am convinc'd by Truth of History and Experience, fellow Souldiers, that Words afford no addititon of Courage unto Men; or that a Generals Harangue renders a sloathful Army stout, no Cow∣ardly numbers Valiant. Only what Cou∣rage is by Nature or generous Practice inherent in the Soul of every Man, so much displays it self in Battle. The Per∣son whom neither Glory nor Dangers can excite, in vain we seek with Speeches to inflame: for Consternation stops his Ears. However I have call'd ye here to∣gether, partly to inculcate some few things into your Breasts, but chiefly to unfold the cause of this my suddain Re∣solution. You understand too well, fel∣low Souldiers, how great a Calamity the sloath and negligence of Lentulus has brought upon himself and Us; and how I am debarr'd from Marching into Gal∣lia, in Expectation of considerable Suc∣cours. And now you likewise know, as well as my self, what is the desperate condition of our Affairs at present. Two Armies of the Enemy, one from the City, another from Gallia lie posted in our way. To stay longer in these Parts, had we never so great a Desire,

scarcity of Provision and other Necessa∣ries will not permit. And wheresoever we design our March, we have no other way but what our Swords must open. Wherefore I exhort ye, be resolute, and still prepar'd for vigorous Encounter, and when ye are ready to joyn Battle, that you carry Riches, Honour, Grandeur, your Liberty and your Country in your hands. If we vanquish, all these things will be secure, plenty of Provision, Municipal Towns and Colonies, will be at our De∣votion. But if through Cowardice we turn our Backs, then all the World will be our Enemies; no place nor friend will shelter them, whose Arms could not protect 'em. Moreover, Fellow Soul∣diers, the same necessity binds not them, that strictly obliges us. We Combate for our Country, our Liberty and Lives, 'tis only a superfluous kindness in them to defend in fight the Usurpation of a few; the reason wherefore you should be more daringly mindful of your Ancient Vertue. You had your choice to spend your ignominious Lives in shameful Ex∣ile; or else to live at Rome, your Patri∣monies and Fortunes lost in Expectation of other Mens Estates. But because these

things seem'd base or not to be endur'd, you determin'd to follow these resolutions. If these your last determinations please not, the more need of Courage at this time. For no man but the Victor, Ex∣changes War for Peace. And to expect Security in Flight when we have thrown away our Weapons that were the Pro∣tection of our Bodies, that's a peice of Real Madness. Always in Battle they are most in Danger who are most afraid, for daring Boldness guards yee like a Wall. When I consider your Persons, Fellow Souldiers, and put an estimate upon your Actions, my hopes of Victory are exceeding Great. Your Va∣lour, Age and Stoutness, all encourage me. Moreover, your Necessities which renders even Cowards Valiant: nor will the na∣ture of these narrow passages permit the Enemy to surround us with their numbers. However if Fortune frown up∣on your Valour, beware, that unreveng'd you do not lose your Lives, or choose to be taken, and be massacred like Sheep, rather then fighting like Men, to leave the Enemy a Bloody and mournful Victory.

Having thus spoken, after he had made a little Pause, he commanded the Trum∣pets to sound, and leads down his Men in good order into a Champion ground. Then, sending away all the Horses, to the end, the danger being equal, the Souldiers might be the more encourag'd, himself a foot Embattles his Army, as his number and the Nature of the Place would permit. For finding that the Plain lay between Mountains on the Right, and rugged and steep Rocks on the Left, he made a Front of Eight Cohorts. The rest he drew up more close in Reserves. Out of these he brings all the choice Centurions and Honora∣ry Reformades, together with the stoutest of all the Common Souldiers well Arm'd, in∣to his first Array. To C. Manlius he gave the Right, to a Commander of Fiesoli the Left Wing. Himself with his enfranchiz'd Bondmen, and some of Sylla's old Soul∣diers, that had been distri∣buted into Colonies, he posted himself next to the Eagle, which as they said, had been the Standard which Marius made use of in the Cimbric War. On the other side, C.

Antonius being then sick of the Gout, be∣cause he could not be present at the Battle, gave the Command of his Army to his Legate, M. Petreius. He plac'd the Ve∣terane Cohorts, which he had rais'd of a suddain, in the Front; and behind them, the rest of his Men for a Reserve. Him∣self Riding about from Rank to Rank, calls every one by their Names, encoura∣ges, and intreats 'em to be but mindful, that they fought against unarm'd Rob∣bers, for their Country, their Liberty, their Altars and their Houshold Gods. This Man, an old Souldier, who had been for above thirty years together, either a a Tri∣bune, or b Prefect, or c Legate or Pretor, and all along acquitted him∣self with great Honour, knew most of the Soul∣diers, was acquainted with their stoutest Actions, and by bringing 'em fresh to their Memories, great∣ly inflam'd their Cou∣rages.

Now then Petreius having diligently observ'd the Enemies Array, and given out his last Orders, by sound of Trumpet Commands the Signal of Battle, and the Cohorts at the same time to move slow∣ly forward. The same did the Enemy; but when they were so near to one ano∣ther, that the Lighter arm'd might well begin the fight with their Missive weapons, the Legionaries never stood to throw their d Piles as they were to do, but running with a hideous shout on both sides to the Combat, be∣gan a close fight foot to foot with their Swords. The Veteranes, mindful of their Pristine Bravery, bore vigorously upon the Enemy; nor did their Opposites make a Timo∣rous Resistance, so that the Combat was sharp on both sides. All the while Catiline, with the most active and smartest of his followers kept still in the head of his Men; succour'd those that were over-power'd, supply'd the places of

the wounded with fresh Men; frequently charg'd in Person, and perform'd all the Duties of a stout Souldier, and experienc'd Commander. Petreius therefore perceiving that Catiline made a stouter Resistance then he expected, orders the Pretorian Cohort to Advance and Charge the very thickest of the Enemy; and then it was that all things went to wrack on Catiline's side, his Men being every where disor∣der'd, and every where put to the Sword: which done the Legate flew upon both the Enemies Wings at the same time with the same fury. Manlius and the Faesulane fell among the first. But as for Catiline, when he saw his Army rout∣ed, and himself left naked with a small Remainder, remembring his Descent and his Ancient Dignity, he threw himself into the thickest of his Enemies, and was there slain with his Sword in his hand.

But after the Battle was over, then you might see the wonderful Audacity and Resolution that had reign'd in Cati∣line's Army. For generally the place which every one had stood on when alive,

the same when dead he cover'd with his Body. Some few indeed, whom the Pretorian Cohort had routed in the middle, lay more dispers'd, yet all had receiv'd their wounds before, and no man turning his back. Only Catiline was found at a distance from his own Men among the Carcases of his Enemies, with some remainder of Life, retaining in his Countenance that Fury and Fierceness of Mind which inspir'd him when alive: and the last thing remarkable is this, that of that whole Number, neither in the Fight nor in the Pursuit was any Free∣born Citizen taken Prisoner, so equally merciful had they all been to their own and the Lives of their Enemies. Nor can we say that the Army of the Roman People enjoy'd a Victory to be rejoyc'd at, or at the expence of little Blood. For not a Man of forward Bravery, but ei∣ther fell in the Battle, or was carry'd off desperately wounded. So that of many, that either out of Curiosity or greedy of Plunder, going to view the Field of Battle, turn'd up the Carcases of the Slain, there were hardly any but either knew their Friends, their Guests, or their

Kindred: and some there were who knew their Enemies. Thus Joy and Sorrow, Mourning and Gladness variously affected the Victorious Army.

The End of the Catilinarian War.

C. Crispus Sallustius's JUGURTH OR, JUGURTHINE War.

1. FAlsely does Human kind complain of the Condition of Life, as if it were too frail and short, and rather under the Dominion of Chance then Ver∣tue. For entertaining contrary thoughts, we shall find that there is nothing greater, nothing more excellent then Man himself, and that he neither wants power nor length of years, but only Industry. For the Captain and Commander of human Life is the Soul, which while it journeys with an eager pace toward Glory, through the paths of Vertue, is sufficiently preva∣lent,

powerful and eminent, not needing Fortune's aid; which neither can be∣queath or take away from any Man his Probity, his Industry, or any other ver∣tuous Endowments. But if enslav'd to lewd desires, we plunge our selves in Lux∣ury and Corporeal Pleasures; by degrees accustom'd to pernicious sensuality; when we have once mispent our Parts, our Strength, our precious Hours in Sloath and Oscitancy, the Infirmity of Nature is then accus'd, for that the Guilty lay the blame of their folly upon the difficulty of Business. Whereas if Men were but as se∣dulous in laudable Professions, as they are eager in the pursuit of things unprofitable, and many times extreamly hazardous, they would rather govern then be go∣vern'd by Fortune; and would advance themselves to that degree of Grandeur, that instead of being Mortal, they would become Eternal in Glory.

2. For as all Mankind is compounded of Soul and Body, so do also all our Affairs and all our Studies follow, some the nature of the Body, others of the Soul. There∣fore lovely Form, superfluous Riches, strength of Body, these in a short time all decay; but the glorious Atchievements of

Wit and Parts, are like the Soul, Im∣mortal. Lastly, as there is a beginning, so there is an end of all the Blessings of Body and Fortune; all things rising set again; and as they grow, grow old. But the Soul, Incorruptible, Eternal, the Guide and Ruler over all Mankind, acts and possesses all things, not possess'd it self. And the deprav'd humor of those Men is so much the more to be admir'd, who aban∣doning themselves to the felicity of bodily Pleasures, consume their days in Luxury and Idleness, and suffer the Wit of Man, then which there is nothing more sub∣lime, nothing more boundless in human Nature, to grow stupid and lie fallow through sluggishness and want of careful Manuring. More especially since the Gifts and Sciences belonging to the Mind, are so many and so various, by which we may arrive to highest degree of Reputation.

3. Yet in the midst of this Diversity, nei∣ther Magistracy, nor Empire, nor any Administration indeed of Public Affairs to me at this present seem so eagerly to be thirsted after: for Honour is not bestow'd on Vertue: Neither are they that by Fraud have obtain'd Advancement, safe; or for their eminent Authority the more

honest. For, for a Man to rule his Coun∣try or his Parents by force, though he have Power, and be never so much a Corrector of Misdemeanors, yet is it trou∣blesom to the Sufferers; especially since all Mutations of Affairs portend Slaughter, Exile and other Effects of Hostile Vio∣lence. Vainly therefore to take pains, and acquire nothing else by restless toil but Hatred of himself, is Extremity of Madness; unless there be any so pos∣sess'd with a slavish and pernicious desire to surrender their Honour and their Liberty to the Power of a Few.

4. But among the Crouds of Business, which are proper for the Exercise of the Wit, the Remembrances of great Transacti∣ons seem chiefly beneficial. Of the Excellen∣cy of which Application, since many have discours'd, I deem it not fit to be repeated: least some besides, may think it Insolence in me, by Praises to extol the Study which my self affects. 'Tis true, that I believe there may be some, who, because I have deter∣min'd to live remote from Public Affairs, may give the name of Idleness to this same Toil of Mine so great and profita∣ble: though surely none but such, whose chiefest Industry it is to court the Mobile,

and to ingratiate themselves by Popular Banquets. Who if they again consider, both at what time I obtain'd the Magistracy, and who they were that could not gain that Honour, and afterwards what sort of Men were brought into the Senate, cer∣tainly they will be then convinc'd, that the Change of my Judgment proceeded rather from Desert then loytring Drowsiness, and that greater Advantage will accrew to the Commonwealth from my Leisure, then the Business of others. For I have frequently heard, that Q. Maximus and P. Scipio, the most renowned Persons of our Commonwealth, were wont to say, That when they beheld the Statues of their Ancestors, their Minds were ardently in∣flam'd to Vertue; not that the Wax or the Figure had such an efficacy in its self; but only that the flame was kindl'd in the breasts of those Illustrious Per∣sons by the remembrance of past Trans∣actions; nor could be extinguish'd, before their Vertue and Courage had equall'd the Fame and Glory of their Predecessors. Quite otherwise, who is there now adays that does not strive to outvie his Ancestors in Riches and Expences, rather then in Probity and Industry? Upstarts also, who

formerly were wont by their Vertue to anticipate Nobility, now by Stealth and private Bribery, contemning worthy means, press forward to Commands and Honors. As if Pretorships and Consulships, and all high Employments whatever, were Noble and Magnificent in themselves, and not to be esteem'd and valu'd according to the merit of those Persons that enjoy'd 'em. But I have been too free, and ran too high, in detestation of the corrupted Man∣ners of the Commonwealth. I now re∣turn to the Design in hand.

5. A War I am about to Write, which the Roman People wag'd with Jugurth King of the Numidians. First because it was a great and furious Contest, and Victory va∣rious on both sides: and in the next place for that then it was, the first Op∣position was made against the Nobility. Which Con∣tention made a Confusi∣on of all things both Divine and Human, and proceeded to that degree of mortal Rage, that only War and the Devastation of Italy, put an end to their Intestine Ani∣mosities.

But before I enter into the be∣ginning of this Story, I must look back a little into Antiquity, to the end that all things may be more clearly display'd in or∣derd to the better understanding of the rest.

In the second Punic War, when Hanni∣bal, Captain of the Carthaginians, had broken the Strength of Italy, more then ever any one, since the Grandeur of the Roman Name, Massinissa, King of the Numidians, being admitted into a League of Friendship by P. Scipio, Sirnam'd A∣fricanus for his Valour, had perform'd many noble and famous warlike Exploits. In recompence of which, the Carthagini∣ans being vanquish'd, and Syphax taken Pris'ner, whose Power was great, and his Dominions in Africa spacious at that time, the Roman People freely bestow'd upon the King what Cities and Countries they had then subdu'd by force of their own Arms. For which reason he conti∣nu'd in his Friendship to Us advantageous and sincere, till his Life and Sov'raignty ended both together. After that, his Son Micipsa obtain'd the Kingdom, and reign'd sole Monarch, Manastabales and Gulassa his Brothers being carry'd off by Sickness. To him were born in lawful

Wedlock, Adherbal and Hiempsal, with whom he bred up Jugurth, the Son of his Brother Manastabales, and gave him Royal Education in his Palace, notwith∣standing that Massinissa had left him only in a private Condition, in regard his Mo∣ther was no more then a Concubine.

6. Who, when he arriv'd to years of ma∣turity, surpassing in strength, lovely to be∣hold, but far more vigorous in Parts and Wit, would not be corrupted by Luxury and Ease; but according to the Custom of that Nation, enur'd himself to Riding, Darting, and to out-run his Equals, to out∣do all, and yet to be belov'd by all. Some∣times he spent his time in Hunting, and was still the formost, or among the for∣most that first wounded the Lion or any other wild Beasts: thus performing most, but speaking least of himself. With which, altho' Micipsa were well pleas'd at the be∣ginning, as believing Jugurth's Courage would be an Honour to his Kingdom; but when he found, in his declining years, and while his Children yet were small, the sprightly Youth improving daily more and more, then violently disturb'd with Jealousies and Fears, he began to re∣volve many things in his Thoughts. The

Nature of Mortals, greedy of Dominion, and precipitately prone to gratifie their Ambition, terrify'd him; besides the op∣portunity of his own and his Childrens Age; enough to overturn the Loyalty of meaner Courages: Add to this the Affecti∣ons of the Numidians kindl'd toward Ju∣gurth; which made him anxious whether to contrive the Death of such a man or no, to remove all Occasions of Sedition or War.

7. In the midst of these Difficulties, when he saw that a Man so acceptable to the People, could neither be destroy'd by Force nor Treachery, in regard that Ju∣gurth was. a Person prompt of his hands, and covetous of Military Honour, he re∣solv'd to expose him to danger, and to try his Fortune that way. Therefore in the Numantine War, Micipsa designing to send the Romans a numerous Assistance both of Horse and Foot, and hoping his destruction, either by dating too far, or through the severity of his Enemies, he gave him the Command of the Numidi∣ans, which he sent into Spain. But it fell out quite contrary to his Expectations: for Jugurth, a Person indefatigable, and of a piercing Wit, when once he came

to understand the Disposition of Scipio, then General of the Roman Army, and the Enemies manner of Fighting, by his extream Labour and Diligence, by his modest Obedience, and frequent exposing himself to Danger, arriv'd to such a de∣gree of Reputation, that he was not only greatly belov'd by our People, but equal∣ly formidable to the Numantines. And in∣deed, a thing most extraordinary, and rarely to be met with in one single Per∣son, he was not only strenuous in Battel, but safe and shrewd in Counsel: Of which, the one from foresight generally begets Fear; the other from dating and inconsi∣derate boldness, usually produces Rash∣ness. The General therefore for the most part made use of Jugurth in the executi∣on of his most difficult Enterprizes, took him into the number of his Friends; and dayly more and more augmented his Re∣spect and Favour toward him; as being one whose Counsel and Courage sel∣dom fail'd. Besides all this, he had a large Soul, and a Genius most industrious, by which means he had contracted a most familiar Friendship with many of the Romans.

8. At that time were several Up∣starts and Noble Persons in our Army, that preferr'd Wealth before Justice and Honesty, factious, powerful at home, and among our Allies more eminent for their Riches then Vertue; who by ostentatious Promises, did not a little inflame the hopes of Jugurth, that so soon as Micip∣sa dropt into his Grave, himself should reign sole Monarch of Numidia; That he was a Person accomplish'd for Sove∣reign Rule, and that all things were put to Sale at Rome.

After this, when Numantia was levell'd with the Ground, and that Scipio had determin'd to dismiss his Auxiliaries, and return home, he took Jugurth along with him magnificently rewarded, and laden with Encomiums, into the Pre∣torian Pavilion, before the whole Assem∣bly of the Chief Officers; and there ad∣monish'd him in secret, rather publicly then privately to continue his Friendship with the Roman People; lest by ill be∣stowing his Bounty, he might happen to purchase with danger, from a few, that which belong'd to many: That if he took the right Course, Glory and the King∣dom would drop of themselves into his

Bosom; but that if he made too much haste, his own Money would throw him headlong into Ruin.

9. After these Admonitions, he dismiss'd him with certain Letters which he was to deliver to Micipsa, to this effect:

Thy Jugurth's Courage has been high∣ly conspicuous in the Numantine War, which I am assur'd will be acceptable News for Thee to hear. By Us he is highly respected for his Merits; and that he may have the same Esteem from the Senate and People of Rome, we shall mainly endeavour. I congratulate thy Happiness for our Friendships sake; for thou enjoy'st a Subject worthy of thy self, and thy Father Massinissa.

The King therefore, when he found true by the Generals Letters what he had heard before by Report, smitten as well with the Courage, as the Loveliness of the Person, allay'd his Anger, and resolv'd to try whether he could vanquish him by Acts of Grace and Favour: To which purpose he adopted him, and by his last Will left him Co-heir of the Kingdom

with his Sons; and some few years after, wasted with Age and Sickness, perceiving the Conclusion of his Days at hand, he is said to have us'd the following Admo∣nitions to Jugurth in the hearing of his Friends and Kindred, as also of his Two Sons, Adherbal and Hiempsal.

10.

When thou wert young & helpless, Jugurth, after thou hadst lost thy Fa∣ther, without Hopes or Maintenance, I took thee into my Kingdom, believing thou wouldst prove equally grateful both to me and to my Children, should I have any, for favors heap'd upon thee: Nor was I deceiv'd in my good Opinion: For, to omit thy other many great and famous Explots, lately returning from Numantia, thou hast honour'd both Me and my Kingdom with Martial Repu∣tation; and by thy Prowess hast made the Romans, Friends before, most friend∣ly to Us. In Spain the Name and Lu∣stre of our Family is again renew'd; and which is the hardest Task for Mortals to perform, thou hast vanquish'd Envy with Renown. Now then, because that Nature puts an end to my Life, by this Right Hand, by the Truth of the King∣dom,

I beseech and conjure thee, That these Young Men, by Birth thy nearest Kindred, and Brothers through my Fa∣vour, may be always the dear Objects of thy real Affection; and that thou wilt not forsake the Friendship of thy own Flesh and Blood, for the Alliances of Strangers. Neither Armies nor Trea∣sures are Guards sufficient to defend a Kingdom, but Friends; which thou canst neither compel by Force, nor purchase with Gold: They are only to be gain'd by Duty and Fidelity. But where should Friendship then be most sincere, if not between Brother and Brother? Or where shall he find a Friend among Strangers, that is an Enemy to his own Relations? I leave yet a Kingdom strong and durable, while vertuous and unani∣mous; but weak, and of short conti∣nuance, if wicked and perverse. For by Concord small Beginnings thrive; through Discord the most Sinewey Esta∣blishments shrink to nothing. Till then these Striplings are grown up, Thee, Ju∣gurth, it behoves, their Senior both in Years and Prudence, to take care, that nothing may disturb this happy Union. For in all Contentions, the more power∣ful

though he recieve the Injury, yet because his Force is greater, seems to do it. And as for your parts, Adherbal and Hiempsal, respect and reverence so great a Man as this; imitate his Cou∣rage; and let it not be said, That I a∣dopted better Children then I first be∣gat.

11. To all this, Jugurth, altho' he knew, That what the King had utter'd, was all but craftily dissembled, and that he had other Designs in his Head, nevertheless observing the Season, he answer'd as if nothing but Submission and Duty had in∣spir'd him. Within a few days after Micipsa dies. Whom, when they had magnificently Interr'd with all the Royal Pomp befitting his Dignity, the three les∣ser Princes met together, to consult a∣mong themselves concerning their Affairs. At that time, Hiempsal, naturally fierce, and contemning Jugurth's mean Descent by the Mothers side, plac'd himself upon Adherbal's Right Hand, to prevent Ju∣gurth's sitting in the middle, which is ac∣counted the chiefest Place of Honour a∣mong the Numidians. Nor would he give way to Age, till tir'd with his Brother's

Importunity, he was forc'd to change his Seat. There, after they had discours'd many things concerning the Government of the Kingdom, Jugurth, among other passages, throws in a word by the By, That it was but reasonable that all the Decrees and Acts for the five Years last past, should be made void; in regard that during all that time, Micipsa being wasted with Age, had not had the right Use of his Understanding. To which Hiempsal made Answer, That the Proposal pleas'd him well; for that it was but three years ago, since he had obtain'd his share of the Kingdom by Adoption. Which Expres∣sion descended deeper into Jugurth's Breast then they that heard it were aware of: Therefore from that time, turmoyl'd with Indignation and Fear, he toyls, provides, and in perpetual agitation of Thought, sets all his Trains and Engines at work by Treachery to ruine Hiempsal: Which in regard they had but slow Success, and yet his cruel Mind could no way be appeas'd, he resolv'd to accomplish his Design whatever it cost him.

12. At the first Meeting of the three Prin∣ces already mention'd, in regard they could not agree, it was adjudg'd requi∣site,

That the Treasures should be divi∣ded, and that the Limits of their Terri∣tories should be setled. For the Executi∣on of which Decrees, a Time was prefixt, but first of all for the distribution of the Money. Now it happen'd that Hiempsal had hir'd a House in a Town call'd Thir∣mida, which belong'd to Jugurth's chief Gentleman-Ʋsher, but a Person greatly ca∣ress'd & belov'd by himself. This Officer, so opportunely in his Service, Jugurth loads with rich Presents; and constrains him to go, under pretence of viewing his House, and get false Keys made to all the Doors (for the true ones were in Hiemp∣sal's possession) and to let him know when all things were ready; for that then he would come with a sufficient Strength. The Numidian fulfill'd his Commands, and as he was instructed, in the Night∣time let in Jugurth's Souldiers; who were no sooner rusht into the House, but seve∣ral ran to seek out the young Prince; some kill'd those that were asleep; others slew all they met; all the private Corners were ransack'd, Doors broke open, no∣thing but Noise and Tumult every where; at length Hiempsal is found in a Cottage belonging to a young Woman his Ser∣vant,

whither at first in fear, and igno∣rant of the Countrey, he had fled for shelter. The Numidians, as they were commanded, carry'd his Head to Jugurth.

13. But the Report of such a Bloody Fact was soon spred over all Africa, so that all that were under the Dominion of Mi∣cipsa, were in a dreadful consternation. The Numidians divide themselves into two Parties: More adher'd to Adherbal, but to the other the more strenuous in War: Therefore Jugurth arms all the Forces he could raise, and adds to his Territories several Cities, some by Force, others by willing Surrender, and prepares to make himself Master of all Numidia. Adherbal, although he had sent Embassa∣dors to Rome, to inform the Senate of the Murther of his Brother, yet confiding in the Number of his Souldiers, resolves up∣on a decision of the Quarrel by the Sword. But when the Business came to Battel, constrain'd to quit the Field, he fled into the Roman Province, and thence made haste to Rome. Then Jugurth, having accomplish'd his Designs, and now Lord of all Numidia, revolving more at leisure, in his Mind, the Fact he had committed, began to dread the Roman People, nor

had he any hopes of appeasing their dis∣pleasure, but in the Avarice of the No∣bility, and his own Money. Therefore within a few days he sent his Embassadors to Rome, loaden with Gold and Silver, with his Instructions, first to cram the Purses of his old Friends, then to purchase new; and lastly, by scattering their Bribes, to make: sure of all they could, for fear of haesitation.

Upon this, when the Embassadors came to Rome, and had dispers'd their Presents according to their Master's In∣structions, among the King's Friends, and others that bore the greatest Sway in the Senate, there was such a Change en∣su'd, so that whereas no man before had more incurr'd their displeasure then Ju∣gurth, no man was more in their fa∣vour.

14. Thereupon, when the Embassadors thought their Game sure, a Senate was appointed to hear both Sides; and then it was that Adherbal, as we have heard, thus deliver'd himself:

Conscript Fathers, Micipsa my Father, upon his Death-bed, gave me in charge, that I should look upon the Kingdom of

Numidia, so far as concern'd the Admini∣stration only to be mine, but that the Right of Jurisdiction and Dominion was vested in your selves: and that I should make it my business both in Peace and War, to be as serviceable as possible I could be to the Roman People. That I should va∣lue and respect you as my Parents and nearest Kindred and Relations: which if I did, I should find in your Friendship, Armies, Riches and the safety of my King∣dom. These Instructions of my Father, while I was meditating carefully to put in Practice, Jugurth, a Man of all men up∣on the Face of the Earth, most Impious, contemning your Authority, me Massi∣nissa's Grandchild, and consequently by Lineal Descent an Allie and friend of the Roman People, has expell'd his King∣dom and depriv'd of all his Fortunes: I must confess, Conscript Fathers, since Fate had destin'd me to these Calamities, I could have wish'd that rather for the sake of my own, then the services of my Ancestors, I might have implor'd your Aid; and that the People of Rome might have ow'd me those favours which I had no need of, that then, if occasion requir'd, I might have reap'd the advantage of my Debts.

But in regard Integrity is not secure of it self, neither was it in my power to fore∣see what sort of person Jugurth would prove, I fled to you for Succour, to whom, which is my worst misfortune, I am constrain'd to be a burthen, before I could be useful. Other Princes either vanquish'd in War, have been admitted into your Protection, or in the tottering condition of their Affairs, have sought your Alliance. Our Family engag'd in Amity with the Roman People, in the time of the Carthaginian War, at such a Conjun∣cture, when their Fidelity rather then their Fortune was to be desir'd. Whose Off-spring, Conscript Fathers, my own self, t•••• Grand-child of Massinissa, permit not to implore your Aid in vain. Had I no other reason for my Suit, but only my Misfortune, that deserves Commiseration; lately a Potent Prince, no less Illustri∣ous in Birth and Fame; now disfigur'd with Calamity, reduc'd to Poverty and begging Aid of others, yet it became the Majesty of the Roman People to pro∣hibet Injury; and not to suffer any Man whatever to enlarge his Kingdom by Sa∣crilegious Acts. But I, alas, am here expell'd those very Confines, which the

Roman People bestow'd upon my An∣cestors, from whence my Father and Grand-father assisting your Victorious Arms, ejected Syphax and the Carthagi∣nians. Your Favours, Conscript Fathers, are wrested out of my hands; and you are contemn'd in the wrongs I suffer. Wretch that I am! Are thy kindnesses come to this, Father Micipsa, that he whom thou mad'st equal with thy Children, and sharer of thy King∣dom, that he should be the first to extin∣guish thy Race and Lineage? Shall our Family never be at quiet? Always must Boodshed, Exile and Slaughter be our Portion? While the Carthaginians flou∣rish'd, there was some reason for our suf∣fering; the Enemy close by our sides; you our Allies far distant: all our depen∣dance was upon our Swords. But when that Pest was exterminated out of Africa, we enjoy'd a gay Tranquility: for then we had no Enemy, unless whom you com∣manded so to be. But now upon a suddain, Jugurth, advancing himself, through un∣sufferable audaciousness, and vaunting in Villany and Pride, having murder'd my Brother and his nearest Kinsman, has first siez'd the Kingdom as the booty of

his Impiety; then when he could not ruin Me by the same Treachery, yet expect∣ing nothing less then Violence and War, within your own Empire, he has stript me as you see of House and Home and Native Country, and sent me hither an exil'd Beggar, overwhelm'd with misery, and any where more secure then in my own Kingdom. I was of the same opi∣nion, Conscript Fathers, with my aged Parent, when I heard him oft repeat∣ing, that they who inviolably embrac'd your Friendship, underwent indeed much hardship, but of all Men upon Earth were most secure. What was in our Families Power to do, they did; still your Auxiliaries in your Wars: and it is in your Power that we may be as well secure in Peace as others under your Protection. My Father left two Brothers of us, and Jugurth the third he thought would have been rivetted to us by his continual kindnesses. The one of these is Butcher'd, the others Impious Clutches my self could hardly escape. What shall I do? Or whither, unhappy as I am, shall I repair? All my expectancies of support from Consanguinity are lost. My Father, by necessity of Fate, has sur∣render'd

himself to Nature: My Bro∣ther, He whom it least became, has impi∣ously robb'd of Life. The rest of my near Kindred, Relations and Friends, one sort of ruin some, another others have de∣stroy'd; taken by Jugurth, part nail'd upon the Cross; and part expos'd to the Fury of Wild Beasts; the small remain∣der clos'd up in Darkness with mourning and lamentation, lead a Life far worse than Death. Were all things, which either I have lost, or which instead of proving necessary have fallen out averse and con∣trary, had been still unhazzarded and safe; yet if any thing had happen'd unfore∣seen, I should however have address'd my Supplications, Conscript Fathers, to your selves, to whom, considering the Gran∣deur of your spacious Empire, belongs the care of all justice and Oppression. But now an Exile from my Country, from my House and Home, by all de∣serted, and indigent of necessary sub∣sistance, to whom shall I make Applica∣tion or whose Aid invoke? Nations or Princes, who all, because in League with you, detest our Family? Is there any Place left for my approach, where there are not more then many Hostile Monu∣ments

of my Ancestors? Can any Per∣son take Compassion upon Us, who at any time was once your Enemy? Massinissa, Conscript Fathers, gave us those Instructions, that we should pay fidelity to none, but to the People of Rome: that we should accept of no new Alliances or Leagues, there being super∣fluity of safety in your Friendship: and that if the Fortune of this Empire should happen to change, that we should fall together with it. By your Courage, and through the favour of the Gods, you are mighty and opulent; all things prosperous, all things obedient to your Commands: whereby you have the Power to take Cog∣nizance of injur'd Allies. Only this I fear, least some there may be, whom Jugurth's private Correspondence, closely carry'd, hurries topsy turvy; who as I am well inform'd, with all their Might endeavour, solicit, and weary with their Importunities particular Persons, that nothing be decreed against the Person absent, ere the Cause be heard: that I counterfeit words, and dissemble Flight, when I might stay in my Kingdom if I pleas'd. But I wish to Heaven I might see the Traitor, whose Villany has

plung'd me into these Calamities, dissem∣bling here the same Things; and at length that either You or the Immor∣tal Gods would be mindful of Human Affairs; to the end that He, who is now become Haughty and Illustrious by his perpetrated Crimes, tormented then with all imaginable tortures, might receive the dismal reward of his Impiety toward the Parent of us both, in the murther of my Brother, and rendring me thus mise∣rable. And now Brother, to my Soul most dear, although thy life was robb'd untimely from Thee, and by him whom it behov'd most charily to have preserv'd it, yet I am apt to think, thy Fate affords us an oc∣casion rather of Joy then Lamentation. For together with thy Life, 'tis but a Kingdom thou hast lost; thou hast escap'd the terrors of Flight, Exilement, Indi∣gency, and all those miseries that weigh down my Soul: While unfortunate as I am, thrown head-long from my Native Kingdom into so many disasters, I am only a Spectacle of Human uncertainties; Uncertain what to do, whether to pro∣secute thy wrongs, my self a suppliant for Succour; or whether to take farther care of my Kingdom, whose Power of Life and

Death depends upon the Charity of Stran∣gers. I wish to Heaven that Death might be the vertuous end of all my Gran∣deur; least I should seem contented, were it but only to live, if tir'd with my Mis∣fortunes, I should sink under the burthen of the Oppression. Now therefore, Con∣script Fathers, impatient of Life, yet not permitted to die without disgrace, for your own, for the sake of your Chil∣dren and your Parents, by the Majesty and Grandeur of the Roman People, vouchsafe your Succour to Me unfortu∣nate; stop the Career of Injustice, and suffer not the Kingdom of Numidia, which is your own, to consume and pine away, while harrass'd by Impiety and the Effusion of our Blood.

15. When the King had made an end of speaking, Jugurth's Embassadors, re∣lying more upon the profuseness of their Presents, then the justice of their Cause, answer'd in few words,

That Hiempsal was by the Numidians put to death for his Cruelty; that Adherbal, having begun a War without any pro∣vocation, when he saw himself vanquish'd

came to complain, because he could not do the wrong he intended: and therefore Jugurth besought the Senate, that they would not think him any other Person, then what he was known to be at Numantia; nor prefer the Stories of an Enemy, before his own apparent Deeds.

Which said, they both withdrew. Im∣mediately the Senate took the business into Consideration. At what time the fa∣vourers of the Embassadors and several others corrupted by Dependency, made slight of Adherbal's Complaint, highly applauded Jugurth's Vertue; spar'd nei∣ther for Affection or Words, but la∣bour'd with all their Might imaginable, for the Villany and Treachery of a Stranger, as if it had been for their own Honor. On the other side some few there were, to whom Justice and Equity were of more value then Riches, who were of opinion that Adherbal was to be support∣ed, and that the Death of Hiempsal was to be severely reveng'd. But among all the rest chiefly Emilius Scaurus, Nobly descended, indefatigable, factious, ambi∣tious of Power, Honour and Wealth, but

one that cunningly knew how to conceal his Vices. For he, perceiving the noto∣rious and scandalous Bribery of the King, fearing, as oft it happens in such cases, least a Pollution so licentious should bring an Odium upon him, checkt his in∣ordinate Desires, and kept his Avarice within bounds.

16. However in the Senate that Par∣ty carry'd it, which preferr'd Reward and Favour before Truth. A Decree was therefore made, That Ten Com∣missioners should divide Micipsa's King∣dom between Adherbal and Jugurth; In which Commission L. Opimius was the Chief: a Person of great Eminency and then Potent in the Senate; for that being Consul, after C. Gracchus and M. Fulvius were slain, he had prosecuted more se∣verely the Victory of the Nobility, and gratify'd their Indignation with a great slaughter of the Plebeians. This Person, though at Rome he had not found him fa∣vourable to his Interests, Jugurth receiv'd with all the caresles imaginable; at length profuse in Gifts and Promises, he so brought it to pass, that Reputation, Fidelity, Justice laid aside, he preferr'd the Kings profit above all things. With

the same Baits the Numidian tempt∣ed the rest of the Commissioners and the greatest part swallow'd the Silver Hook; only some few valu'd their Cre∣dit above Gold. In the Partition, that Part of Numidia which Borders upon Mauritania, far the better Country both for the Richness of the Land, and Num∣ber of Inhabitants, was assign'd to Jugurth. The other more beautiful for Prospect, then beneficial, as being full of Havens, and replenish'd with fair and sumptuous Buildings, fell to Adherbal's share.

17. Here the Occasion requires, That we should give a brief Description of the Si∣tuation of Africa, together with a slight Account of those Nations, with which we were either at War, or joyn'd in Al∣liance: Though as to those Places and Nations, which by reason of the Heat, the Rudeness of the Country, and Vast∣ness of the Desarts, are less frequented, I find but little Discovery made; the rest I shall dispatch in as few words as may be.

In the Division of the Terrestrial Globe, most Geographers have allow'd a Third Share to Africa, though some few there

are who acknowledge no more then Two Parts, Asia and Europe; affirming that Africa belongs to Europe. It is bounded to the West by the Streights, between our Sea and the Ocean; to the East, by a steep Descent, which place the Inhabitants call: Ca∣tabathmos. The Sea ad∣joyning Tempestuous, and ill furnish'd with Havens; the Soyl fruitful in Corn, and abounding in Pastu∣rage, but naked of Wood; the People healthy, patient of Labour, and generally long-liv'd, un∣less cut off by War, or destroy'd by wild Beasts, as being seldom injur'd by Dis∣eases: only they are pester'd with several sorts of venomous Creatures. And now what Race of Mortals first inhabited Afri∣ca, who succeeded them, and how they came to be intermix'd one among ano∣ther, although it vary from that Report, which generally prevails among most Men, nevertheless according to what was translated for our Use out of the Punic Books, which were said to be King Hi∣empsal's, and as the People of that Coun∣try believe it to be, I shall concisely de∣clare.

18. The People that first seated themselves in Africa, were the Getulians and Libyans, rude and barbarous, whose Food was the Flesh of wild Beasts, or the Grass upon the Ground, like so many Herds of Cat∣tel. They were neither govern'd by Cu∣stoms, Laws, nor under any Command; roving and wandring, where Night con∣strain'd, there they took up their present Quarters. But after that Hercules dy'd in Spain, as the Africans believe, his Army, compos'd of several Nations, having lost their Leader, while many sought to lay the Foundations of particular Dominion, shatter'd into several Parties. Of that Number, the Medes, Persians and Arme∣nians, crossing over into Africa, took pos∣session of those places that lie upon our Sea: But the Persians nearer to the main Ocean; who made use of the Keels of their Ships, the Bottoms turn'd upward, for Cottages; for that there was no Tim∣ber in the Country, nor had they any conveniency of buying or exchanging out of Spain, by reason that the wideness of the Sea and ignorance of the Language prevented Commerce. These, by de∣grees, by intermarriages intermix'd the Getulians among themselves: and because

that in search of convenient Habitations, they sometimes try'd one Country, then another, they call'd themselves Numidi∣ans. And as yet, the Buildings of the wild Numidians were oblong, and bow'd on both sides, like the Keels of Ships. With the Libyans, the Medes and Ar∣menians joyn'd; for these liv'd nearer the African Sea. The Getulians more under the Sun, not far from the scorching Heats; and these built themselves Towns betimes. For being separated only by a narrow Streight from Spain, they had settl'd a Trade one among another. Their Name also the Libyans by degrees chang'd, calling them instead of Medes, Maurs, ac∣cording to the Pronunciation of their Barbarous Idiom. As for the Persians, they grew potent in a short time; and af∣terwards retaining the Name of Numidi∣ans, by reason of their Multitude, they left their Parents, and took possession of those Places which being next to Carthage, are call'd Numidia. Then both together, confiding in each others Strength, they compell'd their Neighbors, either by Force, or through Fear, to submit to their Jurisdiction; thereby gaining both a Name and Reputation to themselves;

but They the greater, that advanc'd as far as our Sea; for that the Libyans are not so warlike as the Getulians. Lastly, The lower part of Africa was for the most part possessed by the Numidians; while all the rest being vanquish'd and subdu'd, ac∣knowledg'd only the Name and Govern∣ment of the Victors.

19. Afterwards, the Phoenicians, partly being too numerous at home, partly through desire of Dominion, having pre∣vail'd with the People, and others no less covetous of Novelty, to follow 'em, built a Hippo, b Adrumetum, c Leptis, and other Cities upon the Sea-Coast: Which being afterwards much enlarg'd, some serv'd for Srength, and some for Ornament. For as for Carthage, I think it proper rather to say no∣thing at all, then to be too concise, Time calling us another way. Therefore from Catabathmos, which Place divides Egypt from Africa, observing the

Tide of the Sea, the first City is a Cyrene, a Colony of the Island of Thera, now Gozi in the Ae∣gaean Sea; then the two b Syrtes; between which Leptis, and then the c Altars of the Phileni. Which was the Limits of the Car∣thaginian Empire next to Carthage. All the other Countries as far as Mauri∣tania, the Numidians pos∣sess; and next to Spain, are the Moors, Beyond Nu∣midia the Getulians inha∣bit, some in Cottages, o∣thers more barbarously ro∣ving from place to place: Beyond them lie the E∣thiopians. and then the De∣sarts all parch'd up by the scalding heat of the Sun. Therefore in the Jugur∣thine War, the Romans by their Magi∣strates govern'd most of the Punic Towns, and the Territoties of the Carthaginians, which they had latest won. The greatest Part of the Getulians and the Numidians,

as far as the River Mu∣lucha, were under the Do∣minion of Jugurth.

Over all the Moor's King Bocchus reign'd, to whom the Romans were little known, unless it were by Name; neither was he known to Us, by any Occasion either of War or Alliance.

20. After the Commissioners had divi∣ded the Kingdom, they return'd home. At what time, when Jugurth saw that he had obtain'd the full Reward of his Treachery, contrary to the Fears of his Heart, believing it certain, as he had learnt by his Friends at Numantia, that all things were vendible at Rome; as also encourag'd by the Promises of those whom, but a little before he had glutted with his Presents, he bends his Thoughts upon Adherbal's Kingdom. He himself stirring, and warlike; the Person he de∣sign'd upon, peaceful, and effeminate, of a mild Temper, and cut out for an Ob∣ject of Injustice; rather fearful, then to be fear'd. Unexpectedly therefore Ju∣gurth enters his Territories with a great Army, sweeps the Country both of Peo∣ple and Cattel, burns the Houses, and in

an Hostile manner approaches most of the Cities with his Cavalry. Then with all his Booty he marches back into his own Kingdom, believing that Adherbal thus incens'd, would revenge the Injury done him; which would be a fair Pretence for a War. On the other side, Adherbal, because he knew himself to be no way equal to his Adversary; and for that he trusted rather to the Friendship of the Romans, then in his own Numidians, sent his Embassadors to Jugurth, to complain of the Injuries he had done him; who, though they return'd with only contume∣lious Usage, yet he determin'd to suffer all Indignities, rather then begin a War, wherein he had had such ill Success be∣fore. However, Jugurth's Ambition aba∣ted never the more for that, as one that had already devour'd his Brother's King∣dom in his Heart. And therefore not now; as before, by way of Inroad, but with a great Army he began the War, and o∣penly to lay claim to the whole Empire of Numidia: wherever he came, he laid waste City and Country, drave all before him, encourag'd his own, and struck ter∣ror into his Enemy.

21. Adherbal, when he found it was come to that height, that he must either aban∣don his Kingdom, or maintain his Right by Force of Arms, constrain'd by Necessi∣ty, raises an Army, and marches to meet Jugurth. Thus both Armies met by the Sea-side, not far from the City of Cirta; but in regard it was then toward the Evening, they did not fight that day; but when the Night was far spent, and that Day-light began to glimmer, Jugurth's Souldiers, the Signal given, fall pell-mell into the Enemies Camp, where they kill, rout, and put to flight the scarce awake Numidians, ere they could put themselves into a posture of Defence: Adherbal, with some few Horse∣men gains the City of Cirta; and had it not been for the great number of Italians that kept off the pursuing Enemy from the Walls, in one day between two Kings a War had been begun and endeed. Jugurth therefore surrounds the Town, and prepares with his Vines, Towers and En∣gins

of all sorts, to storm the Walls. Ma∣king the more haste to anticipate the Em∣bassadors, which, as he heard, Adherbal had sent to Rome before the Fight. How∣ever, so soon as the Senate had intelligence of the War, three young Men were sent into Africa, with Instructions to attend both the Kings, and to let 'em know that it was the Pleasure and Decree of the Se∣nate and People of Rome, that both should lay down their Arms; and for any Con∣troversies that were between 'em, That they should suffer the Law, not War to determin 'em.

22. The Commissioners arrive in A∣frica, which they made the more haste to do, in regard that while they were prepa∣ring for their Journey, News was brought to Rome of the Battel fought, and the Siege of Cirta; though the Truth were very much minc'd, and favourably re∣ported. To whom, when Jugurth had heard their Message, he made Answer, That there was nothing more awful nor more sacred to him, then the Authority of the Senate: That from his Youth he had so endeavour'd to regulate his Beha∣viour, that he might gain the Applause

of all good Men: That his Courage, not his evil Deeds had render'd him grateful to Scipio, the greatest Person in the World: That for the same reason, and not for want of Children, he was a∣dopted into the Kingdom by Micipsa: but that the more he had well and stre∣nuously behav'd himself, the less could he frame his Mind to brook Affronts: That Adherhal had Treacherously laid Wait for his Life, which when he under∣stood, he only oppos'd him with open Force: That the People of Rome would neither Act justly nor as became good Men, to forbid him the Right of all Nations: Lastly, That he would in a short time by his Embassadors give the Senate an Account of all his Proceed∣ings.

22. Jugurth when he thought the Com∣missioners were departed out of Africa, and found that by reason of the natural strength of the place, he could not take Cirta by Storm, surrounds it with Trenches and Breast-works rear'd up several Towers, which he stuft with Armed Men: left no thing unattempted Day and Night, either by Force or Stratagem; at the same time

alluring and terrifying the Defendants with Rewards and Objects dreadful to the sight; inflaming the Valour of the Assailants by continual encouragements; and sedulously performing all things re∣quisite upon such an occasion. Adherbal therefore, finding all his Fortunes re∣duc'd to the last Extremity, the Enemy pressing furiously on, no expectation of Relief, nor hope of spinning out the War for want of Necessaries, among the rest that fled with him to Cirta, he made choice of two brisk Men of undaunted fidelity, and partly by large Promises, partly by raising up their pity of his low Condition, prevail'd with 'em to break through the Enemies Guards in the Night time, to the next Shoar, and thence with all imaginable speed to make for Rome. The Numidians in a few days accomplish his desires, and Adherbal's Letters were read in the Senate to this effect.

Not any fault of Mine, but Jugurth's violence, Conscript Fathers, constrains me so often to implore your Aid: whose Ardent Thirst to drink my Blood is so extream, that he regards neither your selves nor the Immortal Gods: nothing

will gratify his impatience but my de∣struction. Therefore now five Months together have I, the Friend and Allie of the Roman People been closely Besieg'd; not will my Father Micipsa's Kindnes∣ses, nor your Decrees afford me any Succour. My misfortune disswades me to write any more of Jugurth; before this time also, having had experience, how little Fidelity is reserv'd for the Misera∣ble. However I am satisfy'd, that his desires are far beyond what I at present am; nor does he hope Your friend∣ship and my Kingdom both toge∣ther: and which he deems of most importance, there's no Man but may easily discern. For First he murder'd Hiempsal my Brother, then chac'd me from my Native Kingdom. What were our private Injuries, was no con∣cern indeed of Yours: but now with Armed Force he usurps your Kingdom; and Me, whom you appointed Gover∣nour of Numidia, he closely keeps penn'd up in Misery. How much he regarded the Commissioners Message, my dan∣gers fully evince. What remains, but only your own Power to remove him. I must confess, I could heartily wish,

that what I have written and all my former Complaints in the Senate, had rather, then, been feign'd and idle Stories, then that now my misfortune, should verify my words. But seeing I was only born to be the Sport of Jugurth's wick∣ed Insolence, I deprecate neither Cala∣mity nor Death, but only the Tyranny of my Enemy, and the Torture of my Body. Provide as you please your selves for the good of the Kingdom of Numi∣dia, which is your own; But by the Ma∣jesty of the Empire, by the Fidelity of you Friendship, wrest me out of Impi∣ous hands, if yet there be remaining a∣mong ye, any remembrance of my Grandfather Massinissa.

24. This being read, some were of opi∣nion that an Army should be forthwith sent into Africa, and that Adherbal should be speedily reliev'd; and that in the mean time, they should consider what was to be done with Jugurth, for disobey∣ing the Commissioners. But Jugurth's Party labour'd might and main, against the passing such a Decree. Thus the Pub∣lic good, as it happens in most Affairs, was overcome by Private Favour. Ne∣vertheless

they sent into Africa some of the Senior Nobility, who had been ad∣vanc'd to the highest Honours. Among the rest was the above mentioned Scaurus, a Consular Person, and then President of the Senate. They, because the the Se∣nate were in a heat, and besides being ear∣nestly importun'd by the Numidians, took Ship∣ping in three days and soon after Landed at Ʋtica, whence they sent Letters to Jugurth, that he should repair forth with to the Province; for that they were sent to him by the Se∣nate. He, when he heard that Men of that Note, whose Authority was great in the Senate, were arriv'd contrary to his Expectation, at first distracted between Fear and Ambition, was virously tur∣moyl'd. He dreaded the Anger of the Senate, should he disobey the Embassa∣dors; on the other side his Mind blinded by Ambition, hurry'd him to compleat the Outrage he had begun. However the worst Result obtain'd the Victory in his cove∣tous Inclinations. To that purpose, sur∣rounding the whole City with his Army, he endeavours by main force to break in∣to

the City; chiefly hoping that while the Besieged were divided to defend ma∣ny Posts at once, some lucky Chance would give him either by force or Strata∣gem a Victorious opportunity. Which not succeeding to his mind, and finding he could not effect what he intended, which was to get Adherbal into his Clutches, before he met the Embassadors, least by longer delay he should incense Scaurus, with a small Retinue He hasten'd into the Province. But notwithstanding he was sharply reprov'd, severely rebuk'd, and smartly threaten'd in the Name of the Senate, unless he rais'd his Siege; never∣theless, after much Altercation to no pur∣pose, the Embassadors departed without effecting any thing.

26. The News of which arriving at Cirta, the Italians, whose Courage had defended the Walls, not doubting but that after a Surrender, in Consideration of the Roman Grandeur, they should be secure and safe, perswaded Adherbal to surrender himself and the Town to Jugurth, upon Quarter for his Life: and that for other things the Se∣nate would take care. Upon which, though he knew nothing more false then Ju∣gurth's word, nevertheless because he knew

himself in the hands of those, who if he refus'd had power to constrain him, he submitted to the pleasure of the Italians, and yielded up the Town. Presently Jugurth, in the first place tortures Adher∣bal to death; then he slew all the Numi∣dian Youth and Merchants promiscuously, as they fell in the Souldiers way.

27. Which after it was known at Rome, and that the matter came to be debated in the Senate, the Kings Stipendiaries interposing, partly by favour, partly by unnecessary wrangling, qualify'd the hain∣ousness of the Fact. So that unless C. Mem∣mius, Tribune of the People Elect, a Per∣son vehement, and a great stickler against the Power of the Nobility, had not in∣form'd the Roman People, what contri∣vances were a brewing, that Jugurth's Villany might be pardon'd, all the Heat and Passion of the Senate had va∣nish'd into nothing, through delay of Consultation. But the Senate, Conscious of their miscarriage, were afraid of the People, and therefore according to the Sempronian Law, Provinces are decreed the succeeding Consuls: the Consuls Elect were P. Scipio Nasica, and L. Bestia Cal∣purnius. Numidia fell to Calpurnius, and Italy

to Scipio. Thereupon an Army is rais'd to be Transported into Africa; Money, Pro∣vision and Ammunition decreed for the support of the War.

28. Of which when Jugurth had intelligence, contrary to his Expecta∣tion, as one who was fully perswaded that all things were to be bought at Rome, he sends Embassadors to the Senate, his own Son, and two of his familiar Friends, with the same Instructions as he gave to those which he sent after the Murder of Hiempsal, that they should not spare to tempt all Persons whatsoever with their Money. Upon their approach near Rome, Bestia mov'd the Senate whether it were their Pleasure that Jugurth's Embassadors should be admitted within the Walls of the City: who thereupon made a Decree, that unless they came to surrender the Kingdom and the King's Person, they should depart Italy within ten days: which Decree the Consul order'd to be carry'd to the Numidians; so that they were forc'd to return without performing any thing. In the mean time, Calpurnius having got his Army in readiness, chooses for his Legates, Persons noble and factious, whose Au∣thority might guard him, should he hap∣pen

to commit any miscarriage; in which number was Scaurus, whose Qualities and Conditions we have already describ'd. For indeed the Consul was endu'd with many excellent Qualities both of Body and Mind, though pester'd all, and in∣cumbr'd with Avarice. Patient of La∣bour, a sharp and penetrating Wit, suffi∣ciently provident, a good Souldier, resolute in danger, and most wary of Stratagem. The Legions were Shipp'd from Rhegium for Sicily, and thence for Africa. And then it was that Calpurnius having made Provision of Victuals, smartly enter'd Nu∣midia, takes a great number of Prisoners, and several Cities by main force.

29. But when Jugurth by his Em∣bassadors began to dazle him with Mo∣ney, and then to lay before him the difficulty of the War which he had undertaken, his Mind, sick with Avarice, easily suffer'd an Alteration. However he did nothing without Scaurus, whom he made his bosom Companion and sharer of his Counsels. Who though at first he fierce∣ly oppos'd the Kings Interest, when most of his Faction were corrupted; yet at length the vastness of the sum was such,

that it drew him from Honour and Justice to vile Depravity. All this while Jugurth had only purchas'd a Cessation of War, believing in the mean time that he should make a better progress either by Price or Favour. But when he understood that Scaurus was come in for a share, encourag'd then with all the hopes imaginable of re∣covering Peace, he determin'd to treat in Person upon the particular Con∣ditions. To that purpose as it were for a security, Sextius the Questor is sent by the Consul to Vacca, a Town belonging to Jugurth, upon pretence of receiving an Imposition of Corn, which the Consul had openly commanded the Commissioners to get ready provided; the Truce being con∣tinu'd under a daily expectation of sur∣render. The King therefore, as he had resolv'd, arrives in the Camp, where after he had made a short Speech in the Coun∣cil of War, in excuse of the Crime that was laid to his charge, and formally peti∣tioned that he might be admitted to sur∣render, the rest he transacted in private with Bestia and Scaurus. And then the next day, the opinions of the Council being de∣manded in a huddle and over-rul'd by the Consul, his Surrender was admitted.

However according to the Imposition of the Council, Thirty Elephants, Cattle, a great number of Horses, and no inconsi∣derable sum of Money were deliver'd to the Questor. After which Calpurnius departs for Rome to be present at the Election of new Magistrates, while all was quiet both in Numidia and our Army.

30. But after Fame had spread abroad the Proceedings in Africa, and how things had been manag'd, at Rome there was nothing discours'd of in all Places and Meetings, but the strange management of the Consul; among the Commonalty terrible disgust; The Fathers troubl'd, and at a kind of Loss; nor did they know well what to do, whether they should ap∣prove so scandalous a Misdemeanor or dis∣anul the Consuls Decrees. But such was the Power of Scaurus, who was reported to be both Bestia's Confederate and Advi∣ser of the Act, that it stopp'd 'em ve∣ry much in the course of Honesty and Justice. Yet C. Memmius whose freedom of Speech, and inveteracy against the No∣bility we have already mention'd, while

the Senate sat wavering and hesitating, encourag'd the People by Popular Haran∣gues to Revenge; exhorts 'em not to de∣sert the Commonwealth nor their own Liberty; laid open many haughty and cruel Acts of the Nobility, and sedulously kindl'd up the Indignation of the People by all manner of ways. Which gives me an opportunity since the Eloquence of Mem∣mius was at that time in such high esteem, and so powerfully perswasive upon all occasions, to recite one among so ma∣ny of his Orations; more especially what he discours'd in a particular Assembly, presently after the return of Bestia in these words;

31.

Many things dislwade me, Gentle∣men, why our Affection to the Com∣monwealth should not be so highly pre∣ferr'd above all other things. The Pow∣er of Faction; your patient Sufferance; no Justice; but more especially, for that there is more Danger then Honour at∣tends upon Innocency. For it grieves me to utter what I am about to speak, That for these fifteen years, during which time you have been the Laughter and Contempt of the prevailing Power of a few, how shamefully, how unreveng'd

your Champions have perish'd, as if your Courage were infected with Sloth and Oscitancy; who neither at this time rowse up in opposition of your criminal Enemies; and are also now afraid of those, to whom ye ought to be a Ter∣ror. But yet in this unhappy Conditi∣on of Affairs, my Zeal constrains me to oppose the Predominancy of Faction. I shall certainly make tryal of that Liberty, which my Parents left me as part of my Inheritance, but whether in vain, or to the purpose, that's only in your Pow∣er. Neither do I perswade ye, as frequently your Ancestors have done, to arm your selves against these Vio∣lences. There is no need of Force or Tumult; for you'll find they will run headlong after their usual man∣ner. Tiberius Gracchus being slain, whom they accus'd of designing Regal Sovereignty, grievous were the Bloody Executions of the Roman People. Af∣ter the Murder of C. Gracchus and M. Fulvius, many of your Quality and Degree were slaughter'd in Prison. Nei∣ther did the Law, but their Ambition put a stop to both those cruel Havocks. Yet certainly the Reparation of the

Government should rather have consist∣ed in restoring the Commonalty their Privileges. Whatever cannot be suffici∣ently punish'd, without shedding the Blood of Fellow-Citizens, let it be done by Law. Of late years you tacitly mur∣mut'd to see the public Chequer robb'd; to see Kings and Free People pay their Tribute to a few of the Nobility; Su∣preme Dignity at their Command, and Riches most exorbitant in their possessi∣on; yet took little notice of their exerci∣sing these unequal Usurpations with im∣punity. And thus at length the Laws, your Dignity, all things Divine and Human were deliver'd up into the hands of Enemies; yet neither are they that acted those Enormities asham'd or peni∣tent; but trample over your Faces mag∣nificently, boasting their chief Pontificates, their Consulships, and many their Tri∣umphs; as if they lookt upon those things as Honours, and not Rapines ra∣ther. Servants bought with Money, brook not the unjust Commands of their Lords and Masters: And will you, Gen∣tlemen, born to Empire, patiently en∣dure Servitude? But who are They, who have thus got Possession of the Com∣monwealth?

The most abominable among Men; their Hands besmear'd with Blood; insatiably covetous, most injurious, and the Same most lofty. By whom Fidelity, Honour, Piety; lastly, All things honest and dishonest are put to Sale. Some of 'em have plac'd their chiefest Safety in murdering the Tri∣bunes of the People, others in inflict∣ing unjust Punishments; but the greatest part in committing bloody Violence up∣on your selves. Thus, by how much every one acted most facinorously, so much the more secure he thought him∣self. They transferr'd their Dread from their own Crimes upon your Remiss∣ness. And all these the same Desires, the same Hatred, and the same Fears combin'd together. But this same Friend∣ship among good Men, is Faction among the wicked. But had you the same care of your Liberty, as they are vehemently inflam'd with Love of Dominion, upon my word, neither the Commonwealth would be laid waste, as now it is, and the most worthy, not the most audaci∣ous would reap the benefit of your Fa∣vours. Your Ancestors, to obtain their Right, and to establish their Dignity,

twice in a divided Body from the Nobi∣lity, fortify'd themselves upon the Aven∣tine Mountain: and will not you with all your might endeavour the Recovery of that Liberty which you receiv'd from them? and so much the more eagerly, by how much the greater Ignominy it is to lose what once you have atchiev'd, then never to have won it? It may be ask'd me, What is my Opinion then? That they be severely punish'd who have betray'd the Commonwealth to the Enemy; not by strength of Arms, nor force, which had been more unwor∣thy for you to have done, then disho∣nourable for them to suffer, but by the Ex∣aminations & Confession of Jugurth him∣self: for if he have surrender'd himself, certainly he will be obedient to your Commands: but if he contemn your Or∣ders, then you your selves may judge, what that same Peace or Surrender is, from whence Jugurth obtains the Im∣punity of his Crimes; whence some few Powerful Noblemen heap such Trea∣sures to themselves,; whence so much Loss and Shame befals the Common∣wealth. But perhaps you have not had enough of their Lordly Domineering;

and those then these Times please your humor better, when Kingdoms, Pro∣vinces, Laws, Privileges, Judgments, War and Peace, all things Divine and Human were in the power of a few; but You, that is to say, the People of Rome, to your Enemies invincible, and Lords of sundry Nations, thought it a sufficient happiness to breath. For who among ye durst refuse to be a Slave? But for my part, though I do think it the most hainous thing in the world for a man to have an Outrage done him, and yet the Malefactor go unpunish'd; yet could I willingly endure, that you should pardon the most abhorr'd of Men, provided they were Citizens, did I not think your Clemency might prove per∣nicious. For They, whatever vexati∣on and interruptions they may meet with, will never lay to heart their doing mischief, unless they be depriv'd of the power of acting, but your Fears will be eternal, when you find that either you must be Slaves, or vindicate your Liber∣ty by force of Arms. For what hope is there either of Fidelity or Concord? They resolve to domineer, and you desire your Freedom; they to do

Injustice, you to prohibit 'em: Lastly, They use your Allies as Enemies, and your Adversaries as Friends. Can there be Peace and Friendship in Minds so di∣ametrically opposite? Wherefore I de∣sire and exhort ye not to suffer an out∣ragious piece of Violence to go unpu∣nish'd. The public Treasury is not robb'd; nor Money violently extorted from your Friends, which though of∣fences of a high Nature, yet now adays are lookt upon as meerly Trifles. No—the Authority of the Senate is betray'd to a most bitter Enemy; the Common∣wealth is set to sale both at home and abroad, which unless they be narrowly examin'd, unless the Guilty be brought to condign Punishment, what remains, but that we must live in Servitude to those that have committed these notori∣ous Crimes? For to act without fear of punishment, that's to be a King. Not that it is my meaning you should be glad to see your Fellow-Citizens were all involv'd in equal Crimes; but that you should distinguish, and be careful how ye pardon the wicked, lest thereby you occasion the destruction of the Good. Besides that it is much more beneficial

to the Commonwealth, to forget a kind∣ness then an injury: For good men only grow more careless if neglected; but bad men more audacious. To which we may add, That if Offenders were but duly punish'd, you would not stand so frequently in need of Tribunitial Aid.

32. By these, and such like Reasons often urg'd, Memmius perswades the Peo∣ple of Rome, That Cassius who was then Pretor, might be sent to Jugurth; and that he should bring him to Rome upon the Public Faith, to the end that by the Confession of the King, the Misdemea∣nors of Scaurus, and the rest, who ab∣sconded upon the score of taking Bribes, might be made manifest.

While these things were thus transact∣ed at Rome, they who were left by Bestia, to command the Army in Numidia, fol∣lowing the Example of their General, committed many and most facinorous Enormities. Some there were, who cor∣rupted with Gold, deliver'd back the Ele∣phants to Jugurth; others sold the Fugi∣tives; others robb'd and spoyl'd the Pro∣vinces that were at Peace: Such a violent

rage of Avarice had canker'd their very Minds, like a general Contagion. But Cassius the Pretor, the Choice being re∣ported by C. Memmius, to the Terror of the Nobility, goes to Jugurth, and per∣swades him, fearful, and guiltily mistrust∣ful as he was, in regard he had surren∣der'd himself to the Roman People, to make trial rather of their Clemency, then their Force; and privately gave him his own Word, which he thought to be equal to the Public Faith. Such was the high Reputation of Crassus at that time.

33. Upon that, Jugurth contrary to the Grandeur and Majesty of a Prince, comes to Rome in pitiful and sordid Habit: And though he were endu'd with a vast Cou∣rage and Confidence above measure, be∣ing confirm'd by all whose Power or Im∣piety had encourag'd him to act what he had done, however he made sure of M. Be∣bius Tribune of the People, to the end that by his Impudence he might be safe from all dangers of Popular violence. But Memmius, summoning an Assembly of the People together, though the Com∣monalty were hainously incens'd against the King, and some commanded him to

be laid in Irons; and others, unless he reveal'd his Confederates, threaten'd him with Capital Punishment, according to the Custom of their Ancestors; yet consulting more their Honour, then to gratify their Fury, he made it his business to qualify their Heats, to appease their Indignation; and lastly to convince 'em that the Pub∣lic Faith was to be observ'd. Then si∣lence following and Jugurth being pro∣duc'd, Memmius made a Speech, wherein he rips up all his Misdemeanors both at Rome, and in Numidia, lays open his Crimes committed against his Father and his Brothers; telling him withal, That altho the People of Rome, were well inform'd already who were his Agents and Assistants, yet they were desirous of farther proof, and discovery from him∣self; that if he confess'd the Truth, he had great Encouragement to rely upon the Clemency and Faith of the Roman People; but that if he would not be in∣genuous, he would do his Confederates no kindness, but would certainly ruin him∣self and all his Hopes.

34. When Memmius had made an end, and that Jugurth was commanded to an∣swer, C. Bebius the Tribune, whom Jugurth had largely Brib'd, as we told ye before, commands the King to hold his Tongue; and although the Multitude who were present at the Assembly, being highly incens'd, threaten'd the Tribune not only with their Looks and hideous Clamors, but with all those other acts of Violence that Anger makes use of; yet nothing could deter his Impudence, so that the People brake up their Assembly contemn'd and scorn'd: on the other side, Jugurth, Bestia and the rest, whom that same Examination strange∣ly disorder'd, resum'd fresh hopes, much more enliven'd then they were before.

35. There was at that time at Rome a certain Numidian, by name Massi∣va, the Son of Gulussa, and Grand-child to Massinissa, who because he was an Ene∣my to Jugurth, when the three Kings were at variance, upon the Surrender of Cirta, and murder of Adherbal, fled out of Africa. This Man was perswaded by Sp. Albinus, who was Consul the next year after Bestia, with Quintus Minucius Rufus, in regard he was Descended in a direct Line from Massinissa, to lay claim

in the Senate to the Kingdom of Numi∣dia, while Jugurth's fears and the abomi∣nation of his Crimes lay heavy upon him. The Consul, thirsting after War, was clearly for creating any disturbance rather then lie idle. More especially because Nu∣midia was fall'n to his Lot, as Macedonia to that of Minucius. So that when Massi∣va began to bestir himself, and Jugurth found he was not safe enough in the Pro∣tection of his Friends, for that in some their Guilt of Conscience; in others their lost Re∣putation and Apprehensions of Mind had extinguish'd the heat of their Solicitations, he orders Bomilcar, his near Kinsman, and his intimate and trusty Agent, with a round sum of Money, the main Instrument with which he had brought to pass all his mis∣chievous Designs, to procure certain Russi∣ans to watch Massiva, and hurry him out of the City, with all the privacy they could; or if that Plot fail'd, to murder him out-right. Bomilcar swiftly puts in Exe∣cution the Kings commands, and by fellows that understood their Trade, observes his walks, his goings out, and commings in, his haunts, and seasons of being abroad; and then, when every thing was fix'd, he lies perdue. At what time, one of

those that were hir'd for the Murder, somewhat over hastily setting upon Mas∣siva, struck off his Head: so that being apprehended, at the perswasions of many, and chiefly of Albinus the Consul himself, he makes a Confession; upon which Bomilcar, who accompany'd Ju∣gurth to Rome, upon the Public Faith, is adjudg'd Guilty, rather by the Law of Nature then of Nations, by which he seem'd to be exempted from Punishment. But as for Jugurth, though no man were so well acquainted with the Fact as him∣self; yet would he never give over la∣bouring against the certainty of Truth, until he found that the Abhorrency of the Fact had got the upper hand of Fa∣vour and his Gold. Therefore though upon the former Information, he had given in Fifty of his friends as Sureties for Bomilcar's forth-coming, however being more mindful to secure his Kingdom, then careful to discharge his Bail with honour, he privately sent away Bomilcar into Numidia, afraid least Popular fears might shake the Loyalty of the rest, if once they heard that he were put to death: and he himself within a few days after follow'd, being commanded by the Senate

to depart Italy. Of whom it is reported that as he was upon the Road still in view of the Walls, he frequently turn'd his head not saying a word, till at length, casting a wistful look upon the City, he brake forth into this Exclamation; Adieu fair City to be sold, and ripe for ruin, could it find a Chapman.

36. In the mean time Albinus, the War being thus renew'd, sends away Pro∣visions, Money and other necessaries for the Souldiers, into Africa, and swiftly also fol∣lows in Person, that before the Election of new Magistrates which grew on apace, he might conclude the War, either by force of Arms, upon Composition, or by any other means. On the other side, Jugurth spun out the time, to the utmost of his power, pretending sometimes one, some∣times another Excuse for his delay, pro∣mis'd Surrender, and then dissembl'd his fears; sometimes he retires, and by and by, for fear of discouraging his own Men, he makes a stand: thus lingring out the War, and sometimes with proposals of Peace he eluded and baffl'd the Consul. And some there were who thought Albinus was not unacquainted with the Kings de∣signs,

for considering the Hast he made at first, they could not believe but that the War was rather prolong'd through the Remiss∣ness of the Consul, then Policy of the Ene∣my. But the season being spent in vain; and the day of Elections at hand, Albinus, leaving his Brother Aulus Propretor in the Camp, departed for Rome.

37. At that time was Rome most terribly harrass'd by the Mutinies and Contenti∣ons of the Tribunes, P. Lucullus, and L. An∣nius, Tribunes of the People, who notwith∣standing the Opposition of their Collegues, obstinatly endeavour'd to continue in the Magistracy. Which contention Prorogu'd the Elections for a whole Year. Upon which delay, Aulus, who was left Propre∣tor in the Camp (as we have already declar'd,) building fair hopes, either of putting an end to the War, or by the ter∣ror of his Army to extort some considera∣ble sum of Money from the King, in the Month of January, draws his Army out of their Winter Quarters into the Field; and with long Marches in a sharp Season, presents himself before the Walls of Suthul, where the Kings Treasure lay. Which although, in regard of the hard∣ness

of the weather, and the Situation of the place, it could neither be taken nor be∣sieg'd; for that a Boggy Plain, by rea∣son of the Winter showers, now become a spacious Marish, surrounded the Walls, that were built upon the Point of a Crag∣gy Rock; yet either in a Bravado, to ter∣rify the King; or blinded with eager hopes of gaining the Treasures of the Town, set up his Vines, open'd his Trenches, and in a word, omitted nothing that might fur∣ther his design.

38. On the other side Jugurth, perceiving the vanity of the Legate, & his want of Mi∣litary experience, craftily to heighten his Madness, sent Messengers to him, with offers of submission, while he himself as it were to avoid his fury, leads his Army through the Woods and Places of most difficult access. Lastly upon hopes of Agreement he had so charm'd Aulus, as to make him raise his Siege and follow him still feigning flight, in∣to Countries with which he was not in the least acquainted; that so his oversights might be less subject to disclosure. In the mean time he employ'd most active and cunning Gamesters, Day and Night to sound the Army; and to Bribe the Centurions, and Captains of Horse, ei∣ther

to revolt, or upon Signal given to desert their Stations; which when he had accomplish'd according to his desire, of a suddain in a Tempestuous night, he sur∣rounds Aulus's Camp with a vast multi∣tude of Numidians. The Roman Soul∣diers, amaz'd at such an unusual Alarum, some stood to their Arms; some ran to hide themselves; others heartned up the Timerous; some stood quivering; while the Enemy thunder'd in upon 'em on all sides. The Sky all over-cast with Clouds and darkness; the danger doubtful; nor could the most daring well resolve which was the safest course, whether to fight or fly. In this hurry, among those whom the Kings Gold had poyson'd, the Li∣gurian Cohort, with two Troops of Thra∣cians, and some few Common Souldiers revolted to the King; and the Primipile Cen∣turion of the third Legion gave admittance to the Enemy at that Quarter, which he had undertaken to defend: and there all the Numidians pour'd in like a Torrent. Shame∣ful was the flight of our

men, of which the greatest part possessed themselves of the next Hill, leaving their Arms behind 'em. Night, and the eagerness after Plunder prevented the Enemy from making that advantage of their Victory they might have done. The next day Jugurth entring into a personal Parley with Aulus, told him, that tho' he had him safe with all his Army Surrounded with Famin and the Sword, yet considering the Inconstancy of humane Affairs, he was content upon condition of a League and Peace by him Confirm'd, and that they should depart Numidia within ten days to save their Lives, first passing under the Yoke. Which Conditions tho' greivous and highly dishonourable, yet because the Souldiers totter'd under the Fears of Death, were accepted, and a peace con∣cluded amply to the King's desire.

39. But when this Fatal News arriv'd at Rome, Fear and Mourning invaded all the City; part bewail'd the Honour of

the Empire; others not accustom'd to the various Events of War, trembled for the mistrusted loss of their Liberty. But all were offended at Aulus, especially they who had been often Famous in the Wars, for that he, having stifl his Arms in his hands, had sought to save his Life, rather with dishonour, then by Dint of Sword. Therefore Albinus fear∣ing least the Miscarriage of his Brother might procure him Hatred, and Danger in the next Place, consulted the Senate concerning the Validity of the League.

In the mean time new Recruites were list∣ed to reinforce the Army; and aid was sent for from their Associates and the Latines; and this with all the Expedition imagi∣nable. Moreover the Senate, as it was but reasonable, pass a Decree, that no League could be valid but by their Command and the Consent of the People. The Consul, tho' forbid by the Tribunes to transport his new Levies, in a few days, arrives in Africa. For all the shatter'd Army having quitted Numidia, by agreement winter'd in the Province. When he came thither, tho he burn'd with an eager desire, to prose∣cute Jugurth, and revenge his Brother's Dis∣grace, yet understanding that the Souldiers,

besides the discouragement of their Flight, were debauch'd by dissolute Licentiousness, arising from superfluous Plenty, and want of good Government, he determined to lie still that Year.

40. In the mean while, at Rome, C. Mami∣lius Limitanus, Tribune of the People, publishes an Edict of the Commons, for calling to a strict account all those Persons who had countenanc'd Jugurth to contemn the Decrees of the Senate; also such as in their Embassies or Generalships had been corrupted by his Bribes; such as had deliver'd back either Elephants or Fugi∣tives; and lastly all that had capitulated with the Enemy, either of War or Peace, without Warrant. Against this Edict, some conscious to themselves, others mi∣strusting danger from the Odium they had drawn upon themselves, because they durst not openly make opposition, they pretended to be well pleas'd, both with this, and all other Edicts of that Nature. But underhand by their Friends, especially the Latins and Italians, they endeavour'd to give it all the obstruction they could. On the other side, the Commons, it is in∣credible to think how earnest and intent they were, with what noise and clamour

they Commanded, decreed and urg'd the Execution of their Edict; more out of an Antipathy against the Nobility, against whom those Mischiefs were contriv'd, then out of any true Zeal for the publick good. So violent was the Rage of both Parties. Therefore while the rest were struck with fear and dread, M. Sc••urus, who was Bestia's Confederate, as we have already related, between the Insultings of the People, and the Frights of the No∣bility, the whole City at the same time being under a strange Consternation, find∣ing there were three Commissioners in∣tended to be ordain'd for Execution of the Inquisition, so ordered it that he got himself to be one of the Number. Besides, the Inquisition was urged with that violence and exasperated malice accompany'd with clamour and rude Li∣centiousness, that whatsoever severities the Senate had exercis'd in former times upon the People, they were now in their prosperity, no less insolent in their re∣venge.

41. This custom of Bandying Parties among the People, of Senate-Factions, and all other wicked and corrupt Practices deriv'd its Original in Rome, from Idle,

ness and Superfluity of those things which Mortals deem their chiefest Felicities. For before the destruction of Carthage, the People and Senate of Rome manag'd the Public Affairs with Unity and Moderati∣on: no contentions for Honour and Supe∣riority among Fellow-Citizens: Hostile Fears retain'd the City within the bounds of Just and Honest. But when those Fears were once remov'd, immediately Wantonness and Pride, the bad Effects of Prosperity, took place. So that what they wish'd for in their mean Condition, after once they came to enjoy Tranquility and Ease, was a Burden and Disturbance of their Quiet. For then the Nobility began to turn their Superiority into domineer∣ing Pride, the People their Liberty into Petulancy: Usurpation, Rapine, tearing this way, rending that way, and every one for himself, was then the public Mode. So that the whole being rent in∣to two Factions, that which lay in the middle was sure to be torn in pieces. But the united Faction of the Nobility was most prevalent, the Strength of the Com∣mons disjoynted, and scatter'd into Mul∣titude, could do little: And thus the Commonwealth, as well in times of Peace,

as War, was manag'd at the Pleasure of a Few. The Public Chequer, the Provin∣ces, all Offices, Honours and Triumphs were at their disposal; the People were kept under by Poverty and Military Du∣ties. The Generals with a few shar'd all the Spoils and Booty taken in War. All this while the Parents and Children of the Souldiers, as every one lay nearest Neighbour to the Potent Nobleman, were thrust out from their Habitations. Thus Avarice in League with Power, in∣vaded, polluted, and made prize of all things, regarding neither Measure nor Moderation, trampling Morality, spurn∣ing Sanctity under their feet, till it threw it self headlong into Ruine. For so soon as there were found among the Nobility some that preferr'd true Honour before usurp'd Dominion, then the City began to be all in Combustion, and Civil War, like a Confusion of Heaven and Earth, began to break forth.

42. Thus, after Tib. and C. Grac∣chus, whose Ancestors, both in the Pu∣nic and in other Wars, had much ad∣vanc'd the Honour of the Common∣wealth, began to vindicate the Liber∣ty, and disclose the wicked Miscarri∣ages

of a few; the Nobility, guilty, and struck with Terror of Punishment, some∣times by the assistance of their Allies and the Italians, sometimes of the Roman Knights, whom Hopes of being admitted into equal Society, had drawn off from the Commons, oppos'd the Proceedings of the Gracchi; and first they slew Tibe∣rius; then in a few years after, Caius, to∣gether with M. Fulvius Flaccus, treading the same steps; the one a Tribune of the People; the other a Triumvir for the Transportation of Colonies. Tho', to speak Truth, the Gracchi were too im∣moderate and vehement in the pursuit of Victory. Since it is the wiser way to yield in a good Cause, then illegally to revenge an Injury. Therefore the No∣bility, prosecuting that Victory, as they pleas'd themselves, what by the Sword, and what by Exilement, destroy'd a great number of People: procuring for the fu∣ture more of Terror, the Power to them∣selves. A sort of rigorous Policy that many times becomes the Ruine of great Cities, while the Citizens strive to van∣quish one another, they care not how, and prosecute their Revenge to the utmost extremity upon the Vanquish'd. But

should I go about to discourse particular∣ly of the Heats and Animosities of the Factions, and all the Encroachments of bad Customs into the City, Time would sooner fail me then Matter; And there∣fore I return to the Business in hand.

43. After the Peace agreed by Aulus, and the ignominious Flight of our Army, Metellus and Silanus being design'd Con∣suls, shar'd the Provinces among them∣selves; by which means Numidia fell to Metellus, a man altogether for Action, and though an Enemy to Popular Fa∣ctions, yet of an untainted and unviola∣ble Reputation, and so acknowledg'd by both Parties. At his first entrance into his Office, after he had setl'd all Affairs wherein his Colleague and he were equally concern'd, he wholly bent his Mind upon the War which he was to undertake. To that purpose, not daring to confide in the Old Army, he listed New Souldiers, sends for Auxiliaries from all parts, makes provision of Armor, Weapons, and all other Instruments of War; stores him∣self with all manner of Provisions, and all things requisite in a dubious Contest, often subject to the want of fresh Supplies.

Toward all which great and vigorous Preparations, the Allies, the Italians, and Foreign Princes, nay the whole City it self largely contributed, even to emulati∣on, both Forces and Money. So that all things being now in a readiness, to his own content, he puts to Sea for Numidia, fil∣ling the City full of fair Hopes, knowing him to be a Person of great Vertue, and more especially bearing a Mind impreg∣nable to the Assaults of Gold: Which they lookt upon then as a great Matter, considering, how before that time, through the Covetousness of our Governors in Numidia, our Forces had been foyl'd and weaken'd, and the Strength of the Ene∣my augmented.

44. When he arriv'd in Africa, the Army was resign'd to his Command by Spuricus Albinus the Pro-Consul; de∣bauch'd and out of heart, neither daring to look Danger in the Face, nor endure Labour; prompter of their Tongues then Hands; preying upon their Friends, but a Prey to the Enemy; under no Com∣mand or Discipline. So that the new Ge∣neral was more troubl'd to reform their corrupted Manners, then any way encou∣rag'd

to expect Assistance or Service from their licentious Numbers. Metellus there∣fore determines, though the proro∣guing the former Summer-Elections, had shorten'd his Time, and that he knew the Eyes of his Fellow-Citizens were all upon him, not to meddle with the War, till he had first enur'd his Souldiers to La∣bour and Hardship, according to the Dis∣cipline of their Ancestors. For Albinus being terrify'd with his Brother's Disaster, and the Overthrow of the Army, after he had resolv'd not to stir out of the Pro∣vince, during so much of the Summer-Season as he commanded the Army, kept his Souldiers in standing Camps, and ne∣ver dislodg'd, but when Stench or Want of Forage compell'd him to remove. And then also, neither were the Watches observ'd, and Sentinels plac'd according to the Custom of Military Discipline. But every one at random left his Colours, and wander'd where he pleas'd; the Sut∣lers and Camp-Boys intermix'd with the Souldiers, roam'd about the Country day and night, laying waste the Fields, pillaging the Villages, driving off great Booties of Pris'ners and Cattel, which they exchang'd with the Merchants for Wine

and other Commodities. Moreover, their public Allowances of Corn they sold, and bought their Bread every day as they us'd it. Lastly, whatever Scandals of Sloth and Luxury could ever be utter'd or de∣vis'd, were all to be really found in this our Army, and more if possible.

45. In the midst of these Difficulties I find Metellus to be a Person no less prudent and politic, then expert in Affairs of War; such was his Temperance and Moderation, between an eager desire of Reformation and Severity. For by his first Edict, he prohibits all the Incentives and Panda∣risms to Idleness; That no man within the Camp should sell any Bread or Flesh ready drest; That no Sutlers or Camp-Boys should follow the Army; and That no Common Souldier should presume to keep either in the Camp or upon a March, any Slave, or Beast of Carriage: what else remain'd, he limitted according to the Rules of Discretion. Moreover, he often dislodg'd his Camp, marching some∣times one way, sometimes another, and (as if the Enemy had been at hand) still fortify'd himself with Trenches and Breast∣works. He frequently reliev'd the Watches,

and often went the Rounds himself with the Legates. And when he was upon a March, sometimes he would be in the Front, sometimes in the Rear, and often in the middle, to prevent the stragling of the Souldiers from their Colours: and when they march'd in a full Body, they were order'd to carry their Provision, as well as their Arms: and by prohibiting, rather then by punishing Miscarriages, he reduc'd the Army to perfect Discipline.

46. In the mean while Jugurth, when he heard by his Spies, the Courses which Metellus took, as also being ascertain'd from Rome of his Integrity, he began to mistrust the Issue of his Affairs, and then at length began to think of making a real Composition. To which purpose he sent his Agents to the Consul, with Offers of Sur∣render, and full Commission to desire on∣ly his own and his Childrens Lives, but refer all other things to the good will and pleasure of the Roman People. But Metel∣lus was not ignorant by former experience, that the Numidians were a perfidious Na∣tion, inconstant in their Humor, and al∣ways inclin'd to Novelty. And therefore discoursing the Agents every one apart by

themselves, and sounding 'em by degrees, when he found 'em sincerely pliable, he perswades 'em with large Promises to de∣liver up Jugurth into his hands alive, if possible, or slain, if otherwise it could not be accomplish'd; but what farther Mes∣sage they had to carry to the King, he o∣penly informs 'em at a Public Audience. After this, he enters Numidia with a well resolv'd and powerful Army; where con∣trary to the count'nance of War, the Houses were full of People, and the Fields of Cattel and Husbandmen. Then out of the several Towns and Villages the King's Officers came forth to meet and congratulate the Consul, professing them∣selves ready to furnish him with Corn and Carriages for his Provision, and in a word, to do whatever he commanded. But notwithstanding these fair shews, Me∣tellus was never a jot the less circumspect, marching in the same order and wariness, as if the Enemy had been at hand, sent his Scouts and Forlorns every way round about; believing all pretences of Surrender to be only Wiles and Stratagems to draw him into Mischief. And therefore he march'd himself at the Head of his Ar∣my with some of the nimblest Cohorts,

and a select Band of Archers and Slin∣gers. The Reer C. Marius, his Legate, brought up with his Horse: and upon each Wing he had divided the Auxiliary Horse at the Command of the Tribunes of the Legions, and Captains of the Co∣horts; to the end that the light Armed Foot and the Horse being thus intermixt, they might be able to withstand the Ene∣mies Cavalry, which way soever they make an Impression. For Jugurth was so politic, so well acquainted with the Si∣tuation of the Country, and the Art of War, that whether he were more dange∣rous absent or present, treating Peace, or actually in War, was hard to be re∣solv'd.

47. There stood not far from the Road which Metellus took in his march, a Town belonging to the Numidi∣ans, which was call'd Vacca, the most famous for Trade of any in the Kingdom; and greatly frequented by the Italian Merchants. Here the Consul, as well for a Trial whether they would obey or no, as also consider∣ing the Advantages of the Situation,

places a Garrison. Moreover he com∣manded the Inhabitants to furnish him with a Quantity of Corn and other Ne∣cessaries useful in War; believing, as it was most rational to think, That the great Concourse of Merchants, and plenty of Provision would be a great Assistance to his Army: besides that the Place lay convenient for a Magazine of necessary Preparations for the future. In the midst of these Transactions Jugurth sends again submissive Messengers, and much more earnestly then before sues for Peace, with Offers to Metellus, to surrender all things to his Mercy but his own and the Lives of his Children; whom the Consul, as he did the former, sent back again with Tem∣ptations to betray their Master; but as to the Peace which the King desir'd, he nei∣ther gave any positive Grant or Refusal; delaying on purpose, in expectation of the Agents Promises.

48. But Jugurth, when he compar'd the Words and Deeds of Metellus toge∣ther, and found himself match'd at his own Weapons of Delay and Dissimulati∣on, while Peace was dissembl'd in Words, but actually a sharp and vigorous War in

the Bowels of his Kingdom; one of his chiefest Cities in the Enemies Hands, the Country discover'd, and the People stag∣gering in their Allegiance, constrain'd by the Necessity of his Affairs, he resolves to fight it out. And therefore by his Spies having throughly discover'd and observ'd the March of the Enemy, conceiving great hopes of Victory from the Opportunity of the Place, he raises all the Force he could make of all sorts of People, and so by private ways, and shorter Cuts, he gets before Metellus's Army. There was in that part of Numidia, which upon the Division of the Kingdom, fell to Adher∣bal's share, a River rising Southward, which was call'd Muthul, from whence, at the distance of about a Thousand and Twenty Paces, a great Mountain shew'd it self, wild by Nature, and altogether untill'd and uninhabited: from the mid∣dle of which, there grew as it were ano∣ther Hill to a very great height, cover'd over with wild Olives, Mirtles, and such other sorts of Trees as delight in barren and sandy Grounds. All the surrounding Plain for want of Water, lay desart; on∣ly those parts that border'd upon the Stream, which were thick set with Bushes

and Hedges, full of Cattel and Husband∣men. Upon this Hill, which ran cross the High-way, as we have said, it was, that Jugurth drew up the Vanguard of his Army thinly Marshall'd, giving Bo∣milcar the Charge of his Elephants, and some part of his Forces, with full Instru∣ctions what to do. He himself with his Cavalry, and some selected Battalions of Foot, plants himself nearer the Moun∣tain; then riding from Troop to Troop, and Rank to Rank, he exhorts, encou∣rages, and conjures them not to forget their pristine Valour and victorious Con∣quests, but bravely to defend themselves and his Kingdom from the Avarice of the Romans: That they were to deal with on∣ly such as they had forc'd to pass the Yoke already: That their Captain only, not their Courage was chang'd: That his Care and Foresight had prevail'd a∣gainst all Accidents, as became an expert Leader: That he had taken the upper Ground, and intermix'd 'em so, Vete∣ranes with the raw and undisciplin'd, to the end that they might not be afraid to grapple a few in number with many, or less expert, with their Superiors in War: therefore that they should be all in a rea∣diness,

and forward to assail the Romans upon the Signal given: That this was the Day which would either prove the end of all their Toyls by glorious Conquest, or the beginning of unavoydable Calami∣ties. Then culling out by Name every particular Person, that for their Martial Deeds he had either enrich'd with Gold, or advanc'd to Military Honours, he ad∣monishes 'em to be mindful of his Fa∣vours, and bids 'em encourage others with the same Expectancies. Lastly, as if he understood the particular Genius of those he spoke to, some he promises, o∣thers he threatens, but emboldens and en∣courages all by all the ways imaginable. All this while Metellus, ignorant of the Enemies Approach, is discover'd march∣ing with his Army down the Hill. Who suddenly descrying an unusual sight, be∣gan to consider; for the Numidians kept themselves and their Horses snug within the Trees and Bushes, which nevertheless were not so high as to shelter 'em sufficient∣ly from being seen; and yet the nature of the Place was such, that they could not ful∣ly be discover'd, besides that they had cun∣ningly hid all their Military Ensigns. But in a short time the Truth being fully found

out, and the General made a steady halt, Then hastning to embattel his Army, he chang'd the Order of his March, and in the right Wing which was next the Enemy, he places three Bodies of Reserves. Between the small Divisions he disperses the Slingers and Darters, and plants all his Cavalry upon the Wings. Then after some few Exhortations to the Souldiers, for shortness of time would not permit him to use many words, he brings his Army thus Embatell'd into the Plain, only that the first Ranks chang'd their ground in Marching.

49. But when he perceiv'd that the Nu∣midians lay still, and would not come down from the Hill, fearing lest his Men should be distress'd for want of Water, he sent Rutilius before with some of the nimblest Cohorts and part of the Horse, to the River to secure a place for his Camp, believing that the Enemy would then powr down upon him, and by Char∣ging him in Flank, endeavour to prevent him; and because they durst not rely upon their own Courage, would seek to tire out his Men with heat and drought. After Him, the Consul follow'd, slowly

descending the Hill, as the nature of the Place would give leave. Marius brought up the Rear; himself march'd with the Cavalry upon the Left Wing. On the other side Jugurth, when he found that the Rear of Metellus's Army was just past by the Front of his own Men, pla∣ces a Guard of two thousand Foot upon the Mountain, from whence Metellus had descended, to prevent the Enemy from regaining it, and fortifying themseves in that place, should they be put to a retreat; then giving the Signal, he flew upon the Romans. The Numidians soon made havock in the Rear, while others Charge in the Flank, some upon the right, others upon the left side: they press on, and lay about 'em, every where endeavouring to break the Ranks of the Romans; among whom, they who with greatest resolution labour'd to come to a close Fight, were disappointed by the uncertain Assaults of the Enemy, who fought and wounded at a distance those that could reach to re∣venge themselves. For the Horsemen had been instructed before by Jugurth, that when they were pursu'd by any of the Roman Troops, that they should not retreat in a Body, but scatter several ways; by that

means, if they could not deter the Ene∣my from pursuit, they were in a Con∣dition, being Superior in number, to Charge 'em when dissipated on all sides, Rear, Front and Flanks: and then a gain, if the Hill were more advantage∣ous to secure their Flight then the Plain Fields, that then they should retire thi∣ther, where their Horses accustom'd to scoure through the Bushes, could not be follow'd by our Men, easily incumber'd among the Shrubs and Thickets.

50. All this while the Event of things lookt but with an ill Aspect; uncertain, various, bloody and miserable; dispers'd from their own, some fled, others pursu'd; neither Ensigns nor Orders observ'd; where-ever danger attacque'd any Man, there he made resistance, Arms, Weapons, Horses, Men, Enemies and Friends lay all intermingl'd together; nothing was acted by Counsel or Command, but Fortune go∣vern'd. And now the day began to be far spent, and then the Issue was also un∣certain; But at length, both sides being spent with toyl and heat, Metellus ob∣serving the Numidians fury to abate, ral∣lies his Men together by degrees, reduces

'em into Order, and places four Legiona∣ry Cohorts against the Enemies foot: To those Cohorts, of which the greatest part, weary and tir'd, had possess'd the upper Grounds, Metellus gave good words, and desir'd 'em not to desert their fellow Souldi∣ers nor suffer an Enemy half vanquish'd to wrest the Victory out of their hands; that they had neither Camp nor Fortifi∣cation to retreat to, but all their hopes was in their Swords. Neither was Jugurth idle, he rode about, exhorted; entreated, re∣new'd the fight, and in person with the select Guards of his Body, try'd all places, re∣liev'd his own, press'd furiously upon those that waver'd; and against those he could not move, he fought at a distance. Thus these two famous Generals bestirr'd themselves, in Courage and Experience, in their Forces not so equally match'd. For Metellus had the more valiant Souldi∣ers, tho the Ground was disadvantageous; Jugurth had all Advantages of his side but only Souldiers. At length the Romans understanding they had no place of Re∣fuge, and finding that the Enemy would not hazzard a close Fight, besides that it was now toward Evening, by the Generals Command they briskly charge up Hill;

and then it was that the Numidians ha∣ving lost their footing, were soon routed and out to flight, few were slain, in regard that the swiftness of their Heels, and the Coun∣try unknown to the Roman, protected their Lives.

51. In the mean time Bomilcar, to whom Jugurth had given the Command of his Elephants, and part of his Infantry, as we have said already, when Rutilius was March'd past him, brings his own Men into the Champaign ground by de∣grees; and whilst the Legate hastned to the River, whither he was sent before, orders his Army with great silence, as it behov'd him, not neglecting however by his Spies to observe the Motions of the Enemy in every place. So soon as he understood that Rutilius was Encamp'd in a careless posture; and found that Jugurth was engag'd by the hideous Noises that reach'd his Ears from the Battle, fearing least the Legate when he understood the cause, would hasten to the Assistance of his own Party, he extends the Front of his Army, which before, upon distrust of their Courage he had drawn up thick and close, and to stop the March of the Ene∣my,

Marches directly toward Rutilius's Camp. The Romans of a suddain perceive a prodigious Cloud of Dust; for the fields being thick set with low Trees hindr'd a clear Prospect: and believes at first that it was rais'd by the Wind; but afterwards when they saw it continue, and approach nearer and nearer to themselves, then readily conjecturing what the matter was, they betake themselves to their Arms, and range themselves before the Camp according to command. When the E∣nemy drew near, both sides joyn Battle, with a hideous clamour and noise: The Numidians stood fast, so long as they thought there was any hope in their Ele∣phants, but when they saw them entangl'd among the Boughs, and by that means overthrown and surrounded by the Ro∣mans, they betook themselves to their Heels, and throwing away their Arms, by the benefit of the Hill and the Night, which was then at hand, escap'd with little Execution. Four Elephants were taken, the rest to the number of forty kill'd. But the Romans, though tir'd with their March, with raising the For∣tifications of their Camp, and the heat of the Battle; yet because Metellus staid lon∣ger

then was expected, they March for∣ward Embattl'd, as they were, and with an extraordinary Resolution to meet him. For the Craft of the Numidians will ad∣mit of nothing negligent or remiss. At first, through the darkness of the Night, when they came within hearing one of a∣nother, being taken for Enemies, there was nothing but fear and hurry one a∣mong another. And through impru∣dence, a fatal Accident had like to have happen'd, had not the Forelorns on both sides rectify'd the mistake. But then their fears were chang'd of a suddain into joy. The Souldiers merrily call to one another, relate and hearken to one anothers Ex∣ploits; and every one extols his own Valour to the Skies. For such is the Condition of human Affairs, that after Victory Cowards have leave to boast, but ill success casts a reproach on the most Valiant.

52. Metellus stay'd four days in the same Camp; orders the wounded to be care∣fully look'd after; those that had well deserv'd in the Battle, he well Rewards according to the Military Custom, applauds 'em all in general, and gives 'em thanks

in a Public Assembly. As to what was behind, which would now prove easy, he exhorted 'em to behave themselves with equal Courage; that they had already fought sufficiently for Victory, their other Toyls woul'd only be for Booty. In the mean time he sends the Fugitives and o∣ther proper Spies to bring him News where Jugurth was, what he was doing, what force he had about him, and how he brook'd his loss. But Jugurth had re∣tir'd himself among the Woods and Places strongly fortify'd by Nature; there he levy'd an Army more numerous that he had before; but such as had neither Met∣tle nor Strength. Which happen'd so, for this reason, because unless it were the Royal Cavalry, not one of all the Numi∣dians accompani'd the King in his Flight, but every one took his own Course, as his Fancy lead him; neither is it accounted any shame for a Souldier so to do, as be∣ing the Custom of the Country. Metel∣lus therefore, when he found that the Kings Courage was not yet cool'd; but that the War would be renew'd, which could not then be manag'd but as Jugurth pleas'd himself: Moreover that he fought upon unequal terms with an Enemy, to

whom it was less prejudice to be van∣quish'd, then to overcome his Men, he determin'd to fight no more pitch'd Bat∣tles, but to carry on the War after ano∣ther manner. Therefore he Marches in∣to the Richest Parts of Numidia, har∣rasses and lays wast all the Country, takes and burns several Castles and Towns ei∣ther slightly fortify'd, or else without any Garrisons; puts all the Young men to the Sword, all other things he gives free Booty, to the Souldiers. These severe Proceedings cause several to send Pled∣ges to the Romans; Corn and all other necessary Provisions, are plentifully sup∣ply'd, and where ever need requir'd, there he plac'd a Garrison. Which man∣ner of Warlike management terrify'd the King much more then the ill success of a Battle. For that be, whose hopes of safe∣ty were all in flight, was now constrain'd to follow: And he that could not defend the Territories that were left him, was now forc'd to wage War in the Conquests of another. But in this distress and exi∣gency of choice, he took that course which seem'd to him to be the wisest.

He orders the Body of his Army still to lie in the same place: He himself with

a select number of Horse follows Metel∣lus: and in regard his Nocturnal Marches, and unfrequented ways were not subject to quick Discovery, he frequently met with the Roman Forragers and Straglers; of which the greatest part were slain or taken; nor did one escape unwounded: which done, before Assistance could be sent from the Camp, the Numidians were vanish'd to the next Hills.

55. In the mean time there was extra∣ordinary rejoycing at Rome, upon the News of Metellus's success; that he had govern'd both himself and the Army ac∣cording to the Custom and Discipline of their Ancestors; that in a disadvantage∣ous ground he had obtain'd the Victory by his Valour; that he was Master of the Enemies Country, and had constrain'd Jugurth, vain-gloriously puff'd up and grown insolent through the Cowardice of Aulus, to hide his head in Deserts, and to place all his hopes of safety in Flight. Therefore the Senate order'd Supplications to the Immortal Gods for the success of their Arms: The City trembling before, and solicitously dreading the Event of the War, were all in Festivals and Jollity;

and Metellus's Fame spread far and near. For this reason he labour'd more vigo∣rously after Victory: He leaves no stone unturn'd; yet provident all the while how he fell into the Ambuscado's of the Enemy; mindful that after Glory Envy follows. Therefore the greater his Re∣putation was, so much the more Careful and Vigilant also was he; neither after the last Attempts of Jugurth, would he suffer the Army to forrage at random: and therefore when he wanted either Corn or Fodder, he sent several Cohorts, and all the Cavalry to guard the Forragers. He himself led one part of the Army, and Marius the other: the Country was laid wast, rather by Fire then driving of Booty; they Encamp'd in two several Places, not far distant one from the other. When there was occasion for reinforce∣ment they joyn'd both together: and when they design'd to clear and ravage the Country, and spread the Terror of their Arms, then they acted asunder. At the same time Jugurth follow'd close at their Heels, but still keeping the Moun∣tains. VVhere ever he could perceive the Enemy bent their March, there he destroy'd all the Forrage and poyson'd

the Wells and Fountains, of which there was great scarcity. Sometimes he would shew himself to Metellus, sometimes to Marius; by and by fall upon the Rear; neither engage in Battle, nor suffer 'em to be at rest; only to obstruct the Ene∣mies designs.

56. Therefore the Roman General, when he saw himself tir'd out by a crafty Adver∣sary, that would not be drawn to a fair Encounter, he determin'd to Besiege a great City called Zama, in that Quarter of the Country, the Key and Bulwark of the King∣dom, believing as it was but rational, that Jugurth would come to relieve the Place, and so give him the Opportunity of a Battle: But he being inform'd by the Fugitives of Metellus's designs, with long Marches gets before him; encourages the Townsmen to de∣fend their Walls, and leaves 'em all his Fugitives to re-inforce their Garrison; which were a sort of People the stoutest and most resolute of all the Kings Forces; as being under a constraint of being faith∣ful: and having thus settl'd his Affairs, a∣way

he slips into the most private lurk∣ing holes he could meet with. Soon after he understood that Marius was upon his March, being commanded with some few Cohorts to Convoy a con∣siderable quantity of Corn from Sicca. Which was the first Town that revol∣ted from the King after his Defeat. Thither Ju∣gurth hastens in the Night time, with some select Troops of Horse, and En∣gag'd the Romans as they were just Marching out at the Gate; and at the same time cry'd out to the In∣habitants to fall upon the Cohorts in the Rear; with∣all encouraging 'em, for that Fortune had put into their hands a noble Opportunity; which if they laid hold on, he should for the future enjoy his Kingdom, and they their Liberty in Peace and Tranquillity. So that had not Marius fall'n on with all the fury imaginable, made his way out of the Town, and broke through the Enemy at the same time, either all or

most of the Inhabitants, had chang'd their Fidelity: so mutable and inconstant is the Numidian Faith. But Jugurth's Souldiers being a while supported by the presence of their Prince, when they felt the smart strokes of the Enemy, who prest in hard on the thickest and most forward, with the loss of some few, betook them∣selves to speedy flight; and Marius comes safe to Zama.

57. This Town was seated in a Plain, rather fortify'd by Industry then Nature, provided with all Necessaries, and stor'd with Men and Ammunition. Metellus therefore having prepar'd all things in rea∣diness so far as the Time and Place would permit, surrounds the Walls with his whole Army, and gives Orders to the Legates what Posts to take. Then upon the Signal given, a hideous Clamour fills the Skies on every side: but all their noise nothing terrifies the Numidians; they stand resolute and fix'd without any Tumult; & so the Assault begins. The Romans plaid their parts as they thought best them∣selves; some fought with Slings and Darts at a distance, others make close Ap∣proaches, some to undermine, and some resolv'd to set their Ladders to the Walls,

and make a speedier trial of their Swords. On the other side, the Numidi∣ans powr down Stones, pointed Stakes and Darts upon those that were nearest, toge∣ther with flaming Fire-brands all be∣smear'd with Pitch and Tar. Nor could their Fears protect those that kept far∣thest off: For the Darts continually dis∣charg'd from the Engines, or else flung out of Hand, both reach'd and wounded the greatest part: Both the Timorous and the Valiant underwent the same danger, though not with equal Reputation.

58. While both Sides vigorously thus dispute for Zama, Jugurth of a sudden, and when least expected, falls upon the Roman Camp, and forcing the Turn-pike, breaks in upon our Men. Who being amaz'd with sudden Fright, shift every one for themselves according to custom; some fly, some betake themselves to their Arms; and a great many are either wounded or slain. Of all the Number, not above Forty, remembring they were Romans, embody'd together, betake themselves to a Rising Ground, and made it good, not∣withstanding the Force of the Assailants; the Darts thrown at 'em they return'd a∣gain, which from a few lighting upon ma∣ny

crowded together, did never fall in vain: if the Numidians durst approach 'em, then they shew'd their Courage, with a strange Fury routing, killing, putting all to flight. At the same time Metellus in the heat of the Assault, hearing a great Noise and Tumult behind him, turn'd about his Horse, and perceiving a Rout, and that they that fled, made toward him, he readily conjectur'd what the Matter was. Thereupon he sends away all his Cavalry forthwith to the Camp, and after them Marius with the Cohorts of the Allies, conjuring him with Tears in his Eyes, by the Friendship that was be∣tween 'em, and by the Honour of the Commonwealth, not to suffer any Disgrace to stain the Victories of his Army, nor to leave the Enemy ere he had had his full Revenge. Marius vigorously per∣form'd his Command. So that Jugurth being incumber'd with the Fortifications of the Camp, while some threw them∣selves headlong over the Rampire, others crowding through the narrow passages to get out, hinder'd one another, with the loss of many of his Men, retir'd to his Fastnesses. Metellus also at the same time, not able to prevail, in regard that Night

drew on, retreated with his Army to the Camp.

59. The next day before he return'd to the Assault, he drew up all his Cavalry before the Camp on that side where he expected a second Attempt from Jugurth, and commanded 'em there to keep a strict Watch. The Turn-pikes and Places next adjoyning, he commits to the Guard of the Tribunes; and then sur∣rounding the Town, as he did the day before, gives a second general Assault. Presently Jugurth makes a second Attempt likewise upon our formost Men; who be∣ing somewhat terrify'd at first, are soon disorder'd; but the Reserves fly speedily to their Relief. Nor could the Numidi∣ans have longer withstood their Force, had not their Foot, being intermingl'd with the Cavalry, made a great Slaughter at the first Charge. For being assisted by this intermixture, they did not, as it is usual in other Charges of the Horse, sometimes press forward, sometimes give Ground; but fell in pell-mell, Horse Head to Horse Head, thereby incumbring and disordering the Ranks, at what time the Foot breaking in, had almost routed the Enemy.

60. At the same time the Dispute was no less desperate at Zamara. Where every Legate or Tribune was posted, there most vigorously they perform'd their Duties, no man confiding more in another, then in himself. On the other side, the Towns∣men made a strenuous Resistance, they fought to wonder, and provided against all Accidents; more eager to wound o∣thers, then mindful of their own Safety. Hideous and different were the Cries of both Parties, Encouragements, Shouts of Joy, and bitter Groans of Lamentation; the Clattering of Weapons fill'd the Skies; and Showers of Darts fell thick on every side. At length they who defended the Walls, when they perceiv'd the Fury of the enemy a little to slacken, stood still up∣on the Battlements to behold the Fight between the Roman & Jugurth's Cavalry; and as Jugurth either prevail'd, or lost Ground, sometimes you should see 'em overjoy'd, then again all in consternation. And as far as they could be seen or heard by their fellows, some they besought, others they encourag'd, making Signs with their Hands, and Motions of their Bodies, like men avoiding or darting forward their missive Weapons. Which when Marius

perceiv'd, for he had the Charge of that Quarter, on purpose he slacken'd his Fu∣ry, and dissembl'd a Mistrust of the Event, suffering the Numidians to have an unmo∣lested Prospect of their Princes Bravery. But at length, while they were busily ga∣zing upon their Fellows, Marius attacks the Walls with a more then ordinary violence. And the Souldiers by the help of their Scaling Ladders, had almost gain'd the Battlements, when the Townsmen embodying of a sudden, ply'd 'em with Stones, Fire-works, and other Missive Weapons. Our men made stout resist∣ance at first, but after two or three of the Ladders were broken, they that stood up∣on 'em were miserably mortify'd; the rest, few safe, every one, as best they could, shifted for themselves, and very few escaping unwounded, the most part hurt and maim'd, quitted the Assault: at length Night parted the bloody Fray.

61. When Metellus found such ill Suc∣cess of his Enterprize, and that neither the Town could be taken, nor Jugurth drawn to fight, but where he had the ad∣vantage of Ground or Ambuscado's, and that Summer was spent, he rais'd his

Siege from before Zama, and plac'd Gar∣risons in those Cities which had revolted from him, and were either naturally or artificially fortify'd; and the rest of the Army he quarter'd in that part of the Province which borders upon Numidia. Nor did he spend that Time as others were wont to do, in Ease and Luxury, but finding Force so little prevail'd, he therefore betook himself to Stratagem: To this purpose, with fair Words and large Promises he attempts Bomilcar. This was he who accompany'd Jugurth to Rome, and after he had given Sureties for his forth-coming, upon the Murder of Massiva, secretly made his Escape, for fear of being put to death; and therefore by reason of his intimacy with Jugurth', had the fairer opportunity to betray his Friend. The first thing Metellus did, was to bring him to a private Meeting: in the next place he gave him his word, That if he would deliver Jugurth into his hands alive or dead, the Senate should not only grant him Impunity, but his own De∣mands. The Numidian is easily perswa∣ded, being not only naturally treache∣rous, but also misdoubting, lest if the Romans should make a Peace with his Ma∣ster,

he might be excepted out of the Articles, and deliver'd up to condign pu∣nishment.

62. He therefore, upon the first Op∣portunity he could meet with, coming to Jugurth, and finding him troubl'd, and bewailing his Misfortunes, with Tears in his Eyes beseeches and conjures him, that at length he would take pity of himself, his Children, and the miserable Estate of the Numidian People, so well deserving at his hands: further he put him in mind, That still in all Encounters they were vanquish'd; the Country was laid waste, numbers of his Subjects carry'd away Captive, or slain, and the Treasures of the Kingdom utterly impoverish'd; That he had sufficiently try'd his Fortune, and the Courage of his Souldiers; and there∣fore that he should take heed, lest while he delay'd, the Numidians did not consult for their own Safety. By these and other Arguments of this Nature, he mollifies the King's Inclinations to a Surrender. Commissioners are there∣fore sent to the General, to let him know, That Jugurth was ready to obey his Com∣mands, and without any Composition

to surrender both himself and the King∣dom to his Generosity: Metellus present∣ly sends for all that were of Senatorian Degree, from their Winter Quarters, and advises with them, and such others as he thought convenient. Thereupon, ac∣cording to the ancient Custom, by his Messengers He commands Jugurth to send him two hundred pound weight of Sil∣ver, all his Elephants, such a number of Horses, and such a quantity of warlike Ammunition; which being done, he commands all the Fugitives to be deli∣ver'd up in Chains. The greatest part of them were also sent accordingly; only some few upon the first Report of a Surrender, immediately fled to King Boc∣chus into Mauritania. Thus was Jugurth despoyl'd of his Arms, the Flower of all his Forces, and his Money. But when he was summon'd to appear before the Gene∣ral, then residing at Tisidium, then he began to change his Mind, and through Guilt of Conscience to dread what really he deserv'd. At length, after he had wa∣sted many days in hesitation, sometimes as it were tir'd with his Misfortunes, deeming all things to be endur'd before the Cala∣mities of War; then again reflecting with

himself, how terrible a Fall it would be from a Kingdom into Slavery, at last he makes choice of War. At Rome, the Senate being mov'd concerning the Pro∣vinces, decree Numidia to Metellus.

63. At the same time Marius being by accident at Ʋtica, and there making his Offerings to the Gods for his Success in the last Expedition, the Soothsayer told him, That the Signs portended great and wonderful Events in reference to himself, and therefore whatever he had in his Mind, he might boldly act, in confidence of the Favour of the Gods; That he might venture Fortune as often as he pleas'd, for that he should prosper in all his Undertakings.

64. Some time before this, a violent Ambition of the Consulship had harrass'd his Thoughts. For the Atchievement of which, beside the Antiquity of his Fami∣ly, he stood fair in all other respects In∣dustry, Probity, Military Experiennce, a vast Courage in War, great Frugality, a Contemner of Pleasure and superfluous Wealth, only impatient of Honour. He was born and bred up during all the

time of his Childhood at Arpinum, where he first learnt to undergo the hard∣ships of War, wherein he spent his Youth, serving all along for Pay; not in the Study of Grecian Eloquence, or City Courtship: and thus in a short time he attain'd to a perfection in vertuous Exercises. And therefore when he first stood for the Military Tribuneship at an Assembly of the Commons, most People not knowing his Face, when once they heard his Name, he presently carry'd it by the Voyces of all the Tribes. From that Office he advanc'd himself still high∣er and higher by degrees, and in all Em∣ployments so behav'd himself, that he was always deem'd worthy of a Nobler then that he possess'd at present. But till that time, notwithstanding his matchless Bravery (for still Ambition hurry'd him headlong) he durst not stand for the Con∣sulship. For then the Commonalty dis∣pos'd of other Offices, but the Consulship the Nobility shar'd successively among themselves. No upstart Person never so famous, never so celebrated for his great Atchievments, was thought worthy, but

rather a Defilement of that Honour

64. Marius therefore, when he saw that the predictions of the Soothsayer tend∣ed the same way that his Ambition car∣ry'd him, desir'd Metellus to spare him from the Army, that he might have li∣berty to stand for the Consulship; who, though he were a Person in whom Ver∣tue, Honour, and all other Qualities, no∣ble and desirable, were brightly eminent, yet were they accompany'd with a dis∣dainful Mind and lofty Pride, the com∣mon Failings of the Nobility. Mov'd therefore at first with the Novelty of Marius's Demand, he wonder'd at his Design, and as it were in Friendship ad∣vis'd him not to act so preposterously, nor to advance his Thoughts above his Fortune: That all things were not proper to be desir'd by all men; That it became him to be contented with his present Preferments, which were sufficient. Lastly, That he should consider well before he made a Request of so high a Nature to the People of Rome, that might be lawfully deny'd him. After he had given him these and many more Admonitions of the same Nature,

yet could not divert Marius from his setl'd Intentions, he made him answer, That so soon as the Public Affairs would permit, he would grant him his Desires. And afterwards when Marius urg'd him with greater importunity, it is re∣ported, That he should advise him, not to be too hasty, adding withal, That it would be time enough for him to stand for the Consulship with his Son; who at that time was a private Souldier in his Fathers Pavilion, about twenty years of Age. Which Taunt of Metellus not only vehe∣mently incens'd him to prosecute the Ho∣nour which he affected, but also against Metellus himself. For that reason he fol∣low'd the Dictates of his Ambition, and his Wrath, the worst of evil Counsellors: All his Words and Actions now tended to Popularity: The Souldiers which he commanded, he permitted to live more loosly then before: Among the Mer∣chants, of which there was a great num∣ber at Ʋtica, he scatter'd many scandalous and ostentatious Reports concerning the War: That if he might have the Com∣mand but of half the Army, he would in a days time have Jugurth in Chains; and that the War was on purpose spun

out by the General, as one that being a Person vain-glorious, and of Princely Pride, too much affected Power and Command. Which the Merchants more readily believ'd to be true, for that by the continuance of the War, their Trade was very much hinder'd; and to a Covetous Mind all Procrastination seems a Crime.

65. There was at that time in our Army a certain Numidian, by Name Gauda, the Son of Manastabales, the Grand-child of Massinissa, whom Micipsa by his Will had left the next Heir of the Kingdom, full of Diseases, and for that reason some∣what craz'd in his Sences: to whom Me∣tellus, upon two Requests, that according to the Custom of Princes, he might have his Chair set next the General's Seat, as also a Troop of Roman Horse for the Guard of his Body, had deny'd him both: The Honour, because it represented that Majesty, which the Romans term'd Regal, and could not endure to suffer always in their sight: The Guard, because it look'd disgracefully for the Roman Horse to at∣tend upon a Numidian. This Person therefore thus repuls'd, and vex'd in his Mind, Marius attempts, and embol∣dens

him to take his Revenge upon the General for the Affronts he had put up∣on him, as he should direct him. He magnifies the Man distemper'd in Mind through bodily Distempers, with flatter∣ing and glozing Speeches, puts him in mind of his being a Prince, a great Per∣son, the Grand-child of Massinissa: That if Jugurth should be taken or slain, the Kingdom of Numidia fell immediately to him by right of Inheritance; which would suddenly come to pass, if he might once be sent as Consul to manage the War. By this means he perswades the Numidi∣an, the Roman Knights, the Souldiers, and Merchants, some by his own Autho∣rity, others upon hopes of sudden Peace, to write to their Friends at Rome, and in their Letters sharply to inveigh against the dilatory Proceedings of Metellus, and at the last to desire Marius for their General. And thus it came to pass, that by the fair Suffrages of many Men the Consulship was labour'd for in his be∣half. Besides it so happen'd, seasonably for him at that time, that the Nobility be∣ing curb'd by the Man∣lian Law, the Com∣monalty had Power to

advance new Men: allthings fell out luckily for Marius.

66. In the mean time Jugurth, after he had falsify'd his promise of submission, and renew'd the War, with great Industry makes vast preparations, uses all expedi∣tion, Levies an Army; those Cities which had revolted from him he solicites with Rewards, or regains by Terror; fortifies his strong Holds; replenishes his Stores with Ammunition and Warlike Furni∣ture; entices the Roman Slaves to revolt, and those that were in Garisons he tempts with ready Money: Lastly he leaves no stone unturn'd, nor suffers any Soul to rest in quiet; but casts about every way to procure disturbance. At Vacca therefore, where Metellus, when Jugurth first began to treat of Peace, had plac'd a Garrison, wearied with the Importunities of the King, and never truly alienated in their Affections from him, the chief In∣habitants of the Town conspire together a∣mong themselves, (for the common Peo∣ple according to their usual Custom, espe∣cially the Numidians, naturally fluctuating

and inconstant, seditious, and despisers of Harmonious Concord, were still thirsting after Novelty, and Adversaries to Peace and Tranquillity) and having laid their Plot sure, agree upon the third Day, which hap∣pen'd to be one of their most Solemn Festi∣vals, and strictly observ'd over all Africa, and therefore gave them an opportunity to assemble without suspicion, under pre∣tence of Sport and Pastime. Thereupon when the time came, they invited to their Houses the Centurions, Colonels and the Governor himself F. Turpilius: all those they slew in the midst of their Cups, ex∣cept Turpilius: which done they fell upon the Souldiers, stragling up and down with∣out their Arms, being then oblig'd to no duty, by reason of the day. The same did all the Rabble, part instructed before hand by their Superiors, others out of their natural Affection to disorders; to whom Tumult and Novelty, though they nei∣ther understood the Cause nor Motives, were things pleasing and delightful. The Roman Souldiers surpriz'd thus of a sud∣dain, uncertain and doubtful what Course to take, fled in a pannick fear to the Castle belonging to the Town, where their Ensigns and Targets lay: but the

Garrison of the Enemies, having shut the Gates before, prevented their Flight, and to add to their Misfortune, the Women and Children flung down Stones and such other Materials as the place would afford, continually upon their Heads from the tops of the Houses. Thus there was no avoiding the uncertain Mischief, neither was it in the power of the stoutest to make resistance against the weakest: Va∣liant and Cowards, strong and feeble fell all together, and many were slain. In the heat of this Massacre, while the Numidians were exercising their utmost fury, and all the Gates were shut, Turpilius made a clever escape untouch'd, whether it were through the Civility of his Host, or upon a Composition of Ransom, or by acci∣dent, we never could discover. This is only to be said, that because in such a Calamity, he preferr'd an ignominious Life before an unblemish'd Reputation, he appear'd to be a wicked and detestable Coward.

68. When this fatal Butchery at Vacca reach'd Metellus's Ears, pensive for a while, he retir'd from Company. But when his wrath and sorrow once were

interblended he hastens withall expedi∣tion to revenge the Outrage. To that purpose, he draws forth the Legion that winter'd with him, and as many of the Numidian Horse as he could, just about Sun-set. The next day; about One in the Morning, he arriv'd at a certain Valley surrounded with little Hil∣locks: there he rests his Souldiers tir'd with a long Nights march, and mur∣muring to go any farther: but he gave 'em good words, told 'em that Vacca lay not above a mile off; that it was their duty to endure patiently the remainder of their Toyl, until they had fully reveng'd the Deaths of their Fellow-Citizens, the bra∣vest but most unfortunate of Men: and then largely lays before 'em the Temptations of Plunder. And having thus inspir'd 'em with new Courage, he places his Horse in Front, and causes his Foot to March in close Order, and to hide their En∣sign.

67. The Vaccensians when they per∣ceiv'd an Army marching toward 'em, at first believing (as indeed it was) that Metellus was at hand, shut up their Gates; but then again, finding no wast committed

upon their Lands, and beholding the Numi∣dian Horse that March'd in the Front, confi∣dently assur'd it was Jugurth himself, they pour'd forth with loud Acclamations to meet him. But then, upon the Signal given, Horse and Foot fell on pell mell; some put the rabble to the Sword; others flew to the Gates, while others seiz'd upon the Towers. Thus provok'd Fury and hopes of spoil prevail'd above their instant Lassitude. For the Vaccensians enjoy'd the pleasure of their perfidiousness not above two days: while their City, large and oppulent, becomes a Sacrifice to Plunder or Revenge. As for Turpilius, who was Governor of the Town, as is before re∣lated, he being Try'd by a Council of War, and having little to say for him∣self, was by Metellus Condemn'd to be first well Scourg'd, and then to have his head strook off: for he was no more then a Citizen of Collatia.

70. At the same time Bomilcar, by whose perswasions Jugurth began to incline to that submission, which he afterwards through

fear abondon'd, being suspected by the King, and he no less suspicious of him, projected new disturbances; to seek the Kings destruction by Treachery; Night and Day to tire his restless thoughts; and lastly after he had try'd all ways, he draws into the same Conspiracy one Nab∣dalsa, a Nobleman, vastly rich, and greatly belov'd in his Country; who frequent∣ly in the Kings absence was wont to Command the Army, and manage all Affairs, when Jugurth was either weary, or intent upon more important business: which got him not only great Honour, but infinite Wealth. Thereupon, by an agreement among themselves, a day is appointed for execution of the Treason. But how it was to be done was left to time and opportunity. After this agreement Nabdalsa returns to the Army which he had under his Charge, and lay near the Winter Quarters of the Romans, to pre∣vent their wasting the Country without opposition. But he, being terrify'd with the Enormity of the Fact, and disswaded by his fears, and not meeting again according to appointment, Bomilcar wavering between the eager desire he had to expedite his Treachery begun, and the dread of his

Associates discovery, yet unwilling to quit his first design for new Contrivancies, by trusty Messengers sends him a Letter, wherein he upbraids his negligence and irresolution; calls the Gods to witness by whom he had sworn; admonishes him to beware lest Metellus's Bribes did not turn to his perdition; tells him withal, that Jugurth's destruction was at hand; on∣ly the Question was, whether he should perish by theirs or the Courage of Me∣tellus.

71. When these Letters were brought, Nabdalsa by accident, being weari'd with hard exercise, was a Bed. So that after he had read the Contents, at first a thou∣sand cares distracted his thoughts, and af∣ter that, as is usual with men disturb'd in Mind, sleep seizes him. There attended upon him at that time, a certain Numi∣dian, that carefully lookt after all his business, highly caress'd by him, and par∣taker of all his Secrets, but the last. Who hearing that a Letter was brought to his Master, and believing it some busi∣ness that concern'd him according to his usual Custom went into the Chamber; and as his Master soundly slept, he takes

the Letter, that lay carelesly upon his Pillow, reads it, and understanding the Treachery, hastens forthwith to the King. Nabdalsa, waking soon after, and first missing both the Letter and his Servant, then by his Guards understanding how things stood, immediately he posted after the Disco∣verer, thinking to overtake him, but find∣ing that to be labour in vain, away he goes to Jugurth, and in hopes to make up the breach, tells him, That what he in∣tended to have done, the perfidiousness of his Servant had prevented; and with tears in his Eyes, by all the friendship he had for him, and by all the faithful services he had done him, besought him not to think him Guilty of so foul a piece of Treason.

72. To which the King, contrary to what he had in his heart, return'd a soft and mild Answer, That Bomilcar and seve∣ral others, whom he had discover'd to be Confederates in the Conspiracy, having suffer'd according to their deserts, he had qualify'd and subdu'd his Indignation, that no further trouble might arise from any farther scrutiny. But from that time for∣ward, Jugurth ne'er enjoy'd a quiet minute

day or night. All Persons, Places, Times and Seasons were suspected by him. All the night long he sculk'd from place to place, beneath the Majesty of a Prince: in the day time starting out of his slum∣bers, he would lay hold of his Sword, and disturb all that lay near him; so like to Madness were the fears that tur∣moyl'd his thoughts.

73. Metellus therefore when he was in∣form'd by the Fugitives of Bomilcar's death, and the Discovery of the Conspiracy, makes all the speedy preparations he could, as for a War but newly begun. And for Marius, dayly importuning him for his dismission, he discharg'd him, as not deeming a Person that bore him a Grudge, and otherwise distastful to him, would do him any ser∣vice. At Rome also; the Commons under∣standing what the Letters had dispers'd a∣broad in reference to Metellus and Marius, entertain'd with equal violence the Re∣ports of both. The Generals Nobility, which before was an Honour to him, was now a disgrace: and the meanness of the other's Parentage procur'd him favour. However the Partialities of the Factions were so moderate, as never to question

their Vertues or their Vices. Moreover, the Seditious Magistrates exasperated the the Common People; in all their Assem∣blies, they accuse Metellus, as worthy of Death, but the Courage of Marius they magnify as far above his desert. Lastly the Rabble were so incens'd, that all the Handicraft Tradesmen and Ploughmen, whose Estates and Credit lay all in their hands, leaving their Shops and Husban∣dry never omitted a public Meeting to cry up Marius, postponing the dayly supply of their own Indigences to his Advance∣ment. Thus the Nobility being cow'd and dismay'd, the Consulship, after many tempestuous contentions, is decreed to an Upstart. And after that, the question be∣ing put to the People by L. Manlius Man∣tinus, whom they would have to carry on the War with Jugurth, in a full Assem∣bly they commanded Marius.

74. At the same time, Jugurth, having lost his friends, the most of which he had put to death himself, the rest, part out of fear, had made their peace with the Ro∣mans, or were fled to King Bocchus, knowing that a War could not be carry'd on without Assistants, and deeming it dan∣gerous

to hazzard the fidelity of Stran∣gers, after he had found his old Ac∣quaintance so unfaithful, was variously toss'd and tormented with unquiet thoughts: neither the Design, nor the Counsel, nor the sight of any Person could please him: every day he alter'd his Commanders, and vary'd his Marches, sometimes towards the Enemie, sometimes into the Deserts; Sometimes he lookt upon flight as his securest Refuge; and then again he had some glimmering hopes of success: yet still in doubt, which less to trust, whither the Courage or Fide∣lity of his People. And thus which way soe'er he turn'd himself, Adversity still frown'd upon him. At length in the midst of these uncertainties and disastrous Reflections, Metellus shews himself with his Army. Presently Jugurth marshals his Nu∣midians as the time would give him leave, and the fight begins. Where the King was present in Person, there for a while was some resistance; all the rest of his Army, upon the very first Charge were routed and put to flight; leaving their Ensigns, their Arms, and a considerable number of their fellows in the Possession of the Ro∣mans. For in all Battles the Numidians were

more beholding for their safety to their Heels then to their Swords.

75. After the loss of the Battle, Jugurth, now more then ever despairing of success, with the Fugitives and part of his Ca∣valry, betakes himself into the Desert; and from thence to Thala, a large and stately Town, where most of his Treasure, and all the costly Wardrobe be∣onging to his Children lay. Of which when Metellus had Intelligence, though between Thala and the River adjoyning to his Camp, he knew there was nothing but vast and sandy Desarts for Fifty miles to∣gether, yet in hopes of putting an end to the War, if he could but make him∣self Master of that Town, he resolves to break through all the difficulties, and to overcome Nature her self. To this pur∣pose he orders all the Beasts of Carriage to be laden with the Baggage, except on∣ly flour for ten days, which the Souldiers were to carry in their Snapsacks: he also makes great Provision of Leathern Bot∣tles and Casks for his Water: He picks up all the Cattle he can find in the Neigh∣bouring

Parts, and them he orders to be laden with an infinite number of wooden Vessels, which they found in the Numi∣dian Cottages. Moreover he orders the Borderers that had surrendred themselves after the flight of the King what quan∣tity of Water he expected at their hands, and appoints 'em a day and place where they should be ready: and then fills his own Vessels from the River, which we have already mentioned: and thus fur∣nish'd with all things necessary, he Mar∣ches directly for Thala. When he came to that place where the Numidians were Commanded to tarry for him, after he had pitch'd his Tents and fortify'd his Camp, such violent showers of Rain are reported to have fallen on a suddain from the Sky, that there was Water enough and to spare for the whole Army. Pro∣visions also were plentiful beyond expecta∣tion; in regard the Numidians, as is usual while the awe of a new Conquest con∣tinues, had been extreamly double dili∣gent. Upon the Souldiers, also the Rain had wrought a Superstitious effect, while the seeming Miracle gave new boldness to their Courage; believing that now the Immortal Gods took care of their Per∣sons,

and favour'd their Enterprize; and thus the next day, they arriv'd before Thala, contrary to Jugurth's expectation. The Townsmen, who thought themselves secure by reason of their inaccessible Situ∣ation, amaz'd to see themselves so un∣expectedly surpriz'd, were nevertheless in∣dustrious to prepare for stout Resistance, and with the same alacrity did ours pre∣pare for the Aslault.

76. But Jugurth now believing there was nothing impossible to Metellus, as one against whose Industry no Arms or Wea∣pons, nor inequality of Ground would prevail, but had overcome even Nature her self, with his Children, and the great∣est part of his Treasure deserted the Town, and fled away in the Night; nor did he af∣terwards tarry in any one place above one day or a Night at most. Nevertheless that he might not seem to abandon the Town, he pretended urgency of Affairs and new Designs, but indeed because he was afraid of Treason, which he thought to prevent by a speedy retiring himself: for that such contrivances of Treachery were hatch'd by leasure and opportunity. On the other side Metellus, when he saw

the Townsmen resolv'd to defend them∣selves, and that the Town was also strong∣ly fortify'd as well by Nature as by Art, he entrenches his Army round about the Walls, and then places his Vines, and En∣gines in such places as he thought most pro∣per. Behind them he also raises Bulwarks, and upon them Towers to desend the Soul∣diers and Pioneers. On the other side, the Townsmen labour might and main to frustrate his Approaches, neither was any thing of Art or Industry omitted on either side. At length after much toyl, and several Combats and Onsets, the Ro∣mans, forty days after they sate down be∣fore it, became Masters of the Town on∣ly, in regard the Fugitives had set Fire to the Plunder. For they, when they perceiv'd the Walls began to totter through the fury of the Battering Rams, and that their Affairs were in a desperate Condition, carry'd all their Gold, Silver and other precious moveables into the Kings House, where after they had stu∣pify'd their Sences with Wine and good Chear, they set Fire to the House, and burnt themselves and all that was in it, of their own accords inflicting upon themselves the same punishment, which

they dreaded at the hands of their Ene∣mies.

77. But at the same time that Thala was taken, certain Messengers sent from Leptis to Metellus, arriv'd at the Camp, beseeching him to send 'em both a Garri∣son and a Governor. That there was one Hamilcar among 'em, a Person of Noble Extraction, but Factious, who went about to raise disturbances in the City, and sollicited the People to revolt. Neither was the Power of the Magistrate, nor the Authority of the Law sufficient to put a stop to his Proceedings: and that un∣less he made great haste, the Safety of the City, and their Allegiance to the Ro∣mans would be in great danger. For the People of Leptis at the first beginning of the Jugurthine War, had sent to Bestia the Consul, and afterwards to Rome, re∣questing Amity and a mutual League. Which after they had obtain'd, they con∣tinu'd just and faithful, and whatever they were commanded by Bestia, Albinus or Metellus to do, they diligently and se∣dulously perform'd; and for that reason the General readily condescended to their Desires: sending 'em a Garrison of sour

Ligurian Cohorts, and C. Annius for their Governor.

78. This Town was built by the Sido∣nians, who being forc'd to abandon their Native Country by reason of Civil Dis∣cord, came by Sea into those Parts; seat∣ed between two vast Banks of Sand, and derives its Name from the Nature of the Place. For upon the utmost Limits of A∣frica, two Bays extend themselves not far distant one from another; unequal in Bigness, but in Nature both alike. The Parts next the Land are very deep; the other Parts, as the Wind lies, sometimes deep, sometimes shallow; for when the Sea runs high, and the Wind blows hard, the Billows drive the Sand and Ouze, to∣gether with the massy, loose & rocky stones before 'em: and thus the whole Surface of the Bottom changes with the violence of the Wind and Tide: and therefore are they call'd Syrtes, from drawing the Stones and Sands from one place to ano∣ther. The Language of the City is now quite alter'd by their vicinity to the Nu∣midians. The most of their Laws and Religious Ceremonies are Sidonian; the more easily retain'd, because they live

remote from the King's Court. Besides that beween them and the inhabited Parts of Numidia, lie vast and unfrequented De∣sarts.

79. And now since the Affairs of Lep∣tis have drawn us into these Parts, it will not be amiss to rehearse an Action of two Carthaginian Brethren, of which the Place it self puts me in mind; there being few that more deserve the Remem∣brance of History. At what time the Carthaginians were Masters of the great∣est part of Africa, the People of Cyrene likewise were both powerful and opulent. The Countrey between is sandy, and al∣together level, not so much as a River or Mountain to ascertain the Limits of their Territories; which was the occasion of an outragious and lasting War between 'em. After many Armies defeated, ma∣ny Sea-Engagements with great Loss on both sides, when they had almost ruin'd one another, fearing at length, both Vi∣ctors and Vanquish'd, their becoming a Prey to a Third Enemy, they make a Truce, and then an Agreement, That upon such a certain day they would send their Ambassadors from home, and wheresoever those Ambassadors met, that

Place should be the certain Bounds of both their Dominions. To this purpose, two Brothers being sent from Carthage, both call'd by the Name of Philaeni, they made all the speed they could; the Cyrenians travell'd flowly: but whe∣ther it were through negligence, or by chance, I am not able to say. Yet in those Places a contrary Wind is no less troublesom to a Traveller then at Sea. For when Tempestuous Gusts blow hard, and brush those level Sands, naked of all manner of Coverture, the Dust & Pebbles so terribly molest the Sight and Faces of Travellers, that not daring to open their Eyes, they are no longer able to proceed in their Journey. Howere it were, the Cyrenians finding they had loyter'd be∣hind, and fearing Capital Punishment for their Negligence, at their Return, qua∣rell'd with the Carthaginians, and accus'd 'em of setting forward from home beford their Time; made a hideous Bustle, ann resolv'd whatere it cost 'em, not to reture home Losers. Whereupon, when thy Carthaginians proffer'd to accept of ane Condition that was but reasonable, thr Greeks made this Proposal, That eithes the Carthaginians should suffer themselve

to be bury'd alive in that Place which they claim'd for the Limits of their Em∣pire, or else upon the same Condition, That they would travel forward as far as they thought fit. Whereupon the Philaeni, accepting the Proposal, sur∣render'd themselves and their Lives for the Good of the Commonwealth, and were bury'd alive without more ado. In remembrance of which pious Act, the Carthaginians erected Altars, which they consecrated to the Memories of the Two Brethren, besides other Honours which were decreed 'em at home. Now I return to the Matter in hand.

80. Jugurth, after the Loss of Thala, thought nothing sufficiently secure against the Conduct of Metellus; and therefore crossing vast Desarts, with a small Reti∣nue, at length he comes to the Getulians, a fierce and barbarous sort of People, and at that time unacquainted with the Roman Name. Of these, he musters to∣gether a vast Multitude, and by degrees accustoms 'em to keep their Ranks, to follow their Ensigns, to obey Commands, and several other Points of Military Dis∣cipline. Moreover, by great Gifts and

larger Promises he procutes the Favour of such as had the Ear of King Bocchus, and by their Assistance addressing him∣self to the King, he perswades him to un∣dertake a War against the Romans. Which Bocchus was the more easily inclin'd to do, in regard that at the beginning of the Jugurthine War he had sent his Ambassa∣dors to Rome, to desire a League and Friendship with the Romans. Which O∣verture, most advantageous at the begin∣ning of that War, some few obstructed, blinded with Covetousness, and according to their usual Custom, putting all things to Sale, both honest and dishonest. Be∣sides, Jugurth but a little before had mar∣ry'd the Daughter of Bocchus. But that same Tye of Relation is little valu'd a∣mong the Moors and Numidians; because they marry several Wives, some Ten, and others more, according to their E∣states, and Princes consequently a far greater Number: So that being thus di∣stracted with variety, the King advances none to his Society particularly, but looks on all as equally vile, and equally inferior.

81. Therefore at the Rendezvouz by both appointed, both Armies meet; and there both Princes giving and taking mu∣tual Oaths of Fidelity and Constancy, Jugurth in a set Speech, the more to ex∣asperate Bocchus, tells him, That the Ro∣mans were unjust, immensely covetous, the common Enemies of all Mankind; That they would make the same Pre∣tences serve for an occasion of War with Bocchus as with him, and other Nations, Ambition of Rule; as having a perfect Antipathy against Monarchs. That at present Himself; a little before the Car∣thaginians, and King Perseus were the Objects of their Fury; and that hereafter the Power and Opulency of any Prince would be a sufficient Provocation for the Romans to quarrel with him. This said, away they bend their March for Cirta, for that Metellus there had stow'd his Booty, Captives and his Baggage. Thence Jugurth consider'd, That ei∣ther the taking of the Place would be worth his while; or if the Ro∣mans attempted to relieve it, he should have the opportunity to fight 'em. For it was his Policy, to make haste; to en∣gage Bocchus beyond the Hopes of Peace,

lest by delay his Mind might vary, to ac∣cept of any Conditions rather then enter into a War.

82. But the General so soon as he had Intelligence that there was a League be∣tween the two Kings, would not rashly, not upon every slight occasion proffer Battel, as he was wont to do after he had overthrown Jugurth; but having fortify'd his Camp not far from Cirta, there he waits the coming of the Kings, believing it his wiser course to fight upon Advantage, after he had made Trial of the Courage of the Moors, as being an Enemy with which he had never yet en∣gag'd. In the mean time he had Advice by Letters from Rome, that the Province of Numidia was given to Marius: for he had heard before that he was elected Con∣sul. The News of which so strangely mov'd him beyond all measure, and put him so beside himself, that he could nei∣ther refrain from Tears, nor moderate his Tongue: a Man so excellent and so accomplish'd in all other things, yet not able to brook his inward Vexations. Which some attributed to his Pride, o∣thers to the Generosity of his Naturet

that could not suffer an Affront: but ma∣ny to his Indignation, that the Victory now as good as won, should be wrested out of his Hands. But we are satisfy'd, that Marius's Honour more tormented him, then the Injury done to himself, and that he would not have taken it so im∣patiently, had the Province when taken from him, been bestow'd upon any other then Marius.

83. Metellus therefore sick of this Di∣stemper, and because he deem'd it a folly for him to procure Triumphs for another at the haxard of his own Life, sends Am∣bassadors to Bocchus, to caution him, how he quarrell'd with the People of Rome, without any provocation: That now he had a fair Opportunity to obtain the League and Alliance which he had before desir'd, and which would be far more advantageous to him then War; That though he might rely upon his great Power, yet 'twas not the safest way to hazard Certainties for Uncertainties; That a War was easily begun, but not so soon ended; That the Beginning and Conclusion of it were not at the disposal of the same Person, That any Coward

might begin a War, but the End of it was at the pleasure of the Victor only; and therefore that he should consult his own, and the welfare of his Kingdom, and not adventure his flourishing Prosperi∣ty in the same Bottom with Jugurth's Mis∣fortunes. To which the King in mild and gentle Terms return'd for Answer, That Peace was his desire, only he pity'd the miserable Condition of Jugurth; so that if he might be included in the Articles, all things would be soon concluded. Again the General in Answer to Bocchus's De∣mands, sends other Commissioners; some things he approv'd, others he refus'd; and thus by sending to and fro, Time wasted, and the War was spun out with∣out a Blow struck, to the great satisfaction of Metellus.

84. But Marius, as I said before, being made Consul by the vehemency & tumul∣tuous Affection of the Commonalty, so soon as the People had commanded him to undertake the Province of Numidia, if before he hated the Nobility, now he began to shew himself much more fierce and domineering; sometimes affronting particular Persons, sometimes all in gene∣ral;

boasting that he had carry'd the Consulship from Them, as the Spoyls of a Conquer'd Enemy; casting forth many other Expressions, great of himself, but full of bitter Sarcasms in derision of their Honour. In the mean time his chiefest Care was to make ample provisions of all things needful for the War, to require a Re-inforcement of the Legions; to de∣mand Ayd of all the Neighbouring Prin∣ces and People in Alliance with the Ro∣mans; to cull out of Latium all the stout∣est persons he could pick, most known to himself in particular Services, few by Re∣port; and by fair Words and Promises to procure all the old Souldiers that had been discharg'd upon the score of Age and long Service, to resume their Arms, and accompany him in the Expedition. Nor durst the Senate, though they mor∣tally hated his Demeanor, contradict him in any thing; but joyfully decreed him all Supplies, whatever he demanded, in hopes that the Commonalty when they came go be press'd, would refuse to serve, and so that Marius would lose the Fruits of the War, or the Affections of the Vul∣gar. But it fell out quite otherwise. For such an eager desire of going with Marius,

had possess'd the greatest part, while eve∣ry man believ'd he should return enrich'd with Plunder; and victorious home, that these Considerations and Expectancies dragg'd them headlong after the Consul; besides that, Marius did not a little en∣flame their Courages with a set Speech. For after all his Demands were decreed him according to his hearts desire, and he had compleated his Musters, as well to curry Favour with the Commons, as to fret and gall the Nobility, he summon'd an Assembly of the People, where he thus deliver'd himself.

I am well assur'd, most worthy Ro∣mans, that most men do not observe the same Method in procuring Places of highest Trust at your hands; or manage 'em after the same manner when ob∣tain'd. At first, they are industrious, humble and moderate; then waste their days in Sloth and Pride; but I am of vanother humour. For by how much the whole Commonwealth is of greater value then a Consulship, or Praetorship, with so much the greater Care ought the one to be govern'd, then the other eagerly su'd for. Nor am I ignorant

how great a burden I bear upon my Shoulders through your obliging favour. To provide for War, to be frugal of the public Treasury, to compel those to bear Arms, whom you are unwilling to offend, to have an Eye upon all things both at home and abroad; and to dis∣charge all these duties among so many envious, thwarting, and factious Spirits, is a task, most worthy Romans, far more difficult, then most men are aware of. Nevertheless if others miscarry or com∣mit any foul Misdemeanor, the Anti∣quity of their Descent, the famous Ex∣ploits of their Ancestors, the Wealth of their Kindred and Relations, multi∣tude of Tenants and Followers, all these things are their Security and Protection, while my Relyance is only upon my self: so that of necessity I must support my self by my Valour and my Innocency; since all other Dependances of mine are weak and inconsiderable: And this I likewise understand, most worthy Romans, that the Eyes of all Men are fix'd upon me; that good and just Men love me; as one whose Actions have tended to the good of the Public benefit; only the Nobility ly at lurch to procure my dis∣grace.

For which reason it behoves me the more industriously to labour, that you be not deceiv'd, and that They may be disappointed. From my Childhood until now, I have hitherto so liv'd, as to be inur'd to all sorts of Hardship and all manner of dangers. What before your favours bestow'd, I acted gratis, 'tis not my design, most worthy Romans, now to forego, as having receiv'd my vvages. 'Tis a difficult Thing for such Men to tempt their passions in great Authority, who on∣ly to advance Ambitious ends dissembl'd Honesty: but in Me, that have always lead my Life in vertuous Exercises, to do good is now by Custom become a second Nature. You have commanded me to wage War with Jugurth, a thing which the Nobility took most hainously. I beseech you to consider with your selves, whether you think it proper to alter your Resolutions, or to send some one cull'd out from this same Croud of Nobility, a Person of ancient Descent; a Person whose Family is honour'd with many Statues, but himself a Man of no Conduct or Experience; such a one as being ignorant what he has to do in such a weighty undertaking, shall

tremble, make a bustle, and at length chuse out some paltry Confident, to be his In∣structor and Adviser. For so it generally falls out, that He whom you have or∣der'd to Command, is to seek for ano∣ther to command himself. Yet I could tell you of some Men, most worthy Ro∣mans, who after they have been chosen Consuls, have then began to study the Actions of their Ancestors, and the Mi∣litary Precepts of the Greeks: Preposter∣ous People. For the knowledge of Go∣vernment in time succeeds Election, but in reality and practice ought to precede it. Compare me now, most worthy Ro∣mans, an Upstart of Yesterday, with their presumptuous Pride. What they are wont to hear and read, part of these things my self has seen, and others per∣sonally perform'd: what they have learnt from their Books, the same have I by Military duty. They contemn my suddain Rise; and I their Cowardice. They upbraid me with my Fortune, I them, with their Enormities. Though I believe one Nature common to us all, Yet I esteem the stoutest to be still most Generous and Noble. So that if the Question could be put to the Ancestors of

Albinus, or Bestia, which they would have rather chosen for their Off-spring me or them, what think ye would be their Answer, but that they desir'd the best of Children? Therefore while they debase Me, they throw the same Contempt up∣on their Ancestors; who rais'd their Original Nobility, like my self, by their Vertues. They envy my Honour; let 'em also envy my Innocency, the Hardship and the Dangers I have under∣gone. But Men corrupted with Pride, so lead their Lives, as if they disdain'd your Honours; but sue for 'em, as Per∣sons that had always liv'd uprightly and justly. Certainly they are mistak'n, who expect at the same time to enjoy two such contrary satisfactions, the delights and pleasures of sloathful Ease, and the re∣wards of Vertue. And when they make Speeches either to your selves or in the Senate, spend the greatest part of their Time in magnifying their Ancestors, believing themselves the more famous for repeating their loud Atchievements; whereas quite the contrary, the more Illustrious was their Renown, the more sordid and degenerate are they. For to say truth, the Renown of Ancestors is

a Light that shines upon their Posterity, and suffers not their Evil deeds to be ob∣scur'd in Darkness. This is a thing I want, most worthy Romans; but that which is more noble, I can speak of my own Actions to my self. Now consider, how unjust they are. What they arro∣gate to themselves from the Vertue of others, they will not allow me for the sake of my own: because forsooth I have no Statues, because my Nobility is but of Yesterday; which certainly is more worthy for me to have won, then for them to have corrupted. I am not ig∣norant, that were they now to answer me, they have Eloquence enough, and would be flourishing with their lofty strains and high flying Language. But under∣standing how in all places, for this your favour conferr'd upon me, they wound and tear both mine and your Reputa∣tion, I could not refrain speaking my mind; least any one should traduce my Modesty as an effect of Guilt. Though in my Opinion, these Orations can do me no prejudice. For if true, they must speak well of me; if false, my Life and Man∣ners evince the contrary. But because your Consultations and Decrees are accus'd,

because you have vouchsaf'd me the highest Honour, and the most im∣portant of all our present Affairs; I be∣seech ye consider over and over again, whether you have any cause to repent. 'Tis true, I cannot, as a security and pledge for my worth, produce the Statues, or Records of the Triumphs and Consul∣ships of my Ancestors: but if need re∣quire, I can shew ye Spears, Ensigns Gold Chains, and other such like Military guerdons, be∣sides several Scars in my Body. These are my Statues, this is my Nobility, not left, but which I have purchas'd by Inhe∣ritance, with many hardships and dan∣gers. My words perhaps are not so Elaborately studied: That I value not. Vertue sufficiently displays it self; but words want artifice to fucus over vile and shameful Actions. Neither did I ever learn Greek. For I had no desire to learn a Language that so little contri∣buted to reform the Vices of those that had it so readily at their Tongues end. But I am learned in those things that are much more beneficial to the Com∣monwealth;

I know how to fight an Enemy, to take Towns, to fear nothing but Infamy; to endure cold and heat; to lie upon the Ground; and at the same time to undergo both want and labour. This Learning also I shall teach the Souldiers: neither shall I harrass them with hard and continual Duty, and yet indulge my Self: neither will I purchase my Honour by their Labour. This is a profitable and civil Government. Whereas to live in ease, and wallow in Effeminacy thy self, and terrify thy Ar∣my with continual rigor, this is to play the Tyrant not the General. By these Actions and such as these, your Ancestors immortalliz'd both themselves and the Commonwealth. On which the Nobi∣lity relying, though far different in their Manners, despise Us, with emulation tracing their renowned steps; and claim from you all Honours as their due and not by merit: But their lofty Lordships are very much out of the way. Their An∣cestors left 'em all things that were with∣in their Power, Wealth, Statues, Pedi∣grees and undying Memories, but they did not leave 'em Vertue, neither could they. That, is a gift neither to be given

or receiv'd. They say I am a Slovenly fellow, and one that wants Breeding; be∣cause I know not how to instruct a Bill of Fare; maintain no Buffoons and Za∣nies about me, nor give more Money for a Cook then I do for a Bavly: all which I must confess, most worthy Ro∣mans. For I have been taught by my Father and other venerable Persons that nicity and spruceness belong to Wo∣men; but that toyl and labour better become Manhood: and that all Heroic and generous Spirits, ought to value Fame above Wealth, and take a greater pride in their Arms then in their House∣hold Furniture. Therefore let 'em al∣ways follow their Pleasures and Delights; let 'em keep their Misses, let 'em Drink and Revel; as they spent their Youth, so let 'em employ their old Age in Ban∣quets and Riot, devoted to their Bellies; and the most shameful part of their Bo∣dies; let 'em leave Sweat and Dust, Industry and Toyl to Us, that prefer those hardships far before the effeminacy of Junketting. But that they will not do: For when unworthy Bruits as they are, they have dishonour'd themselves, with all manner of Debauchery, nothing

will satisfy 'em but the Rewards of the Brave and Vertuous. So that Luxury and Sloth, the worst of evils never pre∣judice their Adorers, which is a great piece of Injustice, but frequently prove baneful to the Commonwealth. Now then having as far as my own Modesty would permit me, though not in so many words as the heinousness of their abuses re∣quir'd, made answer to the objections of the Nobility; give me leave to speak somewhat concerning the State of the Common-wealth. In the first place, most worthy Romans, hope well of Numidia; You have now remov'd all those things which hitherto protected Jugurth, Ava∣rice, ill Conduct and Pride. Then you have an Army there that understands the Country; but however more Stout then Fortunate. For the greatest part of 'em have been very much harrass'd through the Covetuousness and Rashness of their Captains. And therefore all you that are arriv'd at Souldiers Age, la∣bour with me, take the Common-wealth into your own hands, and let no Man be discourag'd at the Calamity of o∣thers, or the foolish Pride of preceeding Generals. I shall be as well your Com∣panion

in danger, as your Counsellor in all your Marches and Battels, and take the same care of you as of my self. Nay, by the Assistance of the Gods, I make no question, but all things are al∣ready ripe for us to share, Victory, Booty, Honour: which though they were doubt∣ful or remotely distant from our ex∣pectations; yet it behov'd all good Men to succour the Commonwealth. For never Sloth rais'd any Man to Im∣mortality: neither did ever any Parent wish, that his Children might live eter∣nally, only that they might live a ver∣tuous and honest Life. I would say more, most worthy Romans, were it in the Power of words to inspire the Timerous with Valour; for to the strenuous, I think I have already said enough.

86. This Oration thus Concluded, find∣ing the People all in fury and mad to be at work, with all imaginable speed he puts his Provision, Money and other ne∣cessaries aboard, and with these Prepa∣rations sends away Aulus Manlius before. In the mean time he falls to listing Soul∣diers, not according to the antient Cu∣stom, out of the several Ranks and De∣grees

of the People, but only Volunteers, and such as paid neither Scot nor Lot to the Commonwealth. Which way of proceeding, some imputed to the want of able Souldiers, others to the Ambition of the Consul, because he was cry'd up, and advanc'd by that sort of People: for to a Man that aspires to Power and Command, the more indigent are still the fittest Instruments upon several occasions; in regard they have nothing to care for of their own, and therefore look upon all things to be just and honest, by which there is any thing to be got. Ma∣rius therefore, putting to Sea, with some∣thing a larger Number then was Decreed him, landed in a few days at Ʋtica. The Army is deliver'd over into his hands by P. Rutilius the Legate. For Metellus a∣voided the sight of Marius, that he might not see those things which he could not endure to hear.

87. But the Consul having recruited the Legions and auxiliary Cohorts, marches into a fruitful Country, where he might be sure to find Booty enough. There he gave all the Pillage to the Souldiers. This done, he takes in all the Castles and Towns that were but slightly fortify'd either by

Art or Nature, and least able to make defence, and has several slight Skirmishes with the Enemy, some in one place, some in another: and all the while he order'd the raw Souldiers to stand and look on; to behold the Routed kill'd or taken; and thereby taught 'em how the most Valiant were still in most Safety; That the Sword was the only Protection of their Country, their Liberties, their Wives and Children: and how Honour, not Riches, was the noblest Aim. Thus in a short time both Raw and Veteranes be∣came all one, and the Courage of all was equally alike. But the Two Kings, when they understood of Marius's arrival, retir'd several ways into the Fastnesses of the Country. This was Jugurth's Design, in hopes that the Romans might be surpriz'd so soon as they thought themselves a lit∣tle more secure. For that the Romans, like most other People, grew careless and re∣miss in their Guards, when once their Fears were over.

88. In the mean time Metellus arriving at Rom••, contrary to his Expectations, was joyfully receiv'd: and so soon as once their Passion was over, equally belov'd as

well by the People as by the Senate. But Marius indefatigably and with extraordi∣nary Prudence minded both his own Business, and the Motions of the Ene∣my: he was still considering what was ad∣vantageous, what was prejudicial to both: he had his Spies continually abroad to ob∣serve the Marches of the Kings; thereby to prevent their Designs and Ambusca∣does; suffering no remisness in his own, nor any security in the Army of his Ene∣my. By which means he often met in his Marches with the Getulians and Ju∣gurth ravaging the Territories of our Al∣lies, whom he assoon defeated, and not far from Cirta, forc'd the King himself to leave his Arms behind him. Which being only brave Exploits, but no way conducing to the Conclusion of the War, he determin'd to besiege all such Towns as either thro' the strength of the Garrison, or the situation of the Place were of im∣portance to the Enemy, and prejudicial to the Romans. By which means Jugurth must be despoyled of all his Garrisons if he lay still, or else must come to a Bat∣tel. For Bocchus had often sent him word that he was for his part desirous of a League and Friendship with the Romans;

and that he should not need to fear any thing of Hostility at his hands. But whether he dissembled in this particular, to the end his unexpected Onset might give the greater Blow, or whether out of natural instability of Mind, it were his Custom to make frequent Exchanges of War and Peace, could never be certainly known.

89. The Consul however, according to his Determination, visits all the Towns and strong Holds: some he takes by force, some through fear surrender; and others upon the Offers of large Rewards set open their Gates. At first he dealt with those that were less considerable, hoping that Jugurth, coming to the Rescue of his Subjects, would give him the opportunity of a Battel. But understanding that he was gone a great way off, and busily intent upon other Affairs, he thought it time to bestir himself in greater and more diffi∣cult Enterprizes. On the other side of the Country, beyond several wide and spacious Desarts, lay a large and strong Town by name Capsa; Of which the Libyan Her∣cules is said to have been the Founder. The Inha∣bitants

enjoy'd great Privileges under Ju∣gurth, free from Taxes, and therefore most faithful to him: being not only guarded by their Walls and a strong Gar∣rison, well furnish'd with all sort of war∣like Ammunition; but much more by the difficult situation of the Place. For excepting those Fields and Pastures that lay round about the Town, all the Country round about lay barren, desart, and unmanur'd, wanting Water, and much infested with Serpents; whose Fury, like that of all other Creatures, is the more exasperated through scarcity of Food; besides that, the pernicious Nature of those Serpents is by nothing more pro∣voked then by Drought. Marius was inflam'd with an eager desire to take this Town, as well for the Service of the War, as for the Difficulty of the Enter∣prize: besides that Metellus, highly to his Honour, had won the City of Thala, not much unlike this Place, both for Strength and Situation; only that not far from the Walls of Thala there were seve∣ral Springs: They of Capsa had but only one Well of Fountain-Water; all the Out-parts supply'd themselves as the Rain happen'd to fall. Which both there, and

in all Africa, that lies remote from the Sea, and more uncultivated, is the more easily endur'd, for that the Numidians for the most part feed upon Milk and the Flesh of wild Beasts, wanting neither Salt, nor any other Sawces to whet their Appe∣tites. Their Diet only serv'd 'em to prevent Hunger and Thirst, not for Luxu∣ry, nor yet to please their Palats.

90. The Consul therefore having made a full Enquiry into every thing, relying certainly upon the Favour of the Gods; (for humane Wisdom could never pro∣vide against so many Difficulties; especi∣ally there being but small store of Corn in those parts, in regard the Numidians de∣light more in Pasturage then Tillage, and what they had upon the Ground, by the King's Order was secur'd in their strong Holds; besides that, the Fields were at that season parch'd up, without any Crop at all, for it was toward the latter end of Summer) however he makes sufficient Provision out of that Plenty which he had; ordering the Auxiliary Horse to drive before 'em all the Cattel, which they had made Booty of upon their last Incursions. A. Manlius the Le∣gate, he commands to march with the

Light-Armed Cohorts to Laris, where he had secur'd his Money for the Souldiers Pay, and his Provisions, giving out that he would march that way himself within a few days, and meet him there. And thus concealing his Design, he sets for∣ward, directly for the River Tana.

91. Upon his March, he made an equal distribution of his Cattel among the Soul∣diers, so much to the Foot, and so much to the Horse: of the Hides he caus'd Bottles or Water-Bags to be made. This he did, no man knowing his Design, to prevent the waste of Corn, which was to stand him afterwards in stead. Upon the sixth day, by that time he came to the River, he had an infinite number of Wa∣ter-Bags ready made. There pitching his Tents, and slightly fortifying his Camp, he order'd his Souldiers to their Repast, and commands 'em to be ready to march so soon as the Sun began to set, leaving all their Baggage behind, only loading them∣selves and their Beasts of Carriage with Water. Then at his time appointed he sets forward, and having march'd all Night, he makes a Halt all the next day. Thus he did the second Night; and the

third Night, long before Day-Break, he came to a Place full of Hillocks, not a∣bove two Miles distant from the Town; where, as privately as he could, he lay close with all his Army. But in the Mor∣ning, when the Numidians, least dreaming of an Enemy, began to stir abroad about their Occasions, he commands all the Ca∣valry, and the swiftest of his Foot to fly to the Town, and seize the Gates. Im∣mediately he himself follow'd, strictly commanding the Souldiers to refrain from Pillage. Which when the Townsmen perceiv'd, their dangerous Condition, un∣speakable Consternation, Calamity un∣lookt for, and besides all this, a great part of the Inhabitants without the walls, in the power of the Enemy, constrain'd 'em to a speedy Surrender. Neverthe∣less the Town was laid in Ashes, & the Nu∣midian Youth were put to the Sword; all others sold, and the Booty divided among the Souldiers. Which severe Act of the Consul's, against the Law of Arms, nei∣ther his Avarice, nor his Cruelty urg'd him to commit. But because so strong a Place that lay so necessary and convenient for Jugurth, was no less difficult of Access to the Romans: the People fickle and per∣fidious,

neither to be ••urb'd by Fear, nor kept in Obedience by mild Usage.

92. Marius having thus perform'd an Exploit so considerable without any loss of his own Men, as he was great, and in high Repute before, so was he now ten times greater, and more famous then ever. Not only what he acted with Prudence and Foresight, but whatever prov'd by Fortune successful, was all ascrib'd to his Vertue and Conduct. The Souldiers un∣der gentle Command, and enrich'd with∣al, extoll'd him to the Skies: the Numi∣dians dreaded him as if more then Hu∣mane: in a word, both Allies and Ene∣mies believ'd, that either he was inspir'd with a Divine Foresight, or else, that he acted altogether by the immediate Assist∣ance of the Gods. The Consul therefore upon this Success, hastens to several other Towns; of which, some he takes after a small Resistance of the Numidians: others he finds deserted by the Inhabitants, dreading the sad Fate of the Capsensians, all which he lays in Ashes: nothing but Slaughter and Lamentation over the whole Country. Thus having made him∣self Master of several Places, and most

without the Loss of my Roman Blood, he undertakes another Enterprize, not so toilsom as that of Capsa, yet no less diffi∣cult. Not far from the River Mulucha, which separates the two Kingdoms of Ju∣gurth and Bocchus, stands a Rocky Moun∣tain, of a prodigious height, in the midst of a large Plain, upon the Top of which, where there was Space enough, stood an indifferent Castle; to which there was but one, and that a very narrow Ascent. For every way else it was by Nature so per∣pendicularly steep, as if it had been the Labour of Art and Industry. Which Ca∣stle, because it was one of the Places where the King's Treasure lay, Marius resolves to win, whatever it cost him. But here his Fortune befriended him above his Conduct: For the Castle was furnisht with a strong Garrison, and all manner of warlike Ammunition and Provisions, a Fountain of Water, but no way assailable by the help either of Bulwarks or Tow∣ers, and as it were, standing in defiance of all sorts of Engins whatever: besides, the Passage to it was narrow and steep on both sides. The Vines by which we make our Approaches, were brought and set up with vast Labour and Danger; for no

sooner were they rais'd to something of perfection, but they were presently de∣stroy'd with Fire and Stones. The Soul∣diers could neither stand to their Labour, by reason of the steepness of the Place; nor work secure under the covertures; they that were most forward and couragious, were slain or wounded, others were dis∣may'd and discourag'd.

93. Marius therefore after the Toyl and Labour of many days consum'd in vain, perplex'd and pensive, began to consider whether he should draw off, or wait a favourable opportunity, since his Fortune had been hitherto so prosperous. Which while he was pondering for seve∣ral days and Nights together, chaf'd and fuming in his Mind, by chance a certain Ligurian common Souldier in the Auxi∣liary Cohorts, going out of the Camp to fetch water, not far from that side of the Castle which was opposite to that part where the Assaults and Defences were made, spy'd several Periwinkles creeping among the Rocks. Of which when he had tasted one or two, desirous to have more, he was got up by degrees, ere he knew where he was, to the top of the

Rock; where observing nothing but Silence and Solitude, after the custom of humane Curiosity, desirous to see what he never had seen before, he stands and listens. By chance there grew in the same place a Holm-Tree, which had made its way through the Stones, stooping forward at first, then winding back, and shooting up to a considerable heighth, as it is the Nature of all Vegetables. By the help of whose Boughs, and the Stones jutting out from the Wall, the Ligurian clam∣ber'd so high, that he discover'd the whole Platform of the Castle, and perceiv'd how the Defendants were all busily employ'd where the Assailants forc'd 'em to make Resistance. After he had thus taken a sufficient view of all things that he thought requisite, he returns the same way he got up, not in haste, but leisurely observing and taking notice of every Particular con∣ducing to his purpose. This done, away he comes to Marius, informs him of the Accident, and advises him to attempt the Castle on that side; and promises to lead the way, and be formost in the Danger. Immediately Marius sends away with the Ligurian some of those that were then present, to examin the Truth of his Infor∣mation;

who, according to their several Fancies, upon their Return, reported the Enterprize, some to be easie; others, difficult. However, the Consul began to pluck up a good heart; and liking the Design, picks out of all, his Trumpets and Cornets, five of the nimblest and most active he could meet with; and ap∣points 'em for their Guard four Centuri∣ons with their Companies, commanding 'em to follow the Ligurian's Instructions: and appoints the next day to put the En∣terprize in execution. And now the time appointed being come, and all things fix'd, away they go to the Place: at what time the Centurions, according to the Directi∣ons of their Guide, chang'd both their Arms and their Apparel, and went with their Heads and Feet bare; to the end they might the better look about 'em, and clamber with more ease. Their Swords and their Targets, which after the Numi∣dian Fashion, were of Leather, as well for Lightness, as to prevent their ringing against the Stones, they ty'd at their Backs. The Ligurian also clambering formost, fasten'd Ropes to the Stones and Stumps of Trees and Shrubs that grew about the Rock, for the Souldiers to

ease themselves in climbing: others that were not so well vers'd at the sport, he pull'd up by the Hand; and where the Ascent was more steep then ordinary, he order'd 'em to climb without their Arms, and carry'd their Arms after 'em. Those Places which seem'd most difficult and dangerous he chiefly try'd; and by often ascending and descending the same way, then by and by giving room, and stepping to another place, he en∣courag'd the rest. At length long and very much tir'd, they got to the Castle, as it were abandon'd on that side; for that all the Garrison, as at other times, were facing the Enemy. Marius, when he understood what Progress the Ligurian had made, though he had ply'd the Nu∣midians all that day, yet then encouraging his Souldiers, appearing formost himself without the Approaches, & running under the Te∣studo, against the Wall, not only shook the Foun∣dations below, but with his

Slings, and other Missive Engines, kept the Enemy hard at work above. On the other side, the Numidians having often burnt and destroy'd the Roman Vines, were grown so hardy, that as if they had no need of Walls, they would frequently in the day-time leap over the Battlements upon the Rock, and standing there, defy the Romans, call Marius Coward in his own hearing, and threaten the Souldiers to make 'em Jugurth's Slaves, with all the Bravado's of prosperous Insolence imagi∣nable. At last, while Assailants and De∣fendants were eagerly exasperated in sight, the one contending for Conquest and Ho∣nour, the other for Safety of their Lives, on a sudden the Trumpets and Cornets began to sound behind their Backs; and first the Women and Children that came to be Spectators of their Husbands and their Fathers Manhood; then such as were next the Walls, and lastly, the whole Company, as well those that were arm'd, as those that had none, betook themselves to flight. Which the Romans observing, charg'd more furiously with their Slings and Engines, some they wounded, others they slew, and made Steps of their dead Bodies out of eagerness to ascend the wall:

neither was there any one that made a stop for greediness of Spoyl. Thus For∣tune found a Salvo for the Rashness of Marius, and procur'd him Honour from the Errour of his Conduct.

95. In the heat of this Action, L. Sylla the Questor, arriv'd at the Camp, with a great Body of Cavalry, which he was left at Rome to raise in Latium, and among the Confederate Allies. Now therefore since the opportunity puts us in mind of so great a Personage, it will not be amiss, briefly to say something of his Conditions and E∣ducation. For we shall have no occasion in any other place to make any farther mention of his Actions. Besides that L. Sisenna, who of all others that have written of him, has with greatest Indu∣stry and Fidelity pursu'd his History, seems to have been too sparing of his Commendations. Sylla therefore, was de∣scended from a Noble Patrician Family, but gone to decay, and near extinct, through the Sloth of his Ancestors. He was equally skill'd and accomplish'd both in the Greek and Latin Learning; of a lofty Courage, addicted to his Pleasures, but more greedy of Honour; luxurious

at his vacant hours, yet his Pleasure ne∣ver took him off from Business; only he might have better consulted his Reputa∣tion in the choice of a Wife. He was eloquent, subtil, nothing coy of his Friendship, but easily fa∣miliar; but for dissimu∣lation, and disguising his own Thoughts, the Depth of his Wit was incredible: liberal in his Gifts, but especially of his Money. Be∣fore the Civil War, the most happy Per∣son living, his Fortune never surmounted his Industry; so that it was a Question which many could never decide, Whether he were more Fortunate or Vertuous. For as for his latter Actions, I am at a loss whether to repeat 'em with greater Grief, or greater Shame.

96. Sylla therefore when he arriv'd in Africa, and came once to be conversant in Marius's Camp; in a short time prov'd to be one of the most sedulous and expert of all the Roman Commanders. Moreover, he treated the Souldiers affably and kindly: liberal to many that ask'd him, to o∣thers of his own accord: in those things

much more forward and willing then to pay his own Debts. He never demanded whatever he lent: making it his Study, ra∣ther that others should be beholding to him. His Custom was to jest and be merry, and sometimes to be serious with the mean∣est. He lov'd to be present with the Soul∣diers in all their Duties of working, march∣ing and watching: neither would he all the while, according to the Custom of deprav'd Ambition, speak ill either of the Consul, or any other Person. Neither in Direction or Execution of any Orders, would he suffer any man to be before him, but was generally the formost him∣self. And these were the Ways and Means by which he endear'd himself both to Marius and won the Affections of the Souldiers.

97. In the mean time Jugurth, after he had lost Capsa, and several other Towns, strongly fortify'd and of great importance to his Affairs, besides a vast Treasure, sent Messengers to Boccbus, to hasten his Army into Numidia; for that now was the Time to decide the Controversie by Battel one way or other. But when he perceiv'd him to procrastinate and spin out

the time, then full of doubts, he began to consider the Advantages of Peace and War; and as before, renew'd his former Practices of Bribing his chiefest Favou∣rites. He also promises the Moor him∣self a Third Part of Numidia, upon Con∣dition the Romans were either chac'd out of Africa, or that the War were so con∣cluded, that he might enjoy the full ex∣tent of his Kingdom. With this Temp∣tation Bocchus allur'd, hastens to Jugurth with a numerous Power of Men. Thus the two Armies being joyn'd, as Marius was Marching to his Winter Quarters, about what time, scarce the tenth part of the day remained behind, they fell on furiously, be∣lieving the approaching Night, would be to them a Security were they overthrown; or if the Victors, could be no Impediment, because they were well acquainted with the Country: on the other side assuring them∣selves, that whether Victors or vanquish'd, the dark Night would be equally trouble∣some to the Romans. So that the Enemy was upon him ere the Consul had In∣telligence of the approach of the Army; and before the Legions could be Embat∣tell'd, or the Baggage dispos'd of and se∣cur'd; before he had time to give the

Signal, or give out his Orders, the Moors and Getulian Cavalry had charg'd our Men, not rang'd in order, nor drawn up in warlike maner, but at a venture in sin∣gle Troops and scattering Parties. The Romans thus surpriz'd with suddain Fear, and unprovided, yet calling to mind their wonted Valour, some betook themselves to their Arms, others defended their fel∣lows while they made themselves ready: The Cavalry mounted, and hastned to stop the Enemies Career; so that the Fight lookt rather like a Rancounter of Free-booters then a Battel; observing nei∣ther Ensigns nor Ranks, Horse and Foot mix'd one among another; some giving ground, others being slain: many, while stoutly engag'd with their Adversaries, had the Enemy upon their Backs; neither Valour nor Steel were a sufficient Pro∣tection; for that the Enemy was more numerous, and made their Attacks on e∣very side. For remedy whereof the Romans as well Veteranes as the raw Souldiers being instructed by their fellows, as Chance or Place gave them an opportunity, threw themselves into Oval Bodies, and so fa∣cing the Enemy every way substain'd their Fury with a much more safe re∣sistance.

All this while, Marius, thus hard put to it, was nothing at all dejected, nor shew'd the least sign of fear more then at any other time; but with his own Life-guard which he had made choice of, not for favour but for their Bravery and Stoutness, flew from one place to another, relieving those that were over power'd, and sometimes charging the Thickest of the Enemy, instructing 'em by acts of personal Examples; since as a General all Commands were vain in such a terrible Confusion. And now by this the day was well nigh spent, and yet the Enemy abated nothing of their Fury, but accor∣ding to Jugurth's instructions relying upon the darkness of the night, rather press'd on more eagerly. When Marius taking resolutions from the necessity of his Affairs that he might have a place of Retreate orders his men to take possession of two small Hills that lay close adjoyning one to another. Upon the least of these Hills, which was not spacious enough to pitch his Camp, there was a large Fountain of Wa∣ter; the other more for his purpose, for that being high and steep, it wanted the less for∣tification. Therefore upon the first he com∣manded Sylla to keep a strict Guard with

the Cavalry all the Night; He himself takes care to rally his Men, and to disin∣gage 'em from among the Enemy who were in no less confusion then the Romans. Which done he retreats in a full Body to the second Hill. The two Kings being thus discourag'd by the difficul∣ty of the place from making any far∣ther attempts however would not leave the Consul so, but lay all Night sur∣rounding both the Hills with their ex∣tended Multitude. All the Night long the Enemy made great and many Fires, were merry and jocond, skipp'd and daunc'd about and made several strange noises with their feet and throates, after their Barbarous Custom. The Kings themselves were pufft up, and full of high thoughts, because they had not been con∣strain'd to fly, but like Victors lay Be∣sieging the Romans. But all these things were easily descernible by the light of the Fires to our Men from the higher ground, and gave them no small encou∣ragement.

99. Marius therefore embolden'd to see the Enemies defect of Discipline, commands a most exact Silence in his own Camp;

not suffering the Trumpets to sound up∣on relieving the Watches, as they were wont to do, but as soon as Day began to peep, when the Enemy tyr'd with their Jollity were gone to their repose, and all in a profound Sleep, of a suddain he causes all the Tributary Trumpeters, and all the Trumpeters of the several Cohorts, Troops and Legions all to sound together, and the Souldiers at the same time with loud shouts and Military clamours to rend the Air, and pour out of the Camp upon the Enemy. On the other side, the Moors and Getulians, waken'd with the unusual and horrid noise, could neither fly, nor stand to their Arms; nei∣ther resolve nor prevent. In such a man∣ner were they stupify'd and har'd with noise, clamour, tumult, terrour, fright, amazement, want of succour, and the In∣undation of the Enemy: and at length all routed and put to flight; most of their Arms and Military Ensigns taken, and more slain in that Battel then in all the En∣counters before: for being scarce awake, and scar'd out of their Wits, they had not sence enough to fly.

100. Marius thus a Victor, according to his first determination, hasten'd to his

Winter Quarters, which he resolv'd to take up in the Sea Towns, for the conveniency of Provision. Yet in the heighth of his success ne'er the more negligent or puff'd up, but as if still the Enemy had been in the field he March'd with his Army di∣vided into four Battalions. Upon the Right-wing Sylla lead the Horse; the Left was guarded by A. Manlius with the Slingers and Darters, and a Cohort of Ligurians. In the Front and Rear he plac'd the Tri∣bunes with certain Bands of light Armed foot. The Fugitives, as being little va∣lu'd, and exactly acquainted with the Country, were put upon the Forlorns to to observe the Motion of the Enemy. The Consul, confin'd to no Place, as if there had been no other Overseers but himself, had an eye every where, was pre∣sent with all, prais'd or reprov'd accord∣ing to Desert. He rode about compleat∣ly arm'd, and made it his business to keep the Souldiers from stragling; no less vigilant, then as if he had been upon a March, to fortify his Camp, to set the Sentinels to order what Cohorts, what Auxiliary Horse should be upon the Guard without the Trenches, which to watch upon the Brest-works, within the

Fortifications; and go the Rounds in Person, not so much mistrusting disobedience of his Commands, but that the Souldiers might be the more willing to endure hardship, when they beheld the General himself so painfully sharing their labori∣ous Toyl. And indeed Marius may be said both then and at other times, during the Jugurthin War, to keep his Army in awe rather by shame, then severity of Punishment, which many attributed to his Ambition; but others more soft in their censures, ascrib'd to his being enur'd to Hardship from his Cradle, which made him take pleasure in those things, which others lookt upon as Tribulations. However it were, this is certain, He was no less profitable and successful to the Commonwealth, then if he had been the severest Commander in the World.

101. Upon the fourth day, being not far from Cirta, the Scouts came all thun∣dering into the Body of the Army: which was a certain sign the Enemy was at hand. But because they had been all several ways, and all brought the same Intelligence, the Consul uncertain which way to Embattel his Army, would not

change any thing of his Order, as being already prepar'd to attend the Enemies coming with a Front every way.

By this means he disappointed Jugurth's Expectations; for having divided his For∣ces into four Battalions, he made full ac∣count, that one or other of the Four, would have an opportunity to fall upon the back of the Enemies. In the mean time Sylla, who was first Attacqu'd, after some few Exhortations to his Men, with seve∣ral single Troops, joyning Horse head to Horse head, he and several others, charge the Moors: the rest keeping firm in their Places, cover their Bodies from the Darts, that were flung at a distance; and if any of the Enemy came within their reach, he was sure to pay for his ventur∣ing. While the Horse were thus engag'd, Bocchus with the Forces which his Son Vo∣lux had brought to reinforce his Army, and which were not in the last Fight, ha∣ving stay'd by the way, charges the Rear of the Romans. Then was Marius in the Front, where Jugurth found him play with a numerous Body; but the Nu∣midian, understanding that Bocchus had charg'd the Romans in the Rear, private∣ly

with a small Company conveighs him∣self to the Foot, and their crys out in La∣tine, which he had learnt to speak at Nu∣mantia, that our Souldiers fought to no pur∣pose, for that he had slain Marius but a little before with his own hand, and at the same time brandish'd his Sword all be∣smear'd with the blood of a Common Trooper, whom after he had long fought him hand to hand, at length he slew. Which when the Souldiers heard, they were more astonish'd at the Cruelty of the Fact, then the Relation of the Messenger: at what time the Enemy resuming fresh Cou∣rage, press in more eagerly upon the Ro∣mans. And indeed they were within a very little of betaking themselves to their Heels, when Sylla, returning from the Rout of those which he first encounter'd, and charging the Moors in Front, put Bocchus immediately to flight. As for Jugurth, while he labours to support his own Men, and to keep the advantage of a Victory almost gain'd, being surrounded on every side by the Horse and all his follow∣ers slain, breaks through the thickest of his Enemies alone. Marius in the mean time, having put the Horse to flight, hastens to the Relief of his own Men, who as he

was told were ready to give ground. But then the Enemy being utterly broken and routed on every side, hideous was the Tragic Spectacle that presented it self over all the Field; Pursuing, flying, kil∣ling, taking: many wounded, bleeding, striving and staggering along, till fainting, down they fell: the surface of the Earth, as far as you could see, all strew'd with Weapons, Arms, and mangl'd Carcases; and all the spaces between fill'd up with clotted gore.

102. Thus the Consul after two great Victories obtain'd, arriv'd at Cirta: where about five days after the last Battel, he was attended by Embassadors from Boc∣chus, who in the Name of the King their Master, request the General to send him two Commissioners of his most faithful Friends, with whom he had a desire to treat of several things that concern'd both his own and the welfare of the Roman People. Thereupon the Consul presently orders L. Sylla, and A. Manlius to go along with the Embassadors. These Gentlemen though they were sent for by the King, and ought first to have heard his proposals, yet they were clearly for speaking first,

either to abate his Courage, if they found him incens'd against the Romans, or else render him more plyable to their Conditi∣ons, if they perceiv'd him inclinable to Peace. Whereupon Sylla, to whose Elo∣quence, not his years, Manlius gave the precedency, in few words deliver'd him∣self to this effect.

King Bocchus, more then ordinary has been our joy, for that the Gods have inspir'd the Breast of such a Man, at length rather to make choice of Peace then War, nor any longer to contaminate thy Dignity, by intermixing Interests, thy self the best of Men with the worst of Caitiffs, Jugurth: while we at the same time are freed from a bitter necessity of prosecuting as well Thee beguil'd and led astray, as Him debauch'd in Vil∣lany, Besides that from the very Infancy of their State, the Romans have always deem'd it much more noble to covet Friends then Slaves: as thinking it more safe to Rule the wilingly submissive, then such as they constrain'd to forc'd Subjection. Nor can any Mortal reap a greater benefit from our Friendship then thy self: as be∣ing in the first place far remote: So that

the occasions of injury can seldom or never happen, but the opportunities of mu∣tual assistance will be as equally balanc'd as if we were near at hand: In the next place we have Subjects enow; but nei∣ther we nor any Potentate living, can boast to have more friends then are need∣ful. And I wish to Heav'n thou hadst follow'd those determinations at the be∣ginning; for certainly by this time thou hadst reap'd far greater Advantages from the Roman People, then hitherto thou hast suffer'd prejudice. But in re∣gard that Fortune governs the greatest part of human Affairs, and since it has been her Pleasure, Thou shouldst make tryal as well of our Force as of our Favour; now, since she affords the Opportunity, make hast to embrace it, as thou hast begun, proceed. Thou hast many and fair Advantages, to redeem thy former over∣sights by succeding Kindnesses. Lastly, let this descend into thy Breast, that the Roman People were never out-done in Gratitude. For what their Courage is in War, thou knowest thy self.

To this Bocchus briefly returns a fair and plausible Answer, in extenuation of his

former Errors, That he did not take Arms with any Hostile design, but only to secure the Kingdom: for that he could not brook, that Part of Numidia, whence Jugurth had been expell'd, being his own by right of War, should be laid wast by Marius: besides that having sent his Embassadors formerly to Rome, his friend∣ship was rejected; but that now laying a∣side all past Grudges, with the good liking of Marius, he would send another Em∣bassy to the Senate. But after he had obtain'd leave, the Barbarian alter'd his Resolutions overrul'd by the Importu∣nity of his Friends, whom Jugurth un∣derstanding of Manlius and Sylla's being sent to the King, and mistrusting their Errand, had Brib'd with great Pre∣sents.

103. Marius in the mean while, ha∣ing dispos'd of his Army into their Win∣ter Quarters, with the Light Armed Cohorts, and part of the Cavalry takes a swift March toward the Desarts, to be∣sige the Royal Tower, where Jugurth had plac'd all his Fugitives in Garrison. And then again it was, that Bocchus, either considering with himself what had befal∣len 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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him in the two last Battels, or else being better advis'd by his Friends and Favourites, whom Jugurth had left unbrib'd; or else scorn'd his Pensions, out of the vast variety of his Kindred and Relations, of which he had a numerous Train, he picks five, the most Trusty and the most able he could make choice of. These he sends his Em∣bassadors first to Marius, and from thence, if he thought fit, orders likewise to go in the same Quality to Rome: with Pleni∣potentiary power upon any Terms to put an end to the War, and in all other Mat∣ters to act and conclude at their Discretion. They make hast to the Winter Quar∣ters of the Romans. But being met upon the Road by certain Getulian Free-booters and rob'd of all their Equipage, frighted as they were, and meanly habited, they fly to Sylla's Quarters, whom Marius up∣on his March into the Desarts, had left Pretor in his room.

These Men did Sylla treat not as vain and fickle Enemies, but Genteelly and Bountifully supply'd their wants. So that the Barbarians finding Sylla so muni∣ficent and so friendly withal, readily alter'd their Opinion of the Roman Ava∣rice. For in those very days many there

were that understood not the reason of expensive Liberality; only a Man was accounted munificent, because his Bounty seem'd his voluntary Act, and all Gifts were lookt upon as Retalliations, or in expectation of Kindness. Therefore they discover Bocchus's Instructions to Sylla, and withal beseech him to stand both their Friend and their Adviser. They extol the Strength, the Integrity, and Grandeur of the King their Master, not omitting any thing that might be advan∣tageous to their Negotiation, or to gain the good will of the Pretor. Nor did Sylla scruple to promise 'em all Assi∣stance, but gave 'em full Instructions how to manage their Affairs, how to behave themselves as well toward Marius, as be∣fore the Lords of the Senate, and thus recruited and directed, they waited about forty days for the Consuls return.

104. At what time Marius not suc∣ceeding in his Design, return'd for Cirta; where being inform'd of the arrival of the Embassadors, he sends for them, and Sylla, together with L. Bellienus the Pretor from Ʋtica, as also from all other Parts, for all that were of the Senatorian Degree.

In their presence he makes known the Commands of Bocchus to his Embassa∣dors, and gives 'em leave to repair to Rome; but in the mean while the Consul demands a Cessation of Arms. These Proceedings were approv'd by Sylla and the greatest Part: some few were more hot and furious in their Opinions, igno∣rant of Human Affairs, which being in∣constant and subject to a thousand Acci∣dents, often alter for the worse. At length the Mows having obtain'd all their de∣sires, three of 'em set forward toward Rome with Octavius Bufo, who being Trea∣surer at War, had brought the Money into Africa, which was to pay the Army. The other two return'd back to the King; and gave him an account of their Pro∣ceedings; in Conclusion highly magnify∣ing Sylla's great civillity and kindness. At Rome, after the Embassadors had submis∣sively confess'd the Kings oversights, as being lead away by the Insinuations of Ju∣gurth, and humbly desir'd a League and mutual Amity, the following Answer was return'd.

The Senate and People of Rome are mont to be no less mindful of Kindnesses then

Injuries. But as for Bocchus, because they find him Penitent, they pardon his Offence. A League and Friendship shall be granted him, when he deserves it.

These things being made known to Boc∣chus, by Letters he desires Marius to send Sylla to him, that according to his plea∣sure and good liking, there might be a final Conclusion of all differences. There∣upon he was dispatch'd away with a Guard of Horse and Foot, the Bal∣earic a Slingers; toge∣ther with the Archers, and the Pelignian Cohort, with their b Light Arms, for expeditions sake: with those slighter Arms as well defensive as offensive, no less secur'd, then by Arms of greater Force, from the Darts of the Enemy, which were as slight and easily avoided. Upon the Road, after they had travell'd five days, of a sudden Volux shew'd himself in the open Field with about

a Thousand Horse, who riding scatter'd and without any Order, not only seem'd to be more then they were, but begot a kind of mistrust of Hostile Treachery both in Sylla and all the rest. Thereupon every one began to make ready, to fix their Weapons, and put themselves into a Posture of defence. Something of Fear, but more of Hopes, as being Victors, and to fight against those whom they had often vanquish'd. But in the midst of this hurry, the Vancurriers that scout∣ed before, returning brought word, that all were friends. Then Volux coming up call'd to speak with the Questor, and told him, that he was sent by his Father Bocchus to meet him and attend him as his Convoy. So that the Moors and Romans joyn'd to∣gether and March'd all the next day with∣out any mistrust one of another. But in the Evening so soon as the Camp was pitch'd, Volux with fear and disorder in his Countenance, comes galloping to Sylla and informs him, that he was ascertain'd by his Spies, that Jugurth was at hand, and therefore with great Importunity in∣treats and beseeches him privately in the dead of the Night to consult his own safe∣ty by speedy flight. But Sylla with an

undaunted Courage denies that he fear'd the Numidian whom he had so often van∣quish'd; that he was sufficiently assur'd of the Valour of his Souldiers; and though certain destruction star'd him in the face, he would rather stand his ground; then deserting those that were commit∣ted to his Conduct, by shameful flight endeavour to spare a frail and uncertain Life, which perchance soon after, sickness might deprive him of. However he follows his advice to dislodg by Night: and to that purpose orders the Souldiers to take their Suppers, make a great number of Fires, and at the first Watch without Noise or Tumult to be ready to March. The next morning by Sun rise, the Souldiers being weari'd with travelling in the dark, Sylla pitches his Tents; at what time the Moorish Scouts bring Intelligence, that Jugurth lay within two Miles before 'em. Which news being spread in the Camp, our Men were not a little terrify'd, be∣lieving themselves betray'd by Volux, and brought into an Ambuscado. And some there were who cry'd out that such a Peice of Treachery ought not to escape un∣punish'd, but that they should revenge themselves upon the Traytor with their

own hands. But Sylla, though he thought the same, however he protected the Moor from any Injury: encourages his Men to behave themselves Valiantly; that it was not the first time a few Coura∣gious and brave had Fought against a Multitude with Success; that the less they spar'd themselves in Battel, the more secure they were; and that it no way be∣came any Man, who had Arms in his hands to expect safety from his unarmed feet; or in the midst of certain danger to turn the naked part of his Body toward the Enemy. After that, invoking the mighty Jupiter to be a witness of the Trea∣chery and Falshood of Bocchus, he com∣mands Volux to depart the Camp, as one that might assist the Enemy. He on the other side with tears in his Eyes, beseeches the Legate not to have such mistrustful thoughts of him; that there was nothing of deceit in Bocchus, but that all proceed∣ed from the subtilty of Jugurth, who had by his Spics discover'd his March: and therefore, in regard that Jugurth had no great Forces with him, besides that all his hopes and welfare depended upon his Father, desir'd him to believe the Numi∣dian durst not make any open Attempt,

where the Son of such a Father was pre∣sent. For which reason he thought it the best way to March boldly through the middle of his Camp: and that for his part, he would accompany Sylla alone, either sending his Moors before, or leaving 'em behind in the same Place. This Counsel, as it happens in cases of the like nature, was approv'd, and so marching forth∣with, because they came of a sudden, while Jugurth was doubtful and hesitating what to do, they pass'd without any opposition. After that, within a few days they arriv'd at their Journeys end.

108. At the same time a certain Numidi∣an, Aspar by Name, was very frequent and familiar with Bocchus, being sent before by Jugurth, cunningly and closely to pry into Bocchus's secret Resolutions. Besides him, there was also another, whose Name was Dabar, the Son of Massugrada, and Kinsman of Massinissa by the Mother's side (for his Father was the Son of a Concubine) highly caress'd and favour'd by the Moor, for his many excellent En∣dowments, whom Bocchus had also upon many occasions before found very faithful to the Romans. Him therefore he sends

to Sylla, to let him understand, That the King was ready to perform whatever the Roman People commanded: That he himself should appoint the Day, the Place and Time for Conference: That he intended to keep all his Consultations with him entire and private: That he had no reason to be afraid of Jugurth's Ambassador: for that he was sent for on purpose, to the end the Common Good might be debated with more freedom; there being no other way to prevent the Frauds and Wiles of Jugurth. But in my Opinion Bocchus kept the Treaty afoot both with Romans and Numidians, rather out of a Punic Piece of Treachery, then upon those Pretences which he publickly spred abroad: and that he had frequently Combats in his Mind, whether to deliver up Jugurth to Us, or Sylla to Him; while his Natural Inclinations pleaded against Us, but his Fears perswaded for Us. How∣ever it were, Sylla made Answer, that he should say little before Aspar; the rest pri∣vately, none or very few being present. He likewise tells Dabar what Answer he expected. After this, both meeting accord∣ing to appointment, Sylla tells the King, That he was sent by the Consul, to know

whether he were for Peace or War. Then the King, as it was agreed between 'em, desir'd him to return again the Tenth day after, That he could determine nothing at that time, but that then he would give him his Answer. Thus both departed to their several Camps. But when the Night was far spent, Sylla was privately sent for by Bocchus, and faithful Interpreters made choice of on both sides. Or rather, Da∣bar, with consent of both Parties, a Per∣son of clear Integrity, was sworn to inter∣pret truly between 'em: and then the King thus began.

110.

I never thought it would have come to pass, that being a King, the Great∣est of all within this Continent and of all the most Powerful that I know of, should ever have been reduc'd to be oblig'd to a private Person. And truly, Sylla, be∣fore I knew Thee, I have succour'd ma∣ny that su'd to me, others of my own accord, never in need of Relief my self. This Diminution of my Dignity which others are wont to lament, makes me re∣joyce. It is my Happiness to stand in need of thy Friendship, then which there can be nothing dearer to my Soul. Of

this make Trial: Arms, Men, Money, whatever thou hast a mind to, take and use: and as long as thou liv'st, ne'r think thy Friendship sufficiently remunerated: which I shall always deem a Debt that never can be repay'd: for in my Opi∣nion it is less dishonourable to a Prince to be overcome by force of Arms, then in Munificence. Now as to the Affairs of your Republic, in the behalf of which you here are come to Treat, thus much in short. I never made War upon the People of Rome, nor ever consented to a War. Only in defence of the Confines of my Kingdom, the Arm'd I oppos'd with Arms. But let that pass: Continue as you please your selves, the War with Jugurth. I will never so much as stir over the River Mulacha, the Bounds between me and Micipsa, neither will I ever suffer Jugurth to pass it. Moreo∣ver if there be any thing farther that you require of me fit for me to grant, or you to ask, you shall not return with a Repulse.

111. To this Sylla, as to what con∣cern'd himself, made Answer concisely and modestly: in reserence to the Peace,

and the Common Affairs, he discours'd at large. Lastly, He gave the King to understand, that the Senate and People of Rome would not take it for any obligation what he had last promis'd, as being much superior to him both by Sea and Land: That there was something to be done, that might seem to shew him more zeal∣ous of their Welfare then his own Inte∣rest. Which he had an Opportunity to do, as having Jugurth in his Power: who, if he were by himself surrender'd up to the Romans, there could not be a greater Obligation laid upon a grateful People: besides that the League, the Friendship, and that part of Numidia which he now su'd for, would then be freely offer'd him. At first the King made a kind of slight Denial; pleaded Kindred, Affi∣nity, and the League between 'em: then pretended his Fears of incurring the Ha∣tred of the People, to whom Jugurth was dear, the Romans no less odious, should he falsifie the Confidence repos'd in him. At length orecome by Importunity, he submits, and promises to do whatever Sylla desir'd him. Then they settle all things which were thought necessary to make a shew of including the Numidian

within the Peace, which he most earnest∣ly desir'd, as being quite weary of the War. And so the Plot being laid, they take their Leaves for that time.

112. The next day the King sends for Aspar, who was Jugurth's Agent, and tells him, That Dabar had fish'd out of Sylla, that the War might be compos'd upon Conditions: and that therefore he should do well to know the King's Mind. Thereupon, he hastens with great Joy to Jugurth's Camp. From whom after he had taken full Instructions, away he posts again, and in eight days returns to Boc∣chus, and assures him, that Jugurth was ready to yield obedience to whatever was impos'd upon him; only that he durst not confide in Marius: for that formerly Articles of Peace concluded with the Ro∣man Generals had been voted ineffectual. And therefore if Bocchus intended the Welfare of Both, and desir'd a firm Ra∣tification of the Agreement, that he should make it his Business, that they might meet all three together, under pretence of concluding the Peace, and then that he should deliver Sylla into his hands; for that when he had such a Person at

his disposal, the League would of necessity be confirm'd by the Command of the Se∣nate and People of Rome; who were not wont to suffer a Person of his Dignity, (not enslav'd by his own Oversight, but in the Service of the Commonwealth) to lie long in the Power of the Enemy.

113. This the Moor, revolving dayly several Imaginations in his Mind, at length promis'd to do. But whether Fraud or Ingenuity were the Motives that occa∣sion'd his delay, we never could be fully satisfy'd. For as the Determinations of Princes are quick and hasty, so are they no less inconstant, and frequently repug∣nant one to another. Soon after, the Place and Time being fix'd where they were to meet all three together for the Conclusion of the Peace, Bocchus some∣times sends for Sylla, sometimes for Ju∣gurth's Agent; entertains both with equal. Civility, and promises to both the same thing: on the other side, they are both well pleas'd, and both alike full of suc∣cessful Expectations. But upon the Night preceding the Day appointed for the Con∣ference, the Moor, sending for his Friends, and by and by altering his resolutions,

and dismissing 'em again, was a long time in a great Agitation of Mind alone by himself; by his Looks the going and coming of his Colour, by his Actions and Gestures shewing no less Disturbance of Body then of Mind; which during the silence of Utterance, he display'd in the alterations of his Countenance. However, at length he sends for Sylla, and by his Direction layes the Plot to entrap the Numidian. To which purpose, when the Day was come, and that News was brought him, that Jugurth was not far off, as it were to honour his Confede∣rate, accompany'd with some few Friends together with our Questor, he rides up a little Hillock in view of those that lay in Ambush: Whither the Numidian ap∣proaching with some few, the most of his Kindred unarm'd, upon the Signal given, he is surrounded by the Ambuscado. The rest were all cut in pieces; Jugurth in Chains is deliver'd to Sylla, and by him guarded to Marius.

114. At the same time, two of our Ge∣nerals, Q. Coepio and M. Manlius fought with bad Success against the Gauls. Which put all

Italy into a great Consternation. For not only of ancient times, but even in our days, the Romans held this for a Maxim, that all other Enterprizes lay prostrate to their Courage, but that with the Gauls they contended for Safety, not for Honour. But after the Numidian War was at an end, and that the News arriv'd, how Ju∣gurth was coming in Chains to Rome, Marius was again made Consul in his ab∣sence, and the Province of Gallia decreed him. About the middle of January, with great Honour he made his Triumphal Entry into the City: and from that time forward the Hopes and Welfare of the Commonwealth were all entirely fix'd in Him.

The End of the Jugurthine War.

FRAGMENTS Out of other HISTORIES OF SALUST.

The Oration of M. Aemilius Lepidus, Con∣sul to the People of Rome, against Sylla.

YOUR Clemency and Integrity, most Wor∣thy Romans, which have rendred ye so great and famous above other Nations, create in me a more then ordinary fear of the Progress of L. Sylla's Tyranny, least while you nere suspect in others, what in your selves you deem abominable, you be beguil'd and circumvented (especially since all his hopes are grounded upon Villany and Perfidi∣ousness, and that he does not think himself other∣wise safe, then by proving far worse and more de∣testable then you can fear him to be, that so your Miseries may exempt ye, his Slaves as he accounts ye, from the care of your Liberty) or if ye provide for your selves, that ye may be employ'd rather in fending off your apparent dangers then in re∣venge

of offer'd violence. The Pensioners of his Guard, Men that make a great Figure in the world, and no less eminent for imitating the worthy Examples of their Ancestors, I cannot too suffici∣ently admire, to see how they enslave themselves, to tyranize, over you; choosing Both out of a natural inclination to Injustice, rather then uprightly and le∣gally to live in Freedom. Most noble Off-spring of the Brutus's, the AEmilius's, and the Lutatii; born to subvert those things which their Fore-fathers pur∣chased by their Vertue and their Courage. For then, what else did They defend, but their Liberty and their native Mansions from the Violence of Pyrrhus, Hannibal, Philip and Antiochus, that we might not be obedient to any but our own Laws? All which, this same cruel Romulus, as if wrested from Fo∣reigners, holds fast in his own Possession; not sati∣ated with the slaughter of so many Armies, nor of the Consul, nor of so many others of the Princi∣pal Nobility whom the Fortune of the War had destroy'd; but then more cruel, when prosperity turns the hearts of other Men from Fury to Compassion: The only Person in the World, since the memory of Man, that ever invented punishments for those that were to come; who were certain to be wrong'd before they were born: and became most wickedly secure in the Inhumanity of his barbarous proceedings, while you, for fear of more grievous servitude, were deterr'd from the recovery of your Liberty. But you must to work, and make head against this Torrent, least your spoyls come once to be at his Command. 'Tis now no time to dally, or to stay for Succour in an∣swer of our Prayers. Unless you hope, that either a weary, or asham'd of his Tyranny, he will ven∣ture to quit with danger, what he has ravish'd into

his Possession by violence. But he has gon so far' that he accompts nothing Honourable but what is safe, and deems all things just and honest that serve to uphold his Usurpation. Therefore that same Rest and Tranquillity with freedom, which many good Men rather chose then labour accom∣pany'd with Honour, are now quite vanish'd from the World. At this time we must either serve, or domineer, Most worthy Romans, be afraid our selves, or be a terror to others. For what is more to be expected? What is there, either Human or Divine that has escap'd without Pollution? The Roman People, ere while the Lords of Nations despoil'd of all Command, their Glory and their Pri∣vileges, without life or motion, and contemn'd as useless, have hardly left 'em the allowances of Slaves: a great number of our Allies and all the Latines, whom you for many and important ser∣vices, made pertakers of your Franchises, are now prohibited by one; and a few Life Guard-Pensioners possess the hereditary Habitations of the Innocent Commonalty, as the wages of their Villanies. Our Laws, our judicial Proceedings, the Publick Treasures, the Provinces, nay Kings themselves, are all at the Disposal of one man's Will: in a word, absolute Power of Life and Death lies prostrate at the Pleasure of a single Tyrant. Ye have beheld at the same time human Victims offer'd to his Fury, and the Sepulchres of the slain besmear'd with Civil Blood. Does there any thing then more remain for Men to act; then either to dissolve the Injustice, or to dye Couragi∣ously? For Death has still determin'd the same end to all Men, though environ'd and immur'd in Steel; nor is there any Man that waits the last con∣straint of Fate, afraid to dare, unless effeminately

abject. But I am Seditious, as Sylla terms me, because I seem to affect the rewards of Tumult and Faction; and a promoter of War, for rede∣manding the Privileges and Rights of Peace. That is to say, because you never will be other∣wise secure, or safe in your Empire, till Vettius Picens, and the Notary Cornelius have made a wastful sale of other Mens Estates acquir'd by Pains and Industry: unless you approve all the Proscriptions of the Innocent, because they were wealthy; the Tortures of Illustrious Men; the City lay'd Desolate by Banishment and Slaughter: and the Estates of your Afflicted Fellow-Citizens, either sold or given away in Recompences, like the Cimbrians spoils.

But he Objects against me Possessions bought with the Plunder of Persons proscrib'd. Which was indeed the most enormous of all. his own Com∣mitted Crimes, that neither my self, nor any man else could be safe, if we acted fairly and honestly. However what I then purchas'd out of fear, when I had pay'd down my money, I restored to the Right Owners: Neither is it my design to make a prey of any of my Fellow-Citizens. Certainly, those Calamities might have been sufficient, which infected with the same Fury, we suffer'd for a while; Roman Armies sharply encountring one another, and Foreign Weapons turn'd upon our own Breasts. Let there be end of all these Injuries and Oppressions. Of which Sylla is so far from repenting, that he glory'd in what he had done, and might he but have been permitted, would have far more greedily perpetrated. Nei∣ther now do I fear, what your Opinion is con∣cerning him, but how far you dare adventure: least while ye stand gaping one upon another, who

should lead ye on, ye be prevented (not by his Forces, which are inconsiderable and weak, but by your own Cowardice) ere you are prepar'd to anticipate him, and be so far happy as you shall dare to act. For setting aside the Debauch'd Pensioners of his Guard, who takes his part? Ra∣ther, who does not desire a Change of all things, excepting Victory? Surely not the Souldiery that have only spilt their blood to enrich Tarrula and Scyrrus, the worst of Slaves: Certainly, not they, before whom Fusidius was preferr'd when advanc'd to several Offices; a Beastly male-Cham∣bermaid, a defilement and Scandal to all Honours. And therefore I have a great Confidence in the Victorious Army, who after all their Wounds and Hardship, have only gain'd a Tyrant. Unless they went about to subvert the Tribunitial Au∣thority, which their Ancestors erected by force of Arms; or to wrest out of their own hands their Laws and Privileges. Rarely well repay'd indeed, when sent back again to the Bogs and Woods, they found their wages, I mean contempt and hatred, to be at the Disposal of a few. Why then does he March with such a Body, and so elated in mind? Because Prosperity wonderfully obscures and mantles Vice. But when this Prosperity be∣gins to fail, then as formidable as he was before, as much will he be afterwards contemn'd and scorn'd unless pretence of Peace and Concord give him Confidence, which has appropriated Names to his Villany and Parricide. For, says the Tyrant, the Roman People otherwise can have no end of War, unless the Commonalty, expell'd from their Inheritances, to Him become a Civil Booty; unless the Right and Arbitrement of all things be at his disposal, which formerly belong'd to the People of

Rome. Which if you acknowledge to be Peace and Concord, approve the most pernicious plagues and grievances that can befal the Common-wealth: embrace Leisure with Servitude; and transmit to Posterity a President, that once the People of Rome were deluded and fool'd at the expence of their own Blood. For my own part, though as you see, By this same High Command I have as much as in reason I can well desire, to keep up the Grandeur of my Ancestors, to sup∣port my own Reputation, and to secure my self, 'twas never my design to Study my Private In∣terest, as preferring a dangerous and hazardous Liberty before quiet servitude. Which if it be your opinion likewise, resume your wonted Courage, and with the Favour of the Gods follow the Con∣sul M. Aemilius, your Captain and Leader, for the recovery of your Liberty.

The Oration of L. Philippus against Lepidus.

THere is nothing which I more eagerly desire, Conscript Fathers, then the Tranquillity of the Common-wealth; or that it should be de∣fended when in danger, by the Stoutest and most forward of its Members. In a word I heartily wish, that all wicked enterprizes may prove the ruin of the Contrivers. On the other side, all the whole Frame of Government is unhing'd by Factions; and these Factions encourag'd by those whom it rather became to endeavour their total Suppression and Extirpation: and what the

worst and most extravagant of Mens decree, the most vertuous and most prudent are oblig'd to execute. A War at present you believe unrea∣sonable, yet you must take Arms, because for∣sooth, tis Lepidus's pleasure; but perhaps there may be some that love Peace best, yet can endure War. Good Gods! that Men should rule this City, yet lay aside all Care of Governing. M. AEmilius, of all Fla∣gitious Caitiffs the most wicked, and whether more Villain or more Coward cannot well be determin'd, has got an Army to oppress your Liberty, and he that was contemn'd has made himself more formidable while you sit whispering together, and regardless of the sayings and the Prophesies of the Sybills, seem rather to wish for Peace then to defend it: not understanding, that by the Lenity of your De∣crees you lessen your own Authority, and ren∣der him exempt from fear. And that deservedly: since he has obtain'd the Consulship by Rapine, and a Province together with an Army, to carry on Sedition and Faction. What would he have receiv'd for his good Services, whose vile misdeeds ye have so liberally rewarded? It was perhaps, because that they who even to the last, gave up their Votes for Legates, Peace, Concord and the like, were favour'd and promoted by him. No; for They, despis'd, and thought unworthy of the Common-wealth, were lookt upon as only fit to be made Booty of; as suing again for Peace with the same fears which they had about 'em when they lost it. Truly at the very beginning, when I saw Hetruria in Rebellion, the proscrib'd Per∣sons recall'd, and the Republic rent and torn with Bribes and Pensions, I thought it high time to hasten, and with some few others follow'd the advice of Catulus. But they who extoll'd the

Aemilian Family for their good Services, and mag∣nify'd the Roman People for augmenting their Gran∣deur by Pardoning and Clemency, never discern'd that Lpidus also was a Branch of the same Stock: when he took up Arms as a private Person to subvert their Liberty, every one labouring after wealth, or the Protections of great Personages, destroy'd the Public Interest. And then was Lepidus a meer Robber surrounded with Camp-Boys, and some few Ruffianly Bravoe's: among whom there was not one that did not value a days wages above his life. Now he is a Proconsul in high Command, not purchas'd; but conferr'd upon him by your selves, with Leiutenants as yet Legally obedient: and to him resorted Men of all Degrees the most corrupt and vicious; inflam'd with lust and want: whirl'd to and fro with the Guilt of their Crimes: people never at rest but in Sedition; in peace most turbulent: sowing Tumult upon Tumult, and War upon War; the Pensioners of Saturninus formerly, afterwards of Sulpitius; then of Marius and Damasippus, and now of Lepidus. Besides Hetruria up in Arms, and all the Embers of extinguish'd Wars now breaking forth again: Both Spains Sollicited to Insurrection, Mithridates the next Neighbour to our Tributaries, by whom we are as yet sup∣ported, watches round about an Opportunity for Invasion: so that there is nothing but a proper Captain wanting to subvert the whole Body of the Empire. Which I beseech and implore ye, Con∣script Fathers, to consider; and that you will not suffer Licentious Villany like a pestilence, by con∣tagion to infect the sound. For when Rewards attend the wicked, there's no man easily will ad∣dict himself to vertue gratis. Do ye think it fit to

wait till with a new embody'd Army they once more invade the City with Fire and Sword? Which seems much more like and nearer to its pre∣sent Condition, then from Civil War to Peace and Concord. A War which he has inflam'd in contempt of all things both Divine and Human; not for any wrong done either to himself or at least as he pretends to others, but for the Subversion of our Laws and Liberties. For he is tortur'd and harrass'd in his mind with Ambition, and dread of ill success, void of Counsel and Restless; Try∣ing this, attempting that, he fears Tranquillity, hates War, foresees a Curb upon his Luxury and Licentiousness, and in the mean time makes an Abusive Advantage of your Remissness. Which I know not what to call, whether Fear, or Sloath or Madness. While every one singly seems to pray that the threatning mischief, may not like Lightning dart upon himself, but no man stirs an inch to prevent the gathering Cloud. I be∣seech ye consider how the Natural Order of things is ranvers'd. Formerly public Contrivances of mischief against the State were secretly carry`d on; the Remedies openly provided; and by that means good Men had the Advantage of the Wicked: Now Peace and Concord are openly disturb'd, but secretly defended. They who de∣light in War and public Calamity are up in Arms, and you in fear and Consternation. What are your Hopes? unless perhaps you are asham`d, or look upon it as an irksome Toyl to do your Duty. Do the Commands of Lepidus, appease your Indignation? Who tells ye, `tis his pleasure that every Man should have his own, yet has no∣thing but what belongs to other Men: who would have all Claims of War cancell`d, yet all the

while compels by force of Arms: who desires the Freedom of the City to be confirm'd, yet de∣nies the Citizens their Franchises of which they were depriv'd; who for Concords sake would have the Tribunitian Power restor'd to the Com∣mons, from maintenance of which all our Discords have deriv'd their Original. Most villanous and impudent of all Mankind, canst thou be thought to mind the wants, the grievances and lamentations of thy Fellow Citizens, who canst call nothing thy own, unless what forcibly thou hast gain'd by Plun∣der and Rapine? Thou standest for a second Con∣sulship, as if thou hadst resign'd the First. Thou seek'st for Peace by that same very War, by which it was disturb'd when fairly once obtain'd: Traytor to Us, faithless to Them; the Enemy of all good People; regardless both of Gods and Men whose Laws Divine and Humane thou hast viola∣ted by Treason and Perjury. Who being what Thou art, I advise thee to continue thy Resoluti∣ons, and not to quit thy Arms; nor to keep Us in continual Cares and Anxieties, thy self so restless when Seditions are delay'd. Neither Provinces nor Laws nor Houshold Gods allow thee for a Ci∣tizen? Go on then, as thou hast begun, that so thou mayst the sooner meet with thy Reward. But as for You, Conscript Fathers, how long will you by tedious lingring suffer the Commonweath to be in jeopardy, and only talk of taking Arms in its Defence? Souldiers are dayly listed against ye; vast sums both publickly and privately extorted: The Laws commanded to be serviceable to Ambi∣tion, Will and Pleasure, while you sit voting Lieutenants, and considering what Decrees to make. And upon my word, the more earnestly you sue for Peace, so much the sharper the War

will be, when he finds himself more strongly suported by your fears, then by the Justice of his Cause. For they that tell ye they abominate Tu∣mults, and the Slaughter of their Fellow Citizens, and for that reason detain ye unarm'd from oppo∣sing Lepidus in Arms, believe you will more readily, suffer what the vanquish'd must endure, when ye so loosely brook what might be in your power to chastise. Thus they disswade him from Peace with you, and you from War with him. If these things please ye; if such a Lethargy benum your Sences, that forgetful of Cinna's Devastations, up∣on whose return to the City, all Majesty and De∣grees of Dignity were trampl'd under foot, you will nevertheless surrender up your selves, your Wives and Children to Lepidus, what need of more Decrees? to what Purpose the Assistance of Catu∣lus? in vain both he and all good men take care to support the Commonwealth. Do as you think fit; sue to Cethegus and other Traytors for their Pro∣tections, that long to glut themselves with new Rapines and Conflagrations, and to brandish once more their naked Swords against their Houshold Gods. But if Liberty and Justice be more accep∣table; Let your Decrees become your Grandeur; and fortify the Commonwealth with men of Ver∣tue and Courage. There is a new rais'd Army at hand; moreover Colonies of Veterane Souldiers, all the Nobility, most expert Commanders, and Fortune ready to attend the Best. In a short while the Forces already muster'd together will disband and melt away through our Remissness. Where∣fore it is my Opinion clearly, since Lepidus of his own head is Marching to the City with an Army compos'd of Russians and Enemies to the Common-wealth, in contempt of the Authority of this Senate.

that Appius Claudius, as King pro tempore toge∣ther with Q. Catulus, and others that are at present in Com∣mand, be appointed to guard the City, and to take care that no Detriment befall the Commonwealth.

The Epistle of Cn. Pompey to the Senate.

IF as your Enemy, and the Enemy of my Coun∣try, and your Houshold Gods, I had undergone as many Hardships and Dangers, as from my early Adolescency the most Barbarous of your Foes have been vanquish'd under my Conduct, and your Security thereby establish'd, you could not have enacted any thing against me in my absence more severely, then your present Unkindness, Conscript Fathers, makes me sensible of. Me, whom expos'd to a most cruel Enemy, 'ere scarce my Age was capable of Action, together with an Army most deserving, as much as lies within your power you have betray'd to perish for want of Food, the most miserable of all Deaths. Was it with this Design the Roman People sent their Sons to War? Are these the Guerdons of our Wounds, and Blood so often shed for the Honour of our Coun∣try? Tyr'd out with writing and sending Messen∣gers, I have wasted all my private Wealth and

Hopes, While you for three Years time have scarce allow'd me a single Years Expence. I call the Immortal Gods to witness, whether you think me to be a Bottomless Exchequer, and whether I am able to Support an Army without Food or Pay. I must confess indeed I hasten'd to this War with a more eager desire, then prudent Consideration; as one who having from you receiv'd the Title of General, in forty days levy'd an Army, and from the Alpes drave back the Enemy already pressing upon the Neck of Italy, into Spain. Through them I open'd another Passage, more then ever Hanni∣bal did, and more convenient for our Marches. I recover'd Gallia, the Pyrenae∣ans, Lace••ania a and Jergetum, and with raw Souldiers, and much fewer in number stood the first shock of Victor Sertorius; and surrounded with a cruel and barbarous Enemy, winter'd in the field, not in warm Quarters, nor of my own choice. But why should I enumerate Battels, or winter Expeditions, Towns levell'd with the Earth, or taken by Composition? Deeds are more prevalent then Words. The Enemies Camp surpriz'd nere the Ri∣ver b Subro, the Battel by the River Durius c and C. Heremius chief Leader of a Potent Adversary, vanquish'd, and his Army with the City of Valencia utterly ruin'd, are sufficient Testimonies of the Truths I utter: For which, most grateful Fathers, you repay Us with want and starving Hunger. So that the Condition of mine, is no better then that of the Enemies Army. Neither of the two are paid; and both ready to March Victors into Italy. Of which I put ye in

mind, and beseech ye to take care That I may not be constrain'd to take private Resolutions in the midst of these Necessities. The hither Spain, of which the Enemy has no part, either our selves or Sertorius have laid wast even to utter destructi∣on, unless some Maritime Towns which are rather a burthen and a charge to Us. The last year Gallia supply'd the Army of Metellus with Corn and Money. Which now, by reason of bad and blasted Harvests is scarce able to support it self, And for my own part, I have not only wasted my particlar Estate, but lost all my Credit. Our last Hopes are in your selves, who unless you relieve our distresses, must expect no other, then what I now foretel ye, and which I never shall be able to pre∣vent, that the Army will March from hence, and with it all the whole War of Spain must be remov'd into Italy.

The Oration of Marcus Licinius, Tribune of the People, to the Commonalty of Rome.

IF, Worthy Romans, you were not well acquaint∣ed with the difference between the Rights and Privileges which you inherit from your Ance∣stors, and that same servitude design'd by Sylla, my Discourse would then require a longer time, and it behov'd me to instruct ye for what Oppres∣sions, and how oft the Armed Commons made a separation from the Fathers. Now it suffices only to encourage ye, and first to lead the way, which

I esteem most proper to redeem our Liberty. Nor am I ignorant, how vast a Power and Interest among the Nobility, I am about to pull down from domineering Usurpation, my self alone, without assistance and unguarded: only with the shadow of Magistracy: and how much safer it is for a whole Faction to act in Combination, then for Persons innocent to move singly by themselves. But be∣sides the good Hopes which I have in you, This has overcome all my fears, that the Misfortunes of Contending are far more satisfactory to a generous Courage, then never at all to have contested. Tho all others who have been created Tribunes to secure your Franchises, have turn'd all their Power and Authority to your prejudice, o'er sway'd by Favour, Hopes, or by Rewards; and rather chose to sin for Hire, then do justly Gratis. For these reasons they all submitted under the Domination of a Few, who by their Reputation in War have got Possession of the public Treasure, Armies, Kingdoms, Pro∣vinces, and make your spoils their Towre of safety: while you, the Multitude, like to many Sheep surrender your selvs in Vassalage to this and t'other Paramounting Lord, dispoyl'd of all those Blessings which your Fore-fathers left you. But perhaps it is, because as formerly you gave your Suf∣frages for Rulers, now you give the same for Ma∣sters. Therefore all your Tribunes flock to them; and if it be your chance to recover your own a∣gain, you shall see 'em upon the Turn of the Tyde return to you again. For few have the Courage to defend what best they like; the t'other are the stonger Party that fight in their own wrong. But can you dream of meeting an Obstruction when unanimous and resolute, from those that fear'd ye when remiss and negligent? unless you think

that Cotta, a Consul of the middle Faction, re∣stor'd some certain Privileges to the Tribunes for any other reason then out of fear: for tho L. Si∣cinius, first adventuring to open his Mouth in be∣half of the Tribunitian Power, was disappointed while you only mutter'd at it, yet they that oppos'd him first began to dread your Hatred, 'ere you would be brought to resent the Oppression. At which I never can sufficiently admire, most worthy Romans. For you knew it was a vanity to tire your Expectations. After the Death of Sylla, who impos'd that heavy Bondage, you thought that then the end of all your Mischiefs was at hand? But there sprung up a far more Cruel Catulus. A Tumult brake out when Brutus and Aemilius Mamerous were Consuls; But then C. Cu∣rio play'd the Tyrant, even to the fatal destructi∣on of the innocent Tribune. You saw last year how furiously Lueullus threatned L. Quinctius, and wrought him from his Purpose. And lastly now, how I am plagu'd and harrass'd among 'em! A needless Trouble, would they but once surcease their Usurpation before you made an end of ser∣ving: Especially, seeing whatever are the preten∣ces for their civil Broils, the main Contest on both sides is for Dominion over you. Those other Fig∣ments of Licentiousness, Hatred or Avarice are but Flashes that extinguish in a short Time. On∣ly one thing continues permanent, the end at which both sides with ardour drive at: and that is to dispoilye perpetually of the Tribunitial Power, the only Buckler which your Ancestors provided to shield your Liberty, which I admonish and be∣seech ye to consider: and that you would not, od∣ly changing the Names of things to favour sloth, call Servitude Tranquillity; which it were not now a

Season to enjoy, if Wickedness have vanquish'd Truth and Honesty; but had been, had You been altogether lull'd asleep. Now therefore mind your Business: for unless ye overcome, since all Oppression is by its weight the more secure, they will be sure to press more bard upon ye. What's my Opinion, then, some one will say? First then, you must lay aside your present man∣ner of Behaviour; Tongues let loose at random, Hearts of Mice; no longer mindful of your Li∣berty, then in the Public Place of Meeting. Nei∣ther do I exhort ye to those Masculine Proceed∣ings, as when your armed Ancestors obtain'd Pa∣tritian Magistracy to be conferr'd upon the Tri∣bunes by the free and unextorted Votes of the Se∣nators: altho, most worthy Romans, it be in your Power that what you suffer commanded now for others, you may either dispose or not dispose of for your selves. Expect ye then great Jupiter, or some other Deity to be your Adviser? Those high Commands of the Consuls and Decrees of the Fa∣thers you confirm by Execution; and hasten of your own accords, that Licence that is made use of to your prejudice. Nor do I advise ye to the revenge of Oppression, but rather to sit still and be quiet upon that Account. Neither desirous of discord as they recriminate upon me, but wishing an end of all disorders, do I repeat and recal to your Memory their Miscarriages; which is no more then the Law of Nations allows me: yet if they obstinately persist, 'tis neither Force of Arms, not a Secession that I encourage; only I exhort ye, that ye will no longer afford 'em the Advantage of shedding your Blood. Let 'em rule, and manage the Government after their own manner, let 'em hunt after Triumph; Let 'em prosecute Mi∣thridates,

Sertorius, and the remainder of the Exiles, to dignifie their Illustrious Statues. Let not them incur the hazard and the danger that have no part of the Profit: unless you think your Services re∣paid by that same sudden Frumentarian Law. A mighty purchase, to value your Liberty at Five Bushels of Wheat, which is no more then the Allowance allotted to the Prisoners in the Com∣mon Goal. For as that same sorry Pittance keeps 'em from starving, yet decays their strength; so neither is so small a Portion sufficient to support Your Families; but frustrates the slender hopes of every Coward. Which, tho large and muni∣ficent, considering it to be the Hopes of Servi∣tude, yet what a peice of sottishness it is to be deluded, and to be thankful for your own dues, so parsimoniously scatter'd among you? For any o∣ther way they neither could prevail, nor durst they strive against ye all in General. Nor are you less to guard your selves against their cunning Artifices. For therefore it is they give ye good words on pur∣pose to amuse and put ye off, till the return of Pompey. Whom though they reverence and dread at present, and carry about exalted upon their Shoulders, yet when those fears are over, you shall hear, how they will rend and mangle his Re∣putation. Neither are these Assertors of Liberty, as they pretend themselves, asham'd to acknowledge their own weakness, so many without one, nei∣ther daring to forgive an Injury, nor being able to defend their Rights. For I am certainly con∣vinc'd, that as for Pompey, a young Gentleman of such high and early Renown, will rather choose to be your Chieftain with your own Consent and Ap∣probation, then associate with them in Tyranny and Usurpation; and that you will find him no less

forward to assert the Tribunitian Authority. How∣ever worthy Romans, in former times, 'twas the Custom for particular Citizens to have Protection of many; never did the entire Body of the People relie upon one single Person: neither was it in the Power of any one particular Man to dis∣pose by Gift, or tear away such Privileges. There∣fore we have said enough. Neither is it a mat∣ter clos'd up in Ignorance. But I know not what Stupidity has seiz'd your understandings, that nei∣ther Honour, nor vile Oppression can move ye: you have made a base Exchange of all your former Bravery, for a little present Idleness; believing you enjoy sufficient Liberty, because your Backs are spar'd or else because you are admitted to the Pub∣lick shews, the Munificences of your wealthy Lords and Masters, Privileges indeed not granted to the Country Peasants; who are slaughter'd and crush'd to death between the Contentions of the Potent; or bestow'd in free Gift upon the Magistrates in their Provinces. Thus a few both fight and vanquish: But the Victory, whatever happens, lights heavy upon the Commons: and dayly will do more and more: while they are so industirous to defend their Usurpations, you so negligent to redeem your Liberty.

A Copy of a Letter sent from Mithridates King of Pontus, to Arsaces King of the Parthians.

KIng Mithridates to King Arsaces, Greeting. All men who are invited to a Confedracy in War, ought well to consider with themselves

whether at that time it be at their choice or no to live in Peace; then whether what is by the Sword contended for, be honourable, safe, and just, or wicked and illegal. 'Tis true; Thou mightest perhaps enjoy perpetual Peace, wert thou not so near a Neighbour to the most wicked and vexati∣ous of Enemies; and were it not for that same high Renown that will attend thy prosperous suc∣cess in subduing the Romans. Nor had I otherwise adventur'd to crave thy Alliance, out of a vain hope to recover my loft Affairs, by blending my Misfortunes with thy Triumphs. Now, that there should be no delay of this Conjunction, if thou wilt but rightly consider the Conjuncture of Af∣fairs, the storm of a new War at this time threat∣ning Tigranes, and my own unfortunate Condi∣tion, are at present the greatest Arguments that may be. For He, surrounded with his fears, will accept of an Alliance upon any Terms. And for my self, my adverse Fortune, after many Losses, has rendred Me more fit to give the best of Counsel upon all Occasions. And what the Prosperous wish for most, Me you shall have day∣ly before your Eyes a President, what to embrace, what to refrain in all your future Conduct. For there is one and the same cause of warring against the Romans common to all People, Nations and Princes, a profound Ambition of Empire and thirst after the Riches of the World; which was the only occasion of their first War with Philip the Macedonian King. While the Carthaginians press'd hard upon 'em, they craftily diverted the Relief of Antiochus with a feign'd Concession of all Asia. Yet no sooner was Philip vanquish'd, but Antiochus was despoil'd of all his Territories on this side,

Taurus, and ten thousand Talents to Boot. Then Pereus, whom after many Bloody Con∣flicts with various Fortune, when he had betaken himself to the Sanctuary of the Samo∣thracian Gods, these crafty Con∣trivers of Treachery, seduc'd into their Clutches; and be∣cause they had granted him his Life by Articles mur∣dered him for want of sleep, while Guards were put upon Him, that would not suffer him to take a wink of Rest. Eumenes, whose Friendship they pretended so highly to value, they betray'd to Antiochus, the Price of Peace: Attelus, the Guardian only of a subjugated Country, after they had rendred him ridiculous by their Taxes and their Contumelies, of a Sovereign Prince they made the meanest of their Slaves; and having forg'd an impious Will, led his Son Aristonicus in Triumph like an Enemy, because he only laid claim to his Paternal Inheritance. Asia is by them entirely usurp'd: and lastly Nicomedes being dead, they have laid violent hands on all Bithynia, tho' the Son of Nysa, to whom they had been pleas'd to give the Title of Queen, were then with∣out doubt among the Living. For wherefore should I name my self? with whom though every way distinctly bounded from their Empire by Kingdoms and Tetrarchies, because reported opulent, and one that would not be a slave, they found a way to quarrel, and set upon Me Nicome∣des, not ignorant of their Impiety, and as it hap∣pen'd afterwards, before attesting, that only the Cretans and Ptolemy liv'd free and uncontroul'd

at that Time. However in revenge of that In∣justice, I expell'd Nicomedes out of Bithynia, re∣cover'd Asia, the spoils of King Antiochus, and rescu'd Greece from ponderous Servitude. My farther Progresses the basest of my Vassals Arche∣laus put a stop to, by betraying my Army; and they who either through Cowardice or wicked subtlety, withdrew the Assistance of their Arms, thinking to be secure by the Hardships I endur'd, now reap the fatal harvest of their Treachery. Pto∣lomy, well brib'd, can find no just occasion for a War. The Cretans already assaulted are to ex∣pect no other Issue, but utter devastation.

Assuredly, for my own part when I understood, that by reason of their Intestine Broils, Battle and Bloodshed rather were delay'd, then peace confirm'd, contrary to the Opinion of Tigranes, who too late approv'd my Counsel, and notwith∣standing thy remoter distance, while my Neigh∣bours were their Slaves and Vassals, yet I under∣took a second War: at what time I overthrew by Land M. Cotta the Roman Ge∣neral nere Chalcedon; and by Sea despoil'd 'em of a good∣ly Fleet of Ships. But sitting down before Cyzicum, and lingring there with a numerous Army, Provision fail'd me, without the least Relief of all my Allies: and more then that, the Winter debarr'd me the benefit of the Sea. Thus without any molestation of the Ene∣my was I constrain'd to retreat into my own King∣dom, no less unfortunate in the Loss of the best of my Souldiers, together with my Fleets, that were Shipwrackt within sight of Para and Heraclea. But then having recruited my Army

Cabira a after several Con∣flicts between Me and Lucullus, both Armies labour'd under pressing Necessities. Howe∣ver Lucullus had at his devoti∣on the Kingdom of Ariobarza∣nes, as yet untouch'd by War: I retreated into Armenia, all the Countries round about Me, being utterly destroy'd and laid wast. At what time the Romans following not alone, but their Custom of subverting all Kingdoms, because the Nature of the Country would not suffer Multitudes to engage in set Battels, they boasted the rash imprudence of Tigranes for a Victory. Now con∣sider, I beseech thee, whether if we should be subdu'd, it would be advantageous any way to thee to make a more powerful Resistance, or whether it be thy Opinion, that then the War will be at end. I know thee to be vastly Opulent, and stor'd, to infinite abundance, with Men, with Arms and Money. And for that Reason 'tis we covet such an Associate in the War; They, such an Enemy for booty. But 'tis the judgment of Ti∣granes, while his Kingdom remains entire, that the War may be made an end of against an Enemy far from home, with little labour, by the Valour of my own well disciplin'd and experienc'd Souldi∣ers: since we can neither vanquish, nor be van∣quish'd without hazard and prejudice to thy self. Canst thou be ignorant, that the Romans, after the Ocean had set limits to their Western Con∣quests, turn'd the fury of their Arms upon these parts? That from the begining they ne'er had any thing but what they got by violence, not so much as their Wives and Houses, much less their Lands and Empire? A medley of Vagabonds, having

neither Country nor Kindred, born to be the Plague and Destruction of the whole World. Whom neither Laws divine nor human, no fear of Gods or Men can restrain from Ransack, Ravage and Destruction both of Friends and Allies, whether remote or neighbours, Powerful or Indigent; profess'd and mortal Enemies of all Mankind, that are not Vassals to themselves; of Soveraign Prin∣ces more especially. For only few desire Liberty, the greatest Part are contented with just Ma∣sters: So we are suspected to be their Rivals, and dreaded perhaps least we should prove the fu∣ture Chastizers of their Insolencies. But thou, the Monarch of Seleucia, the biggest of Cities, and Soveraign Lord of Persia, what canst Thou from Them expect, but Treachery at the Present, and War hereafter? The Romans draw their Swords against all Nations, and People, yet most keenly sharpen'd against those, who being vanquish'd yield the richest spoils. By daring and deceiving and raising War, they are become Potent. By such havocks and destructive Courses as these, they will either extirpate all before 'em, or perish themselves; which Latter seems not so improba∣ble to happen, if thou from Mesopotamia, and We from Armenia surround their Armies, wanting Pro∣vision and destitute of all Assistance; and only secure by some strange favour of Fortune, through our own Divisions or our Cowardice. And then will that Renown attend Thee, having succour'd once two mighty Kings, to have subdu'd the grand Robbers of the Nations. Which I admonish and exhort thee to do, unless thou hadst rather to our perdition, a while prolong thy single Empire till they have leisure to subdue thee, then be a Conqueror by our Alliance.

The Oration of C. Cotta the Consul to the People.

MAny dangers, most worthy Romans, have be∣fallen me in Peace, and as many Misfor∣tunes have I met with in War; of which, some I have been forc'd to undergo, others I have war∣ded off by the Assistance of the Gods and my own Vertue. In all which, neither my Courage was wanting to my Business, nor my Industry fail'd my Resolutions. Adversity and Prosperity made an Alteration in my Estate, but not of my Natural Inclinations. On the other side in these Calami∣ties all things deserted me, when Fortune left me. Moreover Old age, cumbersom of it self, re-doubles my cares: considering my self in that miserable Condition, that it is not permitted Me to hope for so much as an honest death. For if I have been the Parricide of your security, and being born by Restoration from Exile, have dishonour'd my Houshold Gods, my Country and the highest De∣gree of Magistracy, what Torment can be thought sufficient for Me living, or what punishment after my Decease? From my first years of Adolescency, your Eyes were still upon me both a private Per∣son, and a Public Magistrate: They who desir'd it had all my Elocution, my Advice, my Money at their Service; nor did I ever make a Crafty use of Eloquence to uphold the Knacks of Law, or Exercise my Parts in Mischief. But covetous of private favour, was forc'd to bow under the weight of ponderous Animosities for the good of the Commonwealth. At what time depress'd when she was quite subdu'd, and expecting dayly

nothing but utter ruin, You, most worthy Romans, restor'd me to my Country, and my Houshold Gods, with accumulations of Dignity. For which excess of Favours, I could not shew my self too grateful, should I for every single Kindness expend as many Lives. For Life and Death are only Claims and Rights of Nature; but for a Man to live blameless among his fellow-Citizens, entire in his Fortunes and his Reputation, that's a gift kindly as well bestow'd as acceptably receiv'd. You have made us Consuls, most worthy Romans, now that the Commonweath is in a most distracted Conditi∣on. For the Generals in Spain demand Money, Souldiers, Arms and Provisions: and 'tis but what necessity constrains 'em to: For that by reason of the revolt of our Allies, and the Flight of Sertorius among the Mountains, they neither can come to blows, nor get the necessary supports of Nature. The Excessive Power of Mithridates compels us to maintain great Armies both in Asia and Cilicia. Macedonia is crouded with Enemies. Nor are the Maritime Coasts of Italy, and the Provinces less infested. In the mean time our Tributes be∣ing small, and by reason of the Wars, but ill and uncertainly paid, hardly defray a part of the Ex∣pences: So that we are forc'd to lessen the number of our Ships that us'd to carry and convoy our Provisions. These things whether they befal Us through fraud or negligence do you consider; and as you find it, punish the Offenders. But if it be a general Misfortune and Calamity that attends Us, wherefore is it that ye enterprize things both unworthy of your selves, of Us and the Commonwealth. For my own part, whose years are near the Precipice of death, I do not wish one minute longer of Life, if that might

prove the least Advantage to your safety: not deeming this same free-born Body of mine can more be honour'd, then by submitting to its disso∣lution for your welfare. Here then behold the Consul Caius Cotta ready: ready to do what oft our Ancestors have done in times of dubious War. I freely devote and offer up my self a Victim for the Commonwealth. Of which, to whom you after∣wards shall recommend the Care, your selves be circumspect. For no good Man will be covetous of such an Honour, when either he must give an account of the success of Peace or War by others carry'd on, or suffer ignominious death. Only remember this, that I was not cut off for acts of Villany or Avarice, but willingly surrendred up my Life in gratitude for exceeding favours. For your own sakes therefore, most worthy Romans, and by the Glory of your Ancestors I conjure ye, a while to be patient in your adversity, and con∣sult the welfare of the Commonwealth. Great is the Care and many are the toyles that accom∣pany supream Command; which in vain ye refuse, yet seek the Opulency of Peace; when all our Provinces, Kingdoms, Seas and Lands are har∣rass'd and tyr'd with the Calamities and Hardships of War.

Two * Orations to C. Caesar attributed to Salust.

* MAny Learned Men have made a Question whether these Orations were really writ∣ten by Salust or no. But Douza, one of his Com∣mentators stiffly maintains 'em to be the Genuine

Productions of the same Author. Nor are the Arguments he brings without great probability and reason. For he alledges not only the Con∣sent and Agreement of the Vellum Originals but the congruity of stile and censorious No∣tions, natural only to that Satyrical and Grave Historian. Further he asserts that there is not that Purity of Latin in Tacitus, besides the vast difference between the Writers of the Flavian and Julian Times. Whereas it is object∣ed that there is not the same conciseness in these Orations as in the rest of Salust's Writings, that seems of little moment, since there can be nothing more concise nor more agreeable to Salustian brevity then the Stile and Language of these Orations. But the same Commentator mislikes the Title of Orations: and that not without just Cause, since the Author himself gives them the Appellation of Epistles. Forsitan, says he, Impera tor, perlectis Literis, decernes, &c. So that allow∣ing these two small Peices to be the Works of Salust and no other we shall only alter the Title, and call 'em,

Two Epistles concerning the Ordering of a Commonwealth, directed to C. Caesar.

The First Epistle.

IT was the Common Opinion that formerly the Ro∣man people by Fortune had Kingdoms and Em∣pires, in her Gift, besides those other things which

Mortal Men so greedily thirst after; because they are frequently possess'd by Persons without Desert, conferr'd as it were at Will and Pleasure, and ne∣ver any Man could boast 'em stable and perma∣ment to himself. But experience has taught us how true it is what Appius tells us in his Verses, That every Man is the Architect of his own Fortune. A sentence more especially verify'd in Thee, who hast so far out-gone all others, that Men are tyr'd first with applauding thy Atchievements, ere thou art weary of performing Deeds deserving Praise. But vertuous Acquisitions like sumptuous Edifices, are still to be preserv'd with sedulous Industry; least through negligence they run to decay, or fall to the ground, while the foundations fail. For no Man willingly surrenders Empire and Command to another; And though he be Just and Mild who is in Power, yet because it is at his Choice to be rigorous and tyrannical, he is dreaded. This comes to pass, because the most that are in high Authority take wrong Measures, believing themselves so much the more secure, by how much the more pusillanimous and servile the People are whom they Command. But quite the contrary to this ought chiefly to be aim'd at; that is to say, being Vertuous and Brave thyself, thou shouldst endeavour to Command the best of Subjects: for he that is lewd himself impatiently brooks a Ruler. But thou hast a more difficult Task then all that were before thee, to settle what thou hast won by force of Arms. For thou hast wag'd a War more soft and gentle then the Peace of others: besides the Victors demand their Booty; and the van∣quish'd are thy fellow-Citizens. In the midst of these difficulties there is an honest Medium to be found out, that the Public Welfare may be esta∣blish'd

not by force, as a Foreign Enemy is curb'd, but which is more noble and much more difficult, by the profitable Arts of Peace. Therefore is this a Matter of such importance, as summons toge∣ther all Men, as well those of great as of moderate Wisdom, for every one to give the best advice he can. And indeed it is my Opinion that as the Victory is compos'd, the settlement of all other things will be the same. Now therefore that thou maist more readily and firmly order this Establish∣ment, accept of some few Notions that occur to my mind.

Thou hadst a War, most Noble Emperour, with a Man Illustrious for his Birth, of vast Riches, most greedy of Superiority more Fortunate then Wise. Of his Party were but few: some through their own In∣justice became thy Enemies; others whom Affinity or other Obligations drew to his side. For never was any man a sharer with him in the Supream Authority, which if he could have en∣dur'd, the whole, Terrestrial Globe had never been so violently shaken with War. The Inferiour Multitude, more out of Custom then judgment flock'd after him as, the more prudent Person.

At the same time, upon the scandalous rumors daily spread abroad, inflam'd with hopes of Usur∣ping the Commonwealth, many men contaminated with Lewdness and Luxury, resorted to thy Camp; and openly threatned those that were at Peace with Murders, Rapines, and all the worst of Out∣rages to which their impious Minds could prompt

'em. Of whom the greatest part, when they saw that neither their debts were paid, nor Fellow-Citizens by thee despoil'd and harrass'd like Ene∣mies, deserted Thee: only some few remain'd, who thought the Camp would be a safer Place then Rome, where they were continually Dunn'd and Pro∣secuted by their Creditors. But for the same Rea∣sons, incredible it is to relate, both the Quality and the Number of Persons that troop'd after Pompey; whom All that were in debt made use of, during the whole time of the War, as of a most sacred and inviolable Sanctuary.

Therefore since now both War and Peace fall under thy Consideration as the Victor, to the end thou mayst gently and mildly surcease the one, and that the other may be just and permanent, meditate seriously with thy self, at whose disposal the Composition is, and what is most proper to be done. For my part I am apt to believe all cruel Dominations more oppressive then Diuturnal, not that any one single Person can be dread∣ed by many, but that the same fear returns from many to himself. Such a Life wages a continual and doubtful War within a Man; for that being neither safe before, behind, or on either side, al∣ways thy Lot will be to live surrounded with fears and dangers: on the other side they who have tem∣per'd the Severity of Command with Humanity and Clemency, to them all things have appear'd with a joyful and smiling Prospect; by their Enemies more cheerfully obey'd and reverenc'd, then others by their own Subjects. Be there any who for this ad∣vice will deem me a Depraver of thy Conquest, or count me a well Wisher to the Vanquish'd? Per∣haps, because it is my Judgment that what both we and our Fore-fathers have granted to Foreign

Nations, naturally our Enemies, are equally to be allow'd to Fellow-Citizens; and that neither Slaughter with Slaughter, nor Blood is to be a∣ton'd with Blood after the manner of the Barbari∣ans. Has Oblivion cancell'd those Cruelties, that before this War were condemn'd in Pompey and Sylla's Victory? He slew Domitius, Carbo, Brutus, and others that were Weaponless; not slain in Battel, according to the Laws of War, but Butch∣er'd afterwards when Suppliants with the greatest Impiety imaginable: the Commonalty of Rome were Slaughter'd like Sheep in the Public Palace ordain'd for the Reception of Embassadors. Hea∣vens! What hugger mugger Funerals of Citizens, what sudden Massacres committed in the very Arms of Parents and Children! What flights of Women and Infants! What devastations of Houses! Before the Victory by Thee obtain'd, nothing but Outrage, nothing but Cruelty enrag'd. To which the same Persons exhort and spur thee on: insinuating as if the Contest between you two had been, which should have the absolute disposal of Oppression and Injustice: that thou didst not recover, but win the Commonwealth by force of Arms, and for that reason, the stoutest and the oldest of the Souldiers were still ready to take Arms a∣gainst their Fathers, Brothers, nay their very Children; that so the most wicked of Mortals, from the Miseries of others, might have where∣withal to supply the Expences of their Gluttony and exorbitant Lust, or rather to be the Scandals and Reproaches of thy Victory; as being such, whose Debaucheries were a Contamination to the Praises of good Men. For I cannot forbear to mind thee, what was their Behaviour and their Modesty, even

when it was dubious which way Victory would encline and how, when the Enemy was in the field those very Persons a∣bandon'd themselves to Strum∣pets and Luxurious Banquets, whose Age in times of Peace could not without Reproach have pretended to the Tast of such immoderate Pleasures. Thus much concerning War.

Now as concerning the Establishing a secure Peace; which is the present main Design of Thee and all thy Followers; Consider I beseech thee in the first place what it is thou art about to con∣sult: for so, by separating the Good from the Bad, thou wilt proceed in the open way to Truth. 'Tis my Opinion, since all things that have a Beginning must have an End, that whenso∣ever the Fate of Romes destruction shall happ'n to approach her Walls, Citizens shall be engag'd in Civil Broyls with Citizens; at what time exhausted and languishing for want of Blood, they will become a Prey to some Prince or Nation. Otherwise not the whole Globe of Earth, nor all the People of the World united and mustred to∣gether, can either move or bruise this Empire. Therefore the Blessings of Concord are to be esta∣blish'd upon sure Foundations, and the Mischiefs of Discord to be expell'd. That will so come to pass, if you remove the Licence of expensive Riot and Rapine. Not recalling antiquated Consti∣stutions,

which upon the general Corruption of Manners are now become contemptible; but if you limit the Expences of every particular Family to the Condition of their Fortunes. For now, 'tis the prevailing Custom for Young men to think nothing more brave and generous, then prodigally to wast their own and the Estates of others; to deny nothing to their Pleasures, or that they take for Gallantry and Magnanimity; despising Continency and Reservedness, as the Effects of Cowardice.

Therefore a Haughty Disposition, once launch'd into destructive Courses, when his accustom'd Allowances fail, flies out, inflam'd with inconsiderate fury, sometimes upon Allies, sometimes upon his Fellow-Citizens; unsettles the compos'd Order of things, and by Old Practices of Villany seeks for New Disturbances. Wherefore let not the Usurer for the future be sufferr'd any longer; that every one may mind his own affairs. That's the true and Plain way, to Officiate in the Magistracy for the Benefit of the People, not the Profit of the Creditor; and to shew Magnanimity in augment∣ing not diminishing the Common-wealth.

'Tis true, I know how difficult a thing this will be to accomplish at first; especially with those who thought, when Conquerors, to have liv'd with greater Liberty and Licence, not under a more strict Controul. For whose safety if you rather provide then to uphold their Luxury, you will secure both Them and Us and our Allies in a firm and lasting Peace. But if you still connive at the same Practices and Debaucheries of our Youth, assuredly that High Renown of thine, and that Great City of Rome, will in a short time fall to Ruin both together.

In the last place, Prudent Men make War for the sake of Peace, and undergo hardships in hopes of rest and leisure. Until you fix and ascertain that Tranquillity what matter is it, whether we are vanquish'd or Victors. Wherefore in the name of all the Gods, hold fast the Helm of the Com∣monwealth, and boldly break through all Contend∣ing opposition as you were wont: for either you must heal us, or all Men else must lay aside all thought of Cure. Neither does any Man incense ye to cruel Punishments, or dismal Executions, by which a City is rather depopulated, then re∣form'd; but rather to restrain the vicious Practi∣ces and luxurious Debaucheries of the young No∣bility and Gentry. That will be real Clemency, to have put a curb upon their Folly and false Pleasures, that Citizens may not come to be deservedly ex∣pell'd their Native Country; to have establish'd Peace and Concord; not to have been always a Conniver at their present Enjoyments, which sud∣den Sorrow follows at the heels; indulgent to Vice, and remissly permitting Offences. And in∣deed such is my Courage, that it chiefly relies on that which scares and daunts most undertakers, the Difficulty of the Business. And because you are now to reform the Disorders both of Sea and Land and restore Tranquillity to the whole World (for such a soaring Mind can never stoop to little things) the greater the care, the greater will be the recompence. Therefore your Care is mainly to be expended, that the Commonalty, corrupted with Bribes, and public distributions of Corn, may be so employ'd and kept from Idleness, as neither to have Lei∣sure nor Opportunity for Public Mischeif: but that the Young Men may be enur'd to Probity and Industry, and not to hanker after vain Expence,

and Riches. Which may be effected, if you take away the abuse and Reputation of Money, the chiefest Plague and Destruction of Human Kind. For often revolving in my Mind, by what means the most renowned Men attain'd their Greatness; what things had rais'd People and Nations to their most flourishing Estates; and lastly what had oc∣casion'd the Ruin and Destruction of mighty King∣doms and Empires, I still observ'd that the same things were good, the same things Evil; and that always the Victors were Dispisers, the Vanquish'd always Covetous of Money. Neither can any Man exalt his groveling Thoughts, or Mortal as he is, attain Divine Perfections, unless neglect∣ing the Delights of Gold and Bodily Enjoyments, he forbear to Flatter and pamper the Vanity of his Mind, to gratifie perverse Desire; but rather ex∣ercise it in Labour, Patience, wholesom Precepts, and magnanimous Atchievements. For to build a City House, or Country Palace, and furnish 'em with Statues, Pictures, Persian Hangings, and o∣ther sumptuous Ornaments; and tomake a Splen∣did Shew of all things but Himself; This is not to enjoy Riches as an Ornament, but for the Owner to make himsef a Reproach to his Wealth. More∣over they, whose Custom it is twice a day to stuff their Paunches, and not a Night to sleep without a Curtezan, when they have oppress'd with ser∣vitude the Mind which ought to Command, in vain expect to make use of it as duly exercis'd, when lame and drowsie. For through Imprudence they precipitate themselves and most of their designs. But these and all other Mischiefs will cease with the Adoration of Money, when neither these Gaudy Pomps, nor any other Things so much thirsted after by Magistrates and Vulgar are any longer set to sale.

Morever care is to be taken that Italy and the Provinces may be more secure: wherein there is not so much difficulty neither. For the same Men lay all the Countries desolate, deserting their own Habitations, and through Oppression seizing those of other Persons. Moreover let not the Stipends of the Souldiers, or their years of service be either unjustly or impartially num∣ber'd. While some are com∣pell'd to serve out thirty Sti∣pends or Years of Duty, others scarce oblig'd to one. And let the Corn, which was formerly the reward of Sloath and Cow∣ardice, be distributed through the Municipal Towns and Colonies, to the dis∣miss'd Veteranes returning home after the expira∣tion of their Stipends. And thus as concisely as I could I have declar'd my thoughts of what I deem'd either advantageous to the Public, or to your Honour; and now it may not seem amiss to speak something in Justification of this presumption.

Most men have wit enough, or think they have, to censure others; and every one is forward and quick to find fault with the deeds and sayings of other Men; their Mouths are scarce wide enough, nor their Tongues sufficiently nimble to troul out the hasty Conceptions of their Envy or their private disgust; Though notwithstanding all the Blasts of their censorious Descants, I do not at all repent me of the Enterprize; rather it would have been a trouble to me to have been silent. And now the Best of my wishes only remain be∣hind that whatsoe're thou shalt decree, the Im∣mortal Gods may well approve, and Crown with happy Success.

The Second Epistle to C. Caesar, concerning the ordering of a Commonwealth.

THis Epistle shews the great Familiarity between Caesar and Salust, and seems to have been written before his expedition into Spain against Petreius and Afranius, or at least in the seat of the War.

I Am not ignorant, how difficult and dangerous and Attempt it is to give Counsel to a Prince or Emperor. or indeed to any Man, who sits in the Upper Region of great Authority; Considering that they can neither want Advisers, and that no man is sufficiently circumspect or prudent to fore∣see future Events. Besides, oft-times it so falls out that precipitate and evil Counsels are attended with more prosperous success, then the most grave and serious of deliver'd Opinions, by reason For∣tune rules the World at Pleasure. I must confess, when I was Young, my Inclinations lead me to the management of Public Affairs; and my greatest Care and Study was to understand the depth of those Mysteries. Not only that I might appear great in Offices and Employments of high Dignity, which many had obtain'd by wicked and corrupt means; but that I might be acquainted with the true State of the Commonwealth both at home and abroad, and what her intrinsic strength might be of Warlike Provisions, of Men and Money. At length revolving many things in my Mind, I deter∣min'd to prefer your Dignity before my own Reputation and Reserv'dness, and to run any ha∣zard that might be advantageous to your Honour. Nor did I make this Resolution rashly, or in Adu∣lation

of your good Fortune; but because in you I observ'd, one particular Excellency above all the rest, to be egregiously admit'd; I mean, a greater Courage always in Disaster, then in Prosperity. But this is still no more then what is yet more ma∣nifest from other men, who are tyr'd with applaud∣ing and admiring your Munificence, before you are weary of performing Deeds deserving Fame Im∣mortal. And I am firmly perswaded there is no∣thing so sublime or so profound, but what is with∣in the easy reach of your thoughts. Nor have I sent ye my Opinion and Judgment concerning the order∣ing of a Commonwealth, as having a higher conceit then becomes me of my Advice and Parts; but because I thought it necessary in the midst of Military Toyls, in the hurry of Battels, Victories and high Command, to retrieve back your thoughts, sometimes to the Consideration of Civil Affairs.

For if it be your only design to secure your Per∣son from the violence of your Enemies, or how to retain the favour of the People, that you may be able to cope with the Consul, you harbour thoughts unworthy of your Courage. But if your Magna∣nimity still continue such, as from the beginning disturb'd the Faction of the Nobility; recover'd the Roman People out of heavy Bondage into Li∣berty; that during your Pretorship, unarm'd and naked as you were, out-brav'd and daunted the insulting Fury of the Enemy; and both at home and abroad perform'd so many and such far fam'd Exploits, that your very Adversaries have nothing to object against ye but your Greatness; vouch∣safe to accept these few Notions of Mine, touch∣ing the Grand Concerns of the Commonwealth, which you will find to be true, or at least not far

remote from Truth. For since that Pompey either through oversight, or else because he car'd not what he did to obstruct your Proceedings, fell into such a Fatal Error, as to put Weapons into the hands of his Enemies, by the same means that he brought all things out of Order, the same Courses must you take to restore Tranquillity to the Com∣monwealth.

In the first place he resign'd his absolute Power of disposing of the Imperial Revenue, the Public Expences and the Penal Laws into the hands of a Few Senatours: but as for the Roman Commonalty, in whom the Supream Power was vested before, he left 'em without so much as the Relief of Common Justice. For Causes and Actions are still committed to the determination of the three Orders, yet the same small Number of Tyrants are above all, go∣vern all, place and displace as they think fit; They circumvent and oppress the Innocent; and ad∣vance their own Tools and Favourites to Honour. Neither Iniquity nor Scandal, nor the most hai∣nous of Crimes are any obstruction, to debar their assuming Offices of Trust and Dignity: Whatever is commodious and profitable they haul and tear away by violence: Lastly, as if the City were taken by Assault, absolute Will and licenci∣ous Domineering are the only Laws they will en∣dure. And yet it would not grieve me much thus servilely to be enthrall'd, according to their usual Practice, had they obtain'd the Victory by their Bravery and Valour. But it perplexes me to see the most sloathful among Mortals, all whose Vigor and Courage lies in their boasting Tongues, insolently exercising a Tyranny offer'd 'em by Chance, and through the Remissness of another. For what Civil Sedition and Dissention ever extirpa∣ted

so many and such Illustrious Families? Or whom did ever Victory so precipitate and render so e∣normously Outragious? L. Sylla, who had some pretence as a Victor, to plead the Laws of War in justification of his Cruelty, though he knew his Interest, could no way better be secur'd then by the Capital Punishment of his Enemies; yet after he had put some few to death chose rather to restrain the rest by Clemency then Fear. But now, besides Cato, L. Domitius and others of the same Faction, above Forty Senators, and many Young Gentle∣men of great Hopes have been slaughter'd like Victims on the Altar; and yet the most cruel of all Mankind, cannot be satiated with the Blood of so many miserable Fellow-Citizens. Neither Orphans, nor aged Parents, not the Moans of Men; nor the Lamentations of Women could mollify their inexorable Inhumanity: but every day more vio∣lent then other, and raging both in Word and Deed, some they degraded from their Dignities, while others were expell'd their Native Country. Nay what shall I say of You your self, whose ignomini∣ous fall the basest of Men, were it permitted 'em, would purchase with the loss of their own Lives? Whose Tyranny is not so great a Pleasure to 'em (though it befel 'em unexpected) as your high Dignity a Grief and Disturbance to their Minds. Men that would rather choose to bury their own Liberty in your Calamity, then that the Empire of the People of Rome should by your means of Glorious be made the most Glorious in the World: So much the more then it ought to be your daily care to fortify and establish your own Inte∣rest. For my part what my own thoughts are, I will not be afraid to utter: 'tis in your pru∣dence only to make Trial of what you think most probable and beneficial.

The City, according to what I have heard from my Ancestors, I take to be divided into two Parts; the Fathers, and the Common People. For∣merly the Chief Authority rested in the Fathers; but the greater Force by far was in the People. Thence frequent Secessions in the City, and still the Power of the Nobility lessen'd; but the Privileges of the People were enlarg'd. By that means the Commonalty liv'd in Freedom, because the Power of no Man was above the Law: the Noble surpass'd the ignoble not in Wealth or Pride, but in Repu∣tation and valiant Exploits. Every one alike hum∣ble at the Plough or in War, wanting nothing of honest and necessary accomodation, thought he had sufficient to serve himself, enough to serve his Country. But when expell'd by degrees from their Possessions, Laziness and Poverty compell'd 'em to seek uncertain Habitations, then they began to thirst after other Mens Estates, and to set to sale, both their Liberty and the Commonwealth. Thus insensibly the People, then the Lords of many Nati∣ons, dwindl'd into Contempt; and instead of Em∣pire in Common, every particular Person procur'd his own Slavery.

This Multitude therefore, first infected with ill Manners, then dispers'd into sundry Trades and Courses of Life, no way united among themselves, seems to Me by no means fit to manage the Commonwealth. But being intermixt with new Citizens, my mind gives me, that so, they may be all awaken'd and rouz'd up to Liberty; while the one would be careful to preserve their Free∣dom, the other glad to shake off the Fetters of their Servitude. These Citizens thus blended, old and new together, my Judgment is, you should distribute into Colonies. By which means your

Militia will become more Numerous, and the Common People, honestly employ'd, will forbear crowding after Mischief and Sedition.

But yet I am not ignorant, when this is put in Execution, what Storms and Tempests the Nobi∣lity will raise; how they will rage and clamour, that things are turn'd Topsie Turvy; that the antient Citizens are enslav'd; and lastly that there will be a change of the Government, from a Free State into a Monarchy, when by the favour of one single Person an infinite Multitude shall be admitted sharers of the City Privileges. However I am firmly convinc'd that he admits a wicked Crime into his Bosom, who to the disadvantage of the Public welfare strives for the favour of a Private Faction. More especially where the Public good redounds to particular Bene∣fit, to hesitate in such an Enterprize, I look upon to be the greatest mark of Sloath and Cowardice immaginable.

It was always the Design of M. Livius Drusus, in his Tribuneship, to contend with all his might, for the Nobility: nor did he intend at the be∣ginning to have acted any thing of Importance but in pursuance of their Decrees. But certain Factious Persons prizing Fraud and Malice above Honesty and Fidelity, when they understood that by the Means of one Person so great a Benefit would accrue to such a vast number of People, every one, Conscious to himself of his own wicked and Treacherous Disposition, had the same ill O∣pinion of Drusus as of themselves. Therefore afraid, least by so great a Favour he should get the sole Power into his hands, contriving all they could to hinder him, they broke the Neck of his and their own Designs together.

Therefore, Noble Emperor, 'tis your Business to make a more Industrious Provision of Friends and Guards, all Persons of approv'd Integrity. 'Tis no great difficulty for a Man of Courage and daring Boldness to suppress an Open Enemy; but the best of Men as they scorn the Contrivance, so are they less easily induc'd to suspect, and consequently shun occult and treacherous Stra∣tagems.

For this reason when you have introduc'd those new Members into the City, because the Commonalty will be then recall'd, study to your utmost the Introduction likewise of good and laudable manners; and by Concord to Unite the new and old together. But a far greater Benefit will accrue to your Country, your Citizens, your self, your Offspring, and lastly to all Man∣kind, if you can but quench that Immoderate Thirst of Gold, or at least abate it to that degree that the Season of Reformation will bear. Otherwise it will be impossible to regulate either private Misdemeanors or public Abuses, either at home or abroad. For where the raging Desire of Riches has once got Footing, neither Discipline, nor Vertuous Industry, nor Generous Ingenuity can ever Flourish; but early or late, at last the Soul will Flag, and Languish under the Burthen of loose Temptations.

I have often heard what Kings, what Cities and Nations once grown Opulent, have lost great Empires, which when Indigent, they won by their Courage: which is no Miracle at all. For when a stout man sees another weaker then himself more Illustrious for his Wealth; more cring'd to and courted, he's chaf'd at first; and with a thousand Agonies torments his mind:

At length, as every day more and more Desire of Glory vanquishes Honour, and Opulency over∣comes Vertue, the Mind revolts from Truth to Pleasure. For Glory is cherish'd by Industry; take that away, Vertue of it self, becomes bit∣ter and unpleasant. Lastly, where Riches are in high Esteem, all things good and sacred then are undervalu'd, Fidelity, Integrity, Shame and Mo∣desty. For to Vertue there's but one, and that a steep and rugged Passage: to Money, every Body chuses the Road that likes him best; for Wealths acquir'd as well by honest as by evil Practices.

Therefore in the first place take away the Repu∣tation and Authority of Money: for no Man will make a Judgment this or that way in Point of Life or Honour; when 'tis apparent that neither Pretors or Consul are created according to their wealth, but as they Merit. However in the choice of Magistrates let the Election of the People be free. Where the Judges are approv'd by few, it is an Argument of Royalty; to choose 'em for Mo∣ney, is dishonest. Wherefore I could wish that all the Judges were of the first Classis, but more in number then at this time. For neither the Rhodians nor any other Cities ever repented of their Deter∣minations, where Rich and Poor promiscuously, as they came into Court, debated as well the most Important as the slightest Affairs. But as to the Creation of Magistrates, I think I may without absurdity commend the Law, which C. Gracehus propounded to the People in his Tribuneship, that the Centuries should be summon'd out of the five Classes, without any premeditated Choice or Or∣der; by which means being alike equal in Dignity and Wealth, they would strive to excel one ano∣ther in Vertue; and these I deeme to be the chie∣fest

Remedies against Riches. For all things are applauded or desir'd, according to the Use which is made of those things: Rewards are the incen∣tives to Wickedness; take away the Hire, there's no Man will do an evil Act for nothing. But A∣varice is a Savage, cruel and intolerable Monster; wherer'e it bends its Bulky force, it tramples and lays waste whole Cities, Fields, Temples, Houses; turns all things both Divine and Humane into a Chaos and Confusion; neither Armies nor Walls can withstand its Fury: in a word it robs all Man∣kind of their Reputation, Chastity, Children and Parents. But take away the Glory of Money, and that impetuous Force of Avarice will soon be van∣quish'd by good Manners. And tho all Mortal men both just and unjust, know these things to be true, nevertheless you will have a sharp Combat with the Faction of the Nobility; whose Wiles and Stratagems if you can warily escape, the rest will succeed of course, according to your Wishes. For these Men, had they but so much Courage, would rather emulate, then envy the brave and generous. But being totally possessed with Idleness, Stupidity, and Cowardice, they make a noise, detract and look upon the Reputation of another to be their Disgrace. But wherefore should I make more words as if I spoke of Men that were unknown to the World? The Fortitude and Valour of M. Bi∣bulus made open way to the Consulship; one that scarce had the use of his Tongue; and for his Parts, more wicked then crafty. How far can such a one presume to dare, to whom the Consular Dig∣nity, the highest of Commands was but a meer Disgrace? Can greater Abilities be ascrib'd to L. Domitius, a Man that has not a Member, but what is contaminated with Villany and lascivious Intem∣perance?

A boasting Vain-glorious Tongue; Hands embru'd in Blood; Heels nimble and speedy in flight; besides his other Incontinences not pro∣per to be nam'd. Cato's the only Person among 'em, whose Parts are not to be contemn'd, a Craf∣ty, Talkative, Double-dealing Fox, the Effects of Grecian Education: but neither Industry, Vertue or Vigilancy are to be found among the Greeks. For can it be imagin'd, that they who have lost their Liberty through sloth at Home, should be a∣ble to instruct others to command? The rest of the Faction are a Crew of noble Drones; who Statue-like, besides the Name, can Challenge no∣thing else of worth but Form and Feature. L. Post∣humius, and M. Favonius seem to me like the su∣perfluous Lading of some great Fly-boat, which if the Vessel arrive safe in Harbour, may be some way useful, but in a Storm are the first undervalu'd things thrown over-board. And now, having thus far, to my own thinking, sufficiently discours'd the Point of renewing and reforming the Commonalty, I shall speak somewhat of what may seem proper to be done in reference to the Senate.

So soon as I grew Ripe in years and understan∣ding, I was not so much for Exercise of Arms, or managing of Horses, but rather for the studious part of Learning: that is to say, finding where my strength lay, I betook my self to the Labours of the Brain. During which retirement, by reading and hearing much, I found that all Kingdoms, Cities, Nations, were prosperous so long, and flourish'd in Command, while they were guided by True and uncorrupted Counsels: but that when those Coun∣sels came to be tainted once by Favour, fear or In∣terest, soon after their Power decay'd; in the next place, they lost their Dominion, and lastly were

enslav'd. And therefore 'tis my absolute Opini∣on, that whoever is advanc'd to a more Conspi∣cuous and Illustrious degree in his City, above all things, ought to be more especially careful of the public Welfare. For all the rest are only safe in their Liberty, so long as the City is secure: They who by their Vertue have acquir'd Riches, Honour, and Authority, when they perceive the Common-wealth in a declining Posture, they are presently alarm'd, and their restless Minds are vex'd with various Cares and Toyls: they are presently for defending their Honour, their Liber∣ty or their Estates: they bestir themselves, they are here and there, all in a hurry; The more they flourish'd in Prosperity, the more grievously and impatiently they brook Adversity. Therefore when the Commonalty obeys the Senate, as the Body sub∣mits to the Soul, and respectfully execute their Commands, it behoves the Fathers to be able in Councel; for subtilty and cunning are superfluous in the People. Our Ancestors therefore, when low reduc'd by dangerous and cruel Wars, after they had lost their Men, their Horses, and their Money, were never weary of contending with their Swords in their hands for the Empire. Neither want of Treasure, nor the prevailing Power of the Enemy, nor threatning Calamity could subdue their generous Courages, but that what they had won by their Valour they resolv'd to defend to the last drop of Blood. Which they did rather by sage and prudent Counsels, then fortunate in Bat∣tel. For among them there was but one Common∣wealth: for the Welfare of that they all consulted: Faction was contriv'd and sow'd among their Ene∣mies. All Men exercis'd their Bodies and their Wits for the good of their Country, not to ad∣vance their own private Interest.

But now the Case is alter'd; the Nobility, pos∣sess'd with sloth and Cowardice, knowing neither what Hardship, Enemies or Warfare mean, medi∣tating nothing but Faction at home, proudly Lord it over all the Nations. Thus the Fathers, by whose prudence the tottering Estate of the Com∣monwealth was formerly re-establish'd, now under Oppression, are driven fluctuating this way and that way, with the Tyrannick blasts of Will and Pleasure; sometimes they decree one thing, then another: as if they thought there were no other public Good or Evil, but what the private Grud∣ges or the Arrogancy of their Lords and Masters dictated. Whereas if all had equal Liberty, or the Decrees were render'd less Authentic: The Commonwealth would grow more powerful; the Nobility less potent. But because it is impossible to please all Men, or to level the Degrees of Qua∣lity and Birth, while the Nobility enjoy the Ac∣quists of their vertuous Ancestors, Honour, Dig∣nity and numerous Tenants; on the other side the multitude are for the most part ignorant and illi∣terate, let 'em be free in the Delivery of their Opinions. Thus the Power of others no way rea∣ching themselves, and consequently less discernable, will be the more easily brook'd. The good as well as the bad, the Coward and the Valiant, all are desirous of Liberty. But the more silly sort of Men, which are the greatest part, desert it out of Fear: and while the conflict is dubious, before the Victory be won, basely submit their Necks as vanquish'd to the Yoke of Servitude.

Therefore in my Opinion, there are two ways to restore the dignity of the Senate: First, that the num∣ber of Persons being augmented, they may be order'd

to deliver their Votes in Tables.

The Tables will be a means that every Man may be bold to use his Freedom: In multitude there will be more assurance, and ampler Benefit. For now adays it falls out so, that many being taken up in hearing public Controversies, others employ∣ed in soliciting their own and the private Affairs of their Friends, there are few that attend the Con∣cerns of the Public. Besides that many times it is not business so much, as the Commands of their domineering Superiours, which deter 'em from ma∣king their Appearances. The Grandees forsooth, with some few of the Senatorian Order, Chips of the same Block, They are the Men that whatso∣ere they please to approve, revoke, anull, decree, and then at Pleasure put in execution. But when after the number of the Senators shall be augmen∣ted, they shall be forc'd to give their Votes by Ta∣bles, you shall find they will lay their Loftiness a∣side, when they must be obedient to those, o'er whom before they Tyrannously domineer'd.

Perhaps, most noble Emperour, upon reading these Letters, you may desire to know, what num∣ber

of Senators I think sufficient, and how they may be distributed into sundry and various Em∣ployments; and because 'tis my Opinion that the Judgments of the first Classis ought to be abroga∣ted, what number of Judges, what Method of E∣lection may be most convenient? To every one of which particulars, it would be no difficult thing to return an Answer; but it behoves Us first to discharge our selves of the grand Concern of Coun∣sel, and to ascertain the Truth of what we have deliver'd in that Point. If you resolve to make use of this Method of proceeding; there will be little Difficulty in what comes after. 'Tis my de∣sire, that my Advice may be both wholsome and profitable. For then according to your Success my Reputation will extend it self. But that which I am much more zealous for at present is this; that the Commonwealth may be reliev'd and regula∣ted as soon as may be, let the Manner and the Methods be what they will, Liberty is that which I more highly prize then Honour. And there∣fore, most renowned Emperour, I beseech and beg it of ye, that since the Gallic Nation is so happily subdu'd, you will not suffer the mighty and invincible Empire of the Roman People to con∣sume away with Age, or by Discord and Dissenti∣on to be dissolv'd. For should that come to pass, assuredly nei∣ther Day or Night would ease the Anguish of your Mind; but still a restless Fury, that were would give ye leave to close your Eyes, would be the Tor∣ment of your latter days. For I am certainly convinc'd, that the Lives of all Mankind are

observ'd by the All-seeing Eye of the Divine Dei∣ty: that there is an account taken of all the good or evil Deeds of Men: and that naturally vari∣ous rewards attend the good and bad. Perchance they move with a slower pace; yet every man hopes according to his Conscience. Certainly had your Country and your Progenitors the Liberty to discourse ye, they would use no other then these Expressions. Oh Caesar, we most valiant Men be∣gate thee in a most noble City, to be to Us our Honour and Protection, a terrour to our Enemies. What we, with many Hardships and Dangers won, that we deliver'd to thee as soon as born, to∣gether with thy Life; the most renowned Coun∣try upon Earth; the most illustrious Family in all that Country: a vertuous Education, and Riches honestly obtain'd: moreover all the Dignities of Peace, and the rewards of War.

For these most extraordinary Kindnesses we do not require from thee, any Act of Lewdness or Im∣piety; but to restore our Liberty subverted. Which being once perform'd, the Renown of thy Vertue will swiftly fly through all the habitable World. For as yet, tho thy Atchievments have been famous both in Peace and War, however thy Glo∣ry is but equal with that of many other illustri∣ous Persons. But if thou dost restore almost from utter Ruin, a City the most celebrated for its Name and large extent of Empire, who will be more renown'd, who more illustrious upon Earth? But if otherwise it befal this Empire through thy lingring Sickness or Death, who so stupid not to dread the Devastations, Wars and Slaughters that will ravage all the Nations of the World.

Thus if you have an honest Intention to gratifie your Country and your Ancestors, succeeding

Ages enjoying the fruits of your Labours, and li∣ving in Peace and Liberty, will pay their acknow∣ledgments to Your Vertue, and your Death will prove far more Illustrious then your Life, For the Living sometimes Fortune, sometimes Envy worries; but when Life has paid the debt of Nature, Detraction ceasing, Vertue more and more exalts it self. And thus what I thought ne∣cessary to be done, and advantageous to Your self as briefly as was possible, I have laid open; be∣seeching the Immortal Gods, that whatsoever course you take, all your endeavours may be Crown'd with prosperous Success for your own good and the welfare of the Public.

The Declamation of C. Crispus Salustius a∣gainst M. Tullius Cicero.

I should not easily be induc'd to brook thy scurril∣lous Reproaches. Marcus Tullius, if I thought it were not rather the distemper of thy Mind, then thy Judgment that provok'd thee to this Petulant Hu∣mor. However, because I find, thou hast neither Moderation nor Modesty, I will vouchsafe thee an Answer; to the end that if thou hast taken any Pleasure in Obloquy, thou maist be quit of it, by being sharply told thy own. Where shall I complain? To whom shall I make my Moan, most noble Conscript Fathers; that the Commonwealth is rent in pieces, and obnoxious to the Treachery of every Audacious Sycophant? Must it be to the People of Rome so corrupted with Bribes and Ex∣hibitions, that they put both themselves and all their Fortunes to Sale? Or to you, most noble

Conscript Fathers, whose authority is the scorn of every lewd and wicked Rakeshame? More especially when M. Tullius defends the Laws and Judicial Pro∣ceedings of the Roman People, and Governs in this Se∣nate, as if he were a Branch of the Renowned Scipio Africanus, and not an Upstart, an Inn-mate, and but lately admitted to the Privileges of this City. Thinkst thou, Marcus Tullius, thy Words and Acti∣ons are unknown to the World? Hast thou not so liv'd from thy Childhood, as not to believe any thing a Defilement to thy Body, which another took delight in? Did it not cost thee the loss of thy Chastity to learn that Scolding Eloquence of thine from M. Piso? No wonder then that thou putst it as ignominiously to sale, as thou didst lewdly pur∣chase it. But I am apt to believe, thy Domestic Splendor elevates thy Thoughts: Thy Sacrilegious Wife, besmear'd with Perjury: Thy Daughter a Whore, that goes snips with her Mother, more gamesom and obedient, then is decent, to a Fa∣ther: Thy House thou gottest by Violence and Rapine, fatal to thee and thine; as if it were to let us understand, how strangely this City is ran∣vers'd, while thou the most vile of Men, Usurp'st the Habitation of M. Crassus, once a Consular Person.

Which being so, yet Cicero makes his Braggs, that he hath sate in Council with the Immortal Gods; and thence that he was hither sent a Guar∣dian, and Protector of the City; not to give him the Title of Hangman, who derives his Glory from the Public Calamity: as if thy Consulship were not the Cause of that Conspiracy; and the Commonwealth half ruin'd, when she had Thee for her Preserver.

But perhaps those things advance thee more,

which in Consultation with thy Wife Terentia, af∣ter thy Consulship, were acted by thee for the Public good: when at home ye contriv'd the Judge∣ments of thy Plautian Law; condemning some of the Conspirators to death; and fining others. When one built up the Tusculanum for thee, another the Pompeian Country Palace; another purchas'd thee a City House. But he that could do nothing, he was sure to be accus'd; ether he came to storm thy House; or he had plotted to Murder the Senate; in short, thou hadst evidence enough against him. If I accuse thee falsely, give an account how thou cam'st by such an Estate; what were thy Gettings by bawl∣ing and wrangling at the Bar? where thou hadst the Money to erect those sumptuous Edifices, the Tusculanum, and the Pompeianum? Or if thou hast nothing to say, who can be so silly as to doubt, thou didst rake thy Wealth out of the Blood and Bowels but of thy fellow Citizens?

But perhaps this Upstart of Arpinum, descended from the Family of C. Marius, imitates his Courage; contemns the private grudges of the Nobility; takes care of the Roman People neither terrify'd by Threats; nor coax'd with Favour. But is this an Argument of his Amity and Verture? A very pro∣bable Story: the most inconstant of Men, a Crin∣ger to his Enemies, contumelious to his Friends; sometimes of this, sometimes of that side; faithful to no body; a Shuttlecock of a Senator; a Mer∣cinary Patron; no part of whose Body is free from the Contamination of Lewdness: a vain Tongue, rapacious Hands, an Abyss like Throat, and speedy

Heels to run for his Life: qualities so lewd, that 'tis a shame to name 'em. Yet being such as we have here describ'd him, this very Man is not asham'd to boast and cry

O Fortunate Rome, re-born when I was Consull

Fortunate when thou wert Consul, Cicero! rather unhappy and miserable, which suffer'd the most cruel Proscription of her Citizens; when thou, in the Distractions of the Commonwealth, constrai∣ned'st all good Men, dismay'd with fear to obey thy Tyranny; when all Penal proceedings, all the Laws were in thy hands; when after thou hadst abrogated the Porcian Law, and made a Rape upon our Liberty, Thou hadst assum'd to thy self the Power of all our Lives and Deaths.

But 'tis not enough that thou hast done what thou hast done unpunish'd; thou put'st us always in Mind of it; and throwest it in our Teeths: we are not permitted to forget our Slavery. Prethee, Good Circero, be contented with what thou hast acted; Pride thy self in what thou hast accom∣plish'd: 'tis enough that we have been the sufferers. But why shouldst thou still load our Ears with what we hate, thy odious Name? Wilt thou persecute us with thy presumptuous surquedry?

Arms yield to Gowns, and Lawrels to the Tongue.

As if thou hadst perform'd those things of which thou boasts, not arm'd, but with thy hands in thy Gown sleeves; or that there were any difference between thee and Sylla the Dictator, but only the Title of Command.

But why should I talk any more of thy Insolence?

whom Minerva instructed in all the Sciences, the Mighty Jupiter admitted into the Council of the Gods; and Italy when banish'd, brought back upon her Shoulders. I beseech thee, dear Romulus of Arpi∣num, who hast surmounted in Valour all the Pau∣lus's, Fabius's, and Scipio's, what Office dost thou hold in this City? what Faction Suits with thy Humour best? What Friends, what Enemies hast thou? The lewdest in the City are thy Friends, thy Enemies all those that love the Commonwealth. The Persons, whom fain thou would'st have be∣tray'd in the City, thou courtest like a Courtesan. Else, returning out of Exile from Dyrrachium, wherefore didst thou follow them? They who were Tyrants formerly, their Grandeur now delights thee: They who were thy Patriots before, are now Mad-men, and Lunaticks. Thy Tongue is oyl'd for Vatinius: Sextius is a Knave. Thou mak'st nothing, sawcily to wound the Reputation of Bibulus: but Caesar's extoll'd. Him whom thou couldst have eaten once, obsequiously now thou fawn'st upon. Thou think'st one thing sitting, another standing; of the Commonwealth: a Hair∣brain'd Fugitive, that knows not where to put his Confidence.

The END.