The general history of the Reformation of the Church from the errors and corruptions of the Church of Rome, begun in Germany by Martin Luther with the progress thereof in all parts of Christendom from the year 1517 to the year 1556 / written in Latin by John Sleidan ; and faithfully englished. To which is added A continuation to the Council of Trent in the year 1562 / by Edward Bohun.

THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION OF THE CHURCH.

BOOK XXII.

The CONTENTS.

A Peace is concluded between England and France. The Magdeburgers refute the Crimes objected to them, and prove them to be the Calumnies of their Adversaries. The Emperours Edict against the Lutherans is published, which astonished many. Whil'st the Dyet is held at Ausburg, for continuing the Council of Trent, Granvell dies. The Emperour takes Tripoly, a Town in Africa. George Duke of Meckle∣burg puts all to Fire and Sword in the Country of Magdeburg. Duke Maurice, and some others also, takes up Arms against the Magdeburgers. Pope Julius Emits a Bull for calling of the Council. Duke Maurice commanding in chief against the Mag∣deburgers, offers them Conditions of Peace. The Clergy also publish an odious Paper against them, to which they make a large Answer, and refute the Crimes objected. Osiander broacheth a new Doctrine concerning Mans Justification. The Emperour makes a Decree at Ausburg, for safe Conduct to be given to those that would repair to the Council. Bucer dies. Three Suns, and as many Moons are seen in Saxony. The Pope, by a Bull, heavily accuses Octavio Farnese, and the Emperour publishes also an Edict against him. In the mean time the King of France justifies him to the Pope. The captive Duke of Saxony helps and comforts the Ministers proscribed by the Emperour. The Council of Trent revived; and an account given of the form and order of the publick Sessions. The manner of framing Articles of Faith is set down. The King of France publishes an Edict against the Pope. A Relation of the beginning of the War of Parma.

ABOUT this time,* 1.1 the Ambassadours of England and France, after long and tedious Debating, concluded a Peace; and they were the more inclinable to it, because both of them perceived the Advantages that some were like, in time, to make of their Enmity and Dissension. Therefore the English restore to the French,* 1.2 Boloigne, that had been now whole six years almost in their possession; at which many wondered, though the French paid Money for it; and the Scots were also comprehended in this Peace. The two Kings, having afterward sent Ambassadours mutually to one another, confirmed this Peace by new marks of Friendship; for the French King was made Knight of the Garter, and the King of England, one of the Order of France; which, amongst great Princes, is, as it were, a Badge and Cognizance of Amity.

The Magdenburghers, being severely lashed by the Emperours many Edicts, pub∣lish again, March the Twenty fourth, another Manifesto, addressed chiefly to their Neighbours.* 1.3 First, they alleadge, that neither by the Law of God nor Man, could they be convicted of Rebellion; then they declare, that they, who take up Arms against them, make War against Christ himself. In the third place, they refute the Crimes objected to them, and affirm them to be Calumnies of their Adversaries. And though, say they, the Emperour, at their instigation, hath Outlawed us, yet we may truely affirm, that we never, as yet, refuted any Rea∣sonable Conditions, provided the Doctrine of the Augustane Confession, and the Liberty left us by our Ancestors, were allowed us; we are still of the same mind, nor do we decline the performance of any kind of Duty, that either the Empe∣rour or Empire can justly challenge of us; and we call God to witness, that we have not given any cause of War or Commotions, but are, above all things, de∣sirous to entertain peace with all Men, and, by the help of the true Religion and Worship, to attain Life Everlasting; which is, indeed, the cause of all this ha∣tred that is raised against us. Now it is established by Law, that as the Inferior Magistrate is not to impeach the right of the Superior; so also, that if the Ma∣gistrate transgress the bounds of Authority, and command any thing that is wick∣ed, he is not only not to be obeyed, but, if he use force, to be resisted also. For that all Power is of God, we think no Man will deny; and if any Edict or Decree be made against him, it is not to be doubted, but that they may be rejected and disobeyed: Now the Decree made at Ausburg concerning Religion, is of that nature; and therefore we cannot obey those, who forcing it upon us, depriveus of the Light of the Gospel, and offer us the Idol of Popery, that they may draw us into Eternal Damnation: Which being so, we cannot justly be accused of any Rebellion. Besides, it is obvious to any Man, how unlawful it is, to use violence against us, since it is not we that are only struck at, but that the great design is, utterly to destroy the Professors of the true Doctrine, and, through our side, to wound Christ himself and all the Godly; for we are all the Members of Christ, and therefore what else can they expect, who defile themselves by so impious a Crime, but the Vengeance of God Almighty? In a former Declaration, we took notice of some Castles and Villages sezed by us, and it is needless here to repeat, what was there said; for so soon as we have assurance of peace, we shall restore them to the Right Owners. It is also reported by our Adversaries, that unlawful and Promiscuous Lust is tolerated amongst us, but it is a most Impudent Lye. We therefore beg of you, by all that is sacred, that you would not pollute your selves with Innocent Bloud; but pray to God, with us, that he would confound the Bloudy Counsels of the Wicked, and if any War happen to break forth, that you will not deny your assistance. Afterward, in the Month of April, the Ministers of the Church publish a Paper, wherein they exhibit a Confession of their Faith, and prove, that it is lawful for an Inferior Magistrate to resist a Superior, that would constrain their Subjects to forsake the Truth: And here they address them∣selves to the Emperour,* 1.4 beseeching him, that he would not give credit to those, who inflame him to the commission of wicked and unjust Cruelties; but, that he would first truly and duly examine the whole Matter. Lastly, They humbly deprecate all War, but, at the same time, if occasion so require, they crave the assistance of their Neighbours.

Of the Tumult, which, we told you, happened in the Cathedral of Strasburg, the Bishop made a complaint to the Emperour;* 1.5 but the Senate, by a Deputy whom they sent, purged themselves of having any hand in it. Wherefore the Empe∣rour wrote to the Bishop, enjoyning him to continue the Service that had been intermitted, and proceed. However the Bishop took an Engagement first from the Senate, that there should be no violence offered, nor any obstruction made to their Actings. So, at length, on Whitsunday, which fell on the Four and twen∣tieth day of May,* 1.6 the Clergy began again to officiate. For a few days, at first, the Consuls and some Senators were present, in a different place of the Church, to pre∣vent any disturbance; and the Clergy of the Church had enclosed, with Iron ••rates, that part of the Quire, by which they went into the Vestry, that no body might approach too near.

About the end of May,* 1.7 the Emperour, with his Son, departed from Brussels, and went to Ausburg, to the Dyet there, taking with him his Prisoner, the Duke of Saxony, but leaving the Landgrave at Mechline. Not long after his departure, a Proclamation, dated the Twenty ninth day of April, was published against the

Lutherans, both in Flemish and French, of which this was the purport. Although, saith the Emperour,* 1.8 it hath been always our endeavour, that the true and an∣cient Religion should be observed within our Dominions; though it hath been always our chief study, that the Errours, Heresies, and Sects, which for many years now have spread over Christendom, should be utterly abolished; and though we have for that end emitted many Proclamations, enjoyning most severe Pe∣nalties; Nevertheless, to our great grief, we have learned, that not only many of our Subjects, but Strangers also, who live and Trade in our Provinces, spread the contagion of this Evil far and near amongst the People; so that it is absolutely necessary, that some sharp Medicine be applied to the Disease, and the Guilty strictly enquired after, that this Plague may be totally rooted out, as, in the late Assemblies of the Provinces, we gave it in charge to the Governours and States, that they should, in their several stations, diligently apply themselves thereunto, and persevere in the true and Catholick Religion. Especially, since it plainly appear∣ed to all Men, what Troubles and Commotions this Infection had raised amongst the Neighbouring People, not to mention the danger of Souls, and loss of Salvati∣on thereby occasioned. Therefore, with the Advice and Consent of our dearest Sister, and of the rest of our Nobles, we make this new Law, and strictly charge and command, in the first place, that no Man, of what Rank or Quality he be, presume to keep, buy, or distribute, any of the Books of Luther, Oecolampadius, Zuinglius, Bucer, Calvin, or generally, any Books that have been published within these Thirty years, without the Authors Names, as in the Catalogue of the Di∣vines of Louvain, is more at large contained: Moreover, That no Person or Per∣sons have a Picture or Image, made in contempt and derision of the Blessed Virgin and Saints, neither throw down or break any Image or Picture made to the honour of any Saint: That no Man receive secret Conventicles into his House, wherein Errors are commonly preached up, Children rebaptized, and Conspiracies framed against Church and State: That no Man privately or publickly dispute about holy Scripture, especially about difficult and obscure passages, nor take upon him to interpret the same, unless he be a Divine authorized by some approved Uni∣versity; that such as do otherwise, be punished as seditious persons, and Distur∣bers of the publick peace; the Men by the Sword, and the Women by being buried alive in the Earth, if they forsake their Errour; but if they continue stub∣born, that they be burnt, and what punishment soever they undergo, that all their Goods be confiscated: Moreover, that they have no power to make a Will: And, if, after they have violated this our Edict, they offer to do any such thing, by these Presents we declare it to be void and null. Furthermore, We charge and command, that no Man receive into his House, or any ways help and relieve those whom he knows to be suspected of Heresie, but presently inform the Inquisitor or Governour of the place of them, at his utmost peril. That such, as, not out of malice and obstinacy, but through infirmity, have fallen into Heresie and Errour, and have not transgresled this our Edict, nor been guilty of any Seditious Practices, but of their own accord, have returned, and, upon abjuration of their Errour, been reconciled to the Church; presume not for the time to come, to entertain any Talk or Discourse about Matters concerning Faith and Religion; otherwise, that they be punished as Apostates. That if any Man not convicted, but vehe∣mently suspected of Heresie, be sentenced to abjure it, or to do publick Penance for the same, and shall afterward be accused of Heresie, he shall be punished, as if he were relapsed into the Crime: That they who have been stained with Heresie, and such like Crimes, even after Reconciliation, shall not be admitted to any Ho∣nour, publick Place, or Dignity in the State. That he, who has not a Certificate from the Curate of the Parish where he last lived, be not allowed any House or Habitation; for such are to be reckoned suspected Persons. That the Gover∣nours of Places, and all in Authority under us, do in their several Provinces and Jurisdictions, make diligent inquiry after those, who shall transgress this Law, as also, that they aid and assist the Inquisitors and Ecclesiastical Judges, in bringing the guilty to condign punishment, according to the form prescribed by us to the Inquisitors; or otherwise, they shall suffer for it at our pleasure. That the At∣turney General also inquire into the Administration of their Offices, and, if he find them negligent, bring them to a tryal for it, wherein, if they be cast, that they be turned out of place, or otherwise punished, according as shall be thought con∣venient▪ That Bishops, Archdeacons, Abbats, and other Rulers of the Church, diligently examine, if any Churchmen be infected with this plague, and severely

punish them. That they, who know of any that is infected with Heresie, or of the places where Hereticks lurk and hide themselves, do instantly present them, upon pain of incurring the punishment due to Hereticks.* 1.9 That the Informer, if the Information prove true, have the one half of the Goods of the Party con∣victed; provided, they exceed not the value of six hundred Ducats; but if they be worth more than that sum, that he have then only a tenth part. He that dis∣covers private meetings to the Inquisitor, though he hath been of their counsel, shall not be punished, provided he be right in his Religion, and abstain for the future; but he, who, not being of their Society, does inform against them, shall have the Reward abovementioned. That Penalties be inflicted in the same manner as we have commanded, and that no Man take to himself any power to alter or mitigate the same, which, we understand, is often done; for the Judges that herein offend, shall not go unpunished. And forasmuch as many, who have been accused of He∣rsie, and cited to appear, have fled, and been outlawed for it, but afterwards, upon the death of their Complices, have used to come in, and pray'd, that they might be admitted to justifie themselves, as thinking that the Crime could not be made out against them, and by that means being returned, have again spread their false Doctrine and Errours, to the great prejudice of the publick: It is therefore our will and pleasure, that no regard be had to their demands, but that all who have not appeared upon Citation, but saved themselves by flight, be held as Persons convicted and condemned. That they, who intercede for suspected Persons, Fugitives, Outlaws and Anabaptists, be reputed savourers and supporters of Hereticks; and that Judges and Governours receive none such into favour, without leave from us or our dearest Sister, first had and obtained, upon pain of losing their Places and Commands. That Printers and Booksellers do not print, publish, sell, or disperse any Religious Book or Pamphlet, without a License from those who shall be impowr'd to grant it; and who shall answer for their own works also, if therein they offend. And because there is extant a Catalogue of the Books which the University of Louvain have rejected, that all Booksellers have it hanging up in their Shops, so that neither they nor the Buyers who have it before their Eyes, may pretend ignorance; and again, that they have another Catalogue of all their own Books, wherein he that sails shall be fined in an hun∣dred Ducats. That no Man either keep School or teach Children, without a License from the Magistrate, and especially the Curates of Parishes, and that he teach nothing to Youth, but according to the form prescribed by the Divines of the University of Louvain.

When the Edict was proclaimed,* 1.10 all Men generally were extreamly startled at it, especially the German and English Merchants, who in great numbers traded in the Emperours Towns and Provinces, but chiefly at Antwerp. So that they were of the opinion, that either the Edict must be moderated, or, that they must re∣move to some other place; nay, many shut up their Shops, and thought of no∣thing but flying from the danger. The Common Counsel and private Citizens also of Antwerp, who saw what an incredible loss that would prove to them, were in great streights, so that when the Inquisitors came thither, they vigorously op∣pose them, and making their application to Queen Mary, their Governess, repre∣sented to her, how much it concerned not only them, but the whole Country also, that the Edict should not be put in execution. Wherefore, by reason of the many people of various Nations that then resided in Antwerp, the execution of the Proclamation was for that time superseded in the very same City, for which it was chiefly made.* 1.11 The Slavonian, we mentioned before, published afterward, this Edict, Translated into High Dutch, and severely taxed Islebius and the Adiaphorists, as he calls them, who laboured to persuade the People, that Religion was not the thing aimed at. As for the commission of Inquisition, which they called, In∣structions,* 1.12 it contained a most ample power; for they had authority to call be∣fore them not only ordinary People, but also the Magistrates themselves, and make them swear to answer what Interrogatories were put to them, and to dis∣cover all they knew. Now the Questions concerning Religion, that were put to those who were accused or suspected, were thirty eight in number, of which these were some;* 1.13 Whether or no they believed the Sacrifice of the Mass to be Propi∣tiatory for the Dead, so as to deliver them out of the pains of Purgatory; If they believed Peter to have been the Prince of the Apostles, the Vicar of Christ, and Pope of the Church of Rome, and those who lawfully succeed him in his Chair, to be so esteemed also; Whether they believe it lawful, to withdraw from under

the obedience of the Pope, provided, he be not a Heretick or Schismatick; If they believe Private Marriage to be lawful; and if they believe the Lutherans, Bucerans, and the like, to be the Church.

The French Cardinals,* 1.14 who had stayed at Rome some time after the Election of the Pope, now returned home; but John Cardinal of Lorrain, who had been the darling Companion of King Francis all his life time, died upon the Road, after he came back into France, but before he had seen the King. Upon that occasion Robert Cardinal de Lenoncour,* 1.15 obtained the Bishoprick of Metz, who afterward was thought to have much contributed in bringing the City of Metz, which be∣longed to the Empire, under the Dominion of France, as shall be said hereafter. There was a Decree made in the last Session of the Council of Trent, That they who had a plurality of Bishopricks, might reserve to themselves which of them they pleased, and resign the rest, as has been said in the Nineteenth Book; Ne∣vertheless, so long as Paul III. lived, it was never put in execution; but in the Pontificate of this Pope, in France the Cardinals made a shew of obeying it, but not at all to their prejudice: For, since most of them had two or three Bisho∣pricks, and many others aspired to that Dignity, they made exchanges, and for one Bishoprick they parted from, got from him they surrendered it to, many Abbeys, or other Ecclesiastical Promotions in lieu of it.

In the Month of July,* 1.16 Adolph Archbishop of Cologne, having struck up an Ac∣commodation with the Senate, made his entry into that City with extraordinary pomp and splendour, all his Vassals, Tenants, Kindred and Relations being from all places summoned in to give him an honourable Attendance that day; And, as it is said,* 1.17 he had above two thousand Horse in his Retinue, the Duke of Cleve ha∣ving brought in a great many. This Duke had a little before a Daughter by his Duchess Mary, Daughter to King Ferdinand. The Godmothers were the Empe∣rours two Sisters, Queen Eleanor and Queen Mary, and the Elector of Cologne Godfather; but not long after, the Duke and Archbishop had a grievous falling out, about Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction.

On the Six and twentieth of July, the Emperour opened the Dyet at Ausburg; wherein he propounded the prosecution of the Council; the observation of the Decree about Religion lately made at Ausburg; the punishment of the Rebels, and the restitution of Church Lands and Jurisdiction, as the maters to be treated of. This also was an Armed Dyet, though the State of Affairs was somewhat more peaceable now. The Princes there present were the Electors of Mentz and Treves, for the other Electors had sent their Ambassadours: Wolfgang Master of Prussia, the Bishop of Wirtzburg, Aichstadt, Constance, Trent, Cambray, and Mers∣burgh;* 1.18 None of the rest of the Princes appeared, except the Duke of Bavaria, and at length Henry Duke of Brunswick. Upon debating of the matter, the greater part were for continuing the Council. But Duke Maurice's Representa∣tives declare in their Masters Name, that he no otherwise approved it, than, that all Matters should be reviewed, and handled again of new from the very begin∣ning; That the Divines of the Augustane Confession should not only be heard, but also have Deliberative and Decisive Voices; That the Pope should submit to the Council, and not preside therein, and release the Bishops from their Oaths, that they might speak with greater freedom. When this Protestation was pub∣lickly read, the Ambassadour desired it might be entered upon Record, as the custom was,* 1.19 but it was deny'd, by the Archbishop of Mentz, who, as Chancel∣lor of the Empire, had the sole power of doing it; and so the Emperour after∣ward moved the Pope for a Council. On the Seventh of August the Cardinal of Ausburg made an invective and bitter Sermon against the Lutherans;* 1.20 and a few days after, some Spaniards, in contempt and derision of the Citizens, who were then at a Protestant Sermon, played some tricks in the Church, so that it was like to have occasioned some great disturbance, had not the Burgmaster or chief Ma∣gistrate of the City come in in time,* 1.21 and with much dexterity appeased and quiet∣ed the Tumult. About the later end of August, Granvell, who came lately from Besanson in the French Conte to Ausburg, died, to the Emperours great grief, as it was reported.* 1.22 He had succeeded to Cardinal Mercurino Catinario, as we mentioned in the Seventh Book, and now, for the space of twenty years, had been chief Mi∣nister of State, and the only Person, in a manner, whom the Emperour trusted with his secret Counsels and Designs.* 1.23 His Son, Anthony Bishop of Arras, succeeded to his Place and Office; a Man of great Learning, who had been already accu∣stomed, in his Fathers absence, to manage Affairs of State, and was very familiar

with the Emperour. In the mean time, Henry, Duke of Brunswick, besieged the Town of Brunswick, a place that, upon account of Religion, and some other Reasons,* 1.24 for many Years he had born a grudge to: But after he had harassed and spoiled their Lands by burning and plundering, and yet was not able to take the Town, at the mediation of some persons, the Emperour commanded both to lay down their Arms, and plead their Cause before him. This happened in the Month of September.

The Emperour's Army at that time besieged Tripoly in Barbary: It was then in the possession of Dragut,* 1.25 a famous Pirate, who had lately joyned with the Turk, and the Emperour's Army was commanded by the Viceroy of Sicily; who, after he had for some time battered the Town with great Guns, being informed, that Dragut was coming with fresh Forces to the Relief of the place, perceived, that there was need of Expedition:* 1.26 Therefore, September the tenth, he made a gene∣ral Assault, both by Sea and Land, and so took it by Storm. The Knights of Rhodes, who fought by Sea, did the Emperour good Service that day; but the Spa∣niards, who were more numerous, and made the Assault by Land, got most of the Booty and Plunder. Many Prisoners were taken, to the number of about eight Thousand; who, being put on board of Ships, were carried to Sicily, Sardinia, and other places. The Situation of the Town is said to be very pleasant, because of the neighbouring Fields and Hills covered with Olive and Palm Trees, and the fair Springs of Water that are about it. They talk of a Country not far from thence, that is exceeding fruitful in Corn, and yieldeth the Husband-man a plentiful en∣crease for his labour. In this War, Cosmo, Duke of Florence, assisted the Empe∣rour with Forces, commanded by Jordano Ursini, and Astori Balio. But seeing Winter was now approaching, and Provisions could not be had, the Viceroy, leaving there a Garison of Spaniards, brings the Army back to Sicily: After this, Dragut sled to the Turk to Constantinople,* 1.27 and there fomented a new War, which the Turk undertook, not only against the Emperour, but King Ferdinand also.

Upon the Emperour's Command to the Duke and Senate of Brunswick,* 1.28 to lay down their Arms, both Parties disbanded their Forces: But afterwards, George, Duke of Meckleburg, the Son of Albert, a Youth, who had served under Duke Henry, wheadled them all into his Service. The Report was, that the Clergy of Magdeburg, and Dignitaries of the Cathedral Church, most of them of Noble Extraction, who were enraged against the City, had, by great Promises and Re∣wards, engaged him to take upon him the conduct of them and their Forces, and assist them in taking their Revenge:* 1.29 But that they deny'd, as shall be said here∣after. Their Archbishop, John Albert, died lately before, wherefore they were said to have made over the Dominion and Property of the whole Province, if he did subdue it, and to have morgaged to him three Castles for his Security. So that he began his march through the Country of Halberstadt, and came afterwards into the Province of Magdeburg,* 1.30 plundering, burning, and spoiling, wherever he past; there he surprised the Town of Wansleben, which he burnt and razed; and having attacked the Castle that stood hard by, but in vain, and lost some of his men, he marched forward, doing a great deal of mischief in all places. Where∣fore,* 1.31 when the Country people perceived, that their Goods, Cattle, and all they had, were taken from them, they beg help from the Senate of Magdeburg, offer∣ing to expose themselves to any Danger or Cost in their own just Defence. The Senate therefore ordered them to Muster, and be in Town by a certain day, which was the one and twentieth of September; at which time, a mixed Body of Garison Soldiers, Citizens, and Boors, marched out of Magdeburg, with three Troops of Horse, Field-pieces, and Ammunition, and rested that night two miles from the City.* 1.32 Next morning, before break of day, they decamped, and marching streight towards the Enemy, so soon as they came in view, drew up their Men, and offered him battel. In the Front were the Citizens and Soldiers, where the danger was thought to be greatest; and after them, the rest of the Country rout were posted. But the Duke of Meckleburg observing their order, suddenly faced about, and be∣setting the Boors in the Reer, who were a sort of ill-armed and unexperienced Soldiers,* 1.33 he charged them, before the rest could face about and come in to their assistance. So that they immediately threw down their Arms, and ran for it as fast as they could, disordering their Companions Ranks, and so making way for the Enemy's Victory. Most of them were killed at the first Charge, and in the flight; not many of the Citizens and Soldiers were slain, but many taken, who, with their Artillery, Waggons, Ammunition, and Baggage, fell into the Enemy's

Hands. The Emperour, in the mean time, presses home the observation of both the Decrees of Ausburg, and makes an heavy complaint of the Magdeburgers and Bremers;* 1.34 for they only, of all the Cities, stood it out, although the Bremers were not outlawed. But the Princes intercede, and desire leave to interpose for an ac∣commodation; to which the Emperour condescending, they write to both Cities on the two and twentieth of September, and cite them to appear by the second of November at Ausburg,* 1.35 giving them safe Conduct to come and answer for them∣selves, and enjoyning them to send their Deputies with full power to treat and conclude the matter: A certain Woman of Ausburg seeing a Priest accidentally pass along the Streets, carrying the Sacrament to a sick Man with lighted Tapers, as the custom is,* 1.36 out of curiosity asked the Question, What he meant by carry∣ing Lights at Noon day? For this Saying, she was apprehended, and in great danger of her Life; but many Women begging, and the Emperour's Sister at length interceding for her, she had her Life, but was banished. Now Queen Mary, with others, were come thither, that, amongst other things, she might procure a mo∣deration of the Edict lately published in the Low Countries;* 1.37 for unless that were done, she represented the great danger that Antwerp, the most flourishing Mart in the World, was in, of losing all its Traffick and Splendour: And that, besides, there was great cause to fear an Insurrection all over the Country, if the Procla∣mation should be executed to the Rigour. With much ado, the Emperour, at length, condescended, and having made some Alterations in those Heads that con∣cerned Foreign Merchants, he struck out the name of Inquisition, which was gene∣rally hated by all, and commanded the other Clauses to remain in force, and be observed. Whilst the Letters are carrying to Magdeburg and Bremen, the Princes and States desire to know of the Emperour, upon what Conditions he was willing to treat with them:* 1.38 He therefore proposes to the Bremers, that they wholly submit themselves to him, humbly beg Pardon for their Offence, renounce all Leagues and Associations, and make no League for the future, wherein he and all his Fa∣mily should not be comprehended; that they obey the Imperial Chamber, and contribute their Quota to the charges of it; that they agree with their Archbishop, and if they cannot, that they stand the Verdict of the Arbitrator, that he shall appoint; that they compound also with all the Clergy, restore the great Guns they took from Duke Erick, and satisfy him for the wrong they had done him; that none within their Jurisdiction serve against him in the Wars; that they pay an hundred and fifty Thousand Florins, deliver up twenty four Pieces of Ord∣nance, with their Carriages and Appurtenances; and obey the Decree of the for∣mer Diet, and Those which now should be decreed. The same Conditions, in a manner,* 1.39 were proposed to the Magdeburgers; to which, it was added over and above, that they should answer to all Suits of Law, and obey the Sentences pro∣nounced against them; that from the time of their first Rebellion, they have no action against any Man; that their Fortifications and Strengths be demolished; that they receive him, and those who have his Commission, into their City, at any time, and with what number of Forces they please, without any previous capitu∣lation; that they pay two hundred Thousand Florins, and that they ratify all con∣fiscations, and not disturb those, who are in possession of consiscated Goods.

The news of the Battel of Magdeburg presently flew about far and near,* 1.40 for within six days it was brought to the Emperour; and when all Men were of opi∣nion, that now they were almost quite ruined, out comes another Declaration of theirs, dated the first of October. Therein they give a relation of the whole mat∣ter, saying, That of Citizens and Soldiers they had not lost above two hundred, and comforting others, when they themselves were thought to stand in need of Con∣solation. For by this means, say they, God thought sit to try our constancy; and of his infinite Goodness and Mercy towards us, we make not the least doubt; for though it were his good will and pleasure that we should be undone, and utterly perish, yet could there be no harm in that: For how much better is it to run the utmost danger, than to swerve, from the profession of the Truth, to the Antichrist of Rome? For such, as through Fear, Covetousness, Ambition, or other by-ends, relent, submit to the Council of Trent, and receive and allow of that wicked Decree of Ausburg, shall, without all doubt, unless they repent, suffer most heavy Torments, both in this Life, and the everlasting Life to come: And we know also, that God hath set Limits and Bounds to our Adversaries, which they cannot pass: Wherefore we beseech all Men, that they would joyn their Prayers with ours, and not take up Arms against us; for if we be once crushed, all Germany, without

distinction, must expect the same Calamity. Which being so, the very natural in∣clination, that all Men have to the safety and welfare of their Country, craves at your hands, that you would lend your assistance to us, who suffer for the Doctrine of the Gospel. This prosperous success against the Magdeburgers, encouraged many others immediately to take up Arms;* 1.41 amongst these, were Duke Maurice, the Elector of Brandeburgh, his Cousin Marquess Albert, and Duke Henry of Brun∣swick; the Nobility and Gentry also being invited to bring into the Field what Horse they could. Most people were of opinion, that these Forces were raised, to beat George, Duke of Meckleburg, out of the Country, and many thought, at first, that it was to put a stop to his Excursions: But being all mustered together, on the fourth of October they march, and encamp not far from the Town. The sixth Night after,* 1.42 they came running on with great shouting, as far as the Gates and Town-ditches, to try what the Towns-people could, or durst, do; but the great Guns firing upon them from the Walls,* 1.43 they lost many Men, and retreated in great anger to the Camp, setting on fire the Leper's house on the way, contrary to all Military Discipline, and the Law of Arms. Next day, the besieged made a ••ally out, and came to a slight Skirmish; for they were brisk, and, amongst others, many Persons of Quality, that were good and experienced Soldiers, flocked thither, out of the hatred they bore to Henry, Duke of Brunswick. October the twelfth,* 1.44 a Cessation of Arms was made, and some Commissioners came into the City to treat of a Peace; but that proved in vain. In the mean time, the States of the Archbishoprick of Magdeburg,* 1.45 amongst whom, the Clergy was the Chief, met at Hall, and, October the fifteenth, sent Deputies to the Emperour and Princes of the Empire: So soon as these came to Ausburg, which was ten days after, they bring a heavy accusation against the Senate and People of Magdeburg, and in consi∣deration that Duke Maurice had taken into his Service the Forces of the Duke of Meckleburg, that they had also sent him Supplies, and that they were not able long to support such Charges; they desire the Princes to take some speedy course to quench the common Flame, that both the Soldiers may be paid, and these outlaw'd Criminals brought to condign Punishment, before they recovered Strength and Cou∣rage after their late overthrow, for that otherwise the Soldiers would run away to the Enemy; which would put, not only them who were the next Neighbours into present danger, but also all the States of the Empire: That it was their whole design to overturn the Government, and to raise a popular Insurrection all over the Empire; and therefore they proposed a Supply of eight thousand Foot, and twelve hundred Horse. The same day, the Answers of the Bremers and Magdeburgers to the Princes Letters,* 1.46 we mentioned before, were publickly read; and the Bremers, in the first place, plead the earnest desire they have always had of Peace, and the Emperour's Friendship, that for obtaining it, they had not only employed Depu∣ties of their own, but used the mediation also of the King of Denmark, and the Maritime Cities, and that the Conditions proposed were very hard: But how∣ever, that it might appear how great the Emperour's Authority was with them, they would not refuse to send Deputies, and promised to do any thing, provided they might be allowed their Religion and Liberty.

The Magdeburgers again alledge,* 1.47 that, in the former Dyet, they had made most humble and earnest suit to the Emperour for a Peace; but that the Conditions were intolerable, and the Wrongs, since that time they sustained, so grievous, that finding no end nor measure of suffering Injuries, they had been necessitated to re∣sist force by force, but still moderately: That the cause why they were so much hated, was only, that they desired to retain the true Doctrine, and eschew Idola∣try: That, as affairs stood, they could find none that would undertake to go in their Name with full power to the Diet against the Day appointed, as they were commanded: That besides, George, Duke of Meckleburg, had unexpectedly made War upon them, and declared openly, that he did it by command from the Emperour and Empire: That now also the City was blockt up by the Enemy; but that if these did withdraw, and safe Conduct were given to their Deputies, with liberty to return and make a report of their Demands, they would not refuse to send some.* 1.48 About the beginning of November, Ulrick, Duke of Wirtemberg, died, whilst the suit which he had with King Ferdinand, as we said before, was still de∣pending, and his Son Christopher succeeded him. When the Emperour had received the Answers of the two Cities, he said, the Bremers were to be expected, because they had promised to come; but as to the Magdeburgers, since the matter was quite otherwise than what they said, and because they answered with a kind of

contempt, he bids them proceed, in consulting what was to be done with them, and chiefly, that they should take the Demands of the States of the Bishoprick into their serious consideration, and do therein what they should think fit, both for the welfare and dignity of the Empire. The Princes and States easily perceived, that no Peace could ever be made upon these Conditions, and therefore they desired easier Terms might be proposed; but the Emperour persisted in his purpose. So they, at last,* 1.49 though much against the minds of many, especially of the free Towns, assent and promise Assistance, but, on the other hand, they pray the Emperour, that he would also contribute: And then, that if he could not command in person, he would appoint a General to carry on this War; and for that end, propose to him Duke Maurice, if he thought fit; but as for the Charges of it, it was their judg∣ment, that they should be paid out of the Money already raised for the future oc∣casions of the Publick. The Emperour, on his part, made answer, That he had been at vast Charges in the former War, to restore Peace to Germany, and there∣fore desires them to take it into their Consideration:* 1.50 That as to Duke Maurice, he was very well pleased, nor did he know any man, at that time, more fit for the Charge than he was, and that for several Reasons: But that Money should be taken out of the publick Treasury, he so far approved and allowed it, as, that what was taken out,* 1.51 should within a certain time be refunded again, for that that Money was not raised for this use; and he exhorted them to prosecute the matter with all their Force, that they might be punished according to their Deservings; which was easy enough to be done, he told them, if Castles and Redoubts were raised about the Town, and the Siege vigorously carried on without intermission, till they were forced to yield; but that there was need of expedition, because of the season of the Year, and the opportunity of Action: For that if that headstrong and obsti∣nate Rebellion were not suppressed, it was obvious to them, how much it would redound to the prejudice and disgrace of the Empire. So then, Duke Maurice, who, as we said, had already thrust himself into Action, having mustered the Forces under him, is now publickly entrusted with the management of the War: For defraying the Charges whereof, a Subsidy is granted of threescore Thousand Florin's a Month, and an hundred Thousand allotted for the Charges already made. The Emperour, in the next place, assured the Princes, That the Council should be again continued at Trent before Easter, for that he had the Pope's Promise for it.* 1.52 In the mean time, he urges the Decree of Ausburg, and bids them tell him the Reasons, why the Regulations that were made two Years before, for the Re∣formation of Religion, and the Clergy, were not observed? The Electoral Arch∣bishops answer, That they had not omitted any thing, and were at present wholly taken up about it; but that the cause why it did not take effect, was the Exemp∣tions and Privileges that some pretended to.* 1.53 The Representatives of the absent Electors, said, That all Endeavours had been used, but that an inveterate conti∣nuance had withstood the effect; for that this Religion was not so soon to be pluckt out of Men's minds,* 1.54 but that there was need of Instruction, and bringing them over by degrees, who were fully persuaded, that that Decree was, in many things, repugnant to the Holy Scriptures; that no violent Change could be made, with∣out Troubles and Stirs; and that, if any Man should constrain the Preachers to it, there would be no Service in the Churches; for that hardly any one could be sound that would stoop to it, because of that Article of Celibacy, and of the Lord's Supper. The other Princes and States of the Catholick Religion, give for Reasons, the Schools and Colleges, wherein the Youth is not rightly Educated; the Prote∣stant Ministers, who srighten the People from that Decree; the Poverty of Priests, and the Negligence of the Magistrates; that the dissolute and impure Lives of some Church-men also, was a great hinderance; and lastly, that many, in scanda∣lous Books and Pamphlets, did scurrilously rail and inveigh against the Decree, without any Punishment.* 1.55 Pope Julius having been often importuned by the Emperour, about the thirteenth of November issued forth his Bull of Indiction for calling of the Council, affirming it to be in his power to call and direct Councils: That he was desirous also to procure the Peace of Germany, which had been always most dutiful to the Catholick Church, and Popes of Rome, who are Christ's Vicars upon Earth: That therefore all should come by the first of May to Trent, who by any right, custom, or privilege, ought to have place there, and whom Paul the Third formerly called, when he summoned the Council to meet at the same place; for that from that day forward the Council should be continued: And that if by rea∣son of Age, Sickness, or publick Affairs, he could not come and preside therein

in person, yet he would do so by his Legates. This Bull he afterwards sent to the Emperour.

Duke Maurice,* 1.56 being now Generalissimo of the Imperial Forces against Magdeburg, vigorously persued the Enterprise, and having built some Castles and Redoubts, for lodging the Soldiers in the Winter time, about the end of November he attack'd the Town. The City is divided into three parts; one of which, that is called the New Town, he surprized, by scaling the Walls and Gates, with great silence, in the Night time, and gave no Alarm before he had brought in his Soldiers. The Towns-people rouzed by the Noise, were, such of them as were in Arms, put to the Sword, and the rest being taken and plundered, were turned out. But the Magdeburgers, that they might force the Enemy from that advantageous Post, sent Soldiers to set fire to it, on that side which belonged to them; and afterwards burnt the other part of the Town also which is called Sudeburg, and received the Inhabi∣tants into the City. Much about this time, Lazarus Schuendi came to the Camp, that, in the Emperour's Name, he might assist Duke Maurice with his Counsel. At that time, Count Heideck, whom, as has been said, the Emperour proscribed two Years before, was in Saxony; where he, and Albert Count Mansfield, were raising Forces in the Neighbouring Cities, which are called the Maritime Towns for the Relief of the Magdeburgers.* 1.57 Duke Maurice therefore, in the Month of December, marches against them with part of the Army, and disperses them, taking four Companies of their Men into his Service; the same he did afterward to Count Heideck, as shall be related hereafter. On the fourteenth of December, the Emperour published a very long and severe Edict against the Magdeburgers,* 1.58 charging all Men not to aid nor assist them, and commanding the Officers and Soldiers that were in the Town, within fourteen days after sight of his Proclamation to depart out of the City, and to certify the same to Duke Maurice, or, in his absence, to Lazarus Schuendi; upon promise of Pardon, if they obeyed; but if otherwise, upon pain of his heaviest displeasure. Albert Count Mansfield was in the Town, who had not, indeed, been Outlaw'd by the Emperour, but was turned out of all, for his having continued, to the last, true and faithful to John Frederick Duke of Saxony.

We told you, that the Emperour, upon his going to Ausburg from the Nether∣lands, had left the Landgrave Prisoner at Mechline. The Elector of Brandenburg, and Duke Maurice, had indeed earnestly solicited his Enlargement; but they were told, that both he himself, and his Sons and Counsellors, did so behave them∣selves, that he could not as yet be set at liberty; nay, his Keepers also told him, that he was to be carried to Spain. He therefore craved the assistance of his Sons, whom he minded of the Duty they owed to him, and charged them to enter their Action against the Elector of Brandeburg,* 1.59 and Duke Maurice, and force them to make their appearance, according to the tenor of their Obligation, and to fulfil their promise. His Sons obey, and, by frequent Messages, admonish and cite them. They again, sometime joyntly, and sometimes severally, now by Mes∣sengers, and then in Person, excuse themselves, shewing them, that it was neither for their own, nor Father's, Interest, to do so, and after alledge new Reasons, which gave them confidence, that he might be set at liberty without any danger: They therefore begg'd Pardon, and that they would have a little longer patience. But the Emperour, who, as has been said, had by De Lire solicited the Landgrave before to deliver up the Letters Obligatory,* 1.60 being again put to it, sent Lazarus Schuendi to his Sons and Counsellors, commanding them, not only to desist for the future from suing Duke Maurice, and the Elector of Brandeburg, but also to send him all Papers and Obligation of that nature, and to let fall their Action, under the severest Penalties; but this was all in vain. By publick Letters also he dis∣charges the Princes engaged, and declares them free from all obligation. When therefore the Landgrave saw no hopes remaining,* 1.61 he resolved at all ventures to make his escape if he could, and cast about, and devised how he might effect it with his Servants, whom he had sent for out of Hess, and were some of them Gen∣tlemen of good Families; but they, fearing the danger, went but slackly about the business. At length, he prevails with two of them, Conrad Bredenstein, and John Rommelun, these laid fresh Horses all the way from Hess to Mechline, for him to fly upon,* 1.62 and make his escape: But the design took vent through the fault of a Ser∣vant of his own, who in familiarity blabb'd it out to a friend of his at Mechline, that within a few hours his Master would be at liberty. This being carried from hand to hand, came at length to the Captain of the Guard's ears, and so the design was baulked, in the very nick when it was to have been put in execution. Two of his

Servants were therefore run through upon the spot, some others taken and be∣headed, and he himself made a close Prisoner. The Emperour was highly dis∣pleased at this attempt,* 1.63 and wrote to Duke Maurice, and the Elector of Bran∣deburg, telling them, That so bold an enterprise was injurious, both to him and his Government, and that he would, severely, revenge himself upon those that therein had assisted him, either with aid or counsel. They sent Copies of these Letters, to Prince William, the Landgrave's Son, and, amongst other things, ac∣quaint him, that if any such thing were attempted for the future, they would be absolved from all obligation unto them. Nevertheless, Duke Maurice comforting them under hand,* 1.64 told them, That he would venture, not only all his Fortunes, but Life and Blood also, for their Fathers freedom, and that then it would be a fit time to surrender body for body, when the state of Affairs should be such, that the displeasure of some men needed not so much to be feared. December the nineteenth, all the Horse and Foot within Magdeburg, but what were upon the Guard,* 1.65 sally out of the Town, after midnight, that they might fall upon a party of the Enemies Horse, that lay in a Village not far off. It was, indeed, a dangerous attempt, because they were to march betwixt the Enemies Camps; however, it succeeded: For before the Enemy could Arm, they possessed them∣selves of the Village, and set Fire to it in several places, all of them having white Shirts over their Armour. Of the Enemy, who ever made any resistence were killed, most of them being Persons of Quality: Many fought from the Houses, but these being set on fire, were burnt: Many Gentlemen, of Quality, were ta∣ken, and presently carried to the Town, with about two hundred and sixty Horses. Next Morning, when by break of Day, they were upon their rereat homewards, they met a party of Horse, commanded by George Duke of Mekle∣burg,* 1.66 who presently charged them, but being beset, by the Horse, on the Front, and the Foot on the Rear, he himself, who first began the War, was made Pri∣soner, and carried into the Town.

Now about this time, Maximilian, Arch-Duke of Austria, the Emperours Son-in-Law, created King of Bohemia in his absence, returned from Spain, and came to Ausburg,* 1.67 being recalled by King Ferdinand his Father, who then began to have some clashing with the Emperour, about the Succession to the Empire, for which cause also, it is said, that the Emperour had sent for his Sister, Mary Queen of Hungary, who returned thither in January, having parted from thence the Sep∣tember before,* 1.68 that she might interpose her Interest. For the Emperour, who knew of what moment it would be, to unite Germany to the other vast Terri∣tories and Dominions, which his Son was to Inherit, had a design to lay the Foundation of a spreading Monarchy, and entail it upon his Heir, by the acces∣sion of the Empire. But King Ferdinand, who aimed at the same thing, thought it no ways reasonable to suffer his own and Childrens expectation and advan∣tage,* 1.69 to be frustrated or empaired. Besides, Maximilian, who was a Prince of excellent temper, and every way accomplish'd, spoke many Languages well, but especially, High Dutch, was very much favoured and beloved of the People.

The Bull of Indiction of the Council,* 1.70 we mentioned before, was, by the Popes command, published at Rome, about the end of December. There were many things in it, that might give offence, as, that it belonged to him to rule Councils, that he called himself the Vicar of Christ, that he would have the proceedings continued, and not to be begun again of new: That he took to him∣self the Place and Authority of President; and that he seemed only to invite Men of his own Profession. The Emperour, as it was said, observed these things, when the Bull was brought unto him, and desired him to mollifie some things in it, that were too rough: For, it was thought, he was afraid, lest the Germans, splitting upon that Rock, would either reject the Indiction, or start delays and impediments to the Work, which he had brought about, with so much labour and pains. I will not affirm this to be true, and such counsels are commonly con∣cealed: But if it be true, it is certain, he obtained nothing: For the Pope pub∣lished it in the same Form I mentioned, without changing a word: And there were not wanting some, who thought that he did it purposely, that he might ter∣rifie the Germans from coming to the Council, or, if they came, hold them en∣tangled and foreclosed. This was the Artifice, as it's said, of Paul III. as we mentioned in the ninth Book, that when he had learned from his Emissaries, what the Protestants would admit of, and what refuse, upon his calling of the Coun∣cil

afterwards, he clapt into his Bull of Indiction, what he knew would chiefly ir∣ritate, and offend them, as may be seen also in this Bull of Julius, which is exactly framed according to that of Paul.

At that time Duke Maurice,* 1.71 and the Elecor of Brandeburg, propose Conditi∣ons of Peace to the Magdeburgers, requiring them to surrender, and submit them∣selves to them, and their Archbishop: That if they would do so, they should still retain their Religion, and the Doctrine heretofore professed at Ausburg, that they should lose nothing of their Privileges, Rights nor Liberties, that the For∣tifications of the Town, and every Man's private Estate should be safe, and that no force should be used against any Man: Moreover, they promise to intercede with the Emperour, that he would recal the Out-lawry, but upon these Condi∣tions; that as other Princes, and free Towns had done, so they also should hum∣bly beg pardon of his Imperial Majesty, that they should deliver him up sixteen pieces of Ordnance, and pay an hundred thousand Florins, to redeem their con∣fiscated Goods; which sum of Money they also promised to advance for them: That they should restore to the Church-men their Possessions; that they them∣selves would judge of the hurt done on either side, of the Habitations of the Clergy, and Ceremonies of the Cathedral Church. That to incline the Empe∣rour to condescension, they must receive a Garison into the Town; until he ra∣tified the Treaty, and the other Conditions should be performed: That it should be their care, that the Garison Soldiers did not commit abuses: But that if the Emperour rejected these Conditions, they would presently draw out the Gari∣son, and leave them the Town, in as safe and good a condition, as they had re∣ceived it. However, the Senate refused to surrender, and would not admit of a Garison. In the Month of December, the States of the Archbishoprick of Mag∣deburg,* 1.72 but chiefly the Clergy, published a Declaration in the Vulgar Tongue, against the Senate, and People of Magdeburg; alleaging, that antiently, and by right, they belonged to the Jurisdiction of them, and the Archbishop, which might be made out by the Letters and Charters of the Emperour, Otho the First: That the truth was, they had done many things sawcily and insolently, especially against the Archbishops, Burcart and Gunther; but that they had been reduced to their Duty, and made to suffer for it, as was evident from History. When, say they, Ernest of Saxony, first, and then Albert, of Brandeburg, were Archbishops, all Controversies were made up and ended, but they kept not Covenants: And as often, as the Bishops, with common consent of the rest of the States, enacted any thing for the Publick good, they always shifted it off, and drove at this, that they might skrew themselves into Authority, and give Law to the rest. And when Cardinal Albert had his Cousin John Albert give him for a Co-adjutor, they not only not-approved it, but also refused to give him his Name and Ti∣tle, though they had been often called upon to do so. And when after the death of Albert he succeeded, they would neither acknowledge him for their Bi∣shop, nor do homage to him, persisting in that obstinacy, so long as he lived, though many, Great Men, often interceded. Now their design in so doing, was, that they themselves might invade the chief Government; as may easily appear to any, that will consider their actions. And though, in the Declaration, they published, with a design to raise Commotions, they endeavour to persuade the People, that they are faultless, and innocent, and that they suffer only for Truth's sake, and Religion; yet it is quite otherwise. For neither have they been any ways letted in their Religion, though they seized our Churches: Who bore with them patiently, because they promised to answer for what they had done, in a lawful Council: But they, not satisfied therewith, combined into a Confederation and League, which was not lawful for them to do, without the con∣sent of us, and the Archbishop, acording to Compacts made; and would force us to be of their Religion. From whence it is apparent enough, that it was not Religion, but Church-Lands they wanted, and that they acted so, that they might cloak their Rebellion and Perfidie with some honest pretext. Many things have they seditiously done against the Emperour, and States of the Empire, nor can all be reckoned up; only we'll touch at those things which properly concern us. And in the first place, about four years since, in prejudice of their Faith, and Engagements,* 1.73 whereby they stood bound to us, they gave us open defiance, and, having invaded our Houses and Possessions, banished us, and committed some of our number to prison, where some are still detained, and others died: More than that, they razed our Houses to the very ground, reduced, under their own

Power, Towns, Lands, and Governments, which belonged to our Jurisdiction, and having fortified their Town, that they might the more safely rebel, they imposed a Monthly Assessment and other burdens upon the People; Churches and Religious Houses, they partly demolished, and partly defaced, converted the Bells, taken out of the Steeples, into great Guns, dug up the dead Bodies, not only of Priests and Monks, but also of the Nobility and Gentry, and with them filled up their Works and Ramparts: Statues, Altars, and the Monuments of the Dead, they took and built into their Walls: Out of the Churches that remained entire, they drove all Religious Worship: They plundered the Churches of all their Ornaments and Jewels, and of all the Writings, and Re∣cords, they found therein, driving the Priests, and other Officers of the Church, with Fists and Clubs out of God's house, and from his very Altars. In several places they have imposed new Customs and Duties, quite contrary to the usage of the Country: Nay more, in a tumultuary manner, they broke down the Mo∣nument and Sepulcher of our Founder, the Emperour Otho the Great. And these are all Domestick Villanies: But not herewith contented, they broke into the Bishoprick of Halberstadt, and there ransacking the Monastery of Hamersleber, drove the Priests from the Altars, where they were officiating, of whom they wounded some, and killed others, and profaning all things Sacred, they trampled under foot the Consecrated Hoste: Afterwards having put themselves into the Habit of Monks, and so acted many scornful and outragious parts, they returned home loaded with spoils and booty: But without any cause they broke down a Bank, or Dike, which cost a vast charge in making, and was very useful in those places, burning and breaking down the Bridges, that no body might pass that way: They lay in wait, also, for our lives, and do so still, so that, without dan∣ger, we can neither live at home, nor be abroad with our Friends: And if they suspected any to have entertained us in their Houses, they set upon them in the night time, robbed them of their Goods, and carried away many Gentlemen Prisoners, some of whom they rackt and tortured: Many Ladies, also, and young Virgins, they stript of all their Apparel and Ornaments, and put them in fear of their Lives, nor did they refrain their hands from young Children neither: In short, hardly do we think, that any such Example of cruelty can be shewn a∣mongst the Turks;* 1.74 and if an estimate were taken of what they have made of our Goods, and of the damage they have done, it would be found to amount to the value of, at least, eight hundred thousand Florins: Not to mention, in the mean time, the reproachful railings they have used, and the scandalous, and defa∣matory Libels and Pictures, they have set forth, in contempt and scorn of the Emperour, and States of the Empire; nor the injuries, that for almost twenty seven whole years past, we have suffered from them. For they have thrown Stones and kennel-Dirt at us, set upon us in the Streets with horrid clamour and noise, chased and hunted us from place to place, many times set fire to our Houses, and Doors, in the night time, with Stones broke our Glass Windows; and in short, used all the insolencies against us, that they could devise. It is but four years since, that we having met in our College, at the desire of the Consuls, they required of us first, that we would profess the same Religion that they did: And then that for the preparations of War, we should, in a Weeks time, pay them down twenty thousand Florins: Afterwards they entred the Church, whither the Citizens came flocking in great numbers, and there in a tumultuary manner cast out the Priests, shut the Church Doors, and demanded of the inferiour sort of Priests, a great sum of Money, which they not being able to pay, they chased them out of the Town, and banished them. After the self-same manner also, they treated the other Church-men, seizing into their hands all their Lands, Goods and Possessions: Wherein they have transgressed, not only the Laws of God and Man, but also their own Promises and Compacts. For we are their Magistrates, and it is to us chiefly, they owe their Wealth and Fortunes. But when George Duke of Meckleburg took lately into his service the Forces, that had served, both in the besieging, and defending of Brunswick, to the number of above three thousand Men, and without our knowledge made an inrode into the Country, about Magdeburg and Halberstadt: They, truly, with a great deal of arrogance, came out of the Town, with intent, first, to drive out the Enemy, and then to turn all the force of their Arms against us, that they might utterly destroy us. For they had two Tuns full of Halters, and had hired Executioners, with their Swords, that they might hang up some, and behead all the rest. But through God's Bles∣sing,

it fell out quite otherwise. For though they were about eight thousand strong, yet they were overthrown, and above two thousand killed, and amongst those, many innocent Men, whom they had partly feared, and partly wheadled, into their service, eight Colours, with all their Artillery, Ammunition and Bag∣gage taken. Now they endeavour to make us the cause of this War, and say, That at our instigation, the Duke of Meckleburg took up Arms: But it is false, for many times before, and since the Battel, we sent Deputies to treat of Peace, and desire nothing else at present, than that they might make their Peace with the Emperour, and suffer us to live peaceably and quietly at home, as in former times we did. But seeing they reject all offers of Peace, and by unjust violence detain from us our Castles, Towns and Villages, we are constrained to take some course, to recover them again. Now all that they alleage, and publish, in their own justification, is utterly false, as is commonly known. For we did not disturb, nor molest them, in the Exercise of their Religion, and when lately, the most Illu∣strious Princes, Duke Maurice, and Joachim, Elector of Brandeburg, proposed reasonable Conditions of Peace unto them, they proudly rejected them, and sal∣lying out, in the night time, fell upon an Aged Gentleman a Bed, in his own House, without any offence given, and when, with very much ado, he had escaped half naked, they plundered his House, robbed his Wife and Children of all their Cloaths, and having threatned many times to kill them, left them naked, so that a Gentleman happening at that time to come, was fain to cover the Lady with his own Garment. The truth is, it cannot be expressed in few words, what out∣rages they committed that night. They have made their brags also, and that not obscurely too, that it is in vain for us to expect restitution, for having raised their Fortunes with our Lands and Goods, they are accustomed now to an higher rate of living, and cannot be easily brought to restore the Possessions of other Men. Which being so, and seeing, to past injuries they add present contempt, and are wholly bent upon our destruction, we could not but give this short ac∣count of their noble Actions. Wherefore, it ought not to seem strange to any man, if courses now be taken to reduce them to their Duty. For, whoever love the Civil State, and common Society of Manking, cannot but have an aversion to them, and so be far from succouring or assisting them. In the same manner, they had, a little before, accused them by their Deputies at Torgaw, where Duke Mau∣rice held then a Convention of States, upon account of this War.

But not many days after,* 1.75 the same Month, the Senate made answer by a pub∣lick Declaration; that they did not suppose all the States, of the Archbishoprick, made this complaint of them, but that it proceeded wholly from the Clergy. For it is a great grief to them, say they, that the Purity of the Gospel is preach'd up amongst us, that their our naughtiness is detected, and dignity abased: And this is the source of all their hatred. This hath egged them on to accuse us falsly to the Emperour, that, being outlawed by him, we might lie the more ex∣posen to injuries. We have not, truly, offended the Emperour in any thing, and, saving our Religion and Liberty, there is nothing, but what he might expect from us. We are, indeed, bound to the Archbishops of this City, but upon cer∣tain Conditions, to wit, that they impeach not our Rights and Liberties; and these Conditions we have not violated: But our Adversaries advised John Albert, the Archbishop, to demand some things that were new and unsual: Wherefore, we refused to do homage unto him: However, they have no great cause to in∣stance him; for neither were they themselves faithful unto him, and it much grieved them, when in former years they saw a way made for him, to enter into the Archbishoprick; for they would rather have had him excluded: Now we are not subject, nor any ways bound to them: And so long as the Compacts of the last Age were observed, we refused no kind of Duty; but after that, these be∣gan to be laid aside, we withstood it, and many Quarrels have arisen from thence. When of late years also, new ways were now and then found out, to raise Mo∣ney in this Province, we openly opposed it in the publick Conventions, shewing, that it was a thing never attempted by former Archbishops, though all we could do was in vain. For a great part of that, went, as a prey, amongst some of the States, but especially the Clergy. This is that refractariness, which they object to us. They went out of the City, but of their own accord, and prompted to it by a certain kind of pride, when they saw that the Duke of Saxony, and Land∣grave were overcome: For then they thought, the time was come, when they should have their hearts desire, invade the Government, and live, again, at their

wonted rate of impurity. We did not, indeed, drive them out, and though some of our Ministers, would now and then inveigh against the filthy, and dissolute, couse of life they led, yet, for many years, they lived with all safety amongst us, and now, but very lately, some of them dwelt in the City. Now, if we had had a mind to have used any force upon them, it had been no hard matter to have been done: But we attempted no such thing, and when the state of our Affairs was such, that we had reason, and were constrained to fear hostilities, we called a Convocation of the Chapter of the Cathedral Church, and that since the Light of the Gospel was made manifest, and that God also requires the Profession of it; we earnestly entreated them, as we had done many time before, that they themselves would chuse some learned Divine, to preach the Word of God in the Cathedral Church: That that, in it self, was a very pious Work, and would much conduce to the settling of mutual good will, and friendship, betwixt them and the Towns people: But upon their refusal to do it, we procured it to be done. And because the Enemy was at hand, and had already entred our Frontiers, we desired of them, that they would advance a certain sum of Money, send no Let∣ters out of the Town, remain with us, and use and enjoy their own Possessions: But not long after, they removed, and being afterwards importuned, by us, to send Deputies at a day prefixed to Salfield, with whom we might treat, they scornfully rejected the Conference. Wherefore, since they thus expressed their hatred and enmity to us, we were forced to requite them in the same manner: Though, if they had tarried with us, all this trouble might have been avoided: But they were inflamed with malice against us, and were still hatching ways to ruine and destroy us: So that we were necessitated to take up Arms for our own de∣fence. For if we had not seized their Villages and Towns, there had been a place of refuge left for the Enemy. And seeing these Lands belong to the Church of Magdeburg, not to those who persecute the Church, they may very well be imployed, in the defence of Religion, against false Doctrine and Idolatry: Nor is that a thing without Precedents in former Ages. We are, indeed, outlawed by the Emperour, but for no fault of ours, as we have, many times, heretofore declared: But this Fortune and Case is common to us, with the Prophets, with the Apostles, and with Christ himself, who were persecuted and afflicted for Truths sake, as Seditious, Rebels, and the worst of Men. We have supplicated the Emperour, that he would spare us our Religion and Liberty, but all has been in vain hitherto; and what all their Counsels and Intrigues drive at, we have sus∣ficiently made appear in our former Declarations: And, indeed, the thing speaks it self, that the grand and sole design on foot, is, to estabish wicked Popery again. The Controversie hath, oftner than once, been brought to a Conference, and some meetings there have been for that end, but we had no satisfaction gi∣ven us, as to the very chief Points, the Deputies telling us, That they had no power to act in that Affair. We are really grieved, and that heartily too, that any Man should, for our sake, sustain prejudice, but we make no doubt, but that such as are good and godly Men, will think the same as we do, and that all things are to be suffered, rather than to forsake the Truth. For since Christ, so long ago, foretold the Crosses and Inconveniences that attend this Profession, and at the same time promised eternal Rewards to those who forsake Wives, Children and Possessions for his sake, why do we not trust to those sure and ample pro∣mises? The truth is, they who slacken, and give back, and avoid displeasures, for fear of their own danger, draw upon themselves eternal damnation, unless they do repent. What our Adversaries object to us, may be very well, and truly, retorted upon themselves. For they lead a filthy, scandalous, and beastly Life, and in those places, where they bear rule, hardly can the Men defend the Chastity of their Wives and Daughters. We imposed a little Money, indeed, upon the People, but not with that severity they pretend. As to what they say of Customs, they might have had a clearer Answer, if they had spoken more clearly; we cut through the Dyke, they mention, though it belongs not to them, for a publick convenience: For it was a kind of a short cut, to come and do mischief within our Territories, and it was an usual thing for Robbers to re∣treat with their booty that way, and so get out of danger. They cry out, that we have treated the Neighbouring Gentry in an hostile manner: But what ever we have done that way, has been forced from us, after that, for a year and more, we had born with injuries from many. What they say of Women, and young Maids, we utterly deny: And such of the Gentry, as were made Prisoners

by us, we dismissed, with their Servants, without any Ransom, and the Matter has been agreed and compounded betwixt us. They swell the value of Losses re∣ceived to a very high pitch, and set down the sum of eight hundred thousand Florins: What if we, on the other hand, should shew them to what misery they have re∣duced us? Pictures, and the like, came out privately, and by stealth, not all from one place, and yet all the blame is laid upon us: But it is certainly true, that we gave strict charge, by Orders and Proclamations, affixed on publick places, that no man should offer to do any thing saucily against the Emperour, or any other Prince: And some were also punished for so doing. We do not deny, but that other Books have been printed and published amongst us, whereby Idolatry has been battered, and the Consciences of many comforted and diverted. That we have received an overthrow, we acknowledge, it being the good Will and Pleasure of God, not to destroy us, but to bring us to an amendment of Life. Those, who were killed, died in a good cause, fighting for the Glory of God, and the safety of their Country: Nor do we question, but that God, in his own due time, will look mercifully upon us, and punish also our Adversaries. But neither was this a chance of Fortune, as they pretend. For by presents and promises, they allured in George Duke of Meckleburg; and, in the mean time, by a singular fetch of cunning, called a Convention of the other States of the Arch∣bishoprick to meet at Stasfurt, to consult, what course was to be taken for driving out of the Country those Robbers, as then they called them. For it can be made out by their own Letters, that they raised Soldiers, nay, they have been heard to glory and boast, that they were not much concerned at publick Calamities: For grant, say they, some hurt and damage may be done, yet the Ground and Land remains still our own. When news was therefore brought us, that they had un∣expectedly surprised, plundered and burnt Mansleben, besides a great many Vil∣lages, that they had laid waste, and that at the same time, crouds of Country Men, Women, and young Maids came all in tears, begging help of us; we could not, indeed, deny them. And though we had no good success, yet we make no doubt, but what we did was acceptable to God. Now, what they say to curry favour, that it was our design to oppress the Nobility and Gentry, and other States of this Bishoprick; it is a most idle Fiction, and can never be made out. For we have always honoured the Nobility: But if we have done any hurt to those, who fell upon our People, as they passed to and fro, what man is so un∣just as to blame us for it? What they say of Executioners Swords, found after the Battel, is all Fiction: We deny not, but that they might find Ropes and Hal∣ters; for it is plain enough, that they were necessary for the Waggons, and other Carriages. For very weighty Reasons, we did not embrace the Conditions of Peace, proposed by Duke Maurice, and the Elector of Brandeburg; for had we but yielded, and received a Garison, it is easie to understand, what would have been the condition of our Religion and Commonwealth. God, in his infinite Mer∣cy, hath discovered to us the knowledge of his Gospel; and we pray him, that we may never be without this so great a blessing. But how it is credible, that they, who promise to protect us in it, either can or will perform that, since their minds do waver, as to their Religion, and that they study to please Men? We are willing, that our Adversaries should recover their own, and that the da∣mages done on both sides should be equally born: But that they should return into the City, and there set up their Idolatry again, is a thing we can by no means endure. They say, that they did not at all molest us in our Religion; no thanks to them for that: But we ought to render our hearty thanks to the immortal God, that they were not able to do, what they were very willing to have done. The Bodies of the Dead were not so used, as they affirm: But when, for our defence, we demolished some Churches near the Town, what Bodies were found, not as yet consumed, were removed to another place, and buried deeper in the ground: Again, all had leave to carry the dead Bodies, of their Relations, that were found there, whithersoever they pleased. What they say of the Emperour Otho, is a most false and impudent lie, of their own devising: For we are not ignorant, what Honour is due to the chief Magistrate of all, but especially to him, of whom they speak, the Emperour Otho, who did many great Actions, and was a most valiant Asserter, and Defender of the Liberty of Germany. That Worship, which they call Holy and Divine Service, which, they complain, we disturbed in their Churches, is nothing less than Holy, but rather a reproach to God in the highest degree. The Vestments, Chalices, and other Ornaments were long

before carried out of the Town by them:* 1.76 But the Writings, and publick Re∣cords, are in our keeping, and are not cancelled, as they falsly accuse us. Nor were the Priests beaten, but they themselves robbed the Churches, and carried the prey elsewhere. We assaulted the Monastery of Hamerslebe, which, never∣theless, belongs not to them, because it was a refuge to our Enemies, where they divided the spoil, that they took from us, and our Associates. What they add of the many insolencies, and saucy tricks, that our Men did there, it is a mere Fiction of the Monks, as to the injuries, which they say, were done them in the City, the story is this: About five and twenty years since, when on Palm-Sun∣day they were performing their apish and ridiculous Ceremonies, the Rabble ftocking thither laughed at them for it: But they, whose rashness, and boldness, proceeded so far, as to break the Windows, were by us severely punished and banished: For other injuries, we know none, nor did they themselves ever complain to us of any. Wherefore, we have done nothing against our Engagements or Transactions, and so have given our Adversaries no cause of War. These things then considered, we beseech all men, not to give credit to their Calumnies, but that they would pity our case, who are constrained to a defensive War, that we may be permitted to preserve the pure Doctrine of the Gospel, and the Liberty, which we received from our Forefathers, for which the godly Kings and Magi∣strates, of former times, and those Valiant Macchabees, thought no danger too great to be undergone. Peace is the thing we most wish for: But it is deny'd us: So that being long, and much infested by the Incursions of our Neighbours, we cannot but resist unjust violence: And this makes us the more confident, that such as have never been provoked by any injury from us, will not concern them∣selves in this War, but stand in awe of the great God, the Avenger of all un∣righteousness. For the same cause, that hath raised this trouble against us, will, within a short time, involve themselves also in streights and difficulties, if they are desirous to preserve and maintain the true Religion.

January the fifth, the Emperour commanded the Popes Bull of Indiction of the Council,* 1.77 to be read in the Dyet of the Princes and States, and warned them to prepare against its sitting. The same day King Ferdinand informed the States, that, in time of Truce, the Turks began to stir in Hungary, and to build a Castle within his Dominions, as they had endeavoured to surprize his Castle of Zolnock, and put a Garison into it. That they had also made an in∣rode into Transylvania: That for his part, he had given no cause of any Quarrel, and was wholly inclined to observe the Truce: But that, if the Turk refused to do so, he moved, that supplies might be given him. We told you in the twentieth Book,* 1.78 that Stephen, Bishop of Winchester, was made Prisoner in Eng∣land: Now seeing he persisted in his opinion, and would not allow the Laws made, or to be made, concerning Religion, during the Kings minority, he was this year, in the Month of January, turned out of his Bishoprick, and sent again to Prison. Andrew Osiander, who went, as we said, into Prussia, broached, at this time, a new Opinion, affirming, That man is not justified by Faith, but by the righteousness of Christ dwelling in us,* 1.79 and he maintained, that Luther was of his Judgment also. But the rest of the Divines, his Collegues vigorously opposed him, declaring what he said of Luther to be false, who, not many Months before his death, had given an ample and fair testimony of Philip Melanchtons Book, concerning common places of Scripture,* 1.80 in the Preface to the first Tome of it: That in falling foul then upon Melanchton, he made Luther also his Enemy, be∣cause both were of one mind. Then having compared places, they plainly de∣monstrated▪ that Luther taught quite contrary to him in this Matter, and affirmed his Doctrine to be pestiferous, since he asserted, that the Righteousness of Faith did not consist in the Blood and Death of Christ: And this Matter was declared to and fro, with great heat. He pretended, as I said, that Luther, and he, were of the same Judgment: But, in the mean time, he boasted amongst his Friends, as it is written, that Luther, and Melanchton, had framed a certain Aristotelian Divinity,* 1.81 that savoured more of the Flesh than Spirit. At first, Duke Albert de∣sired that the Matter might have been taken up by Mediators: But after much tam∣pering, being persuaded by Osiander, he came over to his Opinion, and command∣ed the Adversaries of it to depart his Country.* 1.82 Amongst these was Joachim Merlin, and he must pack off too, though not only the Citizens, but Women and Children also, petitioned the Prince, that he would not deprive them of such a Pastor. Now, Osiander had taught many years at Norimberg, and with applause

too, started no Innovations then, and seemed in all things to follow the Doctrine of Luther, so long as he lived; but when, after the Emperours Edict about Re∣ligion came out, he left Norimberg, and went into Prussia, he broached this Opi∣nion, which, as most think, he would hardly have done had Luther been still alive. He challenged chiefly the Divines of Wittemberg, to refute these things, if they could, and he declared, he would defend them, whoever should offer to impugne the same,* 1.83 not sparing Melanchton, whom he sharply pinched. All Learned Men generally, especially in Saxony, condemned his Opinion in Books they published for that effect, and censured him for disturbing the Church, at a most unseasonable time; but every body grumbled, that he should so unworthily treat Melanchton, a Man of so much Mildness and Learning. In another Book he maintained, that though Mankind had not been lost by the Sin of Adam,* 1.84 yet Christ was to have been born in the World.

February the Thirteenth,* 1.85 the Dyet of the Empire was dissolved. Therein the Emperour made a Decree; And because, says he, this sad difference about Reli∣gion can no way better be remedied, than by a free and holy General Council. Again, because in the former Dyet the States submitted to the Council, and still persist in the same purpose, that shall be firm and stable. What I also then pro∣mised, shall be performed, and I'le make it my chief care, that all things be rightly done and in order. Now seeing this Bull of his Holiness extends to all the Pro∣vinces of Christendom, I do suppose, that all Kings and Higher Powers, being mindful of their Duty, will obey it, and promote so Pious a Work to the utmost of their power. Whatsoever is proper for me also to do, as Protector of the Church and Defender of Councils, I shall be ready to perform; and will give safe Conduct to all that shall repair to the Council, and to their Representatives, whether they have changed their Religion or not, that they may safely be there, propound whatsoever they may think expedient for the quiet of their Consciences, and return home again, when they please: Moreover, I will endeavour, that all matters be debated and determined in a holy and Christian manner, without passion or interest, according to the holy Scriptures and the Doctrine of the Fathers, that, all Errours and false Doctrines being removed, both Church and State may be re∣formed. It is my design also to remain within, or, at least, near the confines of the Empire, and to protect the Council, that it may have the wished for issue, that the fruit of it may extend to all People, and that it may chiefly be an healing Council to Germany. Wherefore, I require and exhort all the Princes and States, but especially the Churchmen, and those who have changed their Religion, and have embraced the Augustane Confession, that, according to the Popes Bull, they come thither ready prepared, that they may have no pretext afterward to com∣plain, that they have been supplanted by too much haste, or not admitted fully to plead their own Cause: For, as I said, they shall have safe Conduct, and I will procure, that they have a competent hearing. Furthermore, because the States have given several Reasons, why the Decrees about Religion, made in the former Dyet of Ausburg, are not observed, I take to my self the care of that, and will know of them severally, what the Impediment is. Let every one then make it their business,* 1.86 to have their Case fairly stated. It was also Decreed, that Com∣missioners from the Electors and the six other Princes should meet at Norimberg, by the first of April, to consult how the Money, that was taken out of the publick Treasury for the Magdeburg-War, should be refunded; that what they deter∣mined, as to that particular, should be as valid, as if it were Enacted in a full Dyet: And since that War concerned the common Welfare of all Germany, power was granted to the several Magistrates, to impose Taxes upon their People for that end; Again, if any Subject of the Empire or Foreigner should assist the Mag∣deburgers, the Emperour, in that case, promised also to be at the Charges. As to Jurisdiction and Ecclesiastical Possessions, the Emperour said, he would take care, that they,* 1.87 who applied themselves to him, should have right done them, so that every one might recover their own. The supplies against the Turk, which had been promised King Ferdinand in the former Dyet, were now decreed to him, though somewhat unwillingly. Lastly, because the Winter before, Mansfield and Heideck had levied Soldiers for the assistance of the Magdeburgers,* 1.88 as hath been said, it was enacted by the Emperour, That if for the future Soldiers did muster together in any part of Germany, the next adjoyning Princes and States should forthwith unite their Forces and quell them, and so quench the flame before it should grow to an head.

About the same time, Henry King of France received into his protection Octavio Farnese,* 1.89 who being both privately a mortal Enemy to Ferrante Gonzaga, Gover∣nour of Milan for the Emperour, because of his Fathers Murder, and doubting also, because of the Neighbourhood of Piacenza, which was in the Emperours hands, that he was not able with his own Forces to secure Parma, sought for Aid elsewhere, and put a French Garison into the Town. This exceedingly vexed the Emperour, and much more Pope Julius, as will appear hereafter.

The Emperour pronounced Sentence now against the Landgrave, for the County or Lordship of Dietz;* 1.90 and he was condemned for Contumacy, that he did not Answer: But he again alledged, that it was not in his power to Answer, since he had not the liberty to Discourse with his Counsellors, being observed and over∣heard by his Keepers; for since the discovery of his late design to make his escape, no Man was permitted to go to him, nor talk with him, but in presence of a Witness.

On the penult of February,* 1.91 Bucer died at Cambridge, and was honourably buried, being celebrated by the Epitaphs of the Learned, among whom were two Brothers, Young Noblemen of the House of Suffolk, whose Mother had all along before, and in time of his Sickness, been extreamly kind to Bucer, a Lady very zealous for the Reformed Religion.

About this time,* 1.92 the Bishop of Strasburg wrote to the Senate, complaining hea∣vily of their Preachers, that they did inflame the People, and expose the Clergy to great dangers; and therefore, he desires, that these things may be reformed, or, that otherwise he would consider what was to be done. March the Tenth, King Ferdinand and his Son Maximilian parted from Ausburg; for, till then they had been Treating with the Emperour and his Sister Queen Mary. The Depu∣ties of Bremen also depart at length, without any success in their Negotiation. There were no great matters acted at this time at Magdeburg, only frequent sally∣ings out and light Skirmishes. And when the Elbe was out, the Besieged made Boats, and up and down the River brought in Provisions to the Town. Many Prodigies were at that time seen in Saxony,* 1.93 and amongst the rest three Suns, and as many Moons, sometimes of a pale, and sometimes of a bloudy, colour. The Magdeburgers sent Volrate and John of Mansfield, the Sons of Count Albert, to so∣licite Aid from the Maritime Cities, but all in vain. The Enemy then built Castles upon the Elbe, above and below the Town, and, having posted Vessels on both sides well manned, hindered the Towns Men from venturing out by Water. There happened many Conflicts also, when the Besiegers attempted to carry off the Cattle, which the Besieged turned out daily to graze about the Town.

On the Eighth of April,* 1.94 the Pope published a Bull, wherein he grievously ac∣cuses Octavio Farnese, and when, said he, I conferred upon him Parma, and the chief Ministery, he promised faithfully, neither to espouse the party of any Prince, nor, without my consent, to put a Foreign Garison into Parma: And when he seemed to be inclining to new courses, I many times admonished him friendly of his Duty, both by Messengers, and by the intervention of his Brother the Car∣dinal Alexander; and because he answered somewhat suspiciously then, I directed a Brief to him with severe Threatnings, if he offered to do otherwise: Being afterwards fully assured, that he kept not his Promises, I was, indeed, as I ought to be, extreamly troubled, to receive such an injury from him, on whom I had heaped so many Honours and Favours: Wherefore now, though in a thing so manifest and notorious, I might presently proceed to sentence, yet to make him sensible of our goodness;* 1.95 I charge and command him, that within thirty days he make his Personal Appearance at Rome, to answer to the Accusations that are brought against him, and give sufficient security for his good behaviour in time to come; wherein, if he fail, I declare him now as then, and then as now, guilty of High Treason, Perjury, and other most heinous Crimes and Offences; and all his Lands, Goods and Chattels to be confiscated to the Publick, and in punishing him, I crave the Emperours Assistance; as I strictly command and charge, that no Man do aid or help him.* 1.96 When May▪ Day was come, the Council commenced again; but, because there were but very few as yet present, and that the War of Parma had intervened, the Session was put off to the first of September. The De∣puties of the Princes, who Assembled at Norimberg in the Month of April, re∣solved, that more Money should be contributed for carrying on the Siege of Mag∣deburg. And though, by a Posterior Edict, the Emperour commanded the same thing, yet there was much difficulty in the accomplishment of it, and all were un∣willing

to pay their Money, for that the Siege was long, and not like to be brought soon to an end. Wherefore also, Duke Maurice Treated often with the Towns People about a Peace, and when, on the Fifth of May, they came out to the Camp, upon a safe Conduct given,* 1.97 the Matter was long and much debated in his presence. Some Months before, Duke Maurice had taken into his Service Count Heideck, who was Outlaw'd by the Emperour, and made him Governour of Leipsick. He, for the love he had to the Reformed Religion, and the hatred he bore the Empe∣rour, wished well to the Magdeburgers, and was a Counsellor to Peace, that, when that War was over, Duke Maurice might attempt greater matters. For even then the War was projected, which Duke Maurice had afterward with the Em∣perour, as shall be said in its proper place: Nevertheless, they could not then agree upon a Peace, because too hard Conditions were proposed, and that pur∣posely too, as many thought, that Duke Maurice might protract the time, and wait an opportunity of acting; which offered not, till the French King made War against the Emperour, as shall be said hereafter. But in the mean time, there happened a great Mutiny in the Camp before Magdeburg, for the want of some Months pay.

Farnese,* 1.98 though cited, did not appear at Rome; but, being strengthened by French Supplies, undertook the defence of Parma. Wherefore, May the Thirteenth, the Emperour emitted a Proclamation, to this effect. For as much, saith he, as in compliance with the Duty and good will we bear to the Pope and Church of Rome,* 1.99 we are desirous to perform those things we ought, and to take care, lest upon this occasion greater stirs arise in Italy, and afterwards in other places also: Again, when we consider, upon how just grounds the Pope is offended, and how he hath omitted nothing, that was fit to keep Octavio in his Duty. We have com∣missioned and appointed Ferrande Gonzaga in our Name, to aid and assist his Ho∣liness, because we cannot do it in Person. Wherefore we command all our Sub∣jects within the Dutchy of Milan, that, during this War, they pay him the same obedience, as they would our self in Person, and endeavour to do the Enemy all the hurt and damage that possibly they can.* 1.100 So then Gonzaga began the War, and having wasted the Country, laid Siege to Parma, as the Pope did to Mirandula. For the Prince of Mirandula was on the French side, and, unless he had been di∣verted, might have been very useful to Octavio and those of Parma.

May the Two and twentieth, the Pope wrote a very kind Letter to the Swit∣zers,* 1.101 telling them, that, as he had taken the Name of Julius the Second, who en∣tertained great kindness for them, so also had he proposed to follow his Example and footsteps in loving of them: That hitherto, indeed, he had been so taken up about various and weighty Affairs relating to the Publick, that he had no time to give them a Declaration of his good Intentions towards them, but that yet he had had them constantly in his thoughts; as might be seen by two Instances chiefly: First, in that for the security of his Person, he had chosen in the City a Guard of their Country-men, and then, that he had done the same at Bolonia, as trusting to their fidelity and diligence: That now an occasion of Writing to them offered, by the calling of the Council, which on the First of May was begun at Trent: That therefore, since their conjunction with the rest would be of great moment for car∣rying on so pious and necessary a Work, he earnestly entreated them, that the Prelates within their Territories would not fail to be present at the next Session to be held the First of September: That, what else he had to say to them, they might know from Sir Jerome Franco, his Nuncio, of whose integrity and diligence they themselves had now many years experience; and, that, besides, since he concerned himself much in that Affair, he would within a short time send one of his Confidents, a Bishop, to treat with them more at large concerning the Council.

About the end of May,* 1.102 Prince Philip, the Emperours Son, leaving Ausburg, took his Journy through Italy into Spain. With him went Maximilian his Cousin and Brother in Law, that he might bring home his Wife, now the Mother of two Children.* 1.103 In the mean time, the French King, to appease the Pope and Colledge of Cardinals, by his Ambassadour Monsieur de Termes, makes his Apology at Rome, for taking Octavio into his protection, alledging, that he ought not to be blamed for that, since it belonged properly to Kings, to succour the afflicted: Again, that he proposed to himself no private advantage by the matter, but, that what he had done, was for the sake of the Church of Rome, in imitation of his An∣cestors, who had more than any others enriched her with Lands, and many times

protected her by their Arms: For, since that Parma belonged to the Patrimony of the Church, it was his chief care that it should not fall into the hands of Strangers, and that it was for that end only,* 1.104 that he was at such vast charges daily. That, therefore, he earnestly desired, that he would so interpret what he did, and put away the opinion he conceived of him; for that, that would much redound to the benefit of the Publick. But, that if he was not satisfied with this Excuse, and would prefer War before Peace, he himself must see, how prejudicial and dan∣gerous that would prove to all Italy and Europe also, and be the cause, in like man∣ner, that no firm nor lasting Treaty could be set on foot about matters of Reli∣gion. That therefore, if sad Commotions should thereupon ensue, if the Coun∣cil now called could not meet, or, if it did assemble, should be dispersed, if in that state of affairs he could not send any of his Bishops to Trent; the fault was not to be imputed to him, who was willing not only to offer, but to receive, Con∣ditions of Peace, as he did publickly protest. But the Pope, relying upon the Aid and Promises of the Emperour, was nothing softened by that Embassy.

On the Seventeenth of June,* 1.105 Duke Maurice again granted a safe Conduct to the Magdeburgers, for Deputies to be sent to Treat with him about a Peace; who, being dispatched and conducted by Marquess Albert of Brandeburg, found Duke Maurice at Pirn, a Town of Misnia, for he was gone home, and seemed to act remisly. So soon as they came, he propounded these Conditions to them in the Emperours Name: That they shall make no League against the Emperour, King Ferdinand, Austria, nor the Netherlands; That they shall observe all the Decrees of the Empire: That they shall stand Tryals at Law, and satisfie the Clergy for the damage they have received of them; That they shall demolish their Works and Fortifications; That they shall admit of a Garison of Twelve hundred Sol∣diers; That they shall receive the Emperour, King Ferdinand, and their Generals, at all times, and with as many Men as they please; That they deliver up twelve great Guns, pay down an hundred thousand Florins; and ratifie and confirm all these Conditions upon Oath. Though they were not in a condition to perform these Articles, yet did they not wholly reject them, and, at Count Heidecks inter∣cession,* 1.106 they were by little and little qualified. The Emperour had before sent Letters of safe Conduct to Germany, especially to the States of the Augustane Confession, requiring them to repair to Trent by the First of May. But, because by reason of the War of Parma, the Council was put off till the beginning of De∣cember, as has been said before, he again warns them by any means to come, and promises them all imaginable Justice and fair dealing. Though there were a great many of that persuasion, nevertheless, (what ought chiefly to have been done) they did not confer Counsels together, either, that they despaired of any success in the matter, or, that they were afraid to offend the Emperour; or, again, that they grew faint-hearted when they saw the danger at hand. Of all the Free Towns, none but Strasburg sent Messengers to enquire both what their Neighbours, and those,* 1.107 more remote, were resolved to do. And Duke Maurice had ordered Philip Melanchton, to draw up the heads of their Doctrine, which might afterwards be publickly produced. That being finished, and perused by all the Divines and Ministers, who, by the Princes command, met at Leipsick on the Eighth of July,* 1.108 it was by them all unanimously approved. Christopher Duke of Wirtemberg took the like course also, and caused Brentius to compose a Book of the same nature. And though both Writings agreed in the very same points, yet Duke Maurice would exhibit his own a-part, lest, if many together should propound the same thing in common, the Emperour might take Umbrage at it, and suspect some Association. However, having mutually communicated the Books to one another, the Divines of Wirtemberg approved the Saxons Book, and the Saxons that of Wirtemberg, as the Divines of Strasburg did both. And so it was agreed upon, that, when time served, some should be sent to the Council to propose and defend that Doctrine. The Duke of Wirtemberg, after his Fathers example, made much of John Brentzen,* 1.109 for his Excellent Learning, using his assistance in the re∣stauration of the Reformed Religion; he also restored him again to the Ministery, and gave him the Living of Sutgart. July the Five and twentieth, Marquess Al∣bert of Brandeburg, in the absence of Duke Maurice, by a Trumpeter, rejects the answer that the Magdeburgers made to the Conditions of Peace proposed by Duke Maurice at Pirn. He had got a small Ruffle the day before; for they had engaged with greater Forces,* 1.110 than ever they had done hitherto. On the Thirteenth of August, there had like to have been a great Mutiny within the Town: For a

Letter was brought to the Soldiers, which mentioned, that there were some of the Senate who would betray the Town, and named Henry Alman for one. Where∣upon the Soldiers flocking together, demand him. He appeared and protested, that it was an injury done unto him, that it was a trick of the Enemy, that, by cunning and treachery, they might bring about, what they could not accomplish by force and fair ••ighting; and, that if the thing could be proved against him, he did not refuse to submit to any punishment; so that the whole Senate having en∣gaged for his fidelity, the matter was quieted, and some Citizens and Soldiers were chosen, to view the Letters that should be sent to and again for the future. Fight days after,* 1.111 Duke Maurice wrote to the Emperour, acquainting him, that, for his own part, he was satisfied with the safe Conduct he gave, and could not find any great fault in it; but, that he was informed, there was a Decree made in the Council of Constance, that Hereticks, or such as were suspected of Heresie, should be brought into Inquisition if they came to the Council, and sentence pro∣nounced against them for their Crime, although the Emperour had given them safe Conduct:* 1.112 That that Decree was extant amongst the Acts of the Council, and actually put in execution upon John Huss, who had been put to death, not∣withstanding the safe Conduct of the Emperour Sigismund, upon the security whereof he came: That since it was so, he could not send any of his Divines to Trent, unless the Prelates assembled there, should, in the Name of the whole Council, grant also their safe Conduct, as it had been done in the Council of Basil, which immediately succeeded that of Constance: That the Bohemians, being moved by the forementioned instance, would not then go thither, till first they had a safe Conduct from the whole Council; that therefore he intreated his Majesty, that either by his Authority or Interest, he would obtain that from them; for, that unless a safe Conduct were granted in the same form, as heretofore at Basil, it ought not to be prejudicial to him, or any else of the same profession, if they suffered none of theirs to repair to the Council. Now, of the Bohemians, and John Huss who was burnt at Constance, and of the War that followed thereupon, men∣tion has been made in the third Book. And because a Decree past at Constance, that the next subsequent Council should be held five years after; another, seven years after that, and so for the future, one every tenth year, the Fathers met again at Basil.* 1.113 But, because the Bohemians were not as yet reconciled, the Affair was ma∣naged betwixt them by Letters and Messengers, and at the Town of Egra a Draught of a safe Conduct was made, which, if the Fathers did admit of, the Bohemians did not refuse, said they, to come. And so soon as the Deputies, whom they had sent, had declared their Commission, the Fathers did approve, and set their Seals to that form of safe Conduct, which they sent to them with a most friendly Letter, exhorting them to prepare themselves, that when the safe Con∣duct also of the Emperour Sigismund should be brought to them, they might be in readiness to undertake the Journey. This was done in the fourth Session, in the year 1432. Now what kind of safe Conduct that of the Fathers, was, it shall be at length delcared in the following Book. Duke Maurice then, being, by his Di∣vines informed of this, makes application to the Emperour, and urges the prece∣dent of Basil, as the latest, and most suitable to the Age. For the Protestants were much in the same case, as the Bohemians had been in formerly, and for the same causes, in a manner, was the Council of Trent called, that that of Basil had heretofore been, to wit, that Heresies might be rooted out; that peace and tranquillity might be restored to the State, and, that the Church might be purged from Vices, and reformed. On the Twenty sixth day of August, in the Morning after Sermon, the Doctors and Preachers of the Church of Ausburg, ten in number, with the School-Masters, were sent for to the Lodgings of the Bishop of Arras,* 1.114 every one by himself. When they were come thither, some sooner, some later, not knowing what the matter was, they were commanded to keep a part, and not to talk to one another; afterwards, they were called in order one after another into a Hall, where the Bishop of Arras sate with Hasen, Selden, Malvenda and some others. Selden was Spokesman, and, as he was bid, proposed the Que∣stions. Whether or not in the Lords Supper, there was as much contained un∣der one Kind, as under both? Next, How many Sacraments they believed there were?* 1.115 And, lastly, Why they did not teach according to the form prescribed by the Emperour three years ago, whereas they had promised to do so; no less than the Senate it self, and all the States had done? They answered every one for himself severally, That Christ instituted the whole Supper, and that his Institu∣tion

ought to be followed; That there is mention made but of two Sacraments in the holy Scriptures, Baptism and the Lords Supper; That they received not that Form of Doctrine, because it disagreed with the holy Scripture. Here the Bishop of Arras took them up in a great heat, Do ye think then, said he, that the Emperour cannot make Laws and prescribe Rules in Spiritual Affairs, as well as in Temporal? What the Emperour may do, we do not now dispute, said they; but, as we said, we neither received that Form, nor can we, indeed, approve it. With that he fell into a greater passion, and in a rage bestowed some bitter and reproach∣ful words upon them. When also they spake as they did of the Sacraments, Sel∣den the Lawyer, as being Interpreter, rebuked them sharply. So they were or∣dered to withdraw, and stay without, being attended by a Guard, who placed them severally, that they might not come together. Presently some of the chief Senators were called, and when these came, the Ministers were all brought in to∣gether,* 1.116 and strict charge given them, That within three days they should depart out of the City, before Sun setting the third day; That they should never preach any more within the Empire, nor as far as the Emperours Jurisdiction extended; That they should not speak with any of their Friends or Relations, nor tell any Man the cause of their departure; That they should not write back to any in the City, nor give an account of what course had been taken with them; and all these things, with hands lifted up, as the custom was, they were made to Swear against their wills.* 1.117 Then the Town Council was enjoyned to put a stop to all preaching in the Lutheran Churches, until the Emperours farther pleasure should be known in the matter. The same course was afterwards also taken with the Schoolmasters, and with those of Memmingen, and others in Schwabia, who had been also sent for, and came thither; for the one was prohibited to teach, and the other to return home, any more. And when one of them urged, that his Wife was near her time; and therefore earnestly begg'd, that he might be suffered only to go and see her: The Bishop of Arras turning to his Company, He calls her a Wife, said he, who is a Harlot. Thus then, were they forced to be gone, which occasioned much sorrow in the City; but the Citizens shewed them all the kindness they could in Presents and other Instances of Liberality.* 1.118 When it came to the Ears also of the captive Duke of Saxony, he sent Messengers to comfort them, and to help them with Money at their departure. The reason, why the Emperour did do so, was thought to be, first, because he was egg'd on to it by some; then, that upon enquiry he had found, the Ministers to have obstructed the execution of his Decree about Religion:* 1.119 And, lastly, that he had been in∣formed of the consent and agreement of the Divines of Saxony, Schwabia, and Strasburg. And, it is believed, they lookt upon this as the best course that could be taken, to banish them, that so the Fathers at Trent might have the less work to do, and an easie victory, their Adversaries having none hardly left, whom they might send to oppose them. Being thus banished, then, and forced to flie, they went, some into Switzerland, and some to other places. Many were terrified at the report of this. For no Man doubted, but what had been done there, would also be practised in other places: But at the same time that all Men lay under this consternation,* 1.120 the French King made War against the Emperour, seized some Dutch Ships, and made prize of them, and took several Towns in Piedmont and Turin; and amongst the rest Cherie and St. Damian, by the Conduct and Com∣mand of the Duke of Brisack.* 1.121 As to the Ships that were taken, the Imperialists published a Declaration, importing; That, in time of Peace, when the Emperour expected nothing less than a War, and had commanded his Subjects to be quiet, a French Captain come up with them, and sent them word, that, in honour to the Queen of Scots whom he had on board, they should, after the old and ancient cu∣stom, Strike Sail, and give him so many Guns; and, that having done so, when their Guns were discharged, they were treacherously boarded and carried away. It was wondered at by most Men, that the French King durst break with the Em∣perour, at a time when he flourished with so much success and prosperity; and, as it is said, the Emperour himself expected no such thing. For though he had a quarrel with Farnese Duke of Parma, he would not therefore seem to be at enmity with the French,* 1.122 with whom he had made a Peace seven years before. But the French King, who thought himself wounded through Octavio's Side, had certain intelligence, that the Turks were at Sea with a Fleet, was informed by Agents of the intentions of Duke Maurice, and believed, that the Emperour, now crazy and valetudinary, could not live long, bravely attempted the matter.

Near to the same time, the Turkish Fleet, having in vain attempted Malta, took Tripoly in Barbary. The blame of this the Emperour laid upon the French King,* 1.123 and, by his Envoys, told the Princes and Free Towns, that it was occa∣sioned by French Treachery. So soon as the King came to know this, he justified himself, affirming the cause of the Turkish War to be, that the Emperour did not, according to his promise, restore a Town of theirs that he kept in Barbary, that King Ferdinand had seized and fortified the Castle of Zolnock,* 1.124 seated on the frontiers of Hungary within the Dominion of the Turks, that he payed not his yearly Tribute, and attempted Innovations in Transilvania. Afterward he pub∣lished a Narrative in confutation of the Emperours Relation, (wherein it was given out Tripoly, was lost by the Treachery of d'Aremont the French Ambassadour) and confirmed it by the Grand Signiors Letters.

During these Transactions,* 1.125 the First of September, the day of the Sessions of the Council came; and then were present, besides the Italian and Spanish Bishops, the Archbishops of Mentz and Treves, in appearance, mightily congratulated and welcomed by all, who were followed not long after by the Archbishop of Co∣logne. For the Emperour had, both personally at Ausburg, and by Messengers and Letters, dealt earnestly with them, that they should be there; and, indeed, they far exceed the rest in Dignity and Splendour, and have most of the Bishops of Germany under their Jurisdiction. Now, seeing they thought, that they were like to make a long stay there, they kept but a few Horses, and sold all the rest, lay∣ing in Houshold Provisions also, for a considerable time. There came also the Bishops of Strasburg, Vienne, Constance, Off, and Naumburg; the rest, being de∣tained by Business,* 1.126 Sickness, or Age, begg'd leave, and sent their Vicars and Proxies Cardinal Crescentio was Legate, and President for the Pope; to whom were joyned the Archbishop of Siponto, and Bishop of Verona, as his Nuncio's. The Emperour sent thither Don Francis of Toledo, Hugh Count of Montfort, and William of Poictieres, and some were there also to represent Ferdinand King of Hungary. When all were assembled in Session, then on the First of September, in the Cathedral Church, and that Mass and the rest of the Ceremonies which are commonly performed in the beginning were over, unexpectedly came in the Abbat of Bellosane,* 1.127 Ambassadour from the French King, with a Letter directed to the Assembly of Trent. Having delivered it to the Legat, who read the Superscription, a Debate arose, Why he called them an Assembly rather than Council; That the Letter was not to be received nor read, cried they, unless he did shew that he had a Commission;* 1.128 And when, in the heat of the contest, a heavy noise and clamour was made, especially by the Spanish Bishops, and that he told them, that his Com∣mission was contained in the Letter; the Popes Legate arose, and called the Fa∣thers into the Vestry. The matter being canvassed, they concluded, that he was to have Audience, because the Inscription could admit of a good sense. The Letter being then read privately, wherein the King briefly expressed his grief, and complained that he had wrong done him, they all took their places again, and then the Letter being read publickly, they made Answer. That whereas the King called the Council an Assembly, they took it in good part, and would not harbour any sinistrous suspicion of him, who bore the Name of Most Christian; but, if he meant otherwise, that they lookt upon the Letter as not addressed unto them; and then he was bid to speak,* 1.129 what he had to say. He therefore read a long Speech in Writing. And first, the King tells them, what de Terme, his Ambassa∣dour at Rome, had done with the Pope and Colledge of Cardinals; that none of these ways could prevail, though he had made all Overtures of Peace: And, that Pope Julius,* 1.130 who, in imitation of his Predecessors, ought to compose the Controversies of Princes, had raised an extraordinary Combustion, in a time that he ought least of all to have done so, considering the sad and distressed state of Christendom; that since it was so, and because he dealt so roughly and implacably with him, who was the Eldest Son of the Church, he protested, as it had been also done at Rome; first, that, by reason of the Troubles and Wars, he could not send the Bishops of his Dominions to Trent: Again, that he owned not that Council for Publick and General, but lookt upon it rather as some private As∣sembly, gathered together not or publick good, but for the profit and advan∣tage of some few: And, lastly, that neither he nor any of his Subjects could be obliged to submit to the Decrees thereof; but, on the contrary, that, if occasion required, he would apply those Remedies, which, in the like case, his Ancestors were accustomed to make use of; that his Intentions, indeed, towards Religion

and the Church of Rome, should always be right and sincere, nor would he do any thing that might deserve a Censure; but, that since he was undeservedly loaded with the injuries and hatred of some Men, he could not do otherwise at this time. That therefore they should take his protestation in good part, and give him an Instrument thereof, that he might acquaint the rest of the Princes and People of Christendom with the whole affair. Now, as to what he said of using Remedies according to the custom of his Ancestors, the meaning of it is this. As in all other Provinces, so also in France, if any Bishoprick or Abby fell to be vacant, the free Election belonged to the Canons and Monks; but for smaller Be∣nefices, which are not Elective, as they tearm it, the Bishops and Patrons bestowed them; and then all Suits about Benefices or Church Matters, were decided in the several Provinces. Now the Popes of Rome, as they grew more covetous, began to overthrow these Elections,* 1.131 and by Reservations and Expectative Graces, as they call them, drew all the Profit to Rome and to themselves, and removed all Suits, even those which they call of the first instance, primae instantiae, to Rome. The be∣ginning of this alteration in France happened in the time of Lowis IX. but he vi∣gorously opposed it, and in the year 1267, made a Law, that the ancient custom should be observed, and no Tribute upon that account, pay'd to the Pope of Rome. That Law was, indeed, in force for many years, but at length the power of the Popes prevailed, and all over Christendom they published those Graces and Reser∣vations that I mentioned, which were a great grievance to many, until the Coun∣cil of Basil abrogated this way of pillage, reviving the ancient Canons about Col∣lations and Elections,* 1.132 and discharging the payment of Annats. Charles VII. of France having consulted the matter, approved and ratified this Decree of the Council, by an Edict in the year 1438, which is commonly called the Pragmatick Sanction.* 1.133 But Eugenius the Fourth declared this Council to be null, as we said in the first-Book, and the Popes who came after him, rejected that Decree, and cal∣led it Schismatical; so that Pius II. by his Legat, earnestly solicited Louis XI. the Son of Charles VII. to abolish that Sanction; but the King asked the Opinion of the Parliament of Paris,* 1.134 the most famous Judicature in France, consisting all of Lawyers, about the matter. They quoting the practices of ancient times, made their Report, and told him, What had been done in the matter, by the Popes and Councils heretofore, nay, what his own Ancestors had done, Clovis, Charles Ma••gne, Philip Deodat, Lowis IX. Philip the Fair, Louis the Hutin••, John the First, and his own Grandfather and Father, that France was then in a very flourishing condition, and that it was now low and distressed; and unless the ancient Laws be observed, said they, the Ecclesiastical Order will run into confusion, France become thinner of People, the most part running away to Rome, and be exhausted of its Wealth; the Churches, and other stately Religious Houses in France, will be slighted and fall into decay. And as to the Money Business, unless your Fathers Sanction con∣tinue in force, ten hundred thousand Crowns will be carried yearly out of France to Rome. For, not to mention other things, in the time of Pius II. there were at least twenty Bishopricks vacant, which, for Annats, and other charges, pay'd Six thousand Crowns a-piece yearly: There were about threescore Abbies vacant, and every one of these pay'd two thousand a year: Of other Benefices there were above two hundred vacant, every one of which pay'd five hundred Crowns: Be∣sides, there are above eleven hundred Parishes in France, out of which a vast deal of Money was raised through that Popish Invention. Follow then the footsteps of your Father, and depart not from the Decree of Basil. This was the Parlia∣ments Advice; but the King, being either over-reached or over awed by the Pope, would needs abolish the Sanction; and a chief Agent in that business was the Car∣dinal de Babvo,* 1.135 in great favour with the King, and much obliged by the Pope: But both the Kings Advocate, and the University of Paris, who were much concerned in it, manfully withstood the same, and appealed from the Pope to a Council. Louis XII. had afterwards great clashings with Julius II. about the same matter, and it was brought before the Council of Lateran;* 1.136 but at length Francis the First, who succeeded Lowis, transacted with Leo the Tenth, upon certain Conditions at Bolonia, after the taking of Milan; to wit, That when a Bishoprick or Abby fell to be vacant, the Chapter or Monks should not have the Election, but that it should be in the Kings power, to name, within six Months, one to the Pope, whom he should think worthy of the Benefice. And this, amongst other things, is what King Henry meant, when he spoke of a Remedy by his Ambassadour in Council. For the French Kings keep that as a Bit to curb the Popes with, when they fall

out with them, and they urge the pragmatick Sanction, especially at this time, when the thunder of Rome is no longer so terrible, as formerly it hath been, and because France is a vast and wealthy Country,* 1.137 and, without great loss, Rome, cannot be without some of its Riches. Now what he talked of doing at this time, he actually did not long after, as you shall hear. Philip the Fair made use of some Remedy heretofore against Boniface VIII. For when this Pope had enjoyned him to make War beyond Sea against the Sarazens, and would not hear of any Excuse, but discharged him from raising any Money from the Clergy of his Kingdom, which he was necessitated to do, because of his Wars, and unless he did obey, put him under Interdict: He assembled all the States at Paris, and there having com∣plained of the Injuries of Boniface, and put the Question to all the Bishops and Princes, who made him answer, That they held all their Estates and Fortunes of his Bounty and Liberality; he commanded, That no more Money should be car∣ried to Rome for the future, and ordered all the ways and passages to be carefully watched. Moreover, when the Parliament of Paris reckoned up, how much the Money, paid by vacant Bishopricks and Abbys, amounted to yearly, that, they said, was to be understood of former times; that now the Charge was double, and exceeded the Yearly Revenues: So that some beneficed persons, by reason of the extream exaction, were forced to pawn their Bulls, and leave them in the Bankers hands.* 1.138 Now, in France, there are twelve Archbishopricks, Aix, Vienne, Lions, N••rbon, Tholouse, Bourdeaux, Aux, Bourges, Tours, Rowen, Rheims, and Sens; and about ninety six Bishopricks, out of the Vacancies whereof, there goes a vast deal of Money to Rome; and out of the Archbishopricks, about threescore Thousand three Hundred Crowns, as it was calculated in the time of Louis XII.

When the Letter was read, the Fathers promised to give an answer to it in the next Session; but said, That they admitted not what was then done, but so far as it consisted with Law; and that therefore they could give him no Instrument of that Protestation. Having afterward appointed the eleventh day of October for the next Session, they broke up, and departed severally home, about two of the Clock in the Afternoon. And here it seems proper, to give some Description of the form and order of a Publick Session.* 1.139 When that day came, the Fathers, as they love to speak, meet in the Legate's Lodgings; and from thence, to the Cathedral Church, there is a Lane of Soldiers made, consisting of about four hundred foot, besides a Troop of fifty or more Horse. At Nine of the Clock, the Legate comes out with his Cross-bearer before him, and the Cardinal of Trent on his left hand; after him, come his Collegues, and the Electoral Archbishops; then the Ambassadors of the Emperour, and King Ferdinand, by themselves; and at last, all the other Bishops, every one according to his Rank and Quality. So soon as they are all come to the Church, the Soldiers discharge their Pieces, and give them a Vo••ley; then they draw up in the Market-place, and there, and about the Church, keep Guard 'till the Council break up. These are, for the most part, sent for out of the Country, to be ready against the day of the Session, though the Town also supply a good many. When they are come into the Church, Mass is said; that being over, the Decrees of the Council are read, and then a day appointed for the next Session. Then also, if any Ambassador have ought to say, he is heard: But, by reason of the many various and most cumbersom Ceremonies that are used in every thing, the day is far spent before their Business is over, and then the Legate returns home in the same Pomp as he came. The Pope's Legate takes the first place in the Council, next to him the Cardinal of Trent, then the Legates Collegues, and after them the Electoral Archbishops. On the left hand, sit the Ambassadors of the Emperour and other Princes. And the middle Benches are filled by the Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates, taking place according to the Seniority of their Consecration. September the second, Subjects were given to the Divines to be discussed, and that they might give their Opinions of them, that so they might be decided in the next Session.* 1.140 Now in giving their Opinions, this method was prescribed, That they should insist upon the Holy Scriptures, Aposto∣lical Traditions, received and approved Councils, and the Authorities of the Fa∣thers; that they should use Brevity, abstain from unnecessary and superfluous Que∣stions, and avoid all Jangling and Contention. As to the Order, it was thought fit, that the Pope's Divines should speak first, and then the Emperours, and so of the rest. The Pope's Legate also, for the finding out of the Truth, and the confuting of false Opinions, as they said, gave them leave to read all sorts of Books. There were a great many Divines present, Spanish, Italians, and Germans, whom

the Pope, Emperour, and his Sister, Queen Mary, the Governess of the Low Countries, had sent; besides those, whom the Electors of Cologne and Treves, and some Spanish and Italian Bishops also,* 1.141 brought with them. All things were to be examined by them, and no Man, who had not the Title of Doctor, as they call it, was permitted to speak. But in favour to the Bishops of Cologne and Treves, John Gropper, a Civilian, and John Delph, a Divine, but under Doctors Degree, were admitted. And because in some former Sessions, in Anno 1546, and the year following, new Canons were made concerning Original Sin, Justification, Free-will, and the Seven Sacraments in general, and particular Decrees made concerning Baptism and Confirmation, it was resolved, That all these standing in force, they should proceed to other things, and, in the first place, to the Sacrament of the Eucharist. Then, Points were assigned to the Divines, with these Instructions, that they should search and try, if they were Heretical, and to be condemned by the holy Council: And these Points were gathered out of the Books of Luther, Zuin∣glius, Bucer, and other Protestant Writers.

Now in this manner do the Divines handle the matter:* 1.142 They all meet daily in the Legate's Lodgings; and there, for several hours, and in the order we men∣tioned, every one discourses of a Point without any interruption; yet so, that they still submit all they say to the Judgment of the Church of Rome, for none of the Protestants were present. This place is open indifferently to all Men. The Pope's Legate, and, generally, all the Fathers are there; but none speak, except the Di∣vines, and their several Sayings and Opinions are marked down by Clerks. When they have all discoursed, which then was done commonly in a Months time, the Bishops meet at the Legate's Lodgings, and examine the Opinions of the Divines, registred by the Clerks:* 1.143 Then some of every Nation are chosen out of the whole number, that then are present, who having weighed all the Opinions, out of them frame that which they call a Doctrine, what ought to be determined and believed in every point: Afterwards, they Condemn in few words, but with a severe Cen∣sure, the contrary Doctrine and Errors, as they call them: And, at length, all these things are reported to the whole Assembly. When they are fully agreed, a publick Session is held, as we said before, where the Decrees are read aloud, and then the Bishops are asked, if they approve them: To which, they severally answer with a Placet. And so then, some Divines tell their Opinions of the several Points; but the Bishops only, and with them a few Mitred Prelates, have the power of Deter∣mining. What is so decreed, they command to be reverenced as Sacred and Holy, and call them Canons. These things, indeed, are acted publickly; but they, who are more intimately acquainted with the Affairs of Rome, say, That all the Decrees are already framed at Rome by the Pope's order, and sent in due time to the Le∣gate, that the Divines in their Reasonings may follow that Form and Prescript; for the Pope maintains several of them, and many Bishops also there. And it is a jocose Proverb used by some,* 1.144 That the Holy Ghost comes ever now and then from Rome to Trent in a Cloak-bag; because, the Pope sent Letters, with his Orders and In∣structions, by Post from Rome.

September the fourth, Count Heideck came to Magd••burg; and Duke Maurice sent by him the Conditions of Peace formerly proposed, so moderated, that they re∣solved to proceed in the Treaty. In the mean time, there was a Cessation of Arms, which was afterward also prolonged for many days, as shall be said hereafter.

The French King,* 1.145 now at variance with the Pope, published an Edict, where∣in having enlarged much upon the injury done him by the Pope, upon the cause of the War of Parma, and why he had taken Octavio into his protection, he com∣mands under a most severe penalty, That no more Money be for the future carried to Rome; for since Money was the Sinews of War, what madness would it be, with his and his Subjects Treasure, to maintain and strengthen the power of his Enemy? That it was the proper Office of the Popes, to take up the differences of Princes; and that did Paul III. who, being almost worn out by Age, made a long progress to Nizza, to make the Emperour and his Father friends; but that Julius took a quite different course, who, having lately called a Council, which was, indeed, very necessary to the publick, had stirred up a War against him, on purpose, that he might exclude all the Church of France, which was one of the chief, and that so no lawful Council might be had, wherein the Errors and Faults, both of the Head and Members,* 1.146 might be reformed. This Edict of the King's was published at Paris the seventh of September, when, a few days before, another Edict of his, and a most severe one too, was published against the Lutherans, which partly confirmed

the former Decrees of that nature, and partly, where they seemed not smartly enough penn'd, sharpened them, and skrewed them up to the highest pitch of Rigour, inviting and encouraging Informers, by ample promises of Rewards. Which the King, as it was thought, did with this design, that he might curb those, who were desirous of a change of Religion in France, that they should not take to themselves the greater liberty, because of his clasing with the Pope at this time: Again, that they, who honoured the Church of Rome, might entertain no suspicion of him, as if his mind hankered after a new Religion. And lastly, that both the Pope, and College of Cardinals, might perceive, that they might have access still to his Friendship, when they pleased. Afterward, a Declaration came forth out of the Emperour's Court,* 1.147 wherein the original of the War of Parma is related, and how just a cause of Offence the Pope had against Octavio, and the Prince of Mirandula; of how restless a mind the French King was, who laid hold on all occasions, and made it his whole study and endeavour, to hinder and disappoint the Emperour's most honest and lawful Designs. But that the Empe∣rour was so little moved at all these things, that he would proceed with greater Courage and Resolution. Octavio had given it out, that he was necessitated to put himself under the protection of the French King, because of the Injuries and Trea∣cheries of Ferdinando Gonzaga; but in this Declaration, that is refuted: For, that if there were any cause of fear, he himself gave the occasion, who had oftener than once laid wait for the life of Gonzaga. Then, there is an account given, how Piacenza fell into the Emperour's hands; for that Petro Aloisio, the Pope's Bastard Son, being invested into Parma and Piacenza, governed the Poeple tyran∣nically, and, like another Nero, practised his detestable Lust, not only upon Wo∣men, but Men also, as his custom was, that therefore he was slain and murdered in his own House by the Citizens, who could no longer suffer so great Cruelties: That the Towns-people, then, perceiving the present danger they were in, if they should fall again under the Jurisdiction of the Pope and Church of Rome, had no other way of security left, than to resign themselves over to the Emperour, espe∣cially since, of old, they had been free Denizons of the Empire. That therefore they had applied themselves to Gonzaga, praying him, to receive them into the Empe∣rour's protection, for that otherwise they must look for help and patronage some∣where else. That it was an idle thing in him, then, to pretend fear, seeing the Emperour had bestowed many favours upon the Family of Farnese; that he had chosen Octavio to be his Son-in-law, given his Father Peter Aloisio the City of No∣vara in Fee and Inheritance, and honoured him with the Title of Marquess: But that they had been very ungrateful at all times, but particularly, when, under a counterfeit mask of Friendship, they assisted him, in subduing some Rebels of Ger∣many, their whole design was, at the same time, to have taken from him Milan and Genoua; for that Joannin D'Oria, a brave and valiant Man, was basely killed in that Scuffle and Tumult, whilst he discharged his duty to the Emperour, and stood up for the safety of his Country.

There came out an answer to this,* 1.148 afterward, in name of the French King, wherein a relation is given, how that the Emperour, to endear Paul III. to himself, had given to his Son Petro Aloisio the Title and Quality of Marquess, how that he had taken his Son Octavio to be his own Son-in-law; how that he had gratifyed and obliged his other Son Alexander with many Ecclesiastical Preferments; and, in short, how that he had made a League with the Pope, wherein it was provided, as it is said, that the Emperour should confirm the Decree of the College of Cardinals, concerning the Principality of Parma and Piacenza, to the Family of the Farneses: But that when the Emperour was at War in Germany, and pretended, it was not for Religion,* 1.149 but to punish the Rebellion of some, that he had taken up Arms, it was a very unacceptable Contrivance to the Pope, as wel perceiving, that, by so doing, he minded only his own private Concerns, and aimed at Dominion: And that he had not been out in his Judgment neither; for that, when the War being over, the Em∣perour stood not much in need of the assistance of the Farneses, he had given no dark intimations of his ill will to the Pope; for that then, his Governours in Italy had had an eye and mind to Piacenza, and that not long after, Ruffians being subborned to murder Petro Aloisio in his Chamber, before that the Citizens heard of the Mur∣der, Soldiers had been brought into the Town, who seized the Castle in the Em∣perour's Name: That, if the Emperour had not been privy to the Fact, it had been but reasonable, that, after the death of Paul the Third, he should have re∣stored it to the Church; but that he not only restored it not, but had also endea∣voured

to take Parma from his Son-in-law, and had, even in the life-time of Paul, laid his measures for effecting it, insomuch, that the Trouble and Vexation, which the Pope thereupon conceived, shortened his days. That afterwards Assassines had been apprehended at Parma, who voluntarily confessed, That they had been employed by Ferdinando Gonzaga to kill Octavio; that being reduced then into such streights, that they, from whom he expected help, and his own Father-in-law too, had designs upon him, to rob him both of Life and Fortune; he had implored help and protection from him, which, upon his humble Supplication, he could not refuse.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Peace betwixt the English and French.
• * 1.2

  Boloigne re∣stored to the French.
• * 1.3

  Another Ma∣nifesto of the Magdeburgers.
• * 1.4

  The confession o•• Faith of the Ministers of Magdeburg.
• * 1.5

  The Bishop of Strasburg com∣plains to the Emperour of the City.
• * 1.6

  Mass again be∣gun there.
• * 1.7

  The Empe∣rour and his Son come to Ausburg.
• * 1.8

  The Empe∣rours Edict against the Lutherans in the Nether∣lands.
• * 1.9

  The Reward of Informers.
• * 1.10

  Many astonish∣ed at the Em∣perours Edict, especially those of Antwerp.
• * 1.11

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 against the 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.12

  The power of the Inquisitors.
• * 1.13

  The Questi∣ons in the Em∣perours Edict against the Lutherans.
• * 1.14

  The Cardinal of Lorrain, the Compa∣nion of King Francis, dies.
• * 1.15

  By whom Metz be∣trayed.
• * 1.16

  Adolph Arch∣bishop of Cologne, makes his entry into that City.
• * 1.17

  The Duke of Cleve has a Daughter born.
• * 1.18

  Duke Maurice his Protesta∣tion against the Council.
• * 1.19

  The Elector of Mentz Chancellor of the Empire.
• * 1.20

  The Cardinal of Ausburgs Sermon a∣gainst the Lutherans.
• * 1.21

  Some Spani∣ards interrupt Divine Service.
• * 1.22

  The death of Granvell.
• * 1.23

  The Bishop of Arras in great power with the Emperour.
• * 1.24

  Brunswick besieged.
• * 1.25

  Dragut, a no∣table Pirate.
• * 1.26

  Tripoly taken by the Impe∣rialists.
• * 1.27

  The occasion of a Turkish War.
• * 1.28

  At the Empe∣rour's Com∣mand, Duke Henry, and the Senate of Brunswick, lay down their Arms.
• * 1.29

  Their Forces were, by the Duke of Mec∣kleburg, turn'd against the Magdeburgers.
• * 1.30

  The death of John Albert, Archbishop of Magdeburg.
• * 1.31

  G••••••ge, Duke of Meckleburg, wasts the Country of Magdeburg.
• * 1.32

  The Magde∣burgers engage the Duke of Meckleburg.
• * 1.33

  And are over∣thrown.
• * 1.34

  The Empe∣rour com∣plains of the Magdeburgers and Bremers.
• * 1.35

  The Princes write to the Magdeburgers and Breme••s.
• * 1.36

  A Woman of Ausburg in great danger for a rash word.
• * 1.37

  The Edict about Reli∣gion in the Netherlands▪ moderated at the interces∣sion of the Emperour's Sister.
• * 1.38

  The Condi∣tions proposed to the Bre∣mers.
• * 1.39

  And to the Magdeburg••rs.
• * 1.40

  The third De∣claration and undaunted Courage of the Magdeburgers.
• * 1.41

  Forces against the Magdebur∣gers.
• * 1.42

  A fight at Magdeburg.
• * 1.43

  The besieged make a sally out.
• * 1.44

  A Cessation of Arms.
• * 1.45

  A Deputation sent to the Emperour against Mag∣deburg.
• * 1.46

  The Bremers Letter to the Princes at Aus∣burg.
• * 1.47

  The Answer of the Magde∣burgers.
• * 1.48

  The death of Ʋlrick, Duke of Wirtem∣berg.
• * 1.49

  A cruel De∣cree against the M••gde∣burgers.
• * 1.50

  Duke Mauric General of the War against Magdeb••rg:
• * 1.51

  Which the Emperour is earnest should be prosecuted.
• * 1.52

  The Empe∣rour desires to know the Rea∣sons why the Interim was not observed.
• * 1.53

  The Causes why the De∣cree was not observed.
• * 1.54

  The Answer of the Depu∣ties and Catho∣lick Princes to these things.
• * 1.55

  Pope Julius his Bull for calling the Council.
• * 1.56

  Duke Maurice attacks the Magdeburgers.
• * 1.57

  Mansfield and Heideck de∣feated by Duke Maurice.
• * 1.58

  The Empe∣rour's Edict against the Magdeburgers.
• * 1.59

  The Land∣grave's Sons sue in behalf of their Father.
• * 1.60

  Lazarus Schuendi sent by the Empe∣rour to the Landgrave's Sons, &c.
• * 1.61

  The Land∣grave thinks of making his escape.
• * 1.62

  But the design is discovered.
• * 1.63

  The Empe∣rours Letters to Duke Mau∣rice and Bran∣deburg, con∣cerning the Landgrave's flight.
• * 1.64

  Duke Maurice comforts the Landgrave's Sons, promi∣sing his utmost endeavours.
• * 1.65

  The Magde∣b••rgers sally out, and get the Victory.
• * 1.66

  The Duke of Meckleburg taken.
• * 1.67

  Maximilian's return into Germany.
• * 1.68

  The Empe∣rour and King Ferdinand's emulation for the Empire.
• * 1.69

  Maximilian beloved of all.
• * 1.70

  Pope Julius his Bull of∣fended many.
• * 1.71

  The Magde∣b••rgers are so∣licited to sur∣render.
• * 1.72

  The Declara∣tion of the Clergy of Magdeb••••g a∣gainst the Senate.
• * 1.73

  The actions of the Inhabi∣tants of Mag∣deburg against the Clergy.
• * 1.74

  The value of the damage received.
• * 1.75

  The Magde∣burg••s answer to the Accusa∣tions of the Clergy.
• * 1.76

  1551▪
• * 1.77

  King Ferdi∣nand com∣plains of the Turks breach of Truce.
• * 1.78

  The Bishop of Winchester turned out of his Bishoprick, and commit∣ted to prison again.
• * 1.79

  Osiander's new Opinion about Justification,
• * 1.80

  Condemned by the other Divines.
• * 1.81

  Albert, Duke of Prussia, sides with Osiander.
• * 1.82

  Joachim Mer∣lin, and some others, are banished for Osiander's Do∣ctrine.
• * 1.83

  Osiander falls foul upon the Divines of Wittemberg and Melanch∣ton.
• * 1.84

  Another of his Opinions.
• * 1.85

  The Decree of the Dyet of Ausburg.
• * 1.86

  A meeting of the Princes at Norimberg.
• * 1.87

  Supplies de∣creed to King Ferdinand against the Turk.
• * 1.88

  The Empe∣rours Edict against those that should assist the Mag∣deburgers.
• * 1.89

  Octavio Far∣nese in prote∣ction of the King of France, puts a French Ga∣rison into Parma.
• * 1.90

  Sentence pro∣nounced a∣gainst the Landgrave.
• * 1.91

  Bucer dies.
• * 1.92

  The com∣plaint of the Bishop of Strasburg a∣gainst the Preachers.
• * 1.93

  Prodigies in Saxony.
• * 1.94

  The Popes Brief against Octavio Far∣nese.
• * 1.95

  Octavio cited to Rome.
• * 1.96

  The Council meets again at Trent.
• * 1.97

  Heideck a Friend to the Magdebur∣gers.
• * 1.98

  Farnese, being con••umacious, undertakes the defence of Parma.
• * 1.99

  The Empe∣rours Decla∣ration against Octavio.
• * 1.100

  The War of Parma be∣twixt the Em∣perour and French.
• * 1.101

  The Popes Brief to the Switzers, wherein he desires them to send their Bishops to the Council.
• * 1.102

  Prince Philip returns to Spain.
• * 1.103

  The French Kings Apolo∣gy to the Pope.
• * 1.104

  Parma of the Patrimony of the Church.
• * 1.105

  Conditions of Peace pro∣posed to the Magdeburgers.
• * 1.106

  The Empe∣••our calls the States to Trent.
• * 1.107

  Duke Mau∣rice his Con∣fession drawn up by Me∣lanchton.
• * 1.108

  The Confessi∣on of Wir∣temberg.
• * 1.109

  Brentius is by the Duke of Wirtemberg restored to the Ministery in the Church.
• * 1.110

  A M••tiny in Magdeburg.
• * 1.111

  Duke Maurice his Letter to the Emperour.
• * 1.112

  The Decree of the Council of Constance.
• * 1.113

  The safe Con∣duct that the Bohemians had when they came to the Council of Basil.
• * 1.114

  The Ministers of Ausburg questioned about their Doctrine.
• * 1.115

  The Answer and Constancy of the Mini∣sters.
• * 1.116

  The Ministers of Ausburg banished.
• * 1.117

  Preaching prohibited.
• * 1.118

  The liberality of the Captive Duke of Saxo∣ny towards ba∣nished Mini∣sters.
• * 1.119

  The Reasons why they were served so.
• * 1.120

  Henry King of France makes War against the Emperour.
• * 1.121

  Cherie and St. Damian taken.
• * 1.122

  The Reasons why the French King made War against the Emperour.
• * 1.123

  The Turk takes Tripoly.
• * 1.124

  Contrary Nar∣ratives from the Emperour and King of France.
• * 1.125

  The Restaura∣tion of the Council of Trent.
• * 1.126

  Wherein Car∣dinal Crescen∣tio presides.
• * 1.127

  The French King, Letter to the Coun∣cil.
• * 1.128

  And a Debate amongst the Fathers about the Superscri∣ption of it.
• * 1.129

  The Speech of the French Ambassadour.
• * 1.130

  The French Kings Prote∣station against the Council of Trent.
• * 1.131

  Expectative Graces.
• * 1.132

  The payment of Annats discharged.
• * 1.133

  Pragmatick Sanction.
• * 1.134

  The Advice of the Parlia∣ment of Paris, not to abro∣gate the Prag∣matical San∣ction.
• * 1.135

  The Pragma∣tical Sanction in danger.
• * 1.136

  A Transaction about it.
• * 1.137

  The pragma∣tick Sanction a curb to the Popes.
• * 1.138

  Twelve Arch∣bishopricks in France: And ninety six Bishopricks.
• * 1.139

  The order of Sessions in a Council.
• * 1.140

  Subjects allot∣ted to the Di∣vines.
• * 1.141

  Who chiefly examined all Points.
• * 1.142

  The way of making Arti∣cles of Faith.
• * 1.143

  The way of making Ca∣nons.
• * 1.144

  The Holy Ghost in the Pope's hands.
• * 1.145

  The French King's Edict against the Pope.
• * 1.146

  A most severe Edict of the French King's, against the Lutherans.
• * 1.147

  The Empe∣rour's Decla∣ration against the King of France.
• * 1.148

  The French King's Justifi∣cation.
• * 1.149

  The cause of the difference betwixt the Emperour and the Pope.