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IT is with the Original of People, as with the Genealogies of private per∣sons, they cannot bear with low and obscure beginnings: these are pure∣ly imaginary, those shew themselves in Fa∣bles. Men are naturally defective in ma∣ny
things, and naturally vain; amongst whom the Founders of States, Legislators and Conquerors, little satisfied with their Human condition, whose defects and in∣firmities they had a sense of, have frequent∣ly enquired after the causes of their merits elsewhere; from whence it comes to pass that the Ancients held themselves obliged to some Deity or other, either upon the ac∣count of descending from it, or el••e because they acknowledged a particular Care and Protection from its Tutelary Vertue. Some persons have been under a seeming perswa∣sion thereof, purely for the sake of perswa∣ding others, and have made an Ingenious Use of an Advantagious Deceit, which might afford a Veneration for their per∣sons, and a submission to their Authority. There have been those that have flattered themselves with such thoughts, and seem'd to be in earnest; The Contempt they used men with, and the confident opinion of their own extraordinary qualities, has oc∣casion'd their fantastical search after an Original different from ours; but it has been more frequent that some Nations to make themselves Honoured, and through a Spirit of Gratitude to those that had ren∣dred
them some very important Services, have given occasion for these sort of Fa∣bles.
The Romans have not been exempt from this Vanity. They are not contented with their Relation to Venus by AEneas, who led the Trojans into Italy, they have refreshed their Alliance with the Gods by the Fabu∣lous Nativity of Romulus, whom they sup∣posed to be the Son of the God Mars, and whom they Deif••ed himself after his Death.
His Successor Numa had nothing of Di∣vine in his Race, but the Sanctity of his Life afforded him a particular Communi∣cation with the Goddess Egeria, which Commerce was of no small assistance to him towards the establishment of his Ce∣remonies.
In short, if you will believe them, the Destinies had no other cares upon them than the Foundation of Rome, and so far, that Providence seem'd Industrious to adapt the various Inclinations of its Kings, to the different Necessities of that People. I hate admirations founded upon Tales, or established through the Error of false Judg∣ments. There are so many realities to be
admired amongst the Romans, that to be willing to advance 'em by Fables, is to do them wrong; to be truly serviceable to their Memory, is to rescind all vain Com∣mendations: In this design I am inclined to consider them by themselves, without any subjection to such and such opinions, which are not believed, and yet are kept up. It would be a tedious piece of business to give an exact account of every thing, but I shall not amuse my self about the parti∣culars of actions; I'l be content with pur∣suing the Genius of some memorable times, and the different Spirit, wherewith Rome has been observed to be variously animated.
The Kings have had so little a share in the Grandeur of the Roman People, that they don't oblige me to very particular considerations: 'Tis with reason that Hi∣storians have entituled their Reign the In∣fancy of Rome, for 'tis certain that under them she has had but a very feeble mo∣tion. To be convinced of the little Acti∣on they were concerned in, it suffices to know that seven Kings at the end of Two Hundred, so many years, have not left be∣hind them a Dominion much larger than
that of Parma or Mantua: One single Battel now a days gain'd in very narrow places, would afford a greater extent of Land. As for those various and singular Talents which are ascribed to each of them by a mysterious Providence, there's nothing of any more consideration, than what has happened to many Princes before; 'tis an extraordinary thing to find a Successor en∣dowed with the same Qualities of his Pre∣decessor: The one Ambitious and Active, thinks nothing of Value but War: Ano∣ther, who naturally loves Repose, thinks the finest Policy in the World consists in keeping himself in Peace; this makes Ju∣stice his principal Vertue, that Prince is Zealous after nothing, but the observance of Religion; so that each pursues his own natural Disposition, and is delighted in the exercise of his Talent; now to make a sort of a Miracle of so ordinary a thing, is it not very ridiculous? But further, This Difference of Genius is so far distant from procuring any Advantage to the Roman People, that their small encrease under the Kings, in my Judgment, is to be im∣puted thereto; certainly nothing can be a greater hindrance to a Progress than this
difference of Genius, for it oftentimes is the occasion of quitting the real Interest, which is not understood, by a new Spirit, which would introduce something that one has a better notion of, but which for the most part is inconsistent with the fore∣mention'd advantage.
Allowing you could come at all you intended by these new Institutions, yet it happens many times from the diversi∣ty of applications, that several things were fortunately enough begun, without arri∣ving to a happy accomplishment.
The disposition of affairs was all of a piece under Romulus. In Numa's Reign nothing was performed, but the establish∣ment of Priests, and Religious persons. Tu••∣lus Hostilius found it no easie Province to Convert men from a pleasant amusement, to the application of War; this Discipline was hardly established, but that Ancu•• ap∣peared with inclinations to render the City commodious, and magni••icent.
The first Tarq••in, to give more Dignity to the Senate, and more of Majesty to the Government, invented Ornaments, and gave marks of Distinction.
The Principal Study of Servius, was to
have an exact account of the estates of the Romans, and according to those, to divide them by Tribes, that so they might con∣tribute with Justice and Proportion to the Publick Nece••••ities.
Tarquin the Proud, says Florus, was ex∣treamly serviceable to his Countrey, when he gave occasion by his Tyranny to esta∣blish the Republick; this is the Discourse of a Roman, who, although born in the Reign of Emperours, doth not think it ami••s to prefer Liberty to the Empire.
My Opinion is, that the Common-Wealth may be justly admired, without admiring the manner of its Constitution. But to return to these Kings, 'tis certain that each had his particular Talent, but not one, a capacity large enough. Rome should have had some of those great Monarchs, that know how to embrace all things by the Advantage of a Universal Genius, and not to be under the necessity of borrow∣ing from different Princes, the divers In∣stitutions, which one might easily have composed, during his particular Life.
The Reign of Tarquin is as well known to the World, as the establishment of their Liberty. Pride, Cruelty, and Avarice, were
his chiefest qualities, but he wanted dexte∣rity to manage his Tyranny.
He had much of Injustice and Violence in him, his Designs ill contrived, and his measures ill taken. To define his conduct in a few words, he knew neither how to Govern according to the Laws, nor Reign against them: In a State so violent for the People, and dangerous for the Prince, there was nothing expected, but an opportunity for Liberty, when the death of the mise∣rable Lucretia, presented one to their view.
This Vertuous Lady, so cruel to her self, could not Pardon her self for the Crime of another, she Stab'd her self with her own proper hands, after she had been ra∣vish••d by Sextus, and commended the Re∣venge of her Honour to Brutus and Colla∣tinus. 'Twas then that this constraint of Humours, so long since pen'd up, made the first Rupture.
It is incredible how all people agreed to revenge the death of Lucretia; the Peo∣ple, to whom the slightest matter rela∣ting thereunto served for a specious rea∣son, were more incensed against Sextus for the Violence Lucretia offered her self,
than if he had really himself been the Au∣thor of it; and as it generally happens in Tragical events, by the mixture of Pity and Indignation, every one augmented the Horror of the Crime, by a Compassion for this Celebrated, but Unfortunate Vertue.
You may observe in Livy, the very least particulars of the concern and conduct of the Romans, an odd mixture of Fury and Wisdom, very ordinary in great Revolu∣tions, where Violence produceth the same effect••, that Heroick Vertue doth when ac∣companied with Discipline; 'Tis certain that Brutus made an admirable use of the Dispositions of the People; but to describe him well, is a Task of no mean difficul∣ty. The Grandeur of a Republick admi∣red by the whole World, occasions an ad∣miration of the Founder thereof without an examination of his Actions.
Every thing that appears Extraordi∣nary, appears Great if it be Successful; as every thing which is Great, appears Foolish, when there's a contrary Event. It were necessary to have lived in his time, and to have had some experience of his person, to be perfectly satisfied whether he Kill'd his Sons by a motion of Heroick
Vertue, or the hardness of a Cruel and Unnatural Humour.
As for me, I'm of Opinion that there's much of his Conduct owing to Design: His profound Dissimulation under the Reign of Tarquin, as well as his industry to chase Collatinus from the Consulship, is to me matter of a convincing nature. It might very well be, that the Sentiments of Liberty made him forget those of Na∣ture: It might also be that his own pro∣per Security prevail'd with him above all things, that in this hard and melancholy choice of undoing himself, or undoing his Children, so urgent an Interest overcame in him the safety of his Family. Who knows if Ambition had not a share in this action? Collatin ruined himself through a a natural affection for his Nephews; Bru∣tus rendred himself Master of the Publick by the Rigorous Punishment of his own Sons. That which may with assurance be affirmed is this, that there was something of Cruelty in his Nature, that was the Genius of the time; a disposition as Sa∣vage as it is free, did then, and has very long since produced Vertues, that are not rightly apprehended.