Tracts written by John Selden of the Inner-Temple, Esquire ; the first entituled, Jani Anglorvm facies altera, rendred into English, with large notes thereupon, by Redman Westcot, Gent. ; the second, England's epinomis ; the third, Of the original of ecclesiastical jurisdictions of testaments ; the fourth, Of the disposition or administration of intestates goods ; the three last never before extant.

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Title
Tracts written by John Selden of the Inner-Temple, Esquire ; the first entituled, Jani Anglorvm facies altera, rendred into English, with large notes thereupon, by Redman Westcot, Gent. ; the second, England's epinomis ; the third, Of the original of ecclesiastical jurisdictions of testaments ; the fourth, Of the disposition or administration of intestates goods ; the three last never before extant.
Author
Selden, John, 1584-1654.
Publication
London :: Printed for Thomas Basset ... and Richard Chiswell ...,
MDCLXXXIII [1683]
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Subject terms
Law -- England -- History and criticism.
Probate law and practice -- England.
Ecclesiastical law -- England.
Inheritance and succession -- England.
Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A59100.0001.001
Cite this Item
"Tracts written by John Selden of the Inner-Temple, Esquire ; the first entituled, Jani Anglorvm facies altera, rendred into English, with large notes thereupon, by Redman Westcot, Gent. ; the second, England's epinomis ; the third, Of the original of ecclesiastical jurisdictions of testaments ; the fourth, Of the disposition or administration of intestates goods ; the three last never before extant." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A59100.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed April 28, 2025.

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CHAP. II. (Book 2)

Out of Roman Histories from Julius Caesar to the pe∣riod of Rome's Empire in this Land.

JVLIVS CAESAR (who first of the Romans set foot in this little World divided from the greater) discovered among the Gauls their order of Government, and form of deciding controversies by Law: which was wholly the office of the Druides, then being (as it seems) the Togata Militiae of the State. Their Discipline, he affirms, was first found in this Isle, and hence transferred to the old Gauls: They hither always sent their youth, as to a Seminary of that Learning.

* 1.1I. Illi rebus divinis (Caesar's words) intersunt, sacrificia publica ac privata procurant, religiones interpretantur.

II. De omnibus controversiis publicis privatisque constituunt, (the pon∣tifical Colledge of old Rome, after the Twelve Tables received, did as much) & si quod est admissum facinus,* 1.2 si caedes facta, si de haereditate, de finibus controversia est, iidem decernunt, praemia poenasque constituunt.

III. Si quis privatus, aut populus, eorum decreto non stetit, sacrificiis inter∣dicunt: haec poena (yet it was but like the minor excommunicatio used in the Christian Church) apud eos est gravissima.

IV. Quibus ita est interdictum, ii numero impiorum ac sceleratorum ha∣bentur; ab iis omnes decedunt, aditum eorum sermonemque defugiunt (these consequents make it as the greater Excommunication) ne quid ex con∣tagione incommodi accipiant:* 1.3 neque iis petentibus jus redditur (the self same in proportion remains yet with us in practice) neque honos ullus com∣municatur.

V. Druidibus praeest unus, qui summam inter eos habet authoritatem.

VI. Hoc mortuo, si quis ex reliquis excellit dignitate, succedit; ac si sint pares plures, suffragio adlegitur.

VII. Druides à bello abesse consueverunt, neque tributa una cum reliquis pndunt (our Clergy in effect hath retained as much) Militiae vacationem omniumque rerum habent immunitatem.

VIII. Such large Priviledges occasioned increase of their Scholars, Qui magnum (saith he) numerum versuum ediscere dicuntur. Itaque non∣nulli annos vicenos in disciplinâ permanent, neque fas esse existimant ea literis mandare, cum in reliquis ferè rebus publicis privatisque rationibus, Graecis literis utantur. Hence some infer that the Tongue of the old Gauls was Greek, but clearly that the Druides wrote in it: I am not per∣swaded to either. Graecae literae is not always Latine for the Greek Tongue; So might we say, that the Syriack Testament were perfect Hebrew, be∣cause Literis Hebraicis exaratur. As for instruments of commerce writ∣ten at Marsile,* 1.4 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (as Strabo reporteth) it proves only that a Greek Colony (for it was from the Phocians) used Greek. But Caesar also speaks of Tables found in the Helvetians Tents, Graecis literis exaratas. We may interpret both for the Character only,* 1.5 which perhaps even the Graecians thence borrowed. Of this place of the Druides it is the cen∣sure

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of a great Doctor, the Learned Hotoman,* 1.6 that Graecis hath crept in through fault of Transcribers; Humeris did in another place in the same Caesar so thrust it self unto Dextris, as Lipsius makes apparent; who is clear of opinion that the whole context of his Com∣mentaries hath suffered much alteration and spoil by Julius Caesar his interpolation; Nay some think they were never since the first Copy his own. But to prove with a forcible Argument, think you that Greek was so familiar with the Druides? Why then did Caesar write in Greek to Cicero, to this end, that neither the Carrier, being a Gaulenor,* 1.7 nor other of the State, if they were intercepted, might understand them? to whose hands in time of War should they have come sooner, than to the Councils, where the Druides were chief? So much not amiss, be∣cause it touches the tongue of the Lawyers, used in those times.

To the former Druidian Orders and Constitutions are added in Pliny, Strabo, Marcellinus, Lucan, Tacitus, and others, divers Rites of Religion and Philosophy, which taste much of Pythagorean doctrine, worthy of observation, and applicable as well to this Isle, as any part of Gaul. For as much as not only the Infancy of that Sect had here its nurture, but also an identity of Common-wealth, Order, Language and Religion, between the old Gauls, and our Britains, is by learned Camden with suf∣ficient reasons of strong proof,* 1.8 in his excellent Chorography of this Country, declared. Fit enough therefore is it to conjoyn also the Mu∣nicipals of the Gauls, which by the same authority were scarce diffe∣rent from the British.

IX. Suos liberos nisi cum adoleverint, ut manus militiae sustinere possint, palàm ad se adire non patiuntur.

X. Viri quantas pecunias ab uxoribus dotis nomine acceperunt, tantas ex suis bonis, aestimatione factâ, cum dotibus communicant; hujus omnis pecunia conjunctim ratio habetur, fructusque servantur; uter eorum vitâ superaverit, ad eum pars utriusque cum fructibus superiorum temporum pervenit.

XI. Viri in uxores, sicuti in liberos, vitae necisque habent potestatem;* 1.9 Here John Bodin blames Justinian for confining this power only to the Romans.

XII. Cum paterfamilias illustriore loco natus decessit, ejus propingui conveniunt, & de morte, si res in suspicionem venit, de uxoribus in ser∣vilem modum quaestionem habent; & si compertum est, igni (for a Wo∣man to kill her Husband is now petit-Treason▪ and she suffers pains of death by fire) atque omnibus tormentis extruciatas interficiunt.

XIII. Servi & Clientes quos ab iis dilectos esse constabat, justis funeri∣bus confectis, unà cremabantur.

XIV. Sancitum si quis quid de rep. à finitimis rumore aut famâ accepe∣rit, uti ad magistratum deferat, neve cum quo alio communicet.

XV. Magistratus, quae visa sunt, occultant, quaeque esse ex usu judica∣verint, multitudini produnt.

XVI. De repub. nisi per Concilium loqui non conceditur.

XVII. Plerique cum aut are alieno, aut magnitudine Tributorum, aut injuriâ potentiorum premuntur, sese in servitutem dicant Nobilibus: In hos eadem sunt jura, quae dominis in servos.* 1.10

XVIII. Armati, ita mos gentis erat, saith Livy, in Concilium venerunt.

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XIX. In respect of quiet composition of seditious tumults among themselves,* 1.11 made by intercession of their weaker Sex, a custome grew among them (Plutarch is my Author) that Women also had preroga∣tive in deliberative Sessions, touching either Peace-government or Mar∣tial affairs, and Sexum (saith Tacitus of the Britains) in imperiis non discernunt.

But Caesar is not without something, which expresly is attributed to our ancient Britains.

* 1.12XX. Vtuntur numero aereo aut annulis (some read laminis) ferreis, ad certum pondus examinatis.

XXI. Leporem & Gallinam & Anserem gustare fas non putant; haec ta∣men alunt animi voluptatisque causâ.* 1.13

XXII. Vxores habent Deni (no more disparagement be it to them, than the indistinct and open carnal Congresse reported of the Thuscans, the best part of the old Italians,* 1.14 or that of the Athenians before the Cecropian alteration) duodenique inter se communes, & maximè fratres cum fratribus, & parentes cum liberis; sed si qui sunt ex his nati, eorum habentur liberi, à quibus primùm virgines quaeque ductae sunt.

Howsoever Julius his imposed Tributes did in some degree diminish their publick liberty; yet that under him, Octavian, Tiberius, and Ca∣ligula, they were, in respect of any State-innovation, ATTONOMOI, i. e. using their own Laws, is collected out of Dio's Roman History. He speaking of Plautius (Lieutenant here to the Emperour Claudius) his victorious success against Togodunus and Caractacus, affirms their anci∣ent Aristocracy, without subjection to strangers, as yet continuing: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (saith he) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i. e. They were not free to live at pleasure of the multitude (not free from superiour Government) but subject to divers Kings,* 1.15 so that until that time con∣tinuing their plurality of narrow territoried Princes, they were truly free from all foreign imposition of Laws; which is expresly affirmed in that of Seneca the Tragedian, speaking thus of Claudius, in the Per∣son of Octavia his Daughter.

* 1.16Cuique Britanni terga dedere Ducibus nostris ante ignoti Jurisque sui.

But in his time their times changed, a good part of the Isle con∣quered, and into a presidial Province reduced. Colonia (so speaks Ta∣citus) Camalodanum (which was Cunobelinus's Palace or Town-royal, now Malden in Essex) valida veteranorum mnu deducitur,* 1.17 in agros captivos subsidium adversus rebelles, & imbu∣endis sociis ad officia legum; The Verulanian Municipy, celebrated by our noble Spenser, and remembred by Tacitus, the chief seat of Cassibellan, near S. Albans in Hartfordshire. The Roman Colonies at York, at Chester, (as by an Inscription of an old Coin Camden testifieth) at Glocester (proved out of an old stone in Bath-Walls by the North-gate there thus charged, DEC. COLONIAE GLEV. VIXIT LXXXVI) compared with Claudius his former re∣cited, are great Testimonies of a great alteration. For although Mu∣nicipes

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(as Agellius hath it) sunt Cives Romani ex Municipiis,* 1.18 suo jure & legibus utentes, muneris tantùm cum Pop. Rom. honorarii participes, yet Coloniarum alia, saith he, necessitudo est ex Civitate quasi propagatae sunt, & jura institutaque omnia Pop. Rom. non sui arbitrii habent. Both, as well Municipies as Colonies, had their Decuriones, Duumviros, Aediles, Equites, and such like Orders, and Offices different from all Places where the Romans as yet had not seated their Empire. Under some of the succeeding Emperors, Vespasian, Titus and Domitian, was Julius Agricola, Father-in-Law to Tacitus, here Roman Lieutenant: through whose perswasion to civility, Habitus (writeth the same Tacitus among the Britains) nostri honor, & frequens toga. The somewhat younger times also saw Papinian, that Oracle of the Roman Laws, discussing at York, as, out of Forcatulus, Camden hath noted.* 1.19

When Commodus had the Empire, then was Britain's King Lucius (of Kings the first Christian) who after the receipt of that holy token of regeneration, from Eleutherius Bishop of Rome,* 1.20 made a second de∣mand, which by the Pope's returned answer you shall the better under∣stand: Petistis (so was his rescript, and,

Juraque ab hâc terrâ, caetera terra petet,* 1.21
was Ovid's prophecy) à nobis leges Romanas & Caesaris, vobis transmitti, quibus in regno Britanniae uti voluistis. Leges Romanas & Caesaris enim nuper miseratione Divinâ in regno Britanniae, & fidem Christi habetis penes vos in regno, utramque paginam: Ex illis Dei gratiâ, per concilium regni vestri sume legem, & per illam Dei patientiâ vestrum reges Britanniae regnum; vicarius verò Dei estis in regno. What the sequel hereof was,* 1.22 thus only appears: that after he had in lieu of the Archflamens at London, York and Caer-leon, constituted three Archbishops, with twenty-eight Bishops in other places, making large Gifts of Possessions to their Churches, Ecclesias (Matthew the Monk of Westminster speaks it) cum suis coemeteriis (if we may believe that then there were with us Church-Yards for Burials) ita constituit esse liberas, ut quicunque malefactor ad illa confugeret, illaesus ab omnibus remaneret, with which the British Constitutions and Customs have here their last limit.

Notes

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