Children of Beliall, or, The rebells wherein these three questions are discussed : I. whether God or the people be the author and efficient of monarchie? II. whether the King be singulis major, but universis minor? III. whether it be lawfull for subjects to beare armes or to contribute for the maintenance of a warre against the King?

1 Sam. 10.27.

The children of Belial said, How shall this man save us? and they despised him, and brought him no presents.

THis latter, and therefore this wicked age, hath broached three seditious questions: the questions were here∣tofore brewed by Bellarmine and his fellow Jesuites, by Buchanan and his fellow Schismaticks: and this age, this Jesuiticall, Schismaticall age hath practically broached, what they but speculatively brewed. Viz.

1. Whether God or the people bee the author and efficient of Monarchy?* 1.1

2. Whether the King be onely Singulis major, but Univer∣sis minor.

3. Whether it be lawfull for Subjects to beare armes, or to contribute for the maintenance of a warre against the King?

And this age, this wicked age, resolves these questions just to the peoples humour; and saith,

1. The people are the author of Monarchie:

2. The people represented, are greater then the King.* 1.2

3. It is lawfull to contribute for the maintenance of a War, or to beare armes against the King.

But to make good that old Adagie, Quod vulgo placet, sa∣pienti displicet, the Prophet Samuel, in this Chapter, in this verse, resolves cleane contrary, and tells us,

1. That God, and not the people, is the efficient of Mo∣narchie: So he saies, v, 24. See yee him,* 1.3 Quem populus ele∣git? at no hand; but Quem elêgit Deus, see ye him whom the

Lord hath chosen: The King hath his power, not precario, by the peoples curtesie, but Dei gratiâ.

2. That the King is greater then the people, not only in piece-meale and particulars, but also in grosse, and generall; so he saies againe; v. 23 24. He, the King, stood amongst the people and was higher then all the people by the shoulder and upwards; not only in stature, but also in power, and therefore all the people shouted and saied, God save the King.

3. That contributions to maintaine a war, or to war against the King, are unlawfull, utterly unlawfull, because the King is to be assisted in his wars by the people; And they are here marked Carbone, for children of Belial, who brought him no Presents: Certainely they are ten times more the children of Belial, who bring Presents against him.

Indeed this Text within its owne verge resolves these three questions.

1. In the description of Rebells; they are children of Belial.

2. In the expostulation, the saucie expostulation of Rebells, How shall this man save us?

* 1.43. In the condition of Rebells, the condition positive, and the condition privative; positively, they despise the King, and privatively, they bring him no Presents.

1. The result of the whole falls into these particulars. ••. They account the King but as one of themselves, and as one chosen by themselves; and therefore they saied, How shall this man save us? And therefore they are called the children of Be∣lial: Had they looked a little higher, and observed how God chose him out of them, they would then have believed, that God by him would save them; because God chose him out of them for this very end and purpose, to be the King over them, and Protectour of them.

2. They looked upon themselves Aggregation, and in con∣junction, and thought themselves in that bulke and collection greater then him; and therefore they despised him; and there∣fore they are called the children of Belial: Had they looked u∣pon him as the Head of that Body, whereof themselves were our members, they would have confessed, that neither some of

the principall Members representatively, nor all the Members collectively had been worthy of comparison with him; and that he, the King, had been greater, not only then any one asunder, but then All together also.

3. They looked upon their enemies, how strong they were, and upon themselves, how numerous, how copious, and there∣fore how well able to defend themselves; and therefore they brought him no presents, and therfore they are called the children of Belial; and therefore not only by symbolical, but also by ra∣tionall Divinity: It is unlawfull to contribute for the main∣tenance of a war, or to beare armes against the King.

I begin with the first, the description of Rebels, in the first words; the children of Belial saied: And first,* 1.5 what is here meant by Belial? Why, as Christ tacitely tells his Disciples there are many kindes of Divells, when he saies expressely, this kinde goes not out, but by fasting and prayer; so the Prophet Samuel here tells us, that there are divers names of Divells,* 1.6 or the Devill hath divers names, and this of Belial is not the best. Ʋ. G.

Sometimes he is called Daemon, for his knowledge; some∣times Satan, for his malice; sometimes Beelzebub, for his filth; sometimes Diabolus, for his traduction and accu∣sing of man; sometimes as heere, Belial, for his rebellion,* 1.7 and casting off the yoke of obedience, for contending against him, as much as in him lyes, by whom he should, and shall at last be controuled; for Belial signifies Abs{que} jugo, or Abs{que} Dominio, a Masterlesse Imp, and it is not unworthy your re∣membrance; That wheresoever people are so called, children of Belial; disobedience and rebellion are the ground of it.

But what then? Did the Divel beget these men in my Text?* 1.8 or else, how and why are they called the children of Belial? No, the Divell cannot beget children; neither, 1. As the com∣mon cause; for so Sol in concurrence with man generat ho∣minem; nor, 2. As the proper cause, either a sirvile genere, or a simile specie; nor, 3. As the materiall cause; for he is not Spermaticall.

They are then here called the children of Belial, not by any

naturall or virtous generation, but by a vitious and sinfull imi∣tation: As Christ told the Jewes, that they were of their Fa∣ther the Divell,* 1.9 because they sought to kill him, and belye him, and gives the reason of it, for the Divell is a murtherer from the beginning, and the Father of lies: So here the Prophet Samuel calls these men the children of Belial, i. e. of the Divell, because they by his example and tentation sought to shake and cast off the yoke of obedience: And therefore they barely apprehen∣ded the King, as a creature of their owne, and chosen by them∣selves, or of faction amongst themselves, saying, How shall this man save us?

And this brings me to the examination of the first question, viz.* 1.10 whether God or the People be the Author of Monarchie?

To this is is answered by the children of Belial for the peo∣ple; saying, How shall this man, This man, and no more, save us? But by the Prophet of God, it is resolved for God, saying, see you him whom the Lord hath chosen?

* 1.11And now, Beloved judge your selves, whether it is fitter to obey God or man, as the Apostles spake in another case? Whe∣ther it be fitter to believe the children of Belial, who from their Father have learnt to speake nothing but lies, or the Prophet of God, who from the spirit of God can speake nothing but truth?

If I thought there were any children of Belial here, I would for their sakes examine this question to the full, either to call them by repentance to acknowledge the truth, and doe their duty, or that they might with more security, and lesse excuse wander to hell: If there be any such Divell in Samuels mantle here, any complyer here with the children of Belial, elsewhere, let him at least know the truth, and if he will be blessed, let him doe it too.

The very worke of creation speaks this truth; God made many Angels, he made but one man, and yet he could, if he would have made as many Legions of men upō earth, as of An∣gels in Heaven: He could, but he would not; would you know the reason of it? Truely I dare not prie into this Cabi∣net; such secrets of State are not for the Commons; yet ac∣cording

to my evidence, I shall dare shew you the outside of it; thus:

God found not heaven it selfe free from mutinie amongst a multitude of inhabitants, and therefore to take off all colour of Rebellion, and to prevent all pretence to disobedience against Soveraignty, he made but one man; one, and no more; hereby teaching us, That the power of a King over his Subjects is as naturall as the power of a Father over his children; that the power and person of a Monarch is from God, and not from the people, and so to be acknowledged by the people: Sic fuit ab initio.

And this is acknowledged by Aristotle, who was led only by the light of nature, and saw as far into the Lawes of nature, as ever man did: At first, saith he, Regall Power belonged to the Father of the Familie, and he gives this reason for it;* 1.12 because in the infancie of the world, the Fathers were so grandevous & lived so long, that each Father begot such a numerous Poste∣rity as might people a whole Country: And therfore Regal po∣wer over them as Subjects was no lesse from God, then Pater∣nall power over them as children.

Will you heare another Naturalist, little inferiour to this, say the same? Principio rerum, Gentium nationum{que}, Imperium penes Reges erat; The Rule of Nations, of all Nations, was in the hands of Kings from the beginning, and the people had no more right to chuse their Kings, then they had to chuse their fa∣thers, because the Kingly Right appertained to the Father of the Family: Sic fuit ab initio. And so it hath continued ever since, and in all places.

Looke else upon Moses the first Catholick and visible King of the Jewes;* 1.13 (the Sanhedrim was but his great Counsell) He was fully perswaded that God had appointed him to be Israels deliverer: And when God called him, he alone called him, not with the people, not to the people, for their approbation by vote, but to Pharoh for the execution of his owne justice: And all this to tell the people, that yet they had nothing to doe in the appointment of a King: That God himselfe and he only, he inclusively, and he exclusively, is the efficient of Monarchie.

When afterward God left them to themselves, and gave them no Kings, and that monster the Multitude took the power into their owne hands; O, what hideous births did they pro∣duce? Licentiousnesse instead of the Subjects Libertie, Rapes, and Rapines,* 1.14 instead of the Subjects propriety; enough to af∣fright people from affecting any kinde of government where∣of God himselfe is not the immediate efficient: And he is not so the immediate efficient of any kinde of government as of Monarchy.

Well, afterwards when God in mercy looked upon their misery, and gave them a little refreshment in the succession of two Judges, Eli & Samuel, & they were weary of this govern∣ment,* 1.15 and would needes have a King to governe them, as the Nations had: Why, even then God did not give them leave to chuse one themselves; but he himselfe appointed one over them, even Saul, of whom Samuel saies, see yee him whom the Lord hath chosen? It is still to tell them, that God is the Au∣thor of Monarchie, and not the people.

And was it not so afterwards? What else meanes Solomons Per me Reges regnant?* 1.16 Thats for the Jewes, youle say; It is true, and it is as true of the Nations too; what else meanes Isa∣iah's Ʋnctus Cyrus?* 1.17 Daniel speakes them both: The most high ruleth in the Kingdome of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will; marke it, God gives it, not the people, and God gives it to whomsoever he will, not to whomsoever the people will.

Thus it was in the daies of Moses and the Prophets; and was it not thus in the dayes of Christ and his Apostles?* 1.18 Why else did Christ acknowledge Pilates power to be de super? Why else doth St. Paul say, the Powers that bee, are ordained of God.

* 1.19 * 1.20That Objection of Jeroboam, that he was a King of the peo∣ples making, doth not soile this truth a jot, for Jeroboam con∣fesses himselfe to be but an usurper, saying, This people will re∣turne to their owne Lord,* 1.21 if they doe sacrifice in Jerusalem: We have good hope, if ever our old Religion be set up, this new re∣bellion must goe downe: And it concernes you, Gentlemen, to looke to it to the establishing of our Religion,

* 1.22Nor does that reply from Saint Peter any more helpe

this lame cause;* 1.23 where he calls Monarchie the Ordinance of man.

For Saint Peter speakes of the finall cause of Monarchie:* 1.24 It is for the good of man; and Saint Paul speakes of the effi∣cient cause; it is ordained of God.

Pareus himselfe, Pareus confesseth as much, saying, The very word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ad Deum primum authorem nos revocat; this word Creation, shewes plainely that God is the author of Monarchie.

Thus it was in the dayes of Moses and the Prophets; thus it was in the dayes of Christ and his Apostles; and hath it not been so in the dayes of Christians ever since.

Looke else upon Athanasius for the Primitive Fathers;* 1.25 the power of Kings is of God: looke else upon Aquinas, for the Schoolemen, All Kings are Gods ordinance, even wicked Kings to punish the peoples sinnes: looke else upon Luther, for the moderne Writers; Yee ought not to reject the Prince whom God hath set over you: It was his answer to the assem∣bly of the German Rebells.

Thus it was in the dayes of Moses and the Prophets; thus it was in the dayes of Christ and his Apostles; thus it was in the dayes of Athanasius and the Primitive Fathers; thus it was in the dayes of Aquinas, and the subtle Schoole∣men; thus it was in the dayes of Luther, and our honest Grandfathers.

But hath it beene so with the Kings of England? looke else upon his Rights, looke else upon his power.

1. His right to the Crowne is by birth, not by election: he hath it not by the peoples votes, but by Gods blessing, and hereditary succession: King Charles that now is, and long, and long may he so be, was King of England, Scotland, and Ireland, so soone as ever King James was dead, by the Law of Birth-right; and so had beene, though he had not yet received the ceremonie of Coronation: Henry 6.* 1.26 was not crowned untill the ninth yeare of his Raigne, and yet he was King the eight preceding yeares.

2. His power is universall, in all Causes, over all Persons,

both Ecclesiasticall and Civill: So is his Power Military; he may,* 1.27 the people may not, (de jura) proclaime war, and establish peace: So is his power curiall; no Court, not the Court of Parliament can meet,* 1.28 but by the Kings authority; yea, the Court of Parliament it selfe was at first devised, framed, and instituted by the Kings of England! O fortunatos Anglos bo∣na si sua nô rint: So is his power officiall; He bestowes all offi∣ces, the Lord Keeper, the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Chamber∣laine, and all the rest acknowledge the King their only Patron and Donor; and lastly such is his power origenall, and that runs thus, Carolus Dei gratia, not, Carolus electione Populi.

* 1.29The King hath under him free-men and slaves, saies Bracton, but he is under none but God: And it may be said of our King in his Chaire-Royall, as it was said of Solomon, That he then sits, not in solium Populi, as if they made him King; but in solium Domini, because he is, what he is, Charles, by the grace of God, of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, King, &c.

And may Almighty God with his grace, by which he made him King, continue him in his Kingdomes, and restore him to his power, that he may punish all those men of Belial, who say, they made him King, and He shall no longer raigne over them; yea, O God, let all those Children of Belial taste of thy mercy, and the Kings justice, who say, how shall this man save us? And so deny his Authority to come from thee, and despise him because they conceive him lesse then the whole Body, though greater their particular Members. Amen.

It is my second part, and I am now to discusse it; I called it the positive condition of Rebells:* 1.30 They despised him: And first what is the meaning of these words, they despised him; why the meaning of this consists in these three branches.

* 1.311. They did malè cogitare, and so came within the com∣passe of Solomons prohibition, curse not the King in thy thought. A thought of despising the King is treason, as well as a word, and a word as well as an action: So it is said of the intentions of Bigthan and Texesh, Traitors they were, and yet they never came to an insurrexerunt, or any act of treason, but

only to a voluerūt, a bare intention, they sought, or,* 1.32 they thought to lay hands upon King Abasuerus, and for this very thought they were hanged: And as the Law of God, so the Law of this Kingdome construes a bare purpose against the King, a despising thought of the King, to be treason, and makes it deadly my prayer therefore is:

Convert them O God; if they will not bee converted, confound them O God, as many as have evill will a∣gainst my Lord the King, and do malè cogitare, despise him in their thoughts.

2. They did malè dicere, saying, How shall this man save us? and so came within the compasse of Moses his prohibition, thou shalt not speake evill of the Ruler of thy people:* 1.33 A word against the King is treason, as well as a thought, or action; greater treason then the thought, and lesser then the action: And they that now word it against the King, if they be of the Clergy, they are of Balaams ordination; because they curse whom God hath blessed: And he was killed with the sword;* 1.34 If they be of the Laietie, they are of Shemeies condition, be∣cause they revile whom God hath anointed;* 1.35 and he was put to a violent and shamefull death: And at this time by the Law of this Kingdome, there stands one Pym endited and arraigned for saying, He would, if he could, embrue his hands in the bloud of King Charles; my prayer againe is:

Convert them, O God, convert them, If they will not be converted, confound them O God, and let them perish, as ma∣ny as speake evill of my Lord the King, and doe malè dicere, de∣spise him with their tongues.

3. They did malè facere; for they brought him no presents, and so came within the compasse of King Davids prohibition,* 1.36 thou shalt not stretch forth thy hand against the Lords Anoin∣ted; (And drawing our hand back from the Lords Anointed is equivalent) I know King David there speakes by an inter∣rogative, quis, who can? But I know withall that that inter∣rogation, quis, is a most tryumphant Negative, and saies nullus, no man can, unlesse he will bring guilt upon his owne soule: Absolon did against his Father the King, and was both han∣ged

and stabbed for it; Robert late Earle of Essex did, and was beheaded for it, and how many in the same conspiracy were hanged, you may reade in that story; my prayer againe is:

Convert them, O God, Convert them, and returne them to their duety of Loyalty to thine Annointed; if they will not be converted, confound them O God, as many as lift up their hands against, or withdraw their hands frō my Lord the King.

You see what is meant by these words, they despised him; will you now see why they despised him? Why, it was be∣cause they looked on him as a single man, how shall this man save us?

Happily they thought him greater then any one of them∣selves in particular; but they thought themselves in a colle∣ctive or representative Body greater then the King; and this brings me to my 2a. 2ae. and the unfolding of my second que∣stion, which is,

* 1.37Whether the King be Singulis major, but Ʋniversis minor? But of the first branch of this question, I shall not neede to speake; for that the King is singulis major, no man denies; or if any, onely such as are more Beasts then men, and live more by sense then reason, or rather, have lost both their sense and reason.

My enquirie therefore is upon the other branch of this question: viz. Whether the King bee universis minor, lesse then the body representative? This is the thing in agitation in this wicked age, and affirmed by wicked men, the children of Belial.

But how truely they affirme it, you may see: First, by their Sophistrie: and secondly, by our verity grounded upon Scrip∣ture, Fathers, Reason, and the Law of England.

1. They tell us, the fountaine or cause of the King is grea∣ter then the King; but the people representative is the cause and fountaine of the King.

But with their favour, that Axiome upon which they build, Quicquid efficit tale est magis tale, though it bee alwayes true, Ante effectum productum, yet it is often false, Post ef∣fectus productionem: Ʋ: G: The fountaine was once more

water then the river, the sparke was once more fire then all the wood in the chimney, but it is not so.

And indeed, the assumption is never true, for the people is not the fountaine or efficient of the King, God is; I have shewed it before, and thither I referre you.

And yet, were it true, why, yet it would not follow, that therefore the people are greater then the King: For that Axiome is true onely in those agents, in whom the quality by which they worke is inherent, and from whom it cannot be separated: But the people (if they had power to make the King) have by that Act divested themselves of that power; and the King is not under them, but over them; and not onely over them, Sigillatim, but also Conjunction; else the body representative need not petition him; for they might command him, they need not else call him their Soveraigne, but their fellow-subject, they need not else write, To the Kings most excellent Majestie; but, To our very loving friend: But you know the usuall style of the body representative; to the Kings most excellent Majestie; We your Majesties most humble subjects in this present Parliament assembled; and this I hope is no complement, or pro formâ tantum: Sure I am they call God to witnesse it, and so by their owne pract∣ise and confession, the King is, not onely singulis, but also u∣niversis major.

2. And so secondly, the Scripture sayes as much; for when that Army Royall was to joyne Battell against Absolon the Generall of the Rebels, and his Rebell-Armie; and David the King had appointed his three chiefes over all his Cavalrie and Infantrie, Joah, Abishai, and Ittai, and said,* 1.38 Hee would go forth himselfe to battell, No said the people, the people represented the great Councell, the Councell of Warre, and the Councell of State: they all desire him to forbeare, and tell him, It is not safe for him to go along with them; and why? What reason have they for it? marry the best reason in the world, salus Populi, salus Regui, both depending up∣on the safety of the King: If we flie away, they will not care for us, neither if halfe of us die, will they care for us but

now thou art better then 10000. of us: id est, Thou art worth us all, thou art better then us all, thou art over and a∣bove us all.

* 1.39And so much sayes God himselfe, when speaking of the King, he sayes, I have exalted one chosen out of the people; Marke it, it is Ʋnum electum è populo, not a populo; and that one so chosen by God, God hath exalted; and over whom hath God exalted him? over the people sure, or over no body, and not over this or that part of the people, but over the peo∣ple indefinitely: i.e. over all the people generally and uni∣versally.

* 1.40The New Testament too speakes the same, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In which words the body collective, and the body represen∣tative, are both subordinated to the King: the body collective is the people; and sayes Saint Peter to them, Submit your selves, the body representative is the inferiour Magistrates, the Peers, Nobles, and Counsellors, call them what you please, the House of Peeres, and the House of Commons; and saies Saint Peter of them, They are Governours sent by him, id est, by the King: for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cannot here relate to any word but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, else there had beene an absurditie, and if there were a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, there were an impossibility too, as ab∣surd to suppose one Kingdome to have two supremes, as one Firmament to have two Sunnes, and as impossible to grant o∣bedience to two supremes commanding contrary things, as to serve two masters.

In a word, the inferiour Governours are made by the cheife, and who is the chiefe but the King? God only made the King, and the King only makes Inferiour Magistrates; (for they are sent, or made only by him;) God only can de jure unmake the King, and the King only can de jure unmake the Inferiour Magistrates; And therefore, they are not coordinate with him, but subordinate to him.

If now you believe Samuel the Prophet, or St. Peter the Apostle, or God himselfe, the King is as well universis, as sin∣gulis major: id est, in plaine English, Greater then people,

or Parliament: viz. where the King and Parliament are di∣stinguished; for the Parliament is sent, or made, or calld to be a Parliament by the King.

And hath it not been so ever since?* 1.41 looke else upon Tertul∣lian for the Primitive Fathers, We account the Emperour So∣veraigne over all, and acknowledge him subject to God alone: Looke else upon Aquinas for the Schoolemen,* 1.42 if a succes∣sive King, or King by inheritance turne Tyrant, recurrendum est ad omnium Regem, Deum, we must have recourse to God alone, because God onely hath power over Kings.

And sayes Gregory Turonensis to Childerick that King of France, You may chastise us if we transgresse, but if you ex∣ceed your limits, who may chastise you? None, no man, no assembly of men, who but God? surely then the King is a∣bove all men in the judgement of Divinity.

And is he not so in the judgement of reason? why else doe we call the Ring Sponsus Regni? and at his Coronation he is wedded to the Kingdome with a Ring: Why else doe wee call the King Caput Regni? not of these or those perticular Members, but Regni, of all the members in the kingdome: For all the members in their politick capacity make but one body, and hath one body any more then one head? and hath not every body a head? else it is a monster, or a carkasse:* 1.43 Nec populus Acephalus corpus vocari meretur; quia ut in natura∣libus capite detruncato, Residuum non corpus, sed truncum ap∣pellamus; sic in politicis sive capite communitas nullatenus corporatur: And certainely if the King makes the communi∣ty a body, and the community without the King is not a bo∣by, the King is above the community, for the head is above the body.

To these two Denominations, I adde a third; the King is Oecenomus, or Pater familias: the kingdome is Familia, the King is Dominus, the kingdome Domus, and that Criticis∣me is •• truth; Dominus domni praeest, as well in universis, is singulis.

Agesilaus foresaw the danger of this Destruction and therefore to a Citizen of Sparta, that desired, an alteration

of Government, he returned this answer, That kind of rule which a man disdaines in his owne house, is very unfit to govern a Kingdome by: You disdaine that your Wife, Children, Ser∣vants, the Representative body of your little Kingdome, should carry themselves over you, and command you; it is a gracelesse Familie that does so, and they are gracelesse and re∣bellious Subjects, that say, They are, or esteeme themselves to be above the King.

They that say so, speake against reason, for the King is sponsus, and the People sponsa; for the King is Caput, and the people Corpus; for the King is Pater, and the people Fi∣lij; for the King is Dominus, and the people servi.

They that say so, speake against Divinity: for it hath been the universall opinion of all the Fathers, of all, I bate not one till the yeare 1300. and odde; that the King is inferior to none but God; and they speake against the letter and sense of the Scripture too, for the Scripture calls such despisers of the King, Children of Belial: And lastly, they speake against the letter and sense of the common lawes of England too.

* 1.44Omnis sub Rege, saies Bracton; Parem non habet in Reg•••• de Chartis Regiis, & Factis Regum, neo privatae personae, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Justiciarii debent disputare.

Notorium est, saies Walsingham; It is beyond all doubt, th•••• the Kings of England are of an unbounded preeminence, and ought not to answer before any Judge Ecclesiasticall or Civil.

It was an answer of that Parliament to a Popes demand, and for such demands our forefathers accounted the Pope to be Antichrist; I wish they had not sent that reason of Anti∣christ from St. Peters in Rome to St. Peters elsewhere; for some wise men doe not now stick to say, if this be his badge, Populus is Antichristus; It is an ordinary thing for Anti∣christ to lye, and I take this for one; for if the King be of an unbounded preeminence, then by no meanes under the peo∣ples girdle.

* 1.45That objection is of no force; Ad tutelam Legis, subdit••∣rum, ac eorum corporum & honorum Rex erectus est, & hanc potestatem affluxam ipsa habet:* 1.46 For Fortescue there speakes

of a King meerely Politick, saying, Rex hujusmodi, whereas Regnum Anglia in Dominium Politicum & Regal•• prorupit, & in utro{que}, tam Regalè, quàm politico, populo suo dominatur; The sence of this great Lawyer is, in reference to his power, he is a Regall King, & Rex naturalis, and a King by birth; in re∣ference to his duty, he is a politick King, or Rex nationalis, a King by Law; But in both, a King; and therefore universis major in both respects.

Nor does that reply from Bracton or Fleta, (for they both have it) doe any more harme; Rex sub Lege est,* 1.47 for howsoe∣ver the King be under the Directive Power of the Law, as the Law is the Rule of justice; yet he is above the Corrective Po∣wer of the Law, as the Law is the instrument of justice.

In a word, the Law declares the Kings Right, the people admit him to the possession of that Right, the Counsell advise him in the safest way of governing his people; and so they use all but as instruments and servants to him, and he is above them all.

The King is the life, the Head, and Authority of all things that are done in the Realme of England, saies Sir Thomas Smith in his Common wealth of England.* 1.48

Summam & supremam potestatem habet in omnes Regni or∣••••••s; Nec praeter Deum superiorem agnoscit,* 1.49 sayes Master Cambden; and if he be under none but God, he is above all the people, unlesse they be God.

And to all this you have all sworne in the Oath of Allegi∣ance, some of you in the Oath of Supremacie, and the late Protestation, viz, To maintaine the Kings supremacie in all causes, and over all persons, Ecclesiasticall and Civill: A so∣veraignty then hee hath, and you have sworne to maintaine it, not onely over singular persons, but over all persons, and as you endeavour it, so helpe you God.

But you may justly feare, if now you unsweare that, or sweare, or doe against that which you have so solemnly sworn to doe; that God will, not onely not helpe you, but wound you, wound you while you live with the infamie of Re∣bells, and a tormenting conscience, and wound you when

you are dead with the eternity of fire, and all the torment of hell.

From both which Almighty God deliver you for Jesus Christ his sake: and from both which that you may be delive∣red, I pray God to give you grace to acknowledge and esteeme the King to be universis as well as singulis major; Amen.

They that thinke lesse of him, doe despise him, and are therefore the children of Bellal; And so are they that bring him no presents.

* 1.50It is my last consideration; I called it the Privative con∣dition of Rebells, and children of Belial, they brought him as presents.

I need not spend any time in the explication of these words, they are obvious to the thinnest understanding, and they in∣tend thus much; These men, these children of Belial, did not contribute to the maintenance of the King in his warres, they did not ayde him, they did not assist him, they ayded him not with Armes, they assisted him not with money, they withheld his vectigalia from him, they brought him not his Customes, his Crowne-Revenues, his Subsidies, and his Poll∣monies.

I shall therefore spend my ensuing discourse, in resolving that question, which doth even naturally arise from these last words, viz.

* 1.51Whether it be lawfull to beare Armes, or to contribute for the maintenance of a Warre against the King?

And this Text resolves it negatively, and sayes, It is not lawfull; for they who brought the King no presents, were sonnes of Belial; and therefore much more are they the sonnes of Belial, who fight against, or contribute to maintaine a fight against the King.

And to make this good, I shall take leave, 1. removere, to remove those objections, those grand objections which seem to check this truth. 2. Movere, to commend to you a choise and pregnant place of Scripture, or two, which give the check∣mate to those objections: 3. Perpendere, to waigh some spee∣ches of the Fathers, and so make it good by their Theorie and

practise: and 4. Proponere, to lay before your face some of those fearefull judgements, which have befallen some men that have borne Armes against their Kings,* 1.52 as fearefull ex∣amples for them, who now contribute for the maintenance of such warres.

And first, for the objections; I meet but with two that car∣rie any seeming validitie with them, many more there are: As 1. The peoples rescuing Jonathan from Saul: 2. Elisha's shutting the doore, and holding fast the messenger that came from King Joram: 3. Jebues killing that King Joram: 4. A∣hikams defending the Prophet from the tyrany of King Jehoi∣akim: 5. The withstanding of Ʋzziah the King by Azariah the Priest: 6. The Deposing of Athaliah the Queene: But they are all frivolous, and want weight, Et eâdem facilitate repelluntur, quâ proponuntur.

The first that carries any shew with it, as I conceive, is Da∣vids taking up Armes against King Saul; and hence the Re∣bells argue thus: David the Subject tooke up Armes against Saul the King, and was not rebuked for it, either by Divines, Lawyers, or States-men; many of his fellow-Subjects tooke up armes with him, to the number of 600. and very likely, many more contributed to the maintenance of that Army; nor yet were they reprehended by Divinity, Law, or Pollicie: and therefore Subjects may in some cases take up Armes, and contribute to the maintenance of a Warre against their King, (if he be an oppressour of their Properties, Liberties, or Re∣ligion.)

And to this colourable objection it is answered, the alle∣gation is false, false and absurd both; false, because David was so farre from taking up these Armes against King Saul, that he continually fled from him, and never fought with him:* 1.53 * 1.54 yea, so farre from fighting with King Saul he was, that when God had delivered him two several times into his hands,* 1.55 once at the Edge hill of Hackilah, and once in the wildernesse of Eugedi, he durst not himselfe, nor would hee suffer any man else to stretch forth his hand against King Saul, and for this onely reason, Because he was the Lords annointed, false there∣fore:

And absurd too, to imagine that David should raise or entertaine 600.* 1.56 men to fight against King Saul, who never went without 3000. men at his heeles: Impar congressus, and very unlearnedly is David with his 600. men urged as an ex∣ample or argument, to justifie disloyalty.

Nor will that addition helpe it, viz. That King David was 40000. strong; for he was not so strong till after Sauls death, as appeares in the story:* 1.57 But admit it for truth, that David was 40000. strong in the dayes of Saul, yet this is so farre from being an argument to justifie Rebellion, or taking up Armes against the King, as that it doth altogether condemne it; for notwithstanding so great strength, yet David never pursued Saul, never let flie any murthering arrowes, dart, ston••, at or against King Saul, but still fled from him; and to put him out of all such feares and jealousies, hee got himselfe with all his Forces out of his Kingdome, and begged a place for his habitation of Achish King of Gath.

Let all our rebells follow David in the whole example, and wee shall both allow this quotation, and also commend their imitation; yea, and pray they may have so many fol∣lowers, that there may not bee one Rebell left to lift up his hand against King Charles the Lords Annointed.

[Object. 2] The second objection of any colourable strength, is that of Jeroboam;* 1.58 from whence it is thus argued: Rehoboam the son of Solomon refused to ease the people of their burthens, and therefore the people tooke up Armes, and set up Jeroboam to be King over them; and this was so farre from being a sinne that the Text sayes, It was from the Lord; and therefore Sub∣jects may in some cases beare Armes against their King.

* 1.59It was answered, The Scripture here sets downe, Rei gesta veritatem, non facti aequitatem; and hereupon sayes Saint Au∣stin, Quia factum legimus, non ideo faciendum credimus, s••ct∣ando enim exemplum violimus praeceptum, nor can wee any more free our selves from the breach of the fift Comman∣dement, if wee take up Armes against our King upon this example, then wee can from the breach of the eight Com∣mandement, if wee plunder and robbe our neighbours upon

the example of the Israelites spoyling the Egyptians.

True, Jeroboam was King, and that was from the Lord; but by permission onely, not appointment; and God in that permission at once punished Solomons Idolatry, and Rehobo∣ams follie; but notwithstanding this, that act of the people, in revolting from Rehoboam, was Rebellion,* 1.60 and so called by God himselfe in two severall places, and God punished this Rebellion of theirs so fearefully, that he first gave them up to Idolatry, and afterwards drove them out into Captivity; and this is commonly the reward of Rebells: First they turne I∣dolaters, or what is tantomount; irreligious, (let any one say what Religion the Rebells are of) and so are hated by God, and afterwards are made slaves, and so are hated by men; That we may never fall into the one or the other, either Ido∣latry, or Captivitie, Almightie God keepe us from Rebelli∣on. Amen.

The Scripture affords not one more colourable example to justifie the taking up of Arms against the King, and therefore the Rebells of this age borrow one from our owne Country.

[Object. 3] Richard the second was deposed by Parliament, and there∣fore a King of England may be resisted.

I answer it, Infandum scelerate jubet renovare pudorem:* 1.61 If the Rebells were not past all shame, they would never have remembred this Factum, since it is without all Aequum, and to this day remaines the blemish of our Nation; and this ve∣ry act brought such miseries upon this Kingdome, that untill two Kings, one Prince, ten Dukes, two Marquesses, 21. Earls, 27. Lords. 2. Viscounts, one Lord Prior, one Judge, 139. Knights, 421. Esquires, Gentlemen of a vast number, and 100000. Common people were slaine in these Civill Warres, England never saw happy dayes; This repetition hath retho∣rique enough to stirre you up to sorrow, I say no more of it therefore; but, that we may againe see peace and happinesse in our dayes, God put a period to them that beare Armes a∣gainst King Charles: Amen.

For it is unlawfull, as appeares. 2. by Scripture,* 1.62 I will name but two instead of two hundred: The first is that of So∣lomons,

whose precept is, That we keepe the Kings Comman∣dement:* 1.63 id est, Whatsoever he commands, so it be not against the word of God: The reason of this precept is double: 1. In regard of conscience, Because of the Oath of God, we have sworne to it, and we have called God to witnesse to the truth of our intention and endeavour to performe this Oath; and accordingly we may expect God•• rewarder, or a revenger: The second reason is, in regard of power, For where the word of a King is there is power: q. d. For a while, the word of a King, like the word of God, may be sleighted, but in the end, it will appeare a word of power, and shall be suffered with death,* 1.64 where it was not obeyed with duety: For against the King there is no rising up: Nemo qui insurgit, sayes Junius; Nemo qui insurgat, sayes Clarius, (I wish hee had beene a Prophet:) By Solomons rule, it is unlawfull to beare Armes against the King.

* 1.65And so it is by Saint Pauls rule too, his precept is obedi∣ence to the higher powers, not to the naked authority, as Mr. Burrowes would make that man beleeve, that is given over to beleeve a lye, but to the person cloathed with that power: For if 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 may signifie power in the abstract, or the pow∣er of the Law, without relation to the person that made that Law; yet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 must of necessity note the person, and the superiority of the person, that hath this power conferred upon him; and such power no person in England hath, but onely the King of England: His great Counsell may ju•• di∣cere, he onely can jus dare; and therefore to him must every English soule be subject; subject actively, licitis, and subject passively, in illicitis; both wayes so farre subject, as that we may not resist: The reason is, for if we doe, we shall receive damnation: the word is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and that signifies, not the plun∣dering of the goods at home, not the hanging of the body a∣broad, but the everlasting damnation of the soule and body in Hell, notwithstanding Mr. Marshals new Lexicon.

If now you beleeve Solomon, or Saint Paul, (I could add Moses and all the other Prophets, Saint Peter and all the o∣ther Apostles) It is not lawfull for any man, for any sort of

men to beare Armes against the King: Yea, therefore every man must assist the King with Armes, and contribute to the maintenance of his Warres, for they that doe not are the chil∣dren of Belial: The children of Belial said, How shall this man save us? they despised him and brought him no presents.

And doe not the Fathers assent to the same?* 1.66 Why else did Justin Martyr say; For our Religions sake, and preservation of publike peace, we Christians, O Emperour, yield you our helpe and assistance: It was Tertullians glory, that Christians were never found Albinians, Nigrians, Cassians, or any o∣ther sort of Traytors: Athanasius professed it not lawfull to say or speake otherwise then wel of Majestie: Nazianzen knew no meanes lawful to restrain the persecutour, but tears: St. Ambrose knew no other way to resist then with teares: St. Austine commended the Christians for obeying Julian, I could name St. Gregory, Fulgentius, St. Bernard, and many more: For all, heare the Anathema of a full Assembly of Bishops in the Conncell of Toledo, Whosoever shall violate that Oath which he hath taken for the preservation of the King's Majesty;* 1.67 whosoever shall attempt to destroy or depose the King, who∣soever shall aspire to the Regall Throne, Let him bee accurst, cast out of the Church, and together with his Complices bee condemned with the Devill and his angels eternally; let them be all tyed in the bond of damnation, who were joyned in the society of Sedition.

[ 1] Here now let no man say, That these Fathers command o∣bedience to good Kings onely; for some of those Kings, whom they command to obey, were Hereticks, some Idolaters, some Apostata'es, some Tyrants, most of them bad enough.

[ 2] Let no man say, the Christians did not resist, because they had not strength and power enough; for Tertullian tells you,* 1.68 They had; Cyprian tells you, They had; Saint Gregory the Great tells you, They had; the number of Christians was A principio, from a few yeares after the Apostles. Nimius & co∣piosus, both strong and numerous.

[ 3] Let no man say, Christian Religion, and their priviledges were not yet established, for they were: Constantine the

Great, and his successors established them, and daily added to their Immunities.

And now, judge your selves, Beloved, whether you were better beleeve the Scriptures, and the Fathers, then some yong Teachers, and schismatical Divines crept up but yesterday, and never durst appeare in Old England till now; and now they doe appeare, they dare not dispute verbis, but verberibus, and God first or last will give them their belly full.

Certainely if our Brethren were not wilfully blinde, they would joyne with us, and conclude, It is not lawfull to beare Armes, or contribute to maintaine a Warre against the King: They were children of Belial that brought King Saul no pre∣sents; and to Belial they all must (without Gods infinite mer∣cie and their owne repentance) who now maintaine a Warre, or beare Armes against King Charles.

* 1.69And this is evident, fourthly and lastly, by those fearefull punishments and judgements, which God and man from time to time have inflicted upon Rebells and Traytors, even such as have borne Armes, and maintained War against their Kings.

Looke else upon those intentionall Rebells, Corah the Clergie Rebell, Dathan and Abiron the Laie-Rebells; the one by a fire from Heaven is sent into the fire of Hell, the other through the earth fall into the pit of the damned: So Saint Basil.* 1.70

Looke else upon that verball Rebell, Shimei, hee is put to an untimely and ignominious death.

Looke else upon those actuall Rebells, Achitophel a great Polititian, Absolon a Favourite of his Fathers, and of the peo∣ples affections; the one hangs himselfe, the other is hanged in a tree: And Sheba for but blowing a seditious Trumpet, for but striking up a rebellious Drumme hath his head cut-off.

See my Beloved, see if yee can finde but one, even but one Rebell, either in holy, or humane Histories that ever escaped unpunished, either by the hand of God, in a troubled and per∣plexed conscience, or by the hand of man, in an untimely and odious death: Brutus with the same hand and Dagger, hee stabbed his King Caesar, he kils himselfe.

That seditious Ring-leader of the Jewes against Adrian the Emperour, who called himselfe Ben-Chobab, or Filius stellae,* 1.71 is suddenly kild, and ever after scornfully remembred by the name of Ben-C••zba, or the Sonne of a Lye.

I have heard of a certaine Commander, whose name I am not willing to remember, who often wisht he might rot, if e∣ver he lift his hand, or drew his Sword against the King; not∣withstanding he did both, and God answered his wish, hee rotted within, and dyed.

A certaine Lord I have likewise heard of, a great Ring-lea∣der in a Rebellion, yet a great pretender to a Reformation, who in his exercises of Devotion would often desire God; If the cause he took were not right, if the cause he managed were not just, he would take him away suddenly; God heard him, and answered him, for by the shot of a Musket he is killed so suddenly, that he had not so much time, as to say, God be mer∣cifull unto me, and so without signe or symptome of repen∣tance dyed.

I need not remember you of Pausanias, Ariobarzanes, Ro∣dolph Duke of Suevia, Catiline of Rome, and many of England.

Not one of them all, nor any other that I remember, or have read of, but if he lived, he lived the scorne of honest men, and if he dyed, he dyed the shame of his Friends, the mirth of his enemies, and the example of all; God in the shamefull and fearefull punishments of them, telling us, That to beare Armes, or contribute to maintaine a Warre against the King is utterly unlawfull: That the people of this Kingdome may no longer do it: With the Church I pray,

From all Sedition and privy Conspiracie, from this present dangerous Rebellion, from all false Doctrine and He∣resie, from hardnesse of heart, and contempt of thy Word and Commandement,

Good Lord deliver us. Amen.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Questi∣ons.
• * 1.2

  Resol. Populi.
• * 1.3

  Resol. S••¦muelis.
• * 1.4

  Division.
• * 1.5

  Ps. 1.
• * 1.6

  Mat. 17.21.
• * 1.7

  Belial, what?
• * 1.8

  Children of Belial, how?
• * 1.9

  Job. 8.44.
• * 1.10

  •• a. •• ae.
• * 1.11

  Act. 4.19.
• * 1.12

  Pol. l. 1. c. 8.
• * 1.13

  Exod. 2.12 14. Act. 7.25.
• * 1.14

  Judg. 19.8.10.
• * 1.15

  1 Sam. 8.4.
• * 1.16

  Pro. 8.15.
• * 1.17

  Isay. 45 1. Dan. ••.25.
• * 1.18

  Joh. 19.1••. Rom. 11.1.
• * 1.19

  Object.
• * 1.20

  1 Reg 12.2••0
• * 1.21

  Answ.
• * 1.22

  Replie.
• * 1.23

  1 Pet. 2.13.
• * 1.24

  Resol.
• * 1.25

  Ad Anti∣och. q 55. De reg. pa. l. 1 c 6.
• * 1.26

  Speed. l. 9. c. 26.
• * 1.27

  Polyd. Virg. l. 11.
• * 1.28

  Smith. C. W. l. 2. c 4.
• * 1.29

  fol. 34. ab.
• * 1.30

  Ps. 2.
• * 1.31

  Eccles. 10.20.
• * 1.32

  Est. 2.21.23.
• * 1.33

  Deut. 27.16.
• * 1.34

  Num. 23.
• * 1.35

  2. Sam. 16.5.
• * 1.36

  1. Sam.
• * 1.37

  2a. 2ae. or Quest. 2.
• * 1.38

  2 Sam. 18.2.
• * 1.39

  Ps. 89.20
• * 1.40

  1 Pet. 2.13
• * 1.41

  Ad Scap.
• * 1.42

  2 a. 2 ae. q. 104. ar. 6.
• * 1.43

  Fortesa∣cut.
• * 1.44

  l. 2. c. 8.
• * 1.45

  Object.
• * 1.46

  Answ.
• * 1.47

  Replie. Resol.
• * 1.48

  l. 2. c. 4.
• * 1.49

  Elisab. pag 391. Brit. pag. 132.
• * 1.50

  Ps. 3.
• * 1.51

  ••••. 3 ae.
• * 1.52

  1. Media∣tione non Rebellio∣ne: Juni∣us, Bor∣th••ius, Osi¦ander, Wil∣let: non Fustibus, sed preci∣bus: Peter Martyr.

  2. Revela∣tione, non oppositio∣ne.

  3 Speciali jussu, non lege.

  4. A popu∣li tumultu non Regis tyrannide.

  5. Verbis, non Gla∣dits; per∣suasione, non insur∣rectione: & lepro∣sus fuit.

  6. Usurpa∣trix fuit.
• * 1.53

  Object.
• * 1.54

  1 Sam. ••2.1.2.24.28.
• * 1.55

  Answ.
• * 1.56

  1 Sam. 26.1.
• * 1.57

  1 Chr. 12.22.
• * 1.58

  1 Reg. 12.
• * 1.59

  Answ.
• * 1.60

  1 Reg. 12.19. 2 Cro. 10.19.
• * 1.61

  Answ.
• * 1.62

  4 a. 3 ae.
• * 1.63

  Eccles. 8.2.3.4.
• * 1.64

  Pro. 30.31
• * 1.65

  Rom. 13.1.2.
• * 1.66

  5 a. 3 ae. Apol. 2. ad Ant. Imp. pag. 113. Ad scap. Apol. ad Const. O∣rat. in Ju∣lian. 1. Contr. Auxent. Ep. 31.32.33. In Ps. 114.
• * 1.67

  Conc. 5. Canc. 2.
• * 1.68

  In Apol. Ep. l. 7. ep. 1.
• * 1.69

  6 a. 3 ae.
• * 1.70

  Hom. 9.
• * 1.71

  Euseb. l. 4. c. 7.