Monsieur Rapin's Comparison of Thucydides and Livy translated into English.

THE COMPARISON OF THUCYDIDES and LIVY.

CHAP. I.

The Design of the Work, and the Difficulties of the Un∣dertaking.

BEsides that vast Difficulty there is, to establish standing Rules, whereby to judge of the Beauty of such Works as these which I am go∣ing to compare: There are many whose Opinion will be contrary to mine in the very Choice I have made of these Two Historians, as the most Accomplisht in both Languages; because men are dif∣ferent in their Judgments, and humour∣some in their Tasts of things: and 'twill

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be hard to convince them that a just Comparison can be made betwixt Two Authors, whose Works have nothing of Relation or Proportion to each other. For that of Livy is an Universal Histo∣ry, of a People who had the Sovereign∣ty of the World, that takes in a space of more than Seven Hundred Years; and that of Thucydides is only a Frag∣ment of a History, relating to a particu∣lar Nation, and of a War that lasted not Thirty Years in all: Such are the Difficulties that immediately offer them∣selves in the Execution of my propos'd Design; and it is troublesome to engage in't before this Point be clear'd.

For the first we need only understand what is the end of History, to be able to judge with some kind of certainty and distinction, of the excellency of a work of that nature. And for the se∣cond difficulty which respects the choice I have made of these two Authors, no∣thing can better justify it, than what I shall say in Commendation of them both. For not to tye my self to the testi∣monies of the Learned who have given their judgment of them before me, upon which I might build my own; not to

mention Dionysius Halicarnassensis, the most judicious Critick of them all; who calls Thucydides, the most perfect of the Greek Historians, assuring us that the ingenious of his time took him for the true pattern of writing History: Not to call in the evidence of Quintilian in favour of Livy whom he prefers before all the Latin Historians; nor to alledge the admiration they have both been had in, by all ages, where sound Sense hath had any sway or dominion; nothing can possibly afford us a better view of the ascendant these two Historians have a∣bove all others, than the Parallel which may be drawn betwixt them, to con∣vince those that are doubtful in the mat∣ter. For the only Greeks that can pre∣tend to completion with Thucydides, are in my opinion Herodotus, Xenophon and Polybius: The rest deserve not to enter the Lists with him, as rising not to that grandeur and dignity which History re∣quires.

Herodotus, indeed took a greater flight: His design including all that was nobly transacted in Europe and Asia, by the Greeks and Barbarians for the space of two Hundred Years was more fortunate

than that of Thucydides; but the per∣formance is no way answerable to the grandeur of the Subject. The too great ambition that Author had to please made him so careless of Truth, that Plutarch concludes his Falshoods alone would make a Volume: and his Integrity has been extreamly run down, by all that have examin'd it. He was of a temper too agreeable to have a Character that was solid, laborious, and fit for the dis∣covery of Truth. He's of a superficial Genius that lays not stress enough on things to carry our Mind to the bottome of them. As to Xenophon, he is admi∣rable for the sweetness of his Stile; but is too smooth, and too much upon the level; he hardly makes a step out of that middle way, which yet carries in it some∣thing noble and natural. Polybius is a kind of Philosopher of a penetrating Spirit, who lays out himself in Reason∣ings, and generally divests himself of the character of Historian to put on the Politician. The rest of the Greeks have nothing in them comparable to Thu∣cydides.

There is still less Difficulty in respect of Livy among the Latines, the most

accomplisht of whose Historians come not near him. Salust has scarce any thing that is finisht: What we have re∣maining of his History, is in-sufficient to give us a just notion of his Merit. There remains indeed enough to give us a good Opinion of him; but too lit∣tle to found a Comparison on with Livy. Cesar (that in the most familiar way of expressing himself has retain'd that Dig∣nity which became him, and writing in the lowest kind of middle Style, wants nothing of the fineness of the most exact) is no Historian. Paterculus's Piece, how∣beit of a noble and delicate tast has too little Body, because it has too much Soul. Tacitus has an admirable genius; but he generally out-shoots the sublime: He is noble enough in his Thoughts; but is not Natural in what he thinks. 'Tis true he has abundance of Wit, but such sort of Wit that can not speak of plain things in a plain manner: for he is still politick and artificial in every thing he says. His work is not so much an History as Reflections on History: he busied him∣self in making Reflections,* 1.1 being forestall'd by others, who left no∣thing new for him to say, which deter∣min'd

him to that way he took, where∣in he succeeded, and made himself con∣siderable. Quintus Curtius has handled a noble Theme with too florid and gay an air, in terms too exquisite and far fetcht, and too studied figures. In some places he sports a little with his Subject, forgetting the importance was such as requir'd more Gravity. Livy alone has fill'd up all the parts of a compleat Histo∣rian The greatness of his Subject is an∣swerable to his Style: he has matcht the Grandeur of a People, whose History he writes, with as noble a Genius: That matter could not be treated, as became its greatness, but in that manner he has done it; who has been Master of all the Beauties of Composition in such heighth of perfection, as no Man else has ever been so happy as to arrive to.

So then, all things well consider'd, Thucydides has not only stood unparallel'd among those Greek Historians, which have been handed down to us, and Livy been unrival'd amongst the Latines; but both the one and the other have arriv'd to such a pitch of Excellency as has ap∣pear'd in no Historian ever since. And all succeeding Ages have as it were fall'n

prostrate at their Feet, acknowledging them to be Genius's of the highest Order, destin'd to be Rules and Models to all others. Which will be made out, in that which follows, so as to be unex∣ceptionable to all those who will have a little patience and attention.

For the third Difficulty I own it im∣possible to make a just Comparison of two Authors, and their History who have no relation to each other. But in respect of their wit and of their temper, of their ways and manner of writing, and all that belongs to Composition they may be compar'd: 'tis only herein they can be made the subject of a Comparison, and it is in this only that I compare them: But let us consider their Persons before we enter upon their Works.

CHAP. II.

A Comparison of their Persons.

THO' Impartiality, Fidelity, Ho∣nesty, and other moral Virtues, are not always necessary Qualifications of an Author in general: we may say

notwithstanding they are extreamly re∣quisite to an Historian whose Senti∣ments should ever be honest and well∣meaning. 'Tis necessary his Zeal for Truth be as Sacred to him as his Religion; that Integrity be his indispensable Rule; that Honour, love of Equity, and a dis∣interested Meaning shine in every thing he writes, and every thing he thinks. So that although it requires a prodigious stock of Parts to write History well; yet an Historian that is in search of Glory, and thinks to make himself Immortal, should be more solicitous to avoid the imperfections of Will than Understand∣ing; the one being more Essential than the other. For 'tis not so much the Parts and great Capacity, as the Faith∣fulness of an Author which is regarded, when Men desire to be instructed how things have been managed and tran∣sacted in former times; since the best wrote History, take away the Credit of it, is no better than a Fable. But an Historian cannot himself be Faithful, unless he is an Honest man, disengaged of Prejudice, Interest and Passion. And these Qualifications require a niceness of Conscience, a greatness of Soul, and

a Courage above the common rate. Which probably gave occasion to that Roman to admire how it came into the head of one of Pompey's Freed-men na∣med Otacilius to under∣take,* 1.2 the first of his Rank, to write an History; because to carry on such an Attempt successfully there is requir'd a sort of liberty inconsistent with any thing slavish or cringing. A dishonest Man whose Soul is not of a make capa∣ble to distinguish false Glory from true, and who can be sensibly affected with other Interests than those of Truth and Reason, is the unfittest in the world to write an History. He will never be ad∣mitted into the belief of Mankind, who first gains not their good opinion of his Probity. So that sincerity stands him in∣stead of all things, if he would be well receiv'd, and if Wit should sometimes chance to fail him, yet Principles of Honour and Honesty should never be de∣ficient. This then is the first foundation for an Historian, as to his own concern. And these are the Principles on which I intend to examine these two Authors in what respects their Persons in order to compare them.

We know nothing of certainty con∣cerning the Person of Thucydides but what he himself has deliver'd in his History,* 1.3 that he was a Citizen of Athens, and General of the Army in Thrace, where he Married; that his Possessions were very great there, and that he pur∣chas'd much esteem by the largeness of his Expences. For the rest Antiquity is almost silent in the matter. There is no question to be made but that he was of an honourable Extraction, which, Mar∣cellinus who has left us a Fragment of the Life of this Great Man, deduces from the Kings of Thrace pretending that his Grandfather married a Daugh∣ter of that Family, whence his Father took the Name Olorus, and that he reckon'd amongst his Ancestors Miltia∣des and Cimon those Two celebrated Ge∣nerals of the Athenians. Suidas and Photius relate that Thucydides when a Youth hearing Herodotus read his Histo∣ry, at the Solemnity of the Olympick Games, fell a Crying, through a gal∣lant Jealousy, and a sense of Emulation. Which gave occasion to Herodotus to Complement the Father of the young Gentleman, as giving an infallible earn∣est

of his future Glory: In short he was an honest Man; the severity of his Mor∣als and his Piety are to be seen in several places of his Works, where he ever talks like a man of excellent Principles, never advancing of his own Head any Maxim of dangerous consequence. And his Discourse carries always in it a Mas∣culine air of Vertue. Take for an In∣stance what he says of a famous Com∣mander, that was put to Death by the Syracusians after his Defeat. Thus fell Nicias,* 1.4 who of all his Cotempo∣raries least deserv'd to dy in such a manner as having always been a zealous Worshiper of the Gods. And by the Cha∣racter of his Integrity, which appears in all his Writings he discovers the true bottome of his Heart, and the Purity of his Manners, which is the Quality Aristotle chiefly requires in a Discourse:* 1.5 when he says it can never be agreeable to the Subject, when 'tis insufficient to give you the manners of the Speaker: and a Discourse is nothing worth where the manners of the man are naught; for 'tis a Rule that one should be conformable to the other. Which is the particular Character of

this Author who never fails to create a good Opinion of himself in the Minds of those that read him.

Anaxagoras was his Master in Philo∣sophy, and Antiphon in Rhetorick, by both which his Mind was form'd in that solid and sensible manner to those Stu∣dies which lay the main Foundation of his Character. But as excellent as he was at these Sciences, he however knew the World better than Books. The Ac∣quaintance he had with Socrates, Plato, Critias, Alcibiades, Pericles, and all the Great Men of that Age, which was the Politest, and of the finest Tast that has ever been among the Greeks, gave the finishing stroke, so as to fit his Mind with these noble Idea's and Principles, which make an absolute Gentleman, and an accomplisht Historian: For besides that no man ever wrote in a more brave and disinterested manner, without the least reserve to his Resentment: he has moreover said nothing, but withal ima∣ginable Candor. He was so utter an Enemy to all manner of disguise that he could not away with any thing that should, I don't say wound, but give the least Offence to Truth, never advance∣ing

any Maxime that lookt not towards the Good of the Publick, the Love of which was engraven in his Heart. He was so tender and scrupulous of honour, that he has not fail'd in his History to treat the Athenians well, even those at whose Hands he had receiv'd the great∣est Indignities: concealing nothing which might be to the Advantage of Cleon and Brasidas the principal Authors of his Banishment.

For it was principally through the Intriegue of Cleon his Rival, that he was Banisht his Country, for not having succour'd Amphipolis whither he was commanded: and it was during his Ex∣ile that he wrote his History, finding more leisure, and better instructions in the Enemies Affairs, amongst whom he liv'd, as he declares in his Fifth Book; in which he speaks of his Banishment, and his Retirement among the Lacede∣monians, by whose means he got ac∣quainted with the Mystery of Affairs, which he had no possibility of knowing any other way. His Lady that he Mar∣ried bringing him a vast Fortune, he made use of it to collect his Memoirs; and he disburst considerable Summs to

the Lacedemonian Commanders to be in∣structed in the Truth of those things which his own Party for their own In∣terest had disguis'd. The Passion he had for Study, and the Pleasure he took in it, made his ill Fortune sit easier upon him, by giving him Resolution: 'Tis not known that he ever attempted his Restoration; the Honours that were due to him seem'd odious, since he thought it a shame to ask them; and having thro' Modesty never been forward, before his Exile, to make his way up to the Helm, he thought himself now utterly incapa∣ble of doing it, being suspected by the Citizens. He retreated to Egina a small Island of Peloponnesus, where he began to work upon his History: His Exile lasted Twenty Years, and he Died be∣fore he had finisht it. 'Tis his great Glory to have said nothing against his Conscience, as Dionysius Hallicarnassensis assures us in his own words,* 1.6 and that was One of his more special Qualities. Cicero gives him almost the same Encomium:* 1.7 and 'tis the Testimony the Learn'd of all Antiquity have given of him, who have extoll'd his Sincerity a∣bove

his other Vertues. He had the For∣tune to serve his Country both with his Sword and Pen; being engag'd in most of the Expeditions he Describes. And having, through the Employs the Re∣publick had intrusted him with, obtain'd an intire Knowledge of the Affairs of his own Country, as well as the Interests of the Lacedemonian Common-wealth, for the Particulars of which he was wholly oblig'd to his Exile: This gave him opportunity of preparing himself for his Undertaking with a Diligence which scarce had its Precedent. And it may be said, never Historian took Pen in hand better furnisht with Instructi∣ons, which he collected out of the dif∣ferent Interests of the Two Nations whose History he undertook. It may be farther added, that never Author had a greater Passion for Vertue, or a greater Aversion to Injustice than Thucydides. He Died in Thrace in the Fiftieth Year of his Age, before his Work was finisht. Xenophon, who Compleated it, adjoin'd the War of Sicily, and the other Wars of Greece, to enlarge his History. This is all we have been able to gather con∣cerning the Person of Thucydides; for

his Historian Marcellinus has rather given us the History of his Mind, than of his Life.

We are still more in the dark as to the Particulars of Livy's Life than that of Thucydides:* 1.8 For whether he had a greater Unconcernedness for Publick Business, and his own Promotion; or had more of the Philosopher than Thu∣cydides; whether he was of a more stu∣dious Constitution, and was destin'd to live retir'd in Silence and Obscurity: certain it is we know very little of his Origin, his Employments, his Adven∣tures, or the condition of his Fortune in general. Only thus much, that he was of Padua, contrary to Sigonius's O∣pinion, who would have him Born in a Village near that Town, call'd Apona, producing for this the pretended Testi∣mony of Martial in one of his Epigrams. 'Tis plain too he was of an honourable Family, since it had the Honour of send∣ing out Consuls of the Roman Common-wealth. That he liv'd under the Em∣pire of Augustus; that he Dedicated some Dialogues to him, upon the Questions debated in those Times relating to Philo∣sophy, whereby he got into that Em∣perors

acquaintance, and good opinion; that he after wrote a Treatise of Elo∣quence to his Son, which Quintilian made great account of; that he began his History at Rome for the convenience of such Memorials as were necessary, which were Recorded in the Annals in the Capitol; and for the better distin∣guishing Truth from fabulous Traditions, wherewith the Originals of the City of Rome abounded; that he retired some time after to Naples, to avoid distur∣bance in his Study; that he recited to Augustus and Mecenas some parts of his History, wherewith they were sensibly affected: that Augustus upon the esteem he conceived of him, made choice of him for a Tutor to form the Mind of his young Son Claudius who after∣wards was Emperour.* 1.9 Pliny Junior says the reputation of this great Man began already to make such a noise in the World,* 1.10 that a Stranger came to Rome from the farthest part of Spain pur∣posely to see Livy, whose Renown had spread it self far and near in his own Country.

After the death of Augustus he re∣turn'd to Padua, where the Citizens re∣ceived him with extraordinary honours. He dy'd in the fourth Year of the Reign of Tiberius. His abode at Rome, and the Favour of Augustus, gave him opportuni∣ty of furnishing himself with Know∣ledge necessary to his Design. The Zeal for his Undertaking, which was great and extraordinary, so fixt him to his Closet, and gave him so little disquiet for the Concernments of his Fortune, that his Life thereby became a little ob∣scure: being he was Oblig'd to seque∣ster himself from a more publick Con∣versation, and live private, that he might give himself wholly up to that grand Work he had in hand. He must needs have had a Soul prodigiously great, to form the project of so vast and laborious an Enterprize. For in short what ever Genius a man has; 'tis only a greatness of Spirit can produce those exalted and generous Sentiments that make the beauty and excellency of a noble Work.

Livy also was One of the Worthi∣est Men of all Antiquity. We need only read him, to think well of him, his man∣ner

of Writing ever giving us a great Idea of his Probity. You would conclude from his air of Speaking that he knew not what vanity was. He has not only never spoken of himself, nor any thing that belongs to him, in his History: but likewise we had been ignorant in what times he Wrote, had it not been for a word that by chance escap'd him, con∣cerning the Temple of Ja∣nus,* 1.11 which was now shut, says he, by Augustus, having been so but once before, since the Reign of Numa. He began his History in a strain of Modesty, which seems so Admirable to me, that I cannot be∣lieve a discreeter Author ever appeared in the World.* 1.12 See what is the Scope of that History which has been the most absolute Master-piece of An∣tiquity, and the Admiration of all Ages. I am uncertain whether the History I write of the Actions of the Roman People, since the Foundation of Rome, will be a Work worth any conside∣ration, and tho' I were perswaded of it, I durst not say it: for it is a matter &c. The

rest of that Exordium, which I offer not to Copy, since 'tis in the hands of all Men, is answerable to the beginning, and is sufficient to shew the Spirit of the Au∣thor. Never Man promis'd so little in Beginning a Work that promis'd so much. He comes not without trembling to the opening his Design, Diffident of his own strength, in the sustaining so great an Enterprize. But 'tis only in or∣der to give us more that he suffers us to hope so little: he is not timorous, but be∣cause he is wise, and ordinarily a Man is no farther Modest than he is Judicious. And this Character of Modesty is the fi∣nest amongst all the Qualities of an Au∣thor, that is Meditating some great thing; nothing creates a greater notion of his Judgment than his Distrust. It is a proof of his Capacity that he is sensi∣ble of the weightiness of his Subject, and 'tis the greatest Testimony can be given of the Honesty of an Historian. For what a Fund of Discretion and good manners must he needs have that can sti∣fle all Pride so natural to Mankind, and do himself Justice without Flattery. See wherein Livy is worthy of Admiration as soon as he opens his Lips. But after

he has given us so mean an Opinion of himself by the small Regard he makes of his own Performances, he lets us in∣to a multitude of Lights, he discovers a profoundness of Mind, an extent of Ge∣nius, a fruitfullness of Imagination; in fine, a Thousand Beauties, and infinite Treasures, which we attend not to, when we only reckon upon what he promis'd us.

For his Sincerity it Underwent the severest Trial, that possibly could be, without being Corrupted. The Repu∣tation he was in with Augustus, and that Favour to which he had advanc'd him, were not Motives sufficient to hinder his speaking Honourably, not only of Pom∣pey, but also Cassius and Brutus, the great∣est Enemies of that Emperour; honour∣ing the Memory of the Conquer'd in the Face, as one may say, of the Conqueror: and Recommending to the World, as Honest Men, the Murtherers of Caesar, in the Presence of Augustus: because they were Lovers of their own Country. 'Tis this which Cremutius Cor∣dus thought impossible to be sufficiently Praised in Titus Livy,* 1.13 as we are assur'd by Tacitus.

Such was Livy for his Moral Accom∣plishments,

and what respects his Per∣son: and it seems that something had been wanting to the glory, or rather the good fortune of a People that was Master of the World, had they fail'd of so great a Man for their Historian. 'Tis that which has doubtless occasion'd that Fa∣mous Inscription found at Padua in the Year One Thousand Four Hundred and Thirteen, in the Church of St. Justina. Ossa Titi Livii Patavini omnium mortali∣um judicio digni, cujus prope invicto calamo, invicti populi Romani res gestae conscribe∣rentur.

Thus then we see Two truly Vertu∣ous Historians: But to conclude this Head, the Vertue of Thucydides seems more Admirable than that of Livy. The former has afforded a kind Treatment even to his Enemies, who could not make him abate the least of his Integrity: and the Vertue of the later soar'd not quite so high, since it went no farther, than cau∣sing him to speak well of the Enemies of Augustus his Protector. This is what may be Collected of the Persons and Morals of both Historians: Let us now examine their Intellectual Vertues, which we cannot know better than by a Comparison of their Characters.

CHAP. III.

The Comparison of their Cha∣racters.

AS the Lines of a Face are expos'd to view, so 'tis no hard matter to discover them; but the lineaments of a Mind from whence proceed the differen∣ces of a Style, and Character, are so Ob∣scure and Imperceptible, that without a very singular insight, nothing of them can be known. Take however what Ancient Authors have left us of Thucy∣dides, who were best able to know his Character.

He has a mind so Solid,* 1.14 and well Founded, that he speaks nothing but what is well thought, and correct; no∣thing but what has all the Nerves and Strength, his Subject is capable of re∣ceiving. And whereas he always arrives at the truest Sense, and purest Reason, troubling not his Head about the Orna∣ments of Discourse, his way is usually somewhat dry, yet strong and lively,

because he is concise and close in his Expression. 'Twas from that great strength of Parts that he Studied to in∣clude so much Sense in so few words, and talking less than others, that he often said a great deal more. Take Cicero's Opinion of him in these words.* 1.15 Thucydides in digni∣ty of Style, and the art of E∣loquence, in my Opinion goes far beyond all that have Wrote: he abounds so with Matter, that his thoughts are almost equal in number to his Words, and he is so expressive and close in what he says, that 'tis hard to say whether his words set off the things, or the things his words, the most. This is what makes him so very Sententious in respect of other Historians; and is the cause that his Sense, straitned and confin'd in so few words, becomes something Obscure, be∣cause it wants that Liberty and Compass requir'd to make it Natural and Easy.

His Style is Exalted, Noble and Sub∣lime, which is the reason of his using so frequent and so bold Metaphors, in pure Political terms, yet better manag'd than those of Plato: and hence he arriv'd to

that grandeur of Expression which reigns so strongly in his Writings: in which he is ever great, without being extrava∣gant, in his Thoughts; always Natural, yet falls not into any thing vulgar or common. This he took from Homer, whose Imitator he perfectly was. He propos'd him for a Pattern in his simple, though no∣ble Expression, and almost in the whole Order of his Discourse, that is lively and animated. Marcellinus adds, that he betook himself to one Prodicus of the Island Cos, for the exact Choice of Words, and to Gorgias of Leontium for Order and Dispo∣sition. And besides that, this Historian form'd himself upon Pindar for the Sub∣lime Style, and the Greatness of Ex∣pression, which was his Excellence.

He had also learnt of Socrates, by the acquaintance he had with him, the Art of a Frank, and Ingenuous Narration, which he was so well accustom'd to, and which procur'd him the gift of per∣swasion in so high a measure: true it is that never any Man knew how to use his Reason better, or to make it more prevalent by those natural, but strong and pressing Turns he gave it: 'tis in this likewise he so far Transcends the

rest of Authors, speaking nothing but what was Essential to his Design. This it is that gives that Weight, Force and Dignity to his Discourse. He is indeed sometimes a little irregular in his Nar∣rations, but 'tis always an Effect of art more than disorder. 'Tis only to inspirit what he says, and to paint things in a more lively manner, that he expresses as present, what is past, and as careless as he seems in certain places, he still pre∣serves a justness of Expression couch'd in his words, so as nothing in the World is more natural than his Eloquence, or more finely Natural: His way of reasoning by frequent Enthymems, which Demosthenes has so well Copied, is strong and vehe∣ment; and nothing can be more lively or more engaging, than that Air of his which makes his distinguishing Chara∣cter. Dionysius Halicarnassensis concludes him to be the first Inventer of that way, which has set him so far above all other Writers. We find in the end of that Critick's Discourse, to Tubero, the places wherein Demosthenes has best exprest the force and grandeur of Thucydides in his imitation. 'Twas upon this great Model that noble Orator was form'd, to

which he apply'd himself with that ex∣ceeding Industry, as to Transcribe this Authors History eight times over, to take his Character, and Copy out his Excel∣lence, as we are assur'd by his Commenta∣tor Vlpian the Rhetorician. And it was chiefly in his Declamations against Phi∣lip of Macedon that Demosthenes imitated that Historian; and in the places where he speaks of the Republicks of Corinth, Corcyra, and of the King of Persia, and in such other Subjects as had reference to those Demosthenes had to treat of.

In fine Thucydides had a nobleness of Thought, a choice of Words, a boldness of Imagination, a vigour of Discourse, a profoundness of Reasoning, a neatness of Conception, a fineness of Stroke, Colour and Expression, which none of the other Greek Historians have been Masters of; which gave the most Ingenious Criticks amongst the Ancients reason to acquaint us, he took the true Style, History ought to be Wrote in: And indeed whatever he says, whatever passes through his Mind, receives a Turn of Greatness and Beauty beyond what any others can af∣ford us. He is a Genius of an order above the common Standard, that conceives

every thing Nobly, and gives a sort of Elevation to the most ordinary things. This so solid Character of mind gave him an exquisite relish for what was ex∣cellent, an admirable sagacity in the choice of things, an obstinate adherence to Truth, (which made him a Critical observer of every thing any ways con∣ducible to the discovery of it) and an incredible aversion to any thing that was an offence to probability; ever endea∣vouring more to profit than please, as he declares himself at the beginning of his Work. Hence he became so careful and scrupulous as to throw off many of those Ornaments his Subject might have wore; as his Historian has observ'd,* 1.16 to the end he might avoid those famous Rocks, on which want of Discretion cast Herodotus, as Arion and his Dolphin, with the rest of his fabulous Adventures.* 1.17 And 'tis on this account also that all Anti∣quity has had so great an Opinion of Thucydides.

But after all, this great Man seems to be in nothing worthier of Admiration, than in his Treating of the manners of Men, as one that excellently understood Man∣kind,

and had all the penetration requi∣site to unfold the most intricate doublings of the Heart: 'Twas from this profound Knowledge, he could so well discover the springs and motives of the nicest In∣terests, and the most imperceptible move∣ments of the secretest Passions that set Mankind on work: 'twas through the shrewdness of his view, that he stor'd his mind with those grand Maxims of the publick good, and all those political Considerations wherewith his History abounds: and upon which he built his principal Reasonings for the establishing of States, and continuing them establisht. From this so vast, and rich Fund, it is he draws out those noble sentiments, and admirable reflections he makes upon the management of the People, and conduct of their Governours, and from whence he deduces those excellent principles that are the first Foundations of that Equity and Honesty which make flourishing States; and those sound political and moral Maxims, which serve for Rules to guide Men in their duty. Hence it is he Circumstantiates every thing with so much Distinction, keeping close to ne∣cessary▪ Particularities, and cutting of

what is useless or superfluous to the Sub∣ject. Hence he takes those lively, affe∣ctionate and pathetical descriptions, that Embellish his Discourse: from hence it is he forms the project of his Narratives of Battles, Sieges, Assaults, Defences, warlike Expeditions, popular Commoti∣ons, and all those Agitations that usually happen in Common-wealths, through the nature of their Government, which are ever judiciously Circumstanc'd. To conclude, 'tis from that rich treasury of the knowledge of Mens manners he has taken all those Rules of decency, which teach him to represent all Conditions, Persons and Actions as their Quality and Capacity demand; and from whence he has form'd that wonderful art of Elo∣quence that renders him absolute Ma∣ster of those he speaks to, in perswading them whatever he desires. 'Tis by this Art he engages and fixes the mind of his Reader upon the action he describes, by so dazling Colours and lively Images representing to his Eyes, as it were, ra∣ther than his Understanding the things he speaks of, moving his Passion, raising his Attention, and filling him full of the matter he's expressing: whilst the Mind

dragg'd along with a pleasing kind of violence, lets go its hold, and is willingly carried away by the Impetus of the cur∣rent, for the better attending to the Im∣pression.

But though all Authors indifferently make use of the same Terms and the same Expressions,* 1.18 yet each has a peculiar Character, because the order and ma∣nagement of his Discourse is different; as every Painter has a particular way, tho' all have the same Colours. Take then the Character of Livy. He had, together with all the Accomplishments of Thucy∣dides, in which he equally excell'd, an advantage of Birth above him, a natu∣ral Felicity for all things fine and great, wherein he had a Palate extraordinary delicate. He had an exquisite Faculty of expressing his Thoughts nobly, an admi∣rable Genius for Eloquence in general, that is, for the purity of Discourse; for a fineness of Speech, for the dignity of Ex∣pression, and a certain elevation of Soul, that made him most fortunate in his I∣magination. He was to compleat these Qualifications, choice in his Words, just in the order of his Discourse, great in his Sentiments, noble and pro∣portionate

in the Disposition and uni∣versal Oeconomy of his Design: he was in short Master of all the Rhetorick of History: For History has a peculiar Rhe∣torick of its own, and this Rhetorick has its Rules.* 1.19 Quintilian says his Style is sweet and fluent, that it has a greater Ten∣dency to Solidity, than flash and lustre; and is most pleasing to those who had rather be Affected, than Dazled and Amazed. His Air is great and noble in its simplicity, and he has a softness of Expression, ever supported with much force and Majesty. His Dis∣course is animated, in so lively a manner, as suffers nothing to droop or languish. And the turn, the cadency, the graces he gives to all he says, the justness of his Words, the clearness of his Sense, every thing he has is admirable. Perhaps there was never Historian more Engaging by the Talent he had of Expressing Na∣ture to the Life, and giving her a diffe∣rent Face, as became her several Condi∣tions, painting her always in her proper Colours, making every Passion speak its Genuine Language that it might have its effect upon the Mind. Hence it is

he's so incomparable at painting the man∣ners, that his Potraictures are so like, that he expresses every thing in the features that become it, never confounding those Beauties which Nature has distinguisht.

He eminently exceeds the rest of the Historians in that perfect Knowledge he has of all decorums, which is a Science in∣dispensably necessary to a Man that will write History, since nothing carries a face of Truth, but from an exact Observa∣tion of what is agreeable to each particu∣lar. See how he distinguishes the diffe∣rent Ages of the Common-wealth, by the difference of Spirit and Manners that reign'd in it. 'Tis by this Principle Han∣nibal and Scipio preserve their Charact∣ers so well in this Author; where nothing is touch'd in the same manner, or wrote in the same tenour. From hence it is that Rome could speak otherways under Kings and Tribunes, than in the Reigns of the last Consuls and Emperours: that every one in that History stands mark'd with a distinguishing Character. The Historian often changes the Style its self. His Discourse has authority when it In∣structs, it has sweetness and condescension when it Perswades, neatness when it Re∣lates,

is graceful and Elegant when it would Please, is fervent, moving and pa∣thetical when it would Affect. He is moral and instructive where it is requir'd, giv∣ing Lessons to the whole World, and at the same time seeming to do nothing less.

Finally the length of his period, which many are apt to reproach him with, is in my Judgment one of his greatest Ad∣vantages: 'tis this only that makes him majestical. For a long and ample Style never wants majesty when it is, like his, bore up with good Sense, and an exqui∣sit Choice of Words. After all, the World has never been able to discern his Me∣thod. He has a secret Art couch'd under a seeming Plainness and simplicity, which makes him appear natural throughout his Work. He is particularly sure to practise that Art, in that which seems to have its dependance most on Nature; carefully shunning all manner of affecta∣tion, and Studying always to be simple: 'tis by this stately and familiar way toge∣ther, which is the most usual Ornament of his Discourse, that he strikes the Soul with those wonderful impressions, that he shakes and Agitates it as he pleases, that his sentiments break in upon you through

the force of his words, (the strength of which he very well understood,) and that he always moves those whom he is speaking to by the natural energy of his Expression. This Quality renders him as vehement in his great passions, as soft and agreeable in the less, giving the for∣mer a more active and lively Mein, and smoothing over the latter with a gentle and tender Touch. Indeed the Genius he had for the Nobleness of Expression, and the Art he had to manage it so dex∣trously, and imploy it upon occasion, ac∣custom'd him to raise himself upon any great Event. 'Twas here he took a kind of Pride to set forth, as one may say, and shew the most rare and conceal'd Riches of his Soul, in their full Capacity. What Draughts, what Paintings, does he then give you, when the Greatness of his Theme, at once excites him, and fur∣nishes him with those admirable Oppor∣tunities, he knew how to make the best of! And it is in those favourable and na∣turally lofty Topicks, that he raises and ennobles his Discourse, by those great Ideas with which his excellent Genius, for the sublime and majestick Style in∣spires him, which is his very Character.

'Tis in fine, by the natural and proper Choice of Words, the most in use, but the most Glittering and Harmonious, which add a Lustre to all the other Beau∣ties of Discourse, He excites in the Mind of his Readers, an admiration mingled with Surprize, which is quite another thing than the Pleasure that accrews from meer Perswasion.

I acknowledge Thucydides has much of this Character, I know likewise that Longinus reckons him amongst the Mo∣dels he proposes of the sublime, that he has a natural Happiness at Expressing things nobly, that he even stamps the i∣mage of the Object he describes upon the very Words: that the frequency of his figures, especially the hyperbaton, which he uses in his narration, gives more heat and action to his Discourse, by transpo∣sing things, and changing the natural or∣der of the time, as a means to keep the Mind close to the Subject he represents in so lively Colours; that his sublime is ever sustain'd by a greatness of Sense, and a vigour of Expression; and that he has throughout his manner of Writing, a kind of loftiness that strikes the Mind. For none but those who have a solid

way of Thinking are able to elevate a a Discourse. But it must be confess'd that the sublime of Thucydides is less ma∣nag'd than that of Livy, who knows as well to stoop in lesser things, as to mount and soar in greater, and to give those Flourishes and Graces to his Discourse, which Thucydides never thought of. Which made Dionysius Halicar∣nassensis say,* 1.20 That Thucydides was always beautiful indeed, but scarce ever agreeable: for he distinguishes the gracefulness from the beauty of a Dis∣course. 'Tis the cadence, the harmony, the elegance, the fineness, the sweetness, the lustre and order, and the proper decorum of a Subject, that he will have to make a Discourse graceful; and 'tis in the gran∣deur, the nobleness, the majesty, and the gravity, he makes the beauty to consist: the grace and Mein is generally the effect of Parts and Nature, beauty is often the Product of Art; the one is the gift of Hea∣ven, and the other the effect of Study.

'Tis herein, almost, consists the dif∣ference there is betwixt our two Historians.* 1.21 Livy is fine and agreable to a Miracle; he knew how to strew his flowers in the places

that needed them: he had likewise a happy Faculty of managing his Orna∣ments, and embellishing his Discourse; which Advantage Nature had not be∣stow'd upon Thucydides, who is fine with∣out caring to be agreeable; that austerity of Temper, which is so natural to him, that severity of Way, that exactness of Sense, that correctness of Reason, and that prodigious seriousness he Wrote with, made him diligently avoid those charms of Language, which he disapprov'd in Herodotus. The beauty of Livy is of a lovely and tender make: The beauty of Thucydides, is stately, austere, and ancient, as Dionysius himself calls it:* 1.22 The one is always noble, and the other taking. The one tyes himself dryly to his Matter, which he precisely pursues; the other gives an agreeable Form to every thing that goes through his Mind. And this is it wherein the essential Difference of their Characters consists. Let us examine the subjects, both of them have work'd upon, and compare them likewise in that particu∣lar, that nothing may be wanting to a just Comparison.

CHAP. IV.

The Comparison of the Subjects of their History.

THucydides having so great a Genius, 'twas impossible he should con∣ceive any mean Design. So lofty a Mind could not admit low and groveling Ideas. The Peloponesian War, which he under∣took to Write,* 1.23 was at that time, the most curious Subject of History in being; Dionysius Halicarnassensis assures us too, that he preferr'd it before that of Hero∣dotus. And he says, That having laid be∣fore him for a Model, the Two most ce∣lebrated Historians of his Time, Herodo∣tus and Hellanicus, he found fault with the subjects each of them had taken. Hel∣lanicus's Design, who had attempted to write the History of Athens, lookt too uncompounded, too narrow, and of too little Action. Herodotus's History, which contain'd the Wars the Grecians wag'd against the Kings of Persia, that is to say, all the Memorable Actions that hap∣pen'd

in Europe and Asia, for Two Hun∣dred Years space, seem'd too vast and unweildy. He thought so great an Ob∣ject very disproportionate to the Mind of Man, unable to comprehend in his Thought so mighty a Project: Upon which he mistrusted his own Abilities, despairing in the thread of a Discourse, to give that due Connexion so different Matters would require, which of them∣selves seem'd too Extravagant and In∣coherent.

So having thought upon his Design, he pitcht upon a middle and a moderate way, choosing a Subject capable of be∣ing bounded in a less compass than that of Herodotus; and of receiving a greater extent than Hellanicus's: Engaging Him∣self in the History of the Peloponesian War, which continued Seven and Twen∣ty Years. But to ascend to the Fountain head of that War; it Commenc'd upon the occasion of the War betwixt Corinth and Corcyra. Peloponesus is a kind of Peninsula in the Archipelago, formerly going by the name of the Country of Argos, and now of the Morea. The Co∣rinthians, the more potent People of the Two, being attackt by the Corcyreans,

who were the ancient Phaeacians, the Athenians ingag'd in their Interest, and the Lacedemonians took the Corinthians into their Protection. The two Repub∣licks Athens and Lacedemon, were then in the most flourishing Condition they were ever known in; and as their Pow∣er was arriv'd to the highest pitch, and their respective Grandeur gave a mutu∣al Jealousy of each other, that War was a kind of Dispute betwixt them for the Empire of Greece.

The Athenians began to be suspected by the Lacedemonians, under the govern∣ment of Pericles, who was become the Favourite of the People, by his popular Behaviour. He had the absolute Admi∣nistration of the Affairs of Peace and War in the Republick for Fourty Years together, and by that admirable Talent he had in Oratory, becoming an incon∣troulable Soveraign in Athens, he made that City formidable to the rest of the Common-wealths of Greece, by the seve∣ral Embassies he caused it to depute ei∣ther upon its real, or pretended Inte∣rests: which thing rendring that Re∣publick so highly considerable in all the Countries round about, caus'd the Lace∣demonians

first to take the Allarm; and these two States exasperated by a long Emulation, began to dispute the Sove∣raign Power, by a formal War they de∣clar'd, for which the War of Corcyra and Corinth was only a Pretense. All Greece was concern'd, and most of the Neighbouring People engag'd in the Quarrel, which became the most Famous in the World, and they sided according as their different Interest, or different Pretensions carry'd them, to this or that Party.

Thucydides reflecting in his Exile on that famous Dispute betwixt Two of the most polite and warlike People in the World, found nothing that could better imploy his Leisure than the Writing of their History: And being resolv'd upon it, consulting his own Breast, he found he had sufficient Strength to write what he knew himself, and what he could collect from those who had bore a part in Affairs in a Controversy of that Im∣portance, so as to give a good Account of it to Posterity. It is true, the different Temper of the Spartans and Athenians, that uniform Conduct he observ'd in La∣cedemon, for the continuance of the same

Form of Government, without the least Alteration, which made that Republick so powerful, as to be able to give Laws to its Neighbours; that severity of Disci∣pline, rigidness of Morals, frugality of Li∣ving, modesty of Habit, all opposite to the luxary, pompousness, and politeness of Athens: besides the consideration of that people, always giddy and wavering in their Sentiments; which was a true Image of Lightness and Inconstancy, compar'd with the Constancy and Re∣solution of the Lacedemonians, promis'd him fair Idea's for the compleating such Pieces as were likely to please, from their Diversity and Opposition: those great Generals Themistocles, Pericles, Therame∣nes, Alcibiades, Nicias, with so many o∣thers that had the principal Commands on both sides, and all the Grandees, who signaliz'd themselves more eminently by their glorious Actions in that War, whose Names have all along been mag∣nify'd in so high a manner, furnisht him with noble Subjects, whereby he might recommend himself by representing them to the Life.

Add to all this the strange Accidents that War was disturb'd with, as extraor∣dinary

Earthquakes, frequent Eclipses of the Sun, Droughts, Famines, Plagues, and other more fatal Adventures, which gave him a Priviledge of diversifying his Work, mingling it with terrible Subjects, and most frightful Occurrences. There might probably be other more ingaging Prospects than these foremention'd, that determin'd this Author in the Choice of his Subject, which seem'd worthy to imploy his Pen, from such a Retail of mighty Circumstances as render'd that War, (as he himself in the beginning of his Work confesses) the most remarka∣ble Enterprize in all Antiquity: Espe∣cially since Athens and Lacedemon were at their highest Point of Glory, and all Greece interess'd it self in that Expedi∣tion. Sure it is also, that Xenophon, who was a Man of a singular Judgment, found the Peloponesian War so fine a Sub∣ject, that he quitted those other Works he had before him, to Accomplish that History Thucydides had left imperfect, by reason of his Death, that took him un∣expectedly.

As great,* 1.24 notwithstanding, as this subject seem'd to this Author, it must not come at all in Competition with that

which Livy went upon. There is so great a Disproportion betwixt them, that there's no room for Deliberation concerning the Preheminence. This is the intire History of many Ages, of a people almost always Victorious, and that made it self Master of the World. 'Tis a vast, and unfathom'd Ocean, a Carriere of so unbounded an Extent, that it may be said, such a grand Design never entred the Head of any Historian besides him. Others who have undertaken as long-winded Pieces, in proper speaking, are Compilers, not Historians. In fine, 'tis one of the greatest Attempts of an hu∣mane Mind; and possibly never Author appear'd in a vaster Theatre, as one may say, than He. But 'tis not only from the long succession of Time, and the multitude of Years, the Subject is so great: 'Tis through the Grandeur▪ of a People that was Soveraign of all others: 'tis by the glorious actions of this People, in their war-like Expeditions, and Treaties of Peace, which they dispatcht so Honour∣ably for the Interest of their State; 'tis from a Thousand almost incredible events, wherewith Fortune exercis'd their Vertue; 'tis in that prudence they

manifested in their Councels, the Matu∣rity of their Deliberations, diligence in executing their Designs, their secrecy and faithfulness in the most important Af∣fairs, and in their resolution in unavoida∣ble Dangers, and the greatest Extremi∣ties. In short, every thing seems strange and wonderful in that admirable Design. The Originals of that State, which grew so mighty from so small beginnings, its progress, its changes, its Vicissitudes, the Revolutions of its Power and Greatness, its exaltation, and almost inconceiveable pitch of glory it arriv'd to; by its patient induring hardships, by its perseverance in labours, by the exact Observation of laws, by the inviolable severity of its discipline in the duties of Peace and War, and by training up a well regulated and martial Souldiery, encourag'd, and exalted, with the only Thoughts, and prospect of Aggrandizing the Roman Name.

Thus then this design, considered well in all its Circumstances, is the most glo∣rious Subject History ever had. 'Tis a long train of the Adventures of a People that being scandalous, as it was, in its Origine, coming of an Extraction in a

manner infamous, Born and Nurs'd in plunderings and murders, train'd up to villanies; became wise, frugal, just, passio∣nately studious of glory, faithful to its Al∣lies, and professing uprightness in all things. 'Tis the Story of the Fate and Fortunes of a City that rais'd it self to Universal Empire, and became the Me∣tropolis of the whole World; from a Troop of vagabond Shepherds, acciden∣tally packt together upon the Banks of Tiber: 'tis the Conduct of a Government wherein the Observation of a rigid Di∣scipline, concurring with a ready and faithful obedience, was had in greatest Honour and Regard; though the Prin∣ciples thereof were very Lame and De∣fective. For the Senate of Rome having subdued other nations, could no longer suffer equivocations, or Disguises in its consultations: loose, unresolv'd, feeble, interessed, dishonest Councels were no more heard of. 'Twas a Nation that was vertuous through a principle of Ho∣nour; whose valour was the product more of the head, than heart; That court∣ed or avoided Danger, from a result of Prudence; and knew as well when to expose it self, as when to retreat by the

Dictates of Reason; and obtain'd the Soveraignty over the rest of the World, more by the Reputation of its vertue, than the force of its Arms. This is the true Character of the Romans, whose Hi∣story Livy undertook to write. And as no∣thing seems finer amongst all the works of Reason, than the Relation of a great Enterprize, happily conducted to a glo∣rious End, through a thousand Obstacles and Oppositions: as nothing is so plea∣sant, as to see the Progress of that Con∣duct, through the successive Degrees of its Augmentation and Strength it ga∣thers by little, and little, from Poor, Mean, and Contemptible Beginnings; so nothing is more proper to be related, because it will appear agreeable in all its retail of Circumstances.

The History of a people, or a Prince, that is always successful, can never it self Succeed: it will have too much unifor∣mity; and nothing is more insipid in a relation than too long a Prosperity, and a perpetual Success. There must be va∣riety of Events, changes of Fortune, con∣trariety of Adventures, all sorts of Ob∣jects that are fit to attract the Mind of the Reader, by their Diversity. And all

this abounding in Titus Livy's History, far more than in any other, it is un∣doubtedly the most absolute Subject an Historian could have fallen upon. 'Twas from this view that Livy forthwith pitcht upon it, as finding in it those fa∣vourable Advantages for his Genius, which he knew how to dispose of to their best Use, in the Execution of his Work. This Subject so Noble, so Great, so Rich, through so many different Ad∣ventures it included, seem'd a weight not too heavy for his Shoulders. He found a means of confining himself in so Im∣mence a Matter without lanching in∣to needless Digressions, and Amplifica∣tions, as the generality of Historians do. The greatness of his Subject, which he so well gave us to Understand, by his natural distrust, in shewing only his own Weakness, and the Disproportion of his Strength, at the entry of his Work, did not at all discourage him; because he saw that compass it took in, as vast as it was, reduc'd to the unity of a single State, whose Fortunes he describ'd. That darkness likewise, and uncertainty he found under the first Consuls, which perplext the coherence of the Subject,

in the beginnings of the Republick, pre∣vented not his Resolutions: For he knew how in those confusions to do his part sincerely, not vouching any thing for certain but what he found to be so; and Doubting himself the first, of that which was Doubtful and Suspicious.

Besides that strength of Genius which he found capable of so great a Design, in the ordering and management of its Parts, in the just proportions of an ac∣complisht Piece; besides that thorow understanding he had of his Subject, wherewith he had stor'd his Mind: the Knowledge he got of the World in Au∣gustus's Court by his acquaintance with all the most accomplisht Persons in the Empire; Rome that magazine of Vertue, that seat of Grandeur and Majesty, as Cicero Styles it,* 1.25 began to fur∣nish him with lofty Ideas, which he all along displays in the several places of his Histo∣ry: He began to polish himself in a Court the most delicate that ever was: where all that had a Genius for Learn∣ing, had a most exquisite Palat for what ever was fine and excellent. He was In∣structed by the Commanders that were

about the Emperour in Military Disci∣pline, in the Marches, of Armies, In∣campments, Sieges, and all that belongs to the art of War, which is best under∣stood by practise. He observ'd the humour that prevail'd most in that Court, and the Tast of the People, who were become very Polite: He form'd himself upon all this, discovering by degrees infinite things, of which he had been altogether ignorant, without this Correspondence. The Familiarity he had with the Twelve Tables, which were contain'd in the Fasti of the Capitol, taught him the Ancient Romans manner of Life. The Succours he elsewhere hop'd to receive through the Emperours Favour, as of ha∣ving Memorials necessary for his Histo∣ry, and the hopes his Friends gave him of their Assistance, Incourag'd him to conquer the wearisomness, and surmount the Uneasiness, which are the general Attendants of such tedious, and almost endless Undertakings.

But as soon as he had made all suffici∣ent Preparations for his Work, and was assur'd of such Succours, and Incourage∣ments, as he thought necessary for its Execution, he bade Farewel to all the

World, that he might give himself whol∣ly up to his Enterprize; having no∣thing in his Thoughts but the Work he was about, to which he Sacrificed his Fortune, his Pretensions, the Prefer∣ments he might hope for from his Prin∣ces Favour, and his own Merit; his Plea∣sures, his Hopes, his Ease, his All. And never Author had that Zeal and In∣dustry, to accomplish what he had pro∣pos'd.

CHAP. V.

A Comparison of the History of THUCYDIDES, with that of LIVY.

THe Attempt of Comparing these two Historians, as to their Perfor∣mances, and of drawing a just Parallel betwixt them, is so Rash, and so much above my Capacity, that I am so far from Imagining, I shall be able to con∣tent the Publick in this Point, as to be sensible▪ I can never satisfy my self in that Particular. And I must confess, to

speak sincerely, it is rather a project of a Comparison of the two Works than a Comparison it self. But I hope this pro∣ject will suffice for my Design, which is to give the learned leave to determine of the Preferrence of these two Authors, and their Works, by the Essay I shall make thereof, which can pass but for a very imperfect part of this Piece. Here is the Abridgement of Thucydides.

He begins his History with an Uni∣versal Notion he gives us of Greece in general,* 1.26 and with Pelops's Descent into Peloponnesus, (from whom it deriv'd its name) after the War of Minos; thence he enters on his Matter, and so passes to the War of Troy. This is to ascend too high: and this beginning is not sutable, and proportion'd to the body of the Hi∣story, which is only a particular War betwixt Athens, and Lacedemon. How∣ever he had his Reasons wherewith to justify it; and that exordium is a kind of platform, to represent the state of his Country, on which it was expedient for him to insist, to make it understood; he descends there, probably, to too many Particulars, which give us reason to be∣lieve he more Studied to satisfy the in∣clination

he had for his Country, than the tast of an indifferent Reader. He gives there too much Reins to his Car∣riere: For he might have reduc'd that long Digression into narrower Bounds, as not being altogether so necessary for the understanding his History as he I∣magin'd it. But he had a Mind to ingage his Readers, by giving them great Mat∣ters, and to accustom them by little and little to embrace his Opinions, and Sense, by filling them with his Ideas. Notwith∣standing one shall be hard put to it to forgive him that vast Excursion, where he immediately falls upon the Trojan War, as also, the Relation of the Tran∣sactions of Greece since that time, the different Adventures of the Country, the several Expeditions by Sea, the Trading of the City Corinth that grew so Rich by Commerce.

Hereupon indeed he enters upon a Narrative of the Advantages of the Peo∣ple of Greece, who became so Potent by Sea: whence he passes to the several ways of building their Vessels and Galleys and gives an Account of the Use of them. And that narration tends directly to his Point; for these are the Preparatives of

the War he is to describe. But methinks he has crouded too much Matter in his first Book, out of a desire of prefixing a too stately portal to his History. He has not confin'd himself enough in assigning the several Reasons of the breach of Treaty, betwixt the Athenians and La∣cedemonians, to give a very exact Ac∣count of the Causes of that War he un∣dertook to write. He has not always so cleverly open'd the Particulars of that Affair, as his Subject demanded. But he has shewn himself Profoundly skill'd in the different Interests of Greece: and the general Notion the Historian gives of the Forces of the Country, both by Sea and Land; the Description he ad∣joyns of the Ancient Greeks, and of those of his own Age; the Abridgment he makes of the Persian War, is an happy Beginning for his History, in as much as there is something great in those Particulars.

But the Subject of the second Book becomes still more Material, by the List of the Allies who engag'd in that War, on both sides: For he reckons up almost all the Common-wealths of Greece one af∣ter another, which took contrary Parts,

they were dispos'd by their Interests, and Relations to the two Republicks, A∣thens and Lacedemon, of which they were either Allies or Favourers. And the Historian bestirs himself here exceeding∣ly, by reason of the different Embassies the several States deputed to each o∣ther, which put the whole Country in Ferment and Commotion by their Factions and Intrigues: and all this is still made Greater by the Art he has of Interessing in that War, which at the bottom was but of small Moment, all the Countries of Greece, Sicily, and part of Italy, the Generals also of the King of Persia, who make all a grand Figure in that Expedition; and ingaging as one may say Heaven and Earth and all the Elements in that Quarrel, to make it more Considerable, through those pro∣digious Circumstances, of Eclipses, Earthquakes, Plagues, Famines, Mor∣talities, and other Prodigies, of which I have already spoken: and which he in∣troduces in his History to give a greater Idea of his Subject. It must be acknow∣leged the Wit of the Historian is very Apparent in that part: and that so in∣considerable a War as that of two petty

Nations could never have been of much importance, but by means of that Pom∣pous Retinue of Circumstances it came attended with. And herein he can ne∣ver be sufficiently admir'd, whilst we reflect upon the Art he had of support∣ing a little Subject by Treating it in a Method great and noble.

He continues his Second Book with the Description of the Condition the Town of Athens was in, when the Ene∣my made a Descent into the Country, by Oenoe the first Frontier Garrison on the Coast of Boeotia, as also of the Ha∣vock Archidamus made about Eleusine; whence passing through Acarne, he came and posted himself within two Leagues of Athens: The Alarm being spread abroad, Pericles, who at that time had the Administration of Affairs, refus'd to convene the People, least the Fright they were in should put them upon some Absurdity or Extravagance, through too much weakness. He re∣lates next the several Enterprizes of each People upon one another, with∣out escaping any memorable Action, the rest of the Summer; as also the Fu∣neral Solemnities the following Winter,

paid to the Honour of those who were slain in this first Campaign; and he De∣scribes the Ceremonies thereof: wherein Pericles who had advis'd the War, made an Elogy upon those who had lost their Lives in it. Probably never Man suc∣ceeded more happily than he in infusing Courage into the living, by celebrating the memory of the dead, and setting be∣fore their Eyes the Glory of dying for their Country with their swords in hand, especially for a Country so Glorious in all things as was then the Common-wealth of Athens. There is nothing in that Discourse but is set off with all that Dignity, which shines so Eminently in this Historian. The Description of the plague in all its particulars, which comes after, stands rightly placed, for the in∣termixing that Variety which is requisit to make a History taking.

The Athenians crusht almost at the same time with a War and Pestilence, which laid their Country desolate, began to murmur against Per••cles, who hereup∣on assembled them, in order to incourage them, by justifying his management. That Harangue, howsoever Forcible, by those Masterly and Engaging Strokes

he gave it, had but little Effect upon their Minds, who were sensible of no∣thing but their Misfortunes: he was discarded presently, and as suddenly re∣stor'd. The inconstancy of that People over whom he had gain'd all the Autho∣rity his Merit and his Eloquence de∣serv'd, hastned his Death, which hap∣pen'd not long after. The Encomium the Historian makes upon that Great Man, affords us a very fine Idea of his Vertue: His loss was none of the least Disgraces that fell on Athens in the se∣cond Campaign. For there being no one left behind of so Eminent a Quality to fill up his place; his Successours as equal perhaps in Merit, and rivals in Dignity, wanting sufficient Power to rein up a People with an absolute hand, were Oblig'd for their interests to manage them remisly, and to Sooth and Flatter them into Obedience.

After the Death of Pericles the posture of Affairs was more untoward than for∣merly. Sicily began to be in Commo∣tion, and to Arm for Lacedaemon: the Siege of Platea was form'd in Boeotia, the Assault was Vigorous, and the Defence as Resolute. That Siege describ'd at

length in the second Book, falls into a Blockade: thence follows the Attempt of the Athenians upon Chalcis, to give a Diversion to the Lacedemonians, which occasion'd them to enter Acarne, to make themselves Masters of the Isles Zacyn∣thus and Cephalenia, as also of Naupact∣us, in order to prevent the Athenians Sailing about Peloponnesus. But as per∣plext and imbroil'd as Affairs were through the heat which was diffus'd in the minds of the People, and their seve∣ral ingagements with each other, in the end of the second Book, they are clear'd off by the Historian with that Easiness and Perspicuity, as renders that an Ad∣mirable Piece: the Naval Battle of the Athenians against the Corinthians at Nau∣pactus, and that of the Lacedemonians against the Athenians, are describ'd in such a retail of Circumstances as is won∣derfully taking with the Reader. The Advantages they had over each other, being reciprocal; there was an endea∣vour on the Enemies side to surprize the Pirean Haven near Athens; which prov'd unsuccessful for want of due Measures in taking the Advantage of the Occa∣sion.

This Book, and the third Campaign, conclude with the Thracian War in Ma∣cedonia. Never History compriz'd so much Matter in so little Room, nor so much Action in so few Words. If any thing can be found fault with, 'tis that the Exploits are too closely wound with one another, so that the coherence seems somewhat intricate and confus'd; and that multiplying of Objects tends only to dissipate the attention of the Reader.

He begins the Third Book with the Revolt of Lesbos from the Athenians, and the Attempt of the Athenians upon Mi∣tylene, which sent Embassadors to Lace∣demon to demand supplies. That Oration is so insinuating, and full of Artifice, that the Lacedemonians could no way re∣sist it. Mitylene is receiv'd into the Alli∣ance of Peloponnesus. The Harangue of Cleon upon the Affair of the Prisoners of Mitylene, which some were for put∣ting to Death at Athens, of which Opi∣nion he himself was; and that of Diodo∣tus who was for having them Pardon'd, are very strong and perswasive. Platea being at last surrendred up to the Athe∣nians, that Town sent to justify its con∣duct to Lacedemon. There are to be seen

in the Discourse of that Embassy fine and curious Strokes of Eloquence; nothing can be more moving, or founded on more substantial Reasons, yet all to no purpose: The Plateans fell a Sacrifice to the Revenge of the Thebans: which makes a notable incident in the History. The Historian, taking the Hint from the Troubles of Corcyra, makes a Digression upon the Factions that grow in a State, and the disorders that spring from them which is a very good Lesson for Gover∣••ours. That which follows of the Affairs of Sicily, the Warlike Exploits of the A∣thenians in that Country, their Defeat in Etolia; the Lacedemonians Attempt upon Naupactus; the Purification of the Isle of Delos; and the Description of that mysterious Ceremony perform'd by the Athenians, is express'd in a Noble, Great and Stately manner.

The Author quits the War of Pelopon∣nesus in the Fourth and Fifth Book, to enter upon the Affairs of Sicily, which occasion'd several Enterprizes upon Me∣gara, Boeotia, Thrace; the Battle of Delia, the taking of Amphipolis, Thoronus; and several Expeditions which are related in one and the same strain. The Busi∣ness

of Sicily gave Birth to a Truce be∣twixt the Athenians and Lacedemonians, whereupon was form'd a Treaty of Peace betwixt them, which lasted Seven Years: the Historian is here Oblig'd to make a kind of an Apology to justify the Continuation of his History, pretending that League was broken, and renew'd, done and undone several times, that the War was never interrupted, that the Treaty was never put in Execution, by reason of manifest Trespasses; the Lace∣demonians having never quitted Amphi∣polis, which their Articles oblig'd them to do. To speak Truth, that Treaty was never ratify'd by the Allies, which gave rise to several other Leagues a∣mongst them, and many other Affairs. But all that Campaign was spent in Ne∣gotiations of Peace, which were put an end to, by the Battle of Mantinea, from which was dated the Renovation of the Alliance betwixt Argos and Lacedemon.

The Sixth Book is a large Digression upon the Wars of Sicily, which begins with a long Description of the Country, and the Founding of Syracuse by Archias the Corinthian. He shews a great deal of Ancient and far-fetch'd Learning in

that Description, but it is not pleasant and agreeable: it is too remote from the main Subject, and falls not rightly in, unless it be that the Sicilians thought of coming to maintain the League of Peloponnesus. Alcibiades's Discourse to perswade the Athenians to a War with Sicily, and that of Nicias on the other hand to disswade them, are Two of the chiefest Master-pieces of Eloquence in their kind. The Description of the Athe∣nian Fleet, and all the Equipage of War, in their Preparations against Syracuse, is very handsome. Alcibiades's Oration to the Lacedemonians in his Banishment, advising them to send a Reinforcement into Sicily, that was attackt by the A∣thenians, is a piece of lofty, lively, strong and generous Eloquence.

The Defeat of the Athenians at Syra∣cuse, and the Description of the Battle, is the finest part of the Seventh Book; nothing is better drawn, or more abso∣lute, than the Picture the Historian makes of it: 'tis handled throughout with abundance of Art and Mastery. The Destruction of the Power of the People of Athens, on occasion of a Nego∣tiation with Alcibiades, who had thrown

himself into the hands of Tisaphernes, Lieutenant-General of the King of Per∣sia, because he had interfer'd with the Lacedemonians, who receiv'd him in his Banishment, is describ'd in this Book particularly enough. He was sought to in his Disgrace for an Accomodation, which he disdain'd to hearken to, but upon Condition the people should not be consulted; only the Officers of the King of Persia, who were honourable Gentle∣men: The Reluctance he shew'd in ex∣posing himself to the inconstancy and humours of the people, occasion'd the Destruction of Democracy; which is very well open'd and related.

The Digression upon the change of Government in Athens, and Samos, where it was attempted to humble the too ex∣cessive power of the People, has very little relation to the principal Design of the History, which is the War of Peloponne∣sus: and this last Book is generally very confus'd, and has nothing finisht; which has given reason to some Criticks to think Thucydides was not the Author. This is the Abridgment of his History: now for that of Titus Livy, that we may make the Parallel.

There is nothing that can give us a better notion of the difference betwixt these two Authors,* 1.27 than the different ways of Writing they have taken: For Livy takes a course quite contrary to that of Thucydides. The Entrance to his History is great, suitable to the great∣ness of his Subject, but it is modest and humble: it may be said too not to want simplicity, though it is Pompous and Ma∣jestick. With what admirable Discretion does he introduce that ancient Traditi∣on,* 1.28 which makes Aeneas, the first Parent of Rome, of a Divine descent. He Treats it as a fable that he would neither mantain, nor overthrow, intima∣ting there is so much deference and re∣spect to be paid to antiquity, as to give her leave to mingle something divine with humane Affairs, to recommend the Originals of Cities and Empires, as more august, and venerable to Mankind by such a mixture. He hence descends to something of a more solid Considerati∣on; and to give us an Idea of his Work, He begins it with an Elogy upon the Vertue and Probity of the People whose History he is Writing, yet still preser∣ving

himself from being blinded with self-love, and carried away with the in∣clination a Man naturally has for his own Country. For he scruples not to give you their ill Qualities as well as their good, that is, the remissness as well as severity of the Roman manners; but without any prepossession of Interest or Passion, and with all the Prudence in the World. That beginning of the Hi∣story, where the Author fetches the Ori∣gine of Rome quite from the Destruction of Troy, and the whole Pedigree of the Kings of Alba, is in it self a little cumbred and confus'd, both in the words and things, and has a Style that has hardly any thing Great in it. One may see the Author avoided flashing at the first: The things he speaks are great, but his way of speaking is low and humble; and there is much Artifice in that entrance, which the Author debases on purpose to shew that the Beginnings of the Roman Grandeur were but small,* 1.29 and the better to observe the Pro∣gress of that State. He how∣ever fails not to relieve the destiny of that Empire, from the nobleness of its Extra∣ction, deducing it from the God Mars,

whom he makes the Father of Romulus.

The haughty and fiery Temper of Romulus is finely drawn, but the Picture of his Successour Numa, and his Go∣vernment, makes that Founder of Rome seem more haughty than he really is: That opposition is very Advantagious in those two Characters. The fierceness of the first, however softned it seems by the Religion of the second, is set off the more by that kind of contrast, which is pleasanter in History than in painting. Those petty Battles under the first Kings, and kinds of Apprenticeships, the Roman People serv'd in War against their Neighbours, are heightned by the Ex∣pression of the Historian, who can, when he pleases, animate little things with an Air of Grandeur. The Engagement of the Horatii and Curiatii, for the Decision of the Fate of Rome and Alba, is an Ad∣venture that Beautifies all that part; for 'tis admirably related. The expulsion of Kings, which is the greatest Event in the two first Ages of Rome, is render'd more remarkable by Lucretia's Exploit, who Stabb'd her self before her Husbands face, for having been dishonour'd by young Tarquin▪ and the making that

Circumstance the most material in that Revolution, recommends the Relation more effectually to the Reader, interes∣sing his Affection, by so surprizing an Adventure. All the Consequences of that Revolution become more considera∣ble, by a Foundation so Solid, and of so great a Lustre.

Scaevola's attempt is Painted in the Se∣cond Book, with all the Colours, so great, Heroick, and extraordinary a Design, is capable of. The love of his Country, to which that Design ow'd its Conception, the contempt of Life upon which it was form'd; the Proposition that Gallant Gentleman offer'd the Senate in ambigu∣ous Terms, that so he might Merit their Approbation, without incurring Dis∣grace; that undauntedness of Action, and Resolution of Soul, and Courage in revenging on himself the miscarriage of his Blow; all is of that Spirit and Ele∣vation as is hardly to be parallel'd. And 'tis impossible a description of a like Enterprize should be supported with more astonishing Circumstances, with more disdainful Language, or greater Sentiments. Porsenna King of Clusium, who was besieging Rome, amaz'd at so

prodigious an instance of Valour, de∣manded Peace of the Romans; and that Peace was the product of so desperate an Undertaking. But finally, that Probity he attributes to a People grown Fierce and Untractable by the constant pra∣ctise of Arms; that justice and clemency they exercis'd in the very pride and heighth of their Victories; that love of glory he ascribes to them; that noble Pride from whence he draws their prin∣cipal Character: that greatness of Soul, & loftiness of Thoughts, the Dignity of the Roman Name inspir'd them with; the Ingenuity of the Senate in its Suffrage, instanc'd in their taking Generals from the Plough: That Spirit of Wariness, Frugality, Innocence, and Equity so much practis'd, and had in Honour in the raw and unpolisht Beginnings of the Common-wealth: The publick Spirit∣edness of Brutus, who Sacrificed his Childen to the Safety of his Country: The Poverty of Curius, who after he had inrich'd the Republick with the Spoils of the Enemy, had not wherewith to Bury him: Moreover those grand Max∣ims, engrav'd in all Hearts, truly Ro∣man never to brook Disgrace: The

Resolve of the Senate after the Defeat, by Hannibal, at Cannae, never to heark∣en to a Proposal of Peace: those Idea's of Equity, intimately impress'd on their Minds: that great Sense of Honour, Fi∣delity, love of their Country, and Li∣berty: Their incomparable Knowledge in the Art of War, the Severity of pre∣serving the Laws of War in their utmost Extent: that invincible Patience in Dangers and Hardships; and all those other Vertues wherewith the Author has stor'd his History, in innumerable Ex∣amples, are the most usual Strokes he gives for the compleating of their Cha∣racter. This was the Spirit that reign'd in the Common-wealth in those trouble∣some Times, when the Power of the first Consuls was balanc'd by the Institution of Tribunes, to bear up the people against the Encroachments of the Nobles.

After the Second Carthaginian War, and the Defeat of Hannibal, the taking of Numantia, the Conquests of Sicily, and all Greece, we may observe other sort of Manners, and a quite different Spirit introduc'd in the Republick, through that abundant Prosperity their Arms brought in. Politeness, and love of

Gentile Arts, a delicacy of Palate, and the Study of Learning began to be e∣stablisht in Rome, and to give quite ano∣ther Countenance, Mode, and Lustre to the Government, which the Historian has admirably laid open in all its Cir∣cumstances. The Second Part also that remains of his History, or rather the Two last Decades, are incomparably better than the First. For as to the Se∣cond, which contains the Succession of Wars against the Samnites, against the People of Etruria, and Lucania; against the Gauls, against King Pyrrhus, against the Tarentines; the first Punick War made by Attilius Regulus, and that against the rest of the People of Italy, we can say nothing of, since all that Decade is intirely lost.

Finally, Scipio and Laelius, who were the perfectest Models of that Politeness which was, through the Study of Learn∣ing, set up at Rome, and who were them∣selves the Worthiest Gentlemen of the Republick, compleated the Perfection of that State, already so far advanc'd; cau∣sing the love of Eloquence and Poetry, and all Arts and Sciences to flourish in it; and 'twas by their Example, and the

Converse and Familiarity with the Greeks, which the Romans had just Con∣quer'd, that they Civiliz'd themselves, utterly banishing out of their Republick that rude, surly and unmannerly Carri∣age, their constant dealing in Arms had introduc'd. 'Twas then this Victorious People began to Plume it self upon the Notion their Prosperity and Success had inspir'd them with, that they were born to be Lords and Governours of the rest of the World. And from thence it was that the love of Liberty, and the thirst of Glory, so much possest them: This is the Image Livy gives us of them af∣ter the Second Punick War, and during the Third: these are the principal In∣gredients of their Character. For Plen∣ty had not as yet debauch'd the Minds of a People, Vertuous, upon so good Prin∣ciples, as the Romans were. There runs through the whole Character of Scipio, who was at the Head of Affairs, a Spirit of Religion, which shews that Ver∣tue alone was in greater Reputation at Rome than ever; one need only see the Air the Historian makes him speak in, in his African Voyage; the Discourse he makes in the Twenty-ninth Book in

his Departure from Sicily, abounds with all the Sense of Piety, an honest Man is capable of. Cato gives his Voice in the Senate against the Luxury, and Dress of Women in the Thirty-fourth Book,* 1.30 with the same rigour he would have done in Plato's imaginary Re∣publick. Every thing sa∣vours of Vertue, both in the People, and in the Senate:* 1.31 And nothing better manifests the Spirit, wherewith the Senate go∣vern'd the Republick at that time, than the Verdict it pass'd upon the two Ambassadors, Mar∣cius and Attilius, Commission'd to the King of Persia; who gave some uneasy Suspicions to the Romans, as being a Man of Courage and Understanding. They said, in accounting for their Ne∣gotiation, they had amus'd that Prince with the Proposals of a Treaty, and the Hopes of a Peace; that they had thereby prevented him from making War-like Preparations, and took off his Allies from making their necessary Pre∣paratives, and putting themselves in readiness. The young Senators had no∣thing

to object to his Proceedings, which seem'd novel to those who had grown Grey in the Government, and were highly disapprov'd by the Ancient Sages; who alledged, it was not by these Me∣thods their Ancestors arriv'd to the Sove∣raignty of the World: but by Vertue alone, and Fidelity towards their Ene∣mies, no less than that they exercis'd to∣wards their Friends. Insomuch that that sort of Disguise, and Tricking, which had a tendency to Treachery, were ever held as Means not to be practised, and Paths their Probity and Vertue knew not how to tread in.

Moreover nothing is more bright and dazling, in this History, than the Idea Livy gives us in the Fourth Decade, and in the beginning of the Fifth, of the Dignity, and Power of the Senate, which was grown the absolute Master of the Republick; all things stood to its Re∣solves, and submitted to its Orders. If King Antiochus restores to Scipio his Son, whom he had taken Prisoner, and pe∣titions him for a Peace, Scipio answers in Capacity of a private Person, and a Father, that nothing in the World could more Oblige him to it than the Present

he had made him of his Son; but in Quality of a Roman and General of the Troops of the Republick, he could no ways grant the Peace he demanded, for that lay only in the Breast of the Senate. And after the Defeat of Perseus, the Se∣nate grew so absolute, that all stoop'd to its Authority, Consuls, Generals, Ar∣mies were obedient to it. The Ambassa∣dors of Antiochus King of Syria, Ptolemy King of Aegypt, and Cleopatra his Sister, make it the Vmpire of their Quarrels. King Massinissa sends his Two Sons to Rome, to complement the Senate from him, upon their Defeat of King Perseus. Prusias King of Bithynia dispatches his Son Nicomedes to Rome, to put him un∣der the Protection of the Senate: But how must the Historian Treat the People of that Repub∣lick,* 1.32 whereof that King Styles himself a Freed-man, glorying in so magnificent a Title; and whose Clemency,* 1.33 Antio∣chus's Ambassadors, (who came to beg Peace of Sci∣pio) implor'd, as if it had been from the Gods themselves: If, say these Ambassadors, out of a greatness of

Soul you have Pardon'd those Kings and People you have Vanquisht, what ought you not to do in that Victory which makes you Masters of the World? And this was it, that made this People, in their Victo∣ries, take upon them the glorious Title of Deliverer of other Nations. To con∣clude, nothing is so Great and Majestick as the Image the Historian gives us of the Republick in those happy Times. There you may see King Perseus chain'd to the Chariot of Paulus Emilius, to en∣hance the Glory of the Triumph. Next is to be seen Gentius King of Illyricum, with his Wife and Children Vanquisht by the Pretor Anicius, and led Captive along the Streets of Rome. There are the Ambassadors of Attalus King of Pergamus, and of his Brother Eumenes, in Posture and Quality of Supplicants before the Senate of the people. Thus possibly never Historian had so great a Subject, nor supported the Grandeur of it better by the Dignity of Expression, and loftiness of Idea's. See then the end of what we have remaining of Livy's History. For after follow the Successful and Victori∣ous Times of Sertorius, who subdued Spain; of Pompey who subjected to the

Republick Mitridates, Tigranes, Armenia, Cicily, and the other Provinces of Asia; and of Cesar who Triumph'd over the Belgians, the Gauls, and most part of the Northern People, as Pompey had over those of Asia. This is then the Abridg∣ment, or rather the Extract of Livy's Ro∣man History, which it was necessary to reduce into this Form, the better to ap∣prehend the Nature of it; and thus this History is Preferable to that of Thu∣cydides, because it represents a mighty Design carried on by regular Methods to the top of its Perfection, and a Re∣publick grown up to be Mistress of the Vniverse, from so small and inconside∣rable a Foundation: but now let us ob∣serve the Imperfections and Beauties of these two Histories: That which is still behind, for the Accomplishment of the Comparison.

CHAP. VI.

A Comparison of the Faults of the Two Historians.

'TIs a very bold Undertaking to enquire into the Failures of so accomplisht Authors as Thucydides and Livy: For to find fault with those which a Man sets up for Models and Exemplars, is to destroy what he would estab∣lish, and Undermine the Credit of that he desires to Confirm. Besides that it seems unmannerly to Criticise upon these Two great Men, when Antiquity recommends them to us as the Perfectest and most Absolute of all others. But as nothing is more Essential to Man than to Err and slip sometimes; and those who pretend to be most Infallible, have their Faults; I Presume the Criticisms I shall make upon these Two Histori∣ans, will make not a little for their Praise; and that the World will be bet∣ter satisfy'd of their Excellence, when I have examin'd their Faults, which may serve to set off the greatness

of their Merit. For 'tis not so much by avoiding Faults, as by a direct tendency to his Point, without any Deviation, that an Author shews himself: he that pro∣ceeds in the directest Line, and wanders out of his Way the least, as does Thu∣cydides, is the most accomplisht in Dio∣nysius Halicarnassensis's O∣pinion.* 1.34 Let us see what it is wherein Thucydides's History may be reprehended.

He is not so Fortunate in the manage∣ment of his Subject,* 1.35 as in his Invention, which always bottoming upon a great Fund of Reason, never fails him. He of∣ten confounds his Subject by anticipa∣ting or else Suspending, or lastly Inter∣rupting his Narrations, which break off the Course of the History, and dissipate the Mind of the Reader, by the multi∣tude of Objects that present themselves. For instance, in the Third Book he be∣gins a Matter relating to the Mityleni∣ans, and before he has finisht it, he skips to an Expedition of the Lacedemonians: from that Expedition, which he leaves Imperfect, he undertakes a Relation of the Siege of Platea, which he abandons, to return again to the Mitylenians. And

upon their Account, he touches upon something of a Sedition happening at Corcyra, wherein the People divided themselves, some siding with Athens, and some taking the Part of Lacedemon. Thence he passes to the business of Si∣cily, and again pursues other Affairs without concluding any. And the whole Book is stuffed with such a multitude of Matters, and so different from one a∣nother, that a Man is quite lost, and can never be able to discover the natural Thread of the Principal History. And this is one kind of Fault in a Narration, which should ever have Union and Con∣nexion, and be still endeavouring at the Scope it Proposes; that so it may fix and determine the Mind of the Reader to the same Object, without offering any thing to disengage him from it.

Again, 'tis pretended, he has not Ex∣plain'd, so cleverly as he might have done, the Cause of the War he goes to Write: Dionysius Halicarnassensis is of Opinion he has not given us the True one, at least that he has mingled to∣gether with the True one, (which was the Lacedemonians Jealousy, of the too great Power of the Athenians) o∣ther

Causes which are not True. Un∣doubtedly he is somewhat Dark in that Place. The occasion of that War is much finer Explain'd in the Life of Pericles in Plutarch; where that Author makes it appear that is was Pericles who first In∣spirited the Athenians, by the frequent Embassies he advised them to Depute, in order to perswade all. Greece to enter into a Confederacy against the King of Persia; which gave the Lacedemonians Reason to suspect them: For thereby Athens gave it self a considerable Re∣gard, which it never had before, and by that Distinction seem'd to take a kind of Preheminence above all other People.

That large Amplification upon the different Characters of the People of Greece in the Proem, their several Expe∣ditions, which he drives up as high as the Trojan War; the Luxury of the A∣thenians, which he is too curious in De∣scribing, talking even of their Curling their Hair: what he says of the Mo∣desty and Frugality of the Spartans, and what he add•• concerning one Amino∣cles, a Corinthian, who first taught the Art of Building Ships: and such other Loose and Unconnected Matters he

Treats of as a Preface to his History, are nothing to his Purpose in Dionysius Ha∣licarnassensis's Opinion. He thinks he might have let all that alone, and have enter'd on his Subject without making so great a Ramble from his Design: he concludes likewise that his History has for its Subject not only the War of Pe∣loponnesus, but all the Affairs of Greece; for he brings in the Enterprizes of the Athenians in Chalcis, the Breaking in of the Thracians into Macedonia in the Se∣cond Book, the War of the Leontins and the Concerns of Sicily in the Third Book: and thus he seeks out Matters that are Forreign, because his own Sub∣ject is unable to furnish him with Vari∣ety enough out of its self; which is the Reason there is so little Accord and U∣nion in his Work: There are two Wars, one of Peloponnesus, and the other of Syracuse, without any Reference to, or Connexion with one another.

That Celebrated Funeral-Oration in the Second Book, which he makes Pe∣ricles to speak, is neither Agreeable, nor Proportion'd to the Occasions and Per∣sons that it concerns; and the Historian himself confesses, that Affair had nothing

memorable in it, in Respect of that which he Describes in the Fourth Book under Demosthenes near Pylus; where the Athenians were Routed both by Sea and Land: and those who fell, Signa∣liz'd themselves much more than in the former Defeat, in which only a few of the Cavalry were slain; and all the Cir∣cumstances of the former Battle, have nothing comparable to the other, which he slightly passes over unregarded. But that the Historian might add greater Weight and Moment to his Discourse, he puts it into the mouth of Pericles, who indeed was alive at the first Expe∣dition, but was dead at the Second; in which a little Fault may be found with the Sincerity of the Author so Celebra∣ted elsewhere for his Integrity: He is Upbraided too with his so long and fre∣quent Harangues, and for having so little Variety. It is true, the Number of them is great; but since the Humour of A∣thens and Lacedemon was to have every thing done by Haranguing, whilst the People were in Power, he must una∣voidably Harangue them, since they would have it so. After all, the Historian knows how to abate that Heat of his

Eloquence, when he Divests himself of the Orator, and puts on the Historian.

The Athenians dejected by their Los∣ses, and the wast the Plague had made in their Country, having the first dis∣patch'd a famous Embassy to demand a Peace of the Lacedemonians, Dionysius Halicarnassensis blames the Historian for passing so considerable a Point so su∣perficially over; and reprehends him for not so much as naming the Embassadors, (which seem'd very Material in that War, through so considerable an Altera∣tion in their Characters;) nor make∣ing mention of one Tittle of the Embassy: He that at other times would diligently Court every Occasion, to In∣troduce Towns and States, Discoursing by so frequent Deputations. It is certain he is guilty of a little Negligence in so notable an Opportunity, where he might have made his Country speak so fine Things, and have added more Renown to his History, by the Talent he had of Haranguing so excellently well.

I Omit several other Places Dionysius Halicarnassensis dislikes in this Author; because he runs into an Excess, over∣straining his Criticisms through a Spirit

of Animosity, against that Historian, whose Reputation he endeavours to les∣sen, that he may with more Ease set up Herodotus against him, who was his Country-man, wherein his Proceedure has a Tincture of Partiality; not but that he had just Reason for it in many Particulars, but he had not in all. He is frequently too rigidly Censorious, so that it is necessary sometimes to Correct Spleen, at least not to be carried away with it without Examination. These following are the other Faults the gene∣rality of the Learned find with Thucydides. He leaves too much to his Readers Con∣jecture, whether for want of Care to Ex∣plain himself clearly, or whether through an earnestness to Express things nobly, he does it in fewer Words; by which he of∣ten falls into such Obscurities as the whole World can never reach his Mean∣ing, because his Sense is as it were choa∣ked with the multitude and force of his Images, which he crouds into his Ex∣pression. But by that affected loftiness that everywhere abounds in him, he without Scruple over-bears all the rules and decen∣cy of Construction; which he seems very little to Regard, provided he can express

himself with more Grandeur. 'Tis also through the self-same Principle, that the figures he makes use of, are for the most part violent; that the colours he Paints things in, are too strong; that his strokes are too deep; that he has a theatrical air diffus'd through his Discourse, by means of Expressions, that sound tragically, and of a Character not much different from that which Pindar took by his too closely following Eschylus; that the Historians which preceeded him, were more care∣ful of Expressing things plainly; that he is too Figurative in his Speech; that he affects an uncouth ancient way, in Words worn out of use, or In-authen∣tick; that there is nothing of sweetness in his Expression; that he can not Paint a thing with any softness; that his Dis∣course is Disagreable; that he was ut∣terly unacquainted with those Graces and Charms his Predecessor Herodotus so well understood; and that in fine, by the natural Prosperity of his Genius, he runs into a dryness of Style, which renders his Discourse harsh and im∣poverisht.

There are those who push their Cri∣ticisms farther still; pretending he has

not sufficient care to search into the bottom of Things; that he is too super∣ficial; that he simply relates Transacti∣ons, without giving us the Reasons of them, or explaining the Motives that led to them: they add, there is no turn in his Periods, no harmony in the Cadence, no agreeableness in the Words, no fine∣ness in his Discourse: that there is very little variety in his Harangues; that there are perpetual Embassies, wherein are large Discourses, excellent indeed, but too prolix, and too Studied: 'Tis thought he took that Method from Homer, who to make his Narration the more lively, makes those, he introduces in his Poem, talk everlastingly. The Dialogue he makes between the Atheni∣ans and the Melians, upon their different Interests, in the Fourth Book of his History, has something of the Nature of a Dramatick Poem, where things are Play'd by several Persons that are intro∣duc'd; for which there is no Precedent in any History, which ought to be united, and continued in a Thread, without Interruption: in short, this is not suitable to Thucydides's Character of Simplicity. 'Tis suppos'd too, that

he makes the Greeks have more Courage than Strength: their Ability is not an∣swerable to their Pride; and one can not always have an opinion of their Merit great enough to support that pre∣sumptuous Arrogance he puts into their Character. For their War-like Exploits went no farther often, than the Plun∣dering a Village, or over-turning the side of a Wall: He is a little deficient too, by giving petty Things more Stress than they can well bear, and in not giving the greater so much Weight as they require.

Besides that, the Distinction he makes of the Campaigns, by the Seasons, is not always neat enough; it is moreover te∣dious, because he is oblig'd to use the same Terms, and the same Transitions, which cause a disag••eeableness in a Dis∣course: and by too Scrupulous and su∣perstitious an Adherence to his Method, he leaves his Matter unfinisht, and his Narrations interrupted. Others carp at I know not what abstruseness of Style, that wants a little clearing. I pass by that Digression in his Eighth Book, upon the Change of the Government in Athens and Samos, when there was a

necessity of curbing the Power of the People, who abus'd their Authority, and carried things to an excess of dange∣rous Consequence to the State. The Criticks have not, without good reason, reflected on the too great Length of that Digression, for the little Relation it has to the principal Design. The Re∣conciliation of Alcibiades, with the Peo∣ple of Athens, who had Banisht him, without declaring the reason why; and how he broke with the Republick, and was reconcil'd again; which is a Sub∣ject of the same Book, is methinks a little defective. Something more had been due to so considerable a Man: many other of the like Faults are to be met with in Dionysius Halicarnassensis, whom it is but turning to, to find them.

But for my own part, if I thought the Failings that are laid to the Charge of great Men, were to their Dishonour, I could easily vindicate Thucydides in the greatest part of those they object against him. I could say he was possess'd with so high a Notion of the sublime Style, that he affected it in all Things; that all besides seem'd inconsiderable, even so far, as to trample on the most

common Rules of Grammar, by the change of Tenses, Numbers, Genders and Persons; provided he could thereby exalt his Expression, and add more heat and vehemence to his Discourse: I could mantain, that the little Connexion there is in some of his Narrations, is more the fault of his Subject, than his Understand∣ing. For at the bottom, the War he de∣scribes, has nothing in it of a continued and premeditate Design: one shall not see any Enterprize regularly form'd, well contriv'd, and well executed: 'Tis all tumultuously Transacted, according to the different Movements or Passi∣ons of the People ingag'd in the War; and 'twere easy to make an Apology for the Author, in his other Faults imputed to him, if a Man would have the Patience to Reflect, that he was only Careless in some things, to add greater Perfection to others, which he thought of more Impor∣tance. For it was often on the account of Elevating his Style, and writing Ma∣jestically, that he over-lookt some little Negligences he has been Reproach'd with. Thus I would take care to excuse those Faults of his, by which he arriv'd to so great Perfection.

As for Livy,* 1.36 he has been more Happy than Thucydides, in that he has not fal∣len into the Hands of so morose a Cri∣tick, as Dionysius Halicarnassensis: and that Antiquity has ever had so great a Deference to his Merit; upon which no one has so impertine••••ly Criticiz'd as on other Authors, of as establisht a Re∣putation as himself. But since nothing is so Absolute, but some Men will find fault with, take what they Reprehend in this Historian.* 1.37 'Tis said that his Style is too diffusive, and that by his continual am∣plifications he wants that vigour and strength which is admirable in Thucydi∣des.* 1.38 And they are Beny and Bodin in particular who find the most to carp at; since they judge not of Livy by the general Considera∣tion of his Work, which demands Gran∣deur. He may be censur'd for that ex∣tent of his Style, but that Fault is rea∣dily pardon'd, if it be a fault, upon Con∣sideration, that 'tis only that diffuseness that makes him Stately and Majestick. The dignity of his Design, and the no∣bleness of his Thoughts required a co∣pious Style, and 'tis in that this Au∣thor's

Majesty principally consists.

It must be own'd, he is sometimes Obscure, as well as Thucydides; but there is no necessity of absurdly troub∣ling ones Head to understand him all; for there are many Places in him which are, in their own Nature, Difficult: As the Explication of Ceremonies, Cust∣omes, and Matters of Fact; of which we have neither any Knowledge, nor Idea. He affects too, the usuage of very ancient Latin Words, which now are Obsolete; and he has peculiar ways of speaking, unknown to the other Authors, & only Proper to himself. Besides all this, 'tis probable he has been Corrupted in many places, whether by those who were the first Copyers, or by the ancient Editions; whether by the Moderns, or by the false Conjectures of unskilful Criticks; who pretending to correct him, where they have not understood him, have quite spoil'd what they would have mended; so that we are far from having Livy such as he was at first. Turnebius will have Sigonius to be the only Man amongst the Criticks, who has us'd him well, and set him best to rights.

There are those who disapprove some bold Expressions and Thoughts he has, whereby he over-leaps the Bounds of Modesty, to which he is a great Preten∣der. I confess he sometimes ventures such sort of Sallies, but always with the greatest Prudence; for as much as he knows how to make good use of them in the moving part of his Discourse, wherein nothing succeeds better than that which is least contriv'd. That too great Inclination of observing nicely, whatever he found Monstrous in his way, and attributing the Reasons of it to su∣pernatural Causes, as to the Anger of the Gods, smells strongly of the Heathen, somewhat too Superstitious. St. Gregory the Great taxes him with this Fault, in Causabon's Preface to Polybius, being per∣swaded he only intermixt these prodigies in his History, to authorize his Religion; which I fancy was less in his Thoughts than the seeking Variety, to enliven the dulness and melancholly of his Narrati∣ons. That Rustical air, Asinius Pollio finds fault with in this Author, which has gi∣ven occasion for the Niceties and diffe∣rent Opinions of the Criticks, is in my Judgment only an ill Pronunciation that

sounded a little Country-like, and was Offensive to the Courtiers accustom'd to all the Delicacy of Augustus's Court: at least it is the Sentiment of Quintilian, who was too piercing a Wit himself,* 1.39 and too near a Neighbour of those Times to be ignorant of the Mystery, which he wholly imputes to the Pronunciation.

Others assure us he was not exact e∣nough in furnishing himself with In∣structions, by diving to the bottome of his Subject; that he only Wrote from the Memoirs of the Conquerors, who had undoubtedly suppress'd what made for their Disadvantage; and that he has not justly Distinguisht one from th'other. They add, that if Livy had been at the same Expence to Purchase the memorials of Carthage, as Thucydides to obtain those of Lacedemon, he had not expatiated so largely upon the Glory of the Roman People: he would doubtless have found some particulars where to have done more Justice to Hannibal and his Repub∣lick than he did. For opposing Rome and Carthage, as two Cities Rivals in Glory,

it lay upon him to display the Gran∣deur, Riches and Power of the Carthagi∣nian Government, and he had done more Honour to his Country, by extolling the Merit of those who disputed with it the Empire of the World.

Some men blame him for taking the main Instructions of his first Decades from the ancient Origins of Rome, which are full of Forgeries, and scarce have any thing else but Fabulous Traditions; since the use of Annals what but of a late Date in that Republick, as Sigonius ob∣serves. Moreover Mascardi in his Trea∣tise on History, lays much Negligence to the Charge of this Author, for not having open'd the greatest Events in all their Circumstances, especially such as were principally necessary to the under∣standing the Importance of Affairs; which are found elsewhere, as in Appi∣an, and other less exact Historians. But let us see the Faults of Livy more in particular.

He is obscure in some places of his Be∣ginnings, as for Example, in the line of Descent of the Kings of Alba, which he has not unravell'd plain enough. The Re∣velation of Romulus, after his Death,

that Rome should become the Capitol City of the World, and all the Particu∣lars of that Apparition, seen by Procu∣lus, and which he related to the People, has something so Enthusiastick in it, that one is amaz'd an Author, of so solid a Character, should suffer such a Story to pass, without giving it a more plausi∣ble Turn; yet he relies upon it, and gives it not out for a Tale or a Fable. The Adventure of Lucretia, as wondrous as it is, is not so admirably put toge∣ther, there is something wanting to its Probability; a Man knows not upon what Grounds she Kills her self. If she has suffer'd Violence, why does she punish her self since she could not resist it? Why would she not dye before she was Ravisht? Is it modesty or vanity, is it wisdom or despair, is it love of vertue or glory that makes her Stab her self? All things rightly consider'd, one knows not what it is. If she could not open her Eyes at the Hor∣rour of her Condition, her Vertue is ei∣ther too nice or too self-interess'd: in short, that wants a little Neatness. And St. Austin, who examines that Action, in all its Circumstances, in the Nineteenth Chapter of his Book De Civitate Dei,

has much ado to discover what his Thoughts are of it. Is not that Audaci∣ousness of Clelia too, a little Extravagant? and considering the make of Tyber, was it a thing Practicable: could a Maid, na∣turally Timorous, ever think of attempt∣ing so dangerous a Passage in a River that had Brinks almost inaccessible. For though Dionysius Halicarnassensis agrees with Livy, in the Description of that Ad∣venture, Val. Maximus expounds it in a manner that looks much more probable.

'Tis pretended also, that the Historian shews too much Partiality in the Ninth Book of the first Decade, in the Com∣parison he makes of Alexander with the Romans in Point of Valour: He seems to divest himself too much of the Charact∣er of an Historian in that place, imper∣tinently to play the Declamer; giving the Preference to his Country-men before the Conqueror of Darius, upon uncertain Conjectures, and without examining the Matter any farther than by extravagant Suppositions, and a List of Consuls which the Common-wealth of Rome had set up in Competi∣tion with him.* 1.40 Tacitus Re∣proaches Livy with the same Fault, in

respect of Pompey, for whom he was too Partial against Cesar; which Augustus objected to him without taking it amiss: On the contrary he commends him, for that instead of flattering the Victorious Party in the Civil-War, he could not pre∣vail with himself to condemn those Wor∣thy Gentlemen, who were ingag'd on Pompey's side.

That Train of Affairs, of Philip King of Macedon, spun out to such a length in the Fortieth Book, the Intrigues of his Family, the Adventures of Theoxena, a Princess of Thessaly, and her Children; the Cruelty of the King; the Quarels of Demetrius and Perses his Two Sons; and all that Retinue of Circumstances relating to that Monarch, seems of an Extent disproportion'd to the principal Subject of the History, which an exact Historian should always keep in view: And that long Digression has, methinks, something Forreign in it to the business of the Roman Story; for what is it to the purpose of the War the Romans wage with that Prince, that we must necessa∣rily know all those Particularities? Was it not enough to have related those that concern'd the Controversy betwixt him

and the Republick; and the War the Romans made upon him. Perses's Speech to his Father Philip, to justify himself, that long Exaggeration of his Brother Demetrius's Crimes, together with his Answer, is too Studied an Amplification, and is a sort of Declamation that has a relish of the Desk or Bar in it. One might to this add, that the Historian suffers his Eyes to be dazled with that Triumphant and Victorious Air he gives the People, whose History he writes, to∣wards the end of the Wars of Asia; where he represents, in two Arrogant and Lordly a Style, Captive Kings chain'd to the Chariot of the Conqueror, and dragg'd with their Queens along the Streets of Rome. There is an unac∣countable Pride in those Strokes of Glo∣ry he gives the Victors; wherein he makes the People too vain, and is not himself so Modest as he might be. It is a false Clemency, or a real Vanity, to treat Soveraign Princes so shamefully, and to pardon their Subjects: Would it not have been much better to have had some Veneration for Crowned Heads? Does not that Respect which is due to Mankind, claim some consideration for

the Governours thereof? And that Greatness of Soul, which is the Charact∣er of the Romans, that Nicety in Glory, upon which they Plum'd themselves, would have been more conspicuous, by their replacing the Crowns on the Heads of those they had Vanquisht, than by their ignominious Treatment of them, and their contemptuous sporting on their Grandeur. To conclude Livy with that sound Sense he had so natural and inbred, desiring to give us a good O∣pinion of the Romans Vertue by their Conquests, gives us as scurvy a one as may be by their Triumphs; for as much as he makes a People, when forgetting it self, so far forgetful of its real Glory, as to abandon it self, to all the Pride of its Conquests, and the Extravagance of its Vanity. It had at least been a Pru∣dential part in him, to have seem'd to dislike that sort of Management. There are doubtless, other like Observations to be made upon this Author, if a Man would Cavil. Let this suffice, whereby to Judge of the rest, since 'tis necessary to fix Bounds to a Subject, that will not bear too many Particulars.

CHAP. VII.

A Comparison of the Excellen∣cies of both Authors.

AS the Faults of a thing strike more upon one, than the Perfections, so doubtless there is requir'd a greater insight to discover what is good, than what is bad therein. They are often∣times the narrowest Souls, that are the most forward Censurers; for nothing is more easy than to find fault, witness that impertinent Fellow mention'd by the Poet,* 1.41 who could Re∣proach the most Absolute thing in Nature; I mean the Structure of the Heaven, to create an Opinion of his Sufficiency: and indeed it is the Prerogative of the most exalted Capaci∣ties, to know what is Praise-worthy, and to praise it as it should be. I am very sensible I am not one of that Order, nor sufficiently Enlightned to discern, my self, the greatest Beauties in these Two Authors, or discover them to others: But possibly by attempting these little

Essays, I may be instrumental to others to exercise themselves in greater; and by opening the lesser Excellencies make the Understanding sort of Men sensible of the greatest. Here then is, in my Mind, a part of that which is remarkably fine in both One and the Other; for I pretend not to give an account of all that is so.

It must be acknowledg'd in general,* 1.42 that Thucydides had one of the most ad∣mirable Genius's that ever was, Relating what he had a mind to, with all Noble∣ness, and Dignity imaginable. As he was Eloquent before Aristotle had wrote his Rules of Eloquence, he was Industri∣ous of improving, with all manner of Application and Study, that wonderful Talent of Speech he had receiv'd from Nature; and he made that Art of his, whereing he excell'd, consist in imploy∣ing every thing that could any ways en∣noble his Discourse, and giving all those impresses, and turns to Reason, whereof it was capable, in order to perswade; laying upon it all the weight it would sustain, to make the deeper impression on the Mind; tending directly always to the bottom of Affairs, without staying on

the surface; and by a Profoundness of Reasoning, peculiar to him, reducing e∣very thing to the fountain-head from whence it came. But though he bestows nothing upon the ornaments of Style, or the Charms of Elocution, yet he is sure to please, because he is throughly sound in his Discourse, altogether clear in his Thoughts, and solid in all his Reflecti∣ons. And there is nothing but what is Natural in his Expression, and 'tis by these ways he tends directly to the Soul. 'Tis also the frequent use of the Enthy∣meme, which Demosthenes learnt of him, that in some measure, renders him live∣ly, strong and powerful in his Discourse. It is by this Art he domineers over the Resolutions of those he speaks to, that he seizes the Soul of his Readers, and hurries it away with the same vehe∣mence as if it were an Heavenly inspi∣red Motion: he carries away the Mind with the Spirit, and force of such kind of Reasoning, as give it not leisure to be sensible of his Faults. 'Tis herein he is so successful in engaging, in the In∣terests he is carrying on, all that hear him. That seriousness, gravity and au∣sterity of his Character, makes his Style

noble, masculine, vigorous and abound∣ing in Sense; and that vehemence of Expression, which sets him so far above other Authors, proceeds only from the Greatness of his Genius. For it is not so much the glittering of his Words, as the solidity of Sense, and the nobleness of his Thoughts, and the propriety of Terms, that gives weight to his Speech. All this is compleated with the utmost heighth of so clear and sober Reason, so exact a Judgment, and so noble a Style, that nothing seems more capable of gi∣ving a true relish of what is Excellent, than an Acquaintance with this Author.

Besides, he is ever so full of his Subject, through his profound Contemplation of it, that he leaves nothing for his Rea∣ders to desire, by the way he has of cir∣cumstantiating things. 'Tis meerly by this Art his Narration is so delightful, in that he omits no one Particularity, that might be serviceable to the understand∣ing the Business he is about. Thus he so strongly ingages the Mind, by the live∣ly images of things, that he Paints the ghastlyness or beauty of those dismal or agreeable Objects he represents, and 'tis by this Art of representing to your eyes

the things he speaks of, he inforces up∣on his Reader the same Impressions those feel who have been Actors, Suffer∣ers, Spectators or Witnesses of the things related.

I say no more of those admirable O∣rations than I have said already, where∣in the Historian so Personates every Man as to make him speak in his proper Character; having compos'd them by Pericles's Model, who could Charm the People of Athens even in Declaiming a∣gainst them, and opposing their Opini∣ons. For Thucydides had often heard that Oracle of Greece, upon whose Lips dwelt the Charms of Eloquence, as Cicero says. Upon this Model he form'd himself,* 1.43 and by proposing so great an Example, carried the Art of Speech to its highest Perfecti∣on, in the Orations that he made. It is certain that Author gave a prodigious Lustre to his History by those Ora∣tions: It must likewise be acknowleg'd those so Studied and exact Discourses, had quite another Beauty when Extem∣porary, and spoken in the heat of Acti∣on and Business. To all this we may add those most solid Principles and Ver∣tues,

Reason and sound Sense; those most establisht Maxims of Morality and Politicks, and that general decorum which runs through all he says, by pursuing particular Circumstances up to univer∣sal Idea's; and giving Energy to his Reasons, by tracing them to their first Principles, and Sources from which they were deriv'd, which is the thing that gives that substantial Form and Solidity to his Discourse: These are the main Beauties of that Author in general; let us observe now his Excellencies in par∣ticular.

The Harangue of Pericles, who Per∣swaded only by obtaining a Magisterial Authority over his Auditors, speaking ever in an imperial Strain, and as one may say, with Thunder in his hand; which oc∣casion'd him to be styl'd Olympian Jove: that admirable Discourse that Great Man makes in the First Book of his History, in counselling the Athenians to a War, is of a noble Spirit, and abounds with lofty Thoughts. For instance, when he says to encourage them to take up Arms, Let us not be concern'd at the loss of our Lands, or Country-seats; but our Liberty is that which ought nearly to concern us:

We are not made for our Estates, but our Estates for us: I am more afraid of our own Vices, than all the Advantages of our Ene∣my: great Glory and a mighty Name is only to be purchas'd by great and dangerous Vndertakings: all the rest of that Dis∣course is of an equal Force and Exalta∣tion.

But what Wisdom, what Dignity is there is that of Archidamus King of Sparta, disswading the Lacedemonians from War in the same Book. Let us not suffer our selves, says he, to be blinded by those Mens Flatteries, who only Praise that they may Destroy us: Let us pre∣serve our Modesty, which is the Source of our Valour: We are the only Greeks whom Prosperity has not as yet puffed up with Vanity.

What is there Comparable to those Beauties we find in the Funeral Pane∣gyrick in the Second Book, upon those who lost their Lives the first Campaign of that War; especially where he speaks of the Manners that prevail'd in Athens, and of the government? Our Government says he, is popular, because the end we propose is the happiness of the Republick, not the making of some few particular

Persons; and Honour is the Reward of Merit, not the Priviledge of Birth. We love Politeness without being fond of Luxury; we apply our selves to the Study of Philosophy, without giving up our selves to Effeminacy and Laziness, the ordinary Companions of that Study: We take the estimate of Riches from their Vses, and not from their Pomp; and we think it no shame to be Poor, but not to do what is necessary to avoid Po∣verty, this is Disgrace. The Interests of each People are examin'd in that Dis∣course, where Pericles gives his Sentence for the War, with all the Sagacity, the most subtle and curious Politicks are ca∣pable of. That is a Place worthy of their Study who have the management of Af∣fairs: Nothing can be better explain'd.

That terrible Pestilence, describ'd in the Third Book is so particularly Cir∣cumstanc'd, is so elaborate and exact, that Lucretius has almost intirely Translated it into his Poem;* 1.44 and Demetrius, the Phalerian, has Com∣mended it as one of the Chiefest Works of Art, though Lucian finds fault with it in his Treatise of History: because that Description falls into too great a

Retail of Circumstances. The Descrip∣tion Livy gives us in his Seventh Book of a Plague that happen'd at Rome, like that at Athens, is more succinct, and has a Style more serious. The Discourse of the Inhabitants of Platea, who in the same Book justify their Conduct to the Lacedemonians, after they had Surren∣dred to the Enemy, is a piece of Excel∣lency, that Dionysius, the declar'd Cen∣surer of Thucydides, could not chuse but admire: There is a justness of Sense, and a force of Eloquence that penetrates the Soul, and causes a kind of Admira∣tion mingled with Surprize. 'Tis in these Discourses the Models for the me∣thod of Perswasion are to be sought, as being such masterly Strokes of Elo∣quence as are no where else to be found.

The Sea-fight, in the Port of Syracuse, describ'd in the Seventh Book, so highly valued by Plutarch, is express'd so much to the Life, and the Motions of the Two Fleets of Athens and Sicily are so clearly distinguisht by their different Circum∣stances, that Plutarch himself calls that Description, a lively Image of the Passi∣ons of the Soul; 'tis all drawn in so live∣ly and sensible a manner: Nothing can

be touch'd with a finer Hand, or be more absolute than that Piece; which mani∣fests the Excellence of the Art, and the Greatness of the Master. There is like∣wise, in the Sixth Book, an Oration of Alcibiades, to perswade the Athenians; to resolve upon a War with Sicily; which is remarkable for those Draughts of Elo∣quence and Politicks it is stor'd with: As for instance, when he introduces that great Man, saying, That Turbulent Spirits, such as were the Athenians, made greater ad∣vantage of Commotions than they could of Settlement: and that it was more conve∣nient to stick to the Ancient Maxims, though possibly not so Good, than to change them for those that are better; because Nature, says he, is a Principle of an higher extract than Reason; this being but the common Operation of Man's Soul, and the other pro∣ceeding from the Decree of God Almighty. There is a profound Wisdome, an admi∣rable Sense in that Reflection. 'Tis much the same Reasoning that he attri∣butes to Cleon, a Citizen of Athens, upon the Case of the Prisoners of Mitylene; saying, That ill Laws, well observ'd, were better than good Laws that were despis'd or neglected: and that a well-meaning and re∣gular

Ignorance, was preferable to disorderly and inconstant Knowledge: For nothing is more dangerous in a State, than change of Conduct.

Again, what is there more wise or rational, than the Dialogue of the Melians with the Athenians Deputies, in the Fourth Book. The Melians talk in a submissive way, which is however no∣ble and ingenuous; they preserve well the Character which became the Van∣quisht, without loosing that of Worthy Men, who knew how to imploy their rea∣son well, when their sword hed fail'd them. But the Athenians Lord it in too insolent a manner. The Historian gives them too contemptuous a Carriage, not very agree∣able to Persons charg'd with a Negotia∣tion? It must be confest, nevertheless, that nothing is more sensible or solid than that Entercourse. And the Re∣proach, wherewith the Ambassadors of Platea urge the Lacedemonians, in the Third Book, of which I have already spoken, is very noble. If you measure, say they, Justice by your Interests, you will give us reason to believe your Interests are dear∣er to you than your Glory. All the Argu∣ments the Historian imploys in that Dis∣course

are like the Flashings and Dart∣ings of Thunder and Lightning, as his most severe Censurer Dion. Halicarnassen∣sis acknowledges; 'tis all Divine, even in his Opinion. But if a Man would set down all the Excellencies he shall find in this Authors Orations, he must intirely Transcribe them, as did Demosthenes. What can be imagin'd more pressing, than that which he makes his Hero of Eloquence, Pericles to speak; when he endeavours to perswade the Athenians to the War in the First Book. If it were possible (says he to them) you should be dis∣courag'd by the labour and hazard there is in Conquering; I would advise you to bid farewel to Glory; For 'tis only by Pains and Hardships, ye can become worthy of that Honour. The Argument is there ex∣press'd in all its Force and Dignity.

Finally, those Grand Principles of Honour, Equity, Honesty and Glory, to which he knows how to give their due inforcement, are the most usual Cha∣racters he imprints upon his Discourse. 'Tis herein he makes use of the purest Reason, not laying more weight on it than it will bear, as the Sophists endea∣vour to do, nor desiring through a coun∣terfeit

Eloquence to carry it beyond its natural bounds. 'Tis in these Harangues that all things shine and glitter, with the Lustre of a noble strong and vehe∣ment Eloquence, which he had form'd from the lively Sense he had of Things, and a thorough Understanding of the Subjects that he Treated on. Let us then Pardon him those Discourses, for which we see some Criticks have Censur'd him, since they are fraught with so many Ex∣cellencies. For, besides that the Greeks, as I have observ'd before, were Devoted to that Haranguing Humour, and their Republican Spirit Authoriz'd that way: This Great Man was very sensible of his own Qualifications, for making States and Common-wealths discourse; by which means he makes his History, of so little and inconsiderable a Subject, to be of so important Consideration: And here he delivers those grand Maxims of Morality and Policy, he understood so well. And though Cicero is of Opinion, that the Rhetorick of the Bar, through its too great Loftiness, is improper for civil Affairs; I maintain that for Reasoning, in the great Affairs of Treaties, and the Ne∣gotiations of Peace and War, and in all

weighty & important Interests, Contro∣verted by States, Thucydides is the greatest Master that can be Consulted; and 'tis impossible to find, elsewhere, Reason bet∣ter wrought, by all the wisest Maxims of Government, than in Thucydides. And all things well consider'd, there is not to be found, in other Works, that Force of Eloquence that appears in his.

What Wit,* 1.45 what Understanding, what Views must not a Man have, to discover the Excellencies of a Work, conceiv'd in the very purest Reign of the Roman Eloquence; and to distinguish those Beauties, that so highly transcend the common Rules as Livy's do: He had an Elevation of Soul, that gave him a noble Conception of things; and it proceeded more from the Nobleness of his Thoughts, than that of his Language, that he was so Happy in his Expression. He was intimately acquainted with Na∣ture and all her Movements; of which he gave us such lively Draughts, that there is ever a surprizing Sprightliness of Soul in his Discourse: And as he had contriv'd a sublime Style, by the Great∣ness of his Expression, which he diffuses through his Work▪ tho' he manages it

with all that Prudence, which was Na∣tural to him, so he has plac'd all the Ob∣jects he Represents, in the finest Light imaginable. His Discourse is clear, ever tending to its Purpose, without making those Starts and Excursions other Au∣thors are so Subject to. His Logick is exact, his Diction pure, his Narration full of variety: His Order looks so Na∣tural, as if the most curious Images of things, so Postur'd themselves in his Mind, as to fall each in its proper Place, to make an absolute Picture, both in all he thinks, and all he says. He disposes of those Images, which he unfolds in his Narration, by a great Diversity of Ideas; and 'tis by the Disposal and Order of them he is so Engaging: And as he speaks more to the Understanding, than the Eye or Ear, so he ever tends more directly to the Soul.

The Ornaments, which he mixes with his Discourse, and those Flou∣rishes he bestows upon it, are so well Husbanded, as to appear only in those Places that demand them, and can bear them well; wherein he shews himself Liberal without Profuseness. As for the rest, 'tis generally the Plenty of his Mat∣ter,

that makes him so Copious in his Style; the native Richness of his Sub∣ject causes that Luxuriance in his Speech: And his Narration becomes taking, by means of its Diffuseness, growing there∣by better Circumstantiated, and more Probable. For nothing is more effectual, to render a thing Credible, than the Knowledge of the Particularities how 'twas Acted: Besides, a Man gives a steadier View of the Objects represent∣ed, by standing a little upon the Turn of a Narration, without precipitating, or exhibiting things in a transient Glance. To all which may be added, the admirable Discretion he has, to dissever and separate the Sentiments of Men, & to make them speak and act according to the Decorum, of their several Conditi∣ons, in which Nature has instated them. I am dazled with that Lustre which reflects from his Discourse, by the Choice, the Harmony, and Elegance of the Words he uses, and those softer Passions, that abound in his History, of which Quintilian speaks so favourably:* 1.46 those moving and delicate Affections, which he treats with all the Art and

Nature imaginable, perfectly Enchant me, by those wonderful Commotions they raise in my Soul.

Perhaps never Man came furnisht with better Parts, or those more im∣prov'd, to the Writing of a History, than he: For he was form'd in a City, at that time, the Empress of the World; in which all the most important Affairs of the Universe were Decided: and in the politest Reign that ever was, having had scarce any other school than the Court of Augustus. There it was he learnt the Language of the Genteelest part of Mankind, and that lively, fine, subtle and natural Air, then in Fashion; that exquisite Tast, that purity and no∣bleness of Expression, which was the Character of that Age; and of which there were so great Models in all sorts of Writing, perfecting and polishing him∣self upon them. Thence it was he took that Softness, necessary to please, and that Force which renders him mo∣ving, wherein peculiarly consists his essential Character: For never Man uni∣ted all the Grace and Beauty, with all the Vehemence of Discourse, so much as he; so much does the sweetness of

Beauty Temper the Masculine Force and Energy of what he says: that there falls not any thing from his Pen too strong, but is softned with a Term more nice and delicate. He prepares whatever is Bold, and heightens what∣ever is Low, with the Brightness of his Speech: These then are part of his Beauties in general; let us now see those he has in particular.

He immediately procures a great At∣tention, and much Inquisitiveness, by that great Idea he gives his Subject, at the Entrance to his Work, when he says, the Destiny of a City, design'd for the Empire of the World, ought to have something of Divinity in its Original; and when he gives so great an Opinion, of the Vertue of the People, whose Hi∣story he undertakes.

In the First Book, wherein Events are little, and proportion'd to the strength of a State in its Infancy, nothing is better related than the Battle of the Horatii and Curiatii; the Adventure is Great and Extraordinary. Two little States, which make War, and Dispute for Soveraignty, give up their Interests and Destinies into the Hands of Two Fami∣lies,

to decide them. What Colours, what Expressions does not the Historian imploy in that Combate, where he Paints with all his Art, the Fears, the Hopes, and the rest of the Passions of the Ar∣mies, who were concern'd in that Affair, where the Dispute in hand was, who should be Masters or Subjects of each other. Is there any thing to be seen more strongly Painted, or better Repre∣sented? Does not a Man feel what the Historian says, and take in the very Sen∣timents he inspires, by the Impressions his Narration makes upon the Soul? The Adventure of Lucretia is finely in∣troduc'd in the same Book, for as much as it renders the Revolution of the Go∣vernment, which it occasion'd, more Remarkable. The Banishment of Tar∣quin, and his Family; the Revolt of the People against the King, whose very Name was abhorr'd; which is one of the greatest Adventures in the History, and all that grand Enterprize, is made much more considerable and surprizing, by so illustrious and vertuous a Motive.

This dethron'd Tarquin, who so Pa∣thetically implores the Assistance of his Neighbours to Re-establish him; that

Image of the growing Liberty, of the novel State, after the slavery it had e∣scap'd from; that Pleasure in the mighty Hopes of a lasting Settlement, where∣with they flatter'd the Desires of the People; that ease and quiet they sensibly enjoy'd: Those Proceedings Brutus put them upon,* 1.47 to make them still more sensible, they had the Power in their own Hands, as desirous of Ruling as he was himself: The several Accessions of the love of that Liberty, that ripened daily through the Pleasure they began to take in Dominion: and which still increased by the Disturbances of those tempestu∣ous Assemblies held under the Tribunes: those popular Commotions caus'd by the Excess of Power they had left them, which it was necessary to repress by the Creation of Decemviri, accustoming them insensibly to use no other Authority but that of Laws. Those petty Wars they wag'd against their Neighbours; their Successes proportion'd to their Valour and their Strength; and those Essays wherewith Fortune delighted to exer∣cise that growing Republick, to exalt it to the heighth of Glory, which it arriv'd

to: All these, I say, Painted in those Co∣lours, the Historian knew how to order so admirably well, are the greatest Beau∣ties of the first Decade; the Events whereof are mostly contain'd in Rome, and amongst the Neighbouring People, without going out of Italy: And though all is mean and little in the Beginning, according to the Nature or Fate of Things of no long Date; yet the Histo∣rian sails not to Elevate his Subject, by the Greatness of his Expression, and to inspire several Persons, he introduces, with noble Thoughts, as Brutus and Manlius, who Sacrifice their Lives to the Security and Glory of their Country. There are divers Occurrencies, in the Third Book, set in a fine Light: As the Transport of young Appius, who so fu∣riously carry'd off Virginius's Daughter, and that had like to have destroy'd Rome; and such Indignation the People conceiv'd at so Brutal an Action: The Havock of that horrible Attempt, is de∣scrib'd in a very passionate Air. The Adventure of the Old Senator Quintius Cincinnatus; taken from the Plough, to be made Dictator; and the Diligence of his Wife, to make him Neat and

Cleanly, and look something like a Gen∣tleman, and all the Circumstances of that Adventure, are very Naturally Painted. The Historian, who makes Camillus take up Arms against the Common-wealth, and to do himself Justice on a People jealous of his Power, but insensible of the Merit of Brave and Couragious Men, makes him speak with all the Dis∣dain a noble Roman was capable of, when fir'd with Glory. 'Tis Rome (says he) that calls me back, not to re-instate me in my Place, but that I may re-establish her in hers: Which he did by the Con∣quest of the Vientes, and the taking Veii after Ten Years War. The Encomium, the Historian bestows upon that Great Man, in the Seventh Book, is full of ex∣quisite Sense; and there is somewhat very singular and rare in the Praises he gives him. The Magnanimity of young Curtius, who all in Armour, threw him∣self head-long, into a vast Chasm of the Earth, which happen'd in the City, to close it up, and Appease the Gods by such a Sacrifice, is an extraordinary Or∣nament in the same Book. In fine, we see in the First Part of this History, a rising Neatness, that makes large Ad∣vances

to its Perfection, without do∣ing any thing unlike it self. And that One thing, well laid open, is of a singu∣lar Excellence.

The Second Decade▪ which is the constant Succession of that growing Glory, and of all its Progress, is intirely lost: which contain'd the Wars against Pyrrhus King of Epirus, who broke into Italy to Succour the Tarentines; and all that happen'd in those Wars, concerning the Valour and Probity of the Romans: Amongst which was that high Principle of Honour, which appear'd in Fabricius, who Heading the Roman Army, in Qua∣lity of Consul, sent back to Pyrrhus his Phi∣sitian, that made an Offer to the Romans of Poisoning his Prince, who had ingag'd them in a bloody War, and was become their most terrible Enemy. Here was the first Punick-War, wherein Attilius Regulus so highly Signaliz'd his Vertue, when having been made Prisoner by the Carthaginians, he was dispatch'd to Rome, to treat of the Exchange of Pri∣soners of both Parties; and who out of an heroick, dis-interess'd Principle, was the First that Advis'd them not to do it, because that Exchange must needs

be Disadvantagious to the Common-wealth, though he himself might have enjoy'd his Life and Liberty as the Fruits of it. These are the principal Subjects of the Second Decade, as ap∣pears by Freinshemius's Supplement, who hits his Character exactly, and succeeds much better in making up the Loss of Livy, than he has done in the Supple∣ment of the History of Alexander the Great, Wrote by Quintus Curtius; as may be seen, if any one will give him∣self the trouble to Compare them.

But Livy's History takes another sort of Flight, in the Third Decade, which is come to us intire; with the Fourth, and half of the Fifth. The Scene grows more lively and animated, and more astonishing, through those mightier Movements, and more important Con∣junctures: For now comes the second Punick-War, and that Famous Expedi∣tion of Hannibal, Marching from his Country at the Head of an Hundred Thousand Men; to make an Assault up∣on the Romans, ever▪ at Rome it self▪

There is nothing in other Histories comparable to the Portraicture this Au∣thor makes of the March of this Gene∣ral;

'Tis all of a Force and Expression above the common level: 'Tis the no∣blest Scene of the whole History, and the Consequences perfectly answer the Be∣ginning; where the Historian, after ha∣ving Pictur'd Hannibal, and Represent∣ed him more Terrible, through his Vertues than his Vices, as taken up as he is with that mighty Object, he falls upon his Matter, that he may express the Particulars, and loose nothing at all of it; every step he makes him take, in despight of Danger, as he passes the Alps, is terrible: All the Circumstances are dismal and ghastly, and the Picture of Danger is imprinted almost in every Word, and every Syllable. Thence he soars in the Expansion that his Subject gives him, which is so spacious, so copi∣ous, as to give him Scope for the follow∣ing Books, and all the Third Decade: For Hannibal is the Leading Subject of it all. The most notorious Adventures of that War, are the Battle fought upon the Banks of the Trasymenian Lake in Tuscany, wherein there were above Fifty Thousand Romans kill'd upon the spot, and the rest of the Army taken or rout∣ed: The Battle of Cannae far more

Bloody than the former, in which were above Forty-five Thousand slain. No∣thing in Nature is describ'd in so mov∣ing a Strain; the Terrour and Confu∣sion Hannibal casts in the Face of Rome, by those bloody Victories, are express'd in such a way, as never any other Histo∣ry could reach. There are such Draughts, and such Colours, as were un∣known to all Historians besides. The Consequences of those Two Battles were still more Terrible, a general con∣sternation run through the Heart of Italy; the Romans were Deserted by all their Allies; the People was Allarm'd, and the whole Body of that great Republick, till that time Victorious, was in a violent Commotion, except the Nobility and Chief Men, whom Scipio caus'd to Swear with a Dagger at their Throat, that neither any of them, nor the remaining Officers, should abandon the Republick in that present Conjuncture: and there was that Fierceness at Rome, after that last Defeat, that it was not lawful to make mention of a Peace with Hannibal.* 1.48 Their Minds were shaken, but not dejected; and 'twas the Resolution of the Great

Men which inspirited the People, and re-establisht Affairs.

The Wars of Sicily against Hieron and his Sons, that of Numidia against Syphax, were the Consequents of the Second Punick-War. But in the Twen∣ty-sixth Book the Historian describes the new impressions of Fear, Hannibal cau∣sed in Rome, when he pitch'd his Camp before the City, and advanc'd as far as the Porta Collina near the Temple of Hercules, whence he took a Turn upon the Walls, to take the Model of it. But the Conqueror of Rome Retreated on his own accord, and he whom the Vertue of his Enemies could not Van∣quish, was subdued by his own Vices, and the Pleasures of Capua, where he was for some time Posted; and he was heard to say in his Retreat, that one while he only wanted an Inclination, and other time good Fortune, to make him Master of Rome. The Idea the Historian gives us in that Place of a Veteran General hardened to the Fatigues of War,* 1.49 and coming to soften him∣self in Italy in the Embraces, as one may say, of Pleasure, is very agreeable, and

of an extraordinary Beauty. The Affairs of Sicily having oblig'd Marcellus to Be∣siege Syracuse, Archimedes was there kil∣led by Two blundering Souldiers, who took the Diagram of a Geometrical De∣monstration he was drawing upon the Sand to be Conjuring; which is a sin∣gular and surprizing Incident in that place.

But after all, nothing is Comparable to the Picture the Author gives us of young Scipio, in the End of the Twenty-sixth Book; where he Represents him, Com∣mission'd General of the Roman Army into Spain, to give a Diversion to the Progress of Hannibal in Italy. That Victorious Youth, at Twenty Four Years of Age, was of a ripe and consum∣mate Prudence; And though he per∣form'd Exploits of Arms, that astonisht his Enemies, tho' in One Day he took New Carthage, in which the Carthagini∣ans had a numerous Garrison; He yet obtain'd greater Victories by his Vertue than his Valour. For when he was pre∣sented with Mandonius's Lady, a Prince of Spain, and Two of his Nieces, ex∣ceedingly Beautiful, he sent them back with these Words, That though, for the

sake of his own Integrity and the publick Discipline of Rome,* 1.50 it lay upon him to se∣cure from Violence whatever was Sacred: yet their own Conside∣ration, was still a greater Engagement to do them Justice, since in their Misfortunes they were not forgetful of themselves, nor of their Vertue: And having shew'd the same Respect to another Spanish Prince, whose Princess was presented to him, of a more accomplisht Beauty than the other, he sent her back to her Husband with a great summ of Mony offer'd for her Ransome. That Prince charm'd and amaz'd, with so great Bounty, Pro∣claim'd in his Country, There was ar∣riv'd in Spain,* 1.51 a Young Roman, Qualify'd like the Gods, that carried on his Conquests as well by his Vertues as his Arms. Nothing can be finer; and the image the Historian gives us, of the Young Victor, produces an admirable Effect, through the Opposition he makes of his Vertue against Hannibal's Vices. 'Tis only by his good Nature and Cle∣mency that Scipio Triumphs over the

Carthaginians, whereas Hannibal Tri∣umphs over the Romans by Savageness and Violence. The one is Plundering Provinces, and Battering Towns, whilst the other is winning the Hearts of the People, and Captivating their Souls by his Beneficence and Goodness.

The last Books of this Decade con∣tain the mighty Progress of Scipio's Arms in Africa: Hannibal is recall'd to the Succour of Carthage, where he was Defeated, Carthage taken, and Scipio Triumphantly return'd from Africa to Rome. Thus the End of this Decade, by its Opposition to the Beginning, where Hannibal drives on his Victories uncontroul'd, is one of the finest Places of the History; especially by the new Road the Young Roman takes to Glory; contributing more to the Conquests of the Republick, by setting in the Minds of the People the Reputation of the Roman Vertue, than by giving Battle: For that Reputation becoming the Ad∣miration of the Conquer'd Nations, was more Victorious than their Arms.

After the Defeat of Carthage, the Glo∣ry of the Roman Name soar'd to a great∣er Heighth. The Victorious People,

whose Renown was spread far and near, began to be lookt upon as the Deliverer of other Nations. Thus Gloriously it is Represented by Livy, in the Fourth Decade. The Athenians Oppress'd by Philip (the last of the Name) King of Macedon, implor'd the Assistance of the Senate. Publius Sulpitius was sent thither, who having Subdued all Greece, Proclaim'd Peace to all the People by his Lievtenant Quintius, and restor'd them their Liberty; and in a Publick Assem∣bly for the Celebration of this Festival, was heard that saying, That,* 1.52 at last, there was a People in the World, born for the safety of all others, that cross'd Seas, made Wars at its own Cost and Peril, to revenge the Oppress'd, to establish Laws, causing them to be observ'd through the whole Earth, and to maintain the publick Se∣curity.

The Historian afterward opens the mystery how Hannibal became suspect∣ed by his Country-men, upon advice that he entertain'd a constant Corre∣spondence with King Antiochus, to oblige him to declare War against the Romans:

That was it which this Great Man Ba∣nisht out of his Country, and as it were a Vagabond abroad, voted in that Kings Councel; that if he would make War as he should do, with the Romans, he must attack them in their own Territo∣ries, and Fight them at Rome as he him∣self had done: There is a greatness of Soul, and a loftiness of Thought in what the Historian makes him speak, and su∣ting with the Character of Hannibal: 'tis in the Thirty-fourth Book. There is something Rare and Uncommon in point of Adventure in the accidental meeting of this Commander, and Scipio who was made Lievtenant to his Bro∣ther, as it is related in the following Book. Undoubtedly it creates a very a∣greeable surprize, as it needs must, to see two Great Generals who had disputed the Empire of the World at the head of two potent Armies meeting by chance at Ephesus, and coldly giving their Opi∣nion as two private Men, in a Sedate, and unpassionate Discourse of the pre∣heminence of the Greatest Officers, who have made the most noise in the World. In fine, Hannibal suspected by his Citi∣zens, and hated by all the World, is

constrain'd to fly to Ephesus: his flight contains several Adventures, which ren∣der that part of the History very Curi∣ous, as being of a Man of so great Im∣portance, that every Step he makes is Considerable.

But the Adventure of Scipio, accus'd before the People by Q. Petilius for ha∣ving Converted part of the Spoils of King Antiochus to his own Coffer, is more surprizing and remarkable thro' the giddiness of Fortune, and the in∣justice of the Roman People; and 'tis represented by the Historian with all the dignity so strange an Adventure does require. That Man of incomparable Vertue as well as Valour, made his Ap∣pearance at the Day prefixt by his Ac∣cuser. But instead of making his De∣fense to his Accusation, presumptuous upon his own Innocence, he spoke to the People assembled, to Condemn him, with a bold and undaunted Gallantry, and the Voice of a Con∣queror:* 1.53 Such was the day wherein I took Car∣thage, beat Hannibal, and Vanquisht the Car∣thaginians; let us go to the Capitol, and

thank the Gods. The People surpriz'd at so magnanimous a Carriage, left the Accuser, and followed Scipio: and that Day, says the Historian, was infinitely more Glorious to him, and advanc'd his Honour higher in the Opinion of the People, than that wherein he Triumph∣ed over King Siphax, and the Cartha∣ginians. Dissatisfy'd however with that Treatment, which manifested so much Disesteem, he Retreated to Linternum, a Country-seat of his towards Capua, where he dy'd, sometime after, in the Embraces of his Family, as a private Person. The Portraicture of Cato, deli∣neated in the Thirty-ninth Book, on occasion of the Dignity of Censor, which he Canvas'd with the Scipio's, Valerius Flaccus, Furius, and other Persons of note in the Senate, is a Master-piece. 'Tis pleasant to see how Resembling it all is, upon the Notion a Man has of the Austerity of Vertue in that Great Man: For that portraicture is so singular, in all the features that compose it, that whe∣ther it is like nothing, or whether it re∣sembles its original, all is touch'd off with an admirable Air. That which the Historian brings him in speaking, a∣gainst

the Luxury of Women, in the Thirty-fourth Book, to put in Execution the Oppian Law, which regulated the Expense of Habits, and retrench'd the Prodigality therein; and against the Nocturnal Devotion, describ'd in the Thirty-ninth Book, wherewith they mixt all the Horror of the most disso∣lute Practices, and abominable Debau∣chery in the World, has much of the Spirit of a rigid Censour of Manners. The Speeches he makes against the Dis∣orders, which the Wars of Asia had brought into Rome, by infusing Effemi∣nacy, Licentiousness, and a Prostitu∣tion of Youth, which tended to its utter Ruine, bear the Stamp of a sincere and Great Man, who contributed with the Old Senators, to the Preservation of that Wisdom, Probity, Hatred of Injustice, love of Equity, and horrour of Vice, which prevail'd in the Senate at that time: And all this has its Effect in the End of that Decade; where the Histo∣rian presents us with the Spirit and Character of the Republick, then sub∣sisting. The Death of Annibal, who had retir'd to Prusias, King of Bithynia, after the Defeat of Antiochus (having Poison∣ed

himself to avoid falling into the Hands of Flaminius) is very moving at the End of the Thirty-ninth Book: One is concern'd to see so great a Man Die in such a manner; and that Particular prepar'd so finely, with such remarkable Events, is of a singular Excellence.

But it must be acknowleg'd, that no∣thing is more pompous or magnificent than the Entrance of the Forty-third Book, where Livy sets forth the Gene∣rality of the People of Greece, and Asia after the subduing Macedonia, sending their Embassadours to Rome, to implore the Protection of the Senate, and to sub∣mit themselves to the Republick: All that Part is describ'd in that Trium∣phant Character, which usually accom∣panies the happy Conquerours. The Historian himself there strikes on such a Key, as lets us know he is Apprehen∣sive of the good Fortune of his Country and the Merit of his Subject. The De∣feat of Perses in the Forty-fourth Book, happening upon occasion of an Horse, that escap'd the Hands of his Servants, and was the Cause of the Battle, which the Two Armies, incamp'd upon the opposite Banks of a little River, would

willingly have avoided, has something surprizing in it; and indeed nothing is finer in an History than great Events, caus'd by trifling Accidents, as this, which is very Remarkable upon the Wonder it raises.

The Oration the Embassadours of Rhodes make before the Senate, in the Forty-fifth Book, is fine, lofty and elo∣quent; nothing comes nearer the Dis∣courses Thucydides attributes to the De∣puties of States and Common-wealths, in his History of the Peloponnesian War: Nothing can be more fitly compar'd with him, in that very Kind in which his Excellence lay; nor is there any thing more like that manner of speaking, he gives the Towns and States whose History he Writes. Paulus Emilius's Voyage through Greece, after he had Conquer'd it, his Visiting the Provinces to observe what was Remarkable for Antiquity, or for the Rarity and Excel∣lence of the Work, is handsomely De∣scrib'd in the Forty-fifth Book. Every Town has its peculiar Character, its Order and Distinction; and the Histo∣rian, by giving us a fine Notion of the Country, heightens the Victories and Advantages of his own.

All this receives an additional Great∣ness in the remainder of that History, after the Defeat of Perses, which was the concluding Blow of that long and hazardous War of Macedonia; and the Roman Name was exalted to its highest Pitch of Glory. In effect, the Senate had scarce any other Employment, than the answering the Requests of Kings, and ordering their Destinies. 'Tis no longer the Embassadours of Kings and Crowned Heads: Here are the Kings of Syria and Aegypt, of Bithynia and Pergamus; here is Ptolomy, and his Sister Cleopatra, who make the Senate the Ar∣biter of their Difference; here's King Massinissa sending his Two Sons to Rome, to Congratulate the Republick, in his Name, for the Defeat of Perses: Here's Prusias King of Bithynia, accompanying his Son Nicomedes, and presenting him to the Republick, to take him under its Protection: Here's Perses fasten'd to Emilius's Chariot, with his Two Sons, to render the Triumph of the Conquer∣our, more Arrogant and Glorious, as had done Gentius King of Illyricum, with his Wife and Children, over-come by the Pretor Anicius. In fine, not to repeat

what I have already observ'd, at the End of the Abridgment I have made of the History in the Fifth Chapter, we may say, there is nothing Comparable to the Idea Livy gives of the Grandeur and Glory of the Republick in those Times: That never History went upon so great a Subject; nor ever Historian supported the Dignity of the Matter with a greater Majesty and Force of Expression. That Picture the Author draws of Prusias King of Bithynia, who takes Pride in being a Denizen of the Roman People, which he Treats, accor∣ding to Polybius,* 1.54 with the most pro∣stituted Flattery, is well worthy of him and that Purity of of Morals he so highly Professes: Herewith he con∣cludes the Forty-fifth Book; for the rest of it is lost.

How Glorious, would it be, should we have the Residue of the History which is lost, and the Description of those great Transactions of the following Times, I would say the Particulars of Scipio's Victories, the adopted Son of

Paulus Emilius, who subdued Africa to the Romans: those times wherein Thebes, Calcis, Corinth, Numantia, were seen levell'd to the Ground, and following the Destiny of Carthage? Those Cele∣brated Wars against Jugurtha and Mi∣thridates? Those terrible Seditions, that began to make Head in the Republick through Cinna, Marius and Sylla's abu∣sing their Power, which the Success of their Arms conspiring with that Dege∣neracy, Abundance and Luxury had in∣fus'd into the Generality, and their own Fortune had given them?

What should we say, did there but remain in this mighty Work, any Track of those great Expeditions of Sertorius into Spain, of Marius upon the Cimbri and Teutons, and of Pompey into Asia, Cesar amongst the Gauls, and in all the North? The mutual Jealousy of those Two Great Generals who caus'd a Civil War? The Sequels of that War, so fatal to the Romans, which went near the Destruction of Rome, by the Revolution of the Government? Finally, should we see in this Historian, those ghastly Re∣presentations of the Republick, ript open to her very Bowels, by the Hands of her

own Children? Of the Senate broken in∣to Parties, of Italy in Distraction, and of all the Universe almost in Disorder and Confusion? Should we see the esta∣blishment of the Empire, the Death of Cesar, stab'd by the Senate, the Trium∣virate of Octavius, the Defeat of Antony, the Triumph of Augustus, and all the great Objects of those unfortunate Times, which doubtless made the finest part of Livy's History, as being the most memorable Events of the Roman Common-wealth; For why should we not reckon up all the Beauties and ex∣cellent Works that came from his Hands, and were only lost through the Negli∣gence or perhaps Ignorance, and corrupt Palate of the succeeding Ages.

But I pretend not to have Remark'd all the Delicacies of this Author; I have only mention'd those I my self was most Affected with; a Man must go quite through with him, that would do the Historian Justice. And to speak more freely upon the Point, he must fetch a vaster compass, than the Bounds I have prescrib'd my self would admit. This may suffice for an Essay, to Judge of the rest by, without being mistaken.

CHAP. VIII.

The Decision of the Compari∣son.

ANd now having examin'd the Ad∣vantages and Disadvantages of these Two Historians, Their Persons, their Genius, their Subjects, their Histo∣ries, and the Faults and Excellencies of each; it may be determin'd which ought to have the Preference. But see∣ing they mutually Excel each other, in several Particulars, to hold the Balance even, and do them all the Justice that is possible, here is, in my Opinion, what we ought to think, and say of One and the Other. They are both Equally a∣bove that exact and scrupulous Nice∣ness, which too Studiously affects a per∣fect Regularity; since they were only made for great Things, and the Eleva∣tion of their Genius, would not permit them to stoop to so mean Regards. They had in the same degree of Per∣fection, an admirable Judgment in the Choice of their Thoughts, and in ex∣pressing

them Nobly: They had an exquisite sense for the natural Turn of Expression, which is the effect of a ma∣ture Judgment, and they were skill'd in the choice of Words, which enlivened the Expressions most, and were most proper to declare their Meaning; they were equally industrious to avoid flashy and glittering Words, and to stick to the more ordinary and significant: Both of them have more of a figurative, than a pro∣per Style, knowing that one made great∣er impression than the other; but their Discretion in this Practise was equally admirable in both, being ever happy in the Images and Representations of their Thoughts, wherein we may always dis∣cover the Foot-steps and Tracks of Na∣ture. Thus there has been but very few Authors, every way so Accomplisht, as these Two Historians; for there is no∣thing but is judiciously and happily I∣magin'd in them both.

They have both a Sublimity, ever maintain'd with, and founded on Rea∣son; a thing not known to other Histo∣rians. They both endeavour'd to copy Nature, and this they propos'd as their main End. They are just in their Com∣parison,

Easy in their Figures, and hap∣py in their Metaphors. Livy is richer in his Expression, is more Copious, and fuller of Variety, and has more of those passionate Strokes that affect the Mind. But Thucydides has Expressions more strong, Colours more terrible, and Strokes more lively, and seems to make more forcible Impressions on the Thoughts: He likewise gives more Action and Mo∣tion to his Speech; and by inclosing a great deal of Sense in a little room, he leaves more to the Imagination and Conjecture of his Reader. But Livy is sure to please more, because to the force and vehemence of Expression, he adds all the sweetnesses, and graces of Art, he is as Florid and Agreeable as he pleases, by the Art he has of Tempering his Discourse, with such fine and deli∣cate Airs; by giving it those enchant∣ing Turns; and by the Method he found out of joining to that Dignity, upon which he ever bottoms his Discourse, all the Easiness and Simplicity requisite to make it Natural. Besides that Livy has a greater abundance of Matter, and more order and variety in the Events he re∣presents, there is moreover something

unaccountably sweet and insinuating in his Transitions, which renders him so smooth and easy, that in Reading him, a Man is convey'd from one Subject to another, without being sensible of the Motion; so dextrously he orders his Matters, and threads his Discourse. He marches, or makes a halt, advances, or takes breath, as his Occasion or his Plea∣sure is, and no Man is aware of it. The Greek is great in his Words, and little in his Events, which are generally incon∣siderable. The Roman is great in both, and is very singular in the Art he has of drawing out at length extraordinary E∣vents, in all their train of Circumstan∣ces. For he postures them with Design, and collects them with Discretion, by avoiding all Superfluous Particulars; and herein it is he is generally so Alluring; for nothing ingages a Reader more, than that Choice of necessary Circum∣stances, singled out from those that are less useful.

Nor are onely his Idea's more noble, but also the Affairs he treats of, and the Adventures he describes; are of more weight and moment; and the Persons he introduces, are of a more ex∣alted

Character: For what can a Man find in Thucydides a Match for Hannibal, and the Scipio's; for Pompey or Cesar; and all those mighty Names the Roman Hi∣story abounds with? Again, the Ver∣tues which Livy proposes, present them∣selves in all their formalities, that is in their beginnings and their progress; than which nothing can be more Delightful in an History; which is neither so di∣stinct, nor sufficiently observ'd in Thu∣cydides. Livy has a more rich, a more embellisht, and a more fruitful Imagi∣nation; he has more fire and liveliness in his Expression: His Project is greater, and the contrivance of his Design more magnificent. That Majestick Strain of Talking, which is Natural to him; that Elegance he shews in little Subjects; all that admirable Art of Rhetorick, with an exquisite Choice of Words; and all those other Qualities, which distinguish him from the Rest of the World, give him a vast Advantage over Thucydides; who by a dry, unsavoury and austere way of Speaking, has nothing by way of Shew and Ostentation: Whereas the other knows how to manage all this to his use, and practice it according to the

necessity of his Subject, without any Appearance of Study or Affectation. And those favourable places of Elo∣quence, where one may play the Passi∣ons, and all those secret Engines, which move the Soul, are much frequenter in Livy, by reason of those great Concerns he is engag'd in, and which furnish his History.

There seems too to be in Livy, more Purity, better Construction; greater Order and Regularity, throughout his Discourse: Which Thucydides troubled not his Head with; nay, in some mea∣sure, he affected to be disorderly in his Expressions: And indeed, he talks best of War, especially of the Sea, and Na∣val Expeditions, having made that his Exercise and Employment. But it must be confest, that Livy gives us a better Opinion of the Romans, than Thucydides of the Greeks; though at the same time they have both pursu'd the Truth of the History; and the Greek Historian is not to be blamed, if the Portraictures he copies, want that Beauty which the o∣thers have; for as much as he makes not the Characters, but represents them only. It must be own'd too that the Athenian

People were more intractable, and head-strong than the Romans; because their Power was not poiz'd, with such Poli∣tick Mediums, as was that of Rome: And that which was haughtiness in the Greeks, was true vertue in the Romans, and a Nobleness of Soul. Livy too had a great Advantage over Thucydides, from the Nature of his Subject; which was not only more Fortunate, but more Stately also and Magnificent: For 'tis the Empire of the World, 'tis all the Universe he grasps into his History, whilst Thucydides is confined to a lit∣tle piece of a Continent, an inconsider∣able Spot of Ground: But this may be said in his Commendation, that he has exprest more Artifice in supporting the Meanness of his Subject; he has shewn a great deal of Dexterity, in improving so harsh and barren a Soil, into so rich, and, in some measure, fertile a capacity; and herein consists the Greatness of his Merit, that he has rais'd so Disadvanta∣gious a Subject; to so high a Value as it bears. It is true, Livy takes Pleasure to open the growing Grandeur of the Republick by degrees, striking always at his Mark, which is his Countries

Glory. Thucydides had scarce such Thoughts in's Head; he follows the beaten Road, without turning to the Right-hand, or the Left.

Livy's Beginning bears more Propor∣tion to the rest of his History; but how∣ever great was his Design, there is no∣thing haughty in the Proposition of it. Thucydides's Entrance on a particular Hi∣story, is too universal. It would have serv'd for an Exordium to a general Hi∣story of all Greece, and have given us a compleat Notion of it.

After all, they are Both of them mighty Artists, Admirably skill'd in expressing the Passions in their proper Characters, and natural Colours. Livy has a softer, and a sweeter Hand; Thucydides has something strangely se∣rious and grave in his way of Painting. The Morals of them both are uncor∣rupt, pure, exact and honest; they have great Principles of Vertue, admirable Maxims of the Publick Good, a noble Tast of Things, and are very experi∣enc'd in Decency and good Breeding. To this may be added that they are E∣quals, and Rivals in the Love of Truth; they are Men of an untainted Honesty,

of an inviolable Fidelity and Sincerity on all Occasions.

One might possibly, to push the Com∣parison as far as it will go, compare Thucydides's Description, in the begin∣ning of the Eighth Book, of the Event, the News of the intire Rout of the A∣thenian by the Syracusian Army had, with the Effect the News of the Battle at Canna caus'd at Rome. The Picture Livy makes of the Consternation the People of Rome were in, after that De∣feat, is not so Circumstantiated as that of Thucydides, but it is more greatly Ex∣press'd. There appears not that Resolu∣tion in the Athenians, as in the People of Rome, supported by the Senate, and the Grandees of the Republick; and all well consider'd, the Latine Historians Genius seems to have the Ascendant over the Graecians.

After all, 'tis confess'd, Thucydides is much exacter in his Logick, that he is more Elevated in his Reasonings, that he has greater Principles and nobler Thoughts, in several places, than Livy, and that he makes greater Impressions on the Soul; but the other is always more agreeable and moving; the one

gives his Colours Strength, the other Charms and Liveliness. What Ma∣sterly Strokes, what bold Expressions are in the former, what variety in the latter? Thucydides chooses rather to be Solid than Polite; Livy has found the Method of being Solid and Polite together; and of joyning all the Elegance and fineness of Words, with the Solid∣ness of Things: The one is great on no other Bottome than himself; the other is so, through the nature of his Subject, and his manner of treating it. The one has nothing but Strength and Vigour; The other has the Art of Tempering that Masculine Vigour with the softest Charms, such a Work as his is capable of.

Finally, to draw to a Conclusion, Livy has been incomparably Happier in his choice, in his project, in the performance and success of his Work; which leads the Reader step by step, from contemp∣tible Beginnings, through extraordinary, and sometimes miraculous Events, to a Glorious end; that represents the Roman People, risen from a base and scandalous Extraction, to such a Pinacle of Glory, as never People yet arriv'd to: This

History displays all the Motions and Progress of that Glory, through its Ob∣stacles and Oppositions, which make it appear the brighter; and it displays that growing Greatness, conducted to its highest Pitch and Elevation, through all the several Degrees of its Perfection. This is the thing wherein it is so Admi∣rable: For nothing is so Charming and Delightful, as to see the Representation of the Beginnings and birth of things, gradually increasing, and a great Design methodically accomplisht, and brought to its Perfection: In which point, Thu∣cydides's History is nothing Compara∣ble: The Peloponnesian War, which is the principal Design, aims at nothing but the weakning the Two States that strove for the Empire of Greece. The suc∣cession of that War has nothing of Con∣nexion or Coherence; it is interrupted by a multitude of Occurrencies that have no Analogy to the End of it; and that End is neither happy for the One nor the other: Thus it leaves the Reader's Mind discontented, at least very little satisfy'd with a Story, whereof it retains no I∣dea, but of Battles and Orations.

But if so, then the Comparison of these Two Authors is very unequal, and Livy has much the better of Thucydides; which yet I cannot absolutely Agree to, if a Man considers them by them∣selves, and in their Personal Merit: I add too, that probably Thucydides had Excell'd Livy, had he been equally Happy in the Choice of a Subject: For he is not at all Inferior to him, in the natural Solidity of good Sense; in that exactness, or rather severity of Reason that accompanies all he says: I question too, whether Livy argues always in the Justness of Thucydides; 'tis true, he has always a nobleness of Expression in his Narration; but 'tis to be doubted, whe∣ther he has all that Simplicity, which should go into the Character of a perfect Historian.

Thus then, to decide the Controversy, and precisely to Declare the Preference, it is requisite we return to the Stating the essential Character of an Historian, and determine whether Truth is all that is requir'd in him; whether it is enough meerly to recommend Truth to our Vn∣derstanding, & not indear it to our Affect∣ions, by His manner of speaking and de∣scribing

it; for Simplicity is all that's requir'd to a Discourse, to discover the Truth of it: But to make the Reader in love with it, when presented to him, there must be a great deal more; there must be purity of Language, nobleness of Expression, loftiness of Thought, and much variety in his Narration: It ought to be known, whether Truth is not char∣ming and attractive enough, through its own native Brightness, and naked Sim∣plicity, without the assistance of Paint and Artifice; and whether she is not spoil'd of her natural Ornaments, and such as really become her, by that cu∣stomary Wash and Dress they bestow on her. For if so, then Thucydides, who has the most Plainness and Simplicity, is to be preferr'd before Livy: And on the contrary, if Truth ought to become A∣greeable and Lovely, by the Charms and Beauty of Discourse, Livy must be a∣warded the Precedence. Here is some∣thing to exercise nice and curious Wits, to whose Sentence I refer my own, being not Confident and bold enough, my self, to pass the Verdict.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Fabius. Cluvias. Plin.
• * 1.2

  Primus omnium li∣bertinorum scribere Historiam orsus non nisi ab honestissimo quo{que} scribi solitam. Corn. Nep. in Frag∣mentis.
• * 1.3

  The Per∣son of Thu∣cydides.
• * 1.4

  Libro 7. De Bello. Pelop.
• * 1.5

  Rhet. l. 3. c. 7.
• * 1.6

  Dion. Halic. in Jud. de Thucyd. Num. 9.
• * 1.7

  Thucydides rerum gestarum pronun∣ciator sincerus.
• * 1.8

  The Person of Livy.
• * 1.9

  Súcton. in Claud. c. 42.
• * 1.10

  Gaditanum quendam Titi Livii nomini glo∣riaque Commotum ad visendum eum ab ulti∣timo terrarum orbe ve∣nissi statimque ut vi∣derat abysse. Plin. s. 2. Epist. l. 3.
• * 1.11

  Janus post Nu∣mae Regnum Clau∣sus semel Y. Man∣lio consule, iterum quod nostrae aetati dii dederint ut vi∣deremus post bel∣lum Actiacum ab imperatore Caesare Augusto pace ter∣ra marique paita. &c. Hist. Rom. l. 1.
• * 1.12

  Facturusne ope∣rae pretium sim si a primordio urbis res populi Roma∣ni perscripserim nec satis scio nec si sciam, dicere au∣sim: quippe qui &c. Proaem Hist. Rom. Tit. Livii.
• * 1.13

  Cornel. Ta∣cit. de Cre∣mutio Cordo lib. 4. Annal.
• * 1.14

  The Chara∣cter of Thu∣cydides.
• * 1.15

  Thucydides omnes dicendi artificio mea sententia facile vin∣cit, qui ita creber est rerum frequentia ut verborum prope nu∣merum sententiarum numero consequatur. Ita porro verbis ap∣tus & pressus ut ne∣scias utram res ora∣tione an verba sen∣tentiis illustrentur Cic. lib. 3. de Orat.
• * 1.16

  Marcellin. in vita Thucyd.
• * 1.17

  Dionys. Halic. in Judicio de Thu∣cyd. Num. 9.
• * 1.18

  The Cha∣racter of Livy.
• * 1.19

  Illa Livii lactea ubertas satis doce∣bit eum qui non speciem expositio∣nis sed fidem quae∣rit. Instit. l. 10. c. 1.
• * 1.20

  Lib. de Collec. Verb. numb 29.
• * 1.21

  Titus Livius in narrando mirae iu∣cunditatis clarissi∣mi{que} candoris. Quin. l. 10. c. 1.
• * 1.22

  Dionys. Halic. in Jud. de Thucyd.
• * 1.23

  The Subject of Thucydi∣des.
• * 1.24

  The Sub∣ject of Livy.
• * 1.25

  Roma Domus virtutis, imperii dignitatis, domi∣cilum 〈◊〉〈◊〉, lux orbis terrarum &c. Cic. de O∣rat.
• * 1.26

  An Abridg∣ment of Thucydi∣des's Hi••to∣ry.
• * 1.27

  An Abridg∣ment of Li∣vy's History.
• * 1.28

  Quae ante condi∣tam urbem poeticis decora Fabulis ea nec affirmare nec ref••llere in animo est. Hist. Rom. l. 1.
• * 1.29

  Debebatur fa∣tis tantae origo iuris, maximique secundum deo∣rum opes imperii Hist. Rom. l. 1.
• * 1.30

  Marcus & Attilius Roman cum veris∣sentis & nulla re magis gloriarentur quam decepto per inducias & spem pacis Rege Peri••o. Hist. Rom. lib. 42.
• * 1.31

  Veteres & moris antiqui memores ne∣gabant se in ea le∣gatione Romanas a∣gnoscere artes ut a∣stu magis quam ve∣ra virtute gloria∣rentur. Hist. Rom. lib. 37.
• * 1.32

  Positis jam adversus omnes mortales certa∣minibus haud secus quam Deos consulere, & parcere vos generi humano oportet Hist. Rom. lib. 37.
• * 1.33

  Maximo semper ani∣mo victis regibus popu∣lisque ignov••stis, quanto majore vos animo de∣c••t facere in hac Victo∣ria quae vos dominos orbis terrarum facit
• * 1.34

  Dionys. Halicarn. ad Aelium Tuberon. Num. 3.
• * 1.35

  Thucydide's Failings.
• * 1.36

  The Faults of Livy.
• * 1.37

  Livium ut ver∣bosum in Historia & negligentem carpebat. Suet. de Calig.
• * 1.38

  Poet. c. 2. l. 2. de Conse. Hist.
• * 1.39

  In Tito Livlo mirae facundiae viro putat in∣esse Pollio quandam Patavinitatem: quare si sieri potest verba omnia & vox hujus alumnum urbis oleant ut oratio Romana plane videatur non civitate donata. lib. 8. c. 1.
• * 1.40

  On Pompejum tantis laudibus ex∣tulit Livius, ut Pompejanum Au∣gustus appellaret. Tacit. An. lib. 4.
• * 1.41

  Qui ut putentur sapere, coelum vitu∣perant Phaed. Fab.
• * 1.42

  The Beau∣ties of Thu∣cydides.
• * 1.43

  Cujus in labris leporem habitasse dixerunt comici. Cic. l. 3. de Orat.
• * 1.44

  Lucret. lib. 6. versus finem.
• * 1.45

  The Beau∣ties of Livy.
• * 1.46

  Affectus quidem praecipue eos qui sunt dulciores nemo com∣mendavit magis. Quint. l. 10. c. 1.
• * 1.47

  Plebs soluta Re∣gio metu, agitari coepta Tribunitiis procellis. Hist. Rom. lib. 2.
• * 1.48

  Nulla timoris sig∣nificatio, nulla men∣tio, pacis. Off. l. 3.
• * 1.49

  Potiundae sibi urbis Romanae modo men∣tem non dari, modo fortunam Hist. Rom. lib. 28.
• * 1.50

  Meae populique Romani di∣sciplinae causa facerem ne quid quod sanctum usquam esset, a∣pud nos, vialoretur: nunc ut id curem impensius, vestra quoque virtus & dignitas fa∣cit: quae ne in malis quidem o∣blitae decoris matronalis estis. Lib. 26.
• * 1.51

  Venisse diis simillimum juvenem vincentem om∣nia quum armis, ••ion benignitate ac benificiis. Ibid.
• * 1.52

  Esse gentem in terris, quae sua impensa ac peri∣cu••o bella gerat pro liber∣tate aliorum maria tra••i∣ciat, ne quod toto orbe ter∣rarum injustum imperium sit▪ ubique jus, f••ts, ••er potentissima sint. Lib. 33.
• * 1.53

  Celebratior is prope dies favore hominum, & aesti∣matione vere magnitudinis ejus fuit, quam quo trium∣phans de Syphace & Car∣thaginensibus urbem inve∣ctus. Lib. 38.
• * 1.54

  Polybius eum regem indignum majestate neminis tanti tradit. R••mae quoque cum veniret in cu••tam summisisse se, & osculo limen curiae contigisse & Deos servatores nos Senatum appel∣lasse, aliam{que} orationem non tam honorificam audientibus quam sibi deformem habuisse Tit Liv. 45. sub finem.