Sir Walter Raleigh's Sceptick, or speculations and Observations of the magnificency and opulency of cities, his Seat of government, and letters to the Kings Majestie, and others of qualitie : also, his demeanor before his execution.

Sir WALTER RALEIGH'S LETTERS.

Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter to M^r Secretary Winwood, before his Iourney to Gui∣ana.

Honourable SIR,

I Was lately per∣swaded, by two Gentlemen, my ancient Friends, to acquaint your Honour with some offers of mine, made heretofore for a Jour∣ney to Guiana, who were of

opinion, That it would be better understood now, than when it was first propound∣ed, which advice having sur∣mounted my dispair, I have presumed to send unto your Honour the Copies of those Letters which I then wrote, both to his Majestie, and to the Treasurer Cecill, wherein as well the reasons that first moved me are remembered, as the objections by him made, are briefly answer∣ed.

What I know of the rich∣es of that place, not by hear∣say, but what mine eyes hath seen, I have said it of∣ten but it was then to no end: Because those that had

the greatest trust, were re∣solved not to believe it, not because they doubted the Truth, but because they doubted my Disposition to∣wards themselves; where (if God had blessed me in the enterprise) I had recover∣ed his Majesties favour and good opinion. Other cause than this, or other suspition they never had any. Our late worthy Prince of Wales was extream curious in searching out the Nature of my offences, The Queens Majestie hath informed her self from the beginning, The King of Denmark at both times of his being here was throughly satisfied of my in∣nocency,

they would other∣wise never have moved his Majestie on my behalf.

The Wife, the Brother, and the Son of a King, do not use to sue for men suspect; but Sir, since they all have done it out of their charitie, and but with refe∣rences to me alone. Your Honour (whose respect hath onely relation to his Maje∣sties service) strengthened by the example of those Princes, may with the more hardness do the like, being Princes to whom his Maje∣sties good estate is no less dear, and all men that shall oppugne it, no less hatefull, than to the King himself.

It is true Sir, That his Majestie hath sometimes an∣swered, That his Councel knew me better than he did; meaning some two or three of them. And it was indeed my infelicitie; for had his Majestie known me, I had never been here where I now am: or had I known his Majestie, they had never been so long there where they now are. His Majestie not knowing of me hath been my ruin, and his Maje∣sties misknowing of them, hath been the ruin of a goodly part of his estate: but they are all of them now, some living and some dying, come to his Majesties know∣ledge.

But Sir, how little soever his Majestie knew me, and how much soever he be∣lieved them, yet have I been bound to his Majestie both for my Life, and all that re∣mains, of which, but for his Majestie, nor Life, nor ought else had remained. In this respect Sir, I am bound to yield up the same life, and all I have for his Majesties ser∣vice; to die for the King, and not by the King, is all the ambition I have in the world.

Walter Raleigh.

Sir Walter Raleighs's Let∣ter to his Wife, from Gui∣ana.

Sweet Heart,

I Can yet write unto you but with a weak hand, for I have suffered the most vi∣olent Calenture for fifteen days, that ever man did, and lived: but God that gave me a strong heart in all my adversities, hath also now strengthened it in the hell-fire of heat.

We have had two most grievous sicknesses in our Ship, of which fourtie two have died, and there are yet many sick, but having reco∣vered the land of Guiana,

this 12 of November, I hope we shall recover them. We are yet two hundred men, and the rest of our Fleet are reasonable strong, strong e∣nough I hope to perform what we have undertaken, if the diligent care at London, to make our strength known to the Spanish King, by his Ambassadour, have not taught the Spanish King to fortifie all the enterances a∣gainst us; howsoever we must make the Adventure, and if we perish, it shall be no honour for England, nor gain for his Majestie to loose among many other an, hun∣dred as valiant Gentlemen as England hath in it.

Of Captain Baylies base coming from us at the Ca∣naries, see a Letter of Ke∣mishes to M^r Skory, & of the unnatural weather, storms and rains, and winds. He hath in the same letter, given a touch of the way that hath ever been sailed in fourteen days, now hardly performed in fourtie days; God I trust, will give us comfort in that which is to come.

In passage to the Canaries, I stayed at Gomerah, where I took water in peace, because the Countrey durst not de∣nie it me; I received there of an English race, a Present of Oranges, Lemons, Quinces, and Pome-granates, without

which I could not have li∣ved; those I preserved in fresh sands, and I have of them yet to my great re∣freshing. Your son had ne∣ver so good health, having no distemper in all the heat under the Line. All my ser∣vants have escaped but Crab and my Cook, yet all have had the sickness. Crofts and March, and the rest are all well. Remember my service to my Lord Carew, and M^r Secretarie Winwood.

I write not to them, for I can write of nought but mi∣series: yet of men of sort, we have lost our Serjeant Ma∣jor, Captain Pigott, and his Lieuetenant, Captain Ed∣ward

Hastings, who would have died at home, for both his liver, spleen, and brains were rotten. My sons Lieue∣tenant Payton, and my co∣sin Mr. Hews, Mr. Mordant, Mr. Gardner, Mr. Haward, Captain Iennings the Mer∣chant, Kemish of London, and the Master Chyrurgion, Mr. Refiner, Mr. Moor the Go∣vernour of the Barmoudas, our Provost Marsh. W. Steed, Lieuetenant Vescie, but to mine inestimable grief, Ha∣mon and Talbot. By the next I trust you shall hear better of us, in Gods hands we were, and in him we trust.

This bearer, Captain Al∣ley, for his infirmitie of his

head I have sent back, an honest valiant man, he can deliver you all that is past. Cōmend me to my worthy friends at Loathbury, S^r. John Leigh and Mr. Bower, whose Nephew Knevit is well, and to my cosin Blundell, and my most devoted and humble service to her Majestie.

To tell you that I might be here King of the Indians, were a vanitie, but my name hath still lived among them; here they feed me with fresh meat, and all that the Coun¦trey yields, all offer to obey me. Commend me to poo•• Carew my son.

From Galliana in Guiana the 14 of November.

Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter to Sir Ralph Winwood.

SIR,

AS I have not hitherto given you any Account of our proceedings and pas∣sages towards the Indies, so have I no other subject to write of, than of the greatest misfortunes that ever befel any man: for whereas, for the first, All those that Na∣vigate between Cape de Verd & America, to pass between fifteen or twentie days at most, we found the wind so contrary, and which are also contrary to nature, so many storms and rains, as we spent six weeks in the passage, by

reason whereof, and that in so great heat we wanted wa∣ter: for at the Isle Prano of Cape de verd, we lost our Anchors and Cables, and our water Casks, being dri∣ven from the Island with a Hurlicano, and were like all to have perished. Great sickness fell amongst us, and carried away great numbers of our ablest men both for sea and land. The 17 of No∣vember, we had sight of Gui∣ana, and soon after came to Anchor in five degrees at the River Galliano, here we staid till the fourth of De∣cember, landed our sick men, set up the Barges and Shal∣lops, which were brought out

of England in quarters, wash∣ed our Ships, and took in fresh water, being fed and cherished by the Indians of my old acquaintance, with a great deal of love & respect, my self being in the hands of death these 6 weeks, & was not able otherwise to move than as I was carried in a chair, gave order to 5 small Ships, to sail into Orinoque, having Captain Kemis for their Conductor towards the Mynes, and in those five Ships five Companies of 50 under the command of Ca∣ptain Parker, and Captain North, brethren to the Lord Mounteagle and the Lord North, valiant Gentlemen,

and of infinite patience for the labour, hunger, and heat which they have endured, my son had the third Com∣pany, Captain Thornix of Kent the fourth Company, Captain Chidley, by his Lieutenant, the fifth: but as my Sergeant Major Captain Piggot of the Low Countreys died in the former miserable passage, so my Lieuetenant Sir Warham S. Leiger lay sick without hope of life, and the charge conferred on my Nephew George Raleigh, who had also served long with infinite commendati∣ons; but by reason of my ab∣sence, and of Sir Warhams was not so well obeyed as

the Enterprize required. As they passed up the River, the Spaniard began the War, and shot at us both with their Ordinance & Muskets, whereupon the Companies were forced to charge them, and soon after beat them out of the Town. In the assault, my son (more desirous of honour than safetie) was slain, with whom (to say truth) all the respects of this world have taken end in me. And although these five Captains had as weak Com∣panies as ever followed vali∣ant Leaders, yet were there amongst them some twentie or thirtie valiant adventu∣rous Gentlemen, and of sin∣gular

courage, as of my sons Company, Mr. Knivet, Mr. Hammon, Mr. Langworth, Mr. Iohn Pleasington; his Officers, Sir Iohn Hamden, Mr. Symon Leak Corporal of the Field, Mr. Hammon the elder Brother, Mr. Nicholas of Buckingham, Mr. Roberts of Kent, Mr. Perin, Mr. Tre∣sham, Mr. Mullinax, Mr. Win∣ter and his brother, Mr. Wray, Mr. Miles Herbart, Mr. Brad∣shaw, Capt. Hall, & others.

Sir, I have set down the names of these Gentlemen, to the end, that if his Maje∣stie shall have cause to use their service, it may please you to take notice of them for very sufficient Gentle∣men.

The other five Ships staid at Trinidado, having no other Port capable for them near Guiana. The second Ship was commanded by my Vice-Admiral Capt. Iohn Pennington, of whom (to do him right) he is one of the sufficientest Gentlemen for the Sea that England hath. The third by Sir Warham S. Leiger, an exceeding va∣liant & worthy Gentleman. The fourth by S^r Iohn Fern. The fifth by Captain Chid∣ley of Devon. With these five Ships I daily attended their Armando of Spain, which had they set upon us, our force divided, the one half in Orinoque, an hundred

and fiftie miles from us, we had not onely been torn in pieces, but all those in the River had also perished, be∣ing of no force at all for the Sea-fight; for we had resol∣ved to have been burnt by their sides, had the Armando arrived: but belike, they staid for us at Margarita, by which they knew we must pass to∣wards the Indies: for it plea∣sed his Majestie to value us at so little, as to command me upon my Alleageance, to set down under my hand the Countrey, and the River by which I was to enter it, to set down the number of my men, and burthen of my Ships, and what Ordinance

every Ship carried, which being known to the Spanish Ambassador, and by him to the King of Spain, a dispatch was made, and letters sent from Madrid, before my de∣parture out of the Thames; for his first letter sent by a Barque of Advise, was dated the 19 of March 1617. at Madrid, which letter I have here inclosed sent to your Honour, the rest I reserve, not knowing whether they may be intercepted or not. The second by the King, da∣ted the second of May, sent also by a Coronel of Diego de Polonieque, Governour of Guiana, Elderedo, and Trini∣dado. The third by the Bi∣shop

of Porericho, and deli∣vered to Polonieque the 15 of Iuly, at Trinidado. And the fourth was sent from the Farmer and Secretarie of his Customs in the Indies. At the same time, by that of the Kings hand, sent by the Bi∣shop, there was also a Com∣mission for the speedie levy∣ing of three hundred souldi∣ers, and ten pieces of Ordi∣nance to be sent from Por∣tricho, for the defence of Gui∣ana, an hundred and fiftie from Nuevo Remo de Grando, under the command of Ca∣ptain Anthony Musica, and the other hundred and fiftie from Portricho, to be con∣ducted by C. Franc. Laudio.

Now Sir, if all that have traded to the Indies since his Majesties time knew that the Spaniards have flayed alive all the poor men which they have taken, being but Mer∣chant men, what death and cruel torment shall we ex∣pect if they conquer us? cer∣tainly they have hitherto failed grosly, being set out thence as we were, both for number, time, and place.

Lastly, to make an Apo∣logie for not working the Myne, (although I know his Majestie expects) whom I am to satisfie so much, as my self, having lost my son, and my estate in the Enterprise, yet it is true, that the Spani∣ards

took more care to de∣fend the passage leading un∣to it, than they did the Town, which by the Kings instructions they might easi∣ly do, the Countreys being Aspera & Nemosa.

But it is true, that when Capt. Kemish found the Ri∣ver low, and that he could not approch the Banks in most places near the Myne by a Mile, and where he found a discent, a volley of Muskets came from the woods upon the Boat, and slew two Rowers, and hurt six others, and shot a vali∣ant Gentleman of Captain Thornix, of which wound he languisheth to this day. He,

to wit, Kemish, following his own advice, thought that it was in vain to discover the Myne; for he gave me this for an excuse at his return, that the Companies of Eng∣lish in the Town of S. Thome were not able to defend it, a∣gainst the daily and nightly assaults of the Spaniards, that the passages to the Mynes, were thick and un∣passable woods, and that the Myne being discovered, they had no men to work it, did not discover it at all: for it is true, the Spaniards having two gold Mynes near the Town, the one possessed by Pedro Rodrigo de Paran, the second by Harmian Frotinio,

the third of silver, by Ca∣ptain Francisco, for the want of Negroes to work them: for as the Indians cannot be constrained by a Law of Charls the Fifth, so the Spa∣niards will not, nor can en∣dure the labour of those Mynes, whatsoever the Bra∣gadochio, the Spanish Am∣bassador saith. I shall prove under the Proprietors hand, by the Custom-Book, and the Kings Quinto, of which I recovered an Ingot or two: I shall also make it appear to any Prince or State that will undertake it, how easily those Mynes, and five or six more of them may be pos∣sessed, and the most of them

in those parts, which never have as yet been attempted by any, nor by any passage to them, nor ever discover∣ed by the English, French, or Dutch. But at Kemish his return from Orinoque, when I rejected his counsel and his course, and told him that he had undone me, and wound∣ed my credit with the King past recoverie, he slew him∣self; for I told him, that seeing my son was slain, I ca∣red not if I had lost an hun∣dred more in opening of the Myne, so my credit had been saved: for I protest before God, had not Capt. Whitney (to whom I gave more countenance than to all the

Captains of my Fleet) run from me at the Granadoes, and carried another ship with him of Captain Wolle∣stons. I would have left my body at S. Thomes by my sons, or have brought with me out of that or other Mynes, so much Gold-oar, as should have satisfied the King. I propounded no vain thing; what shall become of me I know not, I am unpar∣doned in England, and my poor estate consumed, and whether any Prince will give me bread or no I know not. I desire your Honour to hold me in your good opini∣on, to remember my service to my Lord of Arrundel and

Pembrook, to take some pitie on my pour Wife, to whom I dare not write for renewing her sorrow for her son; and beseech you to give a copie of this to my Lord Carew: for to a broken mind, a sick bodie, and weak eyes, it is a torment to write many Let∣ters. I have found many things of importance for discovering the state and weakness of the Indies, which if I live, I shall hereafter im∣part unto your Honour, to whom I shall remain a faith∣full servant.

Walter Raleigh.

Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter sent to his Wife, Copied out of his own hand-wri∣ting.

I Was loath to write, be∣cause I know not how to comfort you, and God knows, I never knew what sorrow meant till now. All that I can say to you is, that you must obey the will and providence of God, and re∣member, that the Queens Majestie bare the loss of Prince Henry with a magna∣nimous heart, and the Ladie Harrington of her son. Com∣fort your heart (dearest Bess) I shall sorrow for us both, I shall sorrow the less, because

I have not long to sorrow, because not long to live. I refer you to Mr. Secretarie Winwoods Letter, who will give you a copie of it, if you send for it, therein you shall know what hath passed; I have written that Letter, for my brains are broken, and it is a torment for me to write, and especially of misery. I have desired Mr. Secretarie to give my Lord Carew a copie of his Letter. I have clensed my ship of sick men, and sent them home; I hope God will send us somewhat before we return. You shall hear from me if, I live, from the New-found land, where I mean to make clean

my ships and revictual; for I have Tobacco enough to pay for it. The Lord bless and comfort you, that you may bear patiently the death of your valliant son.

This 22. of March, from the Isle of Christophers,

yours Walter Raleigh.

Post-script.

I Protest before the Ma∣jestie of God, That as Sir Francis Drake, and Sir Iohn Hawkins died heart∣broken when they failed of their enterprise, I could will∣ingly do the like, did I not contend against sorrow for your sake, in hope to pro∣vide somewhat for you and

to comfort and releive you. If I live to return, resolve your self that it is the care for you that hath strength∣ened my heart. It is true that Kemish might have gone di∣rectly to the Myne, & meant it, but after my sons death, he made them beleive he knew not the way, and ex∣cused himself upon want of water in the River, and coun∣terfeiting many impediments left it unfound. When he came back, I told him he had undone me, and that my credit was lost for ever; he answered. That when my son was lost, and that he left me so weak, that he resolved not to find me alive, he had

no reason to enrich a compa∣nie of Rascals, who after my sons death made no account of him. He further told me that the English sent up into Guiana, could hardly defend the Spanish town of S. Thome which they had taken, and therefore for them to pass through thick woods it was impossible, and more impos∣sible to have victual brought them into the Mountains. And it is true, that the Go∣vernour Diego Polenego, and other four Captains being slain, whereof Wats slew one, Plessington, Wats servant, and Iohn of Moroccoes, one of his men, slew other two. I say five of them slain in the en∣terance

of the Town, the rest went off in a whole bodie, and took more care to de∣fend the passages to their Mynes (of which they had three within a League of the Town, besides a Myne that was about five miles off) than they did of the Town it self. Yet Kemish at the first was resolved to go to the Myne; but when he came to the banck side to Land, and had two of his men slain outright from the bank, and six other hurt, and Captain Thornix shot in the head, of which wound, and the accident thereof, he hath pined away these twelve weeks.

Now when Kemish came

back and gave me the for∣mer Reasons which moved him not to open the Myne, the one the death of my son, a second the weakness of the English, and their impossibi∣lities to work and to be vi∣ctualled; a third that it were a follie to discover it for the Spaniards; and lastly my weakness and being unpar∣doned; and that I rejected all these his Arguments, and told him, that I must leave him to himself to resolve it to the King and State, he shut up himself into his Cab∣bin, and shot himself with a pocket Pistol which broke one of his ribs, and finding that he had not prevailed, he

thrust a long Knife under his short ribs up to the handle and died. Thus much I have written to M. Secretarie, to whose Letters I refer you to know the truth. I did after the sealing break open the Letter again, to let you know in brief the state of that bu∣siness. which I pray you im∣part to my Lord of Nor∣thumberland, and Silvanus Scory.

For the rest, there was ne∣ver poor man so exposed to slaughter as I was; for being commanded upon mine Al∣leageance to set down not onely the Countrey but the very River by which I was to enter it, to name my

Ships number, men, and my Artillerie. This now was sent by the Spanish Ambassador to his Master the King of Spain, the King wrote his Letters to all parts of the Indies, especially to the Go∣vernour Palamago of Guia∣na, Elderado, and Trinidado, of which the first Letter bore date 19 of March 1617, at Madrill, when I had not yet left the Thames, which Letter I have sent to M^r Se∣cretarie. I have also other Letters of the Kings which I reserve, and one of the Councels. The King also sent a Commission to leavie three hundred souldiers out of his Garrisons of unie Re∣gno

de Granado è Portricho, with ten pieces of brass Or∣dinance to entertain us; he also prepared an Army by sea to set upon us. It were too long to tell you how we were preserved, if I live I shall make it known; my brains are broken, and I can∣not write much, I live yet, and I told you why. Witney for whom I sold all my Plate my Plymouth, and to whom I gave more credit and countenance than to all the Captains of my Fleet, ran from me at the Grana∣does, and Wolleston with him, so as I have now but five Ships, and out of those I have sent some into my Fly∣boat

a rabble of idle Ra∣scals, which I know will not spare to wound me, but I care not. I am sure there is never a base slave in all the Fleet hath taken the pain and care that I have done, that have slept so little, and travelled so much, my friends will not believe them, and for the rest I care not; God in heaven bless you and strengthen your heart.

Yours Walter Raleigh.

Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter to M^r Secretary Win∣wood.

SIR,

SInce the death of Kemish, it is confessed by the Ser∣jeant Major, and others of his inward friends, that he told them, that he could have brought them unto the Myne within two hours March from the River side; but because my son was slain, my self unpardoned, and not like to live, he had no reason to open the Myne either for the Spaniard or for the King; they answered, that the King (though I were not pardon∣ed) had granted my heart

under the Great Seal. He replyed, that the grant to me was to no man, non Ens in the Law, and therefore of no force; this discourse they had, which I knew not of till after his death: but when I was resolved to write unto your Honour, he prayed me to joyn with him in excusing his not going to the Myne, I answered him I would not do it; but if my self could satisfie the King and State, that he had reason not to open it, I should be glad of it: but for my part, I must avow that he knew it, and that he might with loss have done it; other excuses I would not frame: he told me

that he would wait on me presently, and give me better satisfaction: but I was no sooner come from him into my Cabbin, but I heard a Pistol go over my head, and sending to know who shot it, word was brought me that Kemish shot it out of his Cabbin window to cleanse it; his boy going into his Cabbin, found him lying up∣on his bed with much bloud by him, and looking in his face saw him dead; the Pistol being but little, did but crack his rib, but turning him over found a long Knife in his bo∣die, all but the handle. Sir, I have sent into England with my cosin Harbert (a ve∣ry

valiant honest Gentle∣man) divers unworthy per∣sons, good for nothing nei∣ther by sea nor land, and though it was at their own suit, yet I know they will wrong me in all that they can. I beseech your Honour, that the scorn of men may not be believed of me, who have taken more pains, and suffered more than the mean∣est Rascal in the Ship; these being gone, I shall be able to keep the Sea until the end of August, with some four reasonable good ships. Sir, wheresoever God shal permit me to arrive in any part of Europe, I will not fail to let your Honour know what we

have done, till then, and ever I rest

Your Honours servant W. Raleigh.

Sir WALTER RALEIGH'S Letter to King JAMES, at his return from GUIANA.

May it please your most excellent Majestie,

IF in my Journey outward bound, I had my men

murthered at the Islands, and yet spared to take re∣venge, if I did discharge some Spanish Barks taken without spoil, if I forbare all parts of the Spanish Indies, wherein I might have taken twentie of their Downs on the sea-coasts, and did onely follow the enterprize I un∣dertook for Guiana, where without any directions from me, a Spanish Village was burnt, which was new set up within three miles of the Myne. By your Majesties favour, I find no reason why the Spanish Ambassador should complain of me. If it were lawfull for the Spa∣niards to murther twentie

six English men, tying them back to back, and then cut∣ing their throats, when they had traded with them a whole moneth, and came to them on the land without so much as one sword, and that it may not be lawfull for your Majesties subjects, being charged first by them, to re∣pell force by force, we may justly say, O miserable Eng∣lish!

If Parker and Metham took Campeach and other places in the Honduraes, seat∣ed in the heart of the Spanish Indies, burnt Towns, and killed the Spaniards, and had nothing said unto them at their return, and my self for∣bore

to look into the Indies; because I would not offend, I may as justly say, O misera∣ble Sir Walter Raleigh!

If I have spent my poor estate, lost my son, suffered by sickness and otherwise a world of miseries; if I have resisted with manifest hazard of my life, the Robberies & Spoils, with which my Com∣panions would have made me rich, if when I was poor, I would have made my self rich, if when I have gotten my libertie, which all men and nature it self do much prize, I voluntarily lost it, if when I was sure of my life, I rendered it again, if I might elsewhere have sold

my ship and goods, and put five or six thousand pounds in my purss and yet brought her into England, I beseech your Majestie to believe, that all this I have done, be∣cause it should not be said to your Majestie, that your Ma∣jestie had given libertie and trust to a man whose end was but the recoverie of his li∣bertie, and who had betray∣ed your Majesties trust.

My Mutiniers told me, that if I returned for Eng∣land I should be undone, but I believed in your Majesties goodness more than in all their arguments. Sure, I am the first that being free and able to enrich my self, yet

hath embraced povertie and peril. And as sure I am, that my example shall make me the last: but your Majesties wisdom and goodness I have made my judges, who have ever been, and shall ever be,

Your Majesties most humble Vassal Walter Raleigh.

Sir Walter Raleighs's Let∣ter to his Wife, after his Condemnation.

YOu shall receive (my dear Wife) my Last words in these my Last lines; my love I send you, that you may keep when I am dead, & my counsel, that you may remember it when I am no more. I would not with my will present you sorrows (dear Bess) let them go to the grave with me, and be buried in the dust. And see∣ing that it is not the will of God that I shall see you any more, bear my destruction patiently, and with an heart like your self.

First I send you all the thanks which my heart can conceive, or my words ex∣press, for your many travels and cares for me, which though they have not taken effect as you wished, yet my debt to you is not the less; but pay it I never shall in this world.

Secondly, I beseech you, for the love you bare me li∣ving, that you do not hide your self many days, but by your travels seek to help the miserable Fortunes, and the Right of your poor Child, your mourning cannot avail me that am but dust.

Thirdly, you shall under∣stand, that my Lands were

conveyed (bona side) to my Child, the writings were drawn at Midsummer was twelve moneths, as divers can witness, and I trust my bloud will quench their ma∣lice who desired my slaugh∣ter; that they will not seek also to kill you and yours with extream povertie. To what friend to direct you I know not, for all mine have left me in the true time of triall. Most sorrie am I, that being thus surprised by death, I can leave you no better Estate, God hath pre∣vented all my determinati∣ons, that great God which worketh all in all, and if you can live free from want, care

for no more, for the rest is but a vanitie; Love God, and begin betimes, in him you shall find true, everlast∣ing, and endless comfort, when you have travelled and wearied your self with all sorts of worldly cogitations, you shall sit down by sorrow in the end. Teach your son also to serve and fear God whilest he is young, that the fear of God may grow up in him; then will God be an Husband to you, and a Fa∣ther to him, an Husband and a Father, that can never be taken from you.

Baylie oweth me a thou∣sand pounds, and Aryan six hundred; in Jernesey also I

have much owing me. (Dear wife) I beseech you, for my Souls sake, pay all poor men. When I am dead, no doubt you shall be much sought un∣to, for the world thinks I was very rich; have a care to the fair pretences of men, for no greater miserie can be fall you in this life, than to be∣come a prey unto the world, and after to be despised. I speak (God knows) not to disswade you from Marri∣age, for it will be best for you, both in respect of God and the world. As for me, I am no more yours, nor you mine, death hath cut us asun∣der, & God hath divided me from the world, & you from

me. Remember your poor Child for his Fathers sake, who loved you in his happi∣est estate. I sued for my life, but (God knows) it was for you and yours that I desired it: for, know it, (my dear Wife) your Child is the Child of a true man, who in his own respect despiseth Death and his misshapen & ugly forms. I cannot write much, (God knows) how hardly I steal this time when all sleep, and it is also time for me to seperate my thoughts from the world. Beg my dead bodie, which living was denied you, and either lay it in Sherborn or in Exeter Church by my fa∣ther

and mother. I can say no more, Time and Death calleth me away. The ever∣lasting God, powerfull, infi∣nite, and inscrutable God Almightie, who is goodness it self, the true Light and Life, keep you and yours, and have mercy upon me, and forgive my Persecutors and false accusers, and send us to meet in his glorious kingdom. My dear Wife farewel, Bless my Boy, Pray for me, and let my true God hold you both in his Arms.

Yours that was, but now not mine own Walter Raleigh.

Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter to Prince Henry, touching the model of a Ship.

Most excellent Prince,

IF the Ship your Highness intends to build, be bigger than the Victorie, then her beams, which are laid over∣thwart from side to side will not serve again, and many other of her timbers and o∣ther stuff, will not serve, whereas if she be a size less, the timber of the old Ship will serve well to the build∣ing of a new.

If she be bigger she will be of less use, go very deep to water, and of mightie charge, our Channels decay∣ing

every year, less nimble, less mannyable, and seldom to be used Grande Navio, grande fatica, saith the Spa∣niard.

A Ship of six hundred Tuns, will carrie as good Ordinance as a Ship of twelve hundred Tuns, and where the greater hath dou∣ble her Ordinance, the less will turn her broad side twice, before the great Ship can wind once, and so no ad∣vantage in that over-plus of Guns. The lesser will go over clear where the greater shall stick and perish; the les∣ser will come and go, leave or take, and is yare, whereas the greater is flow, unmany∣able,

and ever full of encum∣ber.

In a well conditioned Ship, these things are chiefly required.

• 1. That she be strong built.
• 2. Swift it sail.
• 3. Stout-sided.
• 4. That her Ports be so laid, as that she may carry out her Guns all weathers.
• 5. That she hull and trie well.
• 6. That she stay well, when boarding, or turning on a wind is required.

To make her strong, con∣sisteth in the care and truth of the work-man; to make her swift, is to give her a

large Run, or way forward, and so aftward, done by art and just proportion, and that in laying out of her bowes before, and quarters behind, the Ship-wright be sure, that she neither sink nor hang in∣to the water, but lie clear and above it, wherein Ship-wrights do often fail, and then is the speed in sailing utterly spoiled.

That she be stout-sided, the same is provided by a long bearing floar, and by sharing off from above wa∣ter to the lower edge of the Ports, which done, then will she carry out her Ordinance all weathers.

To make her to hull and

to trie well, which is called a good sea-Ship, there are two things principally to be re∣garded the one that she have a good draught of water, the other that she be not over∣charged: And this is seldom done in the Kings Ships, and therefore we are forced to lye, or trie in them with our main Course and mizen, which with a deep keel and standing streak, she would perform.

The extream length of a Ship makes her unapt to stay, especially if she be floa∣tie and want sharpness of way forward. And it is most true, that such over-long Ships, are fitter for the nar∣row

Seas in summer, than for the Ocean, or long voy∣ages and therefore an hun∣dred foot by the Keel, and thirtie five foot broad is a good proportion for a great Ship.

It is to be noted, that all Ships sharp before, not ha∣ving a long floar, will fall rough into the sea from a billow, and take in water over head and ears; and the same qualitie have all nar∣row-quartered ships to sink after the tail. The high Cargeing of ships, is that that brings many ill quali∣ties it makes them extream Lee-ward, makes them sink deep into the seas, makes

them labour sore in foul weather, and oft-times over∣set. Safetie is more to be re∣spected than shews, or nice∣ness for ease; in sea-journeys both cannot well stand toge∣ther and therefore the most necessarie is to be chosen.

Two Decks and an half is enough, and no building at all above that, but a low Masters Cabbin, Our Ma∣sters and Mariners will say, that the ships will bear more well enough; and true it is, if none but ordinarie Mariners served in them. But men of better sort, unused to such a life, cannot so well endure the rowling and tumbling from side to side, where the

seas are never so little grown, which comes by high Cargeing. Besides those high Cabbin-works aloft, are very dangerous in fight, to tear men with their splin∣ters.

Above all other things, have care that the great Guns be four foot clear a∣bove water when all lading is in, or else these best pieces are idle at sea; for if the Ports lie lower, and be open, it is dangerous; and by that default was a goodly Ship, and many gallant Gentle∣men lost, in the days of Henry the Eigth, before the Isle of Wight, in a Ship called by the name of Mary-Rose.