A Discourse of the O∣riginall and fundamentall cause of Naturall, Customary, Arbitrary, Voluntary, and necessary war, with the misery of invasive warre. That Ec∣clesiasticall Prelates, have alwayes been subject to Temporall Princes, and that the Pope had never any lawfull power in England, either in Civill, or Ecclesiasticall, businesse, after such time, as Brittaine was won from the Roman Empire.
THe ordinary Theme and Argument of History is War, which may be de∣fined the exercise of vio∣lence under Soveraigne Command, against withstanders force, Authority and Page 2 resistance, being the essentiall parts thereof, violence limited by autho∣rity is sufficiently distinguisht from Robbery and the like outrages: yet consisting in relation towards others, It necessarily requires a supposition of resistance, whereby the force of War becomes different from the violence inflicted upon Slaves, or yeilding Ma∣lefactors; as for Armes, Discipline, and whatsoever else belongeth to the ma∣king of War prosperous, they are only considerable in degree of perfection, since naked savages fighting disorder∣ly with stones, by appointment of their Commanders, may truly and ab∣solutely be said to War.
Neverthelesse, it is true, that as the Beasts are armed with fierce teeth, pawes, horns, and other bodily instru∣ments of much advantage against un∣weaponed men, so hath reason taught man to strengthen his hand with such offensive Armes, as no creature Page 3 else can well avoid or possibly resist. And it might seeme happy, if the sword, the Arrow, the Gun, with ma∣ny terrible Engines of death, could be wholly imployed in the exercise of that Lordly rule, which the Lord of all hath given to mankind over the rest of living things. But since in humane reason there hath no meanes been found of holding all mankind at peace within it self: It is needfull that a∣gainst the wit and subtilty of man, we oppose not only the bruit force of our bodyes, (wherein many Beasts exceed us,) but helping our strength with art and wisdome, strive to excell our ene∣mies in those points wherein man is excellent over other Creatures.
The necessity of War, which a∣mong humane Actions is the most lawlesse, hath some kind of affinity, and neere resemblances with the necessity of Law. For there were no use at all, either of War or of Law; Page 4 If every man had prudence to con∣ceive how much of right were due both to and from himselfe, and were withall so punctually just, as to per∣forme what he knew requisite, and to rest contented with his owne. But seeing that no conveyance of Land can be made so strong, by any skill of Lawyers, with multiplicity of clauses, and provisoes, That it may be secure from contentious Avarice, and the malice of false seeming Justice: It is not to bee wondered, that the great Charter,* whereby God be∣stowed the whole earth upon Adam, And confirmed it unto the Sons of Noah, being as breife in word, as large in effect, hath bred much quarrell of interpretation.
Surely howsoever the Letter of that Donation, may be unregarded by the most of men, yet the sense thereof is so imprinted in their hearts, And so passionatly imbraced by their greedy Page [unnumbered] desires, As if every one laid claime for himself unto that, which was confer∣red upon all.
This appeared in the Gaules, who falling upon Italy under their Cap∣taine Brennus, told the Roman Am∣bassadours plainly that prevalent arms were as good as any title, and that va∣liant men might account to be their owne as much as they could get; That they wanting Land therewith to su∣steine their people, And the Tuscanes, having more then enough, It was their meaning to take what they needed by strong hand, if it were not yeilded qui∣etly. Now if it be well affirmed by Lawyers, that there is no taking of possession more just, then In vacuum venire, to enter upon Land unhabited, As our Countrymen have lately done in the Summer Islands: Then may it be inferred, that this demand of the Gaules, held more of reason then could be discerned at the first view.
Page [unnumbered]For if the title of occupiers be good in a Land unpeopled, why should it be bad accounted in a Country Peopled over thinly? should one fa∣mily or one thousand hold possession of all the Southerne, undiscovered continent, because they had seated themselves in Nova Guiana, or about the Straits of Magalane? why might not the like be done in Africk, in Eu∣rope, or in Asia? If this were most ab∣surd to imagine, Let then any mans wisdome determine by lessening the Territory, and increasing the number of Inhabitants, what proportion is re∣quisite to the peopling of a Region in such manner, That the Land shall be neither too narrow for those whom it feedeth, nor capable of a greater mul∣titude; Untill this can be concluded and agreed upon, one maine and fun∣damentall cause of the most grievous Warre that can be imagined, is not like to be taken from the Earth. It Page [unnumbered] were perhaps enough in reason to suc∣cour with victualls and other helps, a vast multitude compelled by necessity to seeke a new seate, or to direct them unto a Country able to receive them: But what shall perswade a mighty Nation to travaile so farre by Land, or Sea, over Mountaines, Deserts, And great Rivers, with their Wives and Children, when they are, or thinke themselves powerfull enough to serve themselves neerer hand, and inforce o∣thers into the Labour of such a Jour∣ney? I have briefely shew∣ed in an other worke,* that the miseries accompaning this kind of War, are most extreame. For as much as the Invaders cannot otherwise be satisfied then by rooting out or expelling the Nation upon which they fall.
And although the uncertainty of te∣nure, by which all worldly things are held, minister very unpleasant medita∣tion; Page [unnumbered] yet is it most certaine that with∣in 1200. yeares last past, all or the most of Kingdomes to us knowne, have throughly felt the calamities of such forcible trasplantations, being either over whelmed by new Collonies that fell upon them, or driven, as one wave is driven by an other, to seeke new seates, having lost their owne.
Our Westerne parts of Europe in∣deed have cause to rejoyce, and give praise to God, for that we have been free about 600 years, from such Inun∣dations, As were those of the Gothes, Humes, and Vandalls, yea from such as were those of our owne Ancestors, the Saxons, Danes, and Normans, But how∣soever we have together with the fee∣ling, lost the very memory of such wretchednesse, as our Fore-fathers en∣dured by those Wars, of all other the most cruell. Yet are there few King∣domes in all Asia that have not been ruined by such overflowing multi∣tudes Page [unnumbered] within the same space of these last six hundred yeares.
It were an endlesse labour to tell how the Turks, and Tartars falling like Locusts upon that quarter of the world, having spoiled every where, and in most places Eaten up all, as it were by the roots, Consuming together with the Princes formerly Reigning and a world of people, the very names, lan∣guage and memory of former times. Suffice it that when any Country is overlaid by the multitude which live upon it, there is a naturall necessity compelling it to disburthen it self and lay the Load upon others, by right or wrong. For (to omit the danger of Pe∣stilence often visitting those which live in a throng) there is no misery that urgeth men so violently unto des∣perate courses, and contempt of death, as the Torments or Threats of famine: whereof the Warre that is grounded upon this generall remedilesse neces∣sity, Page [unnumbered] may be tearmed the generall, the Remedilesse, or the neces∣sary War.* Against which that our Country is better provided (as may be shewed hereafter) Then any civill Nation to us knowne, we ought to hold it a great blessing of God, And carefully retaine the advan∣tages which he hath given us now.
Besides this remedilesse or necessary Warre,* which is frequent, There is a Warre voluntary, and Customeable, unto which the offering party is not compelled. And this Customary Warre, which troubleth all the world, giveth little respite or breathing time of peace, doth usually borrow pretence from the necessary to make it self appeare more honest. For Covetous Ambi∣tion thinking all too little which pre∣sently it hath, supposeth it self to stand in need of all which it hath not.
Wherefore if two bordering Prin∣ces Page [unnumbered] have their Territory meeting on an open Champaigne, the more migh∣ty will continually seeke occasion, to extend his limits unto the further border thereof.
If they be divided by Mountaines they will fight for the mastery of the passages of the Tops, And finally for the Towns that stand upon the roots.
If Rivers run between them, they contend for the Bridges, And thinke themselves not well assured untill they have fortified the further banck.
Yea the Sea it selfe must be very broad, barren of fish, and void of little Islands interjacent, else will it yeild plentifull argument of quarrell to the Kingdomes which it severeth.
All this proceeds from desire of ha∣ving, and such desire from feare of want.
Hereunto may be added, That in these Arbitrary Wars, there is com∣monly to be found, some small mea∣sure Page [unnumbered] of necessity, though it seldome be observed, perhaps, because it exten∣deth not so far, as to become publique. For where many younger sonnes of younger Brothers, have neither Lands nor means to uphold themselves, and where many men of Trade or usefull possessions, know not how to bestow themselves for lack of Imployments, there can it not be avoided that the whole body of the State (howsoever otherwise healthfully disposed) should suffer anguish by the greivance of those ill affected Members.
It sufficeth not that the Country hath wherewith to susteine even more then live upon it, if means be wanting, whereby to drive convenient partici∣pation of the generall store unto a great number of well deservers.
In such cases there will be complai∣ning, Commiseration, and finally mur∣mur (as men are apt to lay the blame of those evills whereof they know the Page [unnumbered] ground upon publike misgovernment) unlesse order be taken for some re∣dresse by the sword of Injury, suppo∣sed to be done by Forreigners, whereto the discontented sort give commonly a willing eare. And in this case I think it was, that the great Cardinall Fran∣cis de Amiens who governed Spaine in the minority of Charls the fift, hea∣ring tell that 8000. Spaniards were lost in the enterprise of Algier, under Don Diego de Vera, made light of the matter: Affirming, that Spaine stood in need of such evacuation, forreigne Warre serving (as King Fardinard had been wont to say) like a potion of Rubarbe, to wash away Choler from the body of the Realme.
Certainly among all Kingdomes of the earth, we shall scarce find any that stands in lesse need then Spaine, of having the veines opened by an e∣nemies sword: The many Colonies which it sends abroad so well preser∣ving Page [unnumbered] it from swelling humors.
Yet is not that Country thereby dispeopled, but mainteineth still grow∣ing upon it (like a tree, from whose plants to fil a whole Orchard,) have bin taken as many, as it can well nourish.
And to say what I think, if our King Edward the third, had prospered in his French Wars and peopled with Eng∣lish the Towns which he won, As he began at Calice driving out the French, the Kings his Successors, holding the same course would by this time have filled all France, with our Nation, without any notable emptying of this Island.
The like may be affirmed upon like suspition of the French in Italy, or al∣most of any others, as having been ve∣rified by the Saxons in England, and Arabians in Barbarie; What is then become of so huge a multitude as would have over spread a great part of the Continent? surely they dyed not Page [unnumbered] of old age, nor went out of the world by the ordinary wayes of nature. But famine and contagious diseases, the sword, the halter, and a thousand mis∣chiefs have Consumed them.
Yea many of them perhaps were ne∣ver borne: for they that want means to nourish Children will abstaine from marriage, or (which is all one) they cast away their bodies upon rich old women: or otherwise make un∣equall or unhealthy Matches for gaine, or because of poverty they thinke it a blessing, which in nature is a curse, to have their wives barren.
Were it not thus, Arithmeticall pro∣gression might easily demonstrate, how fast mankind would increase in mul∣titude, overpassing as miraculous (though indeed naturall) that example of the Israelites, who were multiplyed in 215. yeares, from seaventie unto 600000. able men. Hence we may ob∣serve, that the very propagation of our Page [unnumbered] kind, hath with it a strong insensive, even of those daily Wars, which af∣flict the earth. And that Princes ex∣cusing their drawing the sword by de∣vised pretences of necessity, speake of∣ten more truly then they are aware, there being indeed a great necessity, though not apparent, as not extending to the generality, but resting upon pri∣vate heads.
Wherefore other cause of Warre meerly naturall there is none, then want of roome upon the earth, which pinching a whole nation, begets the remedilesse Warre, vexing only some number of particulars, It draws on the Arbitrary: But unto the kindling of Arbitrary Warre, there are many o∣ther motives. The most honest of these is, feare of harme and preventi∣on of danger. This is just and taught by nature, which labours more strong∣ly in removing evill, then in pursuite of what is requisite unto her good. Page [unnumbered] Neverthelesse, because Warre cannot be without mutuall violence: It is manifest, that allegation of danger and feare serves only to excuse the suf∣fering part, the wrong doer being car∣ried by his owne will. So the Warre thus caused proceeds from nature, not altogether but in part.
A second motive is, Revenge of in∣jury susteined; This might be avoided if all men could be honest; otherwise not. For Princes must give protecti∣on to their Subjects and adherents, when worthy occasion shall require it, else will they be held unworthy, and unsufficient: then which there can be to them no greater perill.
Wherefore Caesar in all delibera∣tions where difficulties and dangers threatned on the one side, and the o∣pinion that there should be in him Parum Praesidii little safeguard, for his friends, was doubted on the other side, alwayes chose rather to venture upon Page [unnumbered] extreamities then to have it thought that he was a weake protector. Yea by such maintenance of their dependants, Many Noblemen in all formes of Go∣vernment, and in every mans memo∣ry have kept themselves in greatnesse with little help of any other vertue. Neither have meere Tyrants been al∣together carelesse to mainetaine free from oppression of strangers, those Subjects of theirs, whom themselves have most basely esteemed and used, as no better then slaves. For there is no master that can expect good service from his bondslaves, if he suffer them to be beaten and daily ill intreated by other men: To remedy this, it were needfull that Justice should every where bee duly ministred aswell to strangers as to Denizons. But contrarie∣wise we find, that in many Countreys (as Muscovie and the like) the Laws or the Administration of them are so far from giving satisfaction, as they Page [unnumbered] fill the generall voice with complaint and exclamation.
Sir Thomas Moore said, (whether more pleasantly or truely I know not) that a trick of Law had no lesse pow∣er then the wheele of fortune, to lift men up, or cast them downe.
Certainly with more patience men are wont to endure the losses that be∣fell them by meere casualty, then the damages which they susteine by means of injustice, Because these are accom∣panied with sense of indignity, whereof the other are free: when Robbers break open a mans house and spoile it, they tell the owner plainly that money they want, and money they must have: But when a Judge corrupted by reward, hatred, favour, or any other passion, takes both house and Land from the rightfull owner, And bestowes them upon some friend of his owne, or of his favorite, He saies, that the rules of Justice will have it so, that it is the Page [unnumbered] voice of the Law, the Ordinance of God himselfe. And what else doth he herein, then by a kind of Circum∣locution tell his humble suppliants that he holds themselves Idiots or base wretches not able to get releife; must it not astonish and vex withall, any man of a free spirit when he sees none other difference betweene the Judge and the Theefe, then in the manner of performing their exploits? as if the whole being of Justice consisted in point of formality. In such case an honest Subject will either seeke reme∣dy by ordinary courses, or awaite his time untill God shall place better men in office, and call the oppressors to ac∣count. But a stranger wil not so, he hath nothing to do with the affairs of Barba∣ry, neither concerns it him what officer be placed or displaced in Taradante, or whether Mulisidian himself can con∣temne the Kingdome, his Ship and goods are unjustly taken from him, Page [unnumbered] and therefore he will seeke leave to right himselfe if he can, and returne the injury ten fold, upon the whole Nation from which he received it. Truth it is, that men are sooner wea∣ry to dance attendance at the Gates of forreigne Lords, then to tarry the good leisure of their own Magistrates; Nor doe they beare so quietly the losse of some parcell confiscated abroad, as the greater detriment which they suffer by some prowling Vice-Admi∣rall, Customer, or publique minister at their returne.
Whether this proceed from the Reverence which men yeild unto their proper Governour, I will not here de∣fine, or whether excesse of trouble in following their causes far from home, or whether from despaire of such re∣dresse, as may be expected in their owne Country, in the hoped reforma∣tions of disorders, or whether from their more unwillingnesse to disturbe Page [unnumbered] the Domesticall then the forreigne quiet by loud exclamations, or whe∣ther perhaps their not daring to mut∣ter against the Injustice of their owne Rulers, though it were shamefull, for feare of faring worse, and of being punished for Scandalum Magnatum: As slanderers of men in authority, wheresoever it comes; As there can be but one Allegeance, so men are apt to serve no more then they needs must. According to that of the Slave in an old Comoedie: Non sum servus pub∣licus, my Master bought me for him∣self, and I am not every mans man.
And this opinion, there is no Prince unwilling to mainetaine in his owne Subjects. Yea such as are most Rigo∣rous to their owne, Doe never find it safe to be better unto strangers, be∣cause it were a matter of dangerous Consequence, that the People should thinke all other Nations to be in bet∣ter case then themselves. The breife Page [unnumbered] is, Oppression in many places weares the Robes of Justice, which Dominee∣ring over the naturalls, may not spare strangers, And strangers will not en∣dure it, but cry out unto their owne Lords for releife by the Sword. Wherefore the Motive of Revenging Injuries is very strong, though it meer∣ly consist in the will of man, with∣out any inforcement of nature.
Yet the more to quicken it, there is usually concurrent therewith, A hope∣full expectation of gaine. For of the amends recovered, Little or nothing returns to those that had suffered the wrong, but commonly all runs into the Princes Coffers. Such examples as was that of our late Queen Eliza∣beth of most famous memory, are ve∣ry rare. Her Majestie when the goods of our English Merchants were attached by the Duke of Alva,* in the Netherlands, And by King Philip in Spaine, arrested, Page [unnumbered] Likewise the goods of the Low dutch here in England, that amounted unto a greater value: Neither was she con∣tented that her Subjects should right themselves aswell as they could, upon the Spaniards by Sea, But ha∣ving brought King Philip with∣in foure or five years,* to better reason, though not so far as to Resti∣tution; She satisfied her owne Mer∣chants to the full, for all their losses out of the Dutchmens goods, and gave back to the Duke what was remay∣ning. This among many thousand of her Royall Actions, that made her glorious in all Nations, though it caused even strangers in their speech and writing to extoll her Princely Ju∣stice, to the skies: yet served it not as a President for others of lesse vertue to follow.
It were more costly to take patterne from those Acts, which gave Immor∣tall renowne to that great Queen, then Page [unnumbered] to imitate the thirsty dealing of that Spanish Duke, in the self same busines, who kept all to his owne use, or his Masters, Restoring to the poore Dutch Merchants not one penny. It falls out many times indeed, that a Prince is driven to spend far more of his trea∣sure in punishing by War the wrong∣ers of his people, Then the losse of his People did amount unto. In such cases it is reason, that he satisfy him∣self, and let the people (whereto com∣monly they are apt) rest contented with the sweetnesse of revenge.
But when victory makes large a∣mends for all, it Royally becomes a Prince, to satisfy those for whose sa∣tisfaction he undertooke the Warre. For besides the purpose it were now, to teach how victory should be used, or the gaines thereof Communicated to the generall content. This being only brought into shew, that the pro∣fit thereby gotten, is a stirring pro∣vocation Page [unnumbered] to the redresse of Inju∣ries by the sword. As for the redresse of Injuries done unto Princes them∣selves, it may conveniently (though not alwayes, for it were miserable in∣justice to deny leave to Princes of mainetaining their owne honour, be referred unto the third motive of Ar∣bitrary Warres, which is meere Am∣bition.
This is and ever hath been that true cause of more Wars, then have troub∣led the world upon all other occasions whatsoever, though it least partake of nature, or urgent necessity of State. I call not here alone by the name of Ambition, that vaine glorious hu∣mour, which openly professeth to be none other, and vaunts it selfe as an imperiall vertue (for the examples are not many of that kind:) But where occasion of Warre is greedily sought, or being very slight is gladly entertai∣ned, for that increase of Dominion Page [unnumbered] is hoped thereby, we should rather impute the Warre to the scope at which it aimeth: then to any idle cause pretended.
The Romans feared lest they of of Carthage by winning Messana should soone get the mastery over all Sicilie, And have a faire entrance at pleasure into Italy: Which to pre∣vent they made a Warre upon the Car∣thaginians; this feare I call Ambiti∣on, Had they not trusted in their own Armes, hoping thereby to enlarge their empire, but being weaker, and more afraid indeed, they would have feared lesse.
For Colour of this Warre they tooke the Mamertines, A Crewe of Theeves, and cut throats into their protection; Whom being their asso∣ciats they must needs defend. But had not their Ambition been mightier then their Justice, they would have en∣deavoured to punish these Mamer∣tines, Page [unnumbered] and not to protect them. Innu∣merable are the like examples: Know ye not (said Ahab) that Ramoth Gilead is ours? He knew this before, and was quiet enough, till opinion of his forces, made him looke into his right. And of this nature (though some worse then other in degree) are claims of old forgotten tribute or of some acknowledgements due perhaps to the Ancestors of a vanquished King, And long after challenged by the Heirs of the Conqueror, broken titles to King∣domes or Provinces, Mainetenance of friends, and Partizans, pretenced wrongs, and indeed, whatsoever it pleased him to alleadge that thinketh his owne sword sharpest: But of old time (perhaps before Helen of Greece, was borne) Women have been the common Argument of these Trage∣dies. As of late Ages in our parts of the world, since the names of Guelf, and Ghibeline, were heard, The right Page [unnumbered] of St. Peter, that is the Popes Reve∣news and Authority.
This last and other of the same kind I know not, how patiently they will endure to be ranged among Ambiti∣ons quarrels: For the Warre that hath such foundation, will not only be re∣puted, free from worldly Ambition, Just, and honourable, But holy, and meritorious: having thereto belonging Pardon of Sins, Release from Purga∣tory, And the promises of the life to come, As may be seen in the Popes Crociata.
The truth is, that the Saracenes, af∣firme no lesse of the Warres, which either they make against Christians, or which arise between themselves from difference of Sect. And if every man had his due, I thinke the honour of devising first this Doctrine: That Re∣ligion ought to be inforced upon men by the sword, would be found apper∣taining to Mahomet the false Prophet, Page [unnumbered] sure, it is, that he and the Caliphes fol∣lowing him obteined thereby in a short space a mighty Empire, which was in faire way to have inlarged, un∣till they fell out among themselves. Not for the Kingdome of Heaven, But for Dominion upon Earth. And a∣gainst these did the Popes, when their authority grew powerfull in the West incite the Princes of Germany, England, France, and Italie. Their chiefe en∣terprise was the Recovery of the Holy Land. In which worthy, but ex∣treamely difficult action, it is lamen∣table to Remember, what abundance of noble Blood hath been shed, with ve∣ry small benefit unto the Christian State.
The Recovery of Spaine (whereof the better part was then in Bondage of the Saracens,) had been a worke more availeable to the men of Europe, more easily mainetained with supply, more aptly serving to advance any fol∣lowing Page [unnumbered] enterprise upon Kingdomes further removed, more free from ha∣zard, and Requiring lesse expence of Blood. But the honourable piety of the undertakers could not be terrified by the face of danger, nor diverted from this to a more commodious busi∣nesse, by any motives of profit or faci∣lity for the Pulpits did sound in eve∣ry Parish Church with the praises of that voyage, as if it were a matter, o∣therwise far lesse highly pleasing unto God, to beare Armes for defence of his truth against prosecutors, or for the Deliverance of poore Christians op∣pressed with slavery, then to fight for that selfe same Land, wherein our Blessed Saviour was borne and Dyed: By such perswasions a marvellous number were excited to the Conquest of Palestina which with singular vertue they performed (though not without exceeding great losse of men) and held that Kingdome some few generations.
Page [unnumbered]But the Climate of Syria, the far di∣stance from the strength of Christen∣dome, And the neer Neighbourhood of those that were most puissant a∣mong the Mahometans, caused that fa∣mous enterprise, after a long continu∣ance of terrible War, to be quite a∣bandoned.
The care of Ierusalem being laid a∣side, it was many times thought need∣full to represse the growing power of the Turke by the joint forces of all Christian Kings and Common-wealths, And hereto the Popes have u∣sed much perswasion and often pub∣lished their Crociata with pardon of sins to all that would adventure in a worke so Religious. Yet have they effected little or nothing, and lesse perhaps are ever like to doe. For it hath been their Custome so shame∣fully to misuse the fervent zeale of men to Religious Armes by conver∣ting the Monies, that have been Lea∣vyed Page [unnumbered] for such Wars, to their owne services, and by stirring up Christians one against an other, yea against their owne naturall Princes, under the like pretences of serving God and the Church, that finally men waxed weary of their turbulent spirits, And would not believe that God was carefull to mainetaine the Pope in his quarrells, or that Remission of sins past, was to be obteined by Committing more and more grievous, at the instigation of his suspected holinesse.
Questionlesse there was great reason, why all discreet Princes should be∣ware of yeilding hasty beliefe to the Robes of Sanctimonie.
It was the Rule of our Blessed Sa∣viour, By their works you shall know them, what the works of those that occupied the Papacie, have been since the dayes of Pepin and Charlemaine who first enabled them with Tempo∣rall donation, The Italian writers Page [unnumbered] have testified at large. Yet were it need∣lesse to Cite Machiavell, who hath Re∣corded their doings, and is therefore the more hatefull, or Guicciardine, whose works they have gelded, as not endu∣ring to heare all that he hath written, though he spake enough in that which remains. What History shall we Read (excepting the Annales of Cae∣sar Baronius, And some books of Fry∣ars, or Fryarly Parasites) which men∣tioning their Annales doe not leave wit∣nesse of their ungodly dealing in all quarters.
How few Kingdomes are there (if a∣ny) wherein by dispensing with others, transferring the right of Crowns, Ab∣solving Subjects from alleageance, and cursing or threatning to curse as long as their curses were regarded, they have not wrought unprobable mischiefs?
The shamelesse denyall hereof by some of their friends, And the more shamelesse justification by their flat∣terers, Page [unnumbered] makes it needfull to exemplifie, which I had rather forbeare, as not lo∣ving to deale in such contentious ar∣guments, were it not follie to be mo∣dest in uttering what is knowne to all the world. Pitty it is, that by such demeanour they have caused the Church (as Hierome Savanarola, and before him Robert Grosthead Bishop of Lincolne prophecied) to be refor∣med by the sword. But God would have it so. How farre the Popes bles∣sing therefore did sanctifie the enter∣prise upon Ierusalem it rests in every mans discretion to Judge.
As for the honourable Christians which undertooke that conquest to justifie their Warre, they had not only the redresse of injuries and pro∣tection of their oppressed Brethren, But the repelling of danger from their owne Land, threatned by those mis∣beleivers when they invaded.
If the Popes extortions (which were Page [unnumbered] not more forcible then those of Peters the Hermits) added spirit unto the action: yet altered they not the grounds of the Warre, nor made it the more holy. Let the Indulgences of Pope Leo, the tenth, beare witnesse of this, who out of politick feare of the Turkes violence urged a Religious con∣tribution towards a Warre to be made upon them. The necessity of that which hee propounded was greater doubtlesse then any that had perswa∣ded the Conquest of Palestina.
But too foule and manifest was the unholinesse of obtruding upon men Remission of sins for money, That the Sums which Pope Leo there∣by raised and converted to his owne uses, have made his Successers loosers by the bargaine even to this day.
Pius the Second, formerly well knowne by the name of Aeneas Sil∣vius, was discernedly reckoned among the few good Popes of latter ages, Page [unnumbered] who neverthelesse in a Warre of the same Religious nature, discovered the like (though not the same) imper∣fection.
His purpose was to set upon Ma∣homet the great, who had newly won the Empire of Constantinople and by carrying the Warre over into Greece, to prevent the danger, threatning I∣talie.
In this action highly Commen∣dable, he intended to hazard his owne person, that so the more easily hee might win adventurers, who else were like to be lesse forward, as not unac∣quainted with such Romish tricks; Yet was not his owne devotion, so zealous in pursuit of this holy busi∣nesse, but that he could stay a while, and convert his forces, against Mala∣testi Lord of Rimini, letting, Scander∣beg waite his Leisure, who had alrea∣dy set the Warre on foote in Greece. For (said he) we first subdue the little Page [unnumbered] Turke, before we medle with the great, He spake reason if we regard policy. But attending one to Religion find we not, that he held the Chastisement of one which molested the Sea of Rome, a like pleasing to God, as would have been the holy Warre, against the Common Enemy of our Christian Faith? So thought all the rest of those Bishops. And so much more (upon their severall occasions) decla∣red themselves to thinke it, by how much they were commonly worse men then this Aeneas Silvius. And good reason was there that they should be of such beliefe, or Endeavour to make the Christian world believe none otherwise. For the naturall Constitution of their estate (I meane since the age of Pepin and Charl∣maine, or the times not long forego∣ing, hath urged them all hereto; though peradventure some few Popes may have been overlewd, by their own pri∣vate Page [unnumbered] natures, and thereby have swar∣ved from the rule of policy. To speake in generall, whosoever hath dominion absolute, over some, and authority lesse absolute over many more, will seeke to draw those that are not wholly his owne into intire subjection.
It fares with politick bodies as with the physicall; each would convert all into their owne proper substance, and cast forth as Excrement what will not so be changed.
We need not Cite Philip the Fa∣ther of Alexander, nor Philip the Fa∣ther of Perseus, Kings of Macedon for examples. Of which the former brought the Thessalians, the latter would have brought the Acheans and many estates in Greece from the con∣dition of followers and dependants unto meer vassallage.
Philip the second of Spaine is yet fresh in mind, who attempted the self same upon the Netherlands.
Page [unnumbered]Exceptions may be framed here a∣gainst one, of the honest, quiet, or ti∣merous disposition of some Princes, yet that all, or the most are thus incli∣ned, both reason and experience teach: yea even our Cities and Corporati∣ons here in England, such as need the protection of great Men, Complaine otherwhiles of their patrons over∣much diligence, either in searching into their private estates, or behaving themselves master-like in point of go∣vernment, But never hath authority better means to enlarge it self, then when it is founded upon devotion. And yet never doth authority of this kind, worke to raise it self unto meere dominion, untill it fall into the hands of those whose piety is more in see∣ming, then indeed.
The Leviticall Priests, in the old Law never arrogated unto themselves, any Temporall or Coactive power Nor advanced their Miters against the Page [unnumbered] Crowne of Israel. They well under∣stood what authority God had com∣mitted unto them and rested there∣withall content. Some wrangling hereabout hath been of late; The Popes flatterers labouring to prove, That the high Priests of old were not meer∣ly Subject unto the Kings of Iuda, and men of better spirit and learning having shewed the contrary.
But whatsoever befell in those dayes, when there was no King in I∣srael, that is, before the Reigne of Saul, or after the Captivity of Babel, sure it is that the sons of Aaron were alwaies obedient unto the sons of Da∣vid, And acknowledged them their Lords. As for the race of the Macca∣bees, that held both the Kingdome and the Priesthood at once, It falls not within this Consideration; the first thereof (of whom I read) that used the advantage of honour given to him in matter of Religion towards the Page [unnumbered] getting of Temporal possession, was (if not Mahomet himselfe) Abubaechar the Successor unto Mahomet, This man having obteined by help of his friends, the miserable happinesse of being chosen heire unto that foole Impostor in his dignity of a Prophet, made it one of his first works to dispoile poor Aliffe the Nephew of Mahomet, and heire of his great riches, taking al from him by this pretence, That unto whom belonged the Succession in wisdome, unto him also belonged the Succes∣sion in wealth. And this grew pre∣sently to be a famous question among the Doctors of the Saracen Law. But howsoever it were then decided, we see now the Muphti or high Prelate, who is the only Oracle among the Turkes in Spirituall matters, lives and holds all that he hath at the discretion of the great Sultan.
Neverthelesse it should seeme that the doctrine of Abubachar, hath not Page [unnumbered] lost all force, for the examples are many in all Saracen Lands, of Pro∣phets or deceivers which got that name, that never rested untill they be∣came Kings.
The Seriph in Barbarie, was one of the last: who having once acquired the opinion of an holy Man, after∣ward found means to become a Cap∣tain, and Lord of a small Territory; And finally increased his followers, and withall his bounds so fast and so far, as having made himself King of Morocca, he had the grace to tell the King of Fessy, (lately his Soveraigne) that both Fesse and all Kingdomes in those parts were belonging to his own holinesse; and this he made good by winning all sooner after.
Whether the claime which the Popes laid to a Supremacie over all Kingdomes and estates, had not affini∣ty with the principle of Abubachar, Let other men Judge that their practi∣ses Page [unnumbered] to mainetaine it, have been sutable to those of Seriffo, all Historians doe testifie.
For when Pope Gregory the second, procured the Citie of Rome, and some other places in Italie to Rebell against the Emperour Leo, the third, what o∣ther colour used he, then that himself had Excommunicated Leo, as an un∣godly Prince, for breaking downe I∣mages, that were worshipped in Chur∣ches, when for this treason Paul the Exarch, Leiutenant unto the Empe∣rour, besieged Rome with the assistance of Lueitpraud King of the Lumbards, by what other art did the Pope re∣move the siege, then by perswading the Lumbard with a Tale of Peter, and Paul, that had consecrated the Citie of Rome with their pretious blood. Thus was devotion made the Cloake for treason? And thus did the Popes first slip their necks out of the Empe∣rours coller. Within very few years Page [unnumbered] after this, by the like Religious pre∣text were those Princes of France, Charls Martell, Pepine, and Charle∣maine, won to assist the Papacie, a∣gainst the Lumbards, yea, to give un∣to St. Peter, the most of those Lands which the Pope now holds in Italie, And not restore them to the Empe∣rour, from whom the Lumbards had gotten them. And thereunto Pepine, was perswaded for his Souls health.
Yet had Pope Zachary through the opinion that went of his holinesse, done a notable good office for Pepine be∣fore, when he Released the Frenchmen of their Oath to King Chilperick, And was the cause that Pepine was chosen in his stead, by saying, That rather he should be King who did the Kings duty, then he that did it not.
In like manner did Pope Leo re∣compense the benefits of Charlemaine, by setting him up as Emperour in the West against those of Constantinople: Page [unnumbered] But in these mutuall offices, the Popes did only help with gracefull words to adorne that might which Pepine and Charlemaine had before acquired. Whereas these Kings used force of arms to erect the papacy in Principallity; That was held yet in vassallage unto themselves. Now this could not sa∣tisfie the ambition of that See, which gloried falsly to be the only See A∣postolique.
For as the Reputation of the Romane Prelats grew up in those blind ages under the Westerne Emperours, much faster then true piety could raise it, in former times when better Learning had flourished; So grew up in them withall a desire, of amplifying their power, that they might be as great in temporall forces as mens opinion have formed them in spirituall mat∣ters. Immediately therefore upon the death of Charlemaine, they began to neglect the Emperours consent in their Page [unnumbered] Elections. And finding in them that afterwards reigned of the house of France, either too much patience or too much weakenesse, they were bold, within seaventy years to decree, That in the Creation of Popes, the Empe∣rour should have nothing at all to doe. Having obteined this, It followed that they should make themselves Lord over the whole Clergie in all King∣domes.
But the worke was great, and could not be accomplished in hast, for they were much disturbed at home by the People of Rome; who seeing about Fifty Popes or rather (as mainetainers of the Papacie, would now have them called) Monsters to succeed one ano∣ther, and attaine by the faction of Cut-throats, and Strumpets, St. Peters Chaire, despised that hypocrisy, which the world abroad did Reverence as holinesse.
Likewise the Empire falling from Page [unnumbered] the line of Charles, to the mighty house of Saxonie, was so strongly up∣held by the first Princes of that race, as it greatly curbed the ambition of those aspiring Prelats.
Yet no impediment could alwaies be of force to withstand the violence of seeming sanctity.
The Polonians, Hungarians, and some other farre removed Nations, had yeil∣ded themselves in subjection more then meerely spirituall, even to those Popes whom Italie knew to be dete∣stable men.
As for the Romane Citizens they were chastised by the sword, and taught to acknowledge the Pope their Lord, though they knew not by what right. Long it was indeed ere they could with much adoe be throughly tamed, Because they knowing the Lewdnesse of their Prelate and his Court, their devotion, unto him (the trade by which now they live) was very small. Page [unnumbered] Because also they were the Popes do∣mesticall forces, against which no Prince doth happily contend. But fi∣nally the Popes Armes prevailed, or when his owne were too weake, the Emperours and other friends were hel∣ping. Contrariwise against Empe∣rours and other Princes, the sword of the people even of their owne Subjects hath been used by teaching all Chri∣stians in our Westerne world a false Lesson. That it is lawfull and meri∣torious to rebell against Kings excom∣municated and deposed by the Pope. This curse was first laid upon the Em∣perour, Henry the fourth by Pope Hil∣debrand or Gregory the seaventh. It is true (as I said before) that Leo of Constantinople had felt the same though not in the same sort. For Leo being excommunicated was not with∣all deposed; only he suffered a revolt of some Italian Subjects. And one may say, That the Germane Empire Page [unnumbered] deserved this plague, Since the foun∣der thereof had given countenance to the Popes Rebelling against their So∣veraigns the Emperours of Constanti∣nople. Howsoever it were when Hil∣debrand had accursed and cast downe from his throne Henry the fourth, there were none so hardy as to defend their Injured Lord, against the Counterfeit∣ed name of St. Peter; Wherefore he was faine to humble himselfe before Hildebrand, upon whom he waited three daies beare footed in the Winter ere he could be admitted into his pre∣sence, Neither yet could he otherwise get absolution, then by submitting his estate unto the Popes good pleasure, what was his fault? He had refused to yeild up to the Pope, the investiture of Bishops, and Collation of Ecclesia∣sticall dignities within his domini∣ons, a right that had alwayes belonged to Princes untill that day.
It were superfluous to tell how grie∣vously Page [unnumbered] he was afflicted all his life after; Notwithstanding this submission. In breife the unappeasable rage of Hil∣debrand and his Successors, never left persecuting him, by raising one Re∣bellion after an other; yea his owne Children against him, till dispoyled of his Crowne, he was faine to beg food of the Bishop of Spyers, promi∣sing to earne it in a Church of his own building, by doing there a Clarks du∣ty, for he could serve the Quire, And not obteining this, he pined away and dyed.
That Bishop of Spyers dealt herein perhaps rather fearfully, then cruelly, For he had to terrifie him, the example of Vteilo Archhishop of Mentz chiefe Prelate among the Germans. Who was condemned of heresie, for having denyed that the Emperour might be deprived of his Crowne by the Popes authority.
If Princes therefore be carefull to Page [unnumbered] exclude the doctrine of Hildebrand out of their dominions, who can blame them of rigour?
This example of Henry though it would not be forgotten, might have been omitted, had it not been secon∣ded with many of the same nature.
But this was neither one Popes fault, nor one Princes destiny; He must write a story of the Empire, that means to tell of all their dealings in this kind, As how they wrought upon Henry the fifth, whom they had set up against his Father, what horrible ef∣fusion of Blood they caused, by their often thundering upon Fredericke, And how they rested not untill they had made the Empire stand headlesse about seaventeene years.
These things moved Rodolph Earl of Habspurgh who was chosen Emperour after that long vacation to refuse the Ceremony of being Crowned at Rome, though he were thereto urged by the Page [unnumbered] Electors. For (said he) our Caesars, have gone to Rome, As the foolish Beasts in AEsops Fables went, to the Lyons Den leaving very goodly footsteps of their journey thitherward, but not the like of their returne.
The same opinion have most of the succeeding Emperours held, all of them, or almost all neglecting that Coronation. Good cause why; Since the Popes (besides many Extortions which they practised about that Ce∣remony) Arrogated thence unto themselves, that the Empire was held of them in Homage, And dealt they not after the same fashion with other Kingdomes?
What right had St. Peter to the Crowne of Sicily, and of Naples? The Romane Princes wonne those Lands from the Saracens, who had formerly taken them from the Empire of Con∣stantinople; The same Romanes had also been mighty defenders of the Pa∣pacy Page [unnumbered] in many dangers, yet when time served, the Pope tooke upon him, as Lord Paramount of those Countryes, to drive out one King, and set up an∣other, with a Bloody confusion of all Italie; retaining the Soveraignty to himself.
In France, he had the daring to pro∣nounce himselfe superiour unto the King in all matters both Spirituall and Temporall.
The Crowne of Poland he forced to hold of his Miter by imposing a sub∣jection in way of penance. For that the Polish King had caused one St. Stanislaus to be slaine.
For the death of St. Thomas Beckett and (more strangely) for a Refusall of an Archbishop of Canterbury whom his Holinesse had appointed, he impo∣sed the like penance upon England.
Also when our King Edward the First, made Warre upon the Scots, word came from Rome that he should Page [unnumbered] surcease: for that the Kingdome of Scotland belonged unto the Popes Chappell.
A great oversight it was of St. Pe∣ter, that he did not accurse Nero, and all heathen Princes, whereby the Popes Chappell might have gotten all that the Devill offered, and our Saviour refused. Yet what need was there of such a banne: Since Fryar Vincent of Valnarda could tell Atatalipa King of Peru: That all the Kingdomes of the Earth were the Popes, who had bestowed more then halfe thereof up∣on the King of Spaine. If the Pope will have it so, it must be so; otherwise I should have interpreted that place in Genesis, Increase and multiply and fill the Earth, As spoken to Noah, and his Children, not as directed only to Tu∣bal, Homer, and Phatto, the supposed Fathers of the old Iberians, Gothes, and Moores, of whom the Spanish blood is compounded. But of such impu∣dent Page [unnumbered] presumption in disposing of coun∣tryes farre remote, And whereto the sword must acquire a better title, the mischiefe is not presently discerned.
It were well if his Holinesse had not loved to set the world in an uproare by nourishing of War, among those that respected him as a Common Fa∣ther.
His dispensing with oaths taken for agreement between one King and ano∣ther, or between Kings and Subjects, doe speake no better of him. For by what right was it, That Fardinand of Arragon won the Kingdome of Navar? why did not the Confederacie, that was between Lewis the Twelfth of France, and the Venetians hinder that King from warring upon Venice? why did not the like between Eng∣land, and France, hinder our King Henry the eighth for warring upon the same King Lewis?
Was it not the Pope who did set Page [unnumbered] on the French, to the end that himself might get Ravenna from the Venetians? Why was it not the same Pope, who afterwards (upon desire to drive the French out of Italie) excommunica∣ted Lewis, and his adherents? By ver∣tue of which Excommunication Far∣dinand of Arragon seized upon Na∣varr.
And served not the same Warrant to set our Henry upon the back of France? But this was not our Kings fault more then all the peoples. We might with shame confesse it, (if other Countries had not been as blindly superstitious as our Fathers) That a Barque of Apples blessed by the Pope, and sent hither for presents unto those that would be for∣ward in the War upon France, made all our English hasty to take Armes, in such sort as the Italians wondred, and laughed to see our men, no lesse greedy of those Apples (then Eve, was of the forbidden fruit) for which they were Page [unnumbered] to hazard their lives in an unjust War. Few ages have wanted such and more grievous examples of the Popes tumul∣tuous disposition, but these were a∣mongst the last that fell out before his unholinesse was detected. Now for his dispensing betweene Kings and their Subjects, we need not seeke in∣stances far from home.
He absolved our King Iohn of an oath, given to his Barons and people. The Barons and people he afterwards discharged of their alleageance to King Iohn.
King Henry the third, had appeased this Land (how wisely I say not) by taking such an oath, as his Father had done; swearing as he was a Knight, A Christian, and a King. But in a Sermon at Paules, People were taught how little was to be reposed on such assu∣rance, the Popes dispensation being there openly read, which pronounced that Oath voyde. Good cause why. Page [unnumbered] For that King had the patience to live, like neither Knight, nor King, But as the Popes Tenant, and Rent-gatherer of England. But when the same King adventured to murmure, the Pope could threaten to teach him his duty with a vengeance. And make him know, what it was to winch and play the Fredericke.
Thus we see what hath been his Custome to oppresse Kings by their people, And the people by their Kings, yet this was for serving his owne turne.
Wherein had our King Henry the sixt offended him (which King Pope Iulius would after for a little money have made a Saint) Neverthelesse, the Popes absolving of Rich: Duke of Yorke from that honest oath, which he had given by mediation of all the Land to that good King occasioned both the Dukes and the Kings ruine. And therewithal those long and cruell Page [unnumbered] Wars betweene the Houses of Lan∣caster, and Yorke, and brought all Eng∣land into an horrible Combustion. What he meant by this, I know not, unlesse to verifie the Proverbe; Om∣nia Romae venalia, I will not urge the dispensation, whereby the Pope re∣leased King Philip, the second of Spaine, from the solemne Oath by which he was bound to maintaine the priviledges of the Netherlands, though this Papall indulgence, hath scarce as yet left working, And been the cause of so many hundred thou∣sands slaine, for this last forty years in the Netherlands.
Neither will I urge the Pope encou∣raging of Henry the second, and his sons, to the last of them against the French Protestants, the cause of the first three Civill Warres, And lastly of the Leavyings of Byrons, in which there hath perished no lesse number, then in the Low-Countryes.
Page [unnumbered]For our Country it affords an exam∣ple of fresh memory, since we should have had as furious Warre, as ever both upon us, and amongst us, in the daies of our late famous Soveraigne Queene Elizabeth, if Pope Pius his Bull, Could have gored, aswell as it could Bellow.
Therefore it were not amisse to an∣swer by a Herald, the next Pontificall attempt of like nature, rather sending defiance (as to an enemy) then publi∣shing answers as to one that had here to doe, though indeed he had never here to doe (by any lawfull power) either in Civill or Ecclesiasticall businesse, after such time as Brittaine was won from the Romane Empire.
For howsoever it were ordered in some of the first holy generall Coun∣cills, that the Bishop of Rome, should be Patriarch over these quarters, yea; or it were supposed that the forged Canons, by which he now challengeth Page [unnumbered] more then precedency, and primacie, had also been made indeed: yet could this little help his claime in King∣domes, that hold not of the Empire. For those right holy Fathers, as in matters of Faith, they did not make truth, But religiously expounded it: so in matters of Ecclesiasticall Go∣vernment, they did not create pro∣vinces for themselves; But ordered the Countries which they then had.
They were assemblies of all the Bi∣shops in the Romane world, and with the Romane dominion only they med∣led. Requisite it is that the faith which they taught should be imbra∣ced in all Countryes, As it ought like∣wise to be entertained, if the same had been in like sort illustrated, not by them, but by a generall Councill of all Bishops in the great Kingdome of the Abissines, which is thought to have been Christian even in those daies.
But it was not requisite, nor is, that Page [unnumbered] the Bishops of Abissines, or of India, should live under direction of the Pa∣triarch of Alexandria, and Antioch.
Questionlesse, those godly Fathers of the Nicene, And of the Calcedonian Councill so thought. For they tooke not upon them to order the Church Government in India, where St. Thomas had preached, nor to range the Subjects of Prester Iohn (as we call him) under any of themselves; much lesse to frame an Hierarchie up∣on earth, whereto men of all Nations whatsoever should be subject in Spi∣rituall obedience.
If Constantine or his Successors the Romane Emperours could have wonne all Asia: like it is that in Councils following more Patriarchs would have been ordeined for the Ecclesiasticall Government of that large continent, and not all those vast Countryes have beene left unto him of Antioch or Constantinople. But since contrari∣wise, 〈1 page duplicate〉 Page [unnumbered] 〈1 page duplicate〉 Page [unnumbered] Page [unnumbered] the Empire became looser, the Patriarchs whose Jurisdiction depen∣ded upon the Empire, become loosers also.
We grant, that even in the times of persecution, before Christian Bishops durst hold open assemblies, there was given especiall honour to the Bishops that were over the chiefe Cities; That unity might the better be preserved and heresie kept out of the Church; But this honour was no more, then a precedence, a dignity without Co∣active power, extending no further then to matter of Religion, And not having to doe, save in the generall way of Christian love with any stran∣gers.
We therefore, that are no depen∣dants of the Empire, ought not to be troubled with the authority (be it what it may be) with any assemblies of godly Fathers (yet all Subjects of that Empire, ordeined for their owne Page [unnumbered] better Government) But rather should regard the Bishop of Rome, As the Islanders of Iersey, and Garnsey, doe him of Constance in Normandie, that is nothing at all: since by that French Bishops refusall to sweare unto our King, those Isles were annexed to the Diocesse of Winchester.
