Sir Walter Rawleigh his apologie for his voyage to Guiana by Sir Walter Rawleigh.

Sir Walter Rawleigh his Apologie.

IF ill successe of this En∣terprise of mine had bin without Example, I should have needed a large discourse and ma∣ny arguments for my Justification, But if the atempts of the greatest Princes of Europe, both among themselves and against the great Turk, are in all moderne Histories left to e∣very eye to peruse. It is not so strange that my selfe being but a private man,

and drawing after me the chaines and Fetters whereunto I have been thirteen yeares tyed in the Tower, being un∣pardoned and in disgrace with my So∣veraigne Lord, have by other mens er∣rours failed in the attempt I under∣tooke.

For if that Charles the Fifth return∣ed with unexampled losse, I will not say dishonour, from Algire in Africa: If King Sebastian lost himselfe and his Army in Barbary: If the invincible Fleet and forces of Spaine in Eighty Eight were beaten home by the Lord Charles Howard Admirall of England: If Mr. Strozzi the Count Brizack the Count of Vinnnoso and others, with the Fleet of fifty eight sayle and six thousand Souldiers, encountered with far lesse numbers could not defend the Terceres. Leaving to speake of a world of other attempts furnished by Kings and Princes. If Sir Francis Drake, Sir Iohn Hawkins and Sir Thomas Bas∣kervile

men for their experience and valour as Eminent as England had a∣ny, strengthned with divers of her Ma∣jesties ships, and fild with Souldiers at will, could not possesse themselves of the Treasure they sought for, which in their view was imbarked in certaine Frigotts at Puerto Rico, yet afterward they were repulsed with fifty Negroes upon the Mountains of Vasques Numi∣us, or Sierra de Capira in their passage towards Panania: If Sir Iohn Norris (though not by any fault of his) failed in the attempts of Lysbone and returned with the losse, by sicknesse and other∣wise, of eight thousand men. What wonder is it, but that mine (which is the last) being followed with a com∣pany of Voluntiers who for the most part had neither seen the Sea nor the Warres, who, some forty Gentlemen excepted, had we the very scumme of the World: Drunkards, Blasphemers and such others as their Fathers Bro∣thers

and freinds thought it an exceed∣ing good gaine to be discharged of them with the hazard of some thirty forty or fifty pounds, knowing they could not have liv'd a whole yeare so cheape at home: I say what wonder is it, if I have failed, where I could neither be present my selfe, nor had any of the Commanders (whom I most trusted) living, or in state to supply my place?

Now, where it was bruted, both be∣fore my departure out of England and by the most men beleived, that I meant nothing lesse then to go to Guiana: but that being once at liberty and in mine owne power, having made my way with some Forraigne Prince I would turne Pyratt and utterly forsake my Countrey. My being at Guiana, my returning into England unpardoned, and my not takeing the spoile of the Subj. of any Christian Prince, hath (I doubt not) destroyed that Opinion.

But this is not all: for it hath been

given out by an hypocritticall Theife who was the first Master of my shipp: And by an ungratefull Youth which waited upon me in my Cabbin, though of honourable worthy Parents: and by others: That I carryed with me out of England twenty two thousand peices of twenty two shillings the peice, and thererefore needed not, or cared not to discover any Mine in Gui∣ana, nor make any other attempt else∣where: Which Report being carried secretly from one to an other in my ship, and so spread through all the ships in the Fleet which staid with me at Trenidado while our Land-Forces were in Guiana, had like to have been my utter overthrow in a most misera∣ble fashion; For it was consulted when I had taken my Barge and gone a shoare (either to discover or otherwise as I often did) That my ship should have set saile and left me there, where either I must have suffered Famine,

been eaten with wilde beasts, or have fallen into the hands of the Spaniards and been flayed alive as others of the English, which came thither but to trade only, had formerly been.

To this Report of Riches, I make this Protestation, That if it can be prooved, either now or hereafter, that I had in the world, either in my keep∣ing or in my power, either directly or indirectly in trust or otherwise, above one hundred peices when I departed London, of which I had left forty five peices with my wife, and fifty five I carried with me: I acknowledge my selfe for a Reprobate, a Villaine, a Traitor to the King, and the most un∣worthy man that doth live, or ever hath liv'd upon the earth.

Now where the Captaines that left me in the Indies, and Captaine Baily, that ran away from me at Cancerota, have, to excuse themselves, objected for the first, That I lingered at Pli∣mouth

when I might have gone thence, and lost a faire Wind and time of the yeare, or to that effect. It is strange that men of fashion and Gentlemen should so grosly bely their owne knowledge: And that had not I lived nor returned to have made answer to this Faction, yet all that know us in Plimouth and all that we had to deale withall knew the contrary. For after I had stayed at the Isle of Wight divers daies; the Thunder, Commanded by Sir Warram St. Leger by the negligence of her Master, was at Lee in the Thames; and after I arrived at Plimouth, Captaine Pennington was not come then to the Isle of Wight, and being arrived there, and not able to redeeme his Bread from the Ba∣kers, he rode back to LONDON to intreat help from my wife to pay for it, who having not so much money to serve his turne, she wrote to Mr. Wood of Portsmouth and gave him her word for thirty pounds, which shee

soone after payd him, without which (as Pennington himselfe protested to my wife) he had not bin able to have gone the journey: Sir Iohn Ferne I found there without all hope of being able to proceed, having nor men nor mony, and in great want of other pro∣vision, insomuch as I furnished him by my Cozen Herbert with a hundred pounds, having supplied himselfe in Wales with a hundred pounds before his coming to Plimouth: and procured him a third hundred pound from the worthy and honest Deane of Exeter Doctor Sutcliffe. Captaine Whitney, whome I also stayed for, had a third part of his victualls to provide, inso∣much as having no mony to help him withall I sold my Plate in Plimouth to supply him. Baily I left at the Isle of Wight, whose arrivall I also attended here some ten or twelve daies as I re∣member, and what should move Baily only to leave me as he did at the Cana∣ries,

from whence he might have de∣parted with my love and leave, and at his returne to do me all the wrong he could devise, I cannot conceive; he seemed to me from the begining not to want any thing, he only desired of me some Ordnance and some iron-bound Caske, and I gave it him; I never gave him ill language nor offered him the least unkindnesse to my knowledge: It is true, that I refused him a French Shallop which he tooke in the Bay of Portingall outward bound, and yet af∣ter I had bought her of the French, and paid fifty Crownes ready mony for her if Baily had then desired her he might have had her; But to take any thing from the French, or from any other na∣tion, I meant it not.

True it is, that as many things succee∣ded both against Reason and our best endeavours; So it is most commonly true, that men are the cause of their owne misery, as I was of mine, when I

undertooke my late enterprise without a pardon for all my Company, ha∣ving heard it avowed in England be∣fore they went, that the Commission I had, was granted to a man who was Non Ens in law, so hath the want thereof taken from me both Armes and Actions: Which gives boldnesse to every petty Companion to spread Rumours to my Defamation and the wounding of my Reputation, in all places where I cannot be present to make them Knaves and Lyars.

It hath been secondly objected, That I put into Ireland and spent much time there, taking care to Revictuall my selfe and none of the rest.

Certainly I had no purpose to see Ireland when I left Plimouth, but be∣ing encountered with a strong Storme some eight Leagues to the Westward of Scilly, in which Captaine Chudleyes Pinace was suncke, and Captaine King thrust into Bristoll: I held it the Of∣fice

of a Commander of many ships, and those of divers Saylings and con∣ditions, of which some could Hull and Trye, and some of them beat it up upon a Tack, and others neither able to doe the one nor the other, rather to take a Port and keep his Fleete together, then either to en∣danger the losse of Masts and Yardes; or to have it severed farre asunder, and to be thrust into divers places. For the attendance of meeting them againe at the next Randezvous, would consume more Time and Victuall, and per∣chance the weake ships might be set upon, taken, or disordered, then could be spent by recovering a Har∣bour, and attending the next change of wind.

That the dissevering of Fleets hath beene the overthrow of many Acti∣ons, I could give many Examples, were it not in every mans Know∣ledge. In the last Enterprize of

worth, undertaken by our English Na∣tion with three Squadrons of ships, Commanded by the Earle of Essex, the Earle of Suffolke and my selfe, where was also present the Earle of Southampton, If we being storme-bea∣ten in the Bay of Alcashar or Biscaye had had a Port under our Lee, that we might have kept our Transporting ships with our men of War, we had in all likelihood both taken the Indian Fleet and the Asores.

That we staid long in Ireland it is true, but they must accuse the Clouds and not me, for our stay there; for I lost not a day of a good Wind: and there was not any Captaine of the Fleet but had Credit or might have had for a great deale of more victualls then we spent there, and yet they had of me fifty Beeves among them and somewhat else.

For the third Accusation, That I landed in Hostile maner at Lancerota;

Certainly Captaine Baily had greate want of matter when he gave that for an excuse of his turning back, for I re∣ferr my selfe to Mr. Barney, who I know will ever justifie a truth, to whom (when he came to me from Captaine Baily to know whether he should land his men with the rest) I made this answer, that he might land them if it pleased him, or otherwise keepe them aboard, for I had agreed with the Governor for a proportion of victuall which I hourely expected: And it is true, that the Governor being desirous for to speake with me with one Gentleman with him with their Rapiers only, which I accepting, and taking with me Leivetenant Bradshaw, we agreed: that I should send up an English Factor (whose ship did then ride in the Roade) and that whatsoe∣ver the Island could yeeld should be delivered at a reasonable rate; I sent the English Factor according to our a∣greement,

but the Governour put it off from one morning to an other, and in the end sent me word, that except I would imbarque my men which lay on the Sea side, Slanders were so jealous as they durst not sever themselves to make our Provisions: I did so, but when the one halfe were gotten aboard two of our Centinells forc••, one slaine and the English Factor sent to tell mee that he had nothing for us, whom he still believed to be a Fleet of the Turks, who had lately taken and de∣stroyed Puerto Sancto. Hereupon all the Companies would have marched toward the Towne and have sackt it, but I knew it would not only dislike His Majesty; But that our Merchants having a continuall trade with those I∣slands, that their Goods would have bin stayed, and amongst the rest, the poor English man riding in the Road ha∣ving all that he brought thither ashore, would have been utterly undone.

Hereof I complained to the Go∣vernour of the Grand Canaries, whom I also desired that we might take wa∣ter without any disturbance, but in∣stead of answer, when we landed some hundred men, far from any habitation, and in a Desart place of the Island, where we found some fresh water, there Ambush was layd, and one Fish∣er of Sir Iohn Fernes ship wounded to death, and more had been slain had not Captaine Thornhurst and Master Robert Hayman my sonnes Lievtenant, two exceeding valiant Gentlemen, who first made head against them, second∣ed by Sir Warham Sentleger and my Sonne with halfe a dozen more, made sorty of them runne away. From hence because there was scarcity of water, we sayled to Gomarrah, one of the strongest and well defenced places of all the Islands and the best Port: The Towne being seated upon the very Wash of the Sea, at the first entrance

of our ships, they shot at us, and ours at them, but as soone as I my selfe re∣covered the Harbour, and had com∣manded that there should be no more shooting, I sent a Spaniard a shore (ta∣ken in a Barque which came from Cape Blanke) to tell the Governour that I had no purpose to make warr with any of the Spanish Kings Subjects, and if any harme were done by our great Ord∣nance to the Towne, it was his fault, which by shooting first gave the occa∣sion. He sent me for answer that he thought we had beene the Tu••kish Fleet, which destroyed Puerto Sancto, but being resolved by the Messenger that we were Christians and English, and sought nothing but water, he would willingly afford us as much as we pleased to take, if he might be as∣sured that we would not attempt his Towne-Houses, nor destroy the Gar∣dens and fruits; I returned him answer that I would give him my Faith, and

the word of the King of Great Brit∣taigne my Soveraigne Lord, that the People of the Town and Island should not loose so much as one Orange or a Grape w••thout paying for it, I would hang him up in the Market-street. Now that I kept my Faith with him, and how much he held himselfe bound unto me: I have divers of his Letters to shew, for he wrote unto me every day And the Countesse being of an english Race a Stafford by Mother, and of the house of Horn by the Father, sent me divers presents of fruits, Sugar, and Ruske: to whom I returned because I would not depart in her debt) things of greater value; The old Earle at my departure wrot a Letter to the Spanish Ambassador here in England how I had behaved my selfe in those Islands. There I discharg'd a Barke of the grand Canaries taken by one of my Pinna∣ces coming from Cape-Blank in Africa, and demanding of him what prejudice

he had recieved by being taken, he told me that my men had eaten of his fish to the value of sixe Duckers, for which I gave him eight.

From the Canaries, it is said That I sayled to Cape de Verte knowing it to be an insec••ious place, by ••eason whereof I lost so many of my men ere I recovered the Indies; The tru••h sis that I came no ne∣rer to Cape de Vert then Bravo, which is one hundred and sixty Leagues off; But had I taken it in my way, falling upon the Coast or any other part of Guiana, after the Raine, there is as little dan∣ger of insection as in any other part of the World, as our English that trade in those parts every yeare doe well know; There are few places in Eng∣land or in the world neere great Ri∣vers which run through low grounds or neare Moorish or Marsh grounds, but the People inhabiting neare, are at some time of the yeare subject to Fea∣ver••, witnes Woollwich in Kent and all

down the Rivers on both sides, other Infection there is not found ei••her in the Indies or in Af••rica, Except it be when the Easterly wind or Breefes are kept off by some High Mountaines from the V••llies, w••erby the ayre wanting motion doth become exceed∣ing unhealthfull as at Nomber de Dios and elsewhere. But as good successe admitts no Examination, so the con∣trary allows of no excuse, how reason∣able or just soever. Sir Francis Drake, Mr. Iohn Winter and Iohn Tomas, when they past the Streights of Malegan, mee••ing with a storme which drove Winter back, which thrust Iohn Thomas upon the Islands to the South where he was cast away, and Sir Francis nere a small Island upon which the Spani∣ards landed their cheins & murderers, from Baldivia, and he found there Phil∣lip an Indian who told him where he was and conducted him to Baldivia, wher he took his first prize of Treasure

and in that ship he found a Pylot cal∣led John Grege who guided him all that Coast, in which he possest himselfe of the rest, which Pylot because he should not rob him of his Reputation and knowledge in those parts (desist∣ing the intreaties and teares of all his Company) he set him a shore up∣on the Island of Altegulors to be by them devoured. After which passing by the East-Indies, he returned into England, and notwithstanding the peace between Us and Spaine, he en∣joyed the Riches he brought, and was never so much as called to accompt for cutting off Douly his head at Porte St. Iulian having neither Marshall Law nor other Commission availeable. Mr. Candish having past all the Coasts of Chyle and Peru, and not gotten a far∣thing, when he was without hope, and re••dy to shape his course by the East homewards, met a ship which came from the Phillippines at Calestorvia, a

thousand pounds to a Nutshell. These two in these two Voyages were the Children of Fortune, and much hono∣red; But when Sir Francis Drake in his last attempt might have landed at Cru∣ces, by the river of Chyagre within eight miles of Panama, he notwithstanding se•• the Troups on land at Nomber de Dios and received the repu••se aforesaid, he dyed for s••rrow. The same successe had Candish in his last Passage towards the Streights. I say that one and the same end they both had, to wit Drake and Candish, when Chance had left them to the tryall of their owne Ver∣tues.

For the rest I leave to all worthy and indifferent men to judge, by what neglect or errour of mine, the Gold Mine in Guiana which I had formerly discovered was not found and enjoyed, for after we had refreshed our selves in Galleana, otherwise in the first discove∣ry called Poet Howard, where we tarri∣ed

Captaine Hastins, Captaine Pi∣gott, and Captaine Snedall, and there recovered the most part of our sicke men. I did lmbarque sixe Com∣pani••s of fifty to each Company in five shipps, to wi••, the Encoun∣ter, Commanded by Captaine Whit∣ney, in the Conside••e by Captaine Woollastone, into two ••••yboats of my owne, Commanded by Captaine Sa∣muell King, and Captaine Robert Smith, In a Carvill which Com∣panies had for their Leaders Cap∣taine Charles Parker, Captaine North, My Sonne, Captaine Thorn∣hurst, Captaine Penjuglous Lievte∣nant, and Captaine Chudlyes Lievte∣nant Prideux.

At the Tryangle Islands I imbarked the companies for Orrenoque between which and Calliana I lay a ground twenty four houres, and if it had not been faire weather we had never come

off the Coast, having not above two Fathome and a halfe of water: Eight Leagues off from whence, I directed them for the River of Surniama, the best part of all that Tract of land between the river Ama••o••es and Orrenoque, there I gave them order to trim their Boates and Barges; and by the Indians of that place to understand the state of the Spaniards in Orrenoque, and whi∣ther they had replanted or streng••hened themselves upon the entrances or else∣where; and if they found any Indians there, to send in the little flyboate or the Carvill into the river of Dis••ebecke, where they should not faile to find Pi∣lots for Orrenoque, for with our great ships we durst not aproach the Coast we having been all of us a ground, and in danger of leaving our Bands upon the shoules before wee recovered the Tryangle Islands as aforesaid; The Biggest Shipp that could En∣ter the River was the Encounter,

who might be brought to eleven foote water upon the Bar, we could never understand neither by Keymis, who was the first of any Nation that had entered the maine mouth of Orrenoque nor by any of the Masters or Marriners of our Fleet, which had traded there ten or twelve yeares for Tobaccho: For the Chudley when she came nere the Entrance, drawing but twelve foote, found her selfe in danger and bore up for Trinidado.

Now whereas some of my friends have been unsatifised why I my selfe had not gone up with the Companies I sent, I desire hereby to give them satisfaction, that besides my want of health and strength, and having not recovered my long and dangerous sick∣nesse, but was againe fallen into a Re∣lapse, my ship Stoalde and layd a ground at seaventeene foote water, 7 Leagues of the shore, so as the Mr. nor any of my company durst adven∣ture

to come neare it, much lesse to fall between the shoules on the south side of the Rivers side, and sands on the North side called Puncto Anegado, one of the most dangerous places in all the Indies: It was therefore resolved by us all, that the fi••e greater ships should ride at Puncto Gallo in Trinidado, and the five lesser should enter the River, For it Whitney and Woollaston at eleven foote lay a ground three daies in pas∣sing up, in what case had I been which drew seaventeene foote, a heavier ship and charged with forty pieces of Ord∣nance, besides this impossibility, nei∣ther would my Sonn nor the rest of the Captaines and Gentlemen have ad∣ventured themselves the River (having but one moneths Victualls and being thrust together a hundred of them in a smale Flyboate) had not I assured them that I would stay for them at Trinidado, and that no Force should drive me thence, except I were suncke

in the Sea or set on Fire by the Spa∣nish Gallions, for that they would have ad••entured themselves upon any other mans word or resolution, it were ridiculous to beleive.

Having in t••is sort resolved upon our enterprise, and having given in∣structions, how they should proceede before and ••f••er their entrance into Orrenoque, Keymis having undertaken to disco••er the Myne with six or eight persons in Sir Iohn Fernes Shallop, I better bethinking my selfe and misli∣king his determination gave him this order, viz.

Keymis, whereas you were resolved after your arrivall into Orrenoque to passe to the Myne with my Cousen Harbert and six musketteers, and to that end you desired to have Sir Iohn Fernes sh••llop, I doe not allow of that course, because you cannot Land so se∣cretly but that some Indians on the Ri∣ver side may discover you, who giving

knowledge of your passage to the Spa∣niards you may be cut off before you can recover your Boa••e, I doe therefore advise you to suffer the Captaines and the Companies of ••••e English ••o passe up to the Westward of the mountaine Aio, from whence you have no l••sse then three mi••es to the Myne, and to lodge and encam••e between the Spa∣nish Towne and you, if there be any To••n neer it, that bei••g so s••••••red you may make try all what depth and br••dth the Myne ••o••ds, and whe••••er or no it answer our ••o••es. And if you find it Royall, and the Spaniards begin to Warre up••n you, then let the Serjeant Major repell them i•• i•• be in his pow∣er, and drive them as f••r ••s he can.

But if you find that the Myne be not so rich as it may perswade the hol∣ding of it, and draw on a second sup∣ply, then shall you bring but a ba••ket or two to satisfy his Majesty, that my designe was not Imaginatory but true,

though not answerable to his Maje∣sties expectation, for the quantity of which I never gave assurance, nor could.

On the other side, if you shall find that any great number of Souldiers be newly sent into Orrenoque, as the Cas∣sique of Caliana told us that there were, and that the Passages be already Forc'd so that without manifest Perill of my sonne, your selfe, and other Captaines, you cannot passe toward the Myne, then be well advised how you land, for I know (that a few Gentlemen excep∣ted) what a Scumme of men you have, and I would not for all the world re∣ceive a blow from the Spaniards to the dishonour of our Nation; I my selfe for my weaknes cannot be present, nei∣ther will the Company land except I stay with the ships, the Gallioones of Spaine being daily expected. Pigott the Sergeant-Major is dead. Sir Warrham my Leiftenant, without hope of life,

and my Nephew your Sergeant-Major now but a young man: It is therefore no your judgement that I Rely whom I trust God will direct for the best.

Let me heare from you as soone as you can, you shall find me at Puncto Gallo dead or alive, and if you finde not my ships there, yet you shall find their Ashes; For I will fire with the Gallioones if it come to extreamity, But runne away I will never.

That these my Instructions were not followed, was not my fault, But it seemes that the Sergeant-Major, Key∣mis and the rest were by acci••ent for∣ced to change their first resolution, and that finding a Spanish towne or rather a village, set up twenty mile distant from the place where Antonio Berro the first Governour by me taken in my first discovery who had attēpted to plant to meet some two Leagues to the Westward of the Mine: They a∣greed to land and encamp between the

Myne and the Towne, which they did not suspect to be so neer them as it was, and meaning to rest themselves on the Rivers side ••••ll the next day, they were in the night set upon and char∣ged by the Spaniards, which be∣ing unlooked for, the Common sort of them were so amazed, as had not the Captaines and some other valiant Gentlemen made a Head and encouraged the rest, they had all been broken and cut in pieces. To repell this force putting themselves in order, they charged the Spaniards, and following them upon their retreat they were rea∣dy to enter the Town, ere they knew where they were, and being then char∣ged againe by the Governour, and foure or five Captaines which lead their Companies; My Sonne not tarrying for my Musketiers run up in the head of a company of Pikes, where he was first shot, and pressing upon a Spanish Captaine called Erinetta with his

sword; Erinetta taking the small end of his Musket in his hand strucke him on the head with the stock and feld him, whom againe Iohn Plesington, my Sonnes Serjeant, thrust through with his Halbert, at which time also the Governour Diego Palmeque and the rest of the Spanish Captaines being slaine, and their Companies divided, they betooke themselves into a house, or hold adjoyning to the market place, where they slew and wounded the Eng∣lish at their pleasure, so as we had no way to save our selves; but by firing those houses adjoyning, which done all the Spaniards ran into the bordering Woods, and Hills, keeping the Eng∣lish still waking with perpetuall A∣larums.

The town such as it was being in this sort possest. Keymis prepared to dis∣cover the Myne, which at this time he was resolved to doe, as appeareth by his Letter to me of his owne hand writing

hereafter inserted; he tooke with him Captaine Thornhurst, Master William Herbert, Sir Iohn Hambden, and others, but at his first approach neer the banke where he meant to Land, he received from the wood a vollew of shot which slew two of his Company, hurt six o∣thers, and wounded Captaine Thorn∣hurst in the head, of the which he lan∣guished three months after.

Keymis his LETTER Dated the eight of Ianuary from Orrenoque.

ALL things that appertaine to hu∣mane condition in that proper na∣tare and sence, that of fate and necessity belongeth unto them, maketh me choose rather with griefe to let you know from me this certaine truth then uncertain∣ties from others; which is, viz. That had

not this extraordinary valour and for∣wardnesse, which with the constant vigour of mind being in the hands of death his last breath expressed these words. (Lord have mercy upon me and prosper your enterprise) leade them all on, when some began to pause and recoyle shamefully: this action had neither been attempted as it was, nor performed as it is with his sur∣viving honour.

This Indian Pilot whom I have sent, if there be occasion to use his service in any thing will prove sufficient and trusty: Peter Andrewes whom I have sent with him can better certify your Lordship of the state of the towne, the plenty, the con∣dition of our men, &c. then I can write the same.

We have the Governours servant Pri∣soner that waited on him in his Bed∣chamber, and knows all things that con∣cerned his Master. We find there are foure Refiners Houses in the towne; the best Houses of the towne. I have not seen

one piece of Coyne, or Bullyon, neither Gold or Silver; a small deale of Plate on∣ly excepted.

Captain Whitney and Woollastone are but now come to us, and now I purpose (God willing) without delay to visit the Myne, which is not eight miles from the towne, sooner I could not goe by reason of the murmurings, the discords and vexati∣ons, wherewith the Serjeant Major is per∣petually tormented and tyred, having no man to assist him but my selfe only, things are now in some reasonable order, and so soone as I have made tryall of the Myne, I will seeke to come to your Lordship, by the way of the River. To goe and to search the Channels (that if it be possible) our Ships may shorten their course for Tri∣nidado, when time serves, by those passa∣ges; I have sent your Lordship a parcell of scattered papers (I reserve a Carte Loade) one roule of Tobacco, one Tortoyse, and some Oranges and Limmons, praying God to give you strength and health of bo∣dy,

and a mind armed against all extrea∣mities. I rest ever to be commanded

this 8. of January, 1617.

Your Lordships KEYMIS.

Now it seemes that the death of my Son, fearing also (as he told me when he came to Trinidado) that I was ei∣ther dead of my first sicknesse, or that the news of my Sonnes death would have hastened my end, made him re∣solve not to open the Myne, to the which he added for excuse, and I thinke it was true, that the Spaniards being gone off in a whole body, lay in the Woods betweene the Myne and their passage, that it was impossible, except they had bin beaten out of the Coun∣try, to passe up the Woody and Crag∣gy Hills without the losse of those Commanders which should have lead them, who had they been slaine, the rest, would easily enough have bin cut in

pieces in their retreate; for being in possession of the towne, which they guarded with the greatest part of three Companies, they had yet their handfull to defend themselves from fireing, and the daily and nightly Alarums, where∣with they were vexed. He also gave forth the excuse that it was impossible to lodge any Companies at the Myne, for want of Victuall, which from the towne they were not able to carry up the mountaine their Companies being divided; He therefore as he told me thought it a greater error to discover it to the Spaniards, themselves neither being able to worke it, nor possesse it then to excuse himselfe to the Com∣pany, said that he could not find it; all which his fancies when I received, and before divers of the Gentlemen disa∣vowed his ignorance, for I told him That a blind man might find it, by the marks which himself had set down un∣der his hand, and that I told him that his

care of loosing so many men in passing through the Woods, was but fained, for after my Sonne was slaine, I knew that he had no care at all of any man surviving, and therefore had he brought to the King but one hundred weight of the oare though with the losse of one hundred men, He had given his Maje∣sty satisfaction, preserved my reputa∣tion, and given our Nation encou∣ragement to have returned this next yeare, with greater force and to have held the Country for his Majesty to whom it belonged, and of which him∣selfe had given the testimony, that be∣sides the excellent ayre, pleasantnesse, healthfulnesse, and riches: it hath plen∣ty of Corne, Fruits, Fish, Fowle, wild and tame, Beeves, Horses, Sheepe, Hogs, Deeres, Coneys, Hares, Tortoyses, Ar∣madiles, Wanaes, Oyles, Hony, Wax, Potatoes, Suger Canes, Medicaments, Balsamum, Simples, Gums, and what not; but seeing he had followed his

owne advice, and not mine, I should be forced to leave him arguments with the which if he could satisfy his Maje∣sty, and the State, I should be glad of it, though for my part he must excuse me to justify it, that he, if it had plea∣sed him, though with some losse of men might have gone directly to the place: with that he seemed greatly dis∣content, and so he continued divers dayes; afterward he came to me in my Cabbin, and shewed me a Letter which he had written to the Earl of Arundell, to whom he excused himself, for not discovering of the Myne: using the same arguments, and many others which he had done before, and prayed me to allow of his Apology; but I told him that he had undone me by his ob∣stinacy, and that I would not favour or collour in any sort his former folly. He then asked me, whether that were my resolution, I answered, that it was: he then replyed in these words, I know

not then Sir what course to take; and went out of my Cabbin into his own, in which he was no sooner entred, but I heard a Pistoll goe off. I sent up (not suspecting any such thing as the killing of himselfe) to know who shot a Pi∣stoll, Keymis himself made answer ly∣ing on his Bed, that he had shot it off, because it had been long charged, with which I was satisfied; some half houre after this, the Boy going into his Cab∣bin, found him dead, having a long knife thrust under his left pap through his heart, and his Pistoll lying by him, with which it appeared that he had shot himselfe, but the Bullet lighting upon a rib, had but broken the rib and went no further. Now he that knew Keymis, did also know that he was of that obstinate resolution, and a man so far from caring to please or satisfie any man but my selfe, as no mans opinion from the greatest to the least could have perswaded him to have laid vio∣lent

hands on himselfe, neither would he have done it, when he did it, could he have said unto me, that he was ig∣norant of the Place, and knew no such Myne; for what cause had I then to to have rejected his excuses, or to have laid his obstinacy to his charge; thus much I have added, because there are some Puppies which have given it out, that Keymis slew himselfe because he had seduced so many Gentlemen and others with an imaginary Myne; but as his Letter to me the 8. of Ianuary proves that he was then resolved to o∣pen it, and to take off all these kinds of objections; Let Captaine Charls Par∣ker, Captaine George Ralegh and Cap∣taine King all living and in England; be put to their oaths whether or no Keymis did not confesse to them com∣ming down the River, at a place where they cast anker, that he could from that place have gone to the Myne in two hours, I say then that if the opening

of the Myne had bin at that time to a∣ny purpose; or had they had had any victualls left then, to bring them away, or had they not been hastned by seeing the King of Spaines Letters before they came to my hands, which I am assured Keymis had seene who delivered them to me, whereof one of them was dated at Madrill the 17 of March be∣fore I left the River of Thames, and with it, three other dispatches with a Commission for the strengthning of Orrenoque with 150 Souldiers, which should have come downe the River from the new Kingdome of Granada; and one other 150 from Puerto Rico with ten pieces of Ordnance which should have come up the River from the entrance, by which two Troupes they might have bin inclosed, I say had not the rest seene those dispatches; and that having stayed in the River above two months, they feared the hourely arrivall of those forces, why had they

not constrained Keymis to have brought them to the Myne, being as himselfe confesses within two houres march. Againe, had the Companies Com∣manders but pincht the Governours man whom they had in their possession, he could have told them of two or three Gold Mynes and a Silver Myne not a∣bove foure miles from the Towne, and given them the names of their posses∣sors; with the reason why they for∣bare to worke them at that time, and when they left off from working them, which they did aswell because they wanted Negroes, as because they feared least the English, French, or Dutch would have forced them from those being once thoroughly opened, having not sufficient strength to defend them∣selves; But to this, I have heard it said since my returne, that the Governours man was by me perswaded, being in my power, to say that such Mynes there were, when indeed there was no such

thing, Certainly they were but silly fooles, that discovered this subtilty of Mine, who having not yet by the long Calenture that weakened me, lost all my wits which I must have done, if I had left my reputation in trust with a Malato, who for a pot or two of Wine, for a dozen of Hatchets, or a gay suite of apparell would have confessed, that I had taught him to speake of Mynes, that were not in Rerum natura, No I protest before the Majesty of God, that without any other agreements or pro∣mises of mine, then well usage, he hath discovered to me, the way to five or sixe of the richest Mynes which the Spaniards have, and from whence, all the Masse of Gold that comes into Spaine in effect is drawne.

Lastly, when the Ships were come downe the River as farre as Carapana's Country (who was one of the naturall Lords) and one that reserved that part of Guiana to her Maje. hearing that the

English had abandoned St. Thome, and left no force in the Country, which he hoped they would have done, hee sent a great Canooe with store of fruits and Provisions to the Captains, and by one of his men which spake Spanish, having as it seemed bin long in their hands; hee offered them a rich Gold Myne in his own Country, knowing it to be the best argument to perswade their stay, and if it please them to send up any one of the English to view it, he would leave sufficient pledges for his safe returne. Master Leake, Master Moleneux and others offering them∣selves, which when the greater part re∣fused (I know not by what reason lead) he sent againe, leaving one of his men still aboard to entreate them to tarry but two dayes, and he himselfe would come to them, and bring them a sample of the oare: for he was an exceeding old man, when I was first in the Coun∣try some twenty foure yeares since,

which being also neglected, and the Ships under saile; he not withstanding sent a Boat after them to the very mouth of the River in hope to per∣swade them: that this is true, witnesse Captaine Parker, Captaine Leake, Master Stresham, Master Maudict, Ma∣ster Moleneux, Master Robert Hamon, Master Nicholes, Captaine King, Pe∣ter Andrews, and I know not how ma∣ny others; but besides his offer also, there hath not been wanting an argu∣ment though a foolish one; which was that the Spaniards, had employed the Indians with a purpose to betray our men, but this treason had been easily prevented, if they had stayed the old mans comming; who would have brought them the Gold oare aboarde their Ships, and what purpose could there be of treason when the Guiani∣ans offered to leave pledges six for one, yea one of the Indians which the Eng∣lish had aboarde them, whom they

found in fetters when they tooke the towne of St. Thome could have told them, that the Cassique which sent un∣to them to shew them the Gold Myne in his Country, was unconquered; and are enemies to the Spaniard, and could also have assured them, that this Cas∣sique had Gold Mynes in his Coun∣try.

I say then, that if they would nei∣ther force Keymis to goe to the Myne, when he was by his owne confession, within two houres march of it; to exa∣mine from whence these two Ingots of Gold which they brought me, were taken, which they found laid by for Kings quinto or fifth part; or those small pieces of Silver, which had the same marks and stamps; if they re∣fused to send any one of the Fleete into the Country to see the Mynes which the Cassique Carapana offered them; if they would not vouch∣safe to stay two days for the comming

of Carapana himselfe, who would have brought them a sample of the Gold oare, I say, that, there is no reason ••o lay it to my charge, that I carryed them with a pretence of Gold, when neither Keymis nor my selfe knew of any in those parts: if it had bin to have gotten my liberty, why did I not keep my liberty when I had it, Nay why did I put my life in manifest peril to forgo it? if I had had a purpose to have tur∣ned Pyrate, why did I oppose my self against the greatest number of my Company, and was there by in danger to be slaine or cast into the Sea because I refused it?

A strange fancy had it been in me to have perswaded my Sonne whom I have lost, and to have perswaded my Wife to have adventured the 8000. l. which his Majesty gave them for Sher∣bone, and when that was spent, to per∣swade my Wife to sell her house at Micham, in hope of inriching them by

the Mynes of Guiana; if I my self had not seene them with my owne eyes; for being old and weakely, thirty years in prison, and not used to the ayre to travell and to watching, it being ten to one that I should ever have returned, and to which by reason of my violent sicknesse, and the long continuance thereof, no man had any hope, what madnesse could have made me under∣take this journey but the assurance of the Myne, thereby to have done his Majestie service, to have bettered my Country by the trade, and to have re∣stored my Wife and Children their States; they had lost for that, I have refused all other ways or means, for that I had a purpose to have changed my Master, and my Country, my re∣turne in the state I did returne may satisfie every honest and indifferent man.

An unfortunate man I am, and it is to me a greater losse then all I have

lost, that it pleaseth his Majestie to be offended for the burning of a Spanish towne in Guiana; of which these parts bordering the River Orrenoque, and to the South as farre as the Ama∣zones doth by the Law of Na••ions be∣long to the Crowne of England, as his Majestie was well resolved when I prepared to goe thither, otherwise his Majesty would not have given once leave to have landed there; for I set it downe under my hand that I intended that enterprise and nothing else, and that I meant to enter the Country by the River of Orrenoque; It was not held to be a breach of peace neither by the State here nor the Spanish Ambas∣sadour who knew it aswell as I, that I pretended the journy of Guiana which he alwaies held to be a pretence; for he said it to Master Secretary Windode and to others of my Lords; that if I meant to sayle to Guiana, and had no intent to invade any part of his Majesties

West Indies nor his Fleets, I should not need to strengthen my selfe as I did, for I should worke any Myne there, without any disturbance and in peace, to which I made answer, that I had set it under my hand to his Majest. that I had no other purpose, nor meant to undertake any thing else; but for the rest, that Sir Iohn Haukins in his jour∣ney, to St. Iohn de Loa, notwithstanding that he had leave of the Spanish King to trade in all parts of the West Indies, and having the Plate Fleete in his power, did not take out of it one ounce of Silver, but kept his faith and pro∣mise in all places, was set upon by Don Henrico de Martines whom he suffe∣red (to save him from perishing) to en∣ter the Porte; upon Martins faith, and enterchanged pledges delivered, he had Iesus of Lubeck a Ship of her Majesties of a 1000 tun burnt; had his men slain which hee left on the Land; lost his Ordnance, and all the treasure which

he had got by Trade; what reason had I to goe unarmed upon the Ambassa∣dours promises, whose words and thoughts that they were one, it hath wel appeared since then, aswell by the for∣ces which he perswaded his Master to send to Guiana to encounter me, and cut me off there; as by his persecuting of me since my returne; who have nei∣ther invaded his Masters Indies, nor his Fleet, whereof he stood in doubt.

True it is, that the Spaniards can∣not endure that the English Nation should looke upon any part of Ameri∣ca, being above a fourth part of the whole knowne world; and the hun∣dred part neither possessed by the Spa∣niards, nor to them knowne, as Acosta the Jesuit in his description of the West Indies doth confesse, and well know to be true: No though the King of Spaine can pretend no other title to all that he hath not conquered, then the Popes donation; for from the

straits of Megellan to the river of Plate, being a greater territory then al that the Spaniards possesse in Peru or Chile, and from Cape St. Augustines to Trinidado being a greater ex••ent of Land then all which he possesses in Nova Spaine, or elsewhere, they have not one foote of ground in their possession, neither for the greatest part of it so much as in their owne knowledge.

In Orrenoque they have lately set up a Wooden Towne, and made a kind of a Forte, but they have never been able either to Conquer the Guianians; nor to reconcile them, but the Guiani∣ans before their planting, they did wil∣lingly resigne all that territory to her Majesty, who by me promised to re∣ceive them, and defend them against the Spaniards; and though I were a Prisoner for this last fourteene years, yet I was at the charge every yeare, or every second yeare, to send unto them to keepe them in hope of being relie∣ved.

And as I have said before the grea∣test of the naturall Lords, did offer us a rich Myne of Gold in his owne Country in hope to hold us there; And if this usurped possession of the Spaniards be a sufficient bar to his Ma∣jesties right; and that thereby the King of Spaine calls himselfe King of Guia∣na, why might he not aswell call him∣selfe Duke of Brittaine, because hee tooke possession of Blewett, and built a Forte there; and calls himselfe King of Ireland; because he tooke possession at Smerike and built a Forte there.

If the Ambassadour had protested to his Majesty that my going to Guia∣na before I went would be a breach to the peace, I am perswaded that his Ma∣jesty if he had not bin resolved that Guiana had been his would have stayed me, but if it be not thought to be a breach of Peace not for the going thi∣ther (for that cannot be) because I had no other intent, and went with leave;

but for taking and burning of a Spa∣nish towne in the Country, certainly, if the Country be the King of Spains, it had been no lesse a breach of Peace to have wrought any Myne of his, and to have rob'd him of his Gold; then it is now cald'd a breach of peace to take a towne of his in Guiana and burne it, and with as good reason might I have bin called a thiefe and a robber of the King of Spaine, if the Country be not his Majesties, as I am now pursued for the Invasion; for ei∣ther the Country is the King of Spains or not the Kings; if it be the Kings, I have not then offended; if it be not the Kings, I must have perished, if I had but taken Gold out of the Mynes there, though I had found no Spaniards in the Country.

For conclusion, if we had had any peace with the Spaniards in those parts of the world; why did even those Spa∣niards, which were now encountered

in Guiana, tye six and thirty English men out of Master Walls Ship of London and mine back to back, and cut their throats, after they had traded with them a whole month, and came to them a shore; having not so much as a sword, or any other weapon, among them all, and if the Spaniards to our complaints made answer, that there was nothing in the treate against our trading in the Indies, but that we might trade at our perill; I trust in God that the word perill shall ever be constru∣ed to be indifferent to both Nations; otherwise we must for ever abandon the Indies, and loose all our know∣ledge, and our Pylotage of that part of the world: if we have no other peace then this; how can there be a breach of peace, which e're the Spaniards with all Nations, and all Nations with them may trade upon their guard?

The readiest way that the Spani∣ards

Ambassadour could have taken, to have stayed me from going to Guiana; had bin to have discovered the great practises which I had with his Master against the King my Sove∣raigne Lord in the first yeare of his Majesties Reigne of Great Brittaine, for which I lost my estate and lay thir∣teene years in the Tower of London, and not to urge my offences in Guiana; to which his Master hath no title o∣ther then his sword, is with which to this day, he hath not conquered the least of these Nations, and against whom contrary to the Catholick pro∣fession, his Captains have entertained, and doe entertaine whole Nations of Canniballs; for in a Letter of the Go∣vernours to the King of Spaine of the eighth of Iuly: he not only complai∣neth that the Guianians are in Armes against him, but that ever those In∣dians which under their noses live, doe in despight of all the Kings edicts

trade with Los Flamnicos & Engleses, enemicos, With the Flemish, and Eng∣lish enemies, never once naming the English Nations but with the Epi∣theton of an enemy.

But in truth the Spanish Ambassa∣dour hath complained against me to no other end, then to prevent my com∣plaints against the Spaniards. Who landing my men in a territory apper∣taining to the Crowne of England; they were invaded and slaine before any violence offered to the Spaniards; and I hope that the Ambassadour doth not esteeme us for so wretched and miserable a people, as to offer our throats to their swords without any manner of resistance; howsoever, I have said it already, and I will say it againe; that if Guiana be not his Ma∣jesties, the working of a Myne there; and the taking of a towne there; had been equally perillous, for by doing the one, I had rob'd the King of Spaine

and bin a thiefe; and by the other a disturber or breaker of the peace.

A Letter of Sir WALTER RAWLEIGH to my Lord Carevv touching Guiana.

BEcause I know not whether I shall live, to come before the Lords, I have for his Majesties satis∣faction here set downe as much as I can say, either for mine owne defence, or against my selfe, as things are now construed.

It is true, that though I acquainted his Majesty with my intent to Land in Guiana, yet I never made it knowne to his Majesty that the Spaniards had any footing there; neither had I any authority by Patent, to remove them from thence, and therefore his Majesty had no interest in the attempt of Saint Thome by any foreknowledge in his Majesty.

But knowing his Majesties title to the Country to be best, and most Christian, because the naturall Lords did most willingly acknowledge Queene Elizabeth to be their Sove∣raigne, who by me promised to defend them from the Spanish cruelty, I made no doubt but I might enter the Land by force, seeing the Spaniards had no other title but force, (the Popes dona∣tion excepted) considering also that they had got a possession there divers yeares since my possession for the Crowne of England, for were not Guia∣na his Majesties, then might I aswell have bin questioned for a thiefe, for ta∣king the Gold out of the King of Spains Mynes, as the Spaniards doe now call me a peace breaker; for, from any territory that belongs to the King of Spaine, it is no more lawfull to take Gold, then lawfull for the Spaniards to take Tinne out of Cornewall, were this possession of theirs a sufficient Bar to

his Majesties Right, the Kings of Spain may as well call themselves Dukes of Brittaine, because they held Blewet, and fortified there; and Kings of Ireland because they possessed Smereck and for∣tified there, and so in other places.

That his Majesty was well resolved of his right there, I make no kind of doubt, because the English both under Master Charls Leigh and Master Hare∣court had leave to plant and inhabite the Country.

The Orrenoque it selfe, had long ere this had 5000. English in it, I assure my selfe, had not my employment at Cales, the next yeare after my returne from Guiana, and after that our jour∣ny to the Islands hindered me, for those two years after with Tirones Rebellion, made her Majesty unwilling that any great number of Ships or men should be taken out of England, till that re∣bellion were ended, and lastly, her Majesties death, my long imprison∣ment

gave time to the Spaniards to set up a towne of sticks covered with leaves of trees upon the banke of Orronoque, which they call St. Thome, but they have neither reconciled nor Conquered any of the Cassiques or na∣turall Lords of the Country, which Cassiques are still in armes against them, as by the Governours Letter to the King of Spaine, may appeare: That by landing in Guiana there can be any breach of peace, I thinke it (un∣der favour) impossible, for to breake peace where there is no peace, it can∣not be; that the Spaniards give us no peace there, it doth appeare by the Kings Letters to the Governour, that they should put to death all those Spa∣niards and Indians that trade, Con los Engleses Enemigos with English ene∣mies: yea those very Spaniards which we encountred at St. Thome, did of late years murther six and thirty of Master Hales men of London, and mine, who

landed without weapon, upon the Spa∣niards faith to trade with them, Ma∣ster Thorne also in Tower-street in Lon∣don besides many other English were in like sort murthered in Orrenoque, the yeare before my deliverie out of the Tower.

Now if this kind of trade be peace∣able, there is then a peaceable trade in the Indies, betweene us and the Spa∣niards, but if this be cruell Warre and hatred, and no peace, then there is no peace broken by our attempt; Againe, how doth it stand with the greatnesse of the King of Spaine, first to call us e∣nemies, when he did hope to cut us in pieces, and then having failed, to call us peace breakers: for to be an enemy and a peace breaker in one and the same action is impossible.

But the King of Spaine in his Let∣ters to the Governour of Guiana, dated at Madrill the 29 of March, before we left the Thames, calls us Engleses ene∣migos,

English enemies.

If it had pleased the King of Spaine to have written to his Majest. in seaven months time, for we were so long in preparing, and have made his Majesty know, that our landing in Guiana would draw after it a breach of peace, I presume to thinke, that his Majesty would have staied our enterprise for the present.

This he might have done with lesse charge, then to leavy three hundred souldiers and transport ten pieces of Ordnance from Portarico, which soul∣diers added to the Garrison of St. Thome: had they arrived before our comming, had overthrowne all our raw companies, and there would have followed no complaints.

For the maine point of landing neer St. Thome, it is true, that we were of opinion, that we must have driven the Spaniards out of the towne, before we could passe the thick woods upon the

mountaines of the Myne, which I con∣fesse I did first resolve upon, but bet∣ter bethinking my selfe, I reserved the taking of the towne, to the goodnesse of the Myne, which if they found to be so rich, as it might perswade the lea∣ving of the Garrison, then to drive the Spaniards thence, but to have burnt was never my intent, neither could they give me any reason why they did it, upon their returne I examined the Serjeant-Major and Keymis why they followed not my last directions for the triall of the Myne before the taking of the towne, and they answered me, that although they durst hardly, goe to the Myne leaving a Garrison of Spaniards, between them and their Boats, yet they offended their latter directions, and did Land, betweene the towne and the Myne.

And that the Spaniards without any manner of parley set upon them una∣wares, and charged them, calling them

Perros Ingleses, & by Skirmishing with them, they drew them on to the very entrance of the town before they knew where they were, so that if any peace had bin in those parts, the Spaniards first brake the peace, and made the first slaughter, for as the English could not but Land to seeke the Myne, being come thither to that end, so being first reviled, and charged by the Spaniards, they could doe no lesse then repell force by force; lastly it is a matter of no small consequence to acknowledge that wee have offended the King of Spaine by landing in Guiana.

For first it weakens his Majesties ti∣tle to the Country or quits it; Second∣ly, there is no King that hath ever gi∣ven the least way to any other King or State in the traffick of the lives or goods of his Subjects, to wit in our case, that it shall be lawfull for the Spaniards tomurther us, either by force or treason, and unlawfull for us to

defend our selves and pay them with their owne Coyne, for this superiority and inferiority is a thing which no ab∣solute Monarch ever yeilded to, or ever will.

Thirdly, it shews the English bears greater respect to the Spaniard, and is more doubtfull of his forces, then either the French or Dutch is, who daily invade all parts of the Indies with not being questioned at their re∣turne, yea at my owne being at Pli∣mouth, a French Gentleman called Flo∣ry went thence with foure saile, and three hundred Land men, with Com∣mission to land and burne, and to sack all places in the Indies that he could master, and yet the French King hath married the daughter of Spaine.

This is all that I can say, other then that I have spent my poore estate, lost my sonne, and my health, and endu∣red as many sorts of miseries, as ever man did, in hope to do his Majesty ac∣ceptable

service; And have not to my understanding committed any hostile act, other then entrance upon a terri∣tory belonging rightly to the Crowne of England, where the English were first set upon and slaine by the usur∣ping Spaniards, I invaded no other parts of the Indies, pretended by the Spani∣ards.

I returned into England with mani∣fest perill of my life, with a purpose not to hold my life, with any other then his Majesties grace, and from which no man, nor any perill could disswade me; To that grace, and good∣nesse, and Kinglynesse I referre my self, which if it shall find that I have not yet suffered enough, it yet may please to adde more affliction to the re∣mainder of a wretched life.

Sir Walter Rawleigh his Ansvver to some things at his Death.

I Did never receive any direction from my Lord Carew to make any escape, nor did I ever tell Stukely any such thing. I did never name my Lord Hay and my Lord Carew to Stukeley in o∣ther words or sence, then to my honourable friends, among other Lords. I did never shew unto Stukely any Letter, wherein there was 10000 named or any one pound, only I told him, that I hoped to procure the payment of his debts in his absence. I never had Commission from the French King, I never saw the French Kings hand or seale in my life. I never had any plot or practise with the French directly or in∣directly, nor with any other Prince or State unknowne to the King. My true intent was to goe to a Myne of Gold in

Guiana, it was not fained, but it is true, that such a Myne there is within three miles of St. Thome, I never had in my thought to goe from Trinidado, and leave my Companies to come after to the savage Island, as Hatby Fearne hath falsly re∣ported. I did not carry with me an hun∣dred pieces, I had with me sixty, and brought back neer the said number, I ne∣ve•• spake to the French Manering any one disloyall word, or dishonourable speech of the King; nay if I had not loved the King truly, and trusted in his goodnesse somewhat too much, I know that I had not new suffered death.

These things are most true as there is a God, and as I am now to appeare before his tribunall seate, where I renounce all mercy, and salvation, if this be not the truth. At my death

W. R.

FINIS.