A treatise of three conversions of England from paganism to Christian religion. The first two parts I. Under the Apostles, in the first age after Christ, II. Under Pope Eleutherius and King Lucius, in the second age, III. Under Pope Gregory the Great and King Ethelbert, in the sixth age : with divers other matters thereunto appertaining : dedicated to the Catholics of England, with a new addition ... upon the news of the late Queens death, and the succession of His Majesty of Scotland to the crown of England / by N.D., author of the Ward-word.

The Second PART of this TREATISE, CONTAINING The SEARCH after the Protestants Church, From the beginning of Christendom to Our Days. (Book 2)

The ARGUMENT.

HAving declared in the former Part of this Treatise how the Faith of Christ was first preached to the Britans at two several times, and then to the English Nation, and all by Roman Preachers; and that the same Faith hath continued from Age to Age in a visible conspicuous Church until our days: there remaineth now, that we examin in this second Part, Where the Protestants Church was in all this time, and whether they had any at all? And if they had, of what sort of men it consisted, and whether it were the same with the Church before-described, or partly the same, partly different; or whether they could stand together, being opposite in any one point of Faith? Moreover, whether the one did persecute the other, or might be reconciled or agreed to∣gether? And finally, what is the state of the one and the other at this day? For examination of which points, we shall have occasion to run over again with more advice all the former sixteen Ages from Christ downward, and therein to see and consider, What Church either flourished or prevailed throughout every Age, either Ours, or that of John Fox; and which of them is likeliest to have come down from the Apostles? As also, Whether that Church which was visibly founded by the Apostles, and put on foot by them and theirs, could perish, or vanish away to give place to another? And these are the principal Points of this second Part discussed in the Chapters following; tho' first, before we enter into this examination, we have thought good to treat certain general Points, that make way thereunto, as by the next Chapter you shall perceive.

CHAP. I.

Of how to great Importance Ecclesiastical Succession is for trial of true Religi∣on; and how Sectaries have sought to fly the force thereof, by saying, That the Church is invisible; How fond a shift this is, and how foolishly John Fox doth behave himself therein.

THE Sentence of the Philosopher is known to all, That contra∣ries being laid together, do give light the one to the other; as white and black proposed in one Table, do make each colour more clear, distinct, and lively in it self. For which respect we having laid open before, in the first Part of this Discourse, the known manifest Succession of Christian Religion in our Isle of England, first from the Apostles times among the Bri∣tans, for the first six Ages after Christ; and then again among the English-men, for nine Ages more since their first Conversion from Paganism; we are now to examin what manner of visible Succession John Fox doth bring us forth

of his Church, that is to say, of the Protestants of his Religion, (for the said 1500 years, or fifteen Ages) if any such be; for that by this comparison of the One with the Other, the Nature and Condition of both Churches will be understood. But yet first I mean to note by the way certain principal points to be considered for better understanding of all that is to be handled in this Chapter, or about this whole matter of Ecclesiastical Succession.

2. Whereof the first may be that which I have touched in the end of the form∣er Chapter, to wit, of how great importance this point is,* 1.1 (I mean the Succession and Continuation of Teachers, the one conform to the other in matter of Be∣lief and Religion) for clear demonstration of Truth in matters of Controversie, and for staying any discreet man's judgment from wavering hither and thither in his belief, according to that which holy St. Augustin said of himself, and felt in himself: For that considering the great diversity of Sects that swarm'd in his time, and every one pretending Truth, Antiquity, Purity, and Autho∣rity of Scriptures, and himself also having been misled by one of these Sects for many years, was brought by God at length to be a true Catholic, and to feel in himself the force of this visible Succession of the Catholic Church. And therefore, writing against one that in time past had been his Master, as Head of the former Sect wherein he had lived, to wit, Faustus Manichaeus,* 1.2 after di∣vers other reasons alledged of his confidence and assurance of Truth in the Ca∣tholic Church, and of his firm resolution to live and die in the same, he bring∣eth for his last and strongest reason the perpetual Succession of Bishops in the same Church, and especially in the Church of Rome:* 1.3 Tenet me in Ecclesia (saith he) ab ipsa Petri sede, usque ad praesentem Episcopatum, successio Sacerdo∣tum, &c.

I am held in this Church (against all you Sectaries) by the Succes∣sion of Priests and Bishops, that have come down even from the first seat of St. Peter the Apostle, to the present Bishop of Rome (Anastasius) that holdeth the seat at this day, &c.

3. Lo here the force and estimation of Succession with St. Augustin. Where∣unto are conform all other ancient Fathers, if we would stand to alledge them; yea they stand so firmly upon this point, and do make so great account of it, as they do generally note Heretics and Sectaries for the contrary defect, to wit, that they have no Succession or orderly continuation either of Bishops or of Faith among them, but did leap hither and thither, (as ours do at this day,) challenging to themselves now this and now that, without either Order, In∣terest, Continuation, or Succession:* 1.4 Ordinem (saith St. Augustin) ab Apostolo Petro coeptum, & usque ad hoc tempus per traducem succedentium Episcoporum ser∣vatum perturbant, ordinem sibi sine origine vendicantes.

Heretics do trouble and break the order of succeeding of Bishops begun by St. Peter, and brought down by Off spring, one Bishop succeeding another; and so challenge unto themselves a certain Order without beginning.

4. To which effect also Tertullian, more than 200 years before St. Augustin, challenging Heretics to this Combat of Succession, said,* 1.5 Edant Haeretici origi∣nes suarum Ecclesiarum, evolvant ordinem Episcoporum suorum, &c.

Let Here∣tics set forth the beginning of their Churches, let them recount the order of their succeeding Bishops if they can.

And then having set down for his part, and for proof of true Catholic Succession, the whole rank of the Bishops of Rome, from St. Peter to Pope Eleutherius that lived in his days. [Mark, I pray you, the proof he useth, tho' he were of the Church of Africa.] He glo∣rieth as tho' he brought forth an invincible Argument against all Heretics, challenging and provoking them to do the like if they could:* 1.6 Consingant (saith he) tale aliquid Haeretici; Let Heretics bring forth or devise any such things for proof of their Church if they can. And consider here (gentle Reader) how Heretics remain confounded by Tertullian's judgment for want of Succession.

* 1.75. But this is not only Tertullian's Opinion; for St. Irenaeus, before him again, objecteth the same to Heretics, against whom he wrote, saying▪ Obedire opor∣tet eis, qui successionem habent ab Apostolis, qui cum Episcopatus successione charisma∣ta veritatis acceperunt;

You ought to obey these who have their Succession from the Apostles, who together with the Succession of their Bishoprics, have received from time to time the gifts or privileges of Truth.

And in another place,* 1.8 Apud quas est ea, quae est ab Apostolis successio, hi fidem nostram cu∣stodiunt, & scripturas sine periculo nobis exponunt;

With whom the Successi∣on of Bishops from the Apostles time downwards is found to have remained, these are they who conserve our Faith, and do expound the Scripture unto us without danger.

Behold the vertue of Succession, which this blessed Bishop and Martyr St. Irenaeus esteemed so highly in his days, as he ascribed thereto both the infallible Conservation of Faith, and true Exposition of Scriptures.

6. And it is to be noted, that he speaketh not only of Succession in Belief, as every one of our Sectaries will seem to pretend, that they have it among them∣selves from the Apostles, (which yet is ridiculous, and manifestly false, as be∣fore hath been declared, and after shall be more in particular;) but he speak∣eth expresly also of the external Succession and Continuation of Bishops, ascri∣bing to them, and proving by them, the Succession of one and the self-same Faith:* 1.9 And to that end doth he number up all the Bishops of Rome from St. Peter to his time, as Tertullian before-alledged did, (notwithstanding the one lived in France, and the other in Africa,) proving by that Succession of Roman Bishops the true Succession of one and the self-same Catholic Faith to have endured, not only in these several Countreys, but also over all Christen∣dom, and that from Christ to those times; esteeming this to be a most invincible Proof and certain Demonstration, or (to use St. Irenaeus his own words) plenissimam ostensionem, a most full probation against all Heretics what∣soever.

7. According to which Principle and sure Foundation, all other Fathers also that have ensued since, from Age to Age, have stood very resolutely upon this point of Succession,* 1.10 against the Heretics of their times. Brevem (saith St. Hierom) apertamque animi mei sententiam proferam, in illa esse Ecclesia per∣manendum quae ab Apostolis fundata usque ad diem hanc durat;

I will utter briefly my sentence and judgment; we must abide in that Church, which being founded by the Apostles, hath endured unto this day.

As if he had said, We must be and abide in that Church, which as it was visibly founded and spread over the World by the Apostles Preaching, so it hath visibly been con∣tinued under her Bishops and Teachers unto this day. Which sentence of his St. Augustin, that lived with him, tho' somewhat younger, confirmeth in these words:* 1.11 Dubitabimus nos illius Ecclesiae considere gremio, quae ab Apostolica sede per Successiones Episcoporum (frustra haereticis circumlatrantibus) culmen Authoritatis obtinuit?

Shall we doubt still to rest in the lap of that Church, which hath kept continually the height of her Authority by Succession of Bishops from the See-Apostolic unto this day, notwithstanding the vain barking of Here∣tics on every side of her?

8. Thus said St. Augustin of the visible Church in his days, which had not continued much more than 400 years. But what would he say if he liv'd in our days,* 1.12 after almost 1200 years Succession more since he wrote this, when he should hear far greater and more spiteful barking of Heretics against the same, than he heard in his days? tho' then also he heard much, and much of that which we hear now. But if St. Augustin should live now again, there is no doubt of one thing; which is, that he would make this his Argument of

Succession far more strong against our Heretics, and esteem it so much the more, by how much the Power of Christ hath shewed it self more Omnipotent in continuing the same since, for so many Ages more after him, amidst so many troubles and turmoils, changes and alterations of Empires, and Kingdoms, and Temporal States, as before we have noted. And if in England we can number above seventy Archbishops of Canterbury, all of one Religion, the one succeeding the other, since our first Conversion by St. Augustin our Apostle, (not to speak any thing of the British Church before us) as you may see con∣fessed by Cambden and other new heretical Writers of our own; and that this English Church was the same in Faith and Belief with the British,* 1.13 (as before hath been shewed) and both of them one with the Roman and General Church from the very beginning to this time, what an Antiquity is this? and how clear and evident a Succession? And how would St. Augustin urge this Argument against our Protestants, if he were now alive again.

9. Sure I am, that if any one Baron, Earl, or Duke in England could shew but the half of these years for the continuance and possession of any Temporal State, Lordship, or Land in England, he would highly esteem thereof, and thereby make a glorious defence against any wrangling Companion that should presume to pretend the same, and deprive him thereof, if he could truly say and prove (as we do in the Cause of our Church) that his Ancestors for 1300 years together had continued in that possession. But no man can prescribe any such time in temporal matters, and therefore are they well called Temporal, for that they change in a little time. And he that will read the foresaid Camb∣den's Story, towards the end of every English Shire,* 1.14 (where he taketh upon him to recount the Earls or Dukes that have had their States and Titles over that Shire) he shall see such a broken Succession in those States and Signories as it is pitiful to behold, no Dukedom or Earldom continuing lightly three or four Generations together in any one Name or Family. And this is the frailty and uncertainty of human things.

10. But for matters of Religion appertaining to the Soul, Almighty God hath given another manner of force unto Succession both of Men and Faith. As for ex∣ample, in the Law of Nature, he made the same to endure by only Tradition, without Writing, for more than 2500 years, under the ancient Patriarchs be∣fore and after the Flood of Noe. And afterward again in the written Law, the Jews continued the possession of their Religion by Succession of Bishops and Ecclesiastical Governors from Moses unto Christ, above 1500 years, notwith∣standing all varieties of times and calamities. And no less from Christ to our Age hath he continued the same in a much more glorious sort and manner. In which latter time of Christian Religion (to speak only of this for the present) so many mutations have been made, both in the Roman Empire it self, and all other Realms and Kingdoms round about us, as all men know, and may be seen in Histories: And yet hath the Succession of the Catholic Church and Pastors thereof, together with the Union of Faith therein taught, been most mi∣raculously conserved amongst all these tossings and turmoils, breaches and divi∣sions of Temporal Kingdoms; which could never have been, but by the Omnipo∣tent Hand of our Savior that hath defended it; especially considering withal the great multitude of Sects and Heresies that from time to time have risen, and at∣tempted to impugn the same, but could never prevail. And this is sufficient for this first and principal point of the vertue and force of Ecclesiastical Succession.

11. The second point to be considered is, That when Luther's new Religion began, and could alledge no Successors of Bishops,* 1.15 or ancient Teachers for it self, but was much pressed with this other of the Catholics, he devised a cer∣tain notorious and ridiculous shift, to say, that the true Church was invisible to the eye of man, and only seen by God, and consequently had no need of any visible or external Succession of Men. And this shift of his is discovered by that

he writeth both against (a) 1.16 Erasmus, and (b) 1.17 Catharinus, and in his wicked Treatise * 1.18 de abroganda Missa privata, for taking away private Masses; where having had Conference with the Devil, (as himself confesseth) he asketh very stoutly, Who can shew us the Church, seeing she is secret, and to be believed only in Spirit? To whom if any man would oppose S. Aug. that saith,* 1.19 digito ostendimus Ecclesiam, we can shew the Church with our finger, should not Luther be well match'd think you?

12. The like held for a time * 1.20 Brentius, as appeareth in his Confession of Wittemberg, and some others of that Sect. But this Opinion of Luther did not long please his Followers; for that * 1.21 Ph. Melancthon, his chief Scholar, did soon after teach the contrary, viz. That the Church was visible to the eyes of men also. And the (c) 1.22 Magdeburgians do hold the same, defining every-where the Church to be a visible Company of Men. Which going back of the principal Lutherans in this point (it being done by a certain Consultation had thereof among them∣selves, as (d) 1.23 Fredericus Staphylus the Emperor's Counsellor, that had been one of them, affirmeth) was some Cause perhaps that Calvin, coming presently af∣ter them, took upon him to defend the same Doctrin again, saying, Nobis invi∣sibilem, &c. We are forc'd to believe the Church to be invisible, and to be seen only by the eyes of God. Lo Calvin putteth necessity in this point of Belief.

* 1.2413. The Causes that moved the chief Lutherans to go back from their first Opinion about the invisibility of the Church, were principally the apparent Evidences and Demonstrations which Catholics do alledge both out or Scrip∣tures, Fathers, common sense and reason, for overthrow of that most fond and ridiculous Paradox. And first, out of holy Scriptures both of the Old and New Testament; these men being not able to alledge any one place where the Name of God's Church is applied to an Invisible Congregation; the Catholics on the contrary side pressed them with many most evident Texts of Scripture, where it was and is used for a visible Company of Men: as that in the Book of Numbers, ch. 20. Cur eduxisti Ecclesiam Domini in solitudinem? Why hast thou brought the Church of God into the Desart? And again in 3 Kings, ch. 8. Con∣vertit{que} Rex faciem suam, & benedixit omni Ecclesiae Israel, omnis enim Ecclesia Is∣rael, stabat, &c. The King turning his face about, did bless all the Church of Is∣rael, for that all the Church of Israel was present, &c. Which places, and many the like, cannot possibly be understood of an Invisible, but of a Visible Company.

14. And much more, if we consider the speeches of Christ and his Apostles in the New Testament;* 1.25 as these words of Christ, Dic Ecclesiae, si Ecclesiam non audierit, &c. Tell the Church, and if he hear not the Church, let him be unto thee as an Heathen or Publican. But if the Church were invisible, neither could a man complain to the Church, nor hear the Church. Moreover St. Paul exhorteth the chief Pastors of the Ephesians to attend diligently to their charge, Acts 20. In quo vos Spiritus Sanctus posuit Episcopos regere Ecclesiam Dei: In which the H. Ghost hath placed you as Bishops to govern the Church of God. But how could they, being visible men, govern a Company that was invisible, & not to be seen?

* 1.2615. And yet further, when St. Paul and St. Barnabas went up from Antioch to Jerusalem, the Scripture saith, Deducti sunt ab Ecclesia, &c. They were brought on their way by the Church of Antioch; and when they came to Jerusalem, suscepti sunt ab Ecclesia; they were received by the Church. And yet further, ascendit Paulus & salutavit Ecclesiam; Paul went and saluted the Church, &c. All which places cannot agree possibly to an invisible Church; and yet that this was the true Primitive Church of Christ, no man can deny.

16. And finally, when St. Paul doth teach Timothy his Scholar, 1 Tim. 3. Quo∣modo oporteat conversari in Domo Dei, quae est Ecclesia, &c. How he should con∣verse and govern the House of God, which is his Church, Columna & Firma∣mentum Veritatis, the Pillar and Firmament of all Truth, Ibid. All this (I say) had been spoken to no purpose, if the true Church of Christ were invisible; for how can a man converse in a Congregation which he cannot see or know;

or how can the Church be a Pillar and sure Firmament of Truth to resolve all Doubts and Questions that may fall out about Scriptures, Articles of Belief, and Mysteries of Christ's Religion, if it be an invisible Congregation, that no man seeth, discerneth, or knoweth where or how to repair unto it, nor who are the persons therein contained?

17. And lastly, not to stand longer upon this matter,* 1.27 that is so evident in it self, and plain to common sense and reason; if the true Church of Christ be a Society not of Angels, Spirits, or Souls departed, but of Men and Women in this life, that must be governed or govern therein; how can they be invi∣sible? And if they must have Communion together in external Sacraments, and namely in (a) 1.28 Baptism, and participation of the Body of Christ; if they must (b) 1.29 profess the Name and Doctrin of Christ externally to the World, as also to be (c) 1.30 persecuted and put to death for the same; if all men must repair unto them, and those that be out of the Church to enter and be received there∣in, and those that be in her to be resolved of their doubts, to lay down their complaints, to be governed and directed by her, and finally to obey her under pain of Damnation: how can all this be performed,(d) 1.31 if she be invisible to man's eyes, and only seen by the eyes of God?

18. To alledge Fathers and Doctors in this behalf were both endless and needless, for that all of them every-where almost are occupied in setting forth not only the Visibility, but the Splendor also and Greatness, yea the multitude and external Majesty of Christ's Church throughout the World in their days: and only St. Augustin may serve for all, who dilateth himself every-where in this Argument, shewing how the little Stone prophesied by Daniel was grown to be a huge Mountain, and terrible to the whole World: and that the Taber∣nacle of Christ (which is his Church) was placed by him in the Sun to be seen of all; and that it was a City upon a Mountain which none could be ignorant of; and other like Discourses founded on evident Scriptures. Whereby is re∣futed not only the first shift of Luther and Calvin making the true Church of Christ invisible, but also the second of these latter Lutherans, who (tho' over∣come with the former proofs) do grant the Church to be a visible Company, yet do they deny it to be that external conspicuous Succession of Bishops and Councils, which have been most eminent in the known Christian Church from the Apostles downward; but rather to be some few obscure and con∣temptible people (which they call the Elect) that have lived or lurked from time to time in shadows and darkness, and known to few or none.

19. But this second device is more fond than the former;* 1.32 for where shall a man seek out these hidden Fellows to treat with them, or to receive Sacraments at their hands? how shall they be known? how may they be trusted? whence have they their Authority? what Succession bring they down by imposition of hands from the Apostles time? may not every Sect of Heretics make them∣selves Christ's Church by this device? Wherefore of this second point there need to be said no more.

20. There remaineth then a third point to be considered by the Reader be∣fore we come to set down the Succession of John Fox's Church;* 1.33 who having considered with himself that both Luther and Calvin did hold it to be invisible; and on the other side, that divers chief Lutherans had changed their Opinions therein, and held it to be visible, (especially Flaccus Illyricus, and the rest of the Magdeburgians, who were to write a whole Story of their own visible Church in their Centuries, and Fox, to follow them step by step therein, in his English Acts and Monuments) the poor man was brought to a very great per∣plexity; forasmuch as on the one side, to leave Luther (but especially Calvin) seemed very hard unto him; and on the other side, not to stick to the Magde∣burgians, that are his Masters in his Story, seemed hard also: But especially

and above all was he troubled (as it seemeth) with the reason and necessity of the matter it self; for if the Church of Christ be invisible, how can Fox or the Magdeburgians write so great and large stories thereof?* 1.34 To which effect Illyricus writing upon the Genealogy set down by St. Matthew's Gospel, of the true Church from the beginning, saith thus: Ostendit ista series Ecclesiam & Religionem veram habere certas historias suae originis & progressus;

This Genea∣logy proveth that the true Church and Religion have assured Histories of their beginning and progress.

21. Thus said Illyricus, for that he and his Fellows were then in hand (as hath been said) with their Ecclesiastical Histories named Centuries; which they could not well have written, holding the Church to be invisible; neither yet John Fox could begin so great a Volume with that Opinion.* 1.35 Wherefore, after much breaking his brains about this matter, (as it seemeth) he cometh forth with a new Opinion never heard of perhaps before, affirming that the true Church of Christ is both visible and invisible, to wit, visible to some, and invisible to others; visible to them that are in her, and invisible to them that are out of her. You shall hear his words.

* 1.3622. Altho' (saith he) the right Church of God be not so invisible in the World, that none can see it, yet neither is it so visible again that every worldly eye may perceive it; for like as is the nature of Truth, so is the proper condition of the true Church, that commonly none seeth it but such only as be members and partakers there∣of; and therefore they which require that God's holy Church should be evident and vi∣sible to the whole World, seem to define the great Synagogue of the World, rather than the true spiritual Church of God.

23. Thus saith he; wherein you see that he maketh the true Church visible, but only to such as are in her, and Members thereof. A device (I think) ne∣ver heard of before, and fit for the Brains of John Fox, which were known to be out of tune for many years before he died; for if he do not trifle and equi∣vocate, (meaning one-where internal Visibility by Faith, and another-where external Visibility to the Eye) but doth mean indeed as he should do, and as the Controversie is meant, of external visibility to man's eye, then is it most ridi∣culous that none can see the true Church in this World, but he that is a Mem∣ber of her; for she is to be seen as well to her Enemies and Adversaries, as to her Friends and Children; the One to impugn and fight against her, the Other to acknowledge and obey her. And I would (for examples sake) demand of John Fox, Whether Herod and Nero, that persecuted the true visible Church of Christ, were of that Church or no? For if they were not, then by his sentence they could not see her, and consequently not persecute her.

24. His comparison also between Truth and the true Church doth not hold; for that Truth is a spiritual thing, to be seen only by the eye of our Understand∣ing, but the true Church, consisting of visible Men and Women, may be seen by man's eye; tho' the truth thereof (to wit, whether this or that visible Congregation be the true Church of Christ) is a matter of Understanding and Belief, confirmed unto us by such Arguments as before we have recited, and others. So as albeit the aforesaid Persecutors Herod and Nero (for Example) did not see the Truth of that Church which they persecuted,* 1.37 in respect of their Doctrin, (for then perhaps they would not have done it) yet did they both see and know that this was Christ's visible Church, to wit, a Congregation pro∣fessing his Name and Doctrin; yea, they might know further that it was his true Church, seeing it was begun visibly and evidently by him and his Apo∣stles in their days, and so continued on without interruption; and if they had further known and believed (as we do) that he had promised to maintain and defend this Church unto the worlds end, then must they either have doubted of his Fidelity or Power to perform it, or must have believed also that this

Church could not fail; whereof Protestants doubting, must needs doubt also of the one or the other, to wit, of the Fidelity and of the Ability of our Savior to perform his promise. And this is the force of Succession even with Enemies and Infidels

25. But now let us pass to the principal matter intended in this Chapter, which is, the Succession or Deduction of the Protestants Church,* 1.38 promised by John Fox in his Acts and Monuments; Wherein (saith he) is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the Primitive to these latter times of ours, &c. Thus he promiseth in the Title; but how he doth perform it in his whole Book, we shall see afterward in this Declaration.—Tho' in part we may perceive his drift, by that he protesteth to the Church of England be∣fore his entrance into his Story in these words:

I have taken in hand (saith he) this History,* 1.39 that as other Story-Writers here∣tofore have employ'd their travail to magnifie the Church of Rome, so in this Histo∣ry might appear the Image of both Churches, but especially of the poor, oppressed, and persecuted Church of Christ; which, tho' it hath been so long trodden under foot by Enemies, neglected in the World, not regarded in Histories, and almost scarce visi∣ble and known to worldly eyes, yet hath it been the true Church only of God; wherein he hath mightily wrought hitherto in preserving the same in all extreme distresses, con∣tinually stirring up from time to time faithful Ministers, by whom always hath been kept some sparks of this true Doctrin and Religion. And forsomuch as the true Church of God goeth not lightly alone, but is accompanied with some other Church or Chappel of the Devil to deface and malign the same; necessary it is, that the difference be∣tween them both be seen, and the descent of the right Church to be described from the Apostles time, &c.

26. Here we see all John Fox his drift laid down. First, he meaneth to contradict all former Writers that have magnified the Church of Rome, and the Greatness and Glory thereof, which he calleth the Devil's Chappel: And in this he must contradict all the ancient Fathers and Writers for divers hun∣dred years after Christ, as Irenaeus, Tertullian, Augustin, Optatus, and other Writers, that bring down the descent of the true Church of Christ, by the Succession of the Bishops and Church of Rome, as before you have heard. And secondly Fox meaneth to set out another Christian Church, trodden under foot before, neglected in the World, not regarded in Histories, and almost scarce visible or known; and yet was, and is (forsooth) the only true Church of Christ, keeping some spark of his true Doctrin and Religion, (he doth not say that all was true which she held, nor that all Christ's Doctrin was taught in her, but only some sparks or scraps of true Doctrin) And further he promiseth, that he will describe the descent of this Church from the Apostles time.

27. This is John Fox his promise, and we accept thereof. And tho' it be scarce worth the performance to shew us a hidden, obscure, and trodden down Church in every Age, that keepeth some sparks of true Doctrin and Religion, (for that every Sect and Heresie, not denying Christ and his Doctrin wholly, doth so,) yet shall we accept and exact the same (being never so miserable and beggarly) as we go over the whole course of Times and Ages from Christ downward, following therein the distribution it self that John Fox hath ap∣pointed to be observed in his Story; to wit,* 1.40 from Christ to Constantine 300 years; from Constantine to S. Gregory as much; from S. Gregory and S. Augustin, our Apostles, to the Conquest 400 and odd years; from the Conquest to Wickliff other 300 years; from Wickliff to Luther about 240; from Luther's time to ours somewhat less than a hundred. In all which variety of Times we shall examin briefly, Whether John Fox his Church were on foot or no? What Continuance or Succession it may be said to have had? Where, when, and by what men, it was begun, continued, and acknowledged? What Doctrin it held, and whence,

and with what Ʋnion or Conformity with it self, or with the Catholic Roman Church? Which Catholic Church being shewed and declared in the first Part of this Book to have been founded by the Apostles, and conserved visibly from that time hither by Succession of Bishops and Prelates, Governors and Professors thereof, will easily also bring in the Notice and Certificate of John Fox his op∣posite Church, whereof now we begin to treat.

CHAP. II.

The particular Examination of the Descent or Succession of John Fox his Church in England or elsewhere, for the first Three Hundred years after CHRIST, to wit, unto the time of Constantine the Empe∣rour: And whether any such Church was extant then in the World or no, and in Whom.

HE that will consider the proportion of John Fox his Book of Acts and Mo∣numents in the latter Edition, he shall find it the greatest perhaps in Vo∣lume that ever was put forth in our English Tongue; and the falsest in sub∣stance,* 1.41 without perhaps, that ever was published in any Tongue. The Vo∣lume consisteth of above a thousand Leaves of the largest Paper that lightly hath been seen, and every Leaf containeth four great Columns; and yet, if you consider how many Leaves of those thousand he hath spent in Deduction of the whole Church, either His or Ours, and the whole Ecclesiastical Story thereof, for the first thousand years after Christ, they are by his own account but threescore and four, to wit, scarce the thirtieth part of that he bestoweth in the last five hundred years.

2. And further, if this his thousand years Story, containing threescore and four leaves, be sifted and examined what it containeth, not four of them do appertain to that which he should handle (which is, the visible Deduction of his Church) as we shall endeavor briefly to shew,* 1.42 dividing the whole thousand and threescore years, from Christ to William the Conqueror, into four distinct [ I] Times or Stations, appointed out by John Fox himself in his Book; to wit, the [ II] first from Christ to Constantine, containing 300 years; the second from Constan∣tine to K. Ethelbert's Conversion by St. Augustin, containing other 300 years; the [ III] third, from King Ethelbert, and other six Kings of England reigning jointly with him, unto King Egbert the first Monarch of the English Nation, which [ IV] space is somewhat more than other 200 years; and the fourth from King Egbert to William the Conqueror, containing the same, or some few more years.

3. Let us now follow (I say) John Fox throughout all these Ages and diffe∣rent stations of times, and see out of what Holes or Dens he will draw his little, hidden, trodden down Church, different from the Roman Visible Church, and yet endued notwithstanding from time to time with some little sparks of Truth; which he promiseth to bring down from the Apostles to our time. In the first 300 years then,* 1.43 from Christ to Constantine, whereas all other Ecclesiastical Wri∣ters, and St. Luke amongst the rest in his Acts of the Apostles, ch. 2, 3, 4, &c. do set down the visible beginning of Christ's Church by his Apostles and Disciples; their strengthening and confirmation by the coming of the Holy Ghost; their preaching and converting of others; their great and many Miracles, and thereby the establishing and wonderful increase of the said

Church throughout the World, and continuance of the same downward by Succession of Bishops, (but namely and specially of the Bishops of Rome,* 1.44 as before hath been declared, and is to be seen in the Writings of Dionysius Areo∣pagita, Josephus, Justinus, Egesippus, Clemens, Irenaeus, Tertullian, Origenes, Julius Africanus, Cyprian, Eusebius, and others of these Ages:) John Fox fol∣loweth no such order at all, nor ever so much as mentioneth any descent of Bishops of His Church or Ours; but only (to spend time,* 1.45 and fill up Paper) taketh upon him to translate out of Eusebius and other Authors, the Martyr∣doms of such as suffered for Christian Religion in the ten general Persecutions of these first 300 years; setting the same forth also in painted Pictures, for no other purpose (as it seemeth) but only to entertain his Reader with some strange and delightful Spectacle; and afterward so to joyn his Protestant burned Martyrs with those of the Primitive Church, as the Painting be∣ing somewhat alike, the simple Reader might thereby be induced to think that there was no great difference, either in their Persons, or Cause of suf∣fering.

4. But I would ask John Fox,* 1.46 To what purpose of his was the bringing in of all these Martyrs of the Primitive Church throughout the World? Were they His, or Our Martyrs, think you? For to both of us they cannot be Mar∣tyrs, that is to say Witnesses, we being of a different belief; for that we of our part do hold resolutely the saying of * 1.47 St. Athanasius in his Creed, That who∣soever doth not hold all and every point of the Catholic Faith entirely, shall perish eter∣nally. If therefore he will say they were his Martyrs, he must prove that they were in all and every point of His Religion, and not of Ours. And to examin this point (to wit, of what Religion they were, whether more of Ours,* 1.48 or of His) divers considerations may be brought in: As first, Who of us do more honor them? We keep their Days and Feasts, as all men know; we put them in our Ecclesiastical Calendar and Martyrology; we keep their Relics; we honor their Tombs; we call upon them in Heaven to pray for us, as reigning in most high Glory with Christ: All which Protestants do mislike; yea,* 1.49 John Fox by name hath put the most of them (I mean of the Martyrs of these first 300 years) quite out of his Ecclesiastical Calendar, to give place to John Wick∣liff, John Husse, Martin Luther, and other like Companions, as may be seen in the very first pages of his Book; which is a sign that we esteem and honor them more than they; which we would not do, if we did not persuade our selves that they were of our Religion, and not of Protestants, in any point of Controversie between us.

5. Moreover the Christian visible Church of that time, (to wit,* 1.50 of those first 300 years, wherein these Martyrs suffered and were put to death) would ne∣ver have registred them for Saints, nor admitted them into the number of true Martyrs, if in all points they had not been of her Faith and Communion; no more than she did those of divers Sects, namely of the Marcionists and Monta∣nists, who were very many, and bragged of Martyrdom, and of God's assist∣ance therein, no less, but much more, than true Catholics; as Apollinaris,* 1.51 a most ancient Bishop (related by Eusebius in his fifth Book of Ecclesiastical Hi∣story) doth testifie at large. Yea, these Heretics (especially the latter sort) were so forward in Martyrdom, as they held it was not lawful to flee in time of Per∣secution, as may appear by Tertullian, who defended the same also after he was fallen into that Heresie himself. St. Cyprian doth inveigh often against the Martyrs of the Novatians, and St. Epiphanius against those of the Euphemits, sirnamed (for the multitude of their false Martyrs) Martyrians; and * 1.52 St. Au∣gustin no less earnestly doth detest those Martyrs of the Donatists, who, rather than they would lack Martyrs, were ready to murder themselves. All which Martyrs notwithstanding were rejected by the Catholic Church, (tho' in shew

they died for Christ) for that they agreed not with her in all points of Faith and Belief. And consequently we may infer for most certain, that seeing the Catholic Church of that time (and of all times since) hath held these Martyrs before mentioned of the first ten Persecutions for true Saints and Mar∣tyrs indeed, and have continued their honorable remembrance, both by Histo∣ries and celebrating their annual Feasts and Memories; sure it is, that they agreed fully with the said known Catholic Church of those Ages. Whereof we infer again, That seeing the Faith of those first 300 years was continued (as * 1.53 before we have proved) in the second 300 years, and so consequently downward, and delivered to us; and forasmuch as the Church of Rome was held still for Head of all this Church, it cannot be that these Martyrs were of John Fox's Religion, and consequently are to no purpose brought in by him, but only for that he had nothing else to talk of, or to make a shew of handling some pious matter in his Book.

6. (a) 1.54 Moreover, if we would take upon us to reflect upon all that is extant of the sayings and doings of these Martyrs recorded in their Histories, we might soon discern of what Religion they were, and whether they were John Fox his Martyrs or Ours: As for example, in that Answer of (b) 1.55 St. Andrew the Apo∣stle and holy Martyr, which he made to Aegeas the Proconsul, that exhorted him to sacrifice to Idols: (c) 1.56 Ego (saith he) Omnipotenti Deo (qui unus & verus est) immolo quotidie, &c.

I do sacrifice daily to Almighty God (that is One and True) not the flesh of Bulls, or blood of Goats, but the immaculate Lamb upon the Altar, whose flesh after that all the Faithful People have eaten, the same Lamb that is sacrificed remaineth whole and alive as before.

This man, as you see, spoke not as a Protestant Martyr.

7. The Speech also of St. Laurence Martyr, that suffered in Rome under the Emperor Valerianus (the same year that St. Cyprian did in Carthage) his Speech (I say) to Pope Sixtus Bishop of Rome, whose Deacon he was, and who was carry'd to Martyrdom three days before him, doth not shew that he was a Pro∣testant, but rather a plain Papist, as both St. Ambrose, St. Augustin, and other later Authors,* 1.57 do relate the same. Cùm videret Laurentius (saith St. Ambrose) Sixtum Episcopum suum ad Martyrium duci, flere coepit, &c.

When Laurence the Deacon saw his Bishop Sixtus to be carried away to Martyrdom, he be∣gan to weep, not for the others suffering, but for his own remaining behind him; wherefore he cried unto him in these words: Whither do you go (O Fa∣ther) without your Son; and whither do you hasten (O holy Priest) without your Deacon? You were never wont to offer Sacrifice without a Minister; what then hath displeased you in me, that you leave me behind you? Have you proved me perhaps to be a Coward? Make trial, I pray you, whether you have chosen unto your self a fit Minister, to whom you have committed the dispensing of our Lord's Blood: And then, seeing you have not denied unto me the Fellowship of admini∣string Sacraments, do not deny me the Fellowship of shedding my Blood also with you.

* 1.588. Thus talked St. Laurence of his Deacon's Office in dispensing the Blood of Christ from the Altar, and in ministring to his Bishop while he offered Sacrifice; which is a phrase far different from Protestants man∣ner of Speech. But if we consider the Speech of the Heathen Emperour to St. Laurence, set down by Aurelius Prudentius above 1200 years past, object∣ing to Christian Priests their sacrificing in Gold, and dispensing the Blood of our Savior in silver Cups, and the like; we shall easily see of what Religion this Martyr was.

Hunc esse vestris Orgiis* 1.59 Mor émque & artem proditum est; Hanc disciplinam foederis; Libent ut auro Antistites. Argenteis scyphis ferunt Fumare sacrum sanguinem, Auróque nocturnis sacris, Astare fixos caereos, &c.

We hear (saith the Persecutor) this to be the fashion and device of your Feasts, and discipline of your Confederation, that your Bishops must sacri∣fice in Gold, and dispense Blood in Silver Cups, and that in your Night-Vigils you have Waxen Torches in Golden Candlesticks. &c. And thus much of St. Laurence, whose Persecutor speaketh like a perfect Protestant, which is an Argument that himself was none.

9. Now as for the other glorious Martyr and Bishop St. Cyprian,* 1.60 who suffer∣ed under the same Emperour, and in the same year that Pope Sixtus and St. Laurence did, (as appears by Pontius his Deacon that lived with him) we have shewed before that the * 1.61 Magdeburgians do reprehend him sharply (I mean St. Cyprian) for this very point about offering Sacrifice, for that he saith, Sacerdotem vice Christi fungi, & Deo Patri sacrificium offerre, lib. 2. ep. 3. That the Priest doth perform the Office of Christ, and offereth Sacrifice to God the Father. So as now we have here three Massing or Sacrificing Priests,* 1.62 (which is the highest Crime objected to Priests now in England) and a Massing Deacon that helpeth to Mass, and all four most glorious Martyrs, within these first 300 years, to wit, St. Andrew the Apostle by his own Confession, St. Sixtus Bishop of Rome by the testimony of St. Laurence, St. Cyprian Bishop of Carthage by the accusation of the Magdeburgians, and St. Laurence the Deacon by testimony of Prudentius, St. Ambrose, and others. And it were over-long to pass any further in this examination (for that the Examples would be infinite) this be∣being sufficient to shew how little it maketh for John Fox his purpose to have brought in this so large and particular a story of all the Martyrs of the first ten Persecutions, they being so opposite to his late Protestant Martyrs as they are.

10. Well then, this is sufficient for these Martyrs. But what shall we say to the whole intent and drift of John Fox, which should have been (as you know) to lay before us the continual descent (throughout these first three Ages) of his poor, oppressed, and persecuted (and yet the only true) Church of Christ, almost scarce visible or known to worldly eyes, &c? This, I say, he should have shewed and laid open to us, for that we find no other Christian Church known in the World in these first 300 years, but only One; which, tho' it were much persecuted yet was it neither obscure, nor hidden from the eyes either of good or bad, but most visible and apparent to all the World.* 1.63 And in the end of these 300 years, (to wit, under Constantine the Emperour, and Silvester the Pope of Rome) the same came to be so magnificent and glorious, as all the World remained astonished thereat; which appeareth partly by that which Eusebius and all other Ecclesiastical Writers do recount in the Life of the said Constantine; especially Eusebius, that wrote four whole Books of the said Con∣stantine's Life and Actions, (who was a most excellent Christian Emperour:) And, amongst other points of his most pious Devotion, it is recorded that he builded four goodly Churches within the City of Rome,* 1.64 carrying Earth to the first Foundation of them with his own hands, and adorning them with holy Images, endowing the same with rich Possessions, Furniture, and Ecclesiasti∣cal

Ornaments, and consecrated precious Vessels for Divine Service; dedica∣ting the one of them (which was his own Palace of Lateran) unto our Savior and St. John Baptist, the other to St. Peter, the third to St. Paul, and the fourth to St. Laurence, all which do remain unto this day; and the very manner of building thereof, with their Altars, Fonts, Pictures, and other such-like Antiquities, do well shew without Books what manner of Religion was then in use.

11. This was the known visible Church then of Christians in those days, as glorious and renowned as can be imagined. Of which Church one wrote at that time to Constantine himself thus: * 1.65 Quis locus in terra est, &c?

What place is there in the whole Earth, which hath not received the Faith of Christ, either where the Sun riseth, or where it falleth? where the North-Pole is elevated, or where the South, all is filled with the Majesty of this God.* 1.66 The same writeth Optatus; Concedite Deo, &c. "Yield this unto Christ, who is God, that his Garden spread it self over all the World: Can you deny unto him now, but that Christians do possess both East, West, North, and South, as also the Provinces of innumerable Islands?

And the same hath St. Basil in his 72d and 75th Epistle, and the like St. Hilary lib. 6. de Trinitate. This then was the greatness of this Universal Catholic Church at that day; and of this Church were counted the head Bishops (for all these 300 years) the Popes and Bishops of Rome, as appeareth by the deductions made by * 1.67 Irenaeus, Tertullian, and others, before mentioned; and in this Church was held to be all Catholic Truth, and none out of it: Which being so, I would gladly know what poor, obscure, trodden-down Church, neglected in the World, not regarded in Histories, and almost scarce visible or known (which yet he saith to be the only true Church of God) can John Fox find us out in these first 300 years? especially seeing he saith also, that it must be different from the Church of Rome, as from the Devil's Chappel; and that it must come down from the Apostles time, and always hold some sparkles of true Doctrin.

* 1.6812. For Example or Proof whereof notwithstanding, he mentioneth no one Man, Woman, or Child that was of that Church in all these 300 years; and consequently he driveth us to imagin or seek out who they are that made up this obscure Church of his, different and opposite to the Roman: And I can find none, except the known Heretics of these first three Ages, to whom the description of his Church may easily agree; for first, none will deny but that, albeit they were many in number, as Simon Magus and his Followers, the Nicolaits, Ce∣rynthians,* 1.69 Ebionites, Menandrians, Saturnians, in the first Age; Basilidians, Gno∣sticks, Cerdonists, Marcionists, Valentinians, Encratites, Montanists, and others, in the second Age; as also, Helchesits, Novatians, Sabellians, Manichees, and many more, in the third Age; and that in divers Countries and Provinces they had their Followers, their Churches, their Assemblies, under the name of Reformed Christians, Elect People, and men of more perfection than the rest: yet, in respect of the glorious Catholic Church that shined throughout the World, they were just as John Fox describeth his People here, to wit, a poor, oppressed, and persecuted Church,* 1.70 &c. Oppressed by force of Truth, and persecuted by the famous Writings of Catholic Doctors against them, as (after the Apostles themselves) St. Ignatius, Justinus Martyr, St. Dionyse of Corinth, St. Polycarp, Irenaeus, Clem. Alexandrinus, Tertullian, Origen, Cyprian, Ammonius, Pamphilus, Arnobius, and others: They were persecuted also by the Excommunications and spiritual Censures of all Catholic Bishops throughout the World, but especially by the Popes of Rome, from St. Peter to Pope Silvester, which were Thirty-three in number, all Martyrs, and every one of them condemned the Heretics of his time.

13. This accursed new Church also of Heretics had the other quality ascri∣bed in like manner by John Fox to his Church, to wit, that they were neglected in the Christian World, and not regarded in Stories; but only to recount them to their shame and damnation. Finally, the last commendation also was not wanting to them, that they were almost scarce visible or known,* 1.71 in respect of the flourishing Catholic Church. And lastly, these congregations and swarms of Heretics (tho' never so much divided among themselves) continued indeed from the Apostles by a kind of broken Succession of times, the one rising, and the other falling. And they had the last point also specified by John Fox, of keeping some sparks of true Doctrin in Religion:* 1.72 for that (as St. Augustin writeth) Nulla falsa Doctrina est, quae aliqua Vera non intermisceat; There is no Doctrin so false, which doth not interlace some true things. And this is proper to Heresies; for that otherwise, if they had no points of true Doctrin, they should be rather Apostates than properly Heretics; for that Apostates are those that deny all Christ's Doctrin, but Heretics do grant some parts, and deny others.

14. About which point of old Heretics,* 1.73 and their Affinity with the Prote∣stants of this Age, it is worth the noting, That whatsoever some of our late English Writers (especially the Minister O. E. or Matthew Sutcliff) do prattle to the contrary, yet shall you never find any one Article of those that are in con∣troversie, and held by us at this day against the Protestants, to have been held singularly by any one old Heretic in that sense as we do hold the same, and much less condemn'd for Heresie in him or them by the Church in these days, or by any one Father thereof. And on the other side, you shall find divers Do∣ctrins held by them, and condemn'd in them by the Church for Heresies, (I mean the Heretics of the first 300 years) which the Protestants do hold at this day properly, and in the same sense that those Heretics did: And We do con∣demn the same for Heresies in Them, as the Primitive Church did in the Other. As for Example, that of the Pseudo-Apostoli, Heretics called false Apo∣stles, who did think only Faith to be sufficient to Salvation without Works;* 1.74 against which Heresie St. Augustin saith were written the Epistles of St. James, St. Jude, St. Peter, and St. John.

15. That other point also,* 1.75 which St. Ignatius reporteth of certain Heretics in his time, Qui non confitebantur Eucharistiam esse Carnem Salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi, quae pro peccatis nostris passa est;

Who did not confess that the Eucha∣rist was the Flesh of our Savior Jesus Christ that suffered for us.

That other Doctrin in like manner that Theodoretus writeth of the Novatians, His,* 1.76 qui ab ipsis tinguntur sacrum Chrisma non praebent: quocirca eos, qui ex hac haeresi Corpori Ecclesiae conjunguntur, benedicti Patres ungi jusserunt;

To those that are bapti∣zed by them (the Novatians) they do not give holy Chrism, for which cause, whosoever returning from that Heresie are to be joyned to the Body of the Catholic Church, the holy Fathers commanded that they should be anointed with the said Chrism.

16. Cornelius also, Bishop of Rome, complaineth that the said Novatus and Novatians did not receive the Sacrament of Confirmation: For speaking of Novatus he saith, Qui sigillo Domini ab Episcopo non signatus fuit,* 1.77 quomodo (quaeso) Sanctum Spiritum adeptus est?

He that was not signed with the Seal of our Lord by the Bishop, how could he (think you) obtain the Holy Ghost?

The same Heretics also deny'd the power of absolving from sin in Priests, as also Confession and Satisfaction, according as the same holy Bishop and Pope Cor∣nelius objecteth unto him, by the testimony of St. Cyprian.* 1.78

And finally, to go no further within these first 300 years, St. Hierom ob∣jecteth for an Heresie to the Manichees the denying of Man's Free-will, saying, Manichaeorum Dogma est hominum damnare naturam, & liberum auferre arbitrium:* 1.79 "It is the Doctrin of the Manichees to condemn Man's Nature, and to take

away Free-will.* 1.80 So saith St. Hierom; and St. Chrysostom and St. Augustin do also testifie the same of the Manichees expresly. And tho' perhaps the Manichees held that Doctrin upon other grounds than Protestants do, yet in the Heresie it self they do plainly symbolize and agree.

17. These are matters then most evident and clear, nor can they be deny'd, but that these Opinions are held by Protestants at this day, in the very same words, sense, and meaning, as they were by the forenamed old Heretics, where∣in also they were anathematiz'd and condemn'd by the known Catholic Church of these ancient Ages.

* 1.8118. But now, when on the contrary side some Sectaries of our time (to cure or cover this wound of theirs) will needs, like Apes, object to us again, That we hold some old condemned Errors and Heresies also, (or rather some shadow or similitude thereof) you shall ever find one of these two frauds or falshoods in their Objection, to wit, that either they object unto us that which we indeed hold not at all, or at least not in the sense which they object it, or that the thing in truth is no Error in it self, nor ever was held or condemned for such in the sense and meaning in which we hold it, tho' it may have some little ex∣ternal similitude with that which was an Error: As for Example; O. E. ob∣jecteth unto us,* 1.82 That we do symbolize and participate with two old Heresies; the one of the Angelici,* 1.83 qui Angelos adorabant, that did adore Angels, as St. Au∣gustin saith; the other of the Collyridians, (so called of the Greek word Collyra, signifying a little triangular Cake or Bun, that those Heretics, being Women, did offer in Sacrifice to our Blessed Lady.) But in both these Examples we ut∣terly deny that we agree in Doctrin or Practice with those Heretics; seeing that we neither adore nor worship with Divine Honor Angels or other Saints, nor do offer Sacrifice to the Mother of God, but only to God himself alone; tho' in the Honor and Memory also of his Mother,* 1.84 and other Saints glorified by him; which Doctrin of ours is extant in all our Books. So as here is manifestly found the first fraud of our Adversaries, which is, to object to us that which we hold not indeed.

* 1.8519. And the other falshood also cannot be deny'd, whereby they affirm the Doctrin which we truly hold and practise in this behalf, about honoring of Saints, to have been at any time held for Error, or condemn'd by the ancient Catholic Church, or Teachers thereof, for such. Truth it is, that the Mag∣deburgians are not asham'd to note this for an Error in Origen; Invocandos An∣gelos Origenes putavit, homil. 1. in Ezech. Origen thought Angels to be invoked. And then again,* 1.86 Hanc formulam invocandi Angelos proponit, Veni Angele, suscipe conversum ab Errore pristino, &c.

And he setteth down this form of praying to Angels, Come Angel, receive him that is converted from his former Er∣rors, &c.

20. But I would have the Magdeburgians, or any of their Partners, shew me when or where this Sentence of Origen was ever noted or condemned by Anti∣quity for Error or Heresie, as some other Doctrins of his were. Certain it is, they cannot; which is a singular Argument against them; for that those Watchmen of the Church, that noted and condemned those other Errors of his, would have noted also this, if it had been taken for an Error in those days. And further,* 1.87 I say to the Magdeburgians, Let them tell us whether other holy Fathers (yea, the chiefest of God's Church) after Origen did not hold the very same Doctrin? Sure I am, that the Magdeburgians themselves, in the very next Century after, do condemn by Name St. Ephrem and St. Hilary for this Doctrin of Invocation of Angels in the same sense that Origen did hold it. And then again,* 1.88 in the same third Century, they do reprehend by Name for Invocation of other Saints (which is the same Controversie) the gravest Doctors of the Church, to wit, St. Athanasius, St. Basil, St. Gregory Nazianzen, St. Ambrose, St. Epi∣phanius,

Ephrem, and Prudentius, citing their plain words, and condemning their Doctrin in this behalf. So as if this were an Heresie, all these Fathers were Heretics, which were a blasphemous cogitation to think, and much more to speak or utter. And thus much of the first Objection about honoring An∣gels and other Saints, wherein Protestants do only calumniate our doings, as you see.

21. As for the Collyridians, he that will read St. Epiphanius,* 1.89 who writeth of that mad fond fantastical Error of certain Women in Thracia (for so he termeth them) that would needs make our Blessed Lady a Goddess, and offer Sacrifice unto her, he shall find this Father to handle two things at large. First,* 1.90 That notwithstanding our Blessed Lady, for the Privilege of bearing the Savior of the World, be highly to be honored, yet not ultra decorum (as his words be) that is, not more than is decent or beyond the limits of a Creature; seeing she is not God, tho' the Mother of God: And consequently these Thracian Wo∣men did foolishly and wickedly, in devising this public Sacrifice unto her.

22. Secondly, That albeit this their Sacrifice had been offered by them to God himself, yet was it unlawfully done by Women; for that neither in the Old or New Testament (saith he) was it appointed that Women should do the Function of Sacrifice, but Men only, and those Priests.

And this Argument St. Epiphanius prosecuteth very largely;* 1.91 proving that in the New Testament and Christian Church the Apostles only, and other Priests succeeding by Imposition of hands, had Authority to sacrifice; but no Woman, no not the Mother of Christ her self, who should have had that Privilege above all other Women, if any of her Sex might have been admitted. And after our Blessed Lady he addeth these that followeth:* 1.92 Fuerunt (saith he) quatuor filiae Philippo Evangelistae prophetantes, sed non sacrificantes, &c Philip the Evange∣list had four Daughters that prophesied, but not that sacrificed. And again, Et ministrarum quidem Diaconissarum appellatarum Ordo est in Ecclesia,* 1.93 sed non ad sacrificandum, &c. Diaconissis indiguit Ecclesiasticus Ordo, nusquam autem eas Presbyter as aut Sacrificulas constituit, &c. Ʋnde igitur hic rursus Mulierum fastus & insania muliebris?

There is (saith he) in the Christian Church an Order of them that are called Diaconesses, but not to sacrifice. The Ecclesiastical Order had need of these Diaconesses (at the beginning) but yet never ordain∣ed them as Priests or Sacrificers. And whence then is now come again, this pride of Women, or womanish madness, as to take upon them to sacrifice in the Church?

23. By all which Discourse you may easily see what was the true Heresie condemned in these Collyridians, to wit, Colere Sanctos ultra modum & decorum,* 1.94 as the words of holy Epiphanius are; that is, to worship Saints beyond measure and decency, and above the nature and condition of Creatures; which is forbidden by God's Church, but not to honor Them as Servants of His, and Him in Them. You will see also what Opinion and Use of Christian Sacrifice there was in Epiphanius's days, and how it was deny'd to Women, and practis'd by Priests only: which yet the Sectaries of this Age cannot abide to hear of.* 1.95 And here now will we make an end of these first 300 years after Christ; wherein, as you see, John Fox hath put down no Succession of his Church at all, either in Men or Doctrin: For as for men (to wit, Bishops, Pastors, and Teachers, succeeding one to another from the Apostles downward) they were all of the Roman visible Church; and so were all other that bear the name of Christians, (except the Heretics before named:) and of the said Roman and Catholic Church the chief Leaders were, from St. Peter unto Silvester, Thirty-three Popes, (as before hath been mentioned) all Martyrs, and Witnesses of the same Faith. And in other principal Patriarchal Seats, wherein the Apostles had held the first Chairs, (as Antioch, Hierusalem, Alexandria, and the like)

there had succeeded other holy Bishops, as also in infinit other places through∣out the World; so as in the Emperor Constantine's time, who liv'd in the end of these first 300 years, and was the first Christian Emperor that publickly professed Christian Religion, the said Christian Church was so glorious, that in the first General Council of Nice there were 318 principal Bishops joyned together, the most of them of Asia only. Whereby we see how Illustrious and Eminent the said Catholic Church and Religion was at that time.

* 1.9624. By which we do most evidently infer, That either John Fox his obscure and trodden-down Church, scarce visible (as he saith) to the World, was not at all in those days, or else it lurk'd only in some of the forenamed Heretics: For if he say that the great perspicuous Roman Church was his at that time, then how doth he define his Church to be obscure, and scarce visible to the World? And moreover, we have shewed * 1.97 before, that the Bishops, Doctors, Teachers, Martyrs, and chief Members, or Guiders of this great illustrious Church, were opposite to Him and his Church both in Faith and Doctrin; and this by the confession of his own Doctors and Writers, the Magdeburgians and others, that reprehend and condemn the Fathers of the second and third Ages for holding divers principal Points of Doctrin, now also in controversie, against Them, and for Us. And we have shewed also, that this great Universal and Catholic Church had all Truth in it that was revealed by Christ, and not some sparks on∣ly, as Fox requireth in his Church; and that it had continual Succession of multitudes of true Teachers without interruption, and not one starting up in one Age, and another in another, wherewith Fox seemeth to be contented for the continuation of his Church.

* 1.9825. And finally, if Fox, coming at length to be asham'd of his former defi∣nition of an obscure and trodden-down Church, and of the sparkled Doctrin of Truth therein taught, should leave the same, and offer to lay hands on the Great, Il∣lustrious, and Visible Church of the first 300 years, saying that this was His, (which yet you have seen by many Arguments demonstrated that it cannot be) I shall be content to admit so ridiculous a pretence for a time, with condition that he will stand to it, and go forward with this Church in the sequent Ages, and not to disclaim from Her to his hidden Church again. Which if he yield unto, then have we now a Visible and Eminent True Church on foot (by con∣fession of both Parties) which we must follow to the Worlds end, for that she cannot perish again,* 1.99 as before we have declared. For which cause I am to pro∣secute the same from Age to Age in this Treatise, from this time downwards to our days, in the Chapters that do ensue: where we shall see who sticketh to her, and who flieth from her; who followeth her constantly, or who giveth the slip; for that she being now once so Potent, Notorious, and Illustrious, as both Parts do confess, (if he will stand to it in earnest that she is his Church also) it is not possible that she should be lost, shrink, or fade away again; but that all the World must see it, How, Where, When, and by Whom so great an Accident should fall out; neither can Fox and his People, being now once in Her and of Her, (by his own pretence) be found out of her afterward, but only by Apostacy, or Heresie, and running away. This then let us examin in the Ages following.

CHAP. III.

The prosecution of the same matter; to wit, of the Descent of the Catholic and Protestant Church for other Three Hundred years; that is, from Pope Sylvester and Constantine, to Pope Gregory, and Mauritius the Emperour: And where John Fox his Church lay hid in this time.

AND thus (having run over the first three Ages after Christ) we must now pass to the second station, which is for other 300 years, beginning from Constantine the Emperour downward unto the time of St. Gregory, under whom St. Augustin came into England; in which space of time the Catholic Christian Church spread over all the World (as before you have heard) did grow, and confirm it self powerfully, (especially after Persecution did cease, as by all Stories appeareth) having had thirty-two Popes between Sylve∣ster and Gregory, whereof thirty were holden for great Saints, and three or four were Martyrs.

2. The Fathers and Doctors also of these three Ages were most excellent men both Grecians and Latins; and it seemeth that what wanted in these three Ages from the former three in the Glory of Martyrdom, it was supply'd by the Excellency of Learning. As for Example; in the fourth Age after Christ, (which is the first of the second three) did flourish Eusebius, Lactantius,* 1.100 Rhe∣ticius, Juvencus, Athanasius, Hilarius, Optatus, Climacus, Basil, Nazianzenus, Ambrose, Prudentius, Hierom, Chrysostom, Epiphanius, Cyril, and divers others In rhe fifth Age St. Augustin, Possidonius, Sulpitius, Orosius, Cassianus, Prosper, Vincentius Lyrinensis, Falgentius, and many more. And in the sixth Age Cassi∣odorus, Emisenus, Procopius, Fortunatus, Venantius, Evagrius, Gregorius Turo∣nensis, and Gregory the Great. All which filled the World with their excellent Books both Greek and Latin; besides many General, National, and Provincial Councils; whereof five were Universal, the first of Nice, the second of Con∣stantinople, the third of Ephesus, the fourth of Chalcedon, (wherein there were 630 Bishops) and the fifth was of Constantinople the second time; but of Pro∣vincial and National Councils there are receiv'd to the number of almost se∣venty to have been held in this time.

3. By all which concourse of Testimonies the Force and Unity of Catholic Faith is shewed, to wit, that these Fathers, Doctors, Popes,* 1.101 and Councils agree∣ing together all throughout the World in one and the self-same Faith and Re∣ligion, and continuing the same from Age to Age, with so great Authority of Respect and Majesty, as not only all Ecclesiastical Persons, of what Nations soever, and other Christian People, but all Temporal Princes, Kings and Em∣perours in like manner, (except such as were noted with any particular He∣resie, as some Emperours of the East) did wholly submit themselves with one consent. Whereby this visible Illustrious Roman Church was made so Great, and Universal, notorious and known, embracing all Christendom, as it is wholly impossible for John Fox to find out any creeping hidden Church bearing the name of Christian in these three Ages, and yet different from this visible and splen∣dent Church of Rome, which he calleth the Devil's Chappel: And much more hard will it be for him to find out this in these latter three hundred years, than in the former; for that the external Glory of this Church was increa∣sed much more in these three Ages, than in the first three before treated of, which passed all in Persecution.

* 1.1024. The Heresies also and Sects of this time (being above Fifty in number) were beaten down more strongly by the foresaid Fathers, Bishops, and Councils, than before, by reason they had more time and leisure from Persecution to at∣tend unto them, than had those of the former three Ages. The principal He∣resies of this fourth Age were Meletians, Donatists, Arians, Novatians, Macedonians, Luciferians, Aërians, Eunomians, Apollinarians, Aetians, Priscillianists, Jovini∣ans, Vigilantians, Collyridians, Helvidians, Antimarians, and other the like. And in the fifth Age were Pelagians, Nestorians, Eutychians, and other such Rabble. And in the sixth Age, Severians, Monothelites, Chrystolytes, Agnoites, Sadduces, Theopaschites, and the like. Out of which Synagogues and Congre∣gations of wrangling Spirits, which succeeded one another in divers Times, Places and Countries, and opposed themselves maliciously out of their obscure corners against the shining Light of the foresaid Catholic Church, if John Fox will frame his poor and beggarly Church, (which yet he holdeth for the only true Church of God) oppressed, and trodden down (as he saith) and almost scarce visible to worldly eyes,* 1.103 he may do it with great probability; for that these Fellows were neglected and trodden down indeed by the other opposite Roman Church; and yet did they (as John Fox requireth for the Succession of his Church) continue and rise up from time to time, (tho' by no orderly Suc∣cession of Bishops or Doctrin, as hath been said) yea they had that other qua∣lity also proper to John Fox his Church, that they always kept some sparks of true Doctrin and Religion together with their Heresies.

So as in this respect of obscurity and contemptibility, John Fox may easily joyn his Church with them; as also in having some sparkles of true Doctrin, but not the whole body of true Doctrin among them.

* 1.1045. He may joyn also in divers particular Doctrins, which these men held as peculiar Heresies to themselves, and were condemn'd by the Church for such in those days, and are held also in these days by John Fox his Church in the very self-same words, sense, and meaning, as they were held by those He∣retics: As namely, he may joyn with the Donatists who said, that thy were the only true Church, and called the Succession of Bishops in the Church of Rome (as Sectaries do at this day) the Chair of Pestilence; and moreover, that the whole Church besides themselves had erred, &c. which is the common Song of our modern Protestants. And further, if you will see how near of Kin these Donatists and our Protestants be,* 1.105 both in Manners, Conditions, Do∣ctrin and Belief, read St. Augustin, Optatus, and other Writers, that objected against them these things following; to wit, That they had cast the blessed Sa∣crament of the Altar to Dogs, overthrew Altars, broke Chalices and sold them, cast a Bottle of holy Chrism out of the Church-window, shaved Priests heads to take away their Unction, turned Nuns out of their Monasteries to the World, polluted all Church stuff, and the like: And whether John Fox and his Fellows do not joyn also in these Points, let the Reader judge.

* 1.1066. They may joyn in like manner with the Eunomians for their only Faith, who affirmed (as St. Augustin saith) quòd nihil cuiquam obesset guorumlibet per∣petratio ac perseverantia peccatorum, si hujus, quae ab illis docebatur, Fidei par∣ticeps esset;

That the committing and perseverance in never so great sins could not hurt him that was partaker of their Faith.

* 1.107 They may also joyn with the Novatians of that time in denying the Churches power in forgiving sins. They may joyn with the Aerians, who taught (as St. Angustin saith) non oportere orare vel Oblationem offerre pro mortuis; that we ought not to pray or offer Oblations for them that be dead; and further, That solemn Feasts are not to be appointed by the Church, but every one to fast when he would, lest he should seem to be under the Law, &c.

7. Thus testifieth St. Augustin of him; and of Jovinian, that followed him,* 1.108 both the said Father, and St. Hierom (that wrote against him) do accuse him to have held, That all sins were equal before God; that fasting from certain meats was not profitable; that chast Marriage was equal in honor and merit to professed Virgi∣nity in Nuns; and that he had been cause that some Nuns had married in Rome; and finally, that the reward in Heaven was equal to all men. And is not this good currant Protestant Doctrin and Practice at this day? But let us go forward. They may joyn also with the Helvidians, or Antidicomarians, in impugning our Blessed Lady, and equalling Marriage with Virginity: And much more with Vigilantius, in impugning the continent sole Life of Clergy-men,* 1.109 Wor∣ship of Martyrs at their Tombs, use of Candles and Torches in the Church by day-time, Invocation of Saints, Vows of Poverty, and the like.

8. I will go no further, for that this is sufficient to see what Communion John Fox his Church did hold in these three Ages, either with the common known Catholic Church of Christ, or with these lurking Assemblies of Heretics pursued and persecuted by the said Church;* 1.110 and for that John Fox is guilty to himself in this behalf, he hath proceeded accordingly in his Acts and Monuments: For whereas he promiseth a several Book of these second 300 years, under this Title; The second Book,* 1.111 containing the next 300 years after Christ, &c. he not finding any sufficient matter for his purpose to patch up this second Book withal, as he did the former, with recounting the Mar∣tyrs of those days; what shift deviseth he (think you) to blear his Readers eyes with all, and to seem to say somewhat in the continuation of his Story? You shall hear briefly; and by this one trick you may learn to know the man and his meaning for the time to come.

9. First he writeth but five leaves in all for the continuation of the Story of these second 300 years:* 1.112 A short Volume you will say for so great and copious an Argument. And yet further, you must know, that of these five leaves he passeth two in telling tales and matters that fell under Pope Eleutherius and King Lucius more than a hundred years before,* 1.113 and consequently it should have been told in his former Book by order of Time and Story; and then the other three leaves he spendeth in setting down the entrance of the Saxons into Eng∣land about the year of Christ 449, and the Succession of their Pagan Kings unto St. Augustin's coming. So as of all the foresaid glorious Christian Church for 300 years together, (to wit, from Pope Sylvester and Constantine unto Pope Gregory and Mauritius the Emperour, wherein she flourished more than in any other three Ages) we find only five Leaves designed, but scarce three Lines performed: Whereby you may perceive how little part John Fox persuadeth himself to have in these three Ages for his hidden Church. You may consider also what an honest Bargainer he is, and how well he performeth his promise made in the first page of his whole Work, wherein he saith,* 1.114 That he will set forth at large the whole Race and Course of the Church, from the Primitive Age to these latter times of ours, &c. whereof you see he hath performed nothing at all hitherto, either largely or briefly: I mean, of this Race or Course of any Church, General or Particular, Domestical or Foreign, Good or Bad, True or False, His or Ours; for of the first 300 years he wrote only the ten Per∣secutions, as you have seen; and of the second 300 years he writeth nothing at all.

10. Which (if you consider well) is a strange confession of his own weak∣ness and poverty, seeing that these three Ages (to wit, the fourth, fifth, and sixth) are the most abundant of matter that are to be found in the Church of Christ from the beginning; and so might he see by the Centuries of his Ma∣sters the Magdeburgians, who do enlarge themselves much more in these three Ages than in the former, enforced thereunto by the multitude of matter, tho'

all against themselves, as before hath been noted, and here will also appear; which John Fox well perceiving, thought best by slight of silence to avoid that inconvenience of treating a History so apparently against himself. Which slight notwithstanding (or rather flight) every man of mean understanding doth easily see, considering that (according to the Argument of his Book, and particular promise made before) he should have declared to us, That the Re∣ligion of Britanny in these 300 years next before the entrance of St. Augustin, was for Him, and His Church, and not for Ours; yea, different from the Roman Religion brought in by Augustin,* 1.115 as often you have heard him protest; and here had been the proper place to have proved it, if it had been provable. And whereas in the same Protestation of his, prefixed before his whole Vo∣lume, he avouched (as you have heard) that the chief British Preachers and Teachers of these times before St. Augustin's coming (as Fastidius, Ninianus, Patricius,* 1.116 Dubritius, Congellus, David, Asaphus, Gildas, and others before mentioned) were true Teachers, and taught the Gospel rightly, according to the Protestant Faith, and consequently were of his Religion; he ought here to have proved the same by their Writings, Lives, Acts and Monuments, as I have shewed the contrary by all these kind of Arguments and Proofs before. But the Fox knowing the difficulty and peril of this Combat, would not enter into the same, nor take upon him to defend or justifie any thing at all, tho' never so much promised or protested in his Prefaces and Preambles at the be∣ginning. Whereof the Reasons are these that ensue.

11. First, For that touching the British Church during these three Ages he had in truth nothing at all to write or relate, but what would be manifestly against himself, if he had written or related it, and descended to particulars. For (according to that you have heard before in divers places of this Treatise) that as the first Faith of the Britans came from Rome, and thereby they were made Members of the Roman Church from the beginning, so remained they united with the same in all points of Faith and Religion, (except some few abu∣ses crept in among part of them, towards the latter-end of these three Ages) until the Conversion of the English by St. Augustin to the same Roman Faith. Which point is proved so evidently by so many Signs,* 1.117 Arguments, and De∣monstrations, as little comfort might John Fox have to enter into this Dis∣course or Examination; and consequently, tho' he had promised in the be∣ginning to treat this Subject of the British Church, yet coming to the place and time when he should have performed his promise, he thought better to withdraw himself slightly by utter silence, than to put himself in Briars by ma∣king any mention at all thereof. And thus much for his silence concerning the Christian Church of Britanny in these three Ages.

12. But for the general Catholic Church of Christendom, tho' these times yield abundant matter, (as hath been said) yet the whole stream and current thereof running quite against him, he thought best in like manner to decline craftily the medling or wrestling therewith: And so much the more, for that he had seen the pitiful plight wherein his Masters the Magdeburgians had cast themselves in their fourth, fifth, and sixth Centuries, by over-large relating the Acts and Gests of these three Ages against themselves and their own Reli∣gion; being forc'd to spend a great part of their Labors not so much in relating what the Fathers of those Ages writ or held, as to answer and refute the same, and shew that it was not true, nor the said Doctors and Fathers to be believed therein. Which trouble John Fox (like a wily Fox indeed) thought best to avoid by Art of Silence. I will in this place, for examples sake only, and to give you a taste of the said Magdeburgians dealing throughout their whole Work, (from which John Fox taketh the principal parts of his) let you see some points taken out of their fourth Century, dedicated to her Majesty of England, with a

sharp Invective (as before hath been shewed) used by them against the Calvi∣nists therein; which Century containeth the fourth Hundred year after Christ,* 1.118 and the first of the three which now we have in hand, from Constantine down∣ward; wherein they spend above 400 Leaves in Folio, and more than twice as much in the other two Centuries that ensue; John Fox not having bestow'd four Leaves upon all three Ages, as you have heard.

13. And that you may perceive how this one Century of the Magdeburgians cometh to make so great a Volume, you must note, that it is divided into cer∣tain large Chapters or Heads of different matters. As for example; first,* 1.119 of the propagation of Christian Religion in that Age, and the State thereof throughout all Countreys, Kingdoms and Nations; which is a large matter, as you see, comprehending the Stories of all Ecclesiastical Writers. Secondly, of Persecutions, Troubles, and Jars that have passed; as also of Peace and Tranquility. Then of Doctrin, good or bad; then of Heresies; then of Rites and Ceremonies; then of Ecclesiastical Government; then of Schisms; then of Synods and Councils; then of Bishops, Doctors and Teachers, their Lives, Works, and Actions at large; then of Heretics, their beginnings and endings; then of Martyrs; then of Miracles; then of Pagan Commonwealths also; and other such points capable, as you see, of long Discourses: Which I thought fit once to note, to the end that those which have not read the Centuries may know in general what matters they handle, and what method they use therein.

14. Secondly, it is to be noted about the same affair, That in all these Heads and Chapters there be divers things which are not in controversie among us, I mean between Catholics and Protestants, but are common to us both, at least in some degrees. Other Points there are, that they affirm and we deny, or we affirm and they deny. There is a third kind also of Points, wherein, tho' We and Protestants do not agree fully, either in the Doctrin or in the Practice, yet one Sect of them differeth more or less from us than the other. And in all these three Points you shall see some brief Examples of the Magde∣burgians manner of proceeding in this fourth Age: Noting to you first by the way their own Testimony of the excellent Learning of the Doctors and Teach∣ers thereof in these words: Habuit haec aet as, si quae unquam alia,* 1.120 plurimos prae∣stantes & illustres Doctores, ut Arnobium, Lactantium, &c. This Age (if ever any other) had very many most excellent and famous Doctors, as Arnobius, Lactantius, Eusebius, Athanasius, Hilarius, Victorinus, Basilius, Nazianzenus, Am∣brosius, Prudentius, Epiphanius, Theophilus, Hieronymus, Faustinus, Didymus, Ephrem, Optatus, and others; out of which we shall shew and declare what was the form of Christian Doctrin used in this Age.

15. Lo there the Testimony of the Magdeburgians of the famous Doctors, Teachers, and Leaders of Christ's Church in this Age! And being such as they say, so excellently Learned, and endued with Christ's Spirit for Gui∣ding of his Church; is it probable (think you) that these four German Magde∣burgians, Illyricus, Wigandus, Judex and Faber, shall come to presume after∣ward to condemn them all of Ignorance and lack of Spirit, when they speak against them? Truly they cannot do it with any shame fac'dness or modesty at all, or be believed by any discreet man, if they do it. Well then, let us examin this point a little.

16. In their Chapter of Doctrin, when they talk of these Points, of God, and the B. Trinity, of Three distinct Persons, of the Natures and Wills of Christ, and other such matter, (wherein They and We do not differ) they alledge these Fathers abundantly: And no marvel, for as long as they teach Catholic Doctrin, they have all the Fathers Works and Volumes for them; but when they touch any Point wherein there is controversie between us, there they fall out presently

with the said Fathers for holding against them. As for example, in one Para∣graph of this Chapter and Doctrin, (which Paragraph is, de lib. Arbitrio) they begin it thus:* 1.121 De lib. Arbitrio, quae commodè & tollerabiliter à Doctoribus hujus aetatis tradita videntur, sic habent; Those things which seem unto us to have been commodiously and tolerably delivered by the Doctors of this Age about Free-will, are these that follow. Wherein they censure first (as you see) all Doctors of this Age, so greatly extolled by them before, as tho' they had de∣livered many things incommodious and intolerable about Free-will; as indeed afterwards in another Chapter,* 1.122 entituled, The declining of true Doctrin, (con∣taining the incommodious Opinions and Errors of these Doctors) they speak more plainly thus: Patres omnes ferè hujus aetatis de lib. Arbitrio confusè loquuntur, & contra manifesta Scripturae fanctae testimonia; Almost all the Fathers of this Age do speak confusedly of Free-will, and against the manifest testimonies of holy Scripture. And for proof of this they name in particular Lactantius, Athanasius, Basil, Nazianzen, Epiphanius, Hieronymus, and Gregorius Nyssenus; condemning them all, for not denying altogether Free-will in man after his Fall.

* 1.12317. Again, in the same Chapter of Doctrin, and Paragraph de Poenitentia, they begin thus: Doctrinam de Poenitentia, ut gravis per sese, & magni est mo∣menti, ita satis tenuiter & frigidè (quantum quidem ex scriptis ejus videre est) quemadmodum & in superioribus saeculis tractatam videas ab hac aetate: Nos igitur ea, quae de hac parte mediocriter & rectè, & utiliter dicta esse videntur recitabi∣mus:

The Doctrin of Penance, as it is a grave matter in it self, and of great importance, so we do see it handled by this Age (as also by the former Ages) very slightly and coldly, as we may see by their Writings extant: Where∣fore we shall recite here those things only of this matter, which seem unto us to have been spoken by the said Fathers with some mediocrity, rectitude, and utility, &c.

See now their Judgment and Censure of all the Fathers, not only of this Age, but of all the former Ages also since Christ, as having written both slightly and coldly! And yet further, in another Chapter of de∣clining Doctrin,* 1.124 they say, Poenitentiam haec aetas (ut ferè & superiores) neque rectè definiit, neque partes ejus satis explicavit; imò nec de Fide (necessaria Poeni∣tentiae parte) propemodùm aliquid habet:

This fourth Age, as neither the other three before, have either given the true definition of Penance, nor sufficiently declared the parts thereof; nay they speak nothing almost of Faith, which yet is a necessary part of Penance.

18. Thus they pronounce boldly of all the Ages since Christ, not excepting that of the Apostles themselves, And who can suffer so wicked a slander, as tho' they had made no mention of Faith at all, or as tho' when they prescribe Fasting, Prayer, Sorrow, and Tears to Penance, they excluded Faith? where∣as it is evident, even unto Children, that no man can perform these things, except he have first Faith, and do believe in him whom he seeketh to please and pacifie. I say nothing here of the intolerable Injuries and false Calumnia∣tions which they do infer upon the holy Fathers, without all cause, if their words were examined. As for example, in this very place, they condemn St. Ephrem,* 1.125 for depraving Penance, and excluding Faith from the same, for that he saith, Per lachrymas hujus brevissimi temporis peccata (Deus) dimittit, &c. Et, cum sanaverit, mercedem conferet lachrymarum;

God (saith this Saint) doth pardon our sins by our tears shed in this short time of our life; and, when he hath healed us, he will give us a reward also for our tears Who seeth not but that this holy Father supposeth Faith in him that doth weep, and consequently is not subject to the wicked slander of the Magdebur∣gians, affirming him to exclude Faith?

Yet thus they use both Him and all Fathers lightly, when they cite them, to refute their Sentences;

alledging them commonly with some false Calumniation. But let us go for∣ward.

19. When they come to speak of the Doctrin of the Blessed Sacrament and Real Presence (for that in this they hold with us against the Sacramentaries,* 1.126 and Calvinists) they do Cite the Fathers abundantly. As that of St. Am∣brose: Didicisti, quia quod accipis corpus Christi est. Thou hast learned, that the thing which thou receivest, is the Body of Christ. And again: Bibi sanguinem è Christo, ìdque in veritate, non in umbra aut similitudine. I have drunk the Blood of Christ, and that in truth not in a shadow or similitude. And then out of St. Hillary: Si verè verbum caro factum est,* 1.127 & nos verè verbum carnem cibo dominico sumimus.

If the word of God be truly made Flesh, then do we truly receive that Flesh in the Lords Supper.

And further they al∣lege St. Hierom, Arnobius, Juvencus, and others of this Age, that have the like Testimonies, and clear Speeches for proof of this verity. Which do seem to them so strong and manifest demonstrations against the Zwinglian, and Calvinian Doctrin, avowing to the contrary, That they hold them for obstinatly blind, that deny or resist the same. And this, for that the Doctrin pleaseth them. But if we step a foot further to the Doctrin of this Blessed Sacrament made also a Sacrifice, and so testified by the same Fathers, that af∣firmed the Real Presence: Then our good Magdeburgians, that commended them so highly before, do flatly leave both them and us, and do place their sayings in their other Chapter of incommodious Speeches. Accompting them for Straw, and Stubble, and Erroneous Doctrin. Incommode dictum est; (say they) quòd citatur ex Athanasii libello, &c.

It was spoken incom∣modiously by Athanasius in his Book of the Image of Christ, where he deny∣eth expresly that there is any thing remaining in this World of the Flesh and Blood of Christ, but only that which is dayly made Spiritually by the hands of Priests upon the Altar.

It is a new phrase also of Nazianzen,* 1.128 when he saith, Mox incruenti Sacrificii oblatione manus commaculat, presently he did stain his hands with the oblation of the unbloody Sacrifice. Again they ac∣cuse St. Ambrose for using these words, Missam facere, Offerre,* 1.129 Offerre Sacri∣ficium, &c. To say Mass, to offer, to offer up Sacrifice, &c. They reprehend Gregory Nyssen, for teaching of Transmutation, or Transubstantiation: Dei verbo Sanctificatum panem, in Dei verbi corpus credimus immutari.

We do believe that the Bread which is Sanctified by the word of God, is by the same word of God changed into the Body of the Son of God.

20. It would be overlong to Treat of all the Points in Controversie for which the Magdeburgians do reprehend and Condemn the Fathers of this Age,* 1.130 which so highly they commended a little before. For about Justification by Faith only, they Condemn by Name Lactantius, Nilus, Chromacius, Ephrem,* 1.131 and St. Hierom. And why? for that he saith, non sufficit murum habere fidei, nisi ipsa fides bonis operibus confirmetur. It is not enough to have the wall of Faith, except Faith be confirmed with good works.* 1.132 Which yet you have heard approved by the Sentence of Sir Francis Hastings before.

21. They condemn the same Lactantius together with St. Gregory Nyssen,* 1.133 St. Hillary, St. Nazianzen, St. Ambrose, St. Ephrem, and Theophilus Alexan∣drinus, for Attributing to much to good works; but especially to those that are voluntary.* 1.134 Inter omnia opera (say they) Electitiis plurimum haec aetas tri∣buit. Sic enim ait Theophilus; hi qui jejunia, id est, Angelicam conversationem in terris imitantur, per continentiam brevi & parvo labore, magna sibi & aeterna con∣ciliant praemia.

But among all other works (say the Magdeburgians) this Age doth Attribute most unto voluntary works or such as are chosen by a Mans self, for so saith Theophilus Arch-Bishop of Alexandria, those that do follow Fasting, that is to say an Angelical Conversation upon Earth, do gain unto

themselves by this short, and small labor of abstinence, great and eternal rewards.

* 1.13522. About Satisfaction they reprehend greatly, and put it for an Error in great Hilarius, for that he writeth upon these words of the 118 Psalm, My eyes have brought forth fountains of waters, &c. Haec poenitentiae vox est, lachrymis orare, lachrymis ingemiscere; This is the voice of true Penance, to pray with tears, and sigh with tears. And again, Haec venia peccati est, fontem fletus stere, & largo lachrymarum imbre mad fieri; This is the forgiveness of sin, to weep a whole fountain of tears, and to wash our selves with a large shower of weeping, &c. This did greatly discontent our Good-fellow-Germans, but St. Hilarius was of another Opinion.

* 1.13623. What should I recite here other Controversies, seeing it would but tire the Reader? For about Invocation and Prayer to Saints, they condemn by name St. Athanasius lib. de Incarnatione, for praying to our Lady; St. Basil, oratione in quadraginta Martyres, for praying to the said Forty Martyrs; St. Gregory Nazianzen, oratione in Basilium, for praying to St. Basil after he was dead, also for praying to St. Cyprian after he was martyred, Orat. in Cy∣prianum; they condemn also St. Ambrose, lib. de viduis, for praying to St. Pe∣ter and St. Andrew, and our Lady; they condemn Prudentius for praying to St. Laurence; and in another place to St. Vincentius and Cassianus Martyrs, Hym. in Laur. Vincent. & Cassian. They condemn Epiphanius, for saying that Prayers of the Living do help the Dead, Haeres. 75. They condemn St. Ephrem for say∣ing, that the Saints in Paradise did pray for them that are alive, lib. 1. de com∣punctione cordis, cap. 13.

* 1.13724. As for unwritten Tradition, they condemn all the Fathers of this Age one by one, reciting their Sentences, and rejecting them. They condemn by name Lactantius, Prudentius, and Hieronymus, for holding Purgatory; they con∣demn St. Epiphanius,* 1.138 for affirming that the Church admitteth no man to marry after he is Priest; Et haec certe sancta Dei Ecclesia cum sinceritate observat; And truly the holy Church of God (saith Epiphanius) doth observe this Cu∣stom with all sincerity. And thus much be spoken only about one Chapter, (to wit, of Doctrin) having over-skipped many other things for brevity-sake in the same Chapter.

25. But if I would pass to other Chapters, (especially that of Rites and Ce∣remonies, which is their sixth in order) there would be no end. For first, in the very first Paragraph about Rites or Ceremonies belonging to Churches Service, and public Meeting, (which is but one of almost twenty Paragraphs contained in this Chapter) they set down these Rites following, which do easily shew that Our Religion, and not Theirs, was in practice in this fourth Age.* 1.139 As for example, the Building of Churches in Honor of Saints by Con∣stantine and others at the beginning of this Age, and dedicating them to the same Saints, out of Eusebius and other Authors, pag. 407. nu. 50. Dedications also and Consecrations of the same Temples or Churches, and the Days of the said Consecration kept Holy and Festival with great solemnity,* 1.140 out of Athana∣sius and others,* 1.141 ibid. Service at midnight used in the Churches at that time, out of St. Basil and others, ibid. Altars builded in Churches for Christian Sa∣crifice, by the testimony of Socrates, Zozomenus, Theodoretus, and others, ibid. The Interpretation also, what an Altar meaneth, set down by Optatus; Quid est Altare, nisi sedes Corporis & Sanguinis Christi? What is an Altar, but the seat of the Body and Blood of Christ? Images also set up and painted in Chur∣ches in this Age, out of Zozomenus, Eusebius, Optatus, and others, pag. 409. Caereas Candelas, & Lampades; Torches, Wax-Candles, and burning Lamps, set up in the Church by Constantine himself, out of Eusebius, lib. 4. de vita Constant. pag. 410.* 1.142 Of Vigils and Watches kept in Church-Feasts, out of Basil,

Theodoret, and others, ibid. The use of Litanies in those days,* 1.143 they shew out of Basil, Theodoret, and others, ibid.

26. I leave many more Rites and Catholic Ceremonies set down by them in this first Paragraph, which is, of public Meetings, Churches, &c. But if I would pass from this unto many other Heads handled by them, as, about the use of Baptism, and administration of other Sacraments and Sacrifice, about Feasts, Fasts, Marriage, Burying, Honoring Martyrs Tombs, Pilgrimages, consecrating of Monks and Nuns, and other such points, (which these Magdeburgians do handle here at large out of the Fathers of this Age, and practice of that Church, to the number of nineteen or twenty, all against themselves) it were suffici∣ent to make a several Book apart. As for Example, about Baptism they teach us, That those who are to be baptized must first be confessed of their sins;* 1.144 that they must say abrenuntio tibi Sathana, & omnibus operibus tuis; that they must be prepared by Exorcisms, and after Baptism be anointed with holy Chrism; that they must fast a certain number of days before their Baptism; that they must thrice be dived in the water; that they must have Lamps lighted at their Baptism. And for the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar, they shew us, How it was wont to be admini∣stred, and sent (when occasion was offered) from one place to another; how often it should be received, and with what reverence, and with what Vigils and Prayers be∣fore; and how it was wont to be carried to them that lay on their Death-bed; and how they were bound to confess it openly to be the true Body and Blood of Christ, be∣fore they received it; and what great Miracles fell out for proof and confirmation of the truth about this Real Presence. These,* 1.145 and almost infinite other points like unto these, the Magdeburgians do prove at length to have been in use throughout this fourth Age by the Testimonies and Writings of the principal Doctors thereof.

27. Wherefore I will leave the Reader to consider, what manner of people these Lutheran Writers are, who do record so many important Testimonies against themselves; and having alledged them, then they refute all again pre∣sently with this bare shift, that they are either Jewish or Pagan Ceremonies brought in by the Fathers upon Superstition, and so not to be regarded; and this they think to be sufficient to refute them all. As for Example,* 1.146 talking of the Ceremony of Fasting in those days, what Meats they did eat, and how ri∣gorously they abstained, and how long, these good fellows do write thus: Jejunia observasse religiosiùs, quidem seu superstitiosiùs, quàm superioribus saeculis hujus aetatis Christianos Historiae testantur;

Histories do testifie unto us, that the Christians of this Age did observe Fasting-days more religiously, or ra∣ther more superstitiously, than any Age before, for that Human Traditions began now to be more multiplied; and Epiphanius doth say, that the Fast of Wednesdays and Fridays was observed at this time, as a Tradition of the Apo∣stles, but we find no such thing in their Works.

Thus said these Germans, that never perhaps fasted a day in their life, nor ever abstained for Devoti∣on-sake from any good morsel of Meat, that their Lips could reach unto. And so much of these men, for they are not worth the spending of time to re∣fute them.

Well then, by these few Examples taken out of two Chapters only of the Magdeburgians about this fourth Age, we see what may be gathered, if we would go over all the three Centuries for these three Ages (from Constantine to St. Gregory;) and thereby also we see the reason why Fox wrote so little of these three Ages, being wholly against them.

28. But now perhaps the Reader will ask, how it falleth out that John Fox having dedicated a special Book (to wit, his second of Acts and Monuments) unto these three Ages after Constantine, (for so is his Title:) how, I say,* 1.147 he could make up a distinct Book, and yet say nothing of the Ecclesiastical Affairs

therein contained?* 1.148 Whereunto I answer, That this is another Foxly fetch of his, to promise and not perform, and to do one thing for another; for that despairing to have matter to his purpose out of the former three Ages (as hath been shewed) he slideth away slightly to another Argument, which he had not promised in his Title; to wit, of some things fallen out in our English Church in the next 200 years after, from the time of St. Augustin and King Ethelbert, unto the time of King Egbert, first Monarch of the English, about the year of Christ 800. But for that these two Ages, (to wit, the seventh and eighth) do contain the times of our primitive English Church, I think best to treat severally thereof in the next Chapter following; this being sufficient to shew, that in these second 300 years John Fox had as little room for his Church, as in the former.

CHAP. IV.

How matters passed in the Christian Church, both abroad, and at home in England, during the third station of Time, from Pope Gregory and Ethelbert King of Kent, unto Egbert our first Monarch, containing the space of two hundred years.

* 1.149THere followeth in order the third distinction or station of Times appoint∣ed by John Fox in the beginning of his History, and promised by him to be handled distinctly in the prosecution of his Work; and so indeed this sta∣tion ought to have been above the rest, for that it containeth the time of our English primitive Church, to wit, the two first hundred years thereof from St. Augustin downward. But (as you have heard before) he finding scarce any thing in these two Ages, which delighted his heretical humor, no not our very Conversion it self from Paganism to Christian Religion, he shuffleth the same over in the end of his foresaid second Book, together with the second 300 years after Christ, from Constantine to Pope Gregory, as before hath been shewed. So as he includeth the Acts of 500 years of the most Famous and Glorious Times that ever were in the Church of God, (whether we respect the General and Universal Church, or the Church of England in particular) in a little Book of a dozen Leaves only,* 1.150 of which dozen Leaves the least part doth concern this time; whereas, when he cometh down to handle the Acts and Gests of John Wickliff, John Husse, Hierom of Prague, and other such paltry Heretics, not worth the talking of, he writeth whole Volumes, and many hundred Leaves together; but of these 200 years of our first Conversion and primitive Church, Fathers, Doctors, and Saints thereof, he writeth both very little and most contemptuously; and yet wanted he not Authors to give him matter in this behalf, seeing that St. Bede (that lived in the first of these 200 years) hath left five whole Books of the Acts and Gests there∣of, besides other that have ensued, as Gosselinus, Malmsbury, Westmonasteriensis, and others.

* 1.1512. But the truth is, that John Fox seeing these times to be wholly against him, and that they lay down more clearly before us (if it may be) than the rest, (especially to English-men) the Truth and Evidence of the Catholic Ro∣man Faith, he had no heart nor courage to deal much therewith, but sought to shuffle over in silence, so much as he might conveniently, and the rest to discredit by scoffs, taunts, corruption and falsification, as after you shall see; for I have thought good to make a distinct Chapter of these two Ages, and

thereby somewhat to let you see and behold what passed therein (tho' very briefly) and how John Fox doth behave himself in relating the same.

3. First then,* 1.152 if we consider the Universal Church of Christendom in these 200 years, (which are the 700 and 800 years of Christ) there are recounted to have sitten in the Roman See Thirty-three Popes▪ from Gregory I. to Leo III. and in the East Empire (the West being decay'd before) some Nineteen or Twenty Emperors reigned one after another, from Mauritius to Constantine VI. and Irene his Mother, in whose time Charles the Great of France was made Emperor of the West by the foresaid Pope Leo III.* 1.153 And during this Race of time the said Universal Church flourished greatly by Learned Men and Holy Bishops; whereof the principal were St. Isidorus Archbishop of Sevil, Sophro∣nius, Leontius, Theodorus Archbishop of Canterbury, Venerable Bede, Johannes Damascenus, Paulus Diaconus, Alcuinus our Countrey-man, Ʋsuardus, and others.

4. This time had many Learned Councils also;* 1.154 whereof two were Gene∣ral, the one being the third of Constantinople, the other the second of Nice: Whereby were beaten down all the Heretics of those days; the principal whereof were the Jacobites, the Armenians, Monothelites, Neophonites,* 1.155 Lam∣petians, Agnychites, Iconomachians, or Image-breakers, and other the like. Be∣sides all this, there was added to the Greatness of this Church the new Con∣version of many Countries from Paganism to Christian Religion.* 1.156 Amongst which may principally be recounted our English Saxons, as also by their means divers Provinces afterward of High and Low Germany. And this for the continuance and going forward of the Christian Catholic Church in general, planted by Christ, and brought down by Succession from the Apo∣stles time.

5. But if you will talk of our new English Church, planted in this mean space, and inserted or united to that General Catholic Church, as a Branch or Member to the whole Body, and as a new Daughter subordinate to her Mo∣ther, we shall see her progress to be conform thereunto; to wit, that she multiplied mightily in these 200 years, both in Number, Doctrin, and great Piety of Life; which John Fox himself is forced to confess, in that he having told us of the Conversion of seven English Saxon Kingdoms within the compass of this time, he setteth down divers Tables in the end of all,* 1.157 whereof one is of seventeen Archbishops of Canterbury, from Augustin to Celnothus that lived with King Egbert; and another Table of thirty Cathedral Churches, Abbies, and Nunneries builded, and abundantly endowed by Christian English Kings, Queens, and Bishops of that time; and a third Table of nine several Kings, besides many more of chief Nobility both Men and Women, who leaving the World and their Temporal States, entred into a Religious Life the more strict∣ly to serve Almighty God. All which John Fox is forc'd to recount against him∣self, and findeth no one in all this time of 200 years, (and much less any com∣pany) on whom he dareth lay hands to build up his hidden Church in England withal.

6. And it is to be noted by the Reader, and by us to be repeated again for better memories sake, (that which before we admonished) to wit, that Fox findeth these 200 years of our first English primitive Church so barren of mat∣ter for his purpose, as in the whole story thereof he spendeth only eight Leaves of Paper, and these rather in deriding and scoffing the same, and principal Pillars thereof, than writing any Ecclesiastical History. For which cause,* 1.158 you shall find these Notes and Titles commonly written over the heads of his Leaves and Pages, Augustin's arrival in Kent; Gregory the basest Pope, but the best; Proud Augustin; Lying Miracles; Shaven Crowns; Beda his Birth, and

the like.* 1.159 Of which Learned Holy Man's Story (I mean St. Bede) he maketh so little account, as in the same place reciting a Letter out of him written by a holy Man (Ceolfride Abbot of Sherwyn in Northumberland) to Naitonus King of the Picts, he saith thus: The Copy of which Letter, as it is in Bede, I have annexed; not for any great reason therein contained, but only to delight the Rea∣der with some pastime in seeing the fond Ignorance of that Monkish Age, &c. Whereby we may see the drift of this pleasant Fox in these his Acts and Mo∣numents; which is, to discredit that whole Time, and all our Primitive Church.

* 1.1607. But yet, to the end that the saying of Christ may be fulfilled in him, Ex ore tuo te judico, Serve nequam; I do judge thee out of thy own mouth, thou wicked Servant: I shall here set down two National Synods gathered in Eng∣land in these two Ages by two famous Archbishops of Canterbury; the one The∣odorus,* 1.161 in the year of Christ 680, and related by Beda; and the other St. Cuthbert, in the year 747, related by William of Malmsbury after Bede's death, and both of them set down by Fox. And by viewing the Decrees of these two Synods, you will see whether those Ages were so fond in Ignorance as Fox maketh them. Out of the first Synod, held at Thetford, Fox gathereth ten Decrees in these words:

* 1.1628.

• I. That Easter-day should be uniformly kept and observed throughout the whole Realm upon a certain day, viz. prima 14 Luna Mensis primi.
• II. That no Bishop should intermeddle within the Diocese of another.
• III. That Monasteries consecrated unto God should be exempt and free from the Jurisdiction of Bishops.
• IV. That the Monks should not stray from one place (that is, from one Monastery) to another without the license of their Abbot; also to keep the same Obedience which they promised at their first entring.
• V. That no Clergy-man should forsake his own Bishop, and be received in any other place without Letters Commendatory of his own Bishop.
• VI. That Foreign Bishops and Clergy-men coming into the Realm, should be con∣tent only with the benefit of such Hospitality as should be offered them; neither should they intermeddle any further within the Precinct of any Bishop, without his special permission.
• VII. That Synods Provincial should be kept within the Realm at least once a year.
• VIII. That no Bishop should prefer himself before another, but must observe the time and order of his Consecration.
• IX. That the number of Bishops should be augmented as the number of People in∣creased.
• X. That no Marriage should be admitted, but that which was lawful; no In∣cest to be suffered; neither any man to put away his Wife for any cause, except only for Fornication, after the Rule of the Gospel. And these be the principal Chapters of that Synod, &c.

* 1.1639. Out of the second Synod, held at Clonisho, Fox gathereth thirty-one Decrees, as followeth:

• * 1.164I. That Bishops should be more diligent in seeing to their Office, and in admonishing the people of their faults.
• II. That they should live in a peaceable mind together, notwithstanding they were in place dissevered asunder.
• III. That every Bishop once a year should go about all the Parishes of his Diocese.
• ...

• IV. That the said Bishops, every one in his Diocese, should admonish their Abbots and Monks to live regularly; and that Prelates should not oppress their Inferiors, but love them.
• V. That they should teach the Monasteries, which the secular men had invaded, and could not then betaken from them, to live regularly.
• VI. That none should be admitted to Orders, before his Life should be exa∣mined.
• VII. That in Monasteries the reading of Holy Scripture should be more fre∣quented.
• VIII. That Priests should be no disposers of secular business.
• IX. That they should take no money for baptizing Infants.
• X. That they should both learn and teach the Lord's Prayer and the Creed in English.
• XI. That all should joyn together in their Ministry after one uniform Rite and manner.
• XII. That in a modest voice they should sing in the Church.
• XIII. That all Holy and Festival-days should be celebrated at one time to∣gether.
• XIV. That the Sabboth day be reverendly observed and kept.
• XV. That the seven hours Canonical every day be observed.
• XVI. That the Rogation-days, both the greater and lesser, should not be o∣mitted.
• XVII. That the Feast of St. Gregory and St. Augustin our Patron should be observed.
• XVIII. That the Fast of the four times should be kept and observed.
• XIX. That Monks and Nuns should go regularly apparelled.
• XX. That Bishops should see these Decrees not neglected.
• XXI. That the Church-men should not give themselves unto Drunkenness.
• XXII. That the Communion should not be neglected of the Church-men.
• XXIII. Item, That the same also should be observed of the Lay men, as time required.
• XXIV. That Lay-men first should be well tried, before they entred into Religious Order.
• XXV. That Alms should not be neglected.
• XXVI. That Bishops should see these Decrees to be notified to the people.
• XXVII. They disputed of the profit of Alms.
• XXVIII. They disputed of the profit of singing Psalms.
• XXIX. That the Congregation should be constituted after the ability of their Goods.
• XXX. That Monks should not dwell among Lay-men.
• XXXI. That public Prayer should be made for Kings and Princes.

These Decrees and Ordinances being thus among the Bishops conclu∣ded, Cuthbert the Archbishop sendeth the Copy thereof to Boniface, which Boniface (otherwise named Wenfride, an English-man born) was then Archbishop of Mentz, and after made a Martyr, as the Popish Stories term him.

10. Thus far I thought good to set down the Decrees of these two Synods of the first two Ages of our primitive Church in the words themselves of John Fox; whereby you might see, or at leastwise make some guess of the Learn∣ing and Vertue of these times, which Fox endeavoreth by all means to bring in contempt. Which point, (I mean of their Learning, Piety, and Godly So∣licitude for governing our new-founded Church of England) would more evi∣dently have appeared by these two Synods, if this lying Historiographer had

not used here also his too Fox like tricks of falsifying and fraudulent omission of other things, which he should have related. For better understanding of these which he hath here set down, I shall speak a word or two of them briefly; for it were infinit to follow him in all these traces, turnings, and wind∣ings of his.

* 1.16511. First then, touching the former Council or Synod held by Theodorus Archbishop of Canterbury, and related by St. Bede (for of this only will I treat for brevities sake, to shew an Example thereby how you may trust John Fox in the rest which he writeth) these points may be noted: First, That whereas he saith, that this Synod was held in the year of Christ 680, and quoteth Bede for the same in his Margin, he falsifieth him plainly; for that Bede's words are these, set down at length.

* 1.166Fact a est haec Synodus ab Incarnatione Domini sexcentesimo septuagesimo tertio; quo anno Rex Cantuariorum Egbertus, mense Julio obierat, &c.

This Synod was made in the year after the Incarnation of Christ 673; in which year Egbert King of Kent was dead in the month of July before.

The same testi∣fieth St. Bede in other words in the very same Chapter,* 1.167 saying thus: That this Synod was gathered the 24th of September in the third year of the Reign of King Egfrid of Northumberland; who began his Reign, according to Stow, in the year of Christ 670.* 1.168 All which Fox having seen, yet setteth down as out of Bede that it was in the year of Christ 680.

12. Secondly, Fox writeth thus of the place: In the time of this Theodorus a Provincial Synod was held at Thetford, mentioned in the Story of Bede. But he that will read St. Bede himself, shall find these words: In loco qui dicitur Herudfrod;* 1.169 In a place called Herudfrod, that is Hartford, as William Cambden doth testifie in his Description of Hartfordshire, citing also this very Council out of Bede held at Herudfrod. So as I marvel how doting Fox did fall upon Thetford.

13. But thirdly, there follow more malicious changings and falsifications in citing the Articles themselves of this Synod; whereof he scarce relateth any one without some alteration, as each man may see that will compare them with the Original of St. Bede himself. I shall touch for example the first and the last of the ten, for that they have more express malice in them than the rest, which I do let pass.

* 1.17014. The first Decree of this Synod was, saith Fox, That Easter-day should be uniformly kept and observ'd throughout the whole Realm, upon one certain day, viz. prima 14 Luna Mensis primi; that is to say, upon the first 14 Moon, or day of the Moon of the first Month, to wit, of March. Which is just as the Jews do observe it, against the Use and Custom of the Church of Rome; and is an old condemn'd Error and Heresie, as before you have heard discuss'd at large in the second, third, and fourth Chapters of this Treatise. And you must note that Fox maketh this Decree to say, that this fourteenth Moon, or fourteenth day of the first Moon of March, (for this is the phrase of Ecclesiasti∣cal Calculation, to say, Luna prima, Luna secunda, Luna tertia, for the first, second, or third day of the Moon) must be certain, or certainly observed, so as it may not be alter'd, nor Easter observ'd upon any other day; wherein stan∣deth the formality of the former Error, as hath been declared, for that it putteth a necessity of observing the old Jewish Law, and thereby doth evacuate the force of Christ's Grace and Gospel, as you have heard before discussed. Which being so, will you easily believe that the whole Church of England could be brought to decree such an Error in a public Council, and that St. Bede in par∣ticular would ever relate the same with his approbation, seeing he mislik'd the same so greatly in some of the Britans,* 1.171 as in the former Chapters of this Treatise we have declared?

15. Well then, let us see what the words of St. Bede himself are in this Sy∣nodical Decree corrupted by Fox: Primum Capitulum, (saith he,* 1.172 relating it out of the words of the Canons themselves) ut sanctum diem Paschae in commu∣ni omnes servemus, Dominica post 14 Lunam primi Mensis;

The first Article of our Decrees (saith the Council) is, that we do all in common observe the holy day of Easter upon the Sunday next after the fourteenth Moon of the first Month.

16. Thus saith the Decree, truly related by St. Bede, quite contrary to that which Fox related before; he putting out and putting in of his own,* 1.173 without shame or conscience, what he thought best in this little Sentence, to make those Fathers seem to say (as he would have them) in favor of a con∣demn'd Heresie. To which effect he putteth out (as you have seen) the word Dominica, which maketh or marreth all the matter, and then for post 14 Lu∣nam, written at large in St. Bede, he putteth in prima 14 Luna,* 1.174 short in num∣bers only, to make it more obscure, adding prima of his own, and putting out post from the words of the Council, thereby to make the sense more clear in favor of the Heresie; for that prima 14 Luna Mensis primi (which are his words) do signifie the fourteenth day of the first Moon of March expresly. And moreover, he addeth of his own these words, upon one certain day, which the Decree hath not; meaning thereby, that this fourteenth day must be observed with such certainty, as it may not be altered or deferred to any Sunday, but must be observed as an immovable Feast; which out of Luther we have shewed before also to be his meaning.* 1.175 And thus much of the first Decree.

17. The last and tenth Decree hath no less fraud and malice used against it by Fox than this first; for the malicious shameless Fellow would make those Fathers of that Synod to favor the Doctrin and Practice of the Protestants in putting away their Wives for Fornication, and marrying another: for to this effect he citeth the Canon. Tenthly,* 1.176 That no man may put away his Wife for any cause, except only for Fornication, after the Rule of the Gospel: And there break∣eth off, as tho' the Council had said no more, nor added any further caution or explication of their meaning. Whereof it would ensue (as Protestants do in∣fer) that seeing a man may put away one Wife for Fornication,* 1.177 and is not bound to live unmarried, if he have not the gift of Continency he may law∣fully take another Wife, as the practice of Protestants is at this day in England. But the Reader must know, that immediatly after the former words by him re∣cited, there follow in the Canon others that mar all his Market; for thus they lie together.

18. Nullus conjugem propriam,* 1.178 nifi (ut sanctum Evangelium docet) Fornicatio∣nis causa relinquat: Quòd si quisquam propriam expulerit conjugem legitimo sibi ma∣trimonio conjunctam, si Christianus esse rectè voluerit, nulli alteri copuletur; sed ita permaneat, aut propriae reconcilietur conjugi:

Let no man leave his own Wife, but only, as the holy Gospel teacheth us, for the cause of Fornication; and if any man should put away his Wife that is joyned unto him by lawful Marriage, if he will be a true Christian let him not marry another, but either remain so in Continency, or be reconciled to his own Wife a∣gain.

19. Lo here the fidelity of John Fox in relating matters! This Canon de∣termineth two things, you see: First, That a man may not leave the com∣pany or cohabitation of his Wife, but only for the sin of Fornication committed by her: The second, That being so separated, he may not marry another for any cause, but either must remain continent, or be reconcil'd to his former Wife again. And this was the Doctrin of the Catholic Church then, and is now; which our Fox would fain have concealed from his Reader, and have

made him believe, that the old primitive English Church had been for Them and their Practice at this day. But the poor Reynard is taken at every win∣ding, when he is followed, which were impossible to do in all his false doublings. And so these two Examples only shall suffice to shew his tricks in this first point of Falsification. Let us pass to the second of wilful Omission.

* 1.17920. There remaineth to say a word or two of his Omissions, whereby he leaveth out of purpose from his Story those things which might give Credit or Reputation to our English Church in these ancient times, which he seeketh by all means to make ridiculous and contemptible. As for Example, the Number and Quality of the Prelates and Learned Men that then flourished, and were present in these Synods; the Reasons, and Arguments, and other like Cir∣cumstances, partly set down by St. Bede and other Authors upon divers occa∣sions, and partly registred in the very Prefaces of the Synods themselves. As for Example, in this first Synod here cited, they begin thus:

* 1.18021. In Nomine Domini Dei & Salvatoris Jesu Christi, &c.

In the Name of our Lord God and Savior Jesus Christ, reigning for ever, and governing his Church, it pleased him that we should meet together, according to the Cu∣stom of the Venerable Canons of the Church, to handle necessary business of our English Church: Wherefore we met together upon the 24th day of the Month of September,* 1.181 in the first Indiction, in a place called Herudfrod; I Theodorus (tho' unworthy) appointed by the See-Apostolic Bishop of the Church of Canterbury, and our Fellow-Bishop and Brother the most Reve∣rend Bisy Bishop of the East-Angles, and our Brother and Fellow Priest Wil∣frid Bishop of the Nation of the Northumbers was present by his proper Le∣gats; there were present also our Brethren and Fellow-Priests, Putta Bishop of the Castle of Kent commonly called Rhofessester, Eleutherius also Bishop of the West-Saxons, and Winfrid Bishop of the Mercians. And when we were all come together, and every man set according to his Order and Degree, I said unto them,

Most dear Brethren, I beseech you, for the Fear and Love of our Savior, that we may handle here in common the things that belong unto our Faith, to the end that these things which have been decreed and defined by the Holy ancient Fathers about the same, may be kept uncorrupt by us all, &c.

22. This is part of the Preface to the first Synod, out of which the former Decrees related and corrupted by Fox (as you have heard) were taken; and by the very words of this Entrance or Preface there is more serious gravity signifi∣ed than Fox would seem to acknowledge at this day in England. But seven years after this again the said Theodorus made another Synod, passed over in silence by Fox, but St. Bede relateth the same in these words:

* 1.18223. His temporibus audiens Theodorus, &c.

At this time Theodorus the Arch∣bishop hearing that the Church of Constantinople was greatly troubled by the Heresie of Eutyches,* 1.183 (that deny'd two Natures to be in Christ, or that his Flesh was like ours) and desiring greatly that the Churches of England, over which he had Jurisdiction, should continue free from such Infection, he gathered together a Synod of very many Venerable Priests and Learned Bi∣shops; and finding them, after diligent enquiry made, to agree all together in one Catholic Faith, he thought good to set the same down by Synodical Letters, for Instruction and Memory of Posterity; which began thus: In the Name of our Lord Jesus Christ our Savior, in the Reign of our most pious Princes and Lords, Egfrid King of the Northumbers, Anno 10. upon the fifteenth day before the Calends of October, the eighth Indiction; and Ethel∣dred reigning over the Mercians, the sixth year of his Reign, and Adulphus

being King of the East-Angles, the seventeenth year of his Reign, and Lod∣tharius being King of Kent, in the seventh year of his Reign, and Theodorus by the Grace of God Archbishop of the Isle of Britanny and of the City of Canterbury being President of the Synod, together with the rest of the Bi∣shops of the same Island, venerable men sitting with him in Council, and the holy Sacred Gospel being laid before them, in a place called in the Saxon Tongue Hedtfield, after treaty had, they expounded the right Catholic Faith in this manner:

24. Sicut Dominus noster Jesus, &c.

As our Lord Jesus, taking our flesh upon him, did deliver unto his Disciples, that saw him in person,* 1.184 and heard his speeches, and as the Symbolum or Creed of the holy Fathers have deli∣vered unto us, and as generally all whole and universal Synods, and all the company of holy Fathers and Doctors of the holy Catholic Church have taught us; so do We, following their steps, both Piously and Catholicly, according to their Doctrin (inspired to them from Heaven) profess and be∣lieve, and constantly confess, according to the said holy Fathers Belief, That the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost are properly and truly a consubstan∣tial Trinity in Unity, and Unity in Trinity, &c. We receive also the holy and universal five Synods that have been held before our time by the blessed Christian Fathers our Ancestors, to wit, those 318 holy Bishops in the first Council of (a) 1.185 Nice, against Arius and his wicked Doctrin, and of the 150 other Bishops in the first Council of (b) 1.186 Constantinople against the Heresie of Macedonius, and of the 200 Godly Bishops of the Council of (c) 1.187 Ephesus against Nestorius and his Errors, and of the 230 Bishops in the Council of (d) 1.188 Calce∣don against Eutyches and his Doctrin, and of the other 165 Fathers gathered together in the second General Council of (e) 1.189 Constantinople against divers Heretics and Heresies, &c. We do receive all these Councils, and we do glo∣rifie our Lord Jesus Christ, as they glorified him, adding nothing, nor ta∣king any thing away. We do anathematize and accurse also, both by heart and mouth, all those whom these Fathers did anathematize and accurse, and we do receive them whom they received, &c.

25. Behold here the manner and form of Catholic Councils of old time; who laid down first the Gospel in the midst, and then after due examination of Scriptures, considered that Antiquity of Fathers and Councils had determined in God's Church before them, even from Christ and his Apostles downward; and therein insisted, agreeing all in one, and rejecting and accursing all new, contrary or different Doctrins and Doctors; and by his means, and by the assistance of the Holy Ghost promised by Christ unto his Church, hath she con∣tinued now for 1600 years one and the self-same; whereas Sectaries lacking this Humility, Wisdom, and Subordination, but especially God's Grace, are divided and consumed among themselves.

26. But I will pass no further in this point; this which I have said being sufficient to shew that there were more Learned men in England in these times of our primitive Church, than fantastical Fox would have men believe; which is greatly confirmed by that which Malmsbury writeth,* 1.190 (and Fox also confes∣seth the same) That a General Council being gathered, soon after this which we have mentioned, in Constantinople both of the East and West Church against the Monothelites,* 1.191 (that deny'd two distinct Wills of Christ) our Archbishop Theodorus, with some other Learned men of our English Clergy, was called for by Pope Agatho to be one of his Legats in the said Council, where there were 331 Bishops gathered together by order of the said Agatho Bishop of Rome, against the Patriarchs of Antioch, Alexandria, and Constantinople, (which thing sheweth the great Power and Authority of the Bishop of Rome, even in

Greece it self, at that day) the Emperour Constantine IV. being present himself.

* 1.19227. And to this Council (as is said) was the foresaid Theodorus Archbishop of Canterbury, with divers other Bishops, called by name by Pope Agatho, as we may see in his Letter to the said Council cited by Malmsbury in these words: Sperabamus de Britannia Theodorum, &c.

We did hope to have had from Britanny Theodore my Brother and Fellow-Bishop and Archbishop of that great Island, and a Philosopher, together with others which hitherto do re∣main there, and then to have joined them to our Humility; and for this cause we have hitherto deferred the Council. Vides quanti eum fecerit (saith Malmsbury) ut ejus expectatione, Universale Concilium differret; "You see of what account this Archbishop was with Pope Agatho, that he would defer a General Council for his expectation.

Thus writeth he; whereby every in∣different man will easily see that this time of our primitive English Church (which Fox by contempt so often calleth Ignorant and Monkish) was not de∣void of rare Learned men; and so hath continued until our days, frustrà cir∣cumlatrantibus haereticis,* 1.193 (to use St. Augustin's words) Heretics in vain barking on every side against it. With whom John Fox thought good to bear a bark∣ing part also; and not being able to find out any one hole or corner for his Church in those Ages, except only among the Heretics before named; he thought good at least to rail and spit at them as he passeth by, and so will he do more and more the lower he goeth, until at length he fall to plain Aposta∣sie, and forsaking them openly will join with the known condemned Here∣tics and Enemies of this Church; which Church hitherto notwithstanding he will seem in some sort to follow, tho' lazily and dragging behind, and as it were weary of her Company, and looking about him, which way he may give the slip, and betake himself to his heels; as will better appear by that which ensueth.

CHAP. V.

The fourth station or division of Times from King Egbert unto William the Conqueror, containing the space of some 260 years; and how John Fox his Church passed in these days, and whether there were any Pope Joan, or no.

* 1.194YOu have heard before how John Fox in his second Book, promising to han∣dle but 300 years, touched in the Acts of 500 in less than a dozen Leaves, shewing the small store of matter he had for his Church in those Ages. Now his next Book is entituled thus: The third Book, containing the next 300 years from the Reign of Egbert unto the time of William the Conqueror. So is his Title. And yet, if you count the years from the beginning of King Egbert his Reign, (Anno Domini 802, according to Stow, or 800, according to others) unto the entrance of the Conqueror, Anno 1066, you shall find but only 264 years; and from King Egbert his death but 234. So as Fox is in no one thing exact or punctual. And these 264 years may be counted the fourth station, or par∣cel of Time from Christ downward; which now we are briefly to examin and run over, as we have done the former Stations and Limitations ap∣pointed.

2. First then, concerning the general Roman Church, it continued in these Ages, as in the former, by continual Succession of her Bishops and Gover∣nors, altering nothing in Belief and Doctrin from her Ancestors. And briefly to repeat the sum of all, there ruled in the See of Rome in these two Ages and an half, (as supreme, known, and acknowledged Pastors of this great visible Church) some sixty Popes, from Leo III. that crowned Charles the Great, (and thereby restor'd the Western Empire) unto the time of Alexander II. under whom Duke William of Normandy conquered England. And in the Western Empire there reigned some eighteen Emperours in this space, from Charles the Great to Henry IV. and in the Eastern Empire some twenty five, from Nicepho∣rus I. to Constantine X. All which Popes, Emperours and Princes were of one Religion, Faith and Belief in those days. And albeit soon after the See of Constantinople, and Greek Church, by occasion of Emulation against the Roman Empire, did begin to withdraw their due Obedience from the Roman Church, and thereby fell by little and little into divers errors of Doctrin also, and finally were delivered over (as all the World seeth) into the Subjection and Servitude of the Turks; yet in these Ages there was Union and due Subordina∣tion between both Churches:* 1.195 Which may appear by that one only General Council being held at Constantinople, (even against Phocius, that was Patriarch of the said City) being gathered by order of Pope Adrian II. and Basilius the Grecian Emperour concurring therein. This Council was of 300 Bishops, and confirmed by the said Pope Adrian,* 1.196 being the eighth General Council in order, and the fourth of those that were held in Constantinople. Whereby it cometh also to be noted, That all the General Councils held hitherto in the Christian Church (for the space of 900 years) being eight in number, as hath been said, from the first Council of Nice unto this, and from this to the first General Council of Lateran, holden in the year of Christ 1115, under Pope Innocentius III. were all held in Greece, but yet by order of the Bishops of Rome, sending thither their Legats, and confirming the same afterwards by themselves, without which confirmation they were never held for Lawful in the Christian World; which is no small Argument of the Greatness and Au∣thority of the Church of Rome from time to time.

3. It shall not be needful to speak of the particular Heresies of these two or three Ages, which in effect were none of any name, but only two,* 1.197 the Icono∣clasts, or Image-breakers, and the Berengarians, or Sacramentaries, both of them agreeing in their particular Heresies with the Calvinists of our Times, tho' in many other things different, as it is wont to be. The first of them was begun before these Times by Leo III. Emperour of Constantinople, sirnamed Isaurus, about the year of Christ 750, as before hath been noted, and renewed again by Claudius Taurinensis. The second was begun 300 years after by Berengarius, about the year of Christ 1050, and abjured by him again, as hereafter shall be shewed.

The chief Doctors and Fathers that defended true Religion in these Ages were Turpinus, Eginhardus, Haymo, Rabanus, Frecolphus, Hincmarus,* 1.198 Jo. Diaconus, Remigius, Theophylactus, and others, in the ninth Age; and then in the other, Odo, Ado, Rhegino, Luitprandus, Rhatbodus, Abbo Floriacensis, and others; and the other half of the eleventh Age, Bruchardus, Petrus Damianus, Lanfrancus, and many others.

4. And this was the state of the Universal Christian Church in these Ages; whereunto in all respects was conform the particular Church of England, as the Daughter to her Mother; which may be demonstrated partly by the continual Descent of Archbishops in England, which were to the number of Sixteen,* 1.199 from Celnothus that lived with King Egbert, unto Stigand that possessed the See of Canterbury when William the Conqueror came in, tho' afterward he caused

him to be deposed by a Commission from Rome, in the year of Christ 1070, as John Stow and others do note.

5. I do pretermit the Succession of other Bishoprics in England for Brevities sake;* 1.200 the Kings also of England that possessed that Crown from Egbert to Wil∣liam the Conqueror were some Twenty in number, (if we count Canutus the Dane and his two Children among the rest.) All which Kings, of what Nation or State soever, agreed fully in Faith and Belief with the said Archbishops and Bishops of our Land, and They again with the whole Universal Roman Church, as appeareth by their Acts and Monuments, and John Fox also con∣fesseth.

6. Which being so, it is hard to say or imagin where John Fox in these Ages will pick out a different Christian Church (tho' it be never so poor and creeping) for Him and His, either in England or out of England, during this time. And much more hard it is to think how he can devise any visible Continuation of the said obscure and trodden-down Church (as he promised to do) even from the Apostles Time to our Age.* 1.201 His only refuge must be (as before we have often noted) to run to the condemned Heretics of these times, if he find any for his purpose. Which yet he dareth not openly to do, as you have seen throughout all the former Ages: But afterward, when he cometh near home, to wit, after Pope Innocentius III. and John Wickliff, he taketh more heart, affirming Our Church to have utterly perished, and a new visible Off-spring of his Church to have started up; to wit, all the Sectaries and Heretics cast out and condemn∣ed of our Church, as you shall see more particularly when we come to that place.

7. For the present Ages that we are now in, he doth not so much as lay hands upon the Iconoclasts or Berengarians, nor doth seem to count them for his Brethren, tho' in the principal Points of their Heresies they agree with Him, as is notorious. And John Fox, to have some visible Members of his Church in these Ages, ought to have shaken hands with them; but the poor Fellow was asham'd to build his Church openly of so ancient Heretics; tho' after∣ward, when he beginneth to build indeed, and to gather Stones together, he calleth for the Berengarians again which now he casteth away, as after you shall see.

8. But now perhaps you will ask me, If John Fox do set down no Successi∣on in these Ages (as neither in the former of His Church or Ours,) what doth the simple Fellow in all this third Book of his? Whereto I answer first, That albeit he promiseth in the Title,* 1.202 That this third Book shall contain the Acts and Monuments of 300 years, together with the whole race and course of the Church, &c. yet hath the whole Book but seventeen Leaves in all, which is little more than one Leaf to every twenty years race and course of the whole Church. And surely, he that so courseth over an Ecclesiastical History, may be called rather a Courser indeed, than an Historiographer.

9. Nay further, he is so envious to the famous Acts of our English Church in these days, (especially with Foreign Nations) as he either concealeth ut∣terly the same, or maketh reproachful mention thereof. As for Example, when he speaketh of the most Famous and Renowned Saint of our English Na∣tion,* 1.203 St. Wenfride, (called afterward Bonifacius) and accounted by all Authors the Apostle of Germany, for that he began principally their Conversion, and was afterward most gloriously Martyred by the Pagans for preaching Christ's Gospel, with above Fifty Fellows, the most of them English-men. Of this man (I say) how speaketh Fox? You shall hear presently. But first shall you see the words of a German Writer in his praise: Primus omnium (saith he) qui Australes Germaniae partes,* 1.204 &c. The first of all that brought the Southern parts of Germany to the knowledge of Christian Religion from Idolatry, was Wenfride,

an English-man by Nation, a true Philosopher of our Savior,* 1.205 and after for his Vertue called Boniface, and Archbishop of Moguntia. And albeit some Au∣thors do name some others that preached in sundry places before him, yet this man (as another Paul the Apostle) did go before all in Labour of Preach∣ing, &c.

10. So writeth Adam Bremensis a Saxon, a Canon of the First and Head Church that was builded in Saxony after their Conversion by the preaching of English-men; for so he sheweth in particular that English-men were their Con∣verters, but especially four most famous Learned Preachers, and fervent Ze••lots in multiplying the Christian Faith, to wit, Willebrordus, Willebaldus, Wille∣ricus, and Willehadus; all which were renowned Apostolical Bishops in Ger∣many. (a) 1.206 Willebrord was sent over out of England with eleven Companions towards the Conversion of Germany by the holy Abbot St. Egbert, as both St. Bede and other Authors after him do testifie; and by Pope Sergius II. was made Bishop of Ʋltraiectum in Frisia, and was the Apostle of that Country, as also a principal Converter of the Kingdom of Denmark.

11. (b) 1.207 Willebaldus was Bishop of Ayste in Saxony, where he converted many thousands to Christian Faith, and was canonized with universal joy of all that Country by Pope Leo VII. in the year of Christ 1004, as Authors do recount.

12 (c) 1.208 St. Willehad and St. Willerike were both Bishops of Breme in Saxony: Post Passionem Sancti Bonifacii (saith our foresaid German Author) Willehadus (d) 1.209 & ipse Angligena fervens amore Martyrii properavit in Frisiam, &c.

After the Passion of St. Boniface, St. Willehad (an English-man also) burning with the love of Martyrdom, made hast also to come into Frisia, where the other was Martyred, &c.

And then sheweth he how this blessed man, after the Con∣version of many Thousands, was sent by the Emperour Charles the Great to preach to the Northern Parts of Saxony; which he did with great fervour, till Windekind, a Pagan Tyrant of that Country, moving War against Charles, drove him out: upon which occasion he retired himself to a contemplative Life for two years together in France, until after he was called out again by the said Charles to be Bishop of Breme, in which Charge he both lived and died most holily.

13. And next to him succeeded one of his Disciples, Willericus,* 1.210 and led an Apostolical Life in the same Charge for the space of 50 years together, as Adam Bremensis, Erpoldus Lindenbrughensis and others do testifie.

These Mens Acts then, and other such-like, had been fit matter for John Fox to have handled in his Ecclesiastical History of these Ages; especially if he could have shewed that any one of these that wrought so infinite Miracles, both alive and dead, (as the former Authors do testifie) had been of his Religion. But Fox doth pass over all with silence, (I mean both Them and their Acti∣ons,) but only that he taketh occasion to speak contemptuously of the first, and Father of the rest, St. Boniface: For having spoken of the latter Synod of those two which we mentioned in the former Chapter to have been held in England by Theodorus and S. Cuthbert Archbishops of Canterbury, he writeth thus: Cuthbert the Archbishop of Canterbury sent the Copy of the Synod to Boniface,* 1.211 otherwise named Winfride, an English man, then Archbishop of Mentz, and after made a Martyr, as the Popish Stories term him.

14. Behold John Fox scarce counteth him a Martyr, tho' he were put to death by Pagans for preaching Christian Faith. And a little after, meaning to put down a certain Godly Epistle of the said Boniface, or Wenfride, written to Ethelbald King of the Mercians, reprehending him for his licentious Life, Fox writeth thus: I thought this Epistle not unworthy here to be inserted,* 1.212 not so

much for the Authors sake, as for that some good matter peradventure may be picked thereout for other Princes to behold and consider, &c.

* 1.21315. Here now you see the Estimation and Affection of John Fox to Boniface, of whom the Christian World of those Times both thought and spoke so reverendly for so many Ages. But let us hear what John Bale will say; for he being an Apostata,* 1.214 will be more contumelious, I trow: Winifridus Bonifacius (saith he) claro Anglorum sanguine Londini natus, &c. Winifrid (called also

Boniface) was born at London of Noble English Blood, and afterward went to Rome, where Pope Gregory II. having try'd the Man's Faith, and seen his Magnificence of Mind, or rather his shameless Pride, thought him a Fellow fit for his Affairs, and so sent him with full Authority into Germany, to a wild People (as then they were called) to force them to his Faith.* 1.215 Neither hath there been any man since the Birth of Christ that hath more properly expressed the second Beast in the Apocalypse with two Horns, than he; for that the Pope being the great Antichrist, he was the second, &c. He did sign with the Pope's Character a hundred thousand men in Bavaria only, adjoyn∣ing them to the Kingdom of Antichrist, rather by Fear than by pious Doctrin, &c. He built the Monastery of Fulda, where no Woman might enter, &c.

16. Still you see one quarrel of John Bale against Monks is for shutting out Women from their Monasteries; which as it was holily instituted and obser∣ved by ancient Monks, so if it had been well kept in his Monastery of Norwich, it may be he had continued a Monk, as he began, and never come acquainted with Dorothy, that drew him out from thence, as himself * 1.216 confesseth. But is there any wicked tongue in the world that can speak more impiously than this Fellow doth of so rare an Apostolic Man, and of his Actions; yea, of the Con∣version of Infidels to Christian Faith, and their holy Baptism, calling it, sign∣ing them with the Character of the Beast? Who but a Beast indeed, or a man of a beastly mind, would speak so? If I should allege the Testimonies of all ancient Authors since his time in praise and admiration of so zealous and holy a Martyr, I should oppress both Fox and Bale with their very Names and Authority.

17. But to return to Fox again. You have heard what he omitteth of the Church of England, which he might well have discoursed of in handling these Times. Seeing he passeth over our particular Church so slightly, you will de∣mand, perchance, what he writeth or setteth down of the Universal Roman Church. Truly in effect he handleth nothing of moment nor coherence; tho', to bring in a certain impertinent Tale whereof he desireth to speak, to wit,* 1.217 of Pope Joan, he setteth us down a short Rank of some few Popes, but namely of Pope Leo IV. unto whom he adjoyneth Pope John VIII. and after him Benedict III. and then Pope Nicholas I. And this Pope John VIII. (which entred between Leo and Benedict) he will needs have to have been a Woman, whom he calleth Pope Joan: And albeit John Fox's words be as foolish and blasphemous as they are wont in such cases, yet will I recite them here, to the end you may see what truth pr probability this so much blazed and canvased Heretical Fiction hath in it.

* 1.21818. And here next (saith he) followeth now and cometh in the Whore of Baby∣lon rightly in her true colours, by the permission of God, and manifestly without all tergiversation to appear to the World; and that not only after the spiritual sense, but after the letter, and the right form of an Whore indeed: For after this Leo above mentioned, the Cardinals proceeding to their ordinary Election, after a solemn Mass of the Holy Ghost, to the perpetual shame of them, and of that See, instead of a Man Pope elected a Whore indeed, called by the Name of John VIII. who

sate two years and six months, &c. The Womans proper Name was Gilber∣ta, &c.

19. Behold John Fox describeth so particularly this Woman and her Electi∣on, as if he had been present, and seen all pass. But suppose all this were true which he hath written, (as we shall prove it presently to be altogether false:) Suppose, I say, that by Error such a Woman had been chosen; what had ensu'd of that? or what had this prejudiced the Church of Christ? St. Au∣gustin asketh the very same Question in a like case, when having recited up the Popes of Rome from Christ to his days, (to wit, from St. Peter to Pope Anasta∣sius) he maketh this demand; What if any Judas or Traytor had entred among these, or been chosen by Error of men?* 1.219 Si quisquam Traditor (saith he) per illa tempora subrepsisset? If any Traytor in those days had crept in, what had en∣su'd thereof? And then he maketh the Answer presently, Nihil praejudicaret Ecclesiae, & innocentibus Christianis. And the very like do I answer in this case: For I would ask John Fox, If, immediately after the Apostles time, (whiles yet he confesseth the Church of Rome to have been in good state, and the true Church of Christ) any Woman, or Hermaphroditus,* 1.220 or any that had not been baptized, or if a Lay-man, and not Priest, (and consequently not capable of that Place and Dignity) had by Error of men crept into the Office of chief Bishop, (which as it may happen by human frailty, so yet we assure our selves that the Providence of God will never permit it in so high and supreme a Dignity of his Church;) but if it should have happened out, had this preju∣diced that Apostolic Church, or made it the Whore of Babylon, as Fox infer∣reth of his latter Church? Truly I think he dareth not say so; for that it is evident it were a plain cavil: the only inconvenience of that case being (if it should fall out) that the Church should lack a true Head for the time, as she doth when any Pope dieth until another be chosen. And whatsoever inconve∣nience can be imagined in this case, is more against the Protestants than Us; for that their Church admitteth for lawful and supreme Head thereof either Man or Woman, which our Church doth not. Here then is seen John Fox's Folly in urging this point.

20. Again, I would ask the simple Fellow, that repeateth so often the word Whore in this place, as tho' he were delighted therewith, Whether that word used by St. John in the Apocalypse, (to wit, Meretrix Babylon) were meant of a particular person, as he applieth it, or rather of a City or Multitude? If he will answer any thing at all, he must needs grant the second; for that the Vi∣sion describeth plainly the City of Rome, scituated upon seven Hills, that slew the Martyrs of Christ, and infected the whole World with the variety and confusion of her Idolatries;* 1.221 which Sentences being not applicable to the Church or Congregation of Christians in those days, (that was holy, as Fox will confess) but rather to the State and present condition of Rome under those Pagan persecuting Emperours, that afflicted Christians, and forced men to Idolatry, (which State was prophesied that it should fall, and be overthrown soon after by Christ's Power, as we have seen it fulfilled:) All this, I say, being put together and considered, it is a most ridiculous thing to apply this Prophesie of the Whore of Babylon (as Fox doth) to any particular Pope, John, Joan, or Jill, if any such had been.

21. But the very truth is, that this whole Story of Pope Joan is a meer Fa∣ble, and so known to the more learned sort of Protestants themselves, but that they will not leave off to delude the World with it, for lack of other matter. If you ask me, How it began, and hath continued in mens mouths so long? I answer, Either upon simplicity, or malice, or both.* 1.222 Upon simplicity it seem∣eth it was begun by the first Author and Relator thereof, Martinus Polonus, that lived about 300 years agone, and above 400 after the thing is said to have

fallen out;* 1.223 who was a very simple man, as appeareth by many other fabulous Relations which he maketh: And yet doth not he aver it, but only with this limitation, (ut asseritur) as it is said; whereby he sheweth to have received it only by vulgar Rumor, without any certain Author or Ground. And we shall afterward shew the occasion of the foresaid false Rumor.

22. But the matter being once on foot, it was carry'd on, partly by curiosity of latter Writers, that took it out of Polonus, as Platina, and * 1.224 others relating it with the same restriction, (ut aiunt, as men say,) and partly by malice and emu∣lation of them that favoured the German Empire against the Pope, and were glad to have such a matter of some Dishonor to object against the See of Rome; which humor our latter Sectaries also have thought best to con∣tinue.

23. But if we go to more ancient Writers, such (I mean) as lived in the very time or soon after the matter is pretended to have fallen out; that is to say, with Leo IV. that held the See eight years, six months, and three days, from the year of Christ 847, to 855; and with Pope Benedictus III. that imme∣diately followed him after some few days of vacancy, to wit, from the year 855, to 858. These Authors, I say, do shew evidently, that these two Popes, being both Romans, succeeded immediately one after another, without any John or Joan coming in between them. As for Example, Anastasius Bibliothe∣carius, a man of great Reputation, that lived in both these Popes times, and was present at both their Elections, and wrote the particulars thereof, shew∣eth amongst other points,* 1.225 That Leo IV. died the 16th day before the Calends of August, and that all the Clergy of Rome being gathered together (he doth not say the Cardinals, as foolish John Fox doth, for that that kind of Election was not then in use) with one consent did choose Benedict III. &c.

* 1.22624. Thus writeth Anastasius; and with him do agree the Historiographers that followed next after him, as Audomarus, Luitprandus, Rhegino, Hermanus Contractus, Lambertus Schafnabergensis, Otho Frisengensis, Conradus, Abbas Ʋr∣spergensis, and others long before Martinus Polonus; who in their Chronolo∣gies do place Benedictus III. immediately after Leo IV. without admitting any other Man or Woman between them. And the very same also doth write Ado Bishop of Vienna,* 1.227 that lived at the same time; Leone obeunte, Benedictus in se∣de Apostolica constituitur; Leo IV. being dead, Benedict was placed for him in the Apostolical See. And as for Joannes VIII. they do place him four Popes after Leo IV. to wit, next to Adrianus II. and say he was a Roman, and reign∣ed ten years distinctly. So as if they should miss in this count of Popes and Years, the Error must needs be manifest in Chronology. Yea, not only Latin Writers, but even the Greek Historiographers Zonaras, Cedrenus, Curopalatas, and others, that wrote before Martinus Polonus of matters concerning the Latin Church in those days, and were no Friends to the same, and would have been content of such an Advantage to object against it, yet write they nothing thereof at all; which is an evident proof that there was no such matter.

* 1.22825. But besides these Authorities of external Authors, I have one Argument also of no small moment (as it seemeth to me) taken from our ancient English Histories written in the Latin Tongue; to wit, William of Malmsbury, Henry Huntington, Roger Hoveden, Florentius Vigorniensis, and Matthew of West∣minster; whereof the first four lived 500 years agone, and are elder than Po∣lonus, and the latest of them 300 years, and was equal with him; and no one of them all maketh any mention of this Pope Joan; which yet in reason they should have done above others, for that they do all agree that in the time of Pope Leo IV. towards the end of his Reign, about the year of Christ 853, King Ethelwolph before mentioned, Son to King Egbert, (having put his King∣dom

of England in the best order he could, and left the Government thereof for his absence to his eldest Son Aethelbald, assisted with the helps of his second and third Brothers, Athelbricke and Athelred) took his journey for Rome,* 1.229 lead∣ing with him his fourth Son Alured or Alfred, (who afterward also was King) which he loved most tenderly above the rest of his Children. And coming to Rome, he delivered the same Alfred (being yet of very young Age, according to the account of Matthew Westminster) into the hands of the said Pope Leo IV. to be instructed and brought up by him, (as John Fox also relateth;) and that the said Pope received him with great kindness, and was his Godfa∣ther in the Sacrament of Confirmation, detaining him there with him. But how long this Prince stay'd in Rome after his Father's return, tho' it be not set down in particular, yet that it was some number of years seemeth evident, both for that he return'd more Learned, and otherwise better qualified, than any Saxon King had been before him, and for that we find no mention of his Acts in England until in the Reign of his third Brother Athelred, (for all three reigned in order after Ethelwolf their Father) upon the year 871,* 1.230 at the famous Battle of Reading in Barkshire, fought against the Danes, where he being pre∣sent, and Lieutenant to his Brother the King, tho' he were but Twenty-two years old, (according to the account of Florentius and of Matthew Westmin∣ster,) yet seeing the Enemies Army to press upon him, and his Brother to stay over long at Mass, he gave them Battle in a very unequal place, but with such Valour, as he obtained a notable Victory, &c. But to our purpose of Pope Joan.

26. It is very like, by that which I have said, that this Prince Alfred living in Rome when Pope Leo IV. died, and when Pope Benedict III. was chosen,* 1.231 must needs have known also Pope Joan, if any such had entred & lived two years & a half between them, as Fox would have it: And further, that some of our an∣cient Historiographers, writing of those Times so particularly as they do, would have made some mention thereof; especially if this She-Pope were an English-woman, or called Joannes Anglus, (as Polonus saith, or Anglicus, as Platina relateth; or if she were born, brought up, or had studied in England, as the Magdeburgians and others of their Sect devise; or if she went up and down the World in the company of an English Monk of the Monastery of Fulda, as John Fox doth fable:) It is like, I say, that if any of these things had been true, Prince Alfred, or some of his Train residing then in Rome, would have known her, or been acquainted with her, or with the Monk that led her about, or at leastwise have received some special help at her hand when she came to be Pope, which would have deserved some memory in our Histories. But our foresaid Writers do not only not make any mention of her, or of any John or Joan English Pope that came between Leo IV. and Benedict III. but do expresly ex∣clude the same, by placing the one immediately after the other, and assigning them their distinct number of years before mentioned, to wit, eight years and three months to Leo, and two years and six months immediately follow∣ing to Benedictus III. For so doth (a) 1.232 Malmsbury in his Chronology, and (b) 1.233 Flo∣rentius in his Chronicon, and (c) 1.234 Matthew of Westminster in his History, whose words are these: Anno Gratiae 855, Leone Papa defuncto, successit ei Benedictus annis duobus, mensibus sex, & diebus decem; In the year of Grace 855, Pope Leo IV. being dead, Benedict III. did succeed him, and sate two years, six months, and ten days, &c. Which agreeth with all the other ancient extern Authors be∣fore mentioned. So as here is neither place nor time left for Joannes Anglicus to have come between them.

27. And all these Authors did write (as hath been noted) either before or with Martinus Polonus, who is taken to have been the first Relator of this Fa∣ble. And tho' in some printed Copies of the Chronicles of Marianus Scotus

and Sigebertus (somewhat elder than Martinus Polonus) there be mention in a word or two of this Tale, with this ground, (ut ferunt) as men say, yet in more ancient Manuscript Originals, found in * 1.235 Flanders and other places, no such thing is seen, but rather to the contrary, with divers evident signs and conjectures, that those few words now found in the printed Copies were added by others afterward in Germany, where the Work lay for many years, during the Contention of the German Emperours against the See of Rome.

28. But besides all this, there ensueth another Argument more evident (in my Opinion) than any of the rest hitherto alleged, for overthrowing of this Fable; which is, That about 170 years after this devised Election of Pope Joan, (to wit, upon the year of Christ 1020) the Church and Patriarchs of Constantinople being in some Contention with Rome, Pope Leo IX. wrote a long Letter to Michaell Patriarch of Constantinople, reprehending certain abuses of that Church,* 1.236 and among other that they were said to have promoted Eunuchs to Priesthood, and thereby also a greater inconvenience fallen out, which was, that a Woman had crept in to be Patriarch; which yet he saith that for the horror of the Fact he would not believe. Absit (saith he) ut velimus credere quod publica fama non dubitat asserere,* 1.237 &c. God forbid we should believe that which public Fame doubteth not to affirm, which is, that the Church of Con∣stantinople, by promoting Eunuchs to Priesthood (against the Canon of the Council of Nice) promoted once a Woman to the Bishops See, which is so abominable a thing, as the horror thereof doth not permit us to believe it, &c.

29. Thus wrote he; which no doubt he would never have dar'd to do, if the Patriarch of Constantinople might have returned the matter back upon him again, and said, This was but a slanderous report falsly raised against the Church of Constantinople; but that a Woman indeed had been promoted in the Roman Church. How could Pope Leo have answered this Reply? Wherefore most certain it seemeth that at this time there was not so much as any rumour or mention of any Woman Pope that ever had been in the Roman Church, this being 250 years before Martinus Polonus wrote;* 1.238 for which cause also it is thought very probably that this rumour of the Church of Constantinople might be the occasion of the Tale raised after against Rome, for that Martinus Polo∣nus being a very simple Man, and living so long after, (as hath been said) and hearing an uncertain fame of a Woman promoted to Chief Priest∣hood, might ascribe that to Rome, which belonged to Constantinople; which being once written by him, passed to others after him, and so came to our He∣retics.

30. Finally, howsoever this be of the first occasion or invention of the Fable, certain it is that most evidently it is a Fable; and that, if other Arguments failed, yet there be so many Incongruities, Simplicities, Absurdities, Varieties, and Contrarieties in the very Narration it self, as it discovers the whole matter to be a meer Fable and Fiction indeed, and a rumour of vulgar people, without ground.* 1.239 For Martinus Polonus beginneth his Narration thus: Post Leonem sedit Joannes Anglus Natione Margantinus; After Leo III. sate John English, by Nation a Margantine; but where this Country of Margantia is, no man can tell. And it followeth, Quae alibi legitur fuisse Benedictus III. which other where is read to be Benedictus III. So as this man seemeth to confound him with Benedict, and consequently ascribeth to him the same time of his Reign that is assigned to Benedictus; (to wit, two years and five months;) and yet presently after he saith, That Benedictus was a Roman, Son to Pra∣tolus, &c.

* 1.24031. Platina, that took it out of this Man, to make the Tale somewhat more probable, beginneth thus; Joannes Anglicus ex Maguntiaco oriundus, &c.

John of England born at Maguntiacum, &c. Then how could he be John or Joan of England, if he were born at Maguntiacum? and where is this Magunti∣acum? and how doth it agree with Margantinus used by Polonus? But then come in the * 1.241 Magdeburgians, and say contrary, that he was Moguntinus, oriundus ex Anglia; of * 1.242 Moguntia in Germany, born in England: And contrary to this, Bibliander (another German Sectary) contradicteth that again, saying in his Chronicles, That he was not born in England,* 1.243 but brought up and studied there. And so you see their contradiction about the place both of Birth and Country.

32. But besides this, there are infinit other disagreements and inconvenien∣ces in this Story; for that some do feign him to be Joannes VIII. some IX. John Fox saith, That she was called Gilberta before,* 1.244 and that she went with an English Monk out of the Abbey of Fulda in Germany to Athens, and there stu∣died in Mans Apparel: whereas it is known that * 1.245 Athens at that time had no School in it all, nor in any many years before. If she were bred also or brought up in England, or went in an English Monk's Company, (as Fox saith,) and if she were an English Priest's Daughter, (as the Magdebur∣gians devise;) it is like that Prince Alfred, or some of his Train, residing then in Rome (as before hath been said) would have heard or known of the matter.

33. But John Fox goeth further, and telleth us out of his fingers ends,* 1.246 That the Cardinals (forsooth) met solemnly after the death of Leo IV. said their Mass of the Holy Ghost, and so proceeded to their ordinary Election, and brought forth Gilberta, &c. But this is all scoffing Foolery, for that Cardinals had not the Election of Popes at that time:* 1.247 And he that will read the foresaid Anastasius Bibliothecarius (that was present at the Election of Pope Benedictus, and descri∣beth the particulars thereof) shall see another manner of Election in use at that day by the whole Clergy. Moreover he shall see that the Custom was not to choose at that time any but such as were known and try'd men, and such as had lived for the most part of their Life in Rome it self, and had given great sa∣tisfaction in their Manners, and behav'd themselves well in other inferior Ec∣clesiastical Charges laid upon them.

34. All which being so, let any man of reason tell me, how it is possible to imagine that men of those times were so fond and absurd, as to choose to so high a Dignity among them an unknown Man or Woman, whose Parents and Country were not known, nor proof had of their Conversation, and much more that they would choose such a person as this is reported to be, having wandred the World up and down with a Monk, as Fox affirmeth? How could all this lie hidden? Was there none that either by Countenance, Voice, or other Actions of hers, could suspect this Fraud? How happened her own Lovers had not discover'd her, or her Incontinent Life? How could she pass through Priesthood and other Ecclesiastical Orders? How by so many under Offices and Degrees, as they must before they come to be Popes, without descrying?

35. And finally (not to stand upon more Improbabilities) either this Pope Joan was young, or old, when she was chosen. If she were young, that was against the Custom, to choose young Popes, as may appear by the great number of Popes that lived in that Dignity above the number of Emperours, that succeeded often in their Youth; besides, it is a most unlikely thing that the whole Roman Clergy would choose a Pope without a Beard, especially a Stranger. But if she were old when she was chosen, then how did she bear a Child publicly in Procession, as our Heretics affirm? How did they not discern her to be a Woman or an Eunuch, seeing she had no Beard in her Old Age.

36. Again, how could she be nine months with Child in that place, with∣out being discovered or suspected by some? How durst she go forth in public Procession, when she knew her self to be so near her time? How is she said to have gone from the Palace of St. Peter to St. John Lateran, whereas the Popes lay not then in the Vatican at St. Peters, but at St. John Lateran it self? Finally, there are so many fond Improbabilities and moral Impossibilities in this Tale, (especially being joyned with the grave Testimonies of so many ancient Authors and Historiographers as before we have recited to the con∣trary) as no man of any mean judgment, discretion, or common sense, will give credit thereto, but will easily see the vanity of so ridiculous a Fiction: Wherefore this shall suffice for the Confutation of this Heretical Fable, tho' (as before hath been shewed) if it were or had been true, yet no prejudice could come to Us thereby, that hold, No Woman, good or bad, can be Head of our Church.

CHAP. VI.

The Narration of English Ecclesiastical Affairs during this fourth station or distinction of Time is continued, and the Absurdities of John Fox are discovered.

WHerefore now we shall return to follow the Thread of John Fox's Sto∣ry again. And whereas you asked me before, What indeed the poor Fellow performeth in this his Third Book? I now will answer, as then I be∣gan to say,* 1.248 That in very deed he meerly trifleth out the time, handling no∣ting of that he should have done of the orderly Descent, Race, or Course of the Church, but telling us impertinent and trivial matters, and for the most part not Ecclesiastical, but Temporal, to be found in every Chronicler; to wit, certain scraps of the Lives of our English Kings, from King Egbert, Ethelwolf, Ethelbald, Ethelred, Alured, and the rest, unto King Edward the Confessor, and so to William the Conqueror, censuring every Prince (when he speaketh of spiritual matters) for their belief, actions, and doings in Religion. As for Example,* 1.249 reprehending them for that they builded so many Monasteries, and much more for that so many of them and their Children entred to be Monks and Nuns; that they gave so much Lands, Livings and Privileges to Abbeys and Churches; and for that they went on Pilgrimages, offered Alms for their Sins, ordained Masses to be said for them when they were dead; that they believed so easily Miracles, went to Shrift, humbled themselves to Priests, and other such-like Religious Actions, which do greatly dis∣please Fox.

2. And to shew you some few Examples, he beginneth first with Ethelwolf Son to King Egbert, misliking a certain Donation of Lands which he gave to the Church in his time for Alms, to pacifie (as he saith) God's wrath, there∣by the sooner, for diverting the cruel Persecution and Inundation of the Danes,* 1.250 which had begun in his Father King Egbert's time, and endured still to the utter Desolation of the Land. His words are these: Post multiplices tribulationes ad affligendum usque ad internecionem, Ego Ethelwolfus Rex, &c. After many Tribulations afflicting us even to death, I king Ethelwolf, together with the Council of my Bishops and Princes, have taken this wholsom and agreeable

resolution, to give some Portion of the Land of my Inheritance unto God and the B. Virgin Mary, and to all the rest of his Saints, to be possessed by them

for ever, &c. to the end that they may pour out Prayers for us to God so much the more diligently, &c.

3. Thus far John Fox; tho' William of Malmsbury doth relate the same far differently, and much more largely, telling what Bishops were present at the making of this Chart; to wit, Alstane Bishop of Shirbourn, (afterward transla∣ted to Salisbury) and Swithin Bishop of Winchester, and what Psalms and Mas∣ses were appointed by the said Bishops for the King in respect of these Alms and the like. All which do greatly displease John Fox, but help him nothing at all, but disgraceth rather his new Church, this happening in the year of Christ 844.

4. The like Donation doth Fox recite out of William of Malmsbury made by Ethelbald King of the Mercians some years before, (to wit,* 1.251 about the year of Christ 740,) where he saith, Ego Ethelbaldus, Merciorum Rex, pro amore Coe∣lestis Patriae, &c.

I Ethelbald King of the Mercians, for the love I have to my Heavenly Country, and for the health of my Soul, have thought good to study how by good works I may free the same from the chains of sin: Wherefore seeing Almighty God, for his Mercy and Clemency, without any precedent Merit of mine, hath given me my Crown of this Govern∣ment; I do willingly, out of that which he hath given me, restore to him again by way of Alms that which followeth, &c.

5. Thus far that good King; which greatly also misliketh John Fox. And he saith in particular, that two things do much offend him in these Donations to Churches and Monasteries: The first,* 1.252 That they should erect these Monasteries of Monks & Nuns (saith he) to live solely and singly by themselves out of the holy state of Matrimony. And secondly, That unto this their Zeal and Devotion was not joyn∣ed the knowledge of Christ's Gospel, especially in the Article of our free Justification by the Faith of Jesus Christ.

6. Lo here what two quarrels our Fox hath pick'd out against these ancient Christians! The first, That so many did profess the holy State of Virginity and Continency. The other, That by doing so many good works they lack∣ed the knowledge of the Protestants Gospel, which justifieth by Faith only, without good works. But they might answer, with St. James,* 1.253 Thou hast Faith, and I have Works: shew me thy Faith without Works, and I will shew thee my Faith by Works. And that these good works did proceed of Faith, contrary to the Cavil of John Fox, is evident by those pious words of the King, where he saith, Seeing Almighty God of his Mercy and Clemency, without any precedent Merit of mine, hath given me my Crown, I do willingly restore to him again, &c.

7. But Fox goeth forward in jesting at the said King Ethelwolf, saying,* 1.254 That he that had been once nuzl'd up (in his Youth) among Priests, he was always good and devout to holy Church, &c.

And then passeth he on to shew, How after he had established matters in his own Kingdom, he went to Rome, and carried with him his little Son Alured, or Al∣fred, committing him to the bringing up of Pope Leo IV. as before hath been said; where also he re-edified the English School, founded by King Offa, and destroy'd by Fire a little before under King Egbert. Moreover he gave (saith Fox) yearly to be paid in Rome 300 Marks to be distributed in this manner;* 1.255 100 Marks to maintain the Lights of St. Peter's Church, and another hundred Marks to maintain the Lights of St. Paul's Church, and the third hundred to be disposed in good works at the Pope's appointment. At all which Fox jesteth also merrily, building his Church by these Mocks and Mews.

8. And to like effect he reciteth a Miracle registred by William Malmsbury,* 1.256 and by the Charter of King Ethelstone, Son and Heir to King Edward the elder; which King having escaped a great Danger at Winchester, where one of his Subjects, named Duke Alfred, and other of his Nobles, conspiring together

presently after his Father's Death, would have put out his eyes: But he esca∣ping that Danger, took the said Alfred Prisoner, and for that he denied that he had any such intention, the good King thought there was no better Trial, than to send him to Rome to Pope John XI. to be try'd by a solemn religious Oath before him.* 1.257 The Pope made him swear before St. Peter's Altar, who forswearing the said Conspiracy, fell down presently before the said Altar in the sight of all the People, and was carried thence in the arms of his Servants to the aforesaid School or English-men, where he died the third night after; where∣with the Pope and all Rome remain'd astonished, and the Pope sent presently into England, to know of the King whether he would pardon him, and suffer his Body to be buried in Christian Sepulcher; which King Ethelston, after consultation had with the rest of his Nobility, and by the earnest intercession of Duke Alfred's Friends, was content that he should be so buried; but yet by Sentence of the whole Realm the Possessions of the said Alfred were adjudg'd to the King's use, who bestow'd them all upon Churches and Monasteries, to the Honor of God and St. Peter, which had given this Judgment in the Controversie.

9. All this is testified by the said King's Charter recorded by Will. of Malmsb. and recited by Fox;* 1.258 and the said Charter towards the end hath these words: Et sic judicata est mihi tot a possessio ejus in magnis & modicis, quam Deo & Sancto Pe∣tro dedi, nec justius novi quàm Deo & Sancto Petro hanc possessionem dare, qui emulum meum in conspectu omnium cadere fecerunt, & mihi prosperitatem Regni largiti sunt;

And by this means the whole Possession both great and small (of Duke Alfred) was adjudged unto me, which I gave unto God and to St. Peter; nor do I know to whom I should more justly give the same, than to God and to St. Peter, who made my Adversary to fall down in the sight of all men, and gave unto me the Prosperity of my Kingdom.

Thus wrote he about the year of Christ 933, as John Fox counteth; and I marvel he would relate this Story, being so much against himself and his Religion, and in con∣firmation of ours,* 1.259 as it is; for that it sheweth that God and St. Peter in those days wrought Miracles in Rome, when Fox saith that the Faith and Religion of Rome was far out of order from the true Gospel: But this is the misery and calamity of this poor Fellow and his Cause (as often before I have noted) that either he must write nothing at all of these Times and Ages, or else he must write Testimonies against himself.

* 1.26010. I will give you one short Example more, where he allegeth us a Nar∣ration of a very old Writer, which he saith he had in Manuscript lent him by one named William Carre, and thereupon he citeth it still by the name of Hi∣storia Cariana;* 1.261 this Story being written (as it seemeth) in those Ages, and of the Miseries that happened to England by the Incursions of Danes and other Infidels, seeketh out the causes of God's wrath in this behalf, saying thus: In Anglorum quidem Ecclesia primitiva, Religio clarissimè splenduit, &c. In the primitive Church of England Religion did most clearly shine, insomuch that Kings, Queens, Princes, Dukes, Consuls, Barons, and Rulers of Churches, incensed with the desire of the Kingdom of Heaven, laboured and stirred (as it were) amongst themselves to enter into Monastical Life, and into voluntary Exile and Solitariness, forsaking all to follow their Lord; where in process of time all Virtue so much decay'd among them, that in Fraud and Treachery none seemed like unto them; neither was to them any thing odious or hateful, but Piety and Justice; nor any thing in price and honor, but Civil War and shedding Blood: Wherefore Almighty God sent upon them Pagan And Cruel Nations like swarms of Bees.

* 1.26211. This relateth Fox out of his Carian Story; and I know not to what end he should relate it, but only to shew that while English-men lived Godly ac∣cording to the fashion of their primitive Church, they esteemed and honored

highly Religious and Monastical Life, and many leaving the World, with the Pleasures and Possessions thereof, entred into that Religious Course, endea∣voring to follow and imitate their Lord and Master therein, and that so long was England happy and blessed by God: To which effect if John Fox do allege the same, then is it evident what a good Conclusion he doth make against himself & his Religion at this day, that are such professed Enemies to that kind of life so highly here commended, and consequently the Relator thereof doth shew him∣self to be as well John Fool as John Fox, not considering what maketh for him or against him.

12. But to the end that we should not think that he hath made Peace or Friendship with Monks for all this, or that he liketh their Life or Profession any thing the better for so many praises given them by ancient Authors, he scoldeth at them every where and upon every occasion, writing over the Pages and Titles of his Book these Superscriptions: Monks, Superstitious Monks, Monks married, Monks meer Lay-men in old times, and the like. And if I should number up the manifest Lies which the miserable and poor spiteful Fellow in∣venteth for some shew of proof, you would take pity of Him, and not of the Monks. You shall hear one short Discourse of his about them, and thereby you may judge of the rest.

13. Monks (saith he) were nothing else in old time,* 1.263 but Lay-men leading a more stricter Trade of Life, as may sufficiently appear by Augustin, lib. de moribus Ec∣clesiae, cap. 3. Item lib. de oper. Monachorum. Item Ep. ad Aurelium. Also by Hieron. ad Heliodorum, writing these words, Alia Monachorum est causa, alia Clericorum: Clerici pascunt Oves, ego pascor. One thing pertaineth to Monks, another thing to them of the Clergy: They of the Clergy feed the Flock, I am fed, &c. By all which is evident, that Monks were no other in former Ages of the Church, but only Lay-men, differing from Priests, &c.

14. Thus writeth Fox; which alone were sufficient to shew his peevish Fraud and Folly in all his Writings. For albeit St. Augustin, in the places by him quoted, had written any such thing as he affirmeth, (which is quite false, and so shall the Reader find that will examin the places,* 1.264) yet the very words of St. Hierom by Fox himself adjoyned do clearly interpret both his own and St. Augustin's meaning, and convince Fox for a meer malevolent Caviller; for that St. Hierom doth not deny that Monks are Clergy-men or Priests, for then he should deny himself to have been a Priest, or of the Clergy, seeing he confesseth himself to be a Monk: but his meaning is to shew the different End and Office of some Clergy-men (to wit, Secular Priests and Bishops that have care of Souls) from Monks; for that the one do attend principally to Action, the other to Contemplation; the one to Preaching, the other to Praying; the one to feed others, the others to be fed; in which latter number St. Hierom for humility putteth also himself, whom yet I think John Fox will not affirm to have been a meer Lay-man, and not Priest and Clergy-man. And so is this cavil of his against Monks (that in old time they were Lay-men) shewed to be most vain and malicious: For what will he say of St. Basil, St. Nazianzen, St. Augu∣stin, St. Gregory? were they not Monks, Priests, and Bishops also? how then were Monks meerly Lay-men in old time?

15. The like notorious Folly, conjoyn'd with Falshood, he useth to prove married Monks, alleging St. Athanasius's words, Epist. ad Diacont. qui ait, se novisse & Monachos & Episcopos conjuges & liberorum patres: who saith, that he knew both Monks and Bishops married men, and Fathers of Children. But what proveth this? Do not we see every day, even now in our Church, both Bishops, Priests, and Religious men, that have once been married, and some of them also to have had Children, and after the death of their Wives to have entred into Ecclesiastical and Religious Orders? What fond deluding of his

Reader is this? He should have proved that they had married after they had been Priests or Monks, and then had he said somewhat: But this he could not do, and so thought best to make a fond flourish of the other.

16. Nay, in the very Greek Church at this day, where Priests are permit∣ted that were married before, tho' their Wives be living, yet if their said Wives die, they are not permitted to marry again. And as for Monks, (out of which Order only Bishops are made in that Church) they were never per∣mitted to marry after their profession of Religion.* 1.265 Nay, St. Epiphanius (a chief Pillar of that Church when it was perfectly Catholic, about 1200 years agone) saith plainly, (as the Magdeburgians also allege him,) That the holy Church of God admitted not in his days any man to Priesthood, or Episcopal Dignity, that either married the second time, or did not abstain from conversation with his first Wife,* 1.266 if she lived, after he was admitted to Priesthood: Revera (saith he) non suscipit sancta Dei praedicatio post Christi adventum eos, qui à nuptiis, mortua ipsorum uxore, secundis nuptiis conjuncti sunt, propter excellentem Sacerdo∣tii Honorem & Dignitatem. Et haec certè Sancta Dei Ecclesia cum sinceritate ob∣servat, &c.

In very truth the holy preaching of God after the coming of Christ doth not admit those to be Priests, who after their first Marriage, and their Wife dead, do joyn themselves again in second Marriage. And this doth the holy Church of God observe with sincerity, in respect of the excel∣lent Honor and Dignity of Priesthood, &c. So saith Epiphanius, and ad∣deth presently,* 1.267 Sed adhuc viventem & liberos gignentem, &c. "But further than this, the said holy Church of Christ doth not admit to Priesthood a man of one Wife, if he live and get Children as before; but only she admit∣teth Him to be a Deacon, Priest, Bishop, or Subdeacon, (especially where the Clergy is sincere) who is content to contain from his Wife that he used before, or live in Widowhood if his Wife be dead.

* 1.26817. Thus writeth this holy Doctor, not only of his own Judgment, but of the whole Consent of the Universal Catholic Church in his days; not only of Monks, that make a more strict profession of Chastity, but of all Clergy-men also that lived in Holy Orders, to wit, Subdeacons, Deacons, Priests, and Bishopss. Of whom thus much be spoken by occasion of John Fox his notori∣ous Lye, That Monks were only Lay men, and married in old time. And by this we may see his affection towards Them and their Profession. And there were no end, if I should prosecute all his peevish picking of quarrels against them, upon every occasion, or without occasion, thereby to shew his Heretical Stomach in that behalf. One only Example I will shew you more, and so make an end.

* 1.26918. There is a Story recorded by William of Malmsbury, and other ancient authentical Authors (as Fox himself confesseth) touching our foresaid famous English King Alfred, fourth Son to the forenamed King Ethelwolf, and Nephew to King Egbert, brought up in Rome by Pope Leo IV. (as hath been said) who being driven into great Extremities by the Conquest of the Danes against him, was relieved and comforted by the appearance of St. Cuthbert, miraculously foretelling him what should succeed in those Wars, and confirming the same with other Predictions also, which afterwards were fulfilled: Which Story, tho' it be one of the most rare that is to be read in our English Histories, and with most comfort also by him that will consider it with attention and indiffe∣rency; and testified also unto us as authentically as any Story may be in this kind, (not only by the said Malmsbury above 500 years agone, but by divers others in like manner, and of like credit, as Fox himself is forced to confess:) yet, for that St. Cuthbert, principal Actor therein, was an unmarried Monk, he cannot abide the Story, but calleth it a dreaming fable, and so doth preter∣mit the same in four words. I shall recount it as briefly as I can out of Malms∣bury:

Solebat ipse (saith he,* 1.270 meaning King Alfred) in tempora posteà faeliciora re∣ductus, casus suos jucunda, hilari{que} comitate familiaribus exponere, qualiter{que} per B. Cuthberti meritum eos evaserit, &c.

19.

King Alfred was wont afterward, when he was brought from his mi∣sery to more happy times, to recount pleasantly and courteously to his famili∣ar Friends the Chances and Calamities which he had passed, and how he had escaped them by the Merit and Benefit of blessed S. Cuthbert, &c.

So beginneth Malmsbury his Narration; the sum whereof is this:

20. King Alfred and his Ancestors having lost unto the Danes all the North, East, and West parts of England, he had only three Shires to hide himself in upon the South Sea, to wit, Somersetshire, Hampshire and Wiltshire, whither also the Danes followed him with a great Army under their Captain Gormond: And the poor King being destitute of all human help, wanting both Mony, Victuals, and Men, (for all forsook him upon fear) he had no other refuge for saving his Life, than with a few trusty Servants of his, and his Mother (the doleful Queen) to flie into a little Island in Somersetshire, called then Adaling, (wholly beset with Waters and Mire in the midst of marishy ground, and a little Wood joyned thereunto) to hide themselves in, where himself and his Mother being lodg'd in a certain Swineherd's Cottage, the rest made shift for themselves as they might, lying on the ground.* 1.271 But two things for the pre∣sent pressed them most: The first, hunger for want of Victuals; the second, fear of Gormond's Camp that lay so near them. Wherefore sending forth his men to seek some Fish by night, (for that they durst not shew themselves by day) the King and his Mother with woful hearts reposed a little their weary Bodies and Minds in the said Swineherd's House; and being entred into a little slumber, Behold (saith the Story) there appeared to the King St. Cuthbert, telling him both his Name, and that he was sent to him by God to comfort him, and to tell him, That albeit his Justice had hitherto chastened English-men for their sins by the Sword of the Danes, yet that he would not extinguish them, in respect of so many Saints that had been of that Nation; and from this day forward would set them up again; Modo tandem Deus indigenarum,* 1.272 Sanctorum meritis super eam mi∣sericordiae oculo respicit. Now at length God, for the Merits of English Saints, doth look upon England with the eye of mercy. He told him further, That himself from this state of extreme misery should be restored very shortly to a flourishing state of his Kingdom: For which he gave him presently a sign or token, saying, That albeit that night was a very contrary time to Fishers, both for that all Rivers were frozen, and a little Rain being fallen upon the same, had made it unfit for men to travel in that Art; yet his men should come home all laden with incredible abun∣dance of Fish. Thus he told him, persuading him, that when he should see all these things performed, he should remember to be thankful to God and his Servants for their favor towards him, and so departed.

21. The King being wonderfully comforted with this Vision,* 1.273 awaked for Joy, and calling upon his Mother the Queen, who lay near him, and had en∣joy'd the self-same Vision, they recounted together all particulars, expecting with greediness when their Servants should return from fishing to confirm the same; which soon after ensued; Et tantam piscium copiam exhibuere (saith Malmsbury) ut cujusvis magni exercitus ingluviem, exaturare posse videretur; And they brought with them to the King so great store of Fish, as it might seem to be sufficient to satisfie the hunger of never so great an Army; wherewith King Alfred being encouraged, he adventured a strange attempt, which was to go into the Danes Camp with one Servant only, feigning themselves Musicians,* 1.274 where with singing of Songs and sounding their Instruments they passed thro' the whole Camp, discovering their disorders, and where and when they were more weak; and so retiring themselves to their Company, and arming such

men as he could, secretly set upon them with such fierceness, as they killed many, and put the rest to flight, and constrained the Danes with their said King Gormond, to demand Peace and offer Hostages for the same. Which were accepted upon two conditions: The first, That all of them should re∣tire out of England, except such as would be Christians: The second, That these Christian Danes should be content only with the Kingdom of the East-Angles, to wit, Norfolk and Suffolk. All which was admitted, and King Gor∣mond himself made a Christian, and God-son to King Alfred, accepting the said Kingdom of the East-Angles as tributary unto him; and from this day forward King Alfred went gaining more and more, putting his Enemies to flight, until he had recovered his whole Kingdom again. And this both He and his Mother were wont to recount all the days of their life after; and the Events themselves did evidently declare the truth of the Miracle, recorded (as hath been said) by our best Historiographers. All which notwithstanding, John Fox writeth thus:* 1.275 Let us pass over these dreaming Fables, tho' they be testi∣fied by divers Authors, as William Malmsb. Polychronicon, Roger Hoveden, Jornalensis, and many more, &c. Whereby you may see what a faithless Ec∣clesiastical Chronicler this Fox is, that passeth over things of purpose that are left written by so many grave Authors; and then how perfidious he sheweth himself in censuring for dreaming Fables so important Miracles shewed by God for testification of his Love and Providence towards our Country, and the sa∣ving and restoring thereof.

22. For which Infidelity this miserable Fellow hath no other Argument (ex∣cepting only his foresaid hatred to St. Cuthbert and other Monks) but only for that the Vision was in time of sleep or slumbring, and for that cause he calleth it a dreaming Fable. Which kind of Argument if we should admit, we must evacuate also, and bring in doubt and contempt, most of the principal Mysteries and Miracles of the Old and New Testament; where commonly things were revealed to God's Servants in Visions by sleep,* 1.276 as Genesis 28. Vidit Jacob in somnis Scalam stantem; Jacob did see a Ladder in his sleep. And again in the same Book, cap. 31. Dixit Angelus Dei ad me in somnis; The Angel of God said unto me in my sleep. Joseph also had all his affairs revealed unto him not only in sleep, but also per somnia, by Dreams indeed, Gen. 37.40, 41.

23. The like is related of Saul, 3 Reg. 3. and of Daniel, Dan. 7. And finally, God promiseth by Joel of Saints of the New Testament, senes vestri somnia so∣mniabunt, Joel 2. which St. Peter in the Acts of the Apostles, (cap. 2. ver. 17.) interpreteth of true Visions sent from God by the Holy Ghost, saying, This is the meaning of that which is said by the Prophet Joel, which shall come to pass in the latter days, I shall pour out of my Spirit upon all Flesh, and your Sons shall prophe∣tize, and your Daughters and young men shall see Visions, and your elder people shall dream Dreams, &c. And finally, if we consider the Story of our Savior's Infancy recounted by St. Matthew's Gospel, we shall find the most part of his Mysteries reveal'd to our Blessed Lady and St. Joseph in sleep; as, Mat. 1.20. Gabriel ap∣paruit Joseph in somnis; The Angel Gabriel appeared to St. Joseph in his sleep, and told him that he should not put away his Wife. And then in the 2d. chap∣ter, talking of the Magi, He saith, Et responso accepto in somnis; They recei∣ving an answer from God in their sleep that they should not return to Herod, they returned another away. Who being gone, the Evangelist saith again, Ecce, Angelus Domini apparuit in somnis; Behold the Angel of God appeared to Joseph again in his sleep, and warned him to flie into Aegypt. And then, when he should come out of Aegypt again, he being in doubt whither to go, Admoni∣tus in somnis secessit in partes Galileae; He being warned in his sleep what to do, went and carried Christ into the parts of Galile, &c.

24. Lo here a very frequent custom of Almighty God to warn men of his will in time of sleep! And albeit all kind of Dreams or Representations in time of sleep be not easily to be credited, as the * 1.277 Scripture in other places doth admonish us, yet God saith also, Si quis fuerit inter vos Propheta Domini in Visione apparebo ei, & per somnum loquar ad illum; If there be any among you that is a Pro∣phet of God (to whom I mean to reveal my secrets) to him I will appear in Vi∣sion, and to him will I speak in sleep. And this is sufficient to shew that all are not dreaming Fables which are uttered in sleep, as the incredulous and infi∣del humor of John Fox and of modern Heretics would have it seem when it is against them.

25. But in their own Sectaries they do admire and extoll any thing never so fantastical, yea tho' it be a Vision or Revelation from the Devil himself; for so Luther in his Book about the abrogating of the Mass doth recount of himself, how the Devil did appear unto him by night,* 1.278 and reasoned with him against the said Mass. And in another Book written to the Senators of the Cities of Germany, and talking of other Sectaries that did brag of Visions, Voices, and Apparitions of Spirits, (to wit, the Swinkfeldians and Anabaptists) saith thus of himself: Ego quoque fui in Spiritu, atque etiam vidi spiritus (si omnino de propriis gloriandum est) fortè plus quam ipsi adhuc intra annum videbunt;* 1.279

I my self was also in Spirit, (which he speaketh in imitation of St. John the Evan∣gelist in his Revelations) and have seen also Spirits,* 1.280 (if I must needs glory of my own Gifts) and perhaps I have seen more Spirits than they which brag so much of seeing Spirits will see within one year.

This said Luther of him∣self; and hence we must imagin that he so often said of himself,* 1.281 Certum se esse Doctrinam suam è Coelo esse petitam; That he was certain his Doctrin came from Heaven. And Sleydan every-where in his Story doth compare Him and his Visions and Revelations with those of the old Prophets.

26. Carolstadius also, a chief beginner of the Sacramentary Doctrin, brag∣geth (as Kemnitius a chief Lutheran reporteth) that it was revealed unto him from Heaven how he should understand those words, Hoc est Corpus meum,* 1.282 by different pointing of the Sentence from that which it was wont to be. And Zuinglius affirmeth of himself, That he had a Voice by night from Heaven,* 1.283 (which yet Luther saith was from the Devil) telling him how he should ex∣pound those words, Hoc est Corpus meum, contrary to all Antiquity, by the Ex∣ample of those words of Exodus, Phase, idest, transitus Domini, &c.* 1.284 And we are a little after to shew more at large in this * 1.285 Treatise how John Fox also had a Voice and Revelation from Heaven on a Sunday morning as he lay in his Bed, about understanding of the mystical Numbers in the Apocalypse of Forty-two months assign'd by the Angel to the Reign of Antichrist.* 1.286

27. But if we should recount all the Visions and Revelations which John Fox doth attribute to his ragged Martyrs that he setteth down in his Calendar,* 1.287 and how highly he would have them esteemed, there would be no end. Let any man read what he writeth of the Visions and Voices that Samuel a Minister of Ipswich had in his sleep when he was in Prison: He fell into a sleep,* 1.288 (saith Fox) at which time one clad in white seemed to stand before him, comforting him in these words, Samuel, Samuel, be of good cheer, &c. No less memorable is it (saith Fox) and worthy to be noted, touching the three Ladders which the said Samuel saw in his sleep set up towards Heaven, whereof one was greater and longer than the other at the beginning, but after all three made equal. Which Vision Fox doth expound thus: That Samuel being in Prison with two Women of his Sect, Agnes Potten a Beer-brewer's Wife, and Joan Trunchfield a Shoemaker's Wife, of the same Town; Agnes and Joan were persuaded by Samuel to burn with him, as after they did: And consequently (saith Fox) tho' Samuel was the greater Ladder at the beginning, and higher towards Heaven (as being a Minister or Preacher)

and the other two lesser Ladders signified by the Brewer's and Shoemaker's Wives; yet at length were they all three made equal by the Glory of Mar∣tyrdom.

28. Thus reasoneth Fox. And then coming to speak of the same two Wo∣men apart, he sheweth, that Agnes Potten, the Brewer's Wife, had Visions also:* 1.289 Potten's Wife (saith he) in a night a little before her death, being asleep in her bed, saw a bright burning fire right up as a Pole. By which Vision he sheweth, that the Shoemaker's Wife, who was fearful to die, and would have drawn back, was encouraged by the other also to go to the fire. And do you not see here the Spirit of the Circumcellians and Massilians,* 1.290 to run wilfully to death? From this, Fox passeth to recount another strange prophetical Dream of one William Hunter, an Apprentice of London Nineteen years old, who would needs be burned also, and nothing could keep him from it; much encouraged, as it seemeth, by his Dream.

29. And from this again he runneth to other more solemn Dreams and Vi∣sions of John Rough, a Scottish Minister, Director of a certain secret Protestant Congregation in London in Queen Maries days; and of one Cuthbert Sympson, the Deacon or Clerk of that Congregation; which two had Dreams and Vi∣sions, the one concerning the other of them. Which Fox thinketh worthy of so great consideration, as he writeth thus in his Margin: The Visions sent to God's Saints concerning their afflictions. Now then touching the first, St. Rough, you must know, that he had been a Dominican Friar in Scotland, (as Fox con∣fesseth) and from thence running away into England gate himself a Mate, or (as he calleth her) a Kate; with whom lying in bed, he had a Vision of his Fellow Sympson,* 1.291 which Fox recounteth in these words: The Friday at night be∣fore Master Rough was taken, being in his bed he dreamed that he saw two of the Guard leading Cuthbert Sympson, Deacon of his Congregation, to Prison, and that he had the Book about him wherein were written the Names of all them that were of that Congregation. Whereupon being sore troubled, he awaked, and called to his Wife, Kate, strike light, for I am much troubled with my Brother Cuthbert this night. And when she had so done, he gave himself to read on his Book a while; and then feeling sleep to come upon him, he put out the Candle, and so gave himself to rest again; and being asleep, he dreamed the like Dream; and awaking therewith, he said, O, Kate! my Brother Cuthbert is gone. So they lighted a Candle again, and rose. This is the Vision of the Scottish Friar, which caused his Kate twice to strike fire and light the Candle, as you see.

30. The other Vision of his Clerk Simpson (that kept the Beadroll of the Names of his secret Congregation, and was afterward burned with him in Smithfield) Fox describeth in this manner: Before Simpson's burning (saith he) being in the Bishop's Cole-house in the Stocks, he had a very strange Vision or Appa∣rition, which he himself with his own mouth declared to the Godly Learned Man Ma∣ster Austen, and to his own Wife, &c. Thus beginneth Fox to relate the Visi∣on; noting first (as you see) that he spoke it with his own mouth, as tho' it were a great matter. And then he entreth to make a long Apology against the Papists in defence of these Visions, tho' theirs be not to be believed.

* 1.29231. They will ask me (saith he) why should I more require these to be credited of them, than theirs of us? This is the demand which he frameth in behalf of the Papists; and I think no man will say but that it is reasonable. Let us hear his Answer: First (saith he) I write not this, binding any man precisely to believe the same, as they do theirs. Lo here is a Foolery with a manifest Lye; the Foolery is in telling us so precise believing all Visions and Dreams, which no wise man ever thought or spake; the Lye is in that he affirmeth us to teach that such precise belief is necessary in Visions among us. But let us hear him further in his Answer to the former demand:* 1.293 It is no Argument (saith he) to

reason thus: Visions be not true in some; Ergo, they be true in none. This part we grant; but what is this to his purpose or proof? His meaning is, that Ours be not true Visions, and His be. But who shall be Judges? He and His would be. But this is no reason; and we on the contrary do say much more equally,* 1.294 Nec mihi, nec tibi; neither He, nor We, as particular men, ought to judge of these things; but the Catholic Church, which by her Bishops and Pastors does examin the Proofs, Weight and Moment of every one of these things that fall out, and according to the Quality, Merit and Condition of them to whom they happen, as also of the Witnesses and Testimonies whereby they are proved, she doth judge of the Truth or Probability of every thing: And to Her therefore we stand, and not to the fantastical broken Brains of John Fox, that maketh Miracles and Visions where he listeth, and authorizeth or discrediteth them, when it pleaseth him again.

32. And thus much by occasion of St. Cuthbert's Apparition to King Alfred;* 1.295 the Holiness of which Saint, how highly it was esteemed in the days of this King, about the year of Christ 878, you hereby see, himself living 200 years before, for that he died upon the year 687, the 20th of March, which day hath ever since been celebrated with perpetual Memory, not only by the Church of England, but also by the Universal; and that most worthily, as may appear by his Life written largely by St. Bede.* 1.296 Howsoever John Fox doth speak con∣temptuously of him here, and his Fellow John Bale doth revile him: But for what, think you? You shall hear his complaints: Omnia ad amussim Monachus didicit quae ad Monachismum spectare novit, nulla penitus de Evangelio facta mentio∣one; He being a Monk, learned exactly all things that appertained to the Life of Monks, but never made mention of the Gospel. And is this likely or proba∣ble, think you, that he never so much as mentioned the Gospel, seeing that Monks Profession and form of Life is taken out of the Gospel?* 1.297 But what more ensueth? You shall hear the Apostata utter his Spirit: Faemineum gensn (saith he) exosum ei erat, &c. Women-kind was hateful unto him, &c. This is the same Ac∣cusation that the Mgdeburgians laid to St. Cyprian, (if * 1.298 you remember) for that he praised Virginity. But how doth Bale gather this hatred of St. Cuthbert against Woman-kind? It followeth: Decretum fecit contra Mulieres,* 1.299 ne ejus in∣grederentur Monasteria; He made a Decree against Women, that they should not enter into his Monasteries? This Decree Friar Bale, that loved Woman-kind, liked not. But he addeth a further Accusation:* 1.300 That in the second year of his Bishopric St. Cuthbert left the same, and no less hypocritically than idly made himself an Anchorite, leading for the rest of his days a solitary retir'd life. See what matters they pick out to object unto God's Saints, which themselves cannot or will not imitate.

33. Finally, to end this Chapter, and therewith this fourth station or Time, John Fox, after much trifling here and there, setteth down in the last words of this his third Book a very brief Catalogue of the Archbishops of Canterbury of these Ages, with this Title:* 1.301 The Names and Orders of the Archbishops of Can∣terbury from the time of King Egbert to William the Conqueror, &c. Which he beginneth with Etheldrenus, that was the Eighteenth in Order, and endeth with Lanfrancus, who was the Thirty-fourth, making certain Notes, or rather Scoffs and Jests upon them all; especially upon those that were most renowned for their Holiness and multitude of Miracles, recorded by old Writers; as name∣ly, St. Dunstan, of whom Malmsbury and others having left written, That,* 1.302 among other Miracles happened unto him, one was, that his Harp (wherewith he was wont in his Youth to praise God, after the imitation of King David,) hanging up by his Bed-side on a Pin upon the Wall, he heard one night a voice of Angels sing in his Church this Verse; Gaudent in Coelis animae Sanctorum: at which time his said Harp also gave a sound of it self, moved either by the

said Angels, or otherwise by Miracle from God. Whereat John Fox in his He∣retical Vein maketh much Pastime, tho' (as already you have heard, and shall do more in the third Part of this Book) he esteemeth highly certain devised Miracles of his miserable Martyrs. And so much of this.

34. But now, as touching the principal Point of all this Discourse, (which ought to have been the visible deduction of his Church from King Egbert to William the Conqueror) there is not one word spoken; for all that he writeth is of our Church, and this in Lyes, Fables, Scoffs, and Taunts, (as you see) but of his own Church nothing, no not so much as of any one person, that in all agreed with him or his Church in these days concerning Religion. Nay, let him shew us any one Man, Woman, or Child, Heretic or Catholic, in all this time, who was fully of the Religion now held in England; and that these believed no more nor less than Fox and his Fellows do at this day, and we will yield that he hath brought us forth some visible Church and Succession thereof, tho' it be but of three or four persons.

35. Lo with how little we are content! And seeing Fox will not dare, nor any man for him (in my opinion) to take upon him this Enterprize, to wit, to shew the succession of any three or four persons throughout the space of this first 1000 years after Christ, who did in all things believe and profess the Faith and Religion that now is held in England, (whereunto also John Fox himself agreed fully while he lived, as may appear by the Puritanical Points in his Story, which he commendeth and defendeth in the Lives of Rogers, Hooper, and other their first English Parents, as after shall be shewed:) For∣somuch (I say) as this is so, and that never any three persons, of what Con∣dition,* 1.303 Religion, Sex or Sect soever, can be shewed to have agreed fully in the Protestants Religion that now in England is professed, not only for the time of these first thousand years of Christianity, but neither for the other five hun∣dred next following;* 1.304 nor that our English Protestants of these days will bind themselves in all and every Point of Doctrin, Faith and Belief, to stand to any one visible Congregation, Church, Conventicle, Society, or number of men whatsoever, professing the Name of Christ, that have been known to live up∣on Earth, from the Apostles time downward, but that they do vary from them in one Article of Belief or other.

36. If all this (I say) be true and most certain, and made evident by this our deduction, and that we offer to joyn any further Issue that shall be deman∣ded with any Protestant living upon this point, that shall have any thing to say or reply in this matter. This being so, then is it evident what a Successi∣on of the Protestants Church John Fox bringeth, or is able to bring down, or any man for him, notwithstanding his vain brag and flourish in the first Title of his Book,* 1.305 That he would set down the whole race and course of the Church, &c. The Folly and Falshood of which flourish shall better also appear by that which ensueth from the Conquest downward.

CHAP. VII.

The fifth station of Time, containing other Three hundred years from William the Conquerour unto the time of John Wickliff; wherein is examined, Whether the Catholic Roman Church did perish in this time, as Fox affirmeth? Here is treated also of Pope Hildebrand, and of the Marriage of Priests.

YOU have seen, good Reader, by our former Treatse,* 1.306 how brief and barren John Fox hath been hitherto in relating unto us Ecclesiasti∣cal matters for more than a thousand years: For tho' he promised in the first Title of his Book, (as before you have heard) that he would set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church from the primitive Age unto these latter Times of ours, &c. And again in another Title,* 1.307* 1.308 that he was to lay before us the Acts and Monuments of Christian Martyrs, and matters Ecclesiastical passed in the Church of Christ, from the primitive beginning to these our days, as well in other Countries as namely in the Realms of England, and also of Scotland, discoursed at large,* 1.309 &c. yet this large Discourse for more than a thousand years is concluded by him in less than seventy Leaves of Paper, whereof almost fifty are of impertinent matter, to wit, of certain Differences which he would pick out between the old Roman Church and that which is now; and in the relation of the first Ten Persecutions under Heathen Emperours, which before we have declared how little they appertain to his Argument or Subject taken in hand, which was to set down the race and course of the whole Church. And this being so, you may consider what store of Ecclesiastical matters he findeth to his purpose in these first thousand years, seeing he scarce spendeth thirty whole Leaves therein, whereof also the far greater part (I mean of that he writeth in these few Leaves) is meer temporal or impertinent, as in part you have heard. And how then doth he tell us of Ecclesiastical matters discoursed at large, &c. and of the whole race and course of the Church set forth largely by him, &c. Do you see how these men do face, and lye to deceive their Readers?

2. But let us not complain (I pray you) of brevity or barrenness in John Fox, nor lack of Volume, seeing he hath set forth the greatest, perhaps, that ever was in our English Tongue: And if he have been over-short for the thousand years past, unto the time of William the Conqueror, he will as much exceed in length now for the other five hundred years that are to ensue from the Conqueror to Queen Elizabeth, upon which time he bestoweth above 900 Leaves. And the reason of this so notable difference or inequality is that which we have touched before, to wit,* 1.310 that he finding the whole course of these former Times and Ages of the Christian Church to be against him, nor daring openly to reject that Church, nor manifestly to joyn with her Enemies adjudg'd by her for Heretics; he chose to speak as little of those Times and Affairs as he could. But now he hath taken another resolution much more desperate in hand; which is, to deny Our Church to be any longer a Church, and to set up another of His in her place, by which means he will come to have mat∣ter enough; for that this being supposed, and he presuming that all the Acts and Monuments of this Church (I mean the General Roman Church) receiv'd hitherto throughout the World for Christ's Church, are wicked and rebellious unto God, and Acts of the Devil's Synagogue, from the time that John Fox assigneth of her Fall and Apostacy; and that on the contrary side, all the Wri∣tings, Actions, and Gests of all sorts of Heretics against this Church from that

time,* 1.311 are the Acts and Monuments of the true Church of Christ: Supposing all this, I say, (as Fox doth) there cannot want matter, either on the one side or the other, to fill up Volumes: And the lower he passeth downward, the more matter he findeth, for that Sects and Sectaries increasing daily, (whom he registreth for Saints and Pillars of his Church) the Volume of his Book must needs grow greatly. And so is it seen by this fourth Book, wherein from the Conquest to the latter-end of King Edward III's Reign, when Wickliff be∣gan, (containing 300 years, to wit, from Anno Domini 1066, to 1370,) there are spent above 100 Leaves of Paper; which is much more than was in the former 1066 years. But in the fifth Book from John Wickliff's time to King Henry VIII. (which are but 140 years) are contained upon the point of 200 Leaves; and then again from the beginning of King Henry's Reign to the en∣trance of Q. Elizabeth, (being but fifty years) he spendeth above 600 Leaves. And by this you may judge both of the Subject and Substance of John Fox's huge Volume, tho' we are to look into the same somewhat more particularly also as we pass it over in this and the ensuing Chapters.

3. Well then, this being his device and resolution for the present, to have no longer patience with our Church, but wholly to deny the same, his great∣est difficulty seemeth to be about the Time and Causes; to wit, where, or when, or how, or upon what occasion, she perished or vanished away; for seeing she hath continued by his Confession also for so many Years and Ages, and come down unto our days, under the self-same Succession of Bishops, Pastors and Teach∣ers as before, and consequently also with the self-same Doctrin and Religion, and with the same external Power and Majesty which it was wont: it seemeth a very hard thing upon the sudden either to annihilate so Great and Mighty a Kingdom,* 1.312 or (which is much more difficult) to make so strange a Metamor∣phosis and Mutation in her, as that she having been hitherto the Church of Christ, his Spouse, his Kingdom, his dearest Beloved, and beautified with his Graces, directed by his Spirit, enriched with his most precious Gifts and Endowments, and so acknowledged also by Fox' himself in former Ages; that now she should become Christ's Enemy and Adversary upon the sudden, and the Kingdom of Satan, his Eternal Foe, and yet to retain still the Name, Place, Estimation, and external Dignity which she had before, professing with no less shew of duty her Obedience and Love to Christ, than in former times she was wont.* 1.313 This Change and Metamorphosis (I say) is most wonderful, and incredible to all those that believe Christ to be God, and to have been able to perform his promise, that Hell-gates should never prevail against this Church. Wherefore we are to examin somewhat more diligently in this Chapter, how this matter could fall out, and when, and by what occasion come to pass; for that so great and rare a Mutation as this is never fell out yet in the World be∣fore. Tho' Temporal States and Kingdoms have had their changes; nay, all temporal mutations of Empires, Kingdoms, States and Monarchies, have been made principally to shew the contrary stability and immutable continuation of Christ's Church once planted in the World, as in part we have declared * 1.314 be∣fore, shewing how that in all times and seasons, in all variety and variations of States, People, Countries, and Dominions, (as well in England as elsewhere) the Christian Catholic Religion remained one and the same among them all. To which effect also is that notable Prophesie of Daniel,* 1.315 when (foretelling first the breaking and overthrow of all four Monarchies by him mentioned) he addeth, as a notorious opposition to the same, the stability and immortality of Christ's Church and Kingdom once set on foot in these words:* 1.316 In the days of these King∣doms God of Heaven shall raise up a Kingdom that shall never be dissipated, neither shall this Kingdom be given to another people: This Kingdom shall consume and wear out all the other Kingdoms, but it self shall stand for ever.

4. Thus saith Daniel; and the most of these Points we have seen verified and fulfilled already; for God of Heaven hath raised this Kingdom and visible Church of Christ, which then seemed a strange matter; he hath increased and continued the same for a thousand years and more, as Fox will confess, (which is a longer time than any Temporal Monarchy lightly hath continued without change;) he hath overthrown in this time and consumed the other Kingdoms and Monarchies mentioned by him, Now remain the other two Clauses to be fulfilled in like manner, to wit, That it shall stand for ever, (or, as Christ ex∣poundeth it, usque and consummationem saeculi, to to the Worlds end;) and then, quod alteri populo non tradetur; that this Kingdom shall not be delivered over to another People from that which possessed it from the beginning. The quite contrary whereof teacheth here John Fox, affirming this Church (that hath been accounted the true Church and Kingdom of Christ for a thousand years past) is now no more his Church or Kingdom; nor these Popes, Bishops and Pastors (that are found in her to have come down by continual Succession) are now no more the true and lawful Guides or Governors thereof; but that it appertaineth to others: and consequently this Kingdom of Christ is taken from them, and delivered to another People, to wit, to the Berengarians, to the Waldenses, to the Albanenses, to the Wickliffians, Lutherans, Zuinglians, and other like people of latter Ages.

5. This is John Fox his mad Assertion, wherein you see he should prove two Points: First, That our Church, is lost and fallen, and our Men rightly dispossessed of the Interest thereof: And then, That his Men (to wit, these new Sectaries) have entred into a just possession of that Name and Title of the true Church: Both which Points we deny. You shall see how he beginneth to prove the first; that is to say, the Fall and Overthrow of the Universal vi∣sible Church, sirnamed the Roman.

And thus hitherto (saith he) stood the condition of the Church of Christ,* 1.317 (mean∣ing the next Ages before the Conquest) albeit not without some repugnance and difficulty, yet in some mean state of the Truth and Verity, till the time of Pope Hildebrand, called Gregory VII. which was near about the year 1080. and of Pope Innocentius III. in the year 1215. by whom all was turned upside down, all Order broken, true Doctrin defaced, Christian Faith extinguished, &c.

6. Here you see John Fox to assign two Times and two Popes, when and by whom not only the true Church was overthrown, but Christian Faith also utterly extinguished, (to wit, Gregory VII. and Innocentius III. two of the most Renowned men both for Vertue and Learning that have possessed that See since the time of our Conquest, or in many Ages before, if we will believe all the ancient Authors that have written of them,) wherein I dare joyn Issue with Fox, or any of his Cubs whatsoever that will defend him in this noto∣rious slander against these two worthy Men: For as for Innocentius III. he is affirmed to have been one of the most excellent Popes for good Life and rare Learning that for these thousand years held that See. Of whom Blondus,* 1.318 amongst other Authors, writeth thus: Suavissimus erat in Galliis famae odor, gravitatis, sanctitatis, ac vevum gestarum ejus Pontificis, &c.

The fame and scent of this Pope's Gravity, Holiness of Life, and Greatness of his Action, was most sweet throughout all France, &c.

And for his Learning, the same Author saith, Libros Doctrina plenos scripsit;* 1.319 He wrote most Learn∣ed Books. In which kind divers Authors do report that he wrote more than most of the other Popes of Rome before his time put together.

7. And as for Gregory VII. albeit he had many Enemies stirred up against him by the Emperour Henry IV. and others, whom he sought to punish and reform for their Misbehavior; yet, if we will believe the chief Authors of that Age, and those that lived either with him, or next unto him, (as

Anselmus Archbishop of Canterbury,* 1.320 Marianus Scotus, Otho Frisingensis, Aeneas Sylvius, Lambertus Schafaaburgensis, Vincentius Gallus, Abbas Ʋrspergensis, Aventinus, Sigibertus, Tritemius, and many others) he was not only very Learned, Wise, and a Man of great Courage in resisting the foresaid most dis∣solute Emperour, that lived scandalously, and oppressed the Church, but also he was reputed of a most holy Life, insomuch as God wrought divers Miracles by him.

8. The very form of his Election, recorded by Platina, Sabellicus, and others,* 1.321 doth shew what he was, when they say, Elegimus hodie, 21 Maii Anno Domini 1072, in verum Christi Vicarium, Hildebrandum Archidiaconum, virum multae Doctrinae, magnae Pietatis, Prudentiae, Justitiae, Constantiae, Religi∣onis, &c. "We have chosen this day, the 21st of May 1072, for true Vicar of Christ, a Man of much Learning, great Piety, Prudence, Justice, Constancy, and Religion, &c. This was the testimony of the whole Clergy of Rome, that knew him better than John Fox and his Fellows. Against whom Lambertus Schafnaburgensis, talking of his whole Life afterwards, saith, Signa & Prodigia, quae per Grationes Gregorii Papae frequentius fiebant, & zelus ejus fervent issimus pro Deo & Ecclesiasticis legibus satis eum contra venenatas detractorum linguas commu∣niebant;

The Signs and Miracles which oftentimes were done by the Prayers of Pope Gregory VII. and his most fervent Zeal for the Honor of God and de∣fence of Ecclesiastical Laws, did sufficiently defend him against the venemous Tongues of Detractors.

9. Vincentius also Gallus in his History relateth out of a more ancient Histo∣riographer than himself, named Gulielmus Historicus, Hildebrandum dono pro∣phetiae praeditum fuisse; That Hildebrand the Pope was endued with the gift of Prophesie; which he sheweth by divers particular Examples of Events fore∣told by him. And this of Gregory VII.

* 1.32210. But what do the same Authors, yea Germans themselves, write of their Emperour, his Enemy, Henry IV.? Surely it is shameful to report his Adulte∣ries, Symoniacal selling of Benefices, Robberies, and spoiling of poor parti∣cular men, thrusting in wicked men into places of Prelates, and the like: Principes Regni rogat (saith Lambertus) ut patiantur ipsum Ʋxorem repudiare,* 1.323 &c.

He did request the Princes of the Empire that they would suffer him to put away his Wife, telling them what the Pope by his Legat had opposed to the contrary.

Which being heard by them, they were of the Pope's Opi∣nion: Principes aiebant aequè censere Rom. Pontificem; ita fractus magis, quàm in∣flexus Rex ab incepto abstinuit; The Princes affirmed, That the Bishop of Rome had reason to determin as he did, and so the King (rather forced, than changed in mind) abstained from his purposed Divorce.

11. Lo here the first beginning of falling out betwixt the Emperour and the Pope; which was increased, for that two years after (as the same Author saith) the Pope deprived one Charles for Symony and Theft, to whom the Em∣peror had sold for Money the Bishopric of Constance. And this he did by a Council of Prelates and Princes held in Germany it self, the Emperour being present:* 1.324 Cùm etiam (saith he) Rex in Judicio assideret, causamque Caroli, quoad posset, tueretur;

Bishop Charles was deposed, notwithstanding that the King was present in that Judgment, and defended him and his Cause as much as he could.

And this was an increase of the falling out between them: But the constancy (saith the same Author) and invincible mind of Hildebrand against Covetousness,* 1.325 did exclude all Arguments of Human Deceits and Subtil∣ties.

* 1.32612. Ʋrspergensis in like manner, who lived in the same time, reckoneth up many particulars of the Emperour's wicked behaviour in these words: Coepit Principes despicere, Nobiles opprimere; "He began to despise the Princes, op∣press

the Nobles and Nobility, and give himself to Incontinency.* 1.327 Which Aventinus (an Author not misliked by the Protestants) uttereth more parti∣cularly in these words: Henricum stupris, amoribus, impudicitiae, & adulterii flagrasse infamia, nec amici quidem negant;

The very friends of Henry the Em∣perour do not deny but that he was infamous for his wicked life in Lechery, Fornication, and Adultery.

13. And finally, not to name any more, Marianus Scotus (that lived in those days) writeth thus of the whole Controversie between them:* 1.328 Gregory VII. (saith he) being stirred up by the just clamors of Catholic Men, and hearing the immanity of Henry the Emperour's wickedness, cry'd out against by them, did excommunicate him for the same, but especially for the sin of Simony, in buying and selling Bishoprics; which fact of the Pope did like very well all good Catholic men, but displeased such as would buy and sell Benefices, and were favourers of the said Emperour.

14. And thus much be spoken of the Learning, Lives and Vertue of these two particular Popes, Gregory VII. and Innocentius III. whom John Fox would needs have us believe that they had overturned God's Church, and extinguished Christian Religion utterly in the World. But especially he rageth every where, and with greatest acerbity, against Gregory VII. dilating himself in many large Discourses of that Argument, and telling so many and apparent Lyes of Him, and his Acts and Ends, as were a matter incredible to him that hath not exa∣mined them. Neither may I stand to recount them all, or the greater part (for it would require a Volume) but by one or two you shall be able to judge of the rest.

I read and find (saith Fox) that in a Council held at Rome by Pope Hildebrand and other Bishops, they did enact three things: First,* 1.329 That no Priest hereafter should marry Wives: Secondly, That all such as were married should be divorced. Thirdly, That none hereafter should be admitted to the Order of Priesthood, but should swear perpetual Chastity.

15. Truly it is a strange thing to see and consider the wilful obstinacy and precipitation of Heretics. Fox hath gathered out three Points decreed in this Council; which Council yet he citeth not, nor any Author for it, and so with more safety he playeth the Davus. He leaveth out a fourth Point, which was the principal or rather only Point touching Priests Marriage han∣dled in that Council; to wit, That what Priest soever should be known to keep a Concubine under pretence of his Wife, or should be known to have bought his Benefice by Simony, and would not repent or amend, they were forbidden to enter the Church and say Mass, and other men were forbidden to hear their Mass. With which Decree many licentious Priests, that would not be restrained from their loose Life, being offended; and many more Lay-men,* 1.330 that depended on the said Emperour, taking their part, cried out against this good Pope, for that he went about to reform these two scandalous Abuses, Simony and Fornication, in the worser sort of Priests. And two notable Calumniations amongst others they raised against him: The first,* 1.331 That he did not hold the Mass to be good or available which was said by a Simoniacal or Adulterous Priest; which he never said nor meant, but only that for a pu∣nishment, and in detestation of those sins, he would have men to forbear the hearing of such Priests Masses, seeing there wanted not other good Priests to supply their places and Functions: Neither was he the first Pope that made the like Decree for punishing of Concubinary Priests,* 1.332 by forbidding other men to hear their Masses; for that both Pope Alexander II. and Nicho∣las II. his Predecessors made the same Decree, as appeareth in their Canons yet extant.

* 1.33316. The other Calumniation against this Pope was this, which Fox and the Magdeburgians do here set down, That he was the first that began to forbid Marriage of Priests in the West-Church, for so are the words of the Magdebur∣gians: And hereupon hath John Fox framed out of the Council the three Points before mentioned, as handled and decreed then, (which is false) and passeth over the fourth with silence, wherein the only Controversie consisteth. And this appeareth in the Lines immediately following in Fox, where he putteth down the Copy in English of Pope Gregory's Bull about this matter, wherein he saith thus:* 1.334 If there be any Priests, Deacons, or Subdeacons, that will still re∣main in the sin of Fornication, we forbid them the Churches entrance till they amend and repent; but if they persevere in their sin, we charge that none presume to hear their Service.

* 1.33517. By which words we see that Pope Gregory did not treat here as Fox saith, That no Priest hereafter should marry Wives, (as tho' it had been in use or lawful before) or that such as were married should be divorced by this new Decree: And much less was it decreed now, as Fox deviseth, That none hereafter should be admitted to the Order of Priesthood, but should swear perpetual Chastity. All these Points (I say) are either feigned or fraudulent∣ly set down by our Fox, as tho' these things had been in lawful use before, and that now by Pope Gregory began this prohibition. But you have heard by Pope Gregory's own words, that he presumeth that all Priests that after Priest∣hood have Carnal Conversation with Women, do live in Fornication, ac∣cording to the Doctrin, Custom and Practice of the ancient Catholic Church of Christ. And therefore where Fox useth the words Marriage and Lawful Wives, Pope Gregory calleth it Fornication and Concubinary Life. And so it is in the Canon,* 1.336 Officium Simoniacorum, & in Fornicatione jacentium, scienter nullo modo recipiatis; Do you not wittingly admit the Office or Service of such Priests as live in Simony or Fornication. And Tritemius relateth the matter thus: Laicis interdixit, ne Missas Sacerdotum Concubinas habentium audire praesu∣mant; Pope Gregory forbad Lay-men to hear the Mass of such Priests as were known to have Concubines.

* 1.33718. This then was the Controversie, Whether Priests that lived with Wo∣men (contrary to the ancient Canons of the Catholic Church) were rightly punished by Pope Gregory, Pope Alexander, Pope Nicholas, and some other Popes, by debarring them to say Mass publicly, or other men to hear their Masses? The Controversie was not, Whether it was lawful for them to marry or no; or whether they should promise Chastity at their entrance into Priest∣hood? For this Pope Gregory took as a thing determined from all Antiquity before him, especially in the Latin Church. And so testifieth Marianus Scotus, that lived in his time:* 1.338 Iste Papa (saith he) Sinodo facta, ex decreto S. Petri Apo∣stoli, & S. Clementis, aliorum{que} Sanctorum Patrum vetuit & interdixit Clericis (maximè Divino Ministerio consecratis) Ʋxores habere, vel cum Mulieribus habi∣tare, nisi quas Nicena Synodus, vel alii Canones exceperunt;

This Pope (Grego∣ry VII.) having made a Synod, did according to the Decree of St. Peter the Apostle,* 1.339 and St. Clement his Successor, and of other holy Fathers, for∣bid unto Clergy-men (especially to such as were consecrated unto God's Service) to have Wives, or to dwell with Women, excepting such only as the first Council of Nice and other Ecclesiastical Canons did except or permit.

19. This testifieth Marianus of the Pope's intention, and that he made his Decree according to the Decrees, Canons, meaning and practice of all holy Fathers his Predecessors, from St. Peter downward, in the Latin Church. And if we go to the Council of Nice for the exception here mentioned, what Women

were allowed to dwell in house with Priests in those days, we shall find all Women to be forbidden to live with Bishops, Priests or Deacons,* 1.340 praeter Ma∣trem, Sororem, vel Amitam; the Mother, Sister, or the Aunt: But no men∣tion at all of the Wife, which should have been the first that should have been excepted by the Council, if any such thing had been lawful or permitted in those days. For albeit in the Greek Church, where this Council was held, some were made Priests that were married before; yet were they never per∣mitted to marry after they were Priests, nor are they at this day. And if we consider the whole stream of Greek Fathers in this behalf,* 1.341 we shall see them no less by their Writings than by their Doings and Examples, joyn with the Latin Church in this Point about the Continency of Priests and Bi∣shops even from the beginning. Illius solius est offerre Sacrificium (saith Ori∣gen above 1400 years ago) qui perpetuae se devoverit Castitati;

To him only belongeth to offer Sacrifice, who hath vowed himself to perpetual Cha∣stity.

20. Behold Sacrifice and vowing of Chastity in Priests of the Greek Church, above 700 years before the time that Fox saith it was decreed first of all by Pope Gregory VII that they should not marry. And Eusebius, in the next Age after, being one of them that were of the Council of Nice, saith, Eos,* 1.342 qui sa∣crati sunt, & in Dei ministerio cultúque occupati, continere deinceps seipsos à commercio Ʋxoris decet;

It becometh them that are consecrated and occupied in the Service of God, to contain themselves for the time to come from all dealing with Wives.

There follow in the same Age with Eusebius divers other Fathers; as, St. Cyrill, St. Gregory Nyssen, St. Chrysostom, St. Epiphany; all which writing of this matter, are of the same Opinion.* 1.343 Qui apud Jesum

bene fungitur Sacerdotio, abstinet à Muliere, saith St. Cyril; He that perform∣eth the Office of a Priest well in the sight of Jesus, (that is to say, is a good Christian Priest) doth abstain from all Women.

To like sense do write St. Gregory Nyssen, lib. de Virginit. cap. ult. and St. Chrysostom, hom. 2. de patien. Job. And as for St. Epiphanius, we have alleged him * 1.344 before, as reprehended by the Magdeburgians, for affirming this Rule of Priests Continency from Mar∣riage to have been observed in his time throughout the whole Church, with great sincerity wheresoever good Clergy-men were.

21. It were in vain to allege the Latin Fathers, for that our Enemies con∣fess them to be all of the contrary judgment to them. But when no other Argument were, the very Example of so great a multitude of famous, learn∣ed, and holy Bishops, Doctors, Teachers and Preachers of those first Ages after Christ, that lived Continent, and were not married, (as St. Ignatius, St. Polycarp, Clemens Alexandrinus, St. Athanasius, St. Basil, St. Gregory Nazi∣anzen, St. Chrysostom, St. Epiphanius, St. Cyril, and many others of the Greek Church; as also St. Cyprian, St. Hillary, St. Ambrose, St. Hierom, St. Augustin, and above Fifty Popes of Rome, held all for Saints, and the most of them Mar∣tyrs, in the Latin Church:) These Mens Example (I say) is a sufficient Argument to shew what was the Spirit of Christ in those days, to him that hath any feeling thereof.

22. But to say no more of this, but to return to make an end of our speech of Pope Gregory VII. (whom our Protestants, for his singular Vertue and Con∣stancy in God's Cause, cannot abide,) Fox concludeth thus of his death:* 1.345 Anto∣ninus writeth, That Hildebrand as he lay a dying desired one of his Cardinals to go to the Emperour, and desire of him forgiveness, absolving both Him and his Partners from Excommunication, &c. And true it is, that St. Antoninus Archbishop of Florence relateth some such thing upon other mens speeches, saying, Quod misit Cardinalem ad Imperatorem & ad totam Ecclesiam, ut optaret ei Indulgentiam;

That he sent the Cardinal to the Emperour and to all the Church, to wish him Indulgence. And what marvel (if it had been so) that a man lying at Deaths door would gladly be at peace with all the World? But why hath not Fox set down the other words of Antoninus presently follow∣ing?* 1.346 Quae tamen vera esse non credo, multis de causis;

Which yet for many causes I do not believe to be true.

Here you may see that Fox is still a Fox.

* 1.34723. Nauclerus reporteth, That his last words lying on his Death-bed in Salerno, were those of the Psalm, Dilexi Justitiam & odivi Iniquitatem, pro∣pterea morior in exilio, &c.

I have loved Justice, and hated Iniquity; and for this do I die in banishment, being driven away from my See by the violence of the Emperour.

* 1.348 Thus wrote Nauclerus of him, tho' a German, adding these words: Vir fuit Gregorius times Deum, Justitiae & Aequitatis amator, in adversis constans;

Pope Gregory was a man that feared God, a great lover of Justice and Equity,* 1.349 constant in Adversity.

And Platina, that flattereth not Popes as our Protestants do confess, writing of him, saith, Vir certe Deo gratus, &c.

Truly he was a man grateful to God, Prudent, Just, Cle∣ment, and a Patron of all Poor, but especially of Pupils and Widows.

Cranzius also a German saith: Henricus Gregorium septimum virum san∣ctum insectatus est; Henry the Emperour persecuted Pope Gregory VII. being a holy Man.

24. But to omit this, and to speak no more of Popes Lives or Learning, especially of these two (Gregory and Innocentius) so well known but only to consider their Faith and Belief, (for That principally indeed concerneth our purpose, seeing that albeit they should be Wicked or Unlearned, yet might they be true Popes:* 1.350) I would ask John Fox, What one Article of Belief any one of these two Popes, living more than an hundred years the one after the other, did they differ in from their Predecessors, or were noted by their Successors for the same? And if no such Article can be brought forth, (as most certainly there cannot) how then could these two Popes, either joyntly or severally, overthrow so great a Church dispersed over all the World (as was at that time the Roman) and much more extinguish the whole Christian Faith, as John Fox affirmeth?

25. Is not this plain madness, to affirm that any one or two Popes could overthrow a whole Church, or extinguish Christian Faith; especially living an hundred years one from the other as hath been said? For if the first had done it, then what needed the help of the second? or if the same Church persevered in Christian Faith for an hundred years together after the first, then did not he overthrow the same. And yet doth John Fox delight himself so much in this Fancy, that in divers places of his Book he foundeth his whole Discourses thereon, as we shall see in the Chapter following.

CHAP. VIII.

Here followeth a dreaming Imagination of John Fox, contrary to it self, about the Fall of the Roman Church, and Rising of Anti∣christ; with the rest that remaineth of our Ecclesiastical History from the Conquest to Wickliff.

JOhn Fox taking upon him in his vein of fancy to distinguish Times, and to determin when the Church of Rome fell sick and died, when Antichrist was born, and other like vain imaginations, proving also the same by certain Re∣velations made unto himself as he lay on his Bed upon a Sunday in the mor∣ning: he setteth down for a ground this distinction of Times in the very be∣ginning of his Acts and Monuments in these words: First (saith he) I will treat of the suffering time of the Church, which continued from the Apostles Age about 300 years. Secondly, of the flourishing time of the Church, which lasted other 300 years. Thirdly, of the declining time of the Church, which comprehendeth also other 300 years, until the loosing out of Sathan, which was 1000 years after the cea∣sing of the Persecution. Fourthly followeth the time of Antichrist, or the loosing of Sathan, or desolation of the Church, &c.

2. Lo here John Fox maketh a different Account from the former, as tho' the time of Antichrist, and loosing of Sathan for overthrowing the true Church, had begun much sooner than under Pope Gregory and Innocentius, to wit, from the year of Christ 900, which was almost 200 years before Gregory VII. was born. And yet doth he also contradict himself in this, if you mark him; for that he saith this loosing of Sathan was about the thousandth year after the ceasing of Persecution; which ceasing being counted by Fox himself from the time of Constantine the Great, (when he saith Sathan was bound up for 1000 years) the ending thereof must fall, not upon the year of Christ 900, as in this his Account, but rather upon the year of Christ 1300, at which time he was let forth again, (if we believe John Fox) and had power given him, not only to impugn, but to overthrow the Church contrary to that which Christ had promised, Matth. 16. That Hell-gates should not prevail against her.

3. But let us see a third place, where John Fox handleth this Mystery dif∣ferent from both these now alleged; to wit, in the beginning of his fifth Book, from Wickliff downward, where he maketh another Account yet of binding and loosing of Sathan, and overthrowing the true Church: And this (forsooth) out of the 20th Chapter of the Apocalypse by a large Text;* 1.351 which having recited, he saith thus: By these words of the Revelation three special things are to be noted: First, the being abroad of Sathan; Secondly, his bind∣ing up; and Thirdly, the loosing out of him again after a thousand years consum∣mate, &c.

4. Thus he hath there. And then a little after he maketh his Account thus: The binding up of Sathan, after peace given to the Church (counting from the 30th year of Christ) was Anno Domini 294; which lasted for 1000 years, until Anno 1294, about which year Pope Boniface VIII. was made Pope, and made the sixth Decretals, confirmed the Order of Friars, and privileged them with great freedom.

So writeth Fox, and confirmeth his Sentence by certain old Verses written by a Monk (as he saith) which affirm that

Cùm fuerint anni completi mille ducenti Et decies seni post partum Virginis Almae; Tunc Antichristus nascetur Daemone plenus.

That is,

When a thousand two hundred and threescore years after the Vir∣gins Child-birth shall be finished, then shall Antichrist be born, replenish∣ed with the spirit of Satan.

Which Fox will needs have to be meant by the foresaid Bonifacius VIII. as tho' He above others had overthrown the Church, and had been the first Antichrist among Popes: Which if it were true, then can it not fall either upon Gregory VII. or Innocentius III. no nor upon Boniface himself named by him; for that he was not made Pope 34 years after this de∣vised Prophesie did appoint Antichrist to be born, to wit, 1260; seeing he was made Pope (as Fox also confesseth) Anno 1294.

5. But the best pastime is to hear what immediately followeth in Fox, which are these words: These Verses (saith he) were written (as appeareth by the said Author) Anno Domini 1285. Well, Sir John! and what of this? doth not this overthrow all the credit of your Prophesie, seeing it sheweth that these Verses were written 25 years after the day appointed by the Pro∣phesie was past?

6. So we see, that this man having toiled so much to draw all that is spo∣ken in the Apocalypse, or Book of Revelation, concerning Antichrist, and the binding and loosing of Sathan, to fall upon the Popes and Roman Church; he cannot tell where to lay it, but playeth notoriously the Fool, and is con∣trary to himself, as by the examination of the three places alleged may appear. For in the first he affirmeth Christian Faith to have been extinguished either by Pope Gregory VII. (in the year of Christ 1080) or by Innocentius III. in the year 1215;* 1.352 and here he will have it to have been under Bonifacius VIII. which was almost another hundred years after Innocentius.

7. In the second place he will have the loosing of Sathan, and consequent∣ly also the Fall of the Church, to have been almost 200 years before Grego∣ry VII. (that is to say,* 1.353 in the year of Christ 900) and all the rest downward, to have been under Antichrist, which he calleth the time of Desolation, and Reign of Sathan over the Church. And he confirmeth the same again in the be∣ginning of another Treatise following; where repeating the division of his whole Work, he saith, That his intention is, first to declare the suffering time of the Church,* 1.354 for 300 years; secondly, the flourishing time, for other 300; thirdly, the declining time, for other 300 years; fourthly, the time of Antichrist reigning and raging since the loosing of Sathan for other 400 years; fifthly, the reforming time of Christ's Church in these latter 300 since John Wickliff begun, and after Luther, and other like people.

Thus saith Fox; wherein he agreeth somewhat (as you see) with his last former Account, that Sathan was let loose to overthrow the Church, about the year of Christ 900; which yet is quite contrary to that which he writeth in his first place before alledged, that the foresaid Church was overthrown by Pope Gregory VII. and Innocentius III. some hundreds of years after that time. But much more contrary it is to that which he writeth lastly out of the Apo∣calypse, in his fourth place alleged; to wit, That Sathan was bound up for a thousand years; which number of years after the first Ten Persecutions, he saith, must begin from the year of Christ 294; which he endeavoreth (tho' fondly) to prove out of the 13th Chapter of the Apocalypse, where it is said, That Power was given by the Dragon to the Beast, (to wit, to Antichrist) to speak Blasphemy,* 1.355 and to do what listed him for Forty two months; which make (as all men know) three years and a half; which is the time allotted by St. John

(according to all ancient Fathers Interpretations) to the Reign of Antichrist in the end of the World. And it is so expounded in other places of this Reve∣lation it self, to wit, by these words, a time, times, and half a time;* 1.356 and in another place by 1260 days; and then again by 42 months. All which num∣bers being examined, do make up just the foresaid three years and a half, pro∣phesied and expressed in like manner by Daniel the Prophet.* 1.357

9. And in this there is no doubt or question among Catholics or ancient Writers, but that Antichrist (a particular person designed for that end from the beginning of the World) shall appear, and have power given him from the Devil to turmoil and afflict the Church of Christ for the space of three years and a half before the day of Judgment. Only the Heretics of our time, to divert these Prophesies from the true Antichrist, and apply them to certain Bishops of Rome, do beat their heads how to devise out some new Expositions of these numbers never heard or thought of before: And namely John Fox, more fondly than the rest, will have the number of 42 Months to import 294 years, that is, every Month to signifie seven years, or (as fantastically he cal∣leth it) a Sabbath of Years. For proof whereof, having neither Authority nor any one Example of Scripture, he confirmeth it by a Revelation of his own, as after you shall hear.

10. His device therefore is, That the 1000 years wherein Sathan is said in the Ayocalypse to be ty'd up, must begin, as you see, after the said 294 years of Heathen Persecution were ended. So that the loosing out of Sathan against the Church again, must fall in the year of Christ 1294, when Bonifacius VIII. was chosen Pope; or, as the Monks Prophesie was, upon the year 1260, when Antichrist was born. Which is both contrary to that he said before, that he was loosed about the year 900; as also that the Popes, Gregory VII. and Innocentius III. (by Sathan's help, no doubt,) overthrew the Church about the year of Christ 1080, or 1215: For if that Sathan was bound, and not loosed until the year of Christ 1294, how could he overthrow the Church before?

11. Wherefore all these new Interpretations of the words of the Apocalypse are but fantastical devices of wrangling Heretics,* 1.358 seeing the ancient Fathers do interpret all these things far otherwise. And first, they put the binding up of Sathan for 1000 years there mentioned, before the other number of 42 Months given to Antichrist to work his will; and do say, that the said loosing of Sathan began from the very Death and Passion of Christ, when the power of Sathan was bound, according to the saying of Christ himself in St. John's Gospel, drawing near to his Passion; Now the Prince of this World shall be cast forth. And secondly, they do interpret these 1000 Years not to signifie any certain time, but generally to signifie all the whole course of time between the death of Christ and the coming of Antichrist, three years and a half before the Day of Judgment, according to the ordinary phrase of Scripture. As for Ex∣ample, Quod mandavit Deus in mille generationes;* 1.359 God hath commanded his Precept to be kept for a thousand Generations, that is to say, to the Worlds end, and not for any certain time. And again in Job,* 1.360 If a Just man should contend with God, he cannot answer him one for a thousand.

12. This then is the ancient Interpretation of holy Doctors, quite contrary to these new fancies of John Fox, whose Expositions are both contrary to him∣self, (as in part you have seen) and opposite to the words and sense of Scri∣pture it self. For whereas first these 42 Months (importing by his Account 294 years) were given to Sathan to work his will against the Saints of God; the Scripture saith, they were given to the Beast (that is to say, to Antichrist,* 1.361) by the Dragon, and not to the Dragon himself: And secondly, whereas he would needs have the 42 Months to signifie 294 years, the Scriptures do ex∣pound

them by 1260 days, which make just three years and a half, as hath been said.

13. Thirdly, Fox shall never find any place or example in Scripture, where the word Month either in Greek or Latin doth signifie seven Days, Weeks, or Years, as in Daniel the Greek word Hebdomada doth and may, by its proper signification. And yet is John Fox so fond and resolute in his device, as all other proofs and probabilities failing him, he will needs confirm it by a Re∣velation from God, which he recounteth in these words following:

* 1.36214. Because the matter (saith he) being of no small importance, greatly apper∣taineth unto the public utility of the Church, and lest any should misdoubt me herein, to follow any private Interpretations of my own; I thought good to communicate to the Reader that which hath been imparted unto me, in the opening of these My∣stical Numbers in the foresaid Book of Revelation contained, by occasion as fol∣loweth &c.

15. As I was in hand with these Histories, &c. being vexed and turmoiled in spirit about the reckoning of these Numbers and Years; it so happened upon a Sunday in the morning, lying in my Bed, and musing about these Numbers, suddenly it was answered to my mind, as with a majesty thus saying inwardly within me, Thou Fool, count these Months by Sabboths, as the Weeks of Daniel are counted by Sab∣boths. The Lord I take to witness thus it was. Whereupon thus being admonished, I began to reckon the 42 Months by Sabboths, first of the Months, and that would not serve; and then by Sabboths of Years, and then I began to feel some probable under∣standing: Yet not satisfied herewith, eftsoons I repaired to certain Merchants of my acquaintance, (of whom one is departed, a true and faithful Servant of the Lord, the other two yet alive, and Witnesses hereof,) to whom the number of these foresaid Months being propounded, and examined by Sabboths of Years, the whole Sum was found to surmount to 294 years, containing the full and just time of the foresaid Persecutions, neither more nor less, &c.

16. And thus you have the Revelation made to John Fox; which he saith that he relateth unto us for that we shall not misdoubt the truth thereof, nor think that he followeth any private Interpretation of his own, but that it came from God immediately. And this is the first Dream of John Fox in his Bed. And the second ridiculous point is, that he went to three Merchants to confer this Revelation, and that they approved the same. The third point is open Folly, where he saith that this number of 294 containeth the full and just time of the first Persecution of Christians under Pagan Emperours, nei∣ther more nor less; which before hath been confuted, and is evident in it self, seeing that from Christ to the Victory of Constantine against Maxentius, there are assigned by Eusebius 318 years, and yet did not this Persecution of Christians cease then neither, but continued under Licinius and other Tyrants for divers years after. See then how just these Numbers fall out, neither more nor less! All which being considered, I find no one thing so true or credible in all this Revelation, as those words of the Spirit unto him, saying, Thou Fool, for that this maketh him a Fool indeed by Revelation. And so much of him, and of this whole matter of binding and loosing Sathan, and Reign of Antichrist: Now let us return to the continuation of our Conference with John Fox about his Church.

* 1.36317. The deduction of the Catholic Roman Church from William the Con∣queror downward unto John Wickliff's time, is no less easie and clear, but rather more, than the former deduction from Christ to the Conquest; for that the Church was now more spread and established over the World, than in any other former Ages. And to come unto the particulars, there sate in the See of Rome, as High-Bishops of the Universal Church, from Pope Alexan∣der II. that sent a Banner blessed unto William the Conqueror at his entrance

into England, (and was the 162 Pope from St. Peter to our time) unto Pope Gregory XI. (under whom Wickliff began his Doctrin) 45 Popes; and in the Roman Empire, from Henry IV. unto Charles IV. succeeded 19 Emperours; and in the Crown of England 10 or 11 Kings, from the Conqueror to Ed∣ward III. under which Kings there succeeded by Election in the Metropolitan See of Canterbury, from Stigand and Lanfrank unto Thomas Arundel, 20 Arch∣bishops. All which, both Popes and Emperours of the Universal Church, as also the Kings and Archbishops of our Island, agree uniformly in Faith and Religion, without any difference at all; and so it continued in our Island. For albeit towards the end of this time John Wickliff with his Followers, and some other Sectaries, (especially the Lollards) rose up in our Country, and caused many troubles both in England and other places; yet neither the State of England, nor any of our Princes, (and much less any Bishops or Archbishops) ever suffered themselves to be infected therewith. So as for the manifest con∣tinuation both of Men and Doctrin in these Ages, we have no less visible Suc∣cession both of Bishops, Doctors, and Faith, than before we have shewed in the former Ages; the Succession of Bishops being evident in every Country and Church by their particular Stories and Records, as also of Teachers and Doctrin, as now we shall shew.

18. The principal Learned Men also and Doctors of this time,* 1.364 from the Conquest to Wickliff, are known. As for Example, Burchardus, Petrus Da∣mianus, Lanfrank, Anselmus, Oecumenius, Marianus Scotus, Ivo Carnotensis, Lambertus Schafnaburgensis, Rupertus Abbas, Enthymius, St. Bernard, Peter Lom∣bard, Gratianus, Albertus Magnus, St. Thomas of Aquin, Nicephorus Calixtus, and many other downward. In which time there are accounted some ten or eleven Synods and Councils to have been held in divers Countries for sup∣pressing of Heresies and Sects that did from time to time peep up, and reform∣ing of abuses in former times; and two of them to have been General, to wit, that of Lateran, and of Constance, wherein Wickliff was condemned.

19. The most notorious Sects also of this time, which against these Doctors,* 1.365 Councils and Synods did strive, were the Bogomilians, the Petrobusians, the Arnardistes, the Waldenses, or poor men of Lyons, the Albigenses of Tholosa, the Cathari, or Puritans, the Flagellantes, or Whippers, the Begardians, the Beguisnes and Fraticelli, or little Brethren, the Lollards and Wickliffists, and the rest that ensued: Against all which the Church proceeded in all this time by Censures of Councils and Bishops, as in all other times before against such men, and must do to the Worlds end.

20. And now, this being so, tell me (good Reader) whether it be not true which St. Augustin saith,* 1.366 That it is as easie in all Ages to see where the true visible Church goeth, as to see the Sun at noon day when it shineth clearest? And where will John Fox go now to seek himself a private hidden Church among Christi∣ans, except he patch it up of those Heretics by me named, and other like, as he doth? And therein dealeth, as if one having shewed the Descent and Conti∣nuance of the most Noble and most Ancient House of England by their Arms and Actions, would condemn them all presently to have degenerated, and bring in a Company of Beggars or Brothers, that have run out of that House, or were beaten from thence; affirming These only to be of the ancient Race of that Family. Or as if a man would say of the City of London,* 1.367 that for these thousand years and more all those Men or Women that have been punished by the same City for Malefactors, were the true Citizens indeed, and the others that punished them only Intruders.

21. In which Examples, notwithstanding tho' they be ridiculous, yet is there much more reason or probability than in the other; for that any tempo∣ral House or Family whatsoever may degenerate, and be wholly perverted;

and any City whatsoever may err, alter, or be turned upside-down by disor∣der; but the Catholic Church cannot, except we deny both the Promise, Power and Godhead of Christ himself, as our Heretics in effect do, (tho' not in words) whilst they make to themselves a new, scarce-visible Church, of elect people, to wit, of their own Election, and thereby are forced to say, that the great visible Church begun by Christ, and continued for many Ages together, did at length (about the time appointed by Fox, tho' they cannot agree at what time) wholly forsake Christ, and fall to Apostacy, becoming the Synagogue of Sa∣than, an Enemy to Christ, instead of his Family, Kingdom, and dearly-belo∣ved Spouse; which is so foul and foolish, yea ignominious and monstrous an absurdity,* 1.368 that it doth not only contradict the whole course of Scriptures, which did prophesie and foretell the visible durance and continuance of this Church until the Worlds end, but that it should also be the Pillar and Firma∣ment of Truth, and so assisted by Christ and his holy Spirit, that it should never err, nor bring into error, and much less fade away or perish.

* 1.36922. The most Learned Father St. Augustin doth handle this matter every∣where against the Donatists, who, like our Protestants, would needs have the Universal visible Church in their time to have erred and fallen from Christ, and they only as elect Vessels make the true Church, tho' scarce visible to the eyes of the World, as Fox saith of his Church, gathered up of lurking Here∣tics here and there, as after you shall see declared. Against which absurdity St. Augustin disputed most learnedly, solving first the Arguments which they allege of some evil Men or Popes that may have been in the Church, if all were true as they say:* 1.370 Nullius hominis quamvis sceleratum & immane peccatum, &c.

That no man's sin, being never so heinous, can prejudicate the promises of God (for the visible continuance of the Church to the Worlds end) neither can any Impiety of any men whatsoever within the Church bring to pass that the Faith of God which was contained in the promises made to the anci∣ent Fathers concerning the Church of Christ to come, and to be spread over the World, and now fulfilled in our days, should be made void, &c.

* 1.37123. And again: Albeit this Church be sometimes obscured and shadowed by mul∣titude of scandals; yea, even then doth she shine, and is eminent in her most firm Members, &c. And yet further Sed illa Ecclesia quae fuit omnium gentium non est, periit;* 1.372 hoc dicunt qui in illa non sunt. O impudentem vocem! Illa non est, quia in illa tu non es?

But perhaps you will say (saith he to the Donatists) that that Church which was gathered together of all Nations from the beginning, is not now, it hath perished, (or fallen from Christ;) thus say they which are not in her. O impudent Speech! Is she no longer a Church, for that thou art not in her?

24. Here (I trow) Fox will be ashamed, or his Fellows for him, seeing this is their ordinary speech, That this great visible Church began by Christ and his Apostles, held on well for a time, but at length fell to Apostacy, as St. Au∣gustin saith of his Heretics in the same place: Dicunt, impletae sunt Scripturae, crediderunt omnes gentes,* 1.373 sed apostatavit & periit Ecclesia;

These Heretics say, that the Scriptures were fulfilled, that all Nations believed and entred into this Church, but that after a time it fell to Apostacy, and perished.

But what answereth St. Augustin to this impudent Objection? He opposeth the words of Christ himself: Ecce, ego vobiscum sum usque ad consummationem saecu∣li;* 1.374 Behold, I am with you to the end of the World. As who would say, By this Doctrin they make Christ a Lyar and a Deceiver, that promised more than he could perform; nay, in very deed they deny hereby his whole Deity, and do evacuate all the Mysteries of his whole Incarnation, Life, Passion, Re∣surrection, Ascension, and sending of the Holy Ghost, &c.

25. For to what end was all this done, but to gather together, found,* 1.375 esta∣blish, and to conserve this Church unto the end of the World? For what was Christ incarnate, and God made Man, but to be Head of this Church? Why did he preach, gather his Apostles and Disciples, instruct them, pray for them, and their continuance, leave Sacraments among them, but that they should visibly begin this Church? Why did Christ send the Holy Ghost, but to direct and confirm the same, not for one Age or Two, but to the Worlds end? How did Christ command men under pain of Damnation to enter into this Church, and absolutely to hear and obey the same, if it were only to en∣dure for certain Ages, and then to perish? How should Pagans, Infidels, Jews, Turks, Moors, or other like people, (if by God's Inspiration they should have a desire to be Christians) know what to do, or whither to go, or where to be truly instructed, if they came after the time appointed by Fox, when the vi∣sible Roman Church had perished; to wit, after the time of Pope Gregory VII. when Fox saith, That Christian Faith was now extinguished in the Ʋniversal visi∣ble Church above 500 years agone? And yet, on the other side, this new Church of Wickliffians, Hussites, and others of that Sect, (which he putteth to be the true Church) was not yet born by two or three hundred years. So as then he must needs confess, that either there was no Christian Church at all for some Ages, or that he must place it in some other obscure Heretics and Sectaries of that time named by me before, yet he doth not agree at all in their Articles of Religion.

26. Well then, this shall be sufficient to shew the absurdity of John Fox his device for overthrow of our Church, and setting up of his own,* 1.376 patching it up of the Heretics of these latter Ages. And yet you must note, that for the first three hundred years next after the Conquest to this time of the rising of Wickliff, (which contain the whole substance of his fourth Book, and therein a hundred Leaves of Paper) he scarce findeth any Heretics whom he dareth to challenge for Members of his Church fully, tho' some liking he sheweth to the foresaid Waldenses and Albigenses. So as all the substantial building of his Church beginneth only from Wickliff downward, of whom we shall talk more particularly in the Chapter following.

27. But perhaps then you will ask me, How doth he fill up these hundred Leaves of Paper in this his fourth Book, if here also he allege so little for his visible Church? I shall tell you briefly. He goeth from King to King,* 1.377 and from Archbishop to Archbishop, shewing what strifes or disagreements, suits or controversies, fell out between our two Archbishops of Canterbury and York, between our Kings, Archbishops, Religious Orders, and Secular Priests, Ca∣nons and their Bishops, and other such quarrels in those times, making scorn∣ful Notes upon every Point; and then he putteth down a Bead-roll of all the particular Orders of Religious Men in England, entituling the same,* 1.378 The Rab∣blement of Religious Orders. Then cometh he in with a complaint of the Nobles of England against the Exactions and Covetousness of Popes in those days, and many Letters and Writings about the same, but citeth commonly no Author for any thing. Then bringeth he in what variance at divers times there pas∣sed between the Popes and the Citizens of Rome,* 1.379 what strifes between some Popes and Emperours, betwixt Kings of France and Kings of England,* 1.380 and such like other matter little to the purpose he took in hand, which was to set down the race and course of his Church.

28. But the greatest part of this Book doth take up the particular Lying Treatise against Pope Gregory VII. against Lanfrank, Anselm, and Thomas Bec∣ket, Archbishops of Canterbury; the counterfeit devised poysoning of King John by a Monk or Friar: the Story or Persecution (as he calleth it) of the

Heretics, named Waldenses, or poor Men of Lyons, and Albigenses of Tholosa, and the like. We shall say a word or two to each Point.

* 1.38129. As for Pope Gregory, called before Hildebrand, he so raileth upon him, as if he had been the wickedest man that ever lived, and the Emperour the best; and yet have you heard the grave testimonies before of the principal ancient Authors to the contrary in them both. But do you hear Fox himself speak.* 1.382 Now let us proceed (saith he) to the contentions between wicked Hildebrand and the godly Emperour, &c. Lo, how he sanctifieth the Emperour, for hatred to the Pope!

* 1.38330. Of Archbishop Lanfrank, so highly commended by all Writers for his Vertue and rare Learning, whereby he confuted most excellently the new risen Heresie of Berengarius,* 1.384 Fox writeth thus: I think, that unless Lanfrank had brought with him less Superstition, and more sincere Science into Christ's Church, he might have kept him still is his Country, and have confuted Berengarius at home. Do you see how wise a confutation this is?

* 1.38531. St. Anselm followed after Lanfrank in the Archbishopric of Canterbury, and was banished by William Rufus, and died upon the 22 of April, in the year 1109, and is held for a Saint by all Posterity, and his said day kept Festival throughout Christendom: And yet so writeth Fox his Story, as tho' King Rufus (whose manners yet all English Historiographers, both Heretics and Catholics, do greatly blame) had had the right, and Anselmus had offered the wrong; in∣somuch as in one place Fox maketh this Marginal Note against this holy Man: The proud stoutness of a Prelate in a wrong Cause.

32. How large a Treatise Fox maketh of St. Thomas Becket, and his conten∣tion with King Henry II. and how shamefully he doth bely and revile him eve∣ry-where, hath been shewed sufficiently * 1.386 before in my Answer to Sir Francis Hastings, as also of the Fable of the poysoning of K. John. And as for the Histories the Waldenses & Albigenses,* 1.387 whom he meaneth to lay for the first Foundations of his visible Church upon Earth, he handleth matters so falsly and partially, contrary to the testimony of all Antiquity, as a man may easily see that the whole contexture of his Story is nothing else but a perpetual woven thread of wilful and malicious Falshoods, and for that I shall have occasion to speak again of these Heretics in the next Chapter, wherein we have to handle the Succession of John Fox his visible Protestant Church from Wickliff down∣ward, I shall say no more thereof here, but remit me to that which en∣sueth.

CHAP. IX.

Of the time from John Wickliff unto the beginning of the Reign of King Henry VIII. containing about 140 years; And how the Roman Church and John Fox his Church passed in these days.

BY that which hath been said before from Age to Age of the apparent and manifest Descent, Progress, and Continuation of the Catholic Roman Church, and of her State and Condition, as well in England as in other parts of the Christian World, (at the rising of John Wickliff an English-man, about the year of Christ 1371,) it is not hard to make the like deduction of the same Church from that time unto the year of Christ 1560, when her Majesty that now is had a little before begun her Reign, and established the form of Re∣ligion

that now is held in England:* 1.388 For as for the Popes and chief Ecclesiasti∣cal Governors of the Roman Church in this time, they are publicly known; their Names, Number, and Succession one to another from Innocentius VI. Ʋrbanus V. and Gregory XI. (who first condemned Wickliff's Doctrin) unto Pope Pius V. that entred the Roman See at the beginning of her Majesties Reign, being in number about Thirty, and all of one Faith and Religion the one with the other.

2. The Emperours also both of the West and East Empire (so long as it last∣ed) are known to have been of the self-same Religion,* 1.389 excepting some Disobe∣dience and Schismatical Opinions in some of the Greek Emperours against the Church of Rome; for which it may be thought that God of his Justice gave them over at length, together with their Empire, into Infidels hands, about the year of Christ 1450; Constantinus, the Twelfth of that Name, sirnamed Paleo∣logus, being the last of that Race.

3. The manner also of proceeding in Ecclesiastical matters by this Church in this time, was like unto the former, to wit, by conserving and continuing the Faith of their Ancestors, and precedent times; defending the same with like diligence against Innovations of Heretics, partly by the Writings of Catholic Learned Men, Doctors and Preachers, which in these Ages were; as,* 1.390 Grego∣rius Ariminensis, Laurentius Justinianus, Thomas de Kempis, Bartholomeus Ʋrbi∣nas, Thomas Waldensis, Joannes Gerson, Alphonsus Tostatus, Sanctus Vincentius, Sanctus Antoninus, Sanctus Bernardinus Senensis, Nicolaus Cusanus, Jo. Tritemius, Jo. Naucleras, Albertus Pius, Eckius, Empserus, Clicthoveus, and many other Learned Catholic Writers: By whose diligence the Heretics in these Ages were every-where refuted. But especially were they repressed by the Authority of Synods and Councils, as well Provincial and National as General also; to which effect were their latter General Councils,* 1.391 the first of Florence under Pope Eugenius IV. against the Heretics and Schismatics of those times, about the year of Christ 1432; the second of Lateran under Julius II. and Leo X. about the year of Christ 1513; and the third of Trent, against Lutherans, Zwing∣lians, Calvinists, Anabaptists, and other such fresher Heretics of our days, un∣der Pope Paulus IV. Pius IV. and Pius V. which Council was begun about the year 1445.

4. And albeit in this time (as in former Ages) there wanted not troublesom Spirits and new-fangling Heads to impugn and exercise this Church, as the Wickliffians, Hussites, Pickards, Adamites, Thaborites, Orebites, and other such Sectaries, going before Lutherans, Zwinglians, Calvinists, Anabaptists, Trinita∣rians, and other like new Dogmatists of our days: yet were they always disco∣vered, resisted, vanquished, and condemned by the same ordinary Process of Ecclesiastical Censures and Judgment; excommunicated, anathematiz'd,* 1.392 and delivered over to Sathan, by the Authority of this Church, as all other Heretics were in former Ages; and consequently are like to have the self-same final end, howsoever they ruffle or resist for a time.

5. And this being now the demonstration of our Catholic Church, most clear and evident to all them that have Eyes of Understanding to see, and Grace to consider the Truth; let us pass over to the view of John Fox's Church, which having been hitherto invisible from Christ downward, and only imagi∣nary or Mathematical, as you have seen, (for that he hath scarce named any to have been of that Church:) yet now from this time forward he will begin to exhibit unto us a real visible Church on his part, that is to say, a Succession, or rather Representation of divers Professors of his Religion, or of some Points thereof at leastwise, wherein they differ from the Roman. For he doth not think it needful for those of his Church to agree in all Articles, nor doth he bind him∣self to the Rule of St. Augustin: Ecclesia universaliter perfecta est,* 1.393 & in nullo clau∣dicat;

The true Church is universally perfect, and doth halt in no one point of Belief. But he thinketh it sufficient for his men to agree in some things a∣gainst the Roman Church, and to have some sparkles of Truth in it, as before he * 1.394 affirmed; albeit therewithal they should have some blemishes and errors al∣so, as a little after we will declare.

6. The Catalogue of these Protestant Professors, whereof Fox would make up his Church, we shall handle in the Chapter following: Now we are only to tell you, that from this time of Wickliff downwards he meaneth to lay down the visible Succession of his Church, and to that effect he storeth up all those that held the Articles of the foresaid Wickliff or Husse for Gospellers of his Church, whatsoever they held otherwise against him, or different among themselves. And if any of them or others were punished for their Opinions by our Church, then doth he register them for Martyrs or Confessors of the same Church; which yet he never durst do before this time, albeit there were divers other Sectaries in former Ages that symboliz'd with him in divers Ar∣ticles, as hath been shewed.

7. Yea, in this matter we may see John Fox also play the Fox, and fetch many windings and turnings to deceive his Reader; for that at the very en∣trance of his prolix and tedious Treatise of John Wickliff, whom he proposeth as a chosen man raised up by God for lightening the World, and impugning the Church of Rome;* 1.395 he leaveth to himself a starting-hole for all necessities, when he shall be pressed; telling us, That albeit in John Wickliff's Opinions and Asserti∣ons some blemishes perhaps may be noted; yet such blemishes they be, which rather de∣clare him to be a man that might err, than which directly did fight against Christ our Savior, &c.

8. Consider, I pray you, what a Defence this is. Perhaps (saith he) some blemishes may be noted; as tho' the matter were in doubt whether he had any blemishes in his Doctrin or no. Which yet after the Fox is forced to confess, and to disclaim them openly. And further he addeth full wisely, That if he have blemishes,* 1.396 or errors in Doctrin, they are such as do rather prove that he was a man, and might err, than that he did directly fight against Christ. Mark the man∣ner of his Defence! His errors do prove only, That he was a man, and might err. And so I say also of the worst Heretics, that their errors and blemishes in Doctrin do prove that they were men, and erring men; yea, wicked men also, in that they obstinately defended their own errors: And so I say of Wick∣liff in like manner. But mark what followeth; Rather than that he did fight directly against Christ: Which is as much as to say, that it importeth not much tho' he impugned Christ indirectly, if directly he did not fight against him. And may not any Heretics that ever lived be defended in this sort? No He∣retics do openly and directly impugn Christ, but rather pretend to honor him above others; bearing ever the Names not only of Christians, but also of the best, and most reformed Christians: and consequently they never fought directly against Christ, but indirectly, pretending one thing, and do∣ing another.

9. After John Fox hath greatly justified Wickliff by divers Leaves of Paper together, he cometh to set down 23 of his first Articles condemned by the Church of England at that day;* 1.397 and that (as Fox confesseth) by special chosen Judges gathered together; to wit, eight Bishops, fifteen Religious Learned Men of divers Orders, fourteen Doctors, and six Batchelors of Divinity; all which Fox doth name and contemn: And yet these Articles, tho' in divers points they concur with Luther, Zwinglius and Calvin's Doctrin in these days, yet in others they do greatly disagree; and Fox I think will not defend them. As for Example:

The fourth Article is, That if a Bishop or Priest should give Holy Orders, or con∣secrate the Sacrament of the Altar, or minister Baptism, whiles he is in mortal sin, in were nothing available.

10. Will Fox yield to this Article, think you? For if he do, we may call in doubt whether ever he were well baptiz'd, and consequently whether he were a Christian; seeing it may be doubted whether the Priest that baptiz'd him were in mortal sin or no when he did it.

And again, the ninth Article is, That it is against Scripture for any Ecclesiastical Ministers to have any temporal possessions at all.

This Article if Fox will grant, yet his Fellow-Ministers,* 1.398 and his Lords the Bishops, I presume, will hardly yield thereunto, but will pretend Scriptures to the contrary against Wickliff. Let us see the rest.

The tenth Article is, That no Prelate ought to excommunicate any person, except he know him first to be excommunicated by God.

The fifteenth is, That so long as a man is in deadly sin, he is neither Bishop nor Prelate.

The sixteenth is, That Temporal Lords may according to their own wills and discretion take away the Temporal Goods from any Church men, whensoever they offend.

The seventeenth is, That Tythes are meer Alms, and may be detained by the Pa∣rishioners, and bestowed where they will at their pleasure.

11. These were some of Wickliff's first Articles, condemn'd at Oxford about the year of Christ 1380; but after he published many worse. And I would here know of John Fox, Whether He and his Fellow-Ministers will allow of these Articles, or no? And if not, but that they will have them accounted for his blemishes or errors (as Fox calleth them) then may we also with better rea∣son account for blemishes and errors his other Propositions, wherein he agreeth with the Protestants against Us; as I doubt not but that John Fox will account those also wherein he agreeth with Us against Him, which are many, and far more than the former, wherein he joyneth with Him against Us, as may be gathered by these few Articles alleged here by Fox himself; whereby (tho' mingled with much other erroneous Doctrin, as you see) it is evident that Wickliff held divers Points also of Catholic Religion; as, Holy Orders, Consecration, Excommunication, distinction of Venial and Mortal Sins, and other like. For which cause I marvel why John Fox would allege these Articles, but only to confound himself, and to shew that his holy Patri∣arch Wickliff is so full of blemishes, as scarce any unspotted thing can be found in his Doctrin.

12. But this is the beggery of this new Church,* 1.399 that it cannot be made up but by such Dunghil-clouts gathered together from under the feet of their Ad∣versaries: For albeit Wickliff, Husse, and other like Sectaries, did hold many more Articles with Us against the Protestants, than with Them against us; yet such is the Integrity, Purity, Severity, yea Majesty of our Church, that forasmuch as they agreed not in all and every point of Belief, we (according to the Creed of Athanasius) reject them and as spotted and blemished Rags do cast them out to the Dunghil, whom poor Fox gathereth up again with great di∣ligence, putting them into his Calendar for Saints, and chief Pillers of his new Church, and so consequently maketh his Church of our Shoe clouts; which how honorable thing it may be esteemed, let every man judge: For if these Heretics did agree with him in all Points of his Doctrin, tho' by joyn∣ing with them he should shew himself an Heretic; yet they not agreeing but in some Points only, and impugning him in the rest, it sheweth a marvelous base mind, and lack of common sense, to make them Pillars of his Church, as he doth.

13. But there is yet another point worse than this; which is, that he doth not only allow of the Religion of these men, but defendeth also and justifieth their Life and Actions in what case soever; and tho' never so orderly and law∣fully condemned by the Church or State of those days, yea tho' they were convinced to have conspired the King's Murther, and Ruin to the State, or had broken forth into open War and Hostility against the same. As did Sir John Oldcastle (by his Wife called Lord Cobham) Sir Roger Acton,* 1.400 and many other their Followers, in the first year of King Henry V. which Story you may read in John Stow truly related out of Thomas Walsingham, and other ancient Writers.

* 1.40114. He setteth down also without blushing (I mean Fox) as well the Re∣cords of the Chancery, as the Act of Parliament it self, whereby they were condemned of open Treason, and confessed Rebellion; for which sixty nine were condemned in one day by public Sentence; and yet doth the mad fellow take upon him to excuse and defend them all by a long Discourse of many Leaves together, scoffing and jesting as well at their Arraignment and Sen∣tence given, as also at the Act of Parliament holden at Leicester, Anno 2 Hen. 5. cap. 7. and in the year of Christ 1415. And after all he setteth forth, in con∣tempt of this public Judgment, a great painted Pageant or Picture of those that were hanged for that open Fact of Rebellion in St. Giles's Field in London, as of true Saints and Martyrs; namely of Sir Roger Acton and others, pag. 540. And some Leaves after that again, he setteth out another particular Pageant of the several Execution of Sir John Oldcastle,* 1.402 with this Title: The description of the cruel Martyrdom of Sir John Oldcastle, Lord Cobham. And more than this, he appointeth unto them their several Festival Days in red Letters, (which were the days of their Hanging) as unto solemn Martyrs. The first upon the sixth of January, with this Title; Sir Roger Acton, Knight, Martyr: And the other upon the fifth of February, with this Inscription in his Calendar; Sir John Oldcastle, Lord Cobham, Martyr. Whereby we may see, that these men do not measure things as they are in themselves, but as they serve to maintain their Faction.

* 1.40315. And it is further to be noted, That albeit these two Rebellious Knights, (Acton and Oldcastle) besides all other their convicted Crimes, did make pub∣lic Profession of a far different Faith from John Fox (as may be seen by the Confessions and Protestations set down by Fox himself) yea, and the lat∣ter of them also did openly recant all the Errors and Heresies that he had held before; yet notwithstanding will not Fox so let them go, but per∣force will have them to be of his Church, whether they will or no. It would be over long to rehearse many Examples; some few shall you have for a tast.

16. Page 512. Fox setteth down the Protestation of Sir John Oldcastle with this Title: The Christian Belief of the Lord Cobham. By which Title you may see that he liketh well of his Belief, and holdeth it for truly Christian. Well, mark what followeth! When, after other Articles about the blessed Trinity, and Christ's Deity, Sir John Oldcastle cometh to treat of the Sacra∣ment of the Altar,* 1.404 he protesteth thus: And forasmuch as I am falsly accused of a misbelief in the Sacrament of the Altar, I signifie here to all men that this is my Faith concerning that; I believe in that Sacrament to be contained very Christ's Bo∣dy and Blood, under the similitudes of Wine and Bread, yea the same Body that was conceived of the Holy Ghost, born of the Virgin Mary, hung on the Cross, died and was buried, arose the third day from the dead, and now is glorified in Heaven. This was his Confession, and is related here by Fox: And will Fox agree to this, think you? It may be he will, for that he saith nothing against it at all in this place.

17. But some Leaves after, repeating another Testimonial of the said Old∣castle's Belief, witnessed by his own Friends, concerning this Article, he wri∣teth thus: Furthermore, He believeth that the blessed Sacrament of the Altar is verily and truly Christ's Body in form of Bread. Upon which words Fox maketh this Commentary in the Margin: In form of Bread, but not without Bread,* 1.405 he meaneth. Yea, John, is that his meaning? How then standeth this with his former words, Ʋnder the similitudes of Bread and Wine? Is the Similitude of Bread true Bread? Who seeth not this silly shift of a poor baited Fox, that cannot tell whither to turn his head? But mark yet a far worse shift!

18. Sir John Oldcastle shewing his Belief about three sorts of Men, the one of Saints now in Heaven, the second in Purgatory,* 1.406 the third here Militant up∣on Earth, saith thus: The holy Church I believe to be divided into three sorts or companies; whereof the first are now in Heaven, &c. the second sort are in Purga∣tory, abiding the Mercy of God, and a full deliverance of pain; the third upon Earth, &c. To this speech of Purgatory, Fox thought best (left it might dis∣grace his new Martyr) to add this Parenthesis of his own,* 1.407 (if any such place be in the Scriptures, &c) And by this you may perceive how he proceedeth in all the rest, to wit, most perfidiously, like a Fox in all.

19. Furthermore, he setteth down at length a very ample and earnest Re∣cantation of the said Sir John Oldcastle, taken out of the Records, as authenti∣cally made as can be devised. Wherein he thus protested: In Nomine Dei,* 1.408 Amen. I John Oldcastle, denounced, detected and convicted of and upon divers Articles savouring Heresie and Error, &c. I, being evil seduced by divers Seditious Preachers, have grievously erred, heretically persisted, blasphemously answered, and obstinately rebelled, &c. And having recounted at length all his former con∣demned and heretical Opinions, he endeth thus: Over and besides all this,* 1.409 I John Oldcastle, utterly forsaking and renouncing all the aforesaid Errors and Here∣sies, and all other like unto them, lay my hand here upon this Book and Evangel of God, and swear, That I shall never more from henceforth hold these aforesaid Here∣sies, nor yet any other like unto them wittingly, &c. All which Recantation and Abjuration being related at large by John Fox, he saith nothing at all against it, but only that it was devised by the Bishops without his consent; alleging no one Author, Witness, Writing, Record, Reason, or probable Conjecture for proof thereof, but followeth the fond shift * 1.410 before touched by me a∣gainst the Magd••burgenses of him that being accused of heinous Crimes, bring∣eth in first the best Witnesses of all the City to prove the same against himself, and then answereth all with only saying, that they are Lyars, and know not what they say. In which kind I cannot omit to allege an Example or two more for your better satisfaction in this behalf.

20. This Fox in his Protestation to the Church of England, wherein he pretendeth to put the very sum of all his whole Volume, being desirous to prove the Antiquity of this his visible Church, not only by these Witnesses, (the Wickliffians, Hussites, Lollards, and other Sectaries of that time, above 200 years agone) but also by the testimonies of divers Statutes and Acts of Parliaments made against them in England at the same time; he citeth sundry Statutes and Acts of Parliament for that purpose, and presently discrediteth the same again, telling you, That you must not believe Them, but rather Him and His Words against them all. You shall hear him in his own words.

21. Let any man (saith he) peruse the Acts and Statutes of Parliaments pas∣sed in this Realm of ancient times, and therein consider the course of times,* 1.411 where he may find and read, Anno 5 Reg. Rich. 2. in the year of our Lord 1380, of a great number that there be called evil persons, going about from Town to Town in Frize

Gowns,* 1.412 preaching unto the People, &c. Which Preachers, tho' the words of the Statute do term them to be dissembling persons, preaching divers Sermons containing Heresies and notorious Errors, to the emblemishment of Christian Faith, &c. yet notwithstanding may every true Christian Reader conceive of those Preachers to have taught no other Doctrin than now they hear their own Preachers in Pulpits preach, &c.

22. Mark here three Points, good Reader. First, That if all this were true, that the Wickliffians had preached no other Doctrin than the Protestants do now; yet nothing followeth of this, but that Protestants Doctrin was condemned for Heresie not only by the Church-Laws, but also by divers Acts of English Parliaments, above 200 years past. Which thing, what help or cre∣dit it can bring to Fox his Religion, which standeth chiefly in England by Au∣thority of far latter Acts of Parliament, I do not see; for that hereof only may be inferred two Conclusions, if his premises be true: The first, That Protestants were condemned for Heretics by Acts of Parliament 200 years agone: The second, If those ancient Acts of Parliament were of little force in matters of Religion; then latter Acts, that have established a different Re∣ligion, may also be called in question, and that with much more reason and probability.

23. Secondly, I say, That this Assertion of Fox is most apparently false, (to wit, that the Wickliffian Preachers taught no other Doctrin than the Prote∣stant Preachers now teach) if the Articles before alleged out of himself be truly written by him: For neither do the Protestant Preachers in England at this day teach the Real Presence in the blessed Sacrament of the Altar, or the Do∣ctrin of Purgatory, (as you have heard Sir John Oldcastle a chief Wickliffian profess a little before) nor yet do Protestants hold those Articles of John Wick∣liff himself, (which in this Chapter we have mentioned) as held neither by Them nor Us. And much less do they hold any other Catholic Opinions, which the Wickliffians did, together with their Heresies. So as this is a noto∣rious untruth, and cannot be denied or dissembled.

24. Thirdly, We may consider of the particular Point which before I no∣ted, That John Fox is not ashamed to cite a whole Parliament against himself, and then in a word to reject the same, as of no credit in the World in respect of Him and his Denial or Rejection. The Parliament (saith he) calleth these Frize gown-Preachers (the Wickliffians) dissembling persons; but you must think notwithstanding they were very honest men. The Parliament saith, That they preached Heresies and notorious Errors; but John Fox saith it was true Chri∣stian Doctrin. Whom shall we here believe, either the whole Parliament, who lived with them, and examined both their Doctrin and doings; or John Fox, that cometh more than 200 years after them, and will needs make himself their Brother whether they will or no, and judge also of the Parliament? But let us hear him yet further.

* 1.41325. Furthermore (saith he) you shall find likewise, in Statuto anno 2 Hen. 4. cap. 15. in the year of our Lord 1402, another like Company of godly Preachers, and faithful Defenders of true Doctrin: whom albeit the words of the Statute there, through corruption of time, do falsly term to be false and perverse Preachers under dissembled Holiness, teaching in those days openly and privily new Doctrin and heretical Opinions, &c. Yet notwithstanding, whoever readeth Histories, and the orderly descent of times, shall understand these to be no false Teachers, but faith∣ful Witnesses of the Truth, &c.

26. Lo here the testimony of another Parliament of our Country, held 22 years after the former, which John Fox rejecteth with the same facility that he did the other: For whereas the Parliament, that had examined the matter, protesteth, That they had found them false, perverse and dissembling People,

teaching new Doctrin and heretical Opinions; Fox averreth the contrary, That they were good Preachers, and faithful Defenders of true Doctrin, and holy Witnesses of God's Truth. And for proof hereof, he saith, That whosoever read∣eth Histories, and conferreth the Order and Descent of times, shall understand thus much to be true. But how and by what means a man shall gather this under∣standing, he telleth us not. And by the Historical Discourses and Conference of times, which we have hitherto made in this Book, we understand the contrary; finding indeed by Descent and Order of times, that these Opini∣ons of Wickliff, Husse, and Lollards, and the like, were new heretical Opinions indeed, and taken and judged so by Christendom at their up rising and appea∣rance in the World. Wherefore this is plain impudence in Fox, to say that by reading Histories, and noting descent of Times, these men are by him justi∣fied from being Sectaries.

27. It followeth in Fox:* 1.414 Of the like number also (saith he) of like true faithful favourers and followers of God's holy Word, we find in the year of our Lord 1422, specified in a Letter sent from Henry Chichesley Archbishop of Canterbury to Pope Martin V. of many infected here in England (as he said) by the Heresies of Wickliff and Husse, &c. who tho' they be termed for Heretics and Schismatics; yet served they the living Lord, within the Ark of his true spiritual and visible Church. And where is then the frivolous brag of the Papists, which make so much of their painted Sheaths, &c?

28. Do you see in what jollity of mind John Fox is put, by finding out this Succession of his new visible Church for above 200 years downward? Do you hear how he vaunteth of Antiquity and long Continuance, albeit indeed he nameth not continuance, nor can he? for that (I think) he will not grant that the Wickliffian Church doth endure unto this day,* 1.415 or that if a number of those Wickliffian holy Teachers and faithful Witnesses of the Truth, so much praised here by him, should come into England at this day, or Scotland, or into Germany, or Geneva, or among any other Sect or sort of Protestants whatsoever, and should preach that Doctrin which they preached then, (to wit, against the Church of Rome in many Points, but yet defending that number of Sacraments which they did, the Real Presence, Sacrifice of the Mass, together with those extravagant Articles also before mentioned, to wit, That it is against the Scriptures that Bishops or true Ministers should have any Temporal Lands and Livings; and that Tythes are not due; and that both Princes and Prelates do lose their Offices, Au∣thorities, and Dignities, whensoever they fall into mortal sin, &c.) If these men (I say) that were so true Preachers and principal Guiders of the Ark of John Fox his true visible and spiritual Church in those days, should revive and preach again in these days, would his Brethren the Protestants, in England or out of England, receive them, think you? And if it be certain that they would not, how were they true Preachers then, and not now? or how can these and they be true Brethren of one Faith, Religion, or Church? Doth not every simple Man or Woman see this Folly and absurd Contradiction?

29. But to return to the matter in hand, about rejecting Parliaments and other public Testimonies, we see that John Fox with the same facility both re∣citeth and rejecteth the Letter of the Archbishop of Canterbury, written to the Pope about those Wickliffians of his time, twenty years after the former Par∣liament was held; but yet in conformity of that which the said Parliament under King Henry IV. and the other before under King Richard II. did testifie,* 1.416 as well of the said Sectaries Hypocrisie and Dissimulation, as of their wicked Errors and Heresies. All which Fox contemning, saith to the contrary, That they served faithfully the living Lord within the Ark of his true, spiritual and visible Church, &c.

30. And it is to be noted, that scarce ever throughout this whole Volume of Acts and Monuments from Christ downward (for the space of 1400 years) doth Fox talk of any visible Church on his side, but only now, when he cometh to these Wickliffians, and other like Sectaries: And yet, to speak warily also, he adjoyneth unto it the word spiritual, to have some starting-hole to run out when he shall be pressed about the true nature of visible Succession; which we mean to do in the next Chapter following. But in the mean space, it is a matter worth good laughter to hear him say,* 1.417 That Papists do brag of their pain∣ted, Sheath, concerning their Churches Antiquity and Succession; and that he hath sufficiently proved before by the continual descent of his Church after the Doctrin that now is reformed, that it hath stood and been continued from the beginning, (for so are his words) yea and that visibly, as now he addeth. Whereat (I know) no man can choose but laugh, that hath read this our Treatise wherein we have shewed all the contrary, to wit, the visible Descent of the Roman Church by orderly Succession from the Apostles time, and that John Fox hath not so much as named any different Succession or Descent of his Church distinct from the other, until the time of Innocentius III. 1200 years after Christ. And what manner of deduction or collection of Heretics and Sectaries he bringeth down from thence, and how well they agree and hang together, either in Time, Place, Function or Faith, we shall examin a little after.

31. But now, before we end this Chapter, we are to advertise the Reader, that besides the Sects before named of the Petrobusians, Henricians, Waldensians, or poor men of Lyons, the Albigensians and Wickliffians, there was another Sect in England called Lollards, more famous than the rest in respect of Lollards Tower some what renowned in London for the Imprisonments of those Sectaries in that place. But when and how this Sect of Heretics began is not so clear; for that some (as Prateolus and others) seem to affirm that it took its Origin in England as a Brood of the Wickliffists,* 1.418 for that they were more famous there than in other places: And therefore he saith, Lollardi ex Anglia & ex Wick∣liffistarum Secta originem duxerunt; The Lollards had their beginning from England, and from the Sect of the Wickliffians, And he addeth, That it was about the year 1360; which cannot stand, for that we have shewed before how Wickliff began to publish his Doctrin after this, to wit, about the year 1370. Wherefore the Abbot Tritemius, a German Chronicler, declareth the matter more particularly and truly,* 1.419 saying, That there was a certain Heretic in Germany called Gualter Lolhard, who about the year of Christ 1315, taking cer∣tain Doctrin from the Albigenses and Waldenses that went before him, and adding (as the fashion is of Sectaries) divers new Opinions of his own, made a particular Sect, who were called Lolhards. Whereby it appeareth that this Sect began in Ger∣many above fifty years before the Sect of Wickliff in England; and hereby ensued, that Wickliffians taking afterwards divers Opinions from the said Lolhards, were commonly also called Lolhards. And John Fox himself, reciting the Sentence of Condemnation of Bishop Tresnant of Hereford against one William Swynderby, an Apostata Priest, for Wickliffian Heresies, (in the year of Christ 1391, the 24th of June) he setteth down these words of the said Bishop:* 1.420

We being exci∣ted, through the Information of many credible and faithful Christians of our Diocese, to root out pestiferous Plants, as Sheep diseased with an incurable Sickness, going about to infect the whole and sound Flock, that is to say, certain Preachers,* 1.421 or more truly execrable Offenders, of the new Sect, vul∣garly called Lolhards, &c.

32. Lo here Wickliffians at this time, (for such a one was this Swynderby) were commonly called Lolhards, twenty years and more after Wickliff had be∣gun his Doctrin. So as rather Wickliffians are to be said to have come forth of Lolhards, than Lolhards of Wickliffians.

33. And albeit these two Sects, beginning (as you have heard) the one in Germany, and the other in England, with the distance of some fifty years of their Off-spring, had many Opinions common to them both, (especially against the Roman Church, against Invocation of Saints, Fastings, Prayers, and the Sacraments of Penance, Matrimony, Extreme Unction, and the like;) yet had they their peculiar Opinions also, whereby they were made a several Sect. As for Example, the Lolhards impugned not only the foresaid three Sacraments of Penance, Matrimony, and Extreme Unction, (as some Wickliffians did,* 1.422) but Baptism and the Eucharist in like manner. They held also for their peculiar Opinions, (as Tritemius saith,) That Lucifer and his Angels were injuriously [ I] thrust out of Heaven by Michael and his Angels, and consequently to be re∣stored again at the Day of Judgment; and that Michael and his Angels are to be damned for the foresaid Injury, and to be delivered over to everlasting Punishment from the Day of Judgment forward. That our Lady could not [ II] bear Christ and remain a Virgin, for that so he should have been an Angel, and not a Man. That God having given the Earth to the use of Man, accord∣ing [ III] to the saying of the Psalm, Terram autem dedit filiis hominum,* 1.423 God hath given the Earth to the children of men; he doth consequently punish such Wickedness as is done upon Earth: but if any thing be done under ground, it is not punishable. And therefore in Caves and Cellars under ground they were accustomed to exercise all manner of Abomination. And of this he relateth a certain Story happened in Germany, which was, That one Gisla (a young wo∣man of their Sect) coming to be burned for Heresie, she was asked whether she were a Virgin or no; whereunto she answered, That above-ground she was, but under-ground not.

34. There followed many other Heresies also from this time downward unto King Henry VIII.'s days, which prevailed diversly in divers Countries,* 1.424 as the Flagellants, or Whippers, which made a new Baptism of Blood, and held divers Articles of the Lolhards, in Germany and Hungary, about the year of Christ 1350, as Tritemius saith. The Hussites also in Bohemia, who had their Doctrin of John Husse, Scholar of John Wickliff, (but yet in divers Arti∣cles differing from him) about the year of Christ 1415,* 1.425 as Aeneas Sylvius de∣clareth at large. And upon this Man's teaching, and the Doctrin of Hierom of Prague (that lived at the same time) there sprung up divers different Sects in Bohemia, as the Orebites, Adamites, Drecentians, Gallecians, Rochezanites,* 1.426 Jacobites, Thaborites, and others. Whereof Aeneas Sylvius, Bonfinius, and other Authors do treat. And Bonfinius writeth, That Matthias King of Hungary was wont to say in his days, that the Sects and Sectaries of Bohemia were so divers and contrary one to the other, as if no other Argument were against them, this were sufficient to overthrow them all. And the same confusion re∣maineth there unto this day.

35. And this shall suffice for the Heresies of this fifth station of Time; espe∣cially such as prevailed most in England from Wickliff unto King Henry VIII. in whose days Luther rose up, and made a new Sect. For albeit in many Points he symbolized, and had concurrence with most of these Sects, but espe∣cially with the Lolhards and Wickliffians, (under whose Names all Sectaries commonly covered themselves in our Country;) yet had Luther divers Points also peculiar to Him and His, which made them properly a distinct and se∣veral Sect; which himself confesseth in like manner, disclaiming by Name from Husse and Hussites in these words: Non recte faciunt,* 1.427 qui me Hussitam vocant; non enim mecum ille sensit: They do not well that call me a Hussite; for he doth not agree with me in Doctrin. And as for Wickliff, we may see the same Judgment of Luther by the testimony of Philip Melancthon,* 1.428 that saith of him, Nec intellexit nec tenuit Fidei Justitiam; He neither understood nor

held the Justice of Faith, which is the very Foundation of Luther's Gospel and Doctrin.

36. And again in the same place he objecteth divers other erroneous Do∣ctrins unto him: as, That he doth take away all Civil and Politic Government; that he holdeth for unlawful to Priests to possess any thing proper; that no Tythes are to be paid, and the like. Which Doctrins of Wickliff notwithstanding our John Fox defendeth, commending highly the Teachers and Professors thereof, in all his tract of Time from King Edward III. to King Henry VIII. canonizing them for Saints that were any way punished or called in question for any of these Doctrins, under the Reigns of King Richard II. or King Henry IV, V, VI, or VII. and other Kings of that time. And in this Argument is spent the whole sum of his fifth and sixth Books, in which Books the very Titles of the Pages may sufficiently testifie what is handled therein.* 1.429 As for Example, page 406. under the Reign of King Richard II. is this Title, The first Law for burning the Professors of the Gospel Whereby you see that he calleth all these men, whether they be Wickliffians, Hussites, or Lolhards, Professors of Christ's Gospel, and consequently must he needs hold for Evangelical Truth all which they did hold: and so in effect he doth, in handling their Causes throughout these two Books, against the Bishops and Princes that punish∣ed them, though in clear words and Categorical Propositions he dare not do it.

37. And this is the sluttering and stammering, turning and winding of this our Fox, as you can never know where to have him; for that now he affirm∣eth, now he denieth; now he leaveth the matter doubtful; now he moveth a question, but solveth it not; now he gainsayeth and contradicteth himself; now he saith one thing in words, and prosecuteth another in deed. As for Example,* 1.430 He confesseth before in words, (as you have heard) That Wick∣liff had divers blemishes in Doctrin, (that is to say, Errors and Heresies,) and so it may appear, as well by that which we have set down thereof, as also by the Judgment of Melancthon; and yet in prosecution of his Work John Fox will not stick to commend the worst of those Doctrins, as we may see by the very Titles of the Pages set over these Books.

38. As for Example, page 420. he putteth this Title over the said Page: Temporalities may be taken from the Clergy, &c. And then yet further, in the same Page he putteth this Head or beginning to a long Discourse about this matter in these words: The second Disputation in the Ʋniversity of Prague, upon the seventeenth Article of John Wickliff, most fruitful to be read, proving by twen∣ty-four Reasons out of the Scriptures, that Temporal Lords and Princes may take away Temporalities from the Clergy, &c. This is the Title of this fruitful Dis∣course for taking away all Temporal Fruits from the Clergy. But how fruit∣ful soever this Disputation may seem to John Fox against Clergy-Temporalities, that perhaps could get none for himself; yet to others of his Clergy, that pos∣sess Temporalities, I doubt much whether it will seem so fruitful, or be so well liked of as by John Fox, who for his twenty-four Reasons alleged for the same, may chance be related into some Rank of the twenty-four Orders, fit for a Man of his Degree and Merits.

39. Moreover, page 426. he hath this Title, Tythes proved to be pure Alms. Which Title I think also will not greatly content the most of his Fellow-Mini∣sters, if their Parishioners should stand upon this Doctrin with them, to wit, That their Tythes are pure Alms, according to the Gospel of John Wickliff and John Fox; and consequently they may deny or detain them when they list, or give so much thereof unto Ministers as they list, and no more, which often∣times perhaps would be very little. But what would these Ministers, think you, (but especially their Wives and Children) say of this Doctrin, if once

they felt hunger come upon them thereby? yet Fox prosecuteth the same Title over other Pages. As for Example, page 446. he hath these words:* 1.431 Tythes not expresly commanded anew by Christ; and then hath he this Note: If Tythes be claimed by force of the Old Law, then Priests by the same Law are bound to have no Temporalities. And this matter Fox doth prosecute at large, as one Article among other, of one Walter Brute, a Lay-man of the Sect of Wick∣liff; in whom, saith Fox, the mighty operation of God's Spirit did effectuate such constancy, as in this and other Articles he resisted openly the Bishop of Hereford in his time, &c. Lo here the approbation of Brute's Spirit, whose fourth Article was, as Fox himself setteth down, That no man is bound to give Tythes;* 1.432 and if any man will needs give, he may give to whom he will, excluding thereby their Cu∣rates. Another Article also was of the said Brute, That a Priest receiving by bar∣gain any thing of Yearly Annuity, is thereby a Schismatic, and Excommunicate. Which if it be true, then are his Ministers in a hard case at this day in England, who do bargain for their Service and Wages due thereunto.

40. And so goeth Fox on from Point to Point to ratifie John Wickliff's Do∣ctrin, or at least the Professors thereof; not considering (simple Fellow) how much they differ from him, or make against him, so they be contrary to the Pope of Rome, or condemned by him. For further proof of which Folly and blind Ignorance, we shall pass now to treat in a several Chapter what manner of Continuance and Succession of his Church he deviseth, thro'out the Rabble of these opposite Sects, from the time of Pope Innocentius III. to the Reign of King Henry VIII. whereby I doubt not but the Reader will remain suffi∣ciently instructed of these Mens madness, that of so contrary and repug∣nant Spirits will needs frame to themselves the Unity of a true Christian Church.

CHAP. X.

The most absurd and ridiculous Succession of Sectaries appointed by John Fox for the Continuance of his Church from Pope Innocentius III. down∣ward; where also by this occasion is declared the true Nature and Con∣ditions of lawful Ecclesiastical Succession.

HAving now followed John Fox throughout all this Treatise from Christ's time to ours, to see what visible course and race he would set down, as well of His Church as Ours, (according to his promise made in the beginning of his Acts and Monuments) we have found him hitherto to have talked only in a manner of Our Church, that is to say, of the Universal Roman Church, perspicuously come down by succession of Years and Ages from the Apostles to Us; neither did John Fox for twelve hundred years together so much as name unto us any other Congregation of Men or Women, small or great, good or bad, (that in this time bare the Name of a Christian Church) besides the other; nor did he pretend any Succession, fearing perhaps those words of Tertullian * 1.433 before recited: Confingant tale aliquid Haeretici, &c.

Let Heretics presume to feign or devise any such Succession of Bishops, Teachers and Pastors for Their Church as we have alleged for Ours, if they dare.

2. But now, from Pope Innocentius's time downwards, John Fox presuming that all the other Church was fallen from God, (a great presumption indeed, as before hath been shewed) he bringeth us forth in place thereof another Company of Men, which he saith in those days made the true Church, (for

that they were condemned by the other Church, which he holdeth for the false.) And these were a certain Rabblement of Sectaries different in Opinions and Professions not only from Us, but also from John Fox and his Crew, and most of all among themselves, being of divers Countries, Sects, Times, Ages, Offices and Functions, and cohering together in no other form at all of Succes∣sion, but that one rose or sprung up after the other. For which cause Fox himself in his Acts and Monuments doth not handle their Affairs as of any Congregation that ever met together, or saw perhaps one another, or had Conference, Order, Subordination or Succession among themselves, but only tieth them together in a certain List or Catalogue, as Sampson's Foxes were by the Tails.* 1.434 Which List or Catalogue he setteth down in his foresaid Protestati∣on to the Church of England:* 1.435 telling us first, That during the time of the last 400 years, from Pope Innocentius downwards, the true Church of Christ durst not openly appear in the face of the World, being oppressed by Tyranny; but yet that it remained from time to time visibly in certain chosen Members, that not only bare se∣cret good affection to sincere Doctrin, but stood also in the defence of Truth against the Church of Rome.

3. This is his Assertion; which he proveth by a large List or Catalogue (as I have said) of sundry that were in this time censured and condemned in some part of Doctrin by the said Roman Church.* 1.436 In which Catalogue (saith he) first to pretermit Bertramus and Berengarius, which were before Pope Innocentius III. a * 1.437 Learned multitude of sufficient Witnesses here might be produced, whose Names neither are obscure, nor Doctrin unknown, as Joachim Abbot of Calabria, Almari∣cus a Learned Bishop, that was judged an Heretic for holding against Images; be∣sides the Martyrs of Alsatia, of whom we read an hundred to be burned by Pope Inno∣centius in one day. Add likewise (saith he) to these the Waldenses and Albigenses, Marsilius Patavinus, Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, Symon Tornacensis, Arnoldus de nova Villa, Joannes Semica, besides divers others Preachers in Suevia, standing against the Pope, Anno 1240, &c.

4. Thus beginneth Fox his Catalogue, and then goeth he forward with Joannes Anglicus a Master of Paris,* 1.438 Petrus Joannis a Minorite, burned after his death; Robert Grossehead Bishop of Lincoln, called Malleus Romanorum, &c. And further he addeth Joannes de Ganduno, Eudo Duke of Burgundy, that coun∣selled the French King to receive the Popes Extravagants, Dantes an Italian Poet, that wrote against Popes, Monks and Friars, together with Petrarcha, and them Conradus Hagaz imprisoned for preaching against the Mass, Anno 1339, &c. And to these again he coupleth Franciscus de Arcaterra, and others burned for new Opinions, Gregorius Ariminensis, Armachanus, Occham, and others, as tho' these had been all of the same Opinions. And finally, he falleth upon the Lollards, Wickliffians, Hussites, and their Followers in England and Bo∣hemia, succeeding one after another, now in this Country, now in that, now upon one occasion, and now upon another, until the Reign of King Hen∣ry III. when Martin Luther began his Profession, who did agree and sym∣bolize in divers Points with the said former Sects of Waldenses and Albigen∣ses, Lollards, Wickliffians, and Hussites, and differed in others, as before hath been declared: And after the Lutherans did follow again others, partly agreeing, and partly disagreeing, as Zuinglius, Calvinus, Beza, Oecolampadius, and others unto our days, and every one affirming his Opinions to be the New Gospel.

5. And this is the visible Succession (forsooth) which John Fox hath devised to set down for the proof of his new Church, and the Antiquity thereof for 400 years past: And it is like as if a man in England, to disgrace the City of London,* 1.439 should seek out the Records of all those that have been hanged at Ty∣burn for Theft or Murthers for 400 years: and having found them out, should

produce them for Witnesses of the truth, and for honest men and good Citi∣zens; condemning both the Judges and Jurors and whole Country, that gave Sentence and Verdict against them. And yet if you will see how John Fox playeth the Fool indeed, and braggeth of this Succession of his Church, observe what he writeth presently upon the enumeration of these foresaid Pillars of his Church.

6. Wherefore if any be so beguiled in his Opinion (saith he) as to think that the Doctrin of the Church of Rome (as now it standeth) is of such Antiquity, and that the same was never impugned before the time of Luther and Zuinglius now of late; let him read these Histories, and peruse the Acts of Parliament passed in this Realm of ancient time; as, Anno 5 Regis Richardi 2. 1380, &c.* 1.440 Did you ever hear a man in his Wits reason in this sort? How doth this Catalogue (I pray you) of condemned Heretics (for these last 400 years) impugn the Antiquity of the Roman Church or Doctrin before that time? And again, Who doth deny but that the same Roman Church and Doctrin was impugned by old Heretics long before Luther and Zuinglius; yea, and before Wickliff, Waldenses, Albi∣genses, and Berengarius were born, as by our former deduction hath appeared that she was impugned by Heretics of every Age? And moreover, To what purpose doth Fox will us to read these Histories, and the Acts of Parliament passed against Wickliffians in the time of King Richard II? To what purpose (I say) doth this simple Fellow talk and write this against himself, seeing that by these Histories and Statutes we learn nothing (as before we have noted) but only that his elder Brethren the Lollards and Wickliffians were condemned for Heretics by public Authority of our Realm above 200 years agone? Which we grant unto him without further proof?

7. Wherefore, to leave this childish babling, that is without sense, conse∣quence, or reason, and to return to some more serious Argument: We shall handle here two Points for better discussion of this Succession of Sectaries alleged by John Fox. First, What are the Conditions necessarily required to a good Ecclesiastical Succession, for demonstrating a Church: And then,* 1.441 What manner of men these were indeed, which Fox doth here assign for Representation of his Church. And all shall be done with as much brevity as may be.

8. The first Condition is, That this Succession of men that make the Church be Universal both in Place and Time; that is to say,* 1.442 (to use St. Augustin's words) Non quae hoc loco est, sed quae hoc loco, & per totum Orbem terrarum; nec illa quae hoc tempore, sed ab ipso Abel, usque in finem, &c.

That it be not in this or that particular place only, but in this place, and throughout the whole World; and that it be not only in this or that time, but that it be from Abel to the end of the World.

By which words of St. Augustin we see that the visible Succession of the true Church must be Universal, first in Place, and that it must be a visible Company professing Christ under one Faith and Doctrin, not in this or that particular Country, Province or Place only, but over all the World, where Christians are. And so we see it verified in the Succession of the Roman Church in our former deductions.

9. Secondly, It must be Universal in Time,* 1.443 for that it must not begin from John Wickliff only, Bertramus, or Berengarius, (as John Fox doth appoint the Visibility of his Church) but it must come down from the Apostles, and en∣dure visibly to the end of the World; yea, from Abel himself, (as St. Augustin saith) for that even from Him Christ instituted a visible Church, and conti∣nued the same by Succession under all three Laws, both of Naturè, of Moyses, and of Grace, as St. Augustin in his Book de Civitate Dei doth declare at large, and in our days Dr. Sanders most Learnedly, in his Excellent Work de Visibili Monarchia, doth prove the same.

10. So as this Collection of Sectaries alleged here by John Fox, being nei∣ther Universal in place, nor agreeing in Faith with the Universal known Church of Christendom, but with particular Assemblies, (one in one place, and another in another) nor yet having Universality of Time; as not coming down from the Apostles Age, but only for some 400 years, as Fox himself con∣fesseth: these men (I say) cannot make a true Church, tho' they have some sparks of true Doctrin among them, as Fox braggeth; seeing it is true which St. Augustin affirmeth:* 1.444 Quicunque credunt, quòd Christus Jesus in Carne venerit, & quòd fit Filius Dei, &c. Et tamen ab ejus Corpore, quod est Ecclesia ita dissentiunt; ut eorum communio non sit cum toto quacunque diffunditur, sed in aliqua parte separata inveniatur, manifestum est eos non esse in Catholica Ecclesia;

Whosoever doth believe, that Christ Jesus came in Flesh, and that he is the Son of God, &c. And that they do so dissent from his Body, that is the Church; as they do not communicate with the whole spread over all parts, but only with some separate part, it is manifest that these men are not of the Catholic Church.

And thus much of the first Condition.

* 1.44511. The second Point to be considered is, When the ancient Fathers do stand upon visible Succession of Men as a Note of the true Church, they meant it especially by Bishops, that come down by continual Succession from the Apo∣stles time to ours: Ecclesia (saith St. Augustin) ab Apostolorum temporibus per Episcoporum Successiones certissimas usque ad nostrum, & deinceps tempora, perseve∣rat;

The true Church doth persevere from the Apostles time unto ours, and after us again to the Worlds end, by most certain Succession of Bi∣shops,* 1.446 &c.

St. Irenaeus also, Tertullian, Optatus, and St. Augustin before-al∣leged, do each of them (as you have heard) deduce the visible Succession of the Church from the Apostles to their days by the visible Succession of the Roman Bishops.

12. And finally, the Sentence of the said holy Father St. Augustin is notori∣ously known in many parts of his Works concerning the importance of this Succession:* 1.447 Tenet me (saith he) in Ecclesia Catholica ab ipsa Sede Petri ad praesen∣tem Episcopatum Successio Sacerdotum;

The Succession of Priests (he meaneth Bishops) from the Seat of St. Peter unto the present Bishop of Rome, hold∣eth me in the Catholic Church.

And again, against his old Master Faustus the Manichee:* 1.448 Vides in hac re, quid Ecclesiae Catholicae valeat Authoritas, quae ab ipsis fundatissimis Sedibus Apostolorum us{que} ad hodiernum diem, succedentium sibimet Episcoporum serie, & tot populorum consensione firmatur;

Dost thou not see of what force the Authority of the Catholic Church is, which being established by the most firm foundations of the Apostolic See, doth endure unto this day, by the Race of Bishops succeeding one another, and by the consent of so ma∣ny Nations under their Government?

* 1.44913. Behold here four things especially required by St. Augustin in Succession of men, that must demonstrate a true Church. First, That the chief Heads thereof must be Bishops. Secondly, They must succeed orderly one to another. Thirdly, They must come down from the very Apostles, as before hath been shewed. Fourthly, Christian Nations must agree in the same Faith under them. All which four Points are to be found in the Succession of the Univer∣sal Roman Church, as you have seen; but no one of them (and much less all) are to be found in this Rabble of Heresies and Sectaries, scrap'd together by Fox in his former Catalogue: For neither were they Bishops at all, but private men, as after shall be shewed, (tho' Fox most falsly doth affirm one of them to have been a Learned Bishop:) Nor did they succeed in Office, Function, Charge or Jurisdiction the one to the other, or concurred in one Time, Coun∣try, or place; but one in one corner, and another in another: One stept up in Germany, another in France, another in Italy, and another in England; the

one a Priest, another a Friar, another a Merchant,* 1.450 and the other a Souldier or Crafts-man, of different States, Professions, and Conditions; yea, of dif∣ferent Faith and Religion also, as presently shall be shewed. Neither had they any relation one to the other, more than Botley to Billingsgate, or Canterbury to Constantinople. And as for Antiquity, and coming down by Succession from the Apostles, they are far from it, as Fox himself confesseth, in that he begin∣neth his Catalogue only from Pope Innocentius, 1200 years after Christ, as you have heard. So as if Christ had any visible Church before this time, it must needs be Ours? by Fox's own confession.

14. And finally, the last Point mentioned here, and so highly esteemed by St. Augustin, of the consent of People and Nations, tot populorum consensione firmatur; whereof he maketh such account in another place, as he saith,* 1.451 Ana∣thema erit quisquis annunciaverit Ecclesiam praeter Communicationem omnium gen∣tium;

He shall be accursed whosoever shall say the Church to be any other but the Communication of all Nations, This quality, I say, he that shall consider and examin in these poor Fellows alleged by Fox, (who were but a few Outcasts of every Country where they sprung), shall find it so ridiculous and contemptible a thing in respect of the main consent of Nations under the Roman Church, as without laughter it cannot be spoken of.

15. Finally, of this ridiculous Succession of Heretics the same holy Father writeth fitly in these words:* 1.452 Videtis certè multos praecisos à radice Christianae So∣cietatis, quae per Sedes Apostolorum & Successiones Episcoporum certa per Orbem pro∣pagatione diffunditur, de sola figura Originis sub Christiano nomine quasi arescentia sarmenta gloriari, quas Haereses & Schismata nominamus;

Truly you see many cut off from the root of this Christian Society (the Church) which Society is spread over all the World by the Seats of the Apostles, and Succession of Bishops, as it were by a most certain Propagation or Generation; and these Fellows do brag of a certain figure or similitude of a Beginning or Succession under the name of Christians, but are indeed wither'd Branches cut off from the Vine, and these we call Heretics and Schismatics.

* 1.453 Thus saith St. Augu∣stin. And could any man describe better the Apish Imitation of John Fox, endeavouring to bring in his Succession of a few condemned Heretics, de sola figura Originis sub Christiano nomine gloriantes, bragging only of a certain simi∣litude of Beginning and Succession, under the name of reformed Christians, but indeed cast out and condemned by the Universal Church?

16. This then is the second Point to be noted about the quality of Ecclesi∣astical Succession. But another there is of no less moment, but rather more: And this is, That those who succeed one another in the self-same Church,* 1.454 be also of one Faith and Belief in all Articles of Religion. For if they differ, tho' it were but in any one substantial Point, they cannot be of one Church, nor of one Communion, nor be saved together; for that, as there is but one God, one Christ, one Church, and one Baptism, (as the Apostle testifieth) so is there but one only Faith in the same Church to be saved by; which all men must hold unitedly, wholly and inviolably, or else (as in the Creed of St. Atha∣nasius is affirmed) absque dubio in aeternum peribit,* 1.455 without doubt he shall perish eternally that disagreeth or dissenteth.

17. It were a long matter to stand here upon the proof of this Point, to wit, how exact and severe the Catholic Church is, and ever hath been, in de∣fending this strict Simplicity, Union, and Conformity of Faith, in all those that will be her Children, * 1.456 St. Thomas handleth the matter at large, and very substantially, and so do other School-men after him, shewing, That whosoe∣ver erreth in any one Article of Catholic Faith obstinately, loseth his whole Faith in all the rest which he seemeth to believe. And yieldeth most evident reasons for the same. And of the same severity were the ancient Fathers in

this behalf;* 1.457 as St. Cyprian, who applying to this purpose those words of Christ, Qui non est mecum, adversum me est; He that is not with me is against me: saith, It was meant by Christ of all sorts of Heretics whatsoever. Gregory Nazianzen also writeth,* 1.458 Qui uno verbo, tanquam veneni gutta inficiunt, &c. They who by any one word, as with a drop of Poyson, do infect the simple Faith of Christ, are to be cast out of the Church as Heretics, &c. And St. Hierom, Propter unum eti∣am verbum,* 1.459 aut duo, &c. For one word or two contrary to the Catholic Faith many Heresies have been cast out of the Church. And finally, St. Augustin ha∣ving reckon'd up Eighty particular Heresies, in his Book to Quod-vult-deus, he saith, That there may chance to lurk many other petty Heresies unknown to him,* 1.460 Quarum aliquam quisquis tenuerit, Christianus Catholicus non erit; Of which Heresies whosoever shall hold any one, he shall not be a Catholic Chri∣stian, and consequently cannot be saved.

* 1.46118. Mark the severity of this holy Man; affirming, That whosoever holdeth any the least hidden Heresie whatsoever, cannot be saved. A dreadful Sentence (no doubt) for many of our Country-men at this day (if well they thought of their own case) who think it lawful, or at leastwise not much dangerous, to hold private Opinions at their own pleasure; yea many of them thinking, as the old Donatists did, which St. Augustin relateth, and greatly condemneth: Ni∣hil interesse credentes, in qua, quisque parte Christianus sit, believing that it is not of great importance in what part (Sect or Faction) soever a man be a Christian, so he believe in Christ. Thus thought the Donatists, and are much reprehended by St. Augustin for it. And this no doubt is the Opinion of many English-men at this day, who being tossed hither and thither with variety of Controversies, and not knowing what to resolve, or being wearied with labor to seek the Truth, do incline easily to this absurd Error, That a man believing piously in Jesus Christ crucified,* 1.462 (or, as Sir Francis Hastings and O. E. before said, in Christ crucified,) may be saved, and be held for a Brother, so he be against the Pope and Church of Rome.

19. And the same sheweth John Fox that he believeth also, in that he citeth here so many different Sects and Sectaries for his Brethren and Fathers, and chief Pillars of his obscure and trodden-down Church, notwithstanding they differed never so much from him in divers Articles of their Belief, as shall appear by the particular examination that ensueth: For albeit it would be over-long to examin the whole Catalogue before set down, yet the principal Members thereof we shall run over,* 1.463 and thereby let you see what Truth or Substance there is in it, or Wisdom in the Alleger. First then, he beginneth his Catalogue thus:

20. To pretermit (saith he) Bertramus and Berengarius, (which were before Pope Innocentius) a learned multitude of sufficient Witnesses might be produced, &c. It was well he pretermitted these two, which were both against him flatly: For as for Bertramus,* 1.464 he was wholly of the Roman Religion, and so liv'd and dy'd; nor ever taught he any one Point of Protestant Doctrin in his life, as may ap∣pear by Tritemius and others that write of him:* 1.465 he being a Monk, and so con∣tinu'd to his dying-day, which was above 800 years agon; tho' after his death, when Berengarius had begun his Heresie, some of his Followers did forge a little Pamphlet in his name, as favoring the Berengarian Heresie against the Real Pre∣sence of Christ's Body in the Sacrament; but the fraud was presently discover'd and rejected. So as this man could not be of Fox's Communion, holding all Points of Religion against Him, and with Us. And this is the first Folly and Falshood of our Fox in the first Man by him alleged.

* 1.46621. Now as for Berengarius, Archdeacon of Tours in France, tho' he once held the Error against the Real Presence in the Sacrament, yet did he often∣times recant the same, as appeareth by his * 1.467 Abjurations, (which Fox

himself confesseth;) and in all other Points was a perfect Catholic:* 1.468 so that we may more justly make him of Our Church, than Fox of his, if we would take any such broken Wares as Fox doth. But we reject all that are not com∣plete; tho' (if it be true which Gerson and many others do write) that Beren∣garius died very penitent for his former Error, he was and is of our Church: and whether he did or not, he cannot be of Fox's by any reason; both for that even in this Error, while he held it, he was far different both from Cal∣vin and Luther, and in all the rest of his Belief an Adversary, as hath been said. To which effect the words of the Magdeburgians are to be noted, which are these:* 1.469 Leo IX. (say they) deserved in this one thing no small praise above his Predecessors, that presently at the beginning he condemned the Heresie of Berengarius, together with the Author, in a Synod at Rome. So say Fox's Masters; whereunto I marvel what he will answer, seeing they cast away that which he so earnest∣ly and carefully gathereth up.

22. But now let us see the rest of his Rank. Joachim,* 1.470 Abbot (saith he) of Calabria, Almaricus a learned Bishop, &c. As for Joachim, Fox doth not tell us what he held of his Opinions to make him of his Church; nor any other Au∣thor that I have read, but only that he being an old Man, and half out of his Wits, was censured by the Pope for certain fond Prophecies, and some Errors also about the blessed Trinity, as appeareth by the Decree extant in the Canon-Law against him, and by other Authors that have written of him.* 1.471 So as he being a Catholic Man in all the rest, and never dreaming perhaps of any Pro∣testant Proposition in his life, Fox hath no other reason to make him of his Church, but only for that he was censured in something by the Pope. Which how good reason it is, every man doth see, forasmuch as every Malefactor con∣demned by the Pope should by this reason be justified.

23. As for Almaricus the Learned Bishop, judged for an Heretic (saith Fox) for holding against Images in the time of Pope Innocentius III. First,* 1.472 you must know, that he was never Bishop, either learned or unlearned, but only of Fox's making; for that his highest Degree that ever he was known to have, was a Doctorship in Paris, he being born in the Town of Chartres, as testifieth Caesarius, that lived with him. Secondly, if he held against Images,* 1.473 (as Fox there saith) he was not judged an Heretic only by Innocentius for that Heresie, but he & all other of that Opinion were condemned above 400 years before that time by the second General Council of Nice. Thirdly, the truth is,* 1.474 That this man was condemned first by the University of Paris, and then by Innocentius and by a Synod in Rome, for many more detestable Heresies than for holding against Images; and some so foul, as Fox himself will be asham'd to defend them, tho' he make him a Saint of his Church, and therefore like a Fox he left them out. As for Example, the foresaid Caesarius writeth thus: Almaricus, Magister Pravitatis, haec asseruit; Almericus, a Master of Error, taught these Pro∣positions following:

24. That there is no Resurrection of Bodies at all.

That there is no Paradise nor Hell.

That the Body of Christ is no more in the Sacrament after the words of Consecrati∣on, than in a Stone or Horse.

That God spake as much in Ovid as in Augustin. And other such absurd Pro∣positions to the number of Twenty, for which he was burned openly in Paris in the year of Christ 1208.* 1.475 Cum aliis quibusdam Haereticis blasphemis in Perso∣nas S. Trinitatis, saith Gagninus; With certain other blasphemous Heretics against the Persons of the Blessed Trinity.

25. This is related not only by the said Gagninus, but by Caesarius also,* 1.476 as before I have cited; Gerson also, Chancellor of the same University; Paulus Aemilius and Genebrordus, two Learned and Reverend Bishops. And now let

the Reader consider what a Saint John Fox hath chosen as the second Pillar of his Church after Pope Innocentius; and how false a Companion he is, in that he telleth us that he was a Learned Bishop, and condemned only for holding against Images. And thus much of Abbot Joachim and Almaricus, of whom John Fox made an ill choice to be the first Founders of his Hierarchy, seeing that neither of them agreed with Him or His in Faith and Belief. There fol∣loweth in Fox, The Martyrs of Alsatia, of whom we read (saith he) a hundred to be burnt in one day by the said Innocentius, &c. To shew Fox to be a Fox in all things, and to deal sincerely in nothing, I shall allege the words of the Authors that write of this matter:* 1.477 Certain Heretics (say they) to the number of Eighty, were burned in Argentina in Switzerland, for that they denied Fornication to be any sin at all, for that it is a natural act; and that it was as lawful to eat flesh in Lent as at any other time, &c.

26. Behold what holy Martyrs these were, and whether it be likely they were burned by Pope Innocentius, seeing they were burned in Argentina. Consi∣der also that of Eighty he there maketh a Hundred, by the art of Exaggeration and Multiplication. Add likewise to these (saith he) Waldenses or Albigenses, with a great number more, to which number belonged Raymundus Earl of Tholose, Mar∣silius Patavinus, Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, Simon Tornacensis, &c. Here if John Fox do take the Waldenses and Albigenses to be all one Sect, (as it see∣meth he doth by his using the word [or] and adjoyning the Earl of Tholose as belonging to them both) then is it both false, and great ignorance also in him: For that the Waldenses,* 1.478 otherwise called the poor men of Lyons, began about the year of Christ 1160, or 1180, as other men write, before Innocentius III. came to be Pope. Their beginning was by one Waldo, a rich Citizen of the Town, who giving all his Wealth to a certain Community or Brotherhood of Men, (whom he called the poor men of Lyons) made a Society of them, with certain Rules,* 1.479 after the form of a Religious Confraternity, (as Aeneas Sylvius descri∣beth) pretending Holiness at the beginning, and with that pretence went after∣ward to Rome, and demanded an Approbation of that Society from Pope Lucius, (as testifieth also Ʋrspergensis, who was then present in Rome, and saw them:) But the Pope seeing certain Superstitions among them, refused the same. Where∣with they being offended, began to cry out against the Pope, and therewith to defend divers Errors, and most absurd Heresies; whereof as some are held at this day by the Protestants, so divers are not; nor will John Fox, I presume, defend them.* 1.480 As for Example, these that follow, noted generally by all Au∣thors that write of them.

27.

• I. That all Carnal Concupiscence and Conjunction is lawful when Lust doth burn us.
• II. That all Oaths are unlawful unto Christians for any cause whatsoever in this World, because it is written, Nolite jurare, Do not swear, Mat. 5. Jac. 5.
• III. That no Judgment of Life and Death is permitted to Christians in this life, for that it is written, Nolite judicare, Mat. 7. Luc. 6.
• IV. That the Creed of the Apostles is to be contemned, and no account at all to be made of it.
• V. That no other Prayer is to be used by Christians but only the Pater Noster set down in Scripture.
• VI. That the power of Consecrating the Body of Christ, and of hearing Confessions, was left by Christ not only to Priests, but also to Lay-men if they be just.
• * 1.481VII. That no Priests must have any Livings at all, but must live on Alms, and that no Bishops or other Dignitaries are to be admitted in the Clergy, but that all must be equal.
• VIII. That Mass is to be said once only every year, to wit, upon Maundy-Thursday, when the Sacrament was instituted, and the Apostles made Priests:

• For that Christ said,* 1.482 do this in my remembrance to wit (say they) that which he did at that time.
• IX. Item, That the words of Consecration must be no other, but only the Pater Noster, seven times said over the Bread, &c.
• X. By all which, and other Articles, to the number of thirty three Con∣demned by the Church, (which Prateolus and others do recount) a man may see, that as these Heretics agreed with Protestants in some Points: so did they dissent in many more. Yea, held divers points of Catholic Religion against Protestants together with these Errors. And consequently, I see no reason why these men should be gathered up by John Fox, as cho••en Members of that Protestant Church: but for that they have no other, and yet will needs seem to have some. And thus much for the Wal••enses.

28. The Albigenses were another Sect of Heretics,* 1.483 rising some thirty or for∣ty years after the Waldenses, under Innocentius III. Anno Domini 1216. And their beginning was at a Town called Albigium, in the Province of Tholosa. Who albeit in some points they agreed with the said Waldenses: yet (as all Sects are wont to do) they differed greatly in many other Articles; and grew so fast in number, as Caesarius saith,* 1.484 that in a little time they infected a thousand Ci∣ties, and great Towns round about, and had an Army of 70000. fighting Men, to defend their Heresie. For which Cause also, they called help from the Moors in Barbary, but yet were overcome by the Catholic Army, that was not above 8000. (as Historiographers do write) the Captain whereof was the most Christian Prince Simon of Momfort. And after this Battel given, the most part of those Heretics were Converted by St. Dominicks Preaching.

29. The Points that these Men held,* 1.485 besides the denial of the Popes Supre∣macy, Purgatory, Prayer for the Dead, and some other such Articles, where∣in they agreed with the Protestants of our days: they held also many other Articles, wherein they disagreed both from the Protestants and us. As for Example,

• I. They held with the Manichees, that then were two Gods: one good, and another evil: and that as the good God created the Soul, so the evil created the Body.
• II. They denied all Resurrection of the Body.* 1.486 And that it was in vain for Chri∣stians to use any kind of Prayer at all, or to have Churches for that purpose. See∣ing it profiteth nothing, all things being irrevocably determined by Gods Provi∣dence.
• III. That external Baptism was an idle Ceremony, and to be rejected as super∣fluous.
• IV. That mens Souls did pass from one to another: yea, through Beasts and Ser∣pents. And that God Created no new Souls from the beginning of the World: but changeth them only from Body to Body, &c.

30. These, and many other such like Beastly absurdities of theirs, are re∣corded by the Writers of those times, and namely by those here quoted. And more then this, their soul wicked behaviour, is related to have been so abominable, as Christian modesty doth scarce permit to be repeated: as for Example, of doing their easement upon the Altar, and making themselves clean with the ••all and Corporals thereof.

Their abusing the Body of a Strumpet upon a high Altar, in despight of a Cruci∣fix that stood there, whose Ears, Nose, and Arms they cut off, and then tying a Haltar about his Neck, they drew him most scornfully about the Streets of Tholosa, &c. and other like. And these are the Saints gathered up by John Fox to frame his new Church.

31. And for that all the rest, that do ensue in his Catalogue, of particular Men of his Religion, from those downward, to John Wickliffe, were com∣monly

infected with some points of these two general Sects, the Waldenses or Albigenses: it shall not be needful to stand upon the examination, of every one of them, seeing that their Opinions are known to be such, as they could not possibly be of one Church with Fox and his Company.* 1.487 Yet must we note this by the way also, that Fox doth commit infinite confusion, falshood, and cosinage, in all this his enumeration, accounting some for Disciples of the Albi∣genses,* 1.488 that lived 100. years before them. As Marsilius Patavinus, who lived un∣der Pope Paschasius II. about the year 1110. which is more than an 100 years before Pope Innocentius III. (as both Alvarus and Alphonsus de Castro do testi∣fie) and never held any points of the former Heresies,* 1.489 but only some Proposi∣tions, agiainst the Degrees, and living of Ecclesiastical Persons. And the like falshood is to be understood of Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, who living about the year 1250. was a Catholic man in all points, and only had some quarrel∣lings with Religious Orders. As in like sort Armachanus, Archbishop of Armach in Ireland also had. For which cause only Fox maketh him of his Church; though in matters of Religion, he held no one Article of the Protestant Faith with him, different from the Catholic. And consequently Fox doth extreme∣ly abuse them, by conjoining them here with divers Heretics burned for the foresaid blasphemous Opinions

32. The like may be said of William Occam, and Gregorius Arminensis (two Catholic Scholmen, and every day alleged for such in our Schools) Robert Gros∣sead also,* 1.490 our Learned Bishop of Lincoln, is in the same predicament: as in like manner Dantes and Petrarcha (Italian Poets) that never held any jot of Protestant Religion in the world. And yet are brought in here by John Fox, as men of his Church and Belief, with the greatest falshood and foolery in the world. And this forsooth, for that in some place of their Works, they repre∣hend the Manners of Rome, or Lives of some Popes in those days. Which is as good an Argument, as if a man would prove, that St. Paul was not of the Faith,* 1.491 or Religion of the Corinthians, for that he reprehended them sharply for Fornication used among them.

33. Wherefore to leave the Rabble that followeth of this people (as namely thirty six Citizens of Moguntia burned An. Dom. 1390. and another company of like people, to wit, one hundred and forty put in the Fire throughout the Province of Narbone, and twenty four more put to death in Paris, in the Year 1210. and other particular Saints of his Church recounted and Canoni∣zed by Fox:) To leave these (I say) and to come down to our Lolhards and Wickliffians, and their followers in England; we have treated of their Doctrin sufficiently in the precedent Chapter, shewing how far different it was, from that of Fox and his Fellows. But now for their Actions, we are to consider, that the Lolhards began from the year of Christ 1320. or thereabout, and Wickliff from the year 1370. and therewith raised infinite Troubles, Garboils, and Tu∣mults in our Country. As may appear by the lamentable Story set down by Thomas Walsingham, of the whole people put in commotion in King Richard II. his time against the Nobility, and Clergy, by these kind of people, under their Seditious Captains Jack Straw, Wat Tiler, and the rest. And so again, under some other Kings,* 1.492 whilst this Heresie lasted. And namely, against the two va∣liant, and most Catholic Princes King Henry IV. and King Henry V. his Son. In the first year of whose Reign, (to wit, King Henry V.) John Stow writeth thus.

34. The favorers of Wickliffs Doctrin did nail up Schedules upon the Church Doors of London, conteining that there were an hundred thousand ready to rise against all such as could not away with their Sect, &c. And hereon followed the open Rebellion of Sir John Oldcastle, and Sir Roger Acton and others in S. Giles Field by Holborn,* 1.493 which before we have touched. And yet was the provi∣dence

of God such, as this Sect could never prevail in England, neither then, or after (so Catholic were our Princes) until some Points thereof being re∣newed by Luther and Zwinglius, the later was admitted in K. Edward's days, I mean the Sect of Zwinglius, as all men know. Being the first Sect that ever was admitted publickly in England, either by Britans or Englishmen, from Christ to that day. For as for King Henry VIII. though in the matter of the Popes Supre∣macy he admitted the Opinion of Luther: yet in other things (as * 1.494 before we have shewed at large) he held in all Articles, the Catholic Roman Faith, with singular hatred against both Lollards, Wickliffians, and Lutherans, but much more against Zwinglians, and other such Sacramentary Sectaries. As by his Laws made for their punishment and repression, doth sufficiently ap∣pear.

35. And albeit his Majesty having yielded once, in that one Point of Eccle∣siastical Supremacy, and subordination, (which held before all the rest in joint) it was no marvel, though Sects and Sectaries did grow upon him so fast, as with all his severe Laws he could hardly repress them in his own days,* 1.495 yet much more were the Judgments of God seen after his death, in that present∣ly all was turned upside down in the Minority of his Son: notwithstanding his Laws, Testament, and Ordinances to the contrary. And that by those, whom he most trusted on that behalf, and who in his days had shewed themselves, most earnest against Zwinglians, and their Doctrin of the Sacrament, as a thing most abhorred by the old King their Master. I mean, Cranmer, Ridley, Seymor and Dudley, the chief changers of all in King Edwards days.

36. But this is the common event, where Princes be not careful at the be∣ginning (as Walsingham doth well note about the rising of Wickliff's Heresie in in the end of King Edward III.'s time) when that old King was now impotent,* 1.496 and wholly governed by Women, leaving the care of his Kingdom, in the Hands of his Son the Duke of Lancaster, and others that followed him, who having partly emulation, and jars with the Bishops of Canterbury, Winchester, London, and some other principal men of the Clergy, and partly desiring to invade Church Livings, which Wickliff preached to be lawful, they were content to wink at him, yea and to use him, and his Doctrin openly, against the said Bishops, and Clergy, as also against Monks, and Abbots in the begin∣ning of of K. Richard II.'s time, as appeareth both in the said Walsingham and Stow, who relate the calling of Wickliff to London for this effect, where he was publicly and scandalously born out by the said Duke, and Sir Henry Piercy, and others of that Faction, against the said Bishops, Monks, and Abbots, which here we shall set down, in Stows own words, taken by him out of Walsingham and other Writers, which do contain the very sum of all the doings, and mean∣ings of both Parties in those days.

37. In the mean time (saith he) the Duke of Lancaster ceased not (with his Fellows) to imagine how he might bring to pass,* 1.497 that which he had long con∣trived in his mind (to wit, for encroaching upon Church Livings, and re∣venging himself against some Bishops, and the City of London, that stood with them) for he saw that it would be hard for him to obtain his purpose, the Church standing in her full State, and very dangerous to attempt publickly, the Laws and Customs of London being in force, wherefore he laboured, first to overthrow as well the Liberties of the Church, as of the City, for which Cause he called unto him a certain Divine, who many years before,* 1.498 in all his Acts in the Schools, had inveighed against the Church, for that he had been de∣prived by the Archbishop of Canterbury from a certain Benefice, that he unjust∣ly, as was said, was Incumbent upon within the City of Oxford: his Name was John Wickliff, who with his Disciples, were of the common people called Lollards, they went barefooted, and basely Clothed: to wit, in course Russet Garments down

to the Heels; they preached especially against Monks, and other Religious men that had Possessions, &c.

38. They affirmed, that Temporal Lords if they had need, might lawfully take the Goods of such Religious Persons to relieve their necessities, &c. And when he had taught these,* 1.499 and many other such Doctrins, not only in the Schools in Oxford, but also had preached them publicly in London, that he might thereby get the favor of the said Duke and others, whom he sound prone to hear his Opinions; The Duke and Sir Henry Piercy commended highly his said Opi∣nions, and endeavored to extol his Learning, and honesty of Life above all o∣ther. Who therefore being thus set forth with their favor, feared not to spread his Doctrin much more than before, going from Church to Church, and Preaching his Opinions, whereupon at length, the Bishops awakened their Archbishop, who sent for this John to come, and answer to those things which were spoken of him. And the Duke hearing thereof, sent for four Doctors of Divinity of every Order of Begging Friars one (for unto them Wickliff adjoined himself, approving their poverty, and extolling their perfection, against other Religious Orders that had Possessions) whom the Duke advertised, that with a natural and old hate, he pursued the Religious Per∣sons, that had Possessions, neither was it difficult, to compel the willing Friars, to aid him in this Point.

39. Hitherto are the words of John Stow. Whereby you may perceive the true Causes of this new Gospel of John Wickliff,* 1.500 so highly commended by John Fox who affirmeth his Doctrin to have proceeded from the strong operation of Christs Spirit, &c. First you see that John Wickliff had for his motion the desire of revenge against the Bishops and Clergy, for that he was deprived of a Benefice in Oxford, which he had possessed unjustly. Secondly, was he moved with en∣vy against Monks, together with ambition of gaining the Duke of Lancaster, and his followers by teaching them, that it was lawful to invade Church Li∣vings at their pleasure. Thirdly, the very same motives of Ambition, cove∣tousness, and emulation against the Bishops, stirred up the Duke and his Adherents, and Fourthly, both parts, as well the Heretics, as their favorers, were content to use and abuse the infirmity of some emulation, between Friars and Monks about matters of Perfection, Poverty, and Possessions. Which pi∣ous motives we do read commonly to have been the Causes of all other ancient Heresies from time to time. As coming from one, and the self same Spirit of him that is the proper Author of all Sedition, Schism, and Heresie, and profes∣sed enemy to the Union of Gods only Spouse and Cath. Church Lucifer himself.

40. Futhermore Walsingham doth shew, how that by this favor, and bearing out of the Duke of Lancaster, and his Partners, both the University of Oxford where Wickliff began, was brought to be cold in resisting him, and the Prince himself in punishing him. And this appeared by two Apostolical Breves writ∣ten by Pope Gregory XI. in the year of Christ 1378. Registred by Walsingham. The one to the Ʋniversity of Oxford,* 1.501 reprehending them for their coldness and slackness in resisting the said Heresies. And the other to the Archbishop of Can∣terbury, and Bishop of London, to deal with the King and Queen, and other No∣bility, to put them in mind, as well of their Duty, as also of their Negligence hitherto used in this behalf. But what followed of this? I mean of this neg∣ligence in resisting this Sect of Wickliff at the beginning? Truly there followed, or rather flowed such Seas of Calamities, as were never seen in our Country be∣fore, nor scarce heard of in others.

41. For whereas King Edward III had been a most glorious King, his end was pitiful:* 1.502 his Heir K. Richard, after infinite Sedition, contention, and bloodshed of the Nobility and others, was deposed, and made away. The bloody divisi∣on of the House of Lancaster and York came in, and endured for almost 100 years, with the ruin not only of the Royal Line of Lancaster, by whom spe∣cially

Wickliff was favoured at the beginning (as you have heard) but with the overthrow also of many other noble Princes, and Families, and most per∣nicious Wars and Garboils continued, both at home and abroad, with the los∣ses of all our goodly States, Provinces and Countries in France. Unto all which, the division of hearts, minds and judgments brought in by Wickliffs Doctrin, did help not a little, and the Calamities so continued until the time of the most wise, Christian, and Catholic King Henry VII. Who as he extinguished the Relics of this Wickliffian Seed (as may appear by John Fox, who setteth out in Print and painting, twelve several Pageants of the Popes highest Greatness,* 1.503 Honor, and Supreme Power in the end of King Henry VII.'s Life:) so did he happily also extinguish all Temporal Division, about the Succession of our Imperial Crown. And had not our sins deserved that his Son had opened the gap (tho' not perhaps meaning it) to other Sects and Divisions of Lutherans and Zwinglians, (no less malitious and penicious than the former) England had been a happy State at this day.

42. Well then, of these men, whom not only the whole universal Church did condemn as Heretics for their wicked Opinions, but English (a) 1.504 Parliaments also (that had best cause to know their Lives) did Sentence by their public Acts, for Hypocrits, Seditious, and pernicious people in Manners, as (b) 1.505 Fox himself among others confesseth: of these (I say) he maketh up his Church until he come down to Lutherans, Zwinglians, and other such fresher Sectaries under King Henry VIII. and his Children. Which Sectaries Fox will needs couple to∣gether in one Catalogue and Calendar of Saints appointing Wickliff his Feast upon the second of January, with the title of Preacher and Martyr (though he died quietly in his Bed) as after shall be shewed. And that of Luther upon the 17. of Feb. with the title only of Confessor, (but both of them in red Letters.) Notwithstanding that the Authors of these three Sects do disclaim one from another, as in the former Chapter you have heard. So as this forcible drawing of opposite Sectaries into one Catalogue, and Calendar of Saints, is like to that of Cacus, who drew Bulls backwards by the tails into his Cave. And this shall suffice for the contemplation of this strange composition, and combination of Fox his Church, from Wickliffs time down to K. Henry VIII. of whose Reign and matters contained therein, we shall now successively begin our speech.

CHAP. XI.

The Search of John Fox's Church is continued under the Government and Reign of K. Henry VIII. and his Children: And it is discussed what manner of Church, John Fox then had, or may be imagined to have had.

HAving made our former search or pursuit for the finding of Jon Fox his Church throughout the precedent years, and Ages of the Christian world, from the Apostles time, unto the Reign of King Henry VIII. and declared most evidently (as to us it seemeth) that the said Church was never yet to be found in any of those times and Ages, except perhaps in some such broken and con∣temptible Heretics, and so opposite and contrary one of them to another, as cannot possibly be thought to make a Church, that requireth unity and conformity of Faith: there remaineth now, that we proceed to examin, what may be found for John Fox's purpose, under the Reign of K. Henry VIII. down∣wards to our time. For that, (as often hath been noted) of this time doth John Fox brag and glory in his Book, as of the florishing time of his Gospel. Which appeareth not only by that he imployeth the half of his whole Volume, in these, only thirty years that passed between the breach of King Henry

with the Pope,* 1.506 unto the entrance of Queen Elizabeth: but also by a brave triumphant picture set in the first page of King Henry's Reign, with his Feet upon the back of Pope Clement VII. and other circumstances of Heretical inso∣lence, which presently we shall declare.

2. But first of all you must understand, that in the 12 last pages of K. Henry VII.'s Life, it pleased John Fox to set down pleasantly 12 large printed and paint∣ed Pageants of the Popes greatness in those days, together with his Papal Cases reserved to himself, his Dominion both Spiritual & Temporal, his great Riches, the universal Obedience both of Temporal and Spiritual Princes unto him, and other such like points. All which being but a melancholy meditation, and Spe∣ctacle for Protestants, John Fox in the next page setteth down a merrier contem∣plation: to wit, King Henry VIII. placed by him in a high Throne with Clement VII. under his Feet,* 1.507 grovelling on the ground, with his Cross Keys and Triple Crown in the Dust. Whereat many Friars are painted staring and gazing, and weeping round about, and B. Fisher and Sir Thomas Moor pitifully also weeping, and stooping down to help him up again. And on the other side, K. Henry is painted with the Gospel in his Lap, and his Sword in his right hand, lifted up for defence thereof. Which Gospel is also holpen to be held up by Cranmer and Cromwell, that on his said right hand do assist the King with great content∣ment of the new Ministers. Who are painted here to stand very gravely con∣templating of the matter with a singular comfort: and all other Bishops, Ab∣bots Ecclesiastical and Temporal men bewailing and mourning.

3. And this is John Fox his pleasant (or rather peevish) invention, to enter∣tain the eyes of the simple Readers or lookers on, and to make pastime for Fools, whereof himself was a solemn Father while he lived. And I would ask the silly Fellow here,* 1.508 how King Henry, tho' he brake with Pope Clement, upon some mat∣ters of displeasure (as is notorious) and refused to yield him Spiritual obedience in England (as he and his Ancestors had done ever before:) yet how could he justly, or truly be said to have cast him down with his Crown, and Cross, as herein painted? Seeing that Pope Clement his Authority, power, and Spiritual jurisdiction throughout the Christian World was no less after King Henry's breach, than before. And albeit the Realm of England withdrew Her Spiritu∣al obedience from him: yet the encrease of new Churches in the Indies, was of much more Authority, and jurisdiction unto him, and his Successors in that kind, than he or they lost in England, Germany, or other parts, that retired themselves from his and their obedience.

4. Further, I would ask this John Deviser, that devised this wise represen∣tation: how could K. Henry's Sword be said to be in Defence of the Protestants Gospel, when, by their own Affirmation he was the greatest persecutor of their Brethren that ever was King of England, from the beginning of that Monarchy to his days? For so sheweth Fox himself in that he in his Calendar of Saints, setteth down more Martyrs of his Sect, made by King Henry only, than by all the other former Kings and Queens of England, from the first entrance of Chri∣stian Faith to his time. As we are to shew more largely in the Third part of this Treatise, when we come to examin his said Calendar. But yet in the mean space,* 1.509 if you will have some tast, how favourable K. Henry of his own inclinati∣on was to these new Gospellers: you may read, what Fox setteth down in the second part of his Acts and Monuments of this matter. Where among other complaints of this Kings Reign, you shall find in one place, no less than four∣teen whole pages of Names (by way of Table or Catalogue) of godly Men and Women, (as he calleth them) apprehended, persecuted and imprisoned for the Gospels sake by the Bishop of Lincoln in one year? The King himself be∣ing the chief Author, and Inciter to the Persecution, as appeareth by a Letter of the said Kings, written to the said Bishop of Lincoln upon the 20. of Octob. 1521. and the 13. year of his Reign, which Letter Fox doth Register under this Title:

The Copy of the Kings Letter for the aid of John Longland Bishop of Lincoln against the Servants of Christ, falsely then called Heretics, &c.* 1.510

5. Lo here King Henry proved to be an Aider and Inciter of Persecution against Gospellers, termed the Servants of God by Fox, but Heretics by the King. And if so many of these good Fellows were persecuted by him in one Year, under one Bishop only, within one Diocese; what may be imagined throughout the whole Realm? Truly you may read in Fox himself very large and lamentable complaints of this King's Reign,* 1.511 and divers copious Lists of these persecuted Saints of his Church set down by him; especially from the foresaid year of Christ 1521 to 1531, which was the last ten years before the breach with the Pope.

6. But what did he from his breach forward? Did he spare the new Go∣spellers any thing more for his breach with the Pope? Truly it cannot be deni∣ed but that for some years he wink'd at their doings somewhat more than be∣fore, considering the new difficulties wherein he had cast himself by his new disunion and breach, as before we have noted in the end of the former Part. But as soon as he had put his Domestical Affairs in some quiet and security,* 1.512 he returned again to his former course and custom of restraining these new un∣ruly Spirits, by calling them to account for their Innovations, and proceeding juridically against them, according to Church Canons, and according to his former judgment in matters of Religion: Which as I might shew by divers ways of proof, as well of Acts of Parliament, as Proclamations, Injunctions, and other Declarations of his Will and Opinion in this behalf; so will we al∣lege only two or three Examples in the first kind, besides those which we have set down in the * 1.513 former Part.

7. In the 31st year of his Reign, which was seven or eight years after his breach with the Pope, there was made an Act for abolishing of diversity of Opi∣nions about Christian Faith, which beginneth thus:

Whereas the King's most Excellent Majesty is by God's Law Supreme Head, immediately under him,* 1.514 of the whole Church of England, &c. intending the conservation of the same Church, in a true, sincere, and uniform Doctrin of Christ's Religion, &c.

Thus beginneth his Preface. And then he determineth, together with the Parliament,

That whosoever shall deny the Real Presence in the Sacrament of the Altar, or affirm that the Communion is necessary under both Kinds,* 1.515 or that Priests may by God's Law take Wives after Priesthood, or that Vows of Chastity are not to be observed, or that private Masses are not to be said, or that Sacramental and Auricular Confession is not necessary, &c.

All these he condemneth as Heretics, and for such to be Apprehended, Ar∣raigned, Condemned, and Burned, as at large is to be seen in the Sta∣tute.

8. And the very next year after, perceiving that, notwithstanding his for∣mer Statute against Protestant Opinions, the same did grow and were spread abroad in England; he ordained another Statute, which beginneth thus:

Whereas the King's Róyal Majesty, of his blessed and gracious disposition,* 1.516 &c. well weighing, that out of sundry outward parts and places there have sprung, been sown, & set forth, divers heretical, erroneous, & dangerous Opinions & Doctrins in the Religion of Christ, whereby his Grace's Leige-people may be induced to unfaithfulness, misbelief, miscreancy, and contempt of God, to the utter confusion and damnation of Souls, &c. For this cause his Majesty, according to the very Gospel and Law of God, meaneth to have matters de∣termined and declared, &c.

Thus he writeth in the Statute, remitting himself to his further Declaration;* 1.517 which is wholly against Protestants, whose Faith and Religion you see here called by the King unfaithfulness, misbelief, miscreancy, contempt of God, heretical,

erroneous and dangerous Doctrin, tending to utter confusion and damnation of Souls, &c. And this proved by the pure Word of God, and the very Gospel it self, as his Majesty affirmeth.

9. And will you have more clear testimony of his settled judgment against Protestants than this? But yet hear further. For that the same King, divers years afters after this again, towards the end of his days, having had good ex∣perience of the falshood of Protestants in corrupting the very Scriptures them∣selves by their crafty Translations,* 1.518 Notes, and Commentaries, he was forc'd to forbid under grievous punishments the reading of the foresaid Scriptures in English, which before he had permitted, as appeareth by a peculiar Statute made for that purpose, and for inhibiting Protestants Books, Sermons, and Preachings, in the 34th and 35th years of his Reign; this Statute being entituled, An Act for the Advancement of true Religion;* 1.519 saying therein as followeth: Whereas the King's most Royal Majesty, Sumpreme Head of the Church of England, and also of Ireland, perceiveth that notwithstanding such holy Doctrins and Docu∣cuments as his Majesty hath hitherto caused to be set forth, besides the great liberty granted unto them in having the New and Old Testament among them;* 1.520 which not∣withstanding, many seditious, arrogant, and ignorant Parsons, pretending to be Learred, have the perfect and true knowledg, understanding and judgment of sacred Scriptures, &c. intending to subvert the very true and perfect Exposition thereof, after their perverse fantasies, have taken upon them not only to preach, teach, declare, &c. but also by printed Books, Ballads, Plays, Rhythmes, Songs, and other fantasies, subtilly to beguile his Majesty's Leige-subjects, &c.

10. Behold King Henry's description of Protestants, their Wit, Nature, Condition and Doctrin. But now followeth the Remedy. Wherefore, to ordain and establish a certain form of pure and sincere Teaching, agreeable to God's Word, and true Doctrin of the Catholic and Apostolical Church, &c. Be it enacted, That all manner of Books of the Old and New Testament in English, being of the crafty, false and untrue Translation of William Tyndall,* 1.521 and all other Books or Writings in the English Tongue, teaching or composing any matter of Christian Religion, contrary to that Doctrin which since the year of our Lord 1540 is, hath, or shall be set forth by his Majesty, is clearly and utterly abolished, &c. Thus ordained King Henry of the Protestants Books and Doctrin; and this Censure he gave of William Tyn∣dall's Truth and Honesty in translating the Scriptures, whom John Fox calleth not only the true Servant and Martyr of God,* 1.522 but the Apostle also of England in this our latter Age.

11. Wherefore I do not see how Fox can with any reason make King Henry to be a Gospeller of his Religion, or so earnest a Defender of the same; or why he should paint him with the Bible in his hand, holden up by Cranmer and Cromwell, as before hath been said, and seen in his Painting; seeing he contem∣ned ever their Doctrin, and burned the Professors thereof as notorious Here∣tics unto his dying-day: Which is evident by many Examples, but most clear and notorious by that of John Lambert, a famous Zuinglian, with whom in solemn public Audience he disputed in presence of all his Clergy and Nobility of the Realm,* 1.523 and caused Cranmer to do the like, and in the end made Cromwell, as his Vicar-General, to give the Sentence of Death against him, and burn him in Smithfield; and this not two years before Cromwell's own Condemnation for like Heresie by the King's own pursuit, as may appear by the Act of his Condemnation yet extant. And the same, no doubt, would he have done with Cranmer, (which was the other Upholder of his Arm, to maintain the new Gospel, according to Fox his Picture) if he had known or suspected him, not only for an Upholder of that Heresie, but that he had so much as secretly and inwardly favored the same. And for this very cause did King Henry use that solemn and sharp Judgment upon Lambert, and made Cranmer to dispute

so earnestly against him for the Real Presence (whereof afterward he made also the said Cranmer write and print a Book for more evident Attestation therein;) and to the same end he made Cromwell to pronounce the Sentence, that all men might see and know (but especially his Favorites) that whomsoever he found faulty in that behalf should expect no favor at his hand. Whereupon, when he had spoken to Lambert, asking him, What he had to say more for himself why he should not die? And the other falling down on his knees, remitted himself to his Princely Mercy. The King answered with a loud Voice in these words, as Fox relateth them: If you remit your self to my Judgment, you must die;* 1.524 for I will be no Patron of Heretics. And by and by turning himself to Cromwell, he said, Cromwell, read the Sentence of Condemnation against him; (which Crom∣well (addeth Fox) was at that time the chief Friend of the Gospellers) who taking the Schedule of Condemnation in his hand, read the same, &c.

12. Thus writeth Fox, and putteth in the Margin this Note: The King condemneth the Martyr of Christ John Lambert. And again, in another place: Thus was John Lambert in this bloody Session by the King judged and condemned to death, &c.* 1.525 And then speaketh he very dishonorably of King Henry about this matter, citing him to the last Day of Judgment to receive his Sentence for that Sentence. So as howsoever they flatter the Memory of this King for glosing with her Majesty in outward words, yet it is clear enough what they think of him in their hearts, and speak of him in corners. And howsoever Fox paint him out with their Gospel in his Lap, and Sword in his hand to defend it, cal∣ling him every-where Gospeller; yet can they not deny but that the sharpest edge of the Sword fell upon them.

13. And here I cannot omit to let you hear Fox's complaint of ill luck and misfortune in this behalf, that the King, with Cranmer and Cromwell, and some others of his Gospel and Gospellers, should so unluckily concur to the con∣demning and burning of this fervent Brother of their Gospel Lambert. Here (saith Fox) it is much to be marvelled at, to see how unfortunately it came to pass in this mattter, that through the pestiferous and crafty Counsel of Gardyner Bishop of Winchester, Sathan did here perform the Condemnation of this Lambert, by no other Ministers than Gospellers themselves. This is Fox his complaint, laying all the fault (as you see) upon Bishop Gardyner, as tho' he had been able to have induced all these Gospellers, and among others the King himself and his Gospelling Coun∣sellors to have concurred to the burning of their own Brother Lambert, if they had been then of his Gospel. But the truth is, that none of them at that time were come so far forward, as to be Zuinglians. For as for the King himself, he hated them deadly, both then and unto his dying-day; as also the Lutherans, tho' he bare somewhat more with them than with the other, in respect of their holding the Real Presence in the Sacrament, whereunto he was most devout. And as for Cranmer and Cromwell, it may be that in those days they were a little touched with Lutheranism; the former, to enjoy his Woman which he kept secretly, by whom he was also made a Zuinglian in King Edward's days; the second, for his Gain and Advancement. Yet the said Cromwell, coming soon after this to be beheaded, on the Scaffold said these words among others, as Fox relateth them:* 1.526 And now I pray you that be here to bear me record that I die in the Catholic Faith, not doubting of any Article of my Faith, no nor doubting in any Sacrament of the Church. Many have slandered me, and reported that I have been a Bearer out of such as have maintained evil Opinions, which is untrue, &c. And then a little after he addeth again, The Devil is ready to seduce us, and I have been seduced; but bear me witness that I die in the Catholic Faith of the whole Church.

14. Thus relateth Fox of his last Confession, and putteth in his Margin this Note: A true Christian Confession of the Lord Cromwell at his Death. Which if John Fox mean truly indeed,* 1.527 and that Cromwell himself meant it also truly and sincerely as he spake and was understood by the people, then died he a Catholic in all points, and believed all Sacraments of that Church which then in England was held for Catholic, and opposite to the new Gospellers at that time; by whom he confessed he had been somewhat seduced, and yet denieth that ever he was a Bearer out of them, as you see. And if all this be true in∣deed, how then can this Confession of the Lord Cromwell be called a true Chri∣stian Confession with John Fox; seeing it is a Catholic Confession, and renoun∣ceth Fox his Religion utterly? And if it were a false, feigned, and dissembled Confession of Cromwell, and meant contrary to the sound of his words at the hour of his death; how was he a true Christian man in so dissembling and ly∣ing, and this at his very going out of the World? And here I would have John Fox to solve me this Dilemma, both for his own and Cromwell's Credit; whom notwithstanding all this, Fox will needs enforce to be of his Gospel, whether he will or no; writing of him thus in another place: In this Worthy and Noble Person,* 1.528 besides divers other Eminent Virtues, three things especially are to be considered; his flourishing Authority, his excelling Wisdom, and his fervent Zeal to Christ, and to his Gospel, &c. And so much of Him and his Fellow Cran∣mer, the two chief Pillars and Under-props of John Fox's Gospel with King Henry.

* 1.52915. And hereby we may in part in contemplate the first Beginning, Foun∣tain, Origin and Off-spring of John Fox's Gospel in England; whereof we have spoken somewhat before, in the last Chapter of the former Part of this Trea∣tise, where we alleged the words of William Tyndall written to John Fryth his Scholar at the very beginning, when King Henry first seemed to favor the Go∣spel; wherein Tyndall saith, that he had smelled a certain Counsel taken against Papists; but that Fryth must understand that it was not for God, but for Re∣venge, and to enjoy the spoil of the Church. These were the first motives, if we believe Tyndal whom John Fox holdeth and calleth an Apostle of England: So as this testimony coming from Him, must needs be also Apostolic, if not Evangelical.

16. But what was the progress of this Gospel so begun in England? I have shewed before, that not long after this beginning (to wit, in the year of Christ 1536,) King Henry being disposed upon former motives to make some certain Alterations, did not take counsel nor direction from the new Gospel∣lers to do it, but rather set forth a Book of his own, entituled thus: Articles devised by the King's Highness. So do testifie both Hall, Hollinshead, and Stow. And then Hall,* 1.530 who lived in those days, addeth further; In this Book are espe∣cially mentioned but three Sacraments, with the which the Lincolnshire-men were offended. And then again afterwards he writeth, This Book especially treated of no more than three Sacraments, where always before the people had been taught seven Sacraments, &c. Which Articles being delivered to the people, the Inhabitants of the North parts being very ignorant and rude, and not knowing what true Religion meant, &c. said,

Now you see, Friends, that four Sacraments of seven are taken from us, and shortly you shall lose the other three also, except you look about you, &c.

Thus writeth Hall of the beginning of the Insurrection of Lincoln, York, and other Shires, by occasion of these new-devised Articles in Religion. Where∣by notwithstanding we see that King Henry thinking best to make some altera∣tion, tho' he meant not indeed to take away any Sacrament, (as afterwards appeared;) yet disdained he to take his Platform from the Protestants, or Gospellers of those days, but devised of himself the Innovation which for the present he meant to make. Whereof I have heard of a certain

Story not unpleasant, nor from the purpose, which therefore here I will set down.

17. A certain Courtier at that day (some say it was Sir Francis Bryan) talk∣ing with a Lady that was somewhat forward in the new Gospel about this Book of the King's then lately come forth,* 1.531 she seemed to mislike greatly the Title thereof, to wit, Articles devised by the King's Highness, &c. saying, That it seemed not a fit Title to authorise matters in Religion, to ascribe them to a mortal King's device. Whereunto the Courtier answered, Truly (Madam) I will tell you my conceit plainly: If we must needs have devices in Religion, I had rather have them from a King, than from a Knave, as your Devices are; I mean that Knave Frier Martin, who not yet 20 years agone was Deviser of your new Religion, and behav'd himself so lewdly in answering his Majesty with scorn and contempt, as I must needs call him a Knave; tho' otherwise I do not hate altogether the Profession of Friers, as your Ladyship knoweth. Moreover (said he) it is not unknown neither to your Ladyship nor Us, that he devised these new Tricks of Religion, which you now so much esteem and reverence, not for God, or Devotion, or to do Penance, but for Ambition,* 1.532 and to revenge himself upon the Dominican Friers, that had gotten from him the preaching of the Pope's Bulls; as also to get himself the use of a Wench, and that a Nun also, which now he holdeth. And soon after him again three other married Priests, his Scholars, (to wit, Oecolampadius, Carolstadius, and Zuinglius) devised another Religion of the Sacramentaries, against their said Master. And since these again, we hear every day of other fresh Upstarts that devise us new Doctrins, and there is no end of Devising or Devisers. And I would rather for my part stick to the devising of a King, that hath Majesty in him, and a Council to assist him, (especially such a King as ours is) than to a thousand of these Companions put together.

18. It is true (said the Lady) when they are Devices indeed of Men,* 1.533 but when they bring Scriptures with them to prove their sayings, then are they not Mens Devices, but God's Eternal Truth and Word. And will you say so, Madam, quoth he? And do you not remember what ado we had the last year about this time with certain * 1.534 Hollanders here in England, whom our Bishops and Doctors could not overcome by Scriptures, notwithstanding they held most horrible Heresies, which make my Hairs to stand upright to think of them, against the Manhood and Flesh of Christ our Savior, and against the Virginity of his Blessed Mother, and against the Baptism of Infants, and the like wicked Blasphemies. I was my self present at the Condemnation of four∣teen of them in Paul's Church in one day, and heard them dispute and allege Scriptures so fast for their Heresies, as I was amazed thereat; and after I saw some of these Knaves burned in Smithfield, and they went so merrily to their Death, singing and chanting Scriptures, as I began to think with my self whether their Device was not of some value or no; until after∣ward, thinking better of the matter, I blessed my self from them, and so let them go.

19 Oh (said the Lady) but these were Knaves indeed, that devised new Doctrins of their own heads; and were very Heretics, not worthy to be be∣lieved. But how shall I know (quoth the Courtier) that Your Devisers have not done the like, seeing These alleged Scriptures no less than They; and did one thing more, which is, that they went to the fire and burned for their Do∣ctrin, when they might have lived, which your Frier and his Scholars before named have not hitherto done. And finally (Madam) I say, as at the begin∣ning I said, If we must needs follow devising, we Courtiers had much rather follow a King than a Frier in such a matter. For how many years (Madam) have Friers shorn their Heads, and no Courtier hath ever follow'd them hither∣to

to therein? But now his Majesty having begun this last May (as you know) to poll * 1.535 his Head, and commanded others to do the like, you cannot find any unshorn Head in the Court among us Men, tho' you Women be exempted. And so I conclude, that the device of a King is of more credit than the de∣vice of a Friar. And with this the Lady laugh'd; and so the Conference was ended.

* 1.53620 And thus much for the first devising or setting up of new Religion in England. Now, for the going forward thereof, let us hear a large testimony of John Fox himself, and thereby judge how Apostolic the manner was of pro∣moting the same. To many which be yet alive (saith Fox) and can testifie these things, it is not unknown how variable the state of Religion stood in those days; how hardly and with what difficulty it came forth; what chances and changes it suffered, even as the King was ruled and gave ear sometime to one, and sometime to another; so one while it went forward, and another season it went as much backward again; and some∣time clean altered and changed for a season, according as they could prevail which were about the King, &c.

21. Here now you see both the beginning and progress of Fox's Gospel; whereof in the Margin he maketh this Note: The course of the Gospel interrupted by malicious Enemies. Here you do hear him say, that the Birth of his Gos∣pel came forth hardly, and with great difficulty and straining; and then that it grew or went backward as the King was ruled by others, and gave credit to this or that Man or Woman: For so he cometh in presently with his Examples of Queen Anne and Cromwell. So long (saith he) as Queen Anne lived, the Gos∣pel had indifferent success;* 1.537 but after that she by sinister instigation of some about the King was made away, the course of the Gospel began again to decline: But that the Lord then stirred up the Lord Cromwell opportunely to help in that behalf; who did much avail for the increase of God's true Religion, and much more had brought it to perfection, if the pestilent Adversaries, maligning the prosperous Glory of the Gospel, had not by contrary practising undermined him, and supplanted his vertuous proceedings.

22. Behold here a wise Discourse of John Fox! Whereby, if nothing else were, you might perceive how justly and truly that Spirit of Majesty that spake to him in his Bed upon a Sunday in the morning (if you remember) called him, * 1.538 Thou Fool: For that no man but a very Fool indeed would have brought forth these Examples to have proved his purpose, being both impertinent, and clearly false in themselves.

23. And first, they are impertinent, or rather against himself; for that they shew that his Gospel had no other beginning in England, but upon Af∣fection of Men and Women. False also are the Examples, if we consider the Times themselves; for that the foresaid new Book of devised Articles, (men∣tioned by Hall and Hollinshead, as the first public Alteration in points of Reli∣gion discovered in King Henry) was made and set forth after the death of Queen Anne Bullen, to wit, upon the 8th of June 1536, whereas the Queen died upon the 19th of May before: And Fox himself, having related the said Arti∣cles and Book,* 1.539 as set forth after the death of Queen Anne, he saith thus: This Book treated especially but of three Sacraments, Baptism, Penance, and the Supper of the Lord; for which the Lincolnshire-men took Arms, &c. And then he ad∣deth this Note in the Margin, Alteration of Religion a little beginneth. And after again presently this other Note, Commotion in Lincolnshire, Whereby is evident out of his own words,* 1.540 that the first beginning of any alteration in points of Religion towards his Gospel, was after the death of Queen Anne Bul∣len; and consequently it is a ridiculous foolery which he writeth before, That so long as Queen Anne lived, the Gospel had indifferent success, &c.

24. The other Example also of Cromwell is no less apparently false; for that, besides the particulars which you have heard before of his assisting to punish and burn Protestants, and his Sentence of death given against Lambert, with the Protestation he made at his own death of his being Catholic,* 1.541 and never doubting of any one Point of Catholic Religion: Besides all this (I say) it is notorious, that when the severe Statute of Six Articles was made against all sorts of Protestants in the 31st year of King Henry's Reign, (which was in the Month of April 1540, as appeareth both by the Book of Statutes it self, and Hall, Holinshead, and other Chroniclers) Cromwell was then in his high∣est Authority and Favor with the King, as is evident; for that in the time of the very same Parliament, besides all his other great Offices before received, (as of Baron, Chancellor, Knight of the Garter, Master of the Jewels, Vicar-General in Spiritual Affairs, and other like Titles) he was created also Earl of Essex, and High-Chamberlain of England;* 1.542 which Holinshead setteth down in these words: The 18th of April at Westminster was Lord Thomas Cromwell created Earl of Essex, and ordained Great Chamberlain of England, which Office the Earls of Oxford were wont ever to enjoy: Also Gregory his Son was made Lord Cromwell, &c. Thus writeth he. And if in Cromwell's most flourishing time this Act of Six Articles came out for punishment of Protestants, the most se∣vere that can be imagined, how fond and childish a babling was that before used by Fox, when he telleth us, that as long as the good Lord Cromwell was in cre∣dit, or bare Rule with the King, their Gospel went prosperously, &c?

25. Well then, by all this we may see how poor and troden down a state John Fox's Church and Religion held under King Henry, notwithstanding all his brags, and flattering of him in his Pictures. Which yet, that you may not think we mean only of the temporal or external condition, or contemptibility of his Church, (for of that perhaps he would brag, seeing he defines his Church by the words obscure and troden down) I would have you here consider briefly but two things only for the end of this Chapter, which directly do ap∣pertain to the true spiritual misery of Fox's Church and Religion in those days under King Henry, if a Confusion of fantastical Opinions, Errors and Heresies may be called a Religion.

26. The first is,* 1.543 That in King Henry's days (at leastwise for a great part thereof) the Protestants Sects were not yet fully distinguished into their Clas∣ses or Orders, but were a great confused heap of new Opinions, all going under the name of Gospellers or Protestants, as well Lutherans, Oecolampadians, Zuing∣lians, and other Sacramentaries, as Waldensians, Wickliffians, Anabaptists, Libertines, and other such-like. So as in this first Heap and Mass of Gospellers were con∣tained all the several Sects that since have been distinguished; as the four Ele∣ments, and particular parts thereof, were contained (according to the Poets Fi∣ction) in that great confused Chaos of the World before it was distinguished; or, to speak more properly, they were as the Bears Whelps when first they are born, and new fallen from their Mothers Womb; to wit, certain disform, gross, confused things, which by often licking of their Parents are polished at last, and brought to some fashion of handsom Creatures, such as you know Bears Whelps to be.

27. And even so was it in those days with Protestants Religion: For that every man that would hold a new Opinion, of what Sect soever, or would speak against the Catholic Church or Doctrin then used, was admitted pre∣sently for a Brother of the new Gospel, and for a sincere Servant of God, and holy Gospeller, (as John Fox every-where calleth them without distinction) whether he were a Lutheran, Zuinglian, Anabaptist, Waldensian, Wickliffist, Lolhard, or whatsoever else; but since that time, this Chaos hath been some∣what more distinguished and polished, and every sort of Sectaries divided

into their Classes.* 1.544 Which Luther himself began first to do, noting nine di∣stinct Sects to have risen in few years after him out of his Doctrin, and these only of Sacramentaries. Whereunto his chief Scholar Melancthon, a little before his death, in his Judgment written to the Palsgrave, or Prince Elector of Rhene, added six more to be among the Lutherans themselves. But others that have gathered them more exactly and distinctly (as, Staphilus a most Learned Man, and Counsellor to the Emperour, Bishop Lyndan, Dr. Gabriel Prateolus, and others) do divide them into a far great number; distributing first the Gospellers of our time that have proceeded of Luther, and by occasi∣on of his Doctrin, since the year of Christ 1517, into three or four Clas∣ses; whereof the first is of plain Lutherans, divided among themselves in∣to eleven Sects; and these again being subdivided into other three Clas∣ses, of soft, rigid, and extravagant Lutherans, do make above thirty other di∣visions and Sects.

* 1.54528. The second general Classis is of Semi-Lutherani, Half-Lutherans, that do partly agree with Luther, and partly disagree; but yet with eleven differen∣ces, which being obstinately held by their Authors and Professors, do make eleven different Sects. The third Universal Classis or Order of new Gospel∣lers, are of Anti-Lutherani, those that are quite opposite to Luther, as Sacra∣mentaries, and the like, whereof are set down fifty-six distinct Sects, and the first of these is of Sacramentaries, being subdivided into nine Sects, you may imagin to what Number the Sum will rise.

29. The fourth general Classis of new Gospellers of our time are the Ana∣baptists, begun by Bernard Rotman, an unlearned Fellow of the Laity, but a Scholar and Son of Luther, about the year of Christ 1524, that is, seven years after Luther began; and this sort of men are divided again into thir∣teen Sects, as in the foresaid Authors may be read. All which deduction and distinction was not made nor known in England, (except very confusedly) in King Henry's time; but all were accounted good Gospellers, and of one Church and Faction, and so would John Fox have them accounted also now: For proof whereof,* 1.546 wheresoever they were contradicted, restrained, punished or burned for what Opinion soever, John Fox putteth them down expresly for Confessors and Martyrs of his Church; excepting only the Anabaptists, which openly he doth not admit, for that now also They are burned in England by the Protestant Magistrate; but yet neither doth he reject them by Name, but holdeth himself silent in their Affair, tho' he doth set down sundry for Mar∣tyrs in his Calendar which held of their Opinions, as in the next Part of this Treatise we are to shew by many Examples. And thus much of the first Point, concerning the Confusion, Obscurity, Impurity, and Imperfections of John Fox's Church under King Henry, which was not yet strained from her Suds, if Fox at that time may be said to have had any Church at all.

* 1.54730. There followeth the other Point, of Antipathy, Contradiction and Expo∣sition among themselves, that were held by Fox to have been the chief Pillars of his Church in those days. And as for the King, Queen Ann, Cranmer, and Cromwell, we have spoken of already. The other (if we believe himself) were Thomas Bilney, John Frith, William Tyndall, all three rubricated Martyrs in his Calendar. And then in black Letters (but of the same Order of Martyrdom) Robert Barns, William Jerome, Thomas Gerard, John Lambert, Peter German, An∣drew Hewit, John Colyns, William Cowbridg, and divers others, that not only professed his Gospel as he saith, but willingly also gave their Blood in a holy and lively Sacrifice for testimony thereof. And to these he addeth divers holy Confessors of the same Confession, to wit, Erasmus Roterodamus, Picus Miran∣dula, Philip Melancthon, King Edward VI. and the like.

31. But now, if I should go about to draw all these Martyrs and Confessors of his Church into any one form of Faith and Belief, good or bad, (which is necessary, you know, to make a Church) it would prove a far harder Enter∣prize than to couple all the Cats of any great City by the Heads together, and to make them stand so for an hour of their own will, looking one upon the other, without turning their Heads aside. For as for Bilney,* 1.548 you shall per∣ceive by my Treatise in the next part that he never held but very few of the Protestants Opinions, and very many against Them, and with Us; and abju∣red those few of the Protestants at two several times, and died in that Abjura∣tion.* 1.549 Frith also and Tyndall were most opposite to Fox in many Points of Be∣lief: I mean opposite both to Luther and Zuinglius in the Controversie of the Sacrament, holding the Real Presence to be indifferent, and to be believ'd or not believ'd as every man thinketh good; with other notable particular Here∣sies of their own, as in due place we are to shew.* 1.550 Robert Barns was an earnest Lutheran, as Tyndall testifieth to Frith: And as for Gerrard, Hierom & Lambert, tho' they were Zuinglians, yet not after Fox's fashion, but different from him in many Points of Doctrin, as we shall declare when we come to handle of them severally, as also of Ridley, Hooper, Rogers, Latymer, in the next part of this Treatise; shewing that under King Henry they were only Lutherans, if so far forward at that time.

32. And as for Andrew Hewit, he was of no Religion in particular when he died, but said only, that he would die for the Religion that John Frith held, whatsoever it were, as * 1.551 before we have noted Peter German inclin'd indeed to Zuinglianism: But together with that (as when we come unto his * 1.552 Holy-day we shall shew) he denied Christ to have taken Flesh of the Virgin Mary, and other like holy Assertions. As for Colyns and Coubridge, burned also for Here∣sie under King Henry, and assigned for Calendar-Martyrs by Fox, upon the 10th and 11th days of October; himself confesseth afterwards upon better considera∣tion, That he thinketh them not worthy of the number of God's professed Martyrs; but yet holdeth (as he saith) That they are belonging to the holy Company of Christ's Saints. The first of these two held up a Dog to be worshipped of the People, instead of the blessed Sacrament; the second denied the Name of Christ flatly. Which Fox not denying, excuseth the matter thus, saying, That the one and the other of them were mad, and distracted of their Wits, as more largely we shall shew afterwards in the discussion of the Calendar. And thus much of his Martyrs.

33. Now for his Confessors; Erasmus Roterodamus, Picus Mirandula,* 1.553 Friar Bucer, Philip Melancthon, King Edward VI. and others, (which he setteth down for Saints in the end of his Calendar and Month of December) they do agree in Religion as just as Germans Lips, (to use the vulgar Proverb) either with Fox,* 1.554 or among themselves: For as for Erasmus, whom every where Fox maketh (as it were) the Father and first Master of new Gospelling in England, you shall so hear him defend himself by his own words in the next Part of this * 1.555 Trea∣tise, as you will say they abuse him egregiously to hold him for any Protestant at all, having written so sharply against their first Captain Luther as he did, repeating often-times these words: Christum agnosco, Lutherum non agnosco,* 1.556 Ecclesiam Romanam agnosco; I acknowledge Christ, I do not acknowledge Lu∣ther, I acknowledge the Roman Church &c.

34. And the like Injury they offer to Picus Earl of Mirandula,* 1.557 who never held any one Protestant Opinion in his life, as we shall shew when we come to his place in the Calendar. And as for Bucer and Melancthon,* 1.558 they were Lu∣therans indeed, and open Enemies for many years against Zuinglius and Zuinglians, that are the Flower of John Fox's Church. And tho' Friar Bucer

afterward (to have the free use of his Woman in England) dissembled egregi∣ously in some things, to please the Protector for a time, and seemed to bear with the Sacramentaries: yet told he the Lord Dudley, then Duke of North∣umberland, being asked confidently his opinion of the Sacrament by the said Duke,* 1.559 in the presence of the Lord Pagett, then a Protestant, (who testifi∣ed the same publicly afterward:) that for the Real Presence, it could not be de∣nied, if we believe all that the Evangelists do write. But whether all be to be believed or no, he said merrily, that was a matter of more disputation.

* 1.56035. And lastly, concerning King Edward VI. set down also by Fox in red Letters, for a solemn Confessor of his Religion: If we talk of King Henry's time, he was a very young Confessor; for that he was scarce nine years old, when his Father died. And it is very probable, that the Religion which he at that Age could receive, was rather such as his Father had caused him to be taught during his life, than such as it pleased Fox to assign unto him after∣wards. But if Fox mean, that he was a Confessor of their Religion after his Fa∣thers death, albeit it be hard to say of what Religion the Child would have been if he had lived; yet do I think him rather worthy to be accounted a Martyr of Fox's Church, than a Confessor. Seeing it is probable, that the bringing in of that Religion, and change of state left by his Father, was the cause of his immature death. For that if matters had remained as his Father left them, and no Protector chosen (as he appointed) nor Wriothesley the Chancellor put out of his Office, nor other Catholic Councellors (most faithful to the conservation of the Kings Blood,) had been disgraced and displaced by that unlucky change: like it is, that the good young King might have lived many fair years more, and his two Sisters never have fallen into those imminent dangers of present destruction, which they once saw themselves in, by the ambition of the new Gospelling Faction. But enough of this, and of all the Reign of King Henry VIII. Now shall we pass briefly over the rest that remaineth.

CHAP. XII.

Whether Fox's Church hath had any Place under King Edward, Queen Mary, and Her Majesty that now Reigneth: and how far it hath been admitted, or is admitted at this day.

ALbeit John Fox did Paint out King Henry VIII. in the first page of his Life, sitting with his Feet upon the Popes back, and the Gospel in his Lap, with his Sword lifted up in his right-hand, to defend the same (as be∣fore you have heard:* 1.561) yet did he Paint Cromwell and Cranmer staying up the said Sword, least it should fall upon the Protestants themselves, as we have shewed that in effect it did. But now in the first page of King Edward's Reign, Fox hath a much more ample and triumphant Pageant for the Child above his Father: Who though he were but nine years old, yet seemeth Fox to make him a fuller Head of the Church, than his Father, placing him in a high Throne of Majesty, and his stretched out Sword in the right Hand, and with the other (which is the left) he delivereth the Gospel unto the People, and Prelates, that stand round about him. Where Fox writeth in the Mar∣gent this Note: King Edward delivering the Bible to the Prelates, &c. As tho' the Bible had taken Authority from the Childs delivering. Who being so tender of Age as he was, (and of likelihood scarce able to read the same, and

much less to understand it) as well he might have delivered them the Poem of Chaucer, or the Story of Guy of Warwick, or of Bevis of Southampton (if it had been put into his Hand to deliver) as this was by his Uncle the Protector, that knew full near as little of the Contents, as the Child himself.

2. But besides this Majestical representation of delivering the Gospel, there be two or three other Pageants in the same page. The first is of pulling down Images with great diligence every where, and burning them,* 1.562 with this Sentence written under: The Temple well purged. And then is there a great Ship, painted with Men, Women, and Children, carrying their Church-Stuff into that Ship; to wit, Bells, Books, Images, and Candles: and amongst other things also, the Blessed Sacrament. And over the Ship is written thus: The Ship of the Romish Church. And on the side this Sentence: Ship over your Trinkets, and be packing, you Papists. And thus is John Fox's pleasant Head de∣lighted with these Fancies. But who seeth not how childish this folly is? See∣ing scarce six years after this triumph, when Queen Mary came in, a Man might have said to him again, and his Fellows: Ship over your Trinkets, and be packing, you Protestants.

3. But if we consider indeed, the different Wares, and Trinkets, which this Catholic Roman Ship carried away from England at that time, and those which the new Protestants Ship brought in soon after from Germany, Geneva, Switzer∣land, and other Places, we shall easily discover, whether the loss were great∣er for our Nation, by the departure of the one, or by the coming in of the other: For that in the Roman Ship was carried away,* 1.563 not only the blessed Sa¦crament, as Fox saith, and Painteth it out (which yet is the highest and most precious Treasure, that Christ hath left to Christians upon Earth:) but with that also all kind of vertue, and honesty for the most part. For that all Mode∣sty, Gravity, Learning, Piety, Devotion, Peace, Concord, Unity and Chari∣ty was carried away. And in the new Gospelling Ship, came in all the con∣trary Vices: namely of Sedition, Division, Pride, Temerity, Curiosity, Novel∣ties, Sensuality, Impiety, and Atheism. And in place of many sober, honest, and grave men, that retired themselves upon this change, there came running into England a main number of wanton Apostata Priests and Friars, each one with his Mate and Dame at his side, hungry and turbulent people, as Friar Bale, Friar Bucer, Friar Coverdale, Friar Martyr, and other like. Who join∣ed with other of their own Sect in England, in such a vein of Innovations, as quickly brought all upon their own Heads. And so tho' after all these fore∣said three Pictures, and Representations (to wit, the Bible distributed, the Churches spoiled, and the Catholic Roman Ship sent away). John Fox doth make a fourth fair Pageant, of the Protestants kind and comfortable meeting toge∣ther, at their Communion Table, and their peaceable breaking of Bread. Yet if you consider what presently ensued in their actions,* 1.564 (I mean of their changing, chopping, pulling down, and setting up in those few years that it endured) you will easily see the Fruits of that new Gospel.

4. For first, all begun with manifest perfidiousness against the old King, that was dead. For whereas he had two things in abomination above the rest; First, that his Son should have a Protector (considering the fatal events there∣of in former times) for which cause he appointed sixteen Tutors, to govern with equal Authority, during the Minority of his Son; the other, that Here∣sie (but especially Zwinglianism) should enter into his Realm: both these things were determined contrary to the said Kings Will and Ordination, with∣in three days after his death, and above a dozen before he was buried. For that the young Child being Proclaimed King upon the 28. of January, and his Father not buried until the 14. of February, his Uncle, the Earl of Hartford, was made Protector both of the King, and whole Realm, upon the first of

the said Month of February following: and this by the private Authority of the greater part of the Executors only, without expecting any Parliament, or con∣sent of the Realm, for so great a change, and charge, as that was.

* 1.5655. And albeit for obtaining the consents of the greater parts of Executors to this mutation, great advancements and Dignities were promised, and some of them also performed (for that the Lord Dudley was made Earl of Warwick, the Lord Parre Marquess of Northampton, the Lord Chancellor Wriothesley, was created Earl of Southampton, Sir Thomas Seymor was made Lord Sudley, and High Admiral of England, and other the like; and this within fifteen days af∣ter the Protectors Advancement) and tho' hope also was given to those, that were Catholicly inclined (as the most of them were, if they had followed their Consciences) that no great alteration of Religion should be made for the present: yet twenty days had scarce passed, after this advancement, but that the Protectors Fingers did so eagerly itch to be doing, and tampering about Innovation in Religion,* 1.566 as upon the 6. of March next following, he sent away Commissioners into all parts of the Realm, to pull down Images, and other Ecclesiastical Ornaments, throughout all the Churches of the Realm, and to make other Innovations by his Authority, which now in all things he would have to be the Kings. And for that the Chancellor Wriothesley resisted the same, and would have had it stayed until a Parliament might be called; his Office was taken from him, thereby to terrifie others from speaking in like Cases. Bishop Tonstall also was put beside the Council for like offence, though he were one of the sixteen Executors appointed by King Henry. So as now the Prote∣ctor would needs have all things absolutely in his own Hand, both with∣out Law, and before Law, yea expresly against the Laws of King Henry yet in force.

6. And for that both he and his followers did easily see, the affection of the Realm to be wholly against these Mutations, (as before we have shewed in the end of our former part:) he devised with the Lord Dudley, who soothed him in all at that time, the Journey into Scotland, of Musselborough Field which all men know,* 1.567 under pretence to gain the young Queen by force to Marry with the King. But yet every man of judgment, and discourse, did easily see, that not to be a thing likely, to get such a Princess by way of Arms from her Subjects. Neither was King Edward of such Age, as they needed to have hastened so much, to get him a Wife so soon (he being but nine years old) but that the matter might have been treated peaceably with the Scots, to have concurred willingly for their own interest, to that conjunction of both Realms by that Marriage, according as they had done in King Henry's time. And so wrote Bishop Gardener to the Protector, presently upon the first Sermon he heard the Bishop of St. Davids in Wales, make in London, about that matter, I mean, to exhort the people to the enterprise of Scotland. For that now all Preachers were set a work by the said Protector, and Earl of Warwick, to shew the great Glory and utilities of that Attempt.

7. But the true cause of this Enterprise was indeed, to have thereby a just pretence, and occasion to raise an Army within the Land, and to call in Fo∣reign Forces (as they did both Germans and Italians, under Petro Gamboa that had served King Henry at Bologne, and other Leaders) who they thought would be always more sure unto them, than English Soldiers in occasions of Religion. And so it fell out indeed. For the very next year after, these Fo∣reign Soldiers, did stand the Protector in very good stead, when divers Shires of the Realm took Arms for defence of their Religion, in the third year of King Edward's Reign, as after you shall hear.

8. This then was the first Summers work after King Edward's Coronati∣on: to wit, that the Protector made his Voyage towards Scotland, having

first sent Commissioners and Preachers (as you have heard) into all Shires, to preach against Images, Procession, Litanies, Pilgrimages, Mass, praying to Saints: And this of his own Authority, without and against Law; for that no Parliament had yet disannulled the Religion left by King Henry. Which thing so much grieved the common Catholic people, as they began to exclaim every where against the said Commissioners; and one of them, called Body, was slain in Cornwall, for which divers Men were Executed in sundry places of that Shire, and a Priest sent up to be Hang'd, Drawn and Quarter'd in Smithfield, for the terror of others, for that he was said by some to have been Accessary to the said Body's death.

9. And this was the beginning of planting new Religion in England,* 1.568 by Au∣thority of the Protector, under a Child-King; which Protector notwithstand∣ing, for that he mistrusted his home-Doctors (as well as his home-Souldiers) to be sufficient for so great a Work as the planting of a new Religion, he sent over into Germany for divers strange Sectaries of what Religion soever, so they were not Catholic: But especially he desir'd to have Apostate-Friers, that had ty'd themselves to Sisters, assuring himself that they would be most pliable to his purpose. And so there came into England Martin Bucer, a Do∣minican Frier, who unto that day had been an earnest Lutheran; and Peter Martyr, a Canon-Regular that inclin'd to Zuinglianism, but yet came with great indifferency to preach and teach what he should be appointed;* 1.569 Bernardi∣nus Ochinus was the third, who had been a Franciscan Frier, and by taking a Woman had lost all Religion, writing a Book de Polygamia, for having many Wives at once, and died after a Jew.

10. These three were distributed into three principal Fountains of the Land, London, Oxford, and Cambridge; and with these joyned other of the same Coat and Profession, as Coverdale an Augustine Frier, Bale a Carmelite, and other∣like English-men, as before we have shewed: All which beginning to preach in divers parts of the Land, filled mens heads with Novelties and Contentions, but had not the Gift of the old Apostolical Preachers, to preach the self-same Faith and Doctrin every where; but so many men so many Opinions were set abroach, every man following his own fancy; only they agreed in impugning the Catholic Church, Rites, Doctrin, and Service, but among themselves they could not agree.

11. Which thing being signified to the Protector, both before his depar∣ture, and while he was in the Scottish Journey, it grieved him exceedingly, and wrote back to Cranmer, Ridley, and the rest, that they should seek some means of Agreement and Conformity, and that they should make hast to end the Common-Service-Book, or Book of Common Prayer, Doctrin, and Rites, which they had begun to treat of before his departure out of London.* 1.570 But this was not so easie to do, for that new Factions and Divisions were grown now among them, especially upon the arrival of the foresaid new Preachers, as well English, as strangers from beyond the Seas: For albeit the strangers could not much help in making this English Communion-Book, or rather new Mass-Book; yet did they hurt and hinder the same much by the variety of Opinions which they brought with them in matter of Doctrin; some of them coming from Saxony, and others from Switzerland, where there were different new Sects and Doctrins held and taught. And forasmuch as in this Book not only the Rites and Ceremonies of Service and Administration of Sacraments, but the Doctrin also of their Number and Nature, and other Articles of Be∣lief, were to be expressed, or at leastwise insinuated; hereof arose a great War, for that Bucer would have one thing, Peter Martyr another, Ochinus a third; and then stepped in John Bale and Milo Coverdale, freshly come with their new Doctrin and wanton Women from beyond Seas, and would have room amongst the rest.

12. But above all others did trouble the Market at this time, two heady married Priests, come also from beyond the Seas; to wit, John Hooper and John Rogers, the one from Wittenberg with a German Wife, the other from Argentine with a Burgundian Sister (as Fox testifieth); who dissenting wholly from the Course begun by Cranmer and Ridley, and bearing special emulation against them, as accounting themselves more Learned and zealous, and more reformed than they, (as in their Lives we shall shew, when we come to their places in the Calendar,) they being potent in Speech, and Faction, and had in estimation of the people in respect of their former Banishment, they made this Agreement at the first beginning much more difficult: Especially for that one Hugh Latimer, more turbulent than any of them all, and of more regard with the common people, for that he had been Bishop in King Henry's days, joyned with Hooper and Rogers against Cranmer and Ridley, for that they were not in∣clined to restore him his Bishoprick of Worcester,* 1.571 whereof he had been deprived by King Henry VIII.

13. Whereupon the Protector, when he returned to London from the Scot∣tish Voyage in the end of the Summer, he was greatly troubled to see these Divisions: But especially, for that he found nothing ready, as he had hope? for the new Communion-Book; but only that the old Religion was impugned, and the new not yet framed, and infinite strife was raised both about the one and the other. Yet a Parliament being called together upon the Fourth of No∣vember, Anno Domini 1547, and the First of King Edward, they thought to give an attempt, to see what might be done to have some Alteration established. But it would hardly be, notwithstanding all Art, Power and Persuasion was used by the Protector and his people to obtain the same:* 1.572 For that in this Par∣liament they gat only two things of moment to be determined about Religion. The first was, that all former penal Statutes made against any Heretic or Se∣ctary whatsoever, from King Edward the Third downward (to wit, for the space almost of 200 years) should be revoked: But namely the Statutes made against Lollards, Wickliffians, Hussits, Anabaptists, and the rest, in the 1. Year of King Richard the Second, and in the 2. Year of King Henry the Fifth, and in the 25.31.33.34 and 35. Years of King Henry the Eighth, against what Heresies, Here∣tics or Sectaries soever. All these Laws and Statutes (I say) were recalled, annulled, and taken away, together with their punishments, prohibitions, or other restraints whatsoever; So as now every Man might think, say, preach, or teach what he thought best.* 1.573 And this judgeth Fox to be a goodly sweet Li∣berty of the Gospel, where no Man is bound nor forced to any thing. And this determined a Child of Nine years old, against the Decrees of all his pru∣dent Ancestors for 200 years upward.

14. But yet in all this free liberty of Sectaries, to say, write, and teach what they list, the punishment of Death was reserved unto Catholics, that should speak in defence of the Doctrin of the Pope's Supremacy, or in derogation of the Supreme Ecclesiastical Headship of this young King. And this was the first and principal beginning of the Gospel in King Edward's time, to give every Man liberty to do and believe what he would, so he were not a Catholic. Which is much like the opening of Prisons and common Jayls in the beginning of a Rebellion, when all Malefactors are made free from fear of Laws, so they will joyn in Faction with the Rebellious. And upon the opening of this Gate, no marvail tho' all Sectaries rushed in, and among others, divers Arians, Anabaptists, Trinitarians, and like Heretics, began to preach pre∣sently their Doctrins, with such publicity, as Cranmer and his Fellows, for repressing thereof, were enforced to sit in publick Judgment, and condemn divers of them to Death; albeit I do not see by what Law, having now revoked and annulled all former Statutes made against Heretics

for their punishment, as hath been said: And namely, he condemned Joan of Kent, (alias Joan Knell) that had been a Handmaid of Anne Askew,* 1.574 burned before in the last year of King Henry VIII. for denying the Real Presence: And Joan had profited so much under Anne's Doctrin, as now she denied Christ to have taken Flesh of the Blessed Virgin; who was so resolute with her Scri∣ptures against Cranmer and his Assistants sitting upon her and her Fellows, in our Lady's Cappel of S. Paul's Church in London, upon the 27th of April, when he gave Sentence of Death against her, that she reproached him greatly for his inconstancy in Religion, telling him, that he condemned not long before Anne Askew for a piece of Bread, and now condemned her for a piece of Flesh: And that as he was come now to believe the first, which then he had con∣demned; so would he come in time to believe the second, &c.

15. And for that O. E. in his Defence of Sir Francis Hastings, would not seem to think this matter to be true, I do assure the Reader in all sincerity, that I have it by relation and asseveration of a worshipful and honorable Knight,* 1.575 that afterwards was of Queen Mary's Privy Councel, and was either present when these things were spoken by Joan of Kent, or heard it from them that were present; from whom also I received divers other Particularities, which in this Chapter and the former are touched by me; Knowing the Man to be of such Wisdom and entire Credit, as I can hardly follow a better Author in things of his time.

16. Well then, this is the first point obtained in this first Parliament of King Edward, that all Sects had impunity; whereof Fox glories much in these words: These meek and gentle times of King Edward, under the Government of this noble Protector, have this one Commendation proper to them, that during the whole time of the Six years of this King's much tranquillity, and as it were a breath∣ing-time was granted to the whole Church of England, &c. Neither in Smithfield,* 1.576 nor any other Quarter of this Realm, was any heard to suffer for any matter of Re∣ligion, either Papist or Protestant, either for one Opinion or other, except only two; one an Englishwoman called Joan of Kent, the other a Dutchman named George Paris, who died for certain Articles not much necessary here to be rehearsed. Behold here Fox unwilling to rehearse the Articles of these two new Gospellers, which were no other but the Denial of Christ himself. And for that he saith no man suffered for Religion it self (either Catholic or Protestant) in all King Edwards days,* 1.577 I would ask him what he would say to so many hundreds as were slain and put to death in Somersetshire, Devonshire, Cornwall, Lincolnshire, Norfolk, Yorkshire, and other places, in the Third year of King Edward's Reign, that were forced to take Arms for defence of their Religion, violently wrested from them, against all Truth, Reason, Law, and Order? Was not this Suffer∣ing also for Religion? But let us hear John Fox himself confess unto us the man∣ner of entrance of his Gospel into England.

17. After softer beginnings (saith he) by little and little,* 1.578 greater things followed in the reformation of the Churches, and a new face of things began now to appear, as it were on a Stage, new Players coming in, and the other thrust out. For the most part the Bishops of Churches and Dioceses were changed, &c. Bonner Bishop of Lon∣don was committed to the Marshalsea, and deprived; Gardener Bishop of Winche∣ster, and Tonstal Bishop of Durham, were cast into the Tower, &c. Lo here, by Fox his own Confession, what Peace and Meekness there was used in these gentle times of King Edward, under the Government of this noble Protector, tho' they were but Six years in all. And let the Reader confess, that Fox hath a special Gift to contradict himself, tho' it be in the self same page. But now to the second point concluded in this Parliament about matters of Religion.

* 1.57918. The second Point was about the blessed Sacrament of the Altar, and use thereof; which as it was a very important and principal Point for these New Gospellers of King Edward's days to declare their Opinions, whether they would be Lutherans or Sacramentaries; so they being wholly divided among them∣selves in this point, (some of them coming from Wittemberg, and other places of Saxony, which followed Luther, some other from Strasburg, Basil, and other Towns among the Switzers, where the Doctrin of Zuinglius bare Rule; others that were home-Protestants, and desired to pass no further in neither of these two particular Sect and Factions, but only so far as was needful for holding their Women they had taken, as Cranmer and his Fellows) they could in no case come to any accord or agreement in this matter, but only to publish an Act or Statute, like a Ship-man's Hose, that determined neither the one nor the other;* 1.580 the Title whereof was this: An Act against such persons as shall unreve∣rently speak against the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ, (commonly called the Sacrament of the Altar) and for the receiving thereof under both kinds. And then beginneth the Statute thus:

19. The King's most Excellent Majesty meaning the Governance of his most loving Subjects to be in most perfect Ʋnity and Concord in all things, and especially in the true Faith and Religion of God, and wishing the same to be brought to pass with all Clemency on his part, as his most Princely Serenity and Majesty hath already decla∣red,* 1.581 &c. This is the Preface; and after coming to the matter, they say, In the most comfortable Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Savior Jesus Christ, (com∣monly called the Sacrament of the Altar, &c.) which Sacrament was instituted by no less Author than our Savior,* 1.582 both God and Man, when at his last Supper he did take the Bread into his holy Hands, and did say, Take you, and eat: This is my Body which is given and broken for you, &c. Which words spoken of it, being of eter∣nal, infallible, and undoubted Truth; yet the said Sacrament, all this notwithstand∣ing, hath been of late marvelously abused by such manner of men before rehearsed, who of Wickedness, or else of Ignorance and want of Learning, for certain Abuses heretofore committed of some in misusing thereof, have condemned in their hearts and speech the whole thing, and contemptuously depraved, despised, or reviled the same most holy and blessed Sacrament, and not only disputed or reasoned unreverently and ungodlily of that high Mystery, but also in their Sermons, Preachings, Readings, Talks, Tunes, Songs, Plays, or Tests, do name and call it by such vile and unseemly words, as Christian Ears do abhor to hear rehearsed: For reformation whereof, be it Enacted, &c.

20. This is their Narration; and according thereunto they do set down re∣medy and punishment for them that shall speak any contemptuous words, to deprave, despise, or revile this Sacrament. But what the words or sense there∣of are in particular, or what they mean by this despising or depraving, they do not set down, as they ought to have done if they had meant plainly; tho' by the words of their said Narration it may appear this Statute was made princi∣pally against Sacramentaries, that deny the Real Presence of the Body and Blood of our Savior, and do dispute and reason unreverently and ungodly thereof; this being the highest Injury, Contempt, or Depravation that can be done to it.* 1.583 But it pleased not the Makers of this Statute to be understood, or to deal clearly for the present in this behalf, but rather to speak obscurely and doubt∣fully, to the end they might afterward have a starting-hole to get out at, and become Zuinglians or Calvinists when they would. The other Clause of ad∣ministring the Sacrament under both kinds to all sorts of people, they put down more clearly, with this Exception only; except necessity otherwise require. By which words they allow also the use under one kind in time of necessity; which is far from that which since that time they have taught.

21. These were the two things of most moment determined about Religion in this first Parliament. Two other things were attempted by the Gospellers, with most earnest endeavor, but they could not be obtained. The first was to have a Book of Common Prayer pass, which they had composed in hast out of the Mass-Book, for altering the Service and Mass into English, or rather for abolishing of the Mass, and bringing in the new Communion in place thereof. And this Book was composed by certain appointed by the Protector and Cran∣mer. But when it came to the Parliament to pass, it was misliked,* 1.584 and con∣tradicted not only by Catholics, but by many Protestants also. Especially those that were the most forward, as Hooper, Rogers, and some other. Who according to Fox, were Puritans in those days, and would neither take the Oath of Supremacy to the young King, (as we shall shew more largely when we come to treat of them severally in the next Part of this Treatise) nor yet wear Typ∣pet, Cap, or Surpless. And misliked moreover the whole Government Ecclesi∣astical in that time; neither agreed with the Opinions of Doctrin set down by that Book. And so it was rejected with no small grief, both of the Duke, Pro∣tector, and Archbishop Cranmer.

22. The other Point proposed, and rejected also,* 1.585 was about allowance of Priests and Friers Marriages, and Legitimation of their Children. Wherein great force was made by them, that had taken Women first, and sought ap∣probation afterwards, but could not get it for the present. Though in the next Parliament about a year after, they obtained a certain mitigation therein, as you shall hear.

23. Now then this Parliament being thus past,* 1.586 and ended upon the 20 day of December, and the Protector much grieved, that no more could be obtain∣ed therein, to the favor of the new Gospellers; he thought good for the time to come, to use his Kingly Authority under the Name of the young Child, for the altering of divers Points in Religion, using Cranmer and some other also of the Council for his Instruments. And first they began with Bishop Bonner,* 1.587 as may appear by a Letter from the said Bonner written to Bishop Gardiner of Winchester the 28. of January 1548. wherein he writeth thus: My very good Lord, these be to advertise your Lordship, that my Lord of Canterbury's Grace, this present 28. of January, sent me his Letters Missive, containing this in effect. That my Lord Protector's Grace, with Advice of other the King's Majesties most Honorable Council, for certain Considerations them moving, are fully resolved,* 1.588 that no Candles shall be born upon Candlemas-day, nor from henceforth Ashes, nor Palms used any longer; Requiring me to cause Admonition thereof to be given unto your Lordship, and other Bishops with celerity, &c. Thus much there.

24. And after this again, upon the 11. of the next Month of February, the said Protector with some others of the Council, at his appointment wrote to Cranmer, and by him to all Bishops of the Realm, Commanding them to pull down all Images, in these words, amongst others:* 1.589 We have thought good (saith he) to signifie unto You that His Highness pleasure, with the Advice and Consent of Ʋs the Lord Protector and the rest of the Council is, that immediately upon the sight hereof, with as convenient diligence as You may,* 1.590 You give order that all Ima∣ges, remaining in any Church, or Chappel, &c. Be removed and taken away. And in the Execution hereof we require both You, and the rest of the Bishops, to use such foresight, as the same may be quietly done, with as good satisfaction of the People as may be, &c. From Somerset Place the 11. of February 1548. Your loving Friends: Edward Somerset, Henry Arundell, Anthony Wingfield, John Russell, Thomas Seymer, William Paget.

25. And now Candles, Ashes, and Images being gone (as you see) there followed in the next Month after, (to wit, of March) that the Protector de∣siring still to go forward with his designment of Alteration, sent abroad a

Proclamation in the Kings Name, with a certain Communion Book in En∣glish, to be used for Administration of Sacraments, instead of the Mass Book. but whether it was the very same, that was rejected a little before in the Parliament,* 1.591 or another patched up afterward, or the same mended or altered, is not so clear. But great care there was had by the Protector and his Adhe∣rents, that this Book should be admitted, and put in practice presently, even before it was allowed in Parliament. To which effect Fox setteth down a large Letter of the Council to all the Bishops, Exhorting and Commanding them, in the King's Name to admit, and put in Practice this Book. We have thought good (say they) to pray and require your Lordships, and nevertheless in the King's Majesty Our most Dread Lord's Name to Command You, to have a dili∣gent, earnest, and careful respect to cause these Books to be delivered to every Par∣son, Vicar and Curate within your Diocese, with such diligence as they may have suf∣ficient time well to instruct and advise themselves, for the distribution of the most holy Communion, according to the Order of this Book before this Easter time, &c. Praying you to consider, that this Order is set forth, to the intent there should be in all parts of the Realm, one Ʋniform manner quietly used. To the Execution whereof we do eftsoons require you to have a diligent respect, as you tender the King's Maje∣sties pleasure, and will answer to the contrary, &c. From Westminster the 13 of March 1548.

26. By all which, and by much more that might be alleged, it is evi∣dent, that all that was hitherto done against Catholic Religion for these first two years, until the second Parliament, was done by private Authority of the Protector and his Adherents,* 1.592 before Law, and against Law. And now what a Babylonical Confusion ensued in England upon these Innovations in all Churches, Parishes and Bishopricks commonly, is wonderful to recount. For some Priests said the Latin Mass, some the English Communion, some both, some neither: some said half of the one, and half of the other. And this was very ordinary: to wit, to say the Introitus and Confiteor in English: and then the Collects, and some other parts in Latin. And after that again the Epistles and Gospels in English, and then the Canon of the Mass in Latin, and lastly the Benediction, and last Gospel in English. And this mingle mangle did every man make at his pleasure, as he thought it would be most grateful to the people.

27. But that which was of more importance, and impiety; some did Con∣secrate Bread and Wine, others did not, but would tell the people be∣fore-hand plainly, they would not consecrate: but restore them their Bread and Wine back again, as they received it from them. Only adding to it the Church Benediction. And those that did Consecrate, did Consecrate in di∣vers forms, some aloud, some in secret, some in one form of words, and others in an other. And after Consecration some did hold up the Host to be Adored after the old fashion, and some did not; And of those that were present, some did kneel down and Adore, others did shut their Eyes, others turned their Faces aside, others ran out of the Church Blaspheming, and crying Idolatry.

28. And as this Confusion was in Spiritual Matters, during these two first years of King Edward's Reign: so no less was it in Temporal Affairs, especial∣ly in tne City of London,* 1.593 where a great Mortality and Pestilence was among the People, as Stow saith. And no less amazement, to see three chief Bishops sent to Prison Gardiner of Winchester, Bonner of London, and Tonstall of Du∣resme. But the greatest banding was betwixt the Protector, and his Brother the Admiral, and between their Wives, Queen Katherine Parre, and the Du∣ches of Somerset. In which Contention divers Chief Ministers and Apostate Friers were sticklers; but especially Hugh Latymer, that inveighed in his Ser∣mons against the Admiral in favor of the Protector. On the other side Frier

Bale was wholly addicted to Queen Catherine and her praises, having Printed and set her forth, in those very days for a famous Writer, and one of the Miracles of Womankind in his Book De scriptoribus Britannicis. For so he saith:* 1.594 Inge∣nii viribus, literarum peritia, verborum elegantia, & animi generositate foemine as dotes exuperat, &c. She doth exceed the Gifts of Womankind in the force of her Wit, in the skill of her Learning, in the elegancy of her Words, and ge∣nerosity of Mind. And again, Magnarum virtutum, ac unicum hoc saeculo pie∣tatis exemplar, &c. She is the only Example of great Virtues and Piety in this our Age. With which excessive praises the Duches of Somerset, that thought her self as Wise and Learned as the other, was so offended, that Frier Bale could get no Preferment, while her Husband was in Authority.

29. But now came on the second Parliament,* 1.595 which was upon the 4. day of November 1548. and second year of King Edward's Reign. The Protector, and his Gospellers, had made all the preparation possible to get Voice therein, for Establishing of that, which they desired in Religion. As it is no marvel, if it were not hard to do, seeing the chief Bishops were now restrained, terri∣fied, or put in Prison; some other of the Laity also disgraced, as the Earl of Southampton, Arundell, and others. The Lord Protector and Dudley, Armed with the remainder of their Forces made for Scotland. And the displeasure of the said Protector being held now for so dreadful a matter to any that resist∣ed his Designs, as it was expected daily, that his own Brother the Admiral should be made away by him upon like displeasure

30. But to speak of this Parliament begun now (as we have said) two things (as you remember) were excluded in the last Parliament, that could not pass, though never so much desired, and urged by the Protector and his Friends. To wit, the new Communion Book, and the allowance of Priests and Friers Marriages: but now both of them passed; albeit the second with a greater limitation, as you may see, for the Title of the Statute is only this, An Act to take away all Positive Laws of Man made against the Marriage of Priests. Whereby you see, that the Parliament being importuned by Priests and Fri∣ers, that had gotten them Women, to have them allowed by Parliament; they only obtained to be free from Temporal Punishment appointed for the same, leaving them to God for the rest, whether after their Vows made of Chastity, they were bound to observe the same, or no. Nay, in the very Act it self, they do highly commend Chastity in Priests, saying: That it were not only better for Priests and Ministers of the Church to live Chast, sole,* 1.596 and separate from the company of Women, &c. But that it were most to be wished, that they would willingly, and of themselves endeavor to keep a perpetual Chastity, and Abstinence from the use of Women. Yet forasmuch as the contrary hath been seen, &c. Be it Enacted that all Laws Positive, Canons, or Constitutions heretofore made by Au∣thority of Man only (which doth Prohibit or forbid Marriage to any Ecclesiastical Person) &c. Shall be utterly void and of none effect, together with the Pains, Pe∣nalties, Crimes, Actions thereunto Annexed, &c.

31. Thus goeth the Statute. Wherein you see there is nothing, but Impu∣nity given to Incontinent Priests and Friers, to use Women without fear of Punishment in this World. And thereby you may consider, that the first and chief endeavors of these new Gospellers tended principally to break down Hedges, and to dissolve Catholic Discipline, and to take away Punishments appointed as well to Heretics and Heresie in general (as by the former Parlia∣ment you have seen) as also to loose and Incontinent Clergy-men for their dissolute life. And thus much of the first Point. Let us come to the second, about the new Communion Book.

32. This Book, though it were made new again by great diligence, both of the Composers, which the Protector and his Followers had chosen for that

purpose, as also by the view of Cranmer, Ridley, and others of chief Authori∣ty in the Clergy:* 1.597 yet had it marvellous difficulty to pass, as may appear by very Act of Parliament it self. For that it was not only contradicted by Catholics, but also by many Protestants themselves: Misliking not only the Rites and Ceremonies therein appointed, but the very Articles of Doctrin al∣so. And in this were most vehement the foresaid Faction of Hooper, Rogers, Latymer, and some others, being at that time Puritans, as before we have noted.

33. But the chiefest, and hottest Contention of all (whereof the principal Point of their new Religion seemed to depend) was, whether they should be Lutherans, or Zwinglians, concerning the blessed Sacrament. Seeing they longer well could not dissemble the same, as they had done in the former Par∣liament: though otherwise (as I have said) it was somewhat hard to deter∣min. For that to the Lutherans enclined not only Cranmer, Ridley, and other in Ecclesiastical Authority, that had lived, and born Rule under King Henry VIII. before. But many of the Noble Men also, and Counsellors, that were half Catholics and half Protestants. Protestants, for liberty of eating of Flesh on forbidden days, Possessing Church-Livings, disobligation of Confession, and Restitution, and other such Motives: But yet for other matters were ra∣ther Catholic in judgment, and with these concurred such, as were come out of Saxony,* 1.598 and had Studied under Luther, as Bucer, Bale, Coverdale, and others. All which seemed to stand for the real Presence at that time. But against these were the Sacramentaries, whose Profession being of the fresher Frame, more pleased the Protector, and some other itching Ears, and thereby did overbear the other side, at length by the number of some few Voices in Parli∣ament, but yet with great difficulty. Whereupon the said Parliament was continued in Disputation, and Contention, especially about this matter for the space of four Months and a half; to wit, from the 4. of November, unto the 14. of March, and in the mean space, all was in suspence, of what Reli∣gion England should be. For as on the one side many that knew or suspected the Protectors inclination, did think and lay Wagers, that Zwinglianism would prevail: so others hearing that Archbishop Cranmer, and his party stood resolutely on the other side, and had punished divers for speaking against the Mass,* 1.599 and Real Presence in the Sacrament a little before, to wit, one Thomas Dobbe a Master of Art in Cambridge (as Fox telleth us) cast into the Counter by Cranmer, and held there till he died: and John Hume, Imprisoned for the same Cause by the said Archbishop: This (I say) made many to expect and Bett on the other side. But especially this doubt, and expectation was notorious in the Universities of Oxford, and Cambridge, where Peter Martyr, and Bucer, had Read now for the space of a year and more, and were often∣times urged and pressed much by their Scholars, (whereof the far greater parts in those days were Catholics,) to declare themselves clearly, of what Opinion they wear, touching the Sacrament of the Altar, and the Real Pre∣sence; To wit, whether they were Lutherans or Zwinglians. But they kept themselves aloof, and indifferent or rather doubtful, so far as they could, un∣til the determination of the Parliament should come. Yet was Peter Martyr put into a great strait thereby. For that having taken upon him to Read, and Expound to the Scholars of Oxford the first Epistle to the Corinthians (where∣in the Apostle in the Eleventh Chapter handleth the Institution of the Blessed Sacrament) he had thought to have come to that place just at the very time, when the Parliament should have determined this Controversie.

34. But the Contention enduring longer by some Months, than he expected, he was come to the Eleventh Chapter long before they could end in London. Whereupon many Posts went to and fro between him and Cranmer, to re∣quire

a speedy resolution,* 1.600 alleging that he could not detain himself any long∣er, but that being come to the words Hoc est Corpus meum, he must needs de∣clare himself a Lutheran or a Zuinglian: But he was willed to stay, and entertain himself in other matter, until the Determination might come; and so the poor Frier did, with admiration and laughter of all his Scholars, stand∣ing upon those precedent words; Accepit Panem, &c. Et gratias agens, &c. Fregit, &c. Et dixit, &c. Accipite, & manducate, &c. discoursing largely of every one of these Points, and bearing off from the other that ensued. But when at length the Post came that Zuinglianism must be defended, then stepped up Peter Martyr boldly the next day, and said, Hoc est Corpus meum,* 1.601 This is my Body; interpreting it, This is the Sign of my Body; adding more∣over, that he wondred how any man could be of another Opinion, seeing this Exposition was so clear. Whereas if the Post had brought other News, himself also would have taught the contrary Opinion. And this Story was testified (whil'st they were alive) by Dr. Sanders, Dr. Allen, Dr. Stapleton, and others, that were present at this Trifling and Tergiversation of this Apo∣state-Frier. And thus began our Zuinglian Gospel in England under King Edward VI.

35. Now let us hear a word or two out of the Statute it self about this Communion Book, and profession of Zuinglianism, establish'd in England, after two years strife among the Protestants. Whereas of long time (saith the Act) there hath been in this Realm of England divers Forms of Common Prayer,* 1.602 commonly called the Service of the Church, as well concerning the Mattins and Even-Song, as also the holy Communion, called the Mass, &c. And whereas the King's Majesty, with the Advice of his most entirely-beloved Ʋncle the Lord Protector, and others of his Highness's Council, hath heretofore divers times assayed to stay Innova∣tions, or new Rites concerning the premises; yet the same hath not had such good success as his Highness required in that behalf. Whereupon his Highness, by the most prudent Advice aforesaid,* 1.603 being pleased to bear with the frailty and weakness of his Subjects in that behalf, of his great Clemency hath been not only content to ab∣stain from punishment in that behalf, but also, to the intent that an uniform, quiet, and godly Order should be had concerning the premisses, hath appointed the Archbishop of Canterbury, and certain of the most learned and discreet Bishops, to consider and ponder the premises; and thereupon, having as well an eye and respect to the most sincere and pure Christian Religion taught by the Scriptures, as to the Ʋsages of the Primitive Church, should draw and make one convenient and meet Order, Rite, and Fashion of Common-Prayer and Administration of Sacraments to be used in England, Wales, &c. The which at this time, by the Aid of the Holy Ghost, with uniform Agreement, is by them concluded set forth, and delivered, to his Highness's great comfort, and quietness of mind, in a Book entituled, The Book of Common-Prayer and Administration of Sacraments, &c.

36. This is the Preface to that Act of Parliament; whereby you may see that this Communion-Book was devis'd first for bearing with the frailty of them that sought Innovations; & then that it was perform'd by uniform Consent, & Aid of the Holy Ghost, according to the most sincere and pure Christian Religion taught in the Scriptures; and lastly, that the young Child-Prince received great comfort and quietness of mind thereby. All which is ridiculous, if you consi∣der what a multitude of Errors and gross Absurdities the latter Protestants (especially the preciser sort of them) have gathered out against this Book; yea, after it was twice more reviewed, altered and amended, (according to the pure Word of God) as was pretended once in King Edward's days it self, and then again in the beginning of her Majesties Reign; whereof, tho' I have spo∣ken sufficiently in my Defence of the first Encounter against Sir F. Hastings, yet cannot I omit to admonish the Reader in this place to read the ninth Chapter

of the second Book,* 1.604 entituled, Dangerous Positions, &c. set forth by public Per∣mission, and printed in London, Anno 1593. In which Chapter you shall see put together the words of divers new Gospellers concerning this Communion-Book, affirm'd here in the Statute to be according to the most sincere and pure Chri∣stian Religion taught by the Scriptures: But they say the contrary, to wit, that it is full of corruption, and that many of the Contents thereof are against the Word of God, the Sacraments wickedly mangled and prophaned therein, the Lord's Supper not eaten, but made a Pageant and Stage play; that their public Baptism is full of childish superstitious toys.

37. And finally, not to stand any longer upon this proof, how the latter Gos∣pellers according to their pure Word of God do reject and contemn the very pure Word of God of Cranmer and Ridley's time, (alleging for reason, among other things, as the Survey of pretended Discipline saith, cap 28. That the Sun of the Gospel shineth more clear in these days than in those:) Not to stand, I say, upon this, Fox himself doth sufficiently shew that this pure Communion Book and Or∣der therein set down, was mislik'd and rejected by the most zealous sort of Pro∣testants even in those days,* 1.605 as may appear by that which the said John Fox telleth us, when he talketh of the Prophetical Spirit of John Rogers the Mini∣ster that was burn'd in Queen Maries days; how he sent word to the Brethren by a certain Book-binder, that except the Gospellers when they returned into England again (for so, saith Fox, he prophesied they should) did follow the Form and Plot set down by Him and Hoop••r, (different from this of Cranmer and others) they should have as bad an end as he and his Fellows had, that were burned under Queen Mary.

38. But yet for the present this was the pure Word of God, and the Work of the Holy Ghost, and no man might mislike or reprove it without danger and great punishment; especially if he was a Catholic, for above all others they were to be punished, (especially the Catholic Bishops in Prison for resisting the former Book obtruded in the first Parliament;) which yet was pardoned to others;* 1.606 for so saith the Statute immediately after in these words: That all and singular person and persons that have offended concerning the premises, (other than such as now be and remain in ward in the Tower of London, or in the Fleet) may be pardoned thereof.

39. But to return to our story, and first planting of the Gospel under King Edward, you must note, That together with this Comedy of the new Book of Service, disputed and passed in this Parliament, wherein the Protector was a chief Part and Actor, there was a bloody Tragedy handled in like manner, whereof he was both Head and Instigator; for that about the midst of the Par∣liament (to wit,* 1.607 upon the 16th of January) he caused his Brother Lord Thomas Seymor, High-Admiral of England, to be suddenly arrested and sent Prisoner to the Tower, being in Mourning-Apparel at that time for the late Death of his Wife Queen Catherine Parre; and not suffering the said Brother of his to be heard or come to his Trial, he caused a Condemnation to pass against him in the said Parliament, which beginneth thus: Whereas Sir Thomas Seymor, Knight, Lord Seymor of Sudley, High Admiral of England, not having God before his eyes, &c. Thus beginneth the Act, and then followeth a long Narration of his Of∣fences; as, That he desired to have the custody of the King, was ambitions, and married Queen Catherine Parre secretly before he told the King or his Brother of it, and after help'd to make her away again with secret intention to marry the Lady Eli∣zabeth, if he could get her; was ungrateful for many benefits both of the King and his said Brother the Lord Protector;* 1.608 persuaded the young King to take the Govern∣ment into his own hands, and thereby to exclude the said Protector from his Dignity and Government. It was inferred, That the said Lord Admiral aspir'd to the Crown it self, and to the Destruction of the King's Person, Lands, Realm, Church, and Commonwealth, &c.

40. All these things (I say) and many other, are related in this Act of Par∣liament of Attainder against the Lord Seymor, Sir William Sharington, and other his Friends and Followers, but not prov'd at all by any thing in the Narration. But yet such was the force of his Brother and other chief Gospellers against him, (a doleful beginning of the new Gospel for him) as he was condemned to be Hang'd, Drawn, and Quarter'd, and upon favor was Beheaded upon the 20th of March following. And presently the Protector, as triumphing both over his Mother and Brother, (as one said in those days, for that the Church was as well his Mother, as the Admiral his Brother) he made a Proclamati∣on upon the 6th of April to put down the Mass throughout the whole Realm; whereupon there ensued such Revel presently in London and in other places of the Realm, as was strange and pitiful: the blessed Sacrament being thrust out in hast of every Church, and Altars pull'd down;* 1.609 and upon the 10th of April (being but four days after) the whole Cloister of St. Paul's Church in London was thrown down; and together with That, a goodly Work of Antiquity cunningly wrought, called the Dance of Pauls, environing the said Cloister, was beaten down and defaced also; another goodly Monument in like man∣ner of Antiquity belonging to the same Church, called the Charnel-house of Pauls, (where the Tombs, Bones, and Memories of dead Men were) was all beaten down by the fury of this time, and the dead Mens Bones cast out into the Fields, as both Holinshead, Stow, and other Chroniclers,* 1.610 do re∣late.

41. And for that the Protector had designed to raise a famous Palace, wor∣thy of his Greatness and Renown, for his Habitation and perpetual Memory, called Somerset-Place, he first caused the Parish Church of the Strand with∣out Temple-Bar, together with Strand-Inn and Strand-Bridge, to be pull'd down, to give place to that Palace; and to the end he might have Stone for the same more near at hand, and with less Charges, he caused the fair goodly Church of St. John of Jerusalem near Smithfield (belonging in former time to the Knights of Rhodes) to be undermin'd, and with Gunpowder to be overthrown, and the Stone thereof to be applied to the building of his said House and Palace.

42. And this was the form of the first planting of the new Gospel in Lon∣don by Gunpowder, tearing and renting of ancient Monuments, and over∣throwing of Churches; far unlike to the first planting of Christian Faith in England by St. Augustin and his Fellows, before in part by us described. And if this Revel was in London in the sight of the Prince and Council, and where most Order and Law ought to be kept, we may easily imagin what was pra∣ctised throughout all the other parts of the Realm, where less respect was born to the public Magistrate, by no less unruly Spirits than were in London; whereupon the poor afflicted Catholic people were forced to take Arms for their defence. And from hence began the Commotions and Insurrections above mentioned of divers Shires for retaining their Religion: But being overcome and oppressed by Martial Law, and by the Troops of English and Foreign Souldiers made for the Scottish Voyage not long before, there ensued infinite Misery, Murther, Massacre, and Mortality in the Realm. All which the Earl of Warwick, with the help of others of the Nobility, laying afterwards to the Protector's charge, in the end of the very next year (to wit, the 3d of King Edward's Reign) they cast him into the Tower, deprived him of his Protectorship, and had cut off his Head also at that time,* 1.611 had not the Dutchess of Somerset prudently pacified the Earl of Warwick by present∣ing a rich Casket of Jewels unto the Countess his Wife, (whereunto my Author was p••ivy;) and moreover she offered a new Complot of Affi∣nity between the said Earl and Duke, which afterward was effectuated;

to wit, the Marriage between the Son of the Earl and Daughter of the Duke. All which,* 1.612 together with a most humble, lowly and base Submission made by the said Protector, (which is extant in our Chronicles) moved the Earl to pardon him for the present, and to restore him to a kind of Liberty at his own House, and after that again to the Council and King's presence, (for of all he was deprived) but never to the Protectorship: Nay, soon after he cast him into Prison again, and cut off his Head, as all men know; and had there∣unto the help of many chief Gospellers, who not long after this laid other Complots (conform to the turbulent humor and fruits of this Gospel) and made other new Alliances between the House of Suffolk (that was most forward of all others in Gospelling) and the said Earl of Warwick, now Duke of North∣umberland; which Alliances are supposed to have shortned the young unfor∣tunate King's Life, and known to have meant the Subversion of the whole Course of the Royal Line and Succession appointed by King Henry VIII. (cut∣ting off his two Daughters, Mary and Elizabeth, that remained after King Ed∣ward) if God had not strangely defended them by cutting off these Evangeli∣cal Contrivances.

43. Wherefore, to be no longer in this matter, which is clear enough of it self, we do see how the first public Introduction of Protestant Religion that ever was admitted in England, from Christ to that time, came in both under King Henry, and much more under King Edward his Son; to wit, how, and upon what occasions, by whom and what men the same was both preached and favored, and what effects, by what means, and in what form and fashion it was performed;* 1.613 for as for the occasions, they have been declared before: But under King Edward, it is evident that they were the Childhood and Infancy of a tender young Prince, together with the Ambition, Covetousness, Pride, and desire of sole Command, in his Uncle the Protector; which motives made him break the Will and Testament, Laws and Ordinances, of his old Dread Lord King Henry, before almost his Blood was cold after his death: and the like In∣ductions of Promotions drew after him others, who seconded his Actions as long as they were profitable unto them.

44. As for the men that first and principally broached these Doctrins, they were for the most part married Friers and Apostate Priests that living in Con∣cupiscence of Women, and other Sensuality, desired to maintain and conti∣nue the same by the Liberty of this new Gospel. The Promoters and Favo∣rers of these Men were such especially of the Laity and Clergy, as had more Interest by the Change for their own Promotion and Advancement, than Conscience, or persuasion of Judgment, for the Truth of their Religion; as would appear, if we should name them one by one that then were of the Council and chief Authority. The Effects and spiritual Fruits of this first Change were (as you have seen and heard) the most notorious Vices of Am∣bition, Dissimulation, Hatred, Deceit, Tyranny, and Subversion one of ano∣ther; together with Division, Dissention, Garboils, and Desolation of the Realm; yea, plain Atheism, Irreligion, and contempt of all Religion that ever was known to have risen up in any Kingdom of the World within the com∣pass of so few years: And (that which is most remarkable) there followed presently the Overthrow of all the principal Actors and Authors of these In∣novations by God's own wonderful hand; and this more in these six years, than in sixty, or six score or perhaps six hundred, hath been seen to have fallen out in England in other times. And no doubt but it is of singular considera∣tion,* 1.614 that whereas true Christian Religion (but especially any Change or Reformation to the better part) is admitted, there presently do ensue by usual consequence great effects of Piety, Devotion, Charity and vertuous Life, if the Reformation be sincere, & come from God indeed; here on the contrary side the

Providence of God did shew a notorious document to the whole World, of the falshood and wickedness of this new Gospel, in that the first professors and pro∣moters thereof in our Land, fell to more open wickedness in these Five years, than in so many Fifties before, as hath been said.

45. And the chief Captain and Ringleader of all this Dance of Innovations after the Protector himself, (to wit, the Duke of Northumberland) coming soon after to Calamity, fell into the accompt and reckoning of this matter, and made a long vehement declaration thereof in the Chappel of the Tower, before divers of the Council, the day before he was put to death, to wit, upon the 21. of August 1553, shewing, that he had found true by good experience, that this new Gospel (which he had followed hitherto) tended to nothing but to Atheism in Religion, dissolution of Life, and perturbation of the Common∣wealth; which he repeated again at his Death, and the same was presently put in Print, and so it remained. Tho' Holinshed, Hooker and Harrison,* 1.615 (like false Companions as they be) do leave it out wholly of their large Chronicle, telling only, that he and the Duke of Somerset were buried one by the other in the Tower. But Stow proceedeth more handsomly; for tho' he omit the larger rehearsal of the matter, and do speak of other things less odious; yet doth he so set down the thing, as the truth may easily be seen thereby, which the other Companions do hold from us of purpose: for thus he writeth.

46. The rest of the Duke's Speech, almost in every Point,* 1.616 was as he had said in the Chappel of the Tower, saving that when he had made Confession of his Belief, (Stow dare not tell what Belief, for that it was wholly Catholic, with many vehement Protestations against the Heresies of that time) he had these words: Here I do protest unto you, good People, most earnestly,* 1.617 even from the bottom of my Heart, that this which I have spoken, is of my self, not being required nor moved thereunto by any man, for any flattery or hope of Life. I take witness of my Lord of Worcester here, my old Friend and Ghostly Father, that he found me in this mind and opinion when he came to me. But I have declared this only upon my own mind and affection, and for the zeal and love that I bear to my natural Country. And I could, good People, rehearse much more even by experience that I have of this Evil, that is happened to this Realm by th••se occasions. But now, you know, I have another thing to do, whereunto I must prepare me, &c. And having thus spoken, he kneeled down, saying to them that were about him, I beseech you all to bear me witness, that I die in the true Catholic Faith. And then said he the Psalms of Miserere and De Profundis, his Pater. Noster, &c.

47. This is Stow's Narration; whereby you see first the dishonesty and falshood of the other Chroniclers, that leave it quite out; and the cozenage of John Fox, that only saith it in two or three Lines, and lieth most shamefully,* 1.618 affirming, That he having Promise made unto him, that tho' his Head were upon the Block, he should have his Pardon if he would recant, he consented thereunto. Which yet you see the Duke protesteth the contrary upon his Death, that it was not for Flattery or hope of Life, or upon any Man's Instruction, but only upon Conscience, first to save his own Soul, and then for desire to deliver his natural Country from the Infection of Heresie, and Calamities thereon en∣suing.

48. And thus much of those Men and their Fruits, who first planted this Gosael. But now as for the Means whereby these things were wrought, you have heard them before; that they were all commonly by pulling down, thrusting out, dissolving of Discipline, giving immunity from punishments to all sorts of Heretics, and of Marriage to loose Priests and Apostate Friers, and other like licentious Liberties, far different from the purity, severity, and strict∣ness of Life used by the first Planters of Christ's Gospel. And as for the form and fashion of this new Religion, set up under this Child-King, it was, as you

have heard both their own Men and ours testifie,* 1.619 compounded and patched up of all diversity of Sects and Religions, as it pleased the Composers; many things they took and retained of ours, as well in Doctrin, as in Rites and Cere∣monies; Some things of the Lutherans, some others of the Zuinglians; some of the Relicks of King Henry's mutation, as that of the Supreme Head of the Church, (a singular Point of Doctrin, proper to England above all other Nati∣ons.) But most of this Composition was of their own Inventions, which yet neither the Protestants that remained in secret under Queen Mary, did wholly allow, as appeareth by that which I have cited before of John Rogers's Pro∣phecy, nor the other that began again under her Majesty that now is, did wholly readmit the form and fashion, but made a new one of their own, as by their Communion-Book is evident; nor do the purer sort of Calvinists in these days, any way like or approve the one or the other, as before we have shewed.

49. Whereupon I may conclude as well this Chapter, as also this whole Second Part, that neither under King Henry the VIII. nor King Edward the VI. nor Queen Mary, had John Fox any distinct Church extant or known to the World, especially if his Church be the Puritan Congregation, as he will seem to signifie in many places of his Acts and Monuments. But whether he have any such Church now visible under her Majesty at this day in England, and in what state and condition it standeth, I will not stand to enquire or discuss, but do leave it to my Lords of Lambert and London, whom most it concerneth, be∣ing sufficient for me to have shewed throughout all former Christian Ages, that John Fox hath had no Church of any Antiquity; and consequently, if he he have any now, it must be a very young Church, and of so tender Age, as he may marry her to what Sect or Sectary he listeth for her Youth, and that with hope of Brood and Issue. And so much of all this matter.

CHAP. XIII.

The Conclusion of both these former Parts, together with a particular Di∣scourse of the notorious different Proceeding of Catholics and Protestants, in searching out the truth of Matters in Controversie.

BY all that hitherto hath been written and discoursed (good Christian Reader) about the former Subject of discerning true Christian Religion, and the way whereby to know and find the same, I do not doubt, but that of thy prudence thou hast observed a far different course holden by us that are Catholics, and our Adversaries in this behalf, we seeking to make matters plain, evident, easie, perspicuous and demonstrable (so far as may be) even to the Eye it self; whereas our Adversaries, and namely John Fox, according to that which by reading this Treatise you have seen, doth altogether the con∣trary, intangling himself and his Reader with such Obscurities, Difficulties and Contradictions, both about Times, Matter, and Men, as he findeth not where to begin, nor where to end, nor yet how to go forward or backward, in that he had taken in hand; which I suppose to have been abundantly shewed by that which hitherto hath been written: For whereas we, for our parts, be∣gin clearly with the very first Corps or Body of Religion, Instituted by Christ himself, and the first Professors thereof that made a Church or Christian Con∣gregation, and do never after leave the same, but do deduce it visibly and without interruption from that time to this, and thereby do shew the begin∣ning and continuance of one and the same Religion from their days to ours.

John Fox on the other side knoweth not well either where to begin, where to insist, or where to end, as sufficiently you have seen tried: For albeit in the Tile of his Book he tells us, that he will bring down his Church from the A∣postles time to ours,* 1.620 and then after in his Protestation to the Christian Reader he do••h tell us farther, that his true Church is different from the great visible Roman Church; yet in the prosecution of his Work, he setteth forth and de∣scribeth only the Roman Church, as before we have declared, and doth not so much as name any distinct visible Church of his own or other, except only of such Heretics as himself, also condemneth for such, different from the said Roman Church for the space of almost 1200 years;* 1.621 and then falleth he into such a strange extravagant humor of building a new Church for him∣self and his, out of all sorts and Sects of later Heretics, as being not able in all Points for very shame to allow their Opinions, (which in many Points are most absurd and contradictory both to him and us, as also among themselves) he findeth himself extremely intangled, nor cannot tell which way to wind (tho' he be a Fox) nor which way to turn his Head, but is forced to double hither and thither, to go forth and back, say and unsay, and to cast a hundred shadows of wrangling glosses upon the whole matter, thereby to obscure the same to the Eyes and Ears of his Reader.

2. And finally it seemeth to me,* 1.622 that the difference between us and him and his, to wit, between Catholics and Protestants in this behalf, is not much unlike to that of two Cloth-sellers of London, the one a Royal Merchant, which layeth open his Wares clearly, giveth into your hands the whole piece of Cloth at mid-day, willeth you to view and behold it in the Sun, removeth all veils, pentices, and other stoppings of light that may give obscurity, or impediment to the manifest beholding, handling and discerning thereof; Whereas con∣trariwise the other, being a crafty Broker, or poor Pedlar, having no substan∣tial Wares indeed to sell, but such as are false made, and deceitfully wrought, and taken up also for the most part of the others leavings, seeketh by all means possible to sell in corners, and to shut out the Sun, that it be not well seen, or to give you a sight thereof by false lights only; neither will he deli∣ver you the whole piece into your hand, to be examined throughly by your self, but sheweth you one end thereof only, different from the rest which he suppresseth. And this manner of proceeding shall you find verified on their side throughout this whose Treatise, as we have done already, I doubt not, if you have read it over with attention; yet mean I in this place to discover the same somewhat more in particular, for an upshot and conclusion of these first two parts of my Treatise.

3. Three special differences then I do find between our Adversaries and us concerning the Affair of this Treatise,* 1.623 about the finding out of true Religion by the true Church, and by the beginning, progress, and continuance there∣of. The first is the estimation of the thing it self; The second the assigning out, or description thereof; The third the marks and properties, whereby to know and discover the same: Of every one whereof I shall speak a word or two in order.

4. For estimation of the great importance,* 1.624 and singular moment of this matter, the difference is evident between us, for that we affirm the finding out and holding this Church, to be of such weight, as that all lieth therein for certainty and security of belief, and for determining of all doubts and contro∣versies in all times and places, and in all matters of Religion whatsoever, even from Christ to the Worlds end. For we say with S. Augustin, when any dif∣ficulty falleth out, Quisquis falli metuit hujus obscuritate quaestionis, Ecclesiam de illa consulat; Whosoever doth fear to be deceived by the obscurity of this Question in controversie, let him go to the Church for his Resolution, and he shall be secure.

We say also with Lactantius Firmianus before St. Augustin,* 1.625 who was Master and Tutor to Crispus, Son to Constantine the Great: Sol•• Catholica Ecclesia est, quae verum Dei cultum retinet, hic autem est fons veritatis, hoc domicilium fidei, hoc templum Dei, quo si quis non intraverit, vel à quo si quis exierit, à spe vitae, ac salutis aeternae altenus est; The only Catholic Church is that which hath the true Wor∣ship of Almighty God in it, and this is the Fountain of all Truth, this is the House or Habitation of Faith, this is the Temple of God, into which whosoever doth not enter, or out of which whosoever doth depart, he is devoid of all hope of Life and everlasting Salvation.

5. Thus wrote Lactantius 1300 years ago, and addeth presently these words following, whereby he well sheweth the conformity of spirit of those old Here∣tics with ours at this day:* 1.626 Sed tamen singuli quique coetus haereticorum se potissimum Christianos,* 1.627 & suam esse Catholicam Ecclesiam putant. But yet every Congre∣gation of Heretics do think themselves chiefly and principally to be Christi∣ans, and their Church to be the Catholic Church. And do not ours so in like manner at this day? But let us go forward to speak a word or two more of the different estimation we make of this matter.

6. St.Cyprian, that lived more than Sixty years before Lactantius, maketh the very same account with him and us, that all is lost, if we lose or miss this Church:* 1.628 Ardeant (saith he) licet flammis, &c. Albeit such Christians as are not in this Church should live never so well yea, should be so forward and fervous in defence of Christian Religion, as they should burn in Flames for the same, or be de∣voured by Beasts, yet this should be to them, Non corona fidei, sed poena perfidiae; Not a Crown of Faith, but a Punishment for their Perfidiousness. Which Do∣ctrin of St. Cyprian, St. Augustin, as a devout Scholar of his, doth often repeat: Foris ab Ecclesia constitutus (saith he to a Donatist) aeterno supplicio punieris,* 1.629 etiamsi pro Christi nomine vivus incendereris; Thou being out of the Catholic Church thou shalt be punished with eternal torment, albeit thou wert burned alive for the Name of Christ.

7. And finally, not to go from the forenamed holy Man St. Cyprian in this behalf, who died for the defence of Christ's Faith, and the true Catholic Church,* 1.630 and is a most blessed Martyr and Doctor to us all, he after a long Discourse made touching a Christian Man that misseth in this Point of finding out and following the true Catholic Church, and yet in other things endea∣voureth to live well, and sheweth great Zeal in God's Cause, and desireth in his Mind even to die for the same, of this Man he pronounceth this Sentence, Nunquam perveniet ad Christi praemia,* 1.631 &c. Alienus est, prophanus est, host is est, ha∣bere non potest Deum Patrem, qui Ecclesiam non habet matrem; This Man, notwith∣standing all his other good Works and Endeavors, shall never come to enjoy the Re∣wards of Christ in Heaven; he is an Alien, he is Prophane, he is an Enemy, he can∣not have God for his Father, which hath not the Church for his Mother.

8. Thus said St. Cyprian, as also all ancient holy Fathers after him, whereof I might alledge many Authorities, if it were not over long; and the same say we that are Catholics, and do hold the same Faith and Church with them at this day.* 1.632 We do hold (I say) that the first and principal Point of all other for a Christian Man, that meaneth his own Salvation, is to seek out the true Catholic Church, and to consider whether he be of it, or in it, or no: For if he be not, then all other diligence and labor is void and in vain, except it be to seek out this; and if he be in it, then is he in the right way of Salvation; not for that all be saved who are within her, (as in the second Point shall be shewed) but for that all those who are out of her, shall be certainly damned, as now you have heard out of the chiefest Fathers of the ancient Catholic Church. And this is the first Point of singular moment, for which we esteem this Church so highly, for that no Salvation can be had without her.

9. But Secondly,* 1.633 we esteem also the importance of this matter by the great and excellent helps which in this Church above all other Congregations, Chri∣stian Men have to procure their Salvation, tho' all do not use the same to their best benefit, and thereby do miscarry. For to come to some particulars, we say, That in this Church, and no where else, is the truth of Faith, and certainty thereof,* 1.634 and this by the perpetual assistance of the Holy Ghost promised there∣unto by the Founder, God himself.* 1.635 In this Church is the infallible Judgment both about the Books of Scripture and their Interpretation, as all other Doubts and Controversies, according to that you have heard before out of S. Augustin. In this Church alone, and no where else, is there true Priesthood by lawful Succession, Unction, and Imposition of Hands,* 1.636 and consequently Remission also of Sins by the Authority they have from Christ to that effect. In this Church is the true number, use, and force of holy Sacraments, and Grace given by them. In this Church is Unity of Faith and Doctrin, Communion of Saints, and of Merits and Prayers, which no where else is to be found. And finally, in this Church alone is there warrant and security from Error, assurance from over∣throw, failing, or fading; which security is established by the promise of Christ himself, as our God Creator and Redeemer, and to endure unto the worlds end.

10. All these utilities and most singular benefits do we believe to be in this Catholic Church, above all other Congregations in the world. In respect whereof we hold this Church to be our ship, our rock, our castle, our fortress, our mistress, our mother, our skilful pilot throughout all storms of heresies, our pillar and firmament of truth against falshood, our house of refuge against tri∣bulation, our protection, our direction, our help, aid, and security in all points; and if any man perish in her, it is by his own default; but out of her none can but perish. And this is our estimation of this Affair.

11. But now how different an account Protestants do make both of this, or their own Church, is easily seen by their own words and doings: For a 1.637 as they contemn and impugn our Church, which we hold for the only true, so do they seldom speak of their own. For when shall you hear a Minister or Protestant Writer, allege the Authority of his Church against us, or against his own Fel∣lows, when they fall out (as often they do) or if he should, how lightly is it esteemed even by themselves? You may b 1.638 read the eager Contentions of the Protestant Churches of Saxony, which are Lutherans, against those of Heidelberg, and other Towns of the Palsgrave's Country, that are of a different Sect; and of these again against other Consorts of other Provinces, both of Switzerland and other parts of Germany, yea between the soft and severe Lutherans them∣selves, as between the Calvinian Churches of England and Scotland; and in En∣gland it self, between the Protestants, Puritans, and Brownists at this day, (who are nothing else but soft and severe Calvinists). In all which sharp Contenti∣ons, if any part do but name the Authority of their several Church, (which is very seldom) the other presently falleth into laughter, holding the Authority thereof so ridiculous, as it is not worth the naming; so as the Argument taken from the Authority of the Church, (which with us is of so high esteem, as we say with c 1.639 S. Augustin, That we would not believe the Gospel, if the Authority of the Church did not move us thereunto) with these Fellows is most base and contem∣ptible.

12. Moreover, when they talk of their own Churches, tho' every Sect and Sectary for Honors sake would be content to have them accounted Catholic, (as Lactantius before testified of the Heretics of his time) yet do they speak it so coldly, and do use the word Catholic so sparingly, as they will shew, that in their Consciences they do not believe it; and a man might answer them as S. Augustin answered Gaudentius the Donatist, whose Sect being a particular

company of Heretics in Africa, presumed by little and little first in jest, and then in earnest, to call themselves Catholics, and their Church the Catholic Church, (as Protestants do at this day) and being reprehended for it by S. Au∣gustin and others, would needs prove the same by the Definition of Catholic taken out of S. Cyprian.* 1.640 S. Augustin (I say) after a long refutation thereof out of S. Cyprian's words to the contrary, concludeth thus: Quid igitur, & vos ipsos, &c. Why then do you go about both to deceive your selves and other Men with impudent Lies against S. Cyprian? If your Church be the Catholic Church by the te∣stimony of this Martyr, shew us that your Church doth stretch her beams and boughs throughout the whole Christian World,* 1.641 as ours doth; for this S. Cyprian called Ca∣tholic, &c. So as by S. Augustin's Argument, if the Protestants cannot shew that their Church hath her beams and boughs spread throughout all the Chri∣stian World, and that her Faith is the general Faith received amongst all Chri∣stians, and not only of particular Provinces, then cannot they call her, or esteem her for Catholic, as indeed they do not, but for fashion sake, and from the teeth outward, as hath been shewed.

13, For when they come to set her out in her best colours, they make her but a very obscure, base and contemptible thing; first in outward shew, calling her, the poor,* 1.642 oppressed, and persecuted Church (as Fox's words are) troden under foot, neglected in the World, not regarded in Histories, and almost scarce visible, &c. So as where all the ancient Fathers do triumph and vaunt against both Heretics and Heathens (as we do at this day against Protestants) that the Catholic Church is more eminent and splendent than the Sun it self, and more famously known than any other Temporal Kingdom or Monarchy that ever was in the World; Fox of his Church confesseth, that she is scarce visible, neglected in the World, not regarded in Histories, &c.

14. And then again he playeth fast and loose, making her visible and invi∣sible.* 1.643 Altho' (saith he) the right Church be not so invisible in the world as none can see it, yet neither is it so visible again, that every worldly Eye may perceive it. So saith he. But how contrary to this was S. Chrysostom, who would not yield that the right Catholic Church could be so much as obscured by any force or means whatsoever, and thereof vaunting against Infidels, saith, It may be, perhaps, that some Heathen here will despise my arrogancy (about the Majesty of our Church) but let him have patience to expect until I come forth with my Proofs, and then shall he learn the force of truth, and how it is easier for the Sun it self to be wholly extinguish∣ed, than for the Church to be so much as darkned or obscured. Thus said S. Chrysostom. And mark (good Reader) the difference of Spirits; S. Chrysostom vaunteth of the outward splendor and majesty of his Church, and John Fox contrariwise doth brag of the obscurity and contemptibility of their Church. And so again, whereas we hold and highly esteem, that our Church hath all truth of Christ's Doctrin and Religion in it, Fox writeth of his Church, as before we have re∣corded;* 1.644 That by God's mighty Providence there hath always been kept in her some sparks of Christ's true Doctrin and Religion.

15. Again, whereas we glory, that in our Church there is power to ab∣solve from sins,* 1.645 security from error, and the like; Fox denieth these privileges to be in his Church, objecting unto us for an error, against the first, in a certain Treatise of his before his Acts and Monuments, That we in our Church have Con∣fession and Absolution at the Priests hands, &c. And against the second he bring∣eth in a large Conference of Ridley and Latimer agreeing together, that the greater part of the Universal Catholic Church may err, but yet fearfully, as you shall see more largely in the Third Part of this Treatise,* 1.646 when we shall come to treat of these Foxian Saints and their Festival Days, Acts and Monu∣ments. The same Patriarchs also do censure S. Augustin's Speech before by me alleged, for an excessive vehemency (for so are their words) where he saith, That

he would not believe the Gospel, if the Authority of the Catholic Church did not move him thereunto; signifying thereby, as before hath been noted,* 1.647 that he could not know Scriptures to be Scriptures, nor the Gospel to be Gospel, neither their sense and meaning to be such as they were taken for, but by the Authority of the Universal Catholic Church, that had conserved them from time to time, and delivered them to him, and to the rest of the World, for such to be be∣lieved.

16. Wherefore to conclude this matter, seeing that John Fox doth allow so well this Doctrin of his Patriarchs, Ridley and Latimer,* 1.648 and thereby doth take from the true Church (and consequently in his meaning, from his own) all this excellent Authority which S. Augustin and other Fathers do ascribe to the Ca∣tholic Church, to wit the Sovereignty of approving or rejecting true or false Scriptures, of discerning between Books and Books, and judging of their true interpretations; and seeing further he taketh away from his Church both Confession and Absolution of sins, and all efficacy of Sacraments, leaving them only to bare Signs, that do signifie and not work, seeing he taketh away from her all infallibility of Doctrin, confessing that she may err, and contenteth him∣self that she retain ever some sparkles only of true Doctrin and Religion, as before hath been shewed out of his own words; and considering moreover, that he maketh her so poor a thing as now you have seen, and furnisheth her with such rags, to wit, with such variety of Sectaries as is ridiculous to name, they disagreeing among themselves, and the one most opposite to the other in Doctrin and Belief, she being such a Church (I say) so poor and miserable,* 1.649 so obscure and ragged, so doubtful and uncertain, no marvail tho' they make little account of her, or give small credit unto her, which in very deed is no greater than is given to the worst man, or most dishonest woman living, which is to believe her so far, as she can prove by others what she saith to be true, to wit, by Scriptures, without which witness none of her own children or hous∣hold will credit or believe her; which is a remarkable Point, for that with the same condition they will believe the Devil himself, and must do, if he allege Scriptures in the true sense and meaning.

17. And this is the estimation which Protestants do hold of their new Church. Now let us pass to speak a word only about the second Point,* 1.650 which concerneth the assigning out, or description of this Church. Clear it is, and cannot be denied, that Catholics do assign such a Church as may be seen and known by all men, begun visibly by Christ himself in Jury, when he gathered his Apostles and Disciples together, and continued afterward with infinite in∣crease of Nations and People, Countries and Kingdoms, that in tract of time adjoyned themselves thereunto, and that this most manifest, notorious and known Church, hath endured ever since under the name of the Christian Ca∣tholic Church, for the space of sixteen hundred years, as we have shewed be∣fore both largely and particularly in the former Treatise, which is plain deal∣ing, clear and manifest; whereas on the other side, the Protestants of our days following herein the steps of old Heretics their Ancestors, do seek to assign such a Church, as no man can tell where to find it; for that it is rather imaginary, mathematical, or metaphysical, than sensible to man's eyes, consisting (as they teach) of just and predestinate men only, whom, where, or how to find, you see how uncertain and difficult a thing it is, in this mortal life.

18. Wherefore as the ancient Fathers condemned wholly the Heretics of their times, for this fond and pernicious device, and wrote eagerly against the same, as S. Cyprian against the Novatians, S. Epiphanius,* 1.651 and S. Augustin against the Donatists and Pelagians: for that under this cover and colour they would make themselves to be the only true Church, to wit, every Sect their own Se∣ctaries and Congregation, saying that they only are predestinate, just, holy, and

God's chosen people, and consequently also his only true Church; so do we at this day stand in the very same controversie with Protestants that seek the same evasion and refuge.

19. And he that hath but so much leisure as to read over the Conference of the Third day, had between S. Augustin and other Catholic Bishops on the one side,* 1.652 and the Bishops of the Donatists on the other side, at Carthage, by the Em∣peror's persmission and appointment, even upon this very Question of assigning the Church, he shall see the matter most clearly handled; and that the Catho∣lics of this time do urge nothing in this Point, but that S. Augustin and his fel∣low Catholic Bishops did urge in that Conference against the Donatists, and that the Protestants of our time do take no other course of shifting and defend∣ing themselves therein, than the Donatists did in those days: for that after infi∣nite delays and tergiversations used before they could be brought to this Con∣ference, which S. Augustin setteth down in the collation of the first and second day, when at length in the third days meeting they came to joyn upon the Con∣troversie in hand, they began first about the word Catholic it self, which the Ca∣tholics urg'd against the Donatists, as we do now against the Sectaries of this Age; and the Donatists sought to avoid the same by the very same sleights which ours do, as appeareth by S. Augustin's words.

* 1.65320. Donatistae (saith S. August.) responderunt, Catholicum nomen non ex univer∣sitate gentium, sed ex plenitudine Sacramentorum institutum; & petiverunt, ut pro barent Catholici, &c. The Donatists did answer, That the Name Catholic did not import the universality of Nations, (professing our Christian Faith) but the fulness rather of Sacraments (which they held to be in their Church;) and farther they re∣quired, that the Catholics should prove that all Nations did communicate with them and their Church; which thing when the Catholics most willingly admitted, and desired of the Judges, that they might be suffered to prove it, the Donatists presently ran to another Question, slipping from this Cause of the Church that was in hand.

* 1.65421 Thus writeth S. Augustin of this matter, whereby you see that the Ca∣tholics in those days, as we in these, did urge those Heretics with the force of this Name Catholic, and with the signification and possession thereof on their side, importing (as they inferred) the universality of all Nations professing the Faith of Christ, so as they in those days assigned the great universal, visible and known Church for the true, which Church had been gathered by the Con∣version of all Nations; whereas the Donatists to flie this Argument, were for∣ced to say, that the Name Catholic signified only the universality or fulness of Sacraments; and consequently in what particular Congregation soever this ful∣ness was sound, (as in theirs forsooth they pretended it was) there was the only true Catholic Church, which was a plain shift, as you see. And is not this the self-same manner of proceeding of all our Sectaries at this day? Doth not every one of them brag, that their Church only hath the fulness and right use of Sacraments, and the true Preaching of God's Word? Do not the Lutherans say this? Do not the Zuinglians, Calvinists, Brownists, and Puritans Preach the like? And do not the Anabaptists and Trinitarians affirm the very same? This then was a very shift in the Donatists, and so it is in our Protestants.

* 1.65522. After this first running from the Cause, S. Augustin sheweth that the Donatists full sore against their wills, were brought unto it again by Marcelli∣nus, the Tribune, appointed by the Emperor to assist in that Conference. And whereas the Catholics had given up some days before a large Writing, shew∣ing by infinite Testimonies of holy Scriptures, that the Church of Christ fore∣told by his Prophets, and instituted by himself, could not be any particular Church or Conventicle in Africa, or out of Africa, but an universal, visible and illustrious Church spread over all Nations, and with which all Nations convert∣ed to Christ should communicate in one. The Donatists (saith S. Aug.) after a

long Conference and Council held among themselves, did answer this Writing of the Catholics, by another large impertinent Writing of theirs, but quite from the purpose, not answering so much as one Text alleged by the Catholics for this Universality of the Church. Non solum (saith S. Augustin) pertractare,* 1.656 sed omnino nec attingere vo∣luerunt. The Donatists not only would not handle fully, or answer these Testimonies alleged by the Catholics, for the Ʋniversality and extern Majesty of the Church, but not so much as touch any one of them.

23. And then saith he farther, Nec aliquod testimonium in tam prolixa epistola sua, proferre ausi sunt de scripturis sanctis, quo assererent, Ecclesiam partis Donati esse praedictam & praenunciatam; sicut tam multa Catholici protulerunt, pro Ecclesia, cui communicant, quae incipiens ab Hierusalem toto orbe diffunditur, &c. Neither durst the Donatists in so large an Epistle of theirs (which they gave up) bring forth any one Testimony of Holy Scripture, whereby they might prove that the particular Church of the part or Faction of Donatus, was prophesied or foretold by the said Scriptures; whereas the Catholics on the other side brought forth many Scriptures for proof of that Ʋniversal Church with which they communicate; which Church beginning from Hierusalem, was spread over all the World. And thus writeth S. Augustin of their dealing in that Point.

24. And presently after this he sheweth that they fell to the discussion of a third Point, to wit, whether the true Catholic Church of Christ,* 1.657 to whom he promised those singular Graces and Privileges which the Scripture setteth down, should consist of good men only, as the Donatists held; or of the mix∣ture of good and evil in this Life, as the Catholics taught; wherein the Dona∣tists thought themselves to have a great advantage: First, for that it might seem to the simple people there present, to be a more pious Opinion to hold, that only good men were God's Flock, and of his true Church: Secondly, for that they had many places of Scripture that might seem to favor the same,* 1.658 (for so saith S. Augustin) Illud ostendere tentaverunt, prolatis multis testimoniis divi∣narum scripturarum, quod Ecclesia Dei, non cum malorum hominum commixtione futura praedicta sit. They endeavored to shew by many Testimonies alleged out of holy Scriptures, that it was not foretold or prophesied of the Church, that she should consist of the mixture of good and evil men, &c. Behold here how old Heretics abounded also in alleging Scriptures, as well as ours at this day, but all from the purpose; for whatsoever the Donatists alleged out of Scriptures for the sanctity and purity of God's Church, it was either to be understood of the tri∣umphant Church in the next Life, or of the better part of the Church in this Life, to wit, such as are not only of the external Body of the Church, but also of the Soul, as this holy Father speaketh; that is to say, endued and adorned with all necessary Vertues.

25. But on the contrary side, when S. Augustin and his Fellow Bishops,* 1.659 to prove that Christ's Church in this World consisted both of good and bad, al∣leged those evident Parables of our Saviour, used about this matter; as that of the Net cast into the Sea, that comprehended all kind of Fish both good and bad, some to be cast away, and some to be used: That also of the Barn-floor, which had in it both chaff and corn, the one to be burned, the other to be laid up in God's eternal Granary: The other also of corn and cockle permitted to grow in one field to the day of Judgment; and of the sheep and goats that live in God's Flock under the self same Shepherds in this World,* 1.660 but yet the one to be consumed with everlasting Fire in the end thereof; and the other to be ta∣ken into eternal Joy. When these Parables (I say) with many other Testimo∣nies of Scripture, had been alleged by the Catholics against the Donatists He∣resie, it was wonderful to see what shifts, deceits, and tergiversations they used to avoid the same; denying some, as invented by Catholics;* 1.661 others they sought to avoid by false and crafty Expositions, and other such shifts, which you may read at large in S. Augustin.

26. And for that this may be sufficient for a tast, to shew the different man∣ner of proceeding between Catholics and Heretics, both old and new, about this Point of assigning out the true Church, where, and in whom it is, and how to be found;* 1.662 I shall pass no farther in this matter, but only add a word or two of the third Point, which is the difference between us in laying forth the pro∣prieties and notes, whereby this Church may be known and distinguished from all others; which Point, tho' it may sufficiently be seen and gathered by that which already we have said, yet for promise sake must somewhat also be spoken here; which in effect shall be nothing but this, That the difference be∣tween us and the Protestants in delivering these proprieties, is not far unlike to that of two Gentlemen, that should send forth two Servants into the Market∣place,* 1.663 where many Men are to seek out some Learned Physician, (for Examples sake) giving them certain notes to find him by, but far different; for that the one delivereth either general notes only, that are common to all, or most Men; as that he hath a head, beard, two eyes, two arms, and the like; or else certain inward invisible proprieties; as that he is learned, meek, chast, &c. That he is a good Physician, cureth excellently well, and followeth therein exactly the Precepts of Hypocrates and Galen; and finally, hath all things necessary or need∣ful for that effect. Which marks being little to the purpose, as you see, for knowing or discerning out the said Physician from any other, the Messenger might weary himself, before he found that which he sought for.

27. But the other that sendeth forth his Messenger, considering that marks and signs must be more known than the thing it self, whereof they are marks, and not common to many, but proper and peculiar to that which is sought for; telleth his Servant, what special Name the Physician is called by, what age, what countenance, and what stature he is of, what apparel he weareth, what gesture and manner of going he useth, what sound of voice he hath in speak∣ing, and above all where he dwelleth, how his house may be found, known and discerned from all others: All which signs being given, we must needs say, that the Searcher is a very simple or negligent Fellow if he miss him.

28. And this very difference is to be noted between the Protestants and us in delivering proprieties to know the Church by, for that the Catholics give sound and sure notes, proper and peculiar to one only Church, which is the true Catholic Church, and these notes not invented by themselves, but found∣ed in Scriptures, and delivered by the Tradition of Christ and his Apostles, and used by the ancient Fathers and Doctors of the Church, to this very purpose of distinguishing her thereby from all Congregations and Conventicles of He∣retics whatsoever:* 1.664 Of which notes and proprieties you have heard some be∣fore, mentioned in the Conference between S. Augustin and the Donatists, as the Name Catholic and the ancient possession thereof; Universality over all Christendom, and multitude of Nations and Gentiles converted to one Chri∣stian Church and Faith, participating, and holding the Communion of one and the self-same number of Sacraments: whereunto are added by other Fa∣thers, and the self-same Doctor in other places, divers, other proprieties also, as antiquity with continuation and succession from age to age, visibility with most perspicuous and illustrious progress, apparent and admirable to the whole world; unity and conformity in Doctrin by one Rule of Faith throughout all ages; notorious sanctity in many members of this Church testified by infinite miracles, and supernatural operations; the conversion of infinite Pagans and Gentiles, with overthrow and extirpation of their Idolatry, which was a thing prophesied to be fulfilled by the true Church only.

29. These notes (I say) and divers others are set down by holy Fathers, as both proper and peculiar to the only true Catholic Church of Christ, and a∣greeing to no Heretical Congregation whatsoever; as also manifest and noto∣rious

and most easie to be judged of by all people. For these two conditions ought to have true marks, as before hath been mentioned; the first, that they be peculiar and not common; the second, that they be more notoriously known, and more easily found out, than the thing it self which they do demonstrate: whereof you may read in particular in S. Cyprian against the Novatians, S. Hie∣rom against the Luciferians, S. Augustin against the Donatists and Pelagians, Optatus against the same Donatists, and Vincentius Lyrinensis against all sorts of Heretics; and this is the real and substantial dealing of Catholics.

30. But the Protestants on the contrary side do give such marks and notes as are either general and common, or else more obscure and harder to be found out and judged of, than the matter in controversie, as before we have signified, by the Comparisons of seeking out the Physician; as for Example,* 1.665 Martin Luther, Father of our Protestants, having left the Communion of the true Church of God, and made a new Conventicle to himself, would needs make it the true Church of God, and prove the same by certain marks and proprieties devised by himself, which he setteth down to the number of Seven;* 1.666 whereof the first was, the true Preaching of the Gospel; the second, the right Admini∣stration of Baptism; the third, the lawful use of the Eucharist; the fourth, the due Exercise of the Ecclesiastical Keys in Absolving and retaining Sins; the fifth, the lawful Election of Ministers; the sixth, publick Prayer, and Sing∣ing of Psalms in a known Tongue; the seventh, the Mystery of the Cross in bearing tribulations. These were Luthers notes, which other Protestants af∣ter him; and namely the Magdeburgians, and John Calvin,* 1.667 do abridge to the number of two only, to wit, the true Preaching of the Gospel, and the sincere use of Sacraments.

31. But now what manner of notes these be, which every Sect may and do challenge as proper to themselves, (which they cannot do with any probabili∣ty, with the marks and notes of the Catholic Church before set down) is easie to judge; for what Sect will not say and swear also, if need be, that they only Preach the Word of God truly, and that they only Administer the Sacraments rightly, and that they use the Ecclesiastical Keys duly, and that the Election of Ministers is lawfully made among them, and that they have publick Prayer and singing of Psalms, bearing the Cross, and the like? and it is harder to convince them in any one of these notes, than in the principal point it self, to wit, that they are not the Catholic Christian Church of Christ; so as these marks being common, and not proper, and less manifest than the thing it self, whereof they are put for marks, it followeth that they are fond, vain and ridiculous, and that the inventors thereof did rather seek to obscure and hide the Church, than to declare, and manifest the same by such proprieties.

32. And here will we make an end of all this Discourse, reserving the rest unto the third part, which is to be Printed severally, for that the bulk of these two hath grown to a sufficient bigness for one Tome or Volume; only I might note to the Reader in this last Paragraph, that as our Adversaries do imitate the Donatists in the Point before mentioned, out of their Conference with S. Augustin and other Catholic Bishops; so have they done it also hitherto,* 1.668 in flying all equal and lawful Conference with us, as the Donatists did with those old Catholics, so much as lay in their power, until it was imposed upon them by commandment of the Emperor at the petition of S. Augustin, and the Ca∣tholic Party, as the said Father doth relate in his forenamed Book written of that Conference, telling us two points in particular of their dealing in that Affair, which he expresseth in these words, Qui causam bonam non se habere scie∣bant, id egerunt primum, ne collatio fieret, aut causa ipsa ageretur,* 1.669 sed quia hoc obti∣nere minimè poterant, id effecerunt multiplicitate gestorum, ut quod actum est, non facilè legeretur. The Donatists knowing they had an evil Cause, endeavored first to

bring to pass that the Conference should not be made, nor the Cause it self be handled at all; but when they could not obtain this, then went they about to put down so many things in writing as they might not easily be read.

33. Thus writeth St. Augustin; and for this cause thought he good to set down a Sum of all that passed, calling it Breviculum Collationum, shewing per∣spicuously the infinite Cavils, Frauds, and Shifts of these Heretics, to avoid all due trial; for when after all other delays, both Parties were now met toge∣ther,* 1.670 Instare caeperunt (saith he) ut priùs ageretur de tempore, de mandato, de per∣sona: de causa, tunc ad negotii merita veniretur. The Donatists began to make new instance, (after all other Cavils and Exceptions taken before) that first it might be treated about the time that this Conference should endure, and about the Emperor's Commandment or Edict, and Clauses thereof, and about the Person as well of the Judge and Assistants, as the Disputers of both parts; and finally of the whole cause of difference, what had passed therein between them hitherto; and then after all this (forsooth) they should come to examine the merits of the principal Business or Controversie in hand, which in effect would never be, for that about every one of these Points the Donatists had many Quarrels, as S. Augustin sheweth, and by each one thereof they sought delays; and particularly whereas order had been taken that 18 Bishops of each side should suffice,* 1.671 they would needs have all their side to be admitted; and so for ostentation sake they entred (saith S. Augustin) with great pomp into Car∣thage to the number of 279 Bishops of that Sect of Donatus (a pitiful sight for Catholics) together with all their Train. Other shifts, delays, and tergiver∣sations of theirs, I leave for brevities sake to be read in S. Augustin himself.

* 1.67234. But how well our English Adversaries have imitated this manner of proceeding of the Donatists, for shifting off all publick Conference and Trial for these 44 years of her Majesties Reign, being so often and earnestly demand∣ed at their hands, is sufficiently known, and needeth not to be proved or re∣peated here. But if it would please Almighty God to inspire her Majesty to force them thereunto, as he did the Emperor, to compel the Donatists to a publick Trial, I do not doubt, but the like Issue would ensue, and the like Sen∣tence be given in that Cause,* 1.673 by any indifferent Judge, as was given by Mar∣cellinus in the former Controversie, to wit, (as S. Augustin's words are) Confu∣tatos à Catholicis Donatistas, omnium documentorum manifestatione pronunciavit. Marcellinus did pronounce by his Definitive Sentence, that the Catholics had con∣futed the Donatists, with manifestation of all kind of Learning. And so much for this Matter.

The End of the Second Part.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The principal point to be noted of Suc∣cession.
• * 1.2

  St. Augustin's estimation of Succession.
• * 1.3

  Aug. ep. cont. Faust. Manich. c. 4. tom. 6.
• * 1.4

  Aug. quaest. 110 in nov. & vet. Test.
• * 1.5

  Tert. l. de prae∣scrip. advers. haeres.
• * 1.6

  Tert. ibid.
• * 1.7

  Iren. l. 4. ad∣vers. haeres. c. 4.
• * 1.8

  Ibid. c. 45.
• * 1.9

  The force of Succession with Irenaeus & other Fathers.
• * 1.10

  Hier. dia. ult. cont. Lucif.
• * 1.11

  Aug. l. de uti∣litate credent. c. 17.
• * 1.12

  Barking of Heretics a∣gainst Succes∣sion, as St. Au∣gustin termeth it.
• * 1.13

  In descr. Cantii.
• * 1.14

  A comparison between the durance of the Church & temporal States.
• * 1.15

  The second principal point to be considered a∣bout the visi∣bility of the Church.
• (a) 1.16

  In defens. l. de servo arbitr.
• (b) 1.17

  Lib. cont. Cathar.
• * 1.18

  Part 1.
• * 1.19

  Aug. in tract. in ep. Joan.
• * 1.20

  Cap. de Conci∣liis.
• * 1.21

  In locis com. loco 12. de Ec∣cles.
• (c) 1.22

  Cent. 1. l. 1. c. 4.
• (d) 1.23

  Apol. 1. part 3. Calv. l. 4. Inst. c. 1. § 3.
• * 1.24

  Why Lutherans left the Para∣dox of the in∣visibility of the Church.
• * 1.25

  Matt. 18.
• * 1.26

  Act. 15.18. Evident Scri∣ptures for the visibility of the Church.
• * 1.27

  Evident rea∣sons that the true Church must be visible containing both good and bad.
• (a) 1.28

  Marc. ult. Ephes. 4. 1. Pet. 3.
• (b) 1.29

  Rom. 10. Luc. 12. 1 Tim. 6.
• (c) 1.30

  Mat. 5. Luc. 11. Joan. 15.
• (d) 1.31

  Mat. 28. 1 Cor. 12. 1 Tim. 3.5. St. Augustin's Discourses a∣bout the visi∣bility of the Church.

  See St. Aug. in Psal. 44, 47. & l. 2. cont. Petil. c. 32, & 104. l. 2. cont. Cresco. c. 36. & l. 4. c. 58. tract. 1, 2. in ep. Joan. &c. 4. collat. 3. diei in Bre∣vie.
• * 1.32

  A second fond device of Lu∣therans about an obscure Church.
• * 1.33

  The third point of John Fox's Opinion about the true Church.
• * 1.34

  A great per∣plexity of John Fox. Illyr. gloss. in Matth. c. 1.
• * 1.35

  Fox's new Opi∣nion making the Church both visible and invisible.
• * 1.36

  Fox in his pro∣testation to the Church of England, p. 2.
• * 1.37

  How Enemies and Persecu∣tors do see the true Church.
• * 1.38

  Fox in the Title.
• * 1.39

  The purpose of John Fox in his Protest. p. 3.
• * 1.40

  What is to be handled about John Fox's Church.
• * 1.41

  The substance of John Fox's Book.
• * 1.42

  The division of 1060 years into four prin∣cipal parts.
• * 1.43

  The first 300 years from Christ to Con∣stantine.
• * 1.44

  Sup. c. 8, 9.
• * 1.45

  The imperti∣nent course taken by John Fox.
• * 1.46

  Reasons to prove that the old Martyrs were of our Church, and not of Fox's.
• * 1.47

  Nisi integram inviolatamque servaverit abs{que} dubio in aeter∣num peribit.
• * 1.48

  Who do more honor the an∣cient Martyrs.
• * 1.49

  See Fox's Ca∣lendar in the be∣ginning of his Volume.
• * 1.50

  The second Reason.
• * 1.51

  Cap. 15.
• * 1.52

  Tert. l. de fuga in persecut. Epiph. in pa∣nar. haeres. 80. Aug. cont. lite∣ras Petiliani l. 2. c. 83. & cont. 2. ep Gaudentit l. 2. c. 26. & alibi.

  Of heretical Martyrs.
• * 1.53

  Supra c. 5, 6.
• (a) 1.54

  The third Reason.
• (b) 1.55

  St. Andrew.
• (c) 1.56

  See the sto∣ry of his passi∣on written by the Church of Achaia in those days, & cited by Remigius in Psal. 21. & by Lanfrank lib. cont. Berengar. & by St. Ber∣nard Serm. de St. Andrea, & many others. St. Laurence.
• * 1.57

  Amb. l. 1. Of∣ficior. c. 41. & l. 2. c. 28. Aug. tract. 27. in Joan. & Serm. de San∣ctis.
• * 1.58

  St. Laurence speaketh like a flat Papist.
• * 1.59

  Prudent. in hymn. de San∣cto Laurentio.
• * 1.60

  Pont. Diac. in vi••. Cyprian. See also the 28 Epistle of S. Cyp. himself. Supra p. 1. c. 6.
• * 1.61

  Cent. 3. c. 4.
• * 1.62

  Old Martyrs massing Priests.
• * 1.63

  The glorious state of the Cath. Church under Constan∣tine.

  Euseb. l. 4. de vit. Constant.
• * 1.64

  Four Churches in Rome built by Constantine.
• * 1.65

  Julius Firmi∣cus l. ad Imp. de abol. Idol.
• * 1.66

  Optat. l. 2. cont. Parmen.
• * 1.67

  Supra c. 4, 5.
• * 1.68

  The obscure mathematical Church of John Fox.
• * 1.69

  The chief He∣retics of the first 300 years.
• * 1.70

  How old Here∣tics were per∣secuted.
• * 1.71

  How old Here∣tics agree to John Fox's Church.
• * 1.72

  Aug. l. 2. quaest. Evang. c. 40.
• * 1.73

  A point much to be noted.
• * 1.74

  Aug. l. de fide & oper. c. 14. & de unico bap. c. 10.
• * 1.75

  Apud Thoed. dial. 3.
• * 1.76

  Theod. l. 3. hae∣ret. fabulat. c. 35.

  Old Heresies held formally again by Pro∣testants.
• * 1.77

  Cornel. Papa apud Euseb. l. 6. hist. c. 35.
• * 1.78

  Cyp. l. 4. ep. 2.
• * 1.79

  Hier. in prooem. dialog. contra Pelag.
• * 1.80

  Chrys. hom. 43. in Joan.

  Aug. l. cont. Manich. & ep. 28.
• * 1.81

  Old Heresies fraudulently objected to Catholics.
• * 1.82

  The 1 fraud.
• * 1.83

  Aug. haeres. 39.
• * 1.84

  D. Thom. 2.2. q. 85. art. 2.
• * 1.85

  The 2 fraud.
• * 1.86

  Cent. 3. c. 4. & § de Angelis.
• * 1.87

  About honor∣ring and In∣vocation of Angels.
• * 1.88

  Cent. 3. c. 4.
• * 1.89

  Epiph. l. 3. to. 2. haeres. 78, 79.
• * 1.90

  About the He∣resie of the Collyridians.
• * 1.91

  Mark this dis∣course of Epi∣phanius about sacrificing in the New Law.
• * 1.92

  Epiph. ib.
• * 1.93

  Ibid. haeres. 79.
• * 1.94

  Christians Sa∣crifice.
• * 1.95

  The visible succession of the Church in the first 300 years.
• * 1.96

  The sum of that which hath been said hitherto.
• * 1.97

  Part. 1. c. 5, 6.
• * 1.98

  The conclusi∣on of this Chapter, with an offer to Fox.
• * 1.99

  Part. 1. c. 8.
• * 1.100

  The Fathers, Doctors and Councils of the second 300 years after Christ.
• * 1.101

  John Fox find∣eth not a hole for his poor Church in those 300 years.
• * 1.102

  The Heretics of the second 300 years af∣ter Christ.
• * 1.103

  In his prote∣station to the English Church, p. 9.
• * 1.104

  Communica∣tion of Doctrin between Pro∣testants and Heretics of the second 300 years after Christ.
• * 1.105

  Aug. lib. de hae∣res. haer. 69. Optat. l. 2. idem l. 6.
• * 1.106

  Aug. haer. 54.
• * 1.107

  Pacian. ep. 1. & 3. ad Sim∣pron.

  Aug. haer. 53.
• * 1.108

  Aug. haeres. 82. Hier. lib. cont. Jovinian.
• * 1.109

  Hier. lib. cont. Vigilantium.
• * 1.110

  The poor shift of John Fox.
• * 1.111

  Fox pag. 95.
• * 1.112

  John Fox's shift to fill up this second Book.
• * 1.113

  An. 180.
• * 1.114

  Fox in the Title of his Acts and Monuments.
• * 1.115

  In his Prote∣station to the English Church, pag. 10.
• * 1.116

  What Fox should have treated in his second Book & second 300 years after Christ.

  Sup. part 1. cap. 5.
• * 1.117

  Why Fox wri∣teth nothing of the Church of Britanny in these three Ages.
• * 1.118

  Exc. 2. c. 5. sup. p. 1. c. 6.
• * 1.119

  The substance and method of the Magdebur∣gians Centuries.
• * 1.120

  Cent. c. 4. p. 159.

  The praise of the Doctors & Fathers of the fourth Age by the Magdeburg.
• * 1.121

  About Free-will.

  Cent. 4. p. 211.
• * 1.122

  Ib. pag. 287, & 291.
• * 1.123

  Cent. 4. p. 231.
• * 1.124

  Cent. 4. c. 4.
• * 1.125

  Cent. 4. p. 294. Ephr. l. 2. de compunctione cordis, c. 3.
• * 1.126

  The blessed Sacrament. Cent. 4. pag. 242. Ambr. lib. 4. de Sacr. c. 4.
• * 1.127

  Hil. l. 8. de Trinitate.
• * 1.128

  Nazianzen. orat. 1. in Ju∣liam.
• * 1.129

  Ambr. lib. 5. ep. 33. Nissen Orat. Catechistica.
• * 1.130

  Cent. 4. pag. 292.
• * 1.131

  Hier. in cap. 3. ad Galat.
• * 1.132

  Enc. 2. cap. 16.
• * 1.133

  Cent. 4. pag. 293.
• * 1.134

  Theoph. Alex. lib. 3. de Pas∣chate.
• * 1.135

  Cent. 4. p. 242. Hil. in Ps. 118.
• * 1.136

  The Fathers condemn'd for divers Doc∣trins held a∣gainst Pro∣testants.
• * 1.137

  Cent. 4. p. 299.
• * 1.138

  Epiph. tom. 2. lib. 2.

  Cent. 4. p. 303.
• * 1.139

  Cent. 4. cap. 6. p. 407. num. 50, 54. Euseb.
• * 1.140

  Athan.
• * 1.141

  S. Basil. Socr. l. 5. c. 22. Theod. l. 5. c. 18. Opt. l. 6. Zoz. l 6. c. 6. Eus. l. 4. de vit. Constant. Opt. l. 1. cont. Parmen.
• * 1.142

  Basil.
• * 1.143

  Basil. ep. 63. Zozim l. 4. c. 16.
• * 1.144

  Cent. 4. p. 118, 119, 120.
• * 1.145

  p. 431, 432.433.
• * 1.146

  The ancient observation of Fasts.
• * 1.147

  Fox p. 95.
• * 1.148

  How Fox fil∣leth up his se∣cond Book with matter not to his pur∣pose.
• * 1.149

  The third sta∣tion of Times, from K. Ethel∣bert, an. 600, to K. Egbert, an. 800.
• * 1.150

  Why Jo. Fox shifted over these 200 years so slightly.
• * 1.151

  The contem∣ptuous wri∣ting of John Fox in this sta∣tion of 200 years.
• * 1.152

  Popes & Em∣perors of these 200 years.
• * 1.153

  The chief Do∣ctors from an. 600, to 800.
• * 1.154

  Council Ge∣neral.
• * 1.155

  Heretics of this time.
• * 1.156

  Conversion of England.
• * 1.157

  The growth and progress of the English primitive Church in this time.
• * 1.158

  Fox's scoffing story of the English primi∣tive Church. p. 107, 113, &c.
• * 1.159

  Bed. l. 1. hist. c. 21.

  Fox p. 113.
• * 1.160

  Mat. 18.
• * 1.161

  Bed. l. 4. hist. c. 5.

  Malm. de gest. Pont. Angl. l. 10.
• * 1.162

  Fox p. 112. col. 2. n. 63. Decrees of an English Synod, an Dom. 680. out of Fox.
• * 1.163

  Fox p. 115: col. 1. n. 84.
• * 1.164

  The Decrees of a second Synod, out of Fox, an. Dom. 747.
• * 1.165

  Deceitful tur∣nings & win∣dings of Fox.
• * 1.166

  Bed. l. 4. c. 5.
• * 1.167

  Bed. ibid.
• * 1.168

  Wilful Errors of John Fox.
• * 1.169

  Bed. l. 4. c. 5. Cambd. in desc. Britan. Com. Hartf. p. 302.
• * 1.170

  Fox p. 112.
• * 1.171

  Sup. c. 2, 3, 4.
• * 1.172

  Bed. l. 4. hist. c. 5.
• * 1.173

  The wicked falsifying of S. Bede by Fox.
• * 1.174

  Fox is taken in his malicious dealing about the Decree of Observation of Easter.
• * 1.175

  Sup. c. 3.
• * 1.176

  Fox 112.
• * 1.177

  About marry∣ing a second Wife, the first being alive.
• * 1.178

  Bed. l. 4. c. 5. pag. 227.
• * 1.179

  Guileful O∣missions of John Fox.
• * 1.180

  Bed. l. 4. c. 5.
• * 1.181

  A Synod hol∣den at Herud∣frod, an. 673.
• * 1.182

  Bed. l. 4. c. 17.
• * 1.183

  Leo PP. epist. 10. ad Flavian. Theod. dial. 2. Evagr. l. 2. c. 4. A second Council of Archbishop Theodorus.
• * 1.184

  The manner of decreeing in old Synods and National Councils ac∣cording to their Ancest∣ors.
• (a) 1.185

  Anno 315.
• (b) 1.186

  Anno 380.
• (c) 1.187

  Anno 428.
• (d) 1.188

  Anno 457.
• (e) 1.189

  Anno 532.
• * 1.190

  Fox p. 113.
• * 1.191

  An. Dom. 682. The Council of Constantino∣ple in Trullo.
• * 1.192

  Plat. in vit. Agath. PP. Paul. Diac. l. 1. hist. Malm. l. 1. de gest. Pont. Angl. p. 112.
• * 1.193

  Aug. l. de uti∣litate credendi, c. 17.
• * 1.194

  The fourth station from an. Dom. 800, to 1066. Fox p. 121.
• * 1.195

  The eighth General Council.
• * 1.196

  An. Dom. 870.
• * 1.197

  The Heresies of these Ages.
• * 1.198

  The Fathers and Doctors of these Times.
• * 1.199

  The Archbi∣shops of Can∣terbury in these Ages.
• * 1.200

  Kings of Eng∣land in this Time.
• * 1.201

  Fox in protest. ad Eccl. Angl. pag. 10.
• * 1.202

  What Fox handleth in these 300 years.
• * 1.203

  Martyrolog. Rom. 5. Junii. Willeb. in ejus vita. Vicelius in hagiolog. Epi∣tome operum Bed an. 754.
• * 1.204

  Adams Bremens hist. Ecc. c. 4.
• * 1.205

  St. Boniface an English-man an Apostle of Germany, an. 750.
• (a) 1.206

  St. Wille∣brord, an. 730. B. of Ʋtright. Bed. l. 3. hist. c. 27. & l. 5. c. 23. Tritem. de viris illust. l. 3. c. 137.
• (b) 1.207

  St. Wille∣baldus an. 760. B. of Ayste, Democrit. l. 2. de missa in catalog. Episc. de Ayste. Marcell in vit. S. Suneberti, c. 6, & 14.
• (c) 1.208

  S. Willehad B. of Breme, an. 780.
• (d) 1.209

  Adam Bre∣mens, c. 9, 11, 12.
• * 1.210

  St. Willericus B. of Breme. an. 790.

  Brem. in hist. c. 12.

  Erpold. Lin∣denb. in hist. Archiep. Brem. in Willericum.
• * 1.211

  Fox p. 115.
• * 1.212

  Ib. col. 2. n. 78.
• * 1.213

  Fox goeth a∣bout to discre∣dit S. Boniface.
• * 1.214

  Bal. cent. 1. script. Brit. fol. 54.
• * 1.215

  The wicked Speech of Jo. Bale against St. Boniface.
• * 1.216

  Bal. cent. 5. fol. 245.
• * 1.217

  About the Fa∣ble of Pope Joan.
• * 1.218

  Fox 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Fox's feigned Fable of Pope Joan blasphe∣mously rela∣ted.
• * 1.219

  Aug. ep. 165. ad literas cu∣jusdam Dona∣tistae.
• * 1.220

  If Pope Joan had been, she had not preju∣diced the Church.
• * 1.221

  The Whore of Babylon was the persecu∣ting City 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Rome 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Emp〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.222

  The begin∣ning of the Fable of Pope Joan.
• * 1.223

  Mart. Polon. in vit. Imperat. & Pontif. Papa 109. an Chri∣sti 855.
• * 1.224

  See a large refutation of this Fable by Onuphrius in his addition to Platina.
• * 1.225

  Anastas. in vit, Leon. 4.
• * 1.226

  Ancient Au∣thors that do exclude Pope Joan.
• * 1.227

  Ado in chron. an. Dom. 855.
• * 1.228

  An Argument out of English Historiogra∣phers for o∣verthrowing the Fable of Pope Joan.
• * 1.229

  The going of K. Ethelwolf and Prince Al∣fred to Rome.
• * 1.230

  Stow an. 871. Mat. West. 849. Floren. in chron. eodem an.
• * 1.231

  Why English Writers should have written of Pope Joan more than others, if any such had ever been.

  Mart. Polon. l. 4. de Pont. an. 855.

  Plat. in Joan. 8.
• (a) 1.232

  Malm. in fact. Reg. & Episc. Ang. an. 847, & 855.
• (b) 1.233

  Flor. Vigorn. in chron. an. 853, & 858.
• (c) 1.234

  Mat. West. in chron.
• * 1.235

  There is ex∣tant the Original of Sigebertus in Monast. Ie mlacensi in Flanders, and of the corrupti∣on of Maria∣nus Scotus in this behalf, read him that setteth forth Metrop. Al∣berti Cranzii, anno 1574.
• * 1.236

  A most evi∣dent Argu∣ment against the Fable of Pope Joan.
• * 1.237

  Epist. Leon. 9. cap. 5. & 23.
• * 1.238

  A probable conjecture of the first Ori∣gin of this Fable of Pope Joan.
• * 1.239

  Mart. Pol. in vit. Imp. & Pont. an. 855.
• * 1.240

  Plat. in vit. Joan. 8.
• * 1.241

  Cent. 9. c. 20.
• * 1.242

  Mentz.
• * 1.243

  Bibliand. in ta∣bulis Chronic.
• * 1.244

  Fox p. 124.
• * 1.245

  This is evi∣dent by Cedre∣nus & Zonaras in vit. Michael. & Theod. Imp. an. Christi 856.
• * 1.246

  Fox ibid.
• * 1.247

  Ancient cir∣cumspection in chusing Popes.
• * 1.248

  Why Fox fal∣leth out with the ancient Christian En∣glish Kings & Queens.

  See Fox from p. 130, 131, &c.
• * 1.249

  Fox p. 120.
• * 1.250

  The Donation of King Ethel∣wolf, an. 844. Fox p. 120. Malm. l. 2. de gest. Angl. Reg.
• * 1.251

  Fox ibid.

  The Donation of K. Ethelbald. Malm. l. 1. de gest. Reg. Angl.
• * 1.252

  Fox. p 120.
• * 1.253

  Jam. 2.
• * 1.254

  Fox p. 123.
• * 1.255

  The Alms and pious deeds of K. Ethel∣wolf.
• * 1.256

  Fox p. 133.
• * 1.257

  A Miracle in Rome upon an English Duke. an. 933.
• * 1.258

  Malm. l. 2. de gest. Reg. Angl. fol. 28.
• * 1.259

  Miracles wrought in Rome in con∣firmation of Catholic Re∣ligion, an. 933.
• * 1.260

  Fox p. 126.
• * 1.261

  Ex vetusto ex∣emplari hist. Carianae.
• * 1.262

  Fox relateth matters a∣gainst himself.
• * 1.263

  Fox p. 138. A lying Dis∣course of Fox about Monks.
• * 1.264

  Whether Monks were meer Lay-men in old time, or no?
• * 1.265

  Epiph. l. 2. tom. 1.
• * 1.266

  Magd. cent. 4. c. 4. p. 303.
• * 1.267

  Epiph. ibid.
• * 1.268

  A clear testi∣mony of St. E∣piphanius for the Continen∣cy of Monks and Priests in his days.
• * 1.269

  A notable sto∣ry of K. Alfred, how he recei∣ved comfort in his tribula∣tion by St. Cuthbert.
• * 1.270

  Malm. l. 2. de Reg. Angl. fol. 23.
• * 1.271

  The pitiful case of K. Al∣fred pressed by the Danes, an. 879.
• * 1.272

  Malm. ibid.
• * 1.273

  The appearing of St. Cuthbert to K. Alfred & his Mother.
• * 1.274

  A strange at∣tempt & vi∣ctory of K. Al∣fred upon the vision of St. Cuthbert.
• * 1.275

  Fox p. 128. The great im∣pudence of John Fox in rejecting all our ancient Historiogra∣phers.
• * 1.276

  How God doth appear and reveal matters often∣times in sleep.
• * 1.277

  2 Paral. 33. Levit. 19. Deut. 18. Psal. 72. Num. 12.6.
• * 1.278

  Luth. l. de ab∣roganda Missa.
• * 1.279

  Luth. l. Teuto∣nico ad Senator. Civit. Germ.
• * 1.280

  Apoc. 1.10.
• * 1.281

  Luth. cont. Reg. Angl.
• * 1.282

  Kemnit. in re∣pet de Eucha∣rist. art. 31.
• * 1.283

  Zuingl. in sub∣sid. de Euch.
• * 1.284

  Mat. 16. Exod. 12.11.
• * 1.285

  Infra cap. 8. part. 2.
• * 1.286

  Apoc. 13.5.
• * 1.287

  The visions of John Fox's Martyrs.
• * 1.288

  Fox p. 1547. col. 1. num. 46.
• * 1.289

  Fox p. 1398.
• * 1.290

  Ridiculous Dreams & Vi∣sions allowed by John Fox in his Martyrs.
• * 1.291

  The Scottish Apostate Fri∣ars Dream & his Kate. Fox p. 1843. col. 1. num. 44.
• * 1.292

  Fox p. 1844.
• * 1.293

  Ibid.
• * 1.294

  How far Ca∣tholics give credit to Visi∣ons, and how they examin the same.
• * 1.295

  Heretical ha∣tred against St. Cuthbert.
• * 1.296

  Bed. l. 4. hist. c. 27, 28, 29. vid Praefat. Bal. cent. 1. script. Brit. in Cuthb.
• * 1.297

  Mat. 19. Bal. ibid.
• * 1.298

  Supra part 1. cap. 6.
• * 1.299

  Ibid.
• * 1.300

  Ibid.
• * 1.301

  The Archbi∣shops of Can∣terbury of this time scoffed at by Fox.
• * 1.302

  Malm. l. 1. de gest. Pont. Ang. fol. 115.
• * 1.303

  Heretics seek to pull down, and not to build up.
• * 1.304

  Part. 3.
• * 1.305

  Fox in the Ti∣tle of his Acts & Monuments.
• * 1.306

  The fifth sta∣tion from an. Dom. 1066, to 1370.
• * 1.307

  Fox in his Title.
• * 1.308

  Fox p. 1.
• * 1.309

  The brevity & barrenness of John Fox in preforming his promise.
• * 1.310

  Why Fox writeth so lit∣tle of the for∣mer Ages, & so largely of the sequent.
• * 1.311

  How Fox co∣meth to in∣crease his lat∣ter Books.
• * 1.312

  An impossible device to an∣nihilate this universal vi∣sible Church.
• * 1.313

  A strange & incredible mutation.
• * 1.314

  Sup. cap.
• * 1.315

  Dan. 2.44.
• * 1.316

  The Prophesie of Daniel about the stability of Christ's Church.
• * 1.317

  In his Protesta∣tion to the Church of England.
• * 1.318

  P. Innocent, 3. Blond. decad. 2. l. 7. p. 297.
• * 1.319

  Geneb. in chron. an. 1198. Cicarell. in vit. Innocent. 3. Platin. ibid.
• * 1.320

  Anselm. Ep. ad Abb. Hryfarg. Mar. Scotus. Lamb. Scaph. Vinc. Gallus. Sigebert. Avent. & omnes in chron. an 1075, 1076, &c.
• * 1.321

  About Pope Hildebrand, ali∣as Gregory VII.
• * 1.322

  The Vices of the Emperour Henry IV.
• * 1.323

  An. Dom. 1069.
• * 1.324

  Lamb. Schaf. An. Dom. 1071.
• * 1.325

  Lamb. ibid.
• * 1.326

  Ʋrsp. an. Dom. 1068.
• * 1.327

  Lib. 4. Annali∣um Boiorum.
• * 1.328

  Mar. Scot. in chron. an 1075.
• * 1.329

  Fox p. 158. c. 2
• * 1.330

  A great con∣tradiction a∣gainst Pope Hildebrand for his Christian Zeal.
• * 1.331

  The first Ca∣lumniation.
• * 1.332

  Distinct. 32. c. Praeter § verum &c. nullus.
• * 1.333

  The second Calumniation Fox ubi supra Cent. 11. c. 7.
• * 1.334

  Fox p. 158. col. 2. n. 80.
• * 1.335

  Many Falsities & Impostures of Fox.
• * 1.336

  Distinct. 32. c. Praeter § verum apud Anton. tit. 16.

  Tritem. in chron. an. 1075.
• * 1.337

  The true state of the Contro∣versie.
• * 1.338

  Marian. Scot. in chron. an. 1096. & tom. 4. Conc. p. 79.
• * 1.339

  The Council of Nice for∣bidding wives to Priests and Bishops.
• * 1.340

  Conc. Nic. Can. 3.
• * 1.341

  The whole stream of an∣cient Greek Fathers a∣gainst the marriage of Priests.

  Origen hom. 23. in lib. Num.
• * 1.342

  Euseb. l. 1. Demonstrat. Evang. c. 9.
• * 1.343

  Cyr. Cat. 12.
• * 1.344

  Sup. c. 3. Cent. 4. p. 303. Epiph. tom. 1. l. 2.

  Item haeres. 59.
• * 1.345

  Fox p. 164.
• * 1.346

  Anton. part. 2. tit. 16. cap. 1. § 1.
• * 1.347

  Naucl. gene∣rat. 37.
• * 1.348

  The death of Gregory VII.
• * 1.349

  Plat. in vita Greg. 7.
• * 1.350

  A ridiculous device of Fox how 2 Popes overthrew the Church.
• * 1.351

  Fox divers times contra∣dicting him∣self about binding and loosing of Sathan.
• * 1.352

  In protest. p. 9.
• * 1.353

  Acts & Mon. pag. 1.
• * 1.354

  Fox p. 27. c. 1.
• * 1.355

  Apoc. 13.5.
• * 1.356

  Apoc. 12. Apoc. 11.11.
• * 1.357

  Dan. 11.
• * 1.358

  Aug. l. 20. de Civit. c. 6, 7, 8.9.

  Primas. 19. & Bed. in 20 Apoc. Greg. l. 9. mor. c. 1. & l. 35. c. 20. Apoc. 20. Joan. 12.
• * 1.359

  Psal. 140.
• * 1.360

  Job. 9.
• * 1.361

  Apoc. 13.4, 5, 6
• * 1.362

  Act. & Mon. p. 90.

  A Revelation imparted to John Fox.
• * 1.363

  The succession of the univer∣sal Church, as also of Eng∣land, from the year of Christ 1066. down∣ward.
• * 1.364

  The principal Learned Men of this time.
• * 1.365

  The Sects & Sectaries of this time.
• * 1.366

  Aug. l. 1. quaest. Evang. q. 38. & tract. 2. in Epist. Joan.
• * 1.367

  A fit compari∣son expressing John Fox his Church.
• * 1.368

  Psal. 47.88. Esay 61. Dan. 2. Mat. 16. 1 Tim. 3. Joan. 16. Mat. 18.
• * 1.369

  St. Augustin impugneth the former absur∣dities.
• * 1.370

  Aug. l. 1. c. 1. contra Epist. Parmen.
• * 1.371

  Ibid. ep. 48. ad Vincent.
• * 1.372

  Aug. in Psal. 101. conc. 2.
• * 1.373

  Aug. ib.
• * 1.374

  Mat. 28.
• * 1.375

  Absurdities & Impieties en∣suing upon the former Doctrin.
• * 1.376

  The patching up of Fox his Church in these Ages.
• * 1.377

  The substance of Fox's fourth Book, contain∣ing 300 years from the Con∣quest to Wick∣liff.
• * 1.378

  Fox. p. 236.
• * 1.379

  Ibid. p. 241.
• * 1.380

  Ibid. p. 255.
• * 1.381

  Pope Grego∣ry VII.
• * 1.382

  Fox p. 159. col. 2. n. 10.
• * 1.383

  Of Lanfrank.
• * 1.384

  Fox p. 167.
• * 1.385

  Of St. Anselm see Edverus in vit. S. Ansel. apud sur. tom. 2. Edmund. Cantuar. in vit. Henr. de viris illust. c. 7. Trit. de viris illust. l. 2. c. 101. & l. 3. c. 329.

  Fox p. 175. Of St. Thomas Becket.
• * 1.386

  Encount. 2. c. 10, 11, 16.
• * 1.387

  Fox p. 209.
• * 1.388

  The state of the Roman Church when Wickliff began.
• * 1.389

  Emperours of these Ages.
• * 1.390

  The principal Learned Men of this Age.
• * 1.391

  General Council of Florence. General Council of Lateran. Council of Trent.
• * 1.392

  Condemnati∣on of Heretics.
• * 1.393

  Aug. de genes. ad litteram c. 1.
• * 1.394

  In his Protest. pag. 9.
• * 1.395

  A starting-hole of Fox.
• * 1.396

  Fox pag. 390. col. 2. n. 33.
• * 1.397

  Fox pag. 400. col. 2.

  Special Judg∣es appointed to examin Wickliff's Do∣ctrin.
• * 1.398

  Wickliff's here∣tical Articles. Fox p. 400.
• * 1.399

  Fox's Church made up of our Dunghil clouts.
• * 1.400

  Stow & Wal∣sing. an. 1414.
• * 1.401

  Fox from p. 530, to 540.
• * 1.402

  Fox p. 592.
• * 1.403

  Fox maketh adversary Heretics of his Church, whe∣ther they will or no.
• * 1.404

  Sir John Old∣castle's Prote∣station at his death.
• * 1.405

  Fox p. 520.
• * 1.406

  Fox p. 314.
• * 1.407

  Fox's perfidi∣ous dealing.
• * 1.408

  Fox p. 529.
• * 1.409

  The Abjura∣tion of Sir John Oldcastle.
• * 1.410

  Supra part 1. c. 5.
• * 1.411

  Fox in his Prot. p. 10.
• * 1.412

  Fox's facility in rejecting Parliaments.
• * 1.413

  Fox p. 10. in Protest.

  Another Par∣liament reje∣cted by Fox.
• * 1.414

  Fox ib. p. 10.
• * 1.415

  If Wickliffian Preachers were now alive, the Pro∣testants would not admit them.
• * 1.416

  How Fox hath found out a visible Church, and from whence.
• * 1.417

  How the Mem∣bers of Fox's visible Church do hang toge∣ther.
• * 1.418

  Of Lollards & their begin∣ning in Eng∣land.

  Prat. l. 10. hae∣res. p. 157.
• * 1.419

  Trit. in chron. an. Dom. 1315.
• * 1.420

  Fox p. 429. col. 1. n. 15.
• * 1.421

  Wickliffians were called Lollards.
• * 1.422

  The peculiar Opinions of the Lollards. Trit. ib.
• * 1.423

  Psal. 113.
• * 1.424

  Flagellants, or whipping He∣retics.

  an. Dom. 1350. Trit. in chron. an. 1350.
• * 1.425

  Aeneas Sylv. histor. Bohem. cap. 35.
• * 1.426

  The diversity of Sects a∣mongst the Hussites.

  Bon. Decad. 4. lib. 2.
• * 1.427

  Luth. in respons. ad Rofensem art. 30.
• * 1.428

  Melanct. epist. ad Freder. Mechonium.
• * 1.429

  Anno Dom. 1382.
• * 1.430

  How Fox beha∣veth himself in defending Wickliffians & their Doctrin.
• * 1.431

  Fox alloweth taking away of Tythes and Temporalities from the Clergy.
• * 1.432

  Fox p. 348.
• * 1.433

  Supra c. 10. Tertull. l. de Praescript.
• * 1.434

  Judic. 15.
• * 1.435

  Fox in Protest. ad Eccl. Angl.
• * 1.436

  Fox ib. p. 10.
• * 1.437

  What Lear∣ning they were of you shall see after∣wards.
• * 1.438

  Mark what men Fox doth couple toge∣ther as of one Faith.
• * 1.439

  A fit similitude & comparison.
• * 1.440

  Fond reason∣ing of Fox.
• * 1.441

  Two Points to be handled in this Chapter.
• * 1.442

  The conditi∣ons of Eccles. Succession.

  Aug in Psal. 90. Conc. 2. & ead. ferè in Psa. 56.
• * 1.443

  True Successi∣on of the Church must be Universal both in place and time.
• * 1.444

  Aug. l. de unit. Eccles. c. 4.
• * 1.445

  Succession is understood principally of Bishops.

  Aug. l. 1. cont. advers. Leg. & Prophet. c. 20.
• * 1.446

  Iren. l. 3. c. 3. Tert. de praesc. Opt. l. 2. cont. Donat.

  Aug. ep. 165.
• * 1.447

  Aug. cont. ep. fundam. c. 4.
• * 1.448

  Aug. l. 2. cont. Faust. c. 2.
• * 1.449

  Four Points required in true Successi∣on of the Ca∣tholic Church.
• * 1.450

  The successive Pillars of Fox his Church have no con∣nexion or co∣herence the one with the other.
• * 1.451

  Aug. ep. 48. ad Vincent. Rogatian.
• * 1.452

  Aug. ep. 42. ad Mandrens. & tract. 2. in ep. Joan.
• * 1.453

  A notable say∣ing of S. Aug. touching Fox's Church.
• * 1.454

  The 3 Point required in Succession, unity of Faith.
• * 1.455

  Athan. in Symb.
• * 1.456

  Dom. Thom 22. q. 5. art 3. & Caet. in cun∣dem & Greg. de Valent. ead. 4. disp. 1. punct. 3.
• * 1.457

  Cyp. l. 1. ep. 6. ad Magnum. Luc. 11.
• * 1.458

  Nazian. tract. de fide.
• * 1.459

  Hier. l. 3. Apol. contra Ruffin.
• * 1.460

  Aug. l. de hae∣res. in fine.
• * 1.461

  A dreadful Censure of the Fathers a∣gainst those that be infect∣ed with He∣resie.

  Aug. ep. 48. ad Vincent.
• * 1.462

  Enc. 1.
• * 1.463

  The catalogue of John Fox's Church-men.
• * 1.464

  Bertramus no Protestant.
• * 1.465

  Trit. in verbo. Bertramus. Sand. de visib. monarch. haer. 133.
• * 1.466

  Berengarius no Protestant.
• * 1.467

  De consecrat. dist. 2. c.

  Ego Berenga∣rius.
• * 1.468

  Fox p. 146. Gerson l. cont. Romant.
• * 1.469

  Cent. 11. c. 10. p. 527.
• * 1.470

  Abbot Joachim no Protestant.
• * 1.471

  Extrav de Trinit.

  Guido Carmel. Bern. Luxem. in Catalog. hae∣reticorum.
• * 1.472

  Almaricus was no Bishop, nor condemned only for Ima∣ges.
• * 1.473

  Caesar. l. dial. d. 5.
• * 1.474

  Conc. Nicaen. Can. 6.
• * 1.475

  Gagnin. l. 6. hist. Franc.
• * 1.476

  Gers. tract. 3. in Matt.

  Paul Aemil. l. 6. hist. Galliae. Geneb. in chron. an. 1208.
• * 1.477

  Naucler. in hist. Tritem. in chron. Monast. Hirsang. Geneb. in chron. an. 1215.
• * 1.478

  The Waldenses, or poor men of Lyons.
• * 1.479

  Aen. Syl. l. 4. de orig. Bohem. cap. 35.

  Ʋrsper. in chron. an. 1212.

  Guido Carm. in haeres. Wal∣dens.

  Anton. p. 3. sum. ti. 11. c. 7.
• * 1.480

  Luxemb. in haeres. paup. de Lugduno.

  Absurd positi∣ons of the Waldenses.
• * 1.481

  Will Fox a∣gree to all this?
• * 1.482

  Luc. 22. 1 Cor. 11.
• * 1.483

  The Albigenses and their blas∣phemous O∣pinions and Actions.
• * 1.484

  Caesar. Cistert. 5 d. dial. Anton. p. 3. tit. 19. ca. 1. Vincent. in spec. l. 3.
• * 1.485

  Caesar. 5. dist. dialog. Luxem. haeresi Albig. Prateol. & Sand. ibidem.
• * 1.486

  Absurd Arti∣cles of the Al∣bigenses, and their Here∣sies.
• * 1.487

  The false deal∣ing of J. Fox.
• * 1.488

  Marsilius of Padua.
• * 1.489

  Alvar. lib. 1. de planct. Ec∣cles. & Castr. libr. 6. contra haereses.

  Gulielmus de sancto amore. Armachanus.
• * 1.490

  Catholic men abused by Fox.
• * 1.491

  1. Cor. 5.
• * 1.492

  The first pub∣lic tumults of Lollards, and Wickliffians in England, An. Dom. 1381. Sto. An. Dom. 1414.
• * 1.493

  Sup. c. 9.
• * 1.494

  Part. 1. cap. 12.
• * 1.495

  The great in∣conveniences ensuing up∣on King Henry VIII. yielding in one Point only to Here∣tics.
• * 1.496

  Heresies to be stopped at the beginning.
• * 1.497

  Sto. an. Domini 1377. p. 425.
• * 1.498

  Upon what Cause and Motives Wick∣liff began his Doctrin. The Habit of the first Wickliffi∣ans.
• * 1.499

  Walsingham an. ult.

  Edov. 3.
• * 1.500

  The first Mo∣tive of John Wickliff and his favourers.
• * 1.501

  Two Aposto∣lical Breves written into England a∣gainst Wicliffi∣ans. Walsing. in vit. Rich. 2. an. 1378.
• * 1.502

  The Calami∣ties in Eng∣land by Wick∣liff his Do∣ctrin.
• * 1.503

  Fox p. 716.717. & dein∣ceps.

  The praise of K. Henry VII.
• (a) 1.504

  Stat. an 5. Ricardi 2. an. Christi 1390. & an. 2. Hen. 4. an. Christi 1402.
• (b) 1.505

  Fox in his Protest. p. 10.
• * 1.506

  A false flatter∣ing Picture set out by Fox of K. Henry VIII.
• * 1.507

  Fox p. 732.
• * 1.508

  Fox his Page∣ants exami∣ned.
• * 1.509

  See from p. 663. unto 751. That K. Hen∣ry's Sword was not for the new Gos∣pel, but a∣gainst it.
• * 1.510

  Fox. p. 764.
• * 1.511

  See from p. 887, to 912. and a∣gain from p. 949, to 957.
• * 1.512

  That K. Henry after his breach with Rome was still an enemy to Protestants Religion.
• * 1.513

  Cap. 12.
• * 1.514

  See Stat. 31 H. 8. cap. 14.
• * 1.515

  Statutes in Religion made by K. Henry against Pro∣testants.
• * 1.516

  Stat. an. 32 H. 8. c. 26.
• * 1.517

  The very Go∣spel against our new Go∣spellers by K. Henry's judgment.
• * 1.518

  K. Henry for∣biddeth the Protestant Translation of the Scriptures.
• * 1.519

  Stat. an. Reg. H. 8.34, & 35, c. 1.
• * 1.520

  The very true and perfect exposition of Scriptures prescribed by K. Henry a∣gainst the Protestants.
• * 1.521

  Will. Tyndall's Translation of the Scriptures condemned, together with the Prote∣stants Books.
• * 1.522

  Fox p. 981.
• * 1.523

  The solemn Judgment & Condemnati∣an of Lambert by the King. Anno 32. H. 8.
• * 1.524

  Fox p. 1026. col. 1. n. 78.
• * 1.525

  Fox and King Henry fallen out.
• * 1.526

  Fox p. 1086. The Protesta∣tion of Crom∣well at his death that he was a Catho∣lic.
• * 1.527

  John Fox is sore pressed about the L. Cromwell.
• * 1.528

  Fox p. 1084.
• * 1.529

  Tyndall's judg∣ment & testi∣mony of the first motives towards Pro∣testancy in K. Henry Fox p. 977.
• * 1.530

  Hall. in chron. an. Reg. H. 8.28. fol. 228. The first Book of alteration of Religion in England devi∣sed by King Henry.
• * 1.531

  A certain Conference between a Courtier & a Lady about devising No∣velties in Re∣ligion.
• * 1.532

  Cocl. in vit. Lu∣ther. & Sur. ann. Dom. 1516, 1517.
• * 1.533

  The Reply of the Lady with the Courtier's Answer.
• * 1.534

  Of these Hollanders, see Holinshead an. 27 H. 8. mensè Maii 1535.
• * 1.535

  See Holinsh. and Stow of this Polling. an. 1535.
• * 1.536

  The growing and going forward of the new Gos∣pel under King Henry. Fox p. 1036.
• * 1.537

  Fox ib.
• * 1.538

  See before, cap. 7.
• * 1.539

  Fox p. 991. col. 2. n. 30.
• * 1.540

  King Henry's beginning of alteration af-the death of Q. Anne Bullen.
• * 1.541

  The chiefest credit of Crom∣well, when new Gospel∣lers were most punished by King Henry.
• * 1.542

  Hol. an. 1540. pag. 950.
• * 1.543

  The first point of spiritual misery of the Gospellers Church under King Henry, Confusion.
• * 1.544

  Luth. in parva Confess de coe∣na Domini.

  Melancthon lib. de suo Judicio ad Elect. Rhen. an. Dom. 1560. Freder. Staph. l. de Concord. Luth. Lyndan. in dubitant.

  Praet. initio lib. de vit. & sectis haeret.
• * 1.545

  The different Classes and sorts of Secta∣ries sprung from Luther since the year 1517.
• * 1.546

  How John Fox coupleth all Sectaries in his Church.
• * 1.547

  The second spiritual mise∣ry of J. Fox's Church, con∣tradiction a∣mong them∣selves in their Belief.
• * 1.548

  See part 3. of Bilney, die 10. Martii. an. 1531.
• * 1.549

  Tho. Bilney Jo. Frith. Will. Tyndall.
• * 1.550

  Part 3. die 2 Jan. & die 6 Octob.

  Frier Barns. Gerrard, Je∣rom, & Lam∣bert.

  Ridley, Hoop∣er, Rogers, Latymer. Andrew Hew∣it
• * 1.551

  Part 1. c. 12. Peter German.
• * 1.552

  See his day, part 3. & 13 Octob.

  Colyns and Coubridge made Martyrs. Fox p. 1033.
• * 1.553

  Fox's Confes∣sors under King Henry.
• * 1.554

  Erasmus Ro∣terodamus.
• * 1.555

  die 26 De∣cemb.
• * 1.556

  Erasm. l. 16. ep. 11.
• * 1.557

  Picus Miran∣dula.
• * 1.558

  Bucer. Melancthon.
• * 1.559

  Friar Bucer's Answer to the Duke of Northumber∣land.
• * 1.560

  Of King Ed∣ward VI.
• * 1.561

  Two fond Pa∣geants of King Henry and K. Edward.
• * 1.562

  Other ridicu∣lous Paintings of Fox.
• * 1.563

  What the Ro∣man Ship car∣ried away, and what the Protestants Ship brought into England.
• * 1.564

  A Picture of the Protestants Agreement.
• * 1.565

  Promotions made by the Protector in the beginning of King Ed∣ward's days.
• * 1.566

  Holinshead. Stow and o∣thers, an. Dom. 1547.
• * 1.567

  The Journey into Scotland, why it was de∣vised in King Edward's time.
• * 1.568

  The rushing in of Apostates into England.
• * 1.569

  Bernard Ochinus. Vid. Sander. l. de visib. Mo∣narch. p. 627.
• * 1.570

  The causes of jars between the new Pro∣testant Prea∣chers.
• * 1.571

  Stow. Anno 1539.
• * 1.572

  Statut. Anno Domini 1547. Edw. 6. An. 1.
• * 1.573

  Liberty and Impunity granted to all Heretics.
• * 1.574

  Joan Knell condemned and burned by Cranmer. Sto. in Chron. An. 1549.
• * 1.575

  Sir Francis Inglefield.
• * 1.576

  Fox pag. 1180. col. 2. n. 40. Fox his im∣pertinent Brag of im∣punity under King Edward.
• * 1.577

  The suffering of Catholics under King Edward.
• * 1.578

  Fox pag. 1180. n. 14.
• * 1.579

  The 2d Point handled in the first Parlia∣ment about the Blessed Sacrament.
• * 1.580

  Stat. an. 1. Ed. 6. cap. 1.
• * 1.581

  The Statute about the B. Sacrament.
• * 1.582

  Mat. 26. Luc. 22. 1 Cor. 11.
• * 1.583

  Deceitful dea∣ling in this Statute.
• * 1.584

  The first Com∣munion Book in English re∣jected.
• * 1.585

  The allow∣ance of Priests and Friers Marriages re∣jected in this Parliament.
• * 1.586

  The resolute proceeding of the Lord Pro∣tector.
• * 1.587

  Fox p. 1183.
• * 1.588

  Candles, A∣shes, & Palms forbidden by the Protector.
• * 1.589

  Fox ib. Col. 2.
• * 1.590

  Images taken away by the Protector's Letter before the Parlia∣ment.
• * 1.591

  A new Com∣munion Book thrust upon Catholics by the Prote∣ctor's only Authority. Fox p. 1184. Col. 1.
• * 1.592

  The Confusi∣on that insued in England upon the first Innovation.
• * 1.593

  The troubles and garboils in Temporal Affairs, ensu∣ing upon Ec∣clesiastical Confusion.
• * 1.594

  Bal. de script. Britan. fol. 238.
• * 1.595

  The second Parliament of King Edward. An. 1548. 4. Novemb.
• * 1.596

  Statut. Anno 2. Edw. 6. cap. 21. Anno Do∣mini 1548. The Statute of Impunity for Priests and Friers to Marry.
• * 1.597

  The second Contention about their new Commu∣nion Book.
• * 1.598

  The Zwinglian Faction did o∣ver-bear the Lutheran in King Edwards days.
• * 1.599

  Two men cast into Prison by Cranmer for speaking a∣gainst the Sa∣crament of the Altar. Fox p. 1180. & 1181.
• * 1.600

  The perpl ex ty of Peter Martyr in Ox∣ford about ex∣pounding Hoc est Corpus meum.
• * 1.601

  Dissembling and tergiver∣sation of Pe∣ter Martyr.
• * 1.602

  Stat. an. 2 Ed. 6 cap. 1.
• * 1.603

  The new Communion-Book made upon the frailty and weakness of Subjects.
• * 1.604

  The judgment and speeches of the purer sort of Prote∣stants against the foresaid Communion-Book.
• * 1.605

  Fox p. 1355.
• * 1.606

  Catholics ex∣cepted from pardon in the Statute.
• * 1.607

  The appre∣hension and condemnation and death of the Lord Tho∣mas Seymor by his Brother and other new Gospellers.
• * 1.608

  Stat. an. 2 Ed. 6. cap. 18. Anno Dom. 1548.
• * 1.609

  The Revel that ensued presently up∣on this Parlia∣ment of 4th of Novemb. 1548.
• * 1.610

  Holinsh. Stow. Anno Dom. 1549.
• * 1.611

  The Protector cast into the Tower, Octob. 4. an. 1549.
• * 1.612

  Stow an. 3, & 6. 1555,
• * 1.613

  The conclusi∣on concerning the occasions, means, events, and fruits of the new Gospel.
• * 1.614

  A considerati∣on of much importance.
• * 1.615

  Holinsh. An. Dom. 1553. pag. 1089.
• * 1.616

  Stow in Chron. An. 1553.
• * 1.617

  The Duke of Northumber∣land's Confes∣sion of his Faith at his Death.
• * 1.618

  Fox pag. 120.
• * 1.619

  The form and fashion of Fox's new Church and Religion.
• * 1.620

  Pag. 8.
• * 1.621

  The sleights and shifts of John Fox in his Writings,
• * 1.622

  A Compari∣son expressing the different dealing of Ca∣tholics and Protestants a∣bout seeking the true Church and Religion.
• * 1.623

  Three diffe∣rences.
• * 1.624

  1. The different estimation of the Church, and lineal de∣scent thereof, between Ca∣tholics and Protestants. Aug. l. 1. cont. Crescon. c. 33.
• * 1.625

  Lactant. lib. 4. divin. Instit. cap. ult.
• * 1.626

  Lactant. ibid.
• * 1.627

  All Heretics do challenge to be the true Church.
• * 1.628

  Cyp. l. de simpl. Praelat.
• * 1.629

  Aug. Ep. 204. ad Donatum, Presbyt. Dona∣tist.
• * 1.630

  No man can be saved out of the true Church.
• * 1.631

  Cypr. Tract. de unit. Ecclesiae.
• * 1.632

  How much it importeth each man to consider, whe∣ther he be in the true Ch. or not.
• * 1.633

  The benefits by being in the Church.
• * 1.634

  Marc. ultim.
• * 1.635

  Mat. 18.
• * 1.636

  Joan. 20.
• a 1.637

  The contem∣ptibility of the Prote∣stants Church even among themselves.
• b 1.638

  See Luth ep. ad Alb. March. Prusiae & ep. ad Jacob. Brem. Aurif. tit. haer. West ph. l. cont. Calvin. Stanch. l. de Trin. & Mediat. He∣shus. in defens. con. Calvinum. Calv. admonit. contra West ph. Kemnit. ep. ad Elector. Bran∣diburg. Confess. Tigur. tract. 3. &c.
• c 1.639

  See also the two English Books, the one called Dange∣rous Positions; the other, A Survey of Di∣sciplinary Do∣ctrin, &c. August. cont. ep. fund c. 5. Lactan. l. 4. c. ult.

  What Church S. Cyprian and S. Augustin do call Catholic.
• * 1.640

  Aug. l. 3. con∣tra Gaudent. Donat. cap. 1.
• * 1.641

  Cypr. l. de unit. Eccl.
• * 1.642

  Fox's Protest. pag. 8.

  The baseness and obscurity of the Prote∣stant Church by their own confession.
• * 1.643

  Fox in Protest. ibid.

  See S. August. of this very Point, Tract. 1. in ep. Joan. & lib. contra ep. Petil. c. 14. & in Psal. 30. conc. 2. & alibi. Chrysost. Hom. 4. de verbis Isaiae, vidit Dominum, &c.
• * 1.644

  Fox ibid.
• * 1.645

  Fox in the dif∣ference, &c. betwixt the old Roman Church and the new, pag. 26.
• * 1.646

  Acts and Mo∣numents, pag. 1560.

  Fox p. 1561. col. 2. n. 74.
• * 1.647

  August. contr. ep. Fundam. cap. 5.
• * 1.648

  What John Fox taketh from his Church.
• * 1.649

  The Prote∣stants believe the Devil as much as their own Church.
• * 1.650

  The second principal point wherein Catholics and Protestants do differ.
• * 1.651

  Cypr. l. 4. ep. 2. Epiph. in haer. Cathar. Aug. l. de haer. c. 69. & 88. & l. 3. contr. Par. men. c. 2.
• * 1.652

  The Confe∣rence at Car∣thage between Catholics and Donatists.
• * 1.653

  Aug. in Brevi∣culo Collat. 3. cap. 3.
• * 1.654

  The first point discussed be∣tween S. Au∣gustin and the Donatists a∣bout the Name Catho∣lic.
• * 1.655

  The second point be∣tween the Doatists and Catholics.
• * 1.656

  August. Coll. 3. cap. 8.
• * 1.657

  The third point discus∣sed between the Catholics and Donatists at Carthage.
• * 1.658

  C••llat. 3. cap. 8.
• * 1.659

  A contention about the Pa∣rables of Christ con∣cerning the Church. Matt. 13. Matt. 3. Luc. 3.
• * 1.660

  Marc. 3. & 13.

  Mat. 29.
• * 1.661

  Collat. 3. c. 9.10, & 11.
• * 1.662

  The third principal dif∣ference about the proprie∣ties & marks of the true Church.
• * 1.663

  A Compari∣son of diffe∣rent giving of notes to find a thing by.
• * 1.664

  Proprieties and Marks the true Church given by Catholics.
• * 1.665

  Luth. lib. de conc. parte ult.
• * 1.666

  The marks of the Church fondly set down by He∣retics.
• * 1.667

  Magdeb. cent. 1. lib. 2. c. 4. Calv. l. 4. In∣stit. cap. 1.
• * 1.668

  Protestant Ministers do flie publick Conference as the Donatists did.
• * 1.669

  Aug. in Brevit. Praefat. ad coll. 1. diti.
• * 1.670

  Coll. 1. cap. 8. The tergiver∣sation of the Donatists to flie publick Trial.
• * 1.671

  Coll. 1. c. 11.12, 13, & 14.
• * 1.672

  How English Ministers have fled publick Con∣ference hi∣therto.
• * 1.673

  Coll. 3. c. 25.