Religion and loyalty, the second part, or, The history of the concurrence of the imperial and ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the government of the church from the beginning of the reign of Jovian to the end of the reign of Justinian / by Samuel Parker ...

§. XXVI. But what were there no Acts of Mercy in his Reign? nay what if there were nothing but Acts of Mercy? what if no other Reign can vie Acts of Clemency with it? And for the issue of that Challenge I will farther Challenge both the Libeller and the Librarian to find any one Offender in all his Reign,

that did not meet with more mercy then justice, or to find me in all Records from the beginning of Mankind so many in∣stances of a great and generous Nature in any one Prince. With what barbarity were his Confederates assassinated, and with what fury was his own Empire be∣set, by Gilimer King of the Vandals, and Vitigis King of the Goths, yet when by the Event of War, they were made his Prisoners, with what Prince-like respect did he treat them? Instead of any revengeful usage they enjoyed the Wealth and State of Princes; Vit gis chose to continue at Court, Gilimer had the grant of vast Re∣venues for himself and his Relations in Gaul, and was courted to accept of the dignity of a Patriarchate, but rendred himself uncapable of it, by refusing to quit the Arian Heresie. Johannes Cappa∣dox, a man that Justinian had obliged above all men, having made him both Patriar∣chate, Consul, and P••efect of the City, in which last Office the Empire being en∣sured to him by the Magicians, he is foolishly drawn in to conspire the death and destruction of the Emperor, and is undenyably Convicted of it,* 1.1 yet after all this discovery this wicked man (and Procopius gives a blacker Character of him then of any man in his whole Histo∣ry)

is so far from being put to death, that he is only put into a Monastery, and that with such vast wealth, and so many ad∣vantages of life, that as Procopius ob∣serves, if he had been endowed with Wit enough to estimate his happiness by the measures of Reason, not of Ambition, he would have valued his Misfortune, as the most happy thing that ever befel him. But now to compare the truth and the ingenuity of the open and the secret Hi∣stories concerning this unhappy man, by the first it is proved that he was guilty of all manner of wickedness and oppressi∣on, an Atheist and a Villain, that de∣signed the Crown for his own Head by the Murther of his Royal Master, and that certainly is enough to put any Sub∣ject out of all capacity of mercy. And yet in the Anecdota his fall is imputed meerly to Theodora's Revenge, for en∣deavouring to alienate the Emperors Affe∣ctions from her. And if it were so, that was so ill an Office, that (if any thing could) would warrant the lawfulness of it. But whether there were, or were not any thing of Pique in the Case, it is certain that he had discovered his Ambi∣tion to supplant his Master, and if after that the Empress by slite over-reach't him, whatever private design she might

have in it, it was in it self an eminent act of duty. And by this we may judg both of the Wisdom and the Petulancy of this Libeller, when he snarles at an A∣ction so commendable in it self, and so commended by Procopius himself in his relation of it. In short, when Procopius had painted this Man in such black Characters, in common discretion he ought not, he could not have made his Prosecution a Crime; for setting aside the Empresses disgust, by Procopius his own re∣port from the deposition of the Witnesses, he deserved death for his Treason, and then after that, what ever motives she might have to prosecute, no Man could have any just ground to blame the Prosecution. And yet after all the good Emperor spared the Traitors blood, and only condemn'd him to say his Prayers, and sue out his pardon in Heaven, as he in great mercy had granted it here on earth. But so blind was the importunity of the Man, that he rusht into farther Disorders, till he was at last turn'd loose to beg Bread and Farthings, which story was in the Legend Age of Christianity fastned I know not by whom upon the great Be∣lizarius. But now considering the hei∣nousness of this unhappy Man's Offences, Theodora and Antonina, who entrapt him,

as great Furies as they are represented for it by the Libel, are not less to be commended for their honesty in the de∣sign, then the dexerity of their Wit in its management. Neither upon the whole Matter do I find them to have been such instruments of Cruelty, as they are made not only by this Libel, but the common vogue. It is evident that they were Ladies of great Art and Sub∣tilty, that had great power over their Husbands, and by that means great share in the Government, in which as they had opportunity of doing many other good Offices, so the discovery of this Traitor was none of the least. And as for Theodora, how black soever she is painted in this Libel, I cannot find but that she bears a very fair Character in all other Writers both for Wisdom, Piety and Charity. Procopius himself gives an high commendation of her Wisdom in his first Book de bello Persico:* 1.2 And in his Books de Aedificiis reckons up many of her foundations for pious and chari∣table Uses, especially that of destroying the publick Stews▪ and building and en∣dowing religious Houses for the mainte∣nance of lewd People taken out of them, there to repent of the Wickedness of their former lives, and sequester them∣selves

to Prayer and Devotion. And as for her good-nature he has left this Cha∣racter of it upon Record,* 1.3 that it was in her temper to relieve and protect the oppressed, and therefore she forced Ar∣tabanes, a great favourite with the Em∣peror, to receive his injured Wife, a piece of Justice that laid the foundation of a Conspiracy against the Emperor's life, as we shall see afterward. And as much as that Age abounded with Writers, none of them have left any ill character or ill story of her upon Record, unless in the point of Religion, that she favour'd the Acephali and the Eutychians. So that whereas this Libel reports that she was at first a Player, a common Strumpet, the most infamous Prostitute of the City, 'tis as probably true as the other tale of her being a Witch, and having carnal copulation with the Devil. And it is ve∣ry likely that so wise a Prince should take a Woman of such publick infamy into his Bed and his Bosom, but if he did, it is much more so, that when the thing was so uni∣versally known in the whole Empire, and out of it too, (for such Reports stop no where) that yet not any the least foot∣steps of it should appear in any Writer either of the same or the adjoyning Ages. There were at that time several Histori∣ans,

that lived out of the Dominions of Justinian, as Jornandes, Cassiodorus, Pau∣lus Diaconus, who might have spoke out with freedom and without danger, and yet they are altogether silent. There were many angry and disobliged Wri∣ters, as all the Africans, who suffer'd in the Cause of the tria capitula, and their African Blood would have been tempted at least to make some remote Reflecti∣ons upon a thing so foul and foolish. E∣vagrius did not write till the Justinian Family was extinct, and it is too evident, for what reason I know not, unless it be that he followed an Eutychian Histo∣rian, that he had no kindness for it, and yet he knows nothing of the matter. Now that a thing of so strange a nature, of so great concernment, so known, so pub∣lick in all parts of the World should ne∣ver be so much as mention'd or intima∣ted in such a great variety of Writers, it must require a very greedy Faith to swallow it. But Alemannus, as his cu∣stom is, vouches the story out of Almoin a French historian, that lived not till near three hundred years after the death of Justinian, and accordingly he gives such a false and fabulous account of the whole reign, as only proves his barbarous ig∣norance of all the transactions of that time.

As for the treatment of Pope Silverius, it was foul enough, but as far as the Empress was concern'd in the Plot, I can∣not see, that she was farther chargeable with any thing than the Eutychian or ra∣ther Acephalan Heresie. She was a Pa∣troness of the Party, and as most Women are, zealous to advance her own Sect, and that no doubt made her willing to be rid of Pope Silverius, who would not be wrought to any compliance with her or condescension to her Faction. But as for the forging of Letters in his Name to the Goths, if there were any truth in the story, it was none of her Action, Rome being the Scene of it, whereas she always resided at Constantinople. But for my own part I care not to be too credulous in the Reports of those times, when Men were so factious and partial in their Re∣lations. Though that such Letters there were either true or counterfeit 'tis cer∣tain, but whether, uncertain. The A∣fricans affirm that they were forged, and that is easily said, when Men are wrang∣ling for a baffled Party, but upon what ground they say it, 'tis utterly in the dark, and will now never come to light, Silverius dying before it ever came to Tryal. Neither is it so improbable that he should side with the King of the Goths,

for the sake of his great Master Theodo∣rick, by whose favor he had been ad∣vanced into the Papal Chair.* 1.4 That he was solicited to it by Vitigis we are as∣sured by the true Procopius, but that he gave his consent, he cannot tell, but ra∣ther on the contrary that he sided with Belizarius, and perswaded the Citizens to open their Gates to him,* 1.5 but whe∣ther out of fear or favor, was known to himself alone. Though the first motive of fear is most probable, as Procopius tells the story,* 1.6 that Belizarius being af∣ter his entrance into Rome strictly besieg∣ed by the Goths, he sent away all that were useless or suspected, and among these Silverius himself. And that I take to be all the mystery of his Banishment, and all the black circumstances added by the Africans to be their own cholerick Surmises, out of whom this malicious Rhapsodist borrowed most of his Fables, and then improved them with his own Venom.

And lastly as for the barbarous mur∣ther of the great Queen Amalasuntha, which this Author says, was contrived by Theodora to prevent her design'd Journey to Constantinople out o•• envy and jealousie of her beauty; for which end she imployed Peter the Emperor's Am∣bassador

to Theodatus, to perswade him to put her to death. But beside that this story has the ill fortune to have no Vouchers, and that on the contrary 'tis cross't by all co-temporary Writers, it is here told so awkerdly, as plainly to give it self the Lye. And if the Pamphleteer had consulted Procopius himself,* 1.7 he would have told him, that though the Queen had once design'd for Constantinople, yet at this time she was so very far from a∣ny such thought, that she had taken the whole burthen of the Government upon her self, and though she had admit∣ted her Kinsman Theodatus to a partner∣ship of the Pomp and Title of Majesty, she by an Oath of Allegiance from him reserved all the Power to her self. And as for Peter the Ambassador, he had so little hand in perswading the Tyrant to the Villainy, that he had not so much as ever seen him, when it was committed, being at that time on his Journey, and staying at Apollonia for farther Orders from his Master: by whose command, when he came to Rome he declared an e∣ternal War against the Goths in revenge of her Majesties de••th. And the Empe∣ror was (as he always was) as good as his word, for he never left them till he had utterly destroyed both their Govern∣ment,

and their Nation. We see here how hard a thing it is to file a Lye so square, as that it shall light even on all sides, for this Libeller is so unfortunate, as to cross with Procopius himself in eve∣ry part and circumstance of his story; and to betray his Forgeries as much by his innocent as malicious Mistakes, and what could be more unhappy than for the same Man to tell us that Peter after his Arrival at Rome perswaded Theodatus to murther Amalasuntha, and yet tell us that she was murther'd before he set foot upon Italian Ground.

So much for Theodora, the next Fury is Antonina, the inseparable Companion of all her Wickedness, who therefore ought to be clear'd and acquitted by her dis∣charge; but for her commendation I must add, that she is every where celebrated by Procopius for a Woman of prodigious Wit, to which he very much ascribes Be∣lizarius his success in his Wars, in which she never left him, but when she stayed at Court to watch the Motions of Joan∣nes Cappadox, who out of meer malice and envy lay at catch for his destruction, and how neatly she tript up the great Statesman, we have seen above, though the Reader may see it more largely de∣scribed by Procopius himself. So little

design of Cruelty had this Lady in the over-throw of Cappadox,* 1.8 that she did no more than what was necessary for her Husbands security, an Action that I think no Man can deem a fault in a Court-lady. And as for those many and shameless Adulteries, that the Pamphlet loads her with, it is but a single testi∣mony of we know not whom, no such thing being in the least suggested against her by any other Writer. But this sort of tales are proper materials for Lam∣poons, for as it is hard to prove them, so is it as hard to disprove them, and with∣al they take most easily with the Ill-na∣ture of Mankind, though without unde∣nyable proof they ought to be rejected as the standing Topicks of Calumny. But that Belizarius should imprison her for her Lewdness, and yet be so very strangely fond of her, as this inconsistent Scribler tells the Tale, is a thing so incredible in it self, that scarce any Testimony can have credit enough to give it reputation. And it is of the same stamp with Theodo∣rus being a Player and a common Strum∣pet, that a thing so notorious and publick as this should never be mention'd by any other Writer, especially in an Age so a∣bounding with Historians of contrary Fa∣ctions. But to proceed in the history of

Justinian's Cruelty:* 1.9 There was one Ar∣tabanes, that the Emperor had raised from a mean Condition to the highest Honors in the Empire, and would have given him his own Sister in marriage, had not the Banes been forbidden by a former Wife. But he to revenge the dis∣appointment conspires with one Arsaces against the Emperor's life. This Arsaces had been convicted of High-Treason; and conspiracy with the Goths, for which, when he was legally condemn'd, he was not so much as fined or banisht, but on∣ly whipt to shame him out of the folly of his Design. These draw in other Conspirators, till at last the Plot is fully discover'd to the Emper••r, and conf••ss't by themselves; and yet is he so far from putting any of them to death, that he only put them out of their Preferments, and enacted nothing more severely a∣gainst them than an honorable Confine∣ment, imprisoning them in his own Pa∣lace, and not in a Common Goal. And not long after we find Artabanes recei∣ved into favor, made Vice-Roy of Thrace,* 1.10 and Lord High Admiral in the Expediti∣on against Totilas the Goth, when he in∣vaded Sicily. But as generous as he was towards his own Enemies, he was wont to infuse a stronger tincture of Justice in

the punishment of other Men's Wrongs: Thus when Gubazas King of the Colchi or Lazi, his Confederate, was murther'd by a Conspiracy of the Principal Officers of the Roman Army, and complaint of the Villainy brought to the Emperor, he refers the examination of the Matter to a fair Tryal, as we may see in Agathias, who has set down an exact Narrative of the Pleadings on all sides;* 1.11 and after a full hearing, the Offenders being found guilty, they were executed according to Law. Only Martinus for his many for∣mer good Services was reprieved from Ex∣ecution, though put out of all Imploy∣ment and confin'd to a retired life. For though, as the Historian sets it down, he ought to have suffer'd with John and Ru∣sticus his Associates, yet the Emperor out of regard to his many Victories, and the great conduct that he had shewed in all dangers, thought it best to remit the strictness of Law, and temper its rigour with some mixture of Mercy, and there∣fore he gave him his life, but deprived him of all Command, and thought it sufficient to punish so great a Man with disgrace, thou••h he had so deep a share in ••o great a Wickedness. These are the bloody Acts of a De••il and a wild beast in humane shape, always busie in the de∣struction

of Mankind, as he is in every Page stiled in this dull and insipid Libel. But before we quit this Head it will be pro∣per to vindicate both Belizarius, and the Emperor's demeanour towards him. For how it comes to pass I know not, but it has long past among the Writers of later Ages, that he was banisht for High-Treason, had his Eyes pulled out, and forced to beg upon the High-way, so that da Obolum Belizario is become one of the most common Pulpet-Texts. And yet it is all pure Fable and Romance, not only without any Authority from Ancient Records, but again••t the un∣doubted Reports of Co-temporary Wri∣ters, especially Procopius and Agathias who have followed the H••story of his good For∣tune to the end of his life, but most of all from his last expedition in his extreme old Age against the Huns, by which the Hi∣storian says, he gained more honour than by all his former Victories,* 1.12 and then it is certain that he was not reduced to the condition of a blind Beggar; so that this Story is to be rejected as meer Fable with∣out any farther Confutation. But be∣cause this great man has fallen under the lash of this rude Satyrist, we must do right to the memory of the greatest man upon Record: for though Procopius has

done it to purpose in the History of his Actions, that as he describ••s them, are not to be parallel'd by any of the Ancient Greeks or Romans, yet this counterfeit represents him as a mean, contemptible, and cowardly wretch, the very laughing-stock of the common People, and that he fell into disgrace with the Emperor af∣ter his Conquest of Gilimer and Vitigis, out of envy to that vast Treasury, of which he defrauded the Exchequer; that he walkt the Streets of Constantinople sad and solitary, expecting to be stab'd by e∣very man that met him: that after he was restored to favour he lost Italy by his covetousness, and so again became the object of publick contempt, with a great many more streins of the same Civility and Eloquence. And thus is this mighty Hero, this great wonder of the World, so Glorious for all his Vertues,* 1.13 Greatness and Constancy of Mind, Conduct and Skill in War, singular Temper and Cle∣mency, Bounty and Liberality, Faith and Loyalty shrunk into a thing as con∣temptible as a Knight Errant in Burlesque▪ But of all Lyers this Romanc••r is the most unhappy that I ever met with, and is so unfortunate as to contradict the true Historians not only in his Characters, but undenyable matters of Fact. For

at what time and upon what occasion did he fall into this disgrace? If we may believe our Author▪ it was after the Con∣quest of Gil••mer and Vitigis, for not deli∣vering up his spoils into the Emperors Treasury. But what says the true Proco∣pius the Eye-Witness and Companion of all his Fortunes.* 1.14 When he was offer'd the Kingdom of Italy by the vanquisht Goths, he flatly refused it as an Act of Treason against his Royal Master, imme∣diately repair'd to Constantinople with Vi∣tigis and all his Wealth, and all the Trea∣sure of King Theodorick, with which the Emperor was so surprised, it being the greatest that ever was amassed together in one heap, that he made a solemn invi∣tation of the Senate to view and admire it. And though at this time he gave not Belizarius a publick Triumph, as he did at his return out of Africa, yet he was the wonder and the praise of all men, ha∣ving obtain'd two such Victories, as ne∣ver any man did before him, brought two Captive Kings to Constantinople, and a∣bove all mens expectation delivered into the hands of the Romans both the Fami∣lies and the Treasuries of Gezarick and Theodorick (than whom never were greater Princes among the Barbarians) and restored the Wealth taken from the

Enemies to the Common-wealth▪ and in a little time restored one half of the lost Empire to the other. So that at Constan∣tinople he was the delight of all mens eyes; the People thought they could ne∣ver gaze enough upon him, and his appear∣ance in publick was like a Pompous Tri∣umph, always attended with a mighty Train of Goths, Vandals and Moors. After this follows a long Character of all his Vertues, especially his incredible Bounty to his Souldiers, which the Rea∣der may peruse at leisure, it being too long to be transcribed. And then as for the infinite wealth that he brought out of Africk, and delivered into the Em∣perors Exchequer,* 1.15 it is set down by Pro∣copius in the description of his Triumph, as the greatest Treasury in the World: And among the rest were the Vessels and Furniture of Solomon's Temple, that Titus brought to Rome, and Gizerick carried away when he sack't it, and the Empe∣ror to avoid the Misprision of Sacriledge, thought it his duty to return them to the Christian Churches at Jerusalem. Now if we compare this Account of Pro∣copius with the Anecdota concerning the same Time and Action, how could the Wit of Mankind have better way-layed the Malice of this Scribler? For

this was no part of secret History, no closet- or bed-chamber Transaction, but all such publick shew as was not capa∣ble to be be-lyed. And therefore when Procopius writes it to his own age, to thousands of Eye-witnesses, that Beliza∣rius was worshipt both by the Prince and the People for that vast Treasure that he brought into the Chequer, what can we conclude of the secret Historian, that has the confidence and the igno∣rance, as to obtrude such an incredible Flam upon all Posterity, that he was the contempt of all Men, deserted by his Friends, sad and solitary, and that the occasion of all this disgrace was embe∣zelling the Emperor's Treasury. Com∣pare but these two Reports together of one and the same thing that was not a∣cted in secret, but upon the most pub∣lick Stage in the World, and from that alone we may learn what Faith is to be given to this goodly Romance.

And lastly as for the ill-success of his second Expedition into Italy, which the Libel lays intirely upon his ill Conduct, he has here some little truth to help out his malice: For it is true that his second expedition was not so successful as his other Wars, but whose fault was that? Every Man's rather than Beliza∣rius.

For at his first Expedition against Vitigis, he left Italy in a settled State of Peace and Safety:* 1.16 but in his absence at the Persian Wars, it was lost by the neg∣ligence of other Captains, upon this Be∣lizarius is recall'd from Persia (where he had in a very short time broke all the strength of the great King Chosroes,) and is posted away with all speed into Italy without Men or Money. The last is confest by the Libel it self, that upon that account charges him with Cove∣tousness and Oppression. And it is not to be doubted, but that the Contributi∣ons of the Inhabitants must have been very heavy. But it was not in Beliza∣rius his power to ease them, for he came to defend their Country, and having no other Supplies, they must either main∣tain the Charges of the War or submit to the Enemy. But alass he was not able to act or attempt any thing for want of Forces,* 1.17 as Procopius himself informs us, that he could not make up a body of 4000 Men, and those but raw Soldiers and unarmed,* 1.18 that he had pickt up in his passage through Thrace and Illyri∣cum. Upon this he writes to the Empe∣ror for Men, Money and Arms, and tells him plainly that Belizarius his meer pre∣sence in Italy was not of force enough

to recover it, and therefore supplies he must have, particularly the Souldiers, that were immediately under his own Command. For that was his custom in all his Wars to lead 7000 of his best Horse in Person,* 1.19 and it was chiefly by their courage that he obtain'd all his great Victories. But no relief coming, Totilas carries all before him, and lays siege to Rome it self, till Narses came with new Forces: At whose arrival Be∣lizarius had raised the siege with 500 Men, had he not been betrayed by Bes∣sa the Governor of the City, who when the whole Gothish Army was put into disorder within his sight, refused to sally out, though he had 3000 Men in the Garrison. Upon this Belizarius moves forward with his whole Army, and being much inferior in force, he made it up with Art and Stratagem, and managed his first On set with that Conduct and Dexterity, that he had given an utter Defeat to the Gothish Army, notwith∣standing that the Governor never sallied out in all the Engagement: though he could not compleat his Victory, being forced to make a suddain Retreat by the rashness of one of his Commanders: who being left behind to secure the Trea∣sure and Ammunition, and hearing of

the great Victory, he resolved to have a share in the honor of it; and so leaves his Post, falls upon a Party of the Ene∣nemy, is routed, and not only the whole Baggage is in their power, but the security of Belizarius his retreat is cut off. And for that reason he was forced to leave his Victory unfinished; and the City being very ill defended by the Go∣vernor, and betrayed by some of the Guards, who in the Night set open the Gates to the Besiegers, it became an ea∣sie Prey to the Enemy. And yet Toti∣las was so shockt with this rough En∣counter, that he dispatches to the Em∣peror Letters to request Peace. In the mean time Belizarius goes on with suc∣cess, and upon it Totilas in a rage re∣solves to destroy Rome, but desists upon a Letter from Belizarius partly civil and partly threatning, and marches away with the Body of his Army towards Ra∣venna. Whereupon Belizarius surprises Rome, and makes all possible hast to re∣pair the Fortifications, but before he could set up the Gates. Totilas returns with all his Forces, and in two general Assaults is beat off with prodigious Slaughter, and forced to retreat with great fear and consternation; in so much that the Goths broke down-all the Brid∣ges

over the Tiber, lest the Romans should pursue them, and so Belizarius went on to repair the Walls and the Gates, and when he had finisht, sent the Keys of the City for a Present to the Emperor. And the Emperor in requital sends him fresh Supplies; but Belizarius sailing to Tarentum for their reception, is driven by storm into Croto, and in his absence his land-Army engage the Enemy, at first with good success, but at last for want of good Conduct they are utterly rou∣ted. Upon the news of this irreparable loss he sails for Sicily, there receives some Recruits, and attempts to raise the Siege of Ruscia, but is again defeated by ano∣ther storm, upon which he changes his Councils, and new Models his Army,* 1.20 and at this very nick of time is he cal∣led back by the Emperor to Command in the Persian War, that was then very pressing on that side of the Empire. This is all the ill conduct that this great Ge∣neral was guilty of in this Expedition; it was not indeed so honorable as his other Wars, because not so successful, but where the Miscarriages lay we have seen in the Premises, from whence it appears that Belizarius was so far from committing a∣ny Faults, that it was his greatest work through the whole War to retrieve other

Mens losses.* 1.21 And therefore he is recei∣ved by the Emperor and the Court with all possible expressions of Honor, and all Men contend who shall give him most homage, to the great contentment and satisfaction of the Emperor. And that was the only true reason why he com∣manded not in the third Expedition a∣gainst the Goths, because the Emperor could not part with him from his own Person, and so he continued at Court all the re∣mainder of his life in the height of fa∣vor and glory, till in his extreme old Age he rescued the Empire from the Huns, and set in that glorious Action. So dull a Fable is this of our Rhapsodist, that he was the object of publick contempt ever after his return from Italy. But though to blast a Mans good Fortune be an acti∣on barbarous enough, yet to blot out his Vertues, and place the blackest Vices in their stead, so as to turn a Man of the greatest Honor in the World into a false and perjur'd Villain, is a depth of malice below (if it were possible) the bottom∣less pit it self. And among all the Evils under the Sun, I think this a deplorable one from this Example, that the Repu∣tations of the greatest Men lye so much at the mercy and in the power of every ill-natur'd Pedant, to dispose of them as

they please to Posterity. Though it is some comfort again, that the Actions of great Men are too big and bright to be eclyps'd by the interposition of every tri∣fling Meteor. And that is ours in the case of Belizarius, whose Glory will for ever out-shine and baffle all the Attempts of Envy and Malice both in figure and brightness. And if we compare the true story of Belizarius his Actions with the little blind tales of this barbarous Pas∣quil, it must for ever leave the Author of it under the most scornful indignation of all Men that have any regard for Worth or Honor.

Notes

• * 1.1

  De Bello Persico, lib. 1. c. 25.
• * 1.2

  Lib. 1. cap. 9.
• * 1.3

  De Bello Gothico, l. 3. c. 31.
• * 1.4

  De Bello Gothico l. 1. c. 11.
• * 1.5

  C. 14.
• * 1.6

  C. 25.
• * 1.7

  De Bello Goth. l. 1. c. 4.
• * 1.8

  De Bello Persico lib. 1. cap. 25.
• * 1.9

  De Bello Goth. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 c. 31▪ ••2▪
• * 1.10

  Ibid. cap▪ 39.
• * 1.11

  Lib. 4.
• * 1.12

  Agathias l. 5.
• * 1.13

  V. Procop. •••• Bello 〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. 3. cap. 1.
• * 1.14

  De Bello Goth. l. 3. c. 1.
• * 1.15

  De Bello Vandal. lib. 3. c. 9.
• * 1.16

  De Bello Goth. lib. 3. à capite tertio ad decimum.
• * 1.17

  De Bello Goth. l. 3. c. 10.
• * 1.18

  C. 12.
• * 1.19

  Cap. 1.
• * 1.20

  Cap▪ 30.
• * 1.21

  De Bello Goth. lib. 4. c. 21.