Religion and loyalty, the second part, or, The history of the concurrence of the imperial and ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the government of the church from the beginning of the reign of Jovian to the end of the reign of Justinian / by Samuel Parker ...

§. X. The last remarkable transaction that I shall take notice of in this reign, was the Heresy of the Priscillianists, and the concurrence of the Powers both of Church and State for its suppression. For though the Emperor Theodosius was not concern'd in it, yet it being upon the Stage in the time of his Reign, I shall take it into the Story of his time. The matter of Fact is described with most ac∣curacy by Sulpitius Severus, who lived at the same time, though he lived not long enough to see the end of the Heresie, for he concludes his history with the four hundredth year of our Lord in the time of Honorius, whereas this blasphemous He∣resie was not utterly rooted out till some time after. And setting aside his gross defect of judgment, and his excess of par∣tiality on the wrong side, which yet is so enormous that it cannot impose upon a∣ny Readers understanding, unless such an one as Mr. B —'s is, perverted by rank malice, the Heresie is so described

both by himself and divers others of the Ancients, as shews the necessity of sup∣pressing it not only by the Civil Magistrate, but the Civil Sword. For by all accounts of it, it was no better than a meer Cen∣to of all the Blasphemies of the Gno∣sticks and the Manichees, together with some new secret and obscure Sacraments among themselves, and the religious pra∣ctice of all sorts of Villainy and Dishone∣sty. That is the compendium of it, as it is set down by St. Austin. (n) 1.1

* 1.2The Priscillianists, that were founded by Priscillian in Spain, held chiefly the Opinions of the Gnosticks and the Manichees, though they drew together the dregs of all He∣resies as into a com∣mon sink of un∣cleanness, and for the concealing of their horrible bru∣tishness among themselves, have set up this among their Principles, Swear or forswear, but be sure not to betray the Secret.

* 1.3Or as St. Jerom adds to the Character, that as they devoted themselves wholly to Lust, so in their unclean Embraces they were wont to sing this Stanza of the Prince of Poets.

Tum Pater omnipotens, faecundis imbribus aether, Conjugis in gremium latè descendit, et omnes Magnus alit, magno commixtus corpore, foe∣tus.

The very lake of Sodom, and I might add of Geneva too, they as well as their Masters, the Gnosticks and Manichees being branded by all the Ancients for the Atheistical Principle of Fatality. This Heresie was first brought out of E∣gypt into Spain by one Marcus, and by him Priscillian a Man of a sharp Wit but infinite Vanity was poison'd, who by his eloquence and neatness of address soon disperst the contagion over all Spain, and especially among the Female sex, who, as Sulpitius expresses it, being always gree∣dy of Novelties,* 1.4 of unsettled Principles, and of wanton Fan∣cies, flockt after him in whole sholes of Proselytes.

And it took with that success, that the Plague got among the Bishops them∣selves, Instantius and Salvianus, both Bi∣shops, being seduced into the Party, and initiated into the Secret, which being discover'd by Adigynus Bishop of Corduba to Ithacius Bishop of Emerita, he with Idacius prosecuted them with all severity, not only by ecclesiastical Process, but be∣fore the Civil Magistrate, as they sup∣posed, to nip the mischief in the bud, but as the Historian thinks,* 1.5 with too much fury, or with more zeal than discretion, by which, he sayes, they were rather exasperated than reclaimed. But for my part, I cannot understand how men of such lewd and desp••rate princi∣ples, that destroy the natural modesty and the common faith of mankind, can ever be pursued with too much violence. Such men as these are not proceeded against as Heretiques in the Faith, but as Apostates from humane Nature, as Thieves, Rob∣bers, Cut-Throats, and Banditi, that de∣clare open hostility to the Peace of the World. But the Historian was led into his soft-natur'd Opinion by the Authority of St. Martin, a weak and unlearned man, of great devotion, but very little under∣standing,

who interceded with great zeal to save the Lives of the Malefactors, and if he had begg'd them of the Government as an Act of Mercy, it might not have been altogether unbecoming the tender∣ness of a Religious man, but when he re∣quired it as a duty of his Superiours to keep hands off from such vile Offenders, he only shewed the pertness of his humour and the weakness of his Understanding. But first of all, they are proceeded against by the Censure of the Church in the Coun∣cil of Caesar Augusta (i. e. Caragosa, the Me∣tropolis of Aragon in Spain) in the Year 380, in which the Bishops are deposed, and the Lay-men excommunicated, and the Sentence signified to all foreign Churches, to prevent their receiving them into Communion. And withal several Canons are enacted against the particular customs and practices of the Heretiques: As first, That Women be not permitted to preach in Publique, as Agape one of the first of the Sect, a wanton and immodest Woman had done, and others after her Example, and this priviledge no doubt was the great Lure that drew the talking Sex so thick into the Faction. The next Canon is made against fasting on the Fe∣stivals of the Church, and that cross∣grain'd temper was common to all the

Fanatique Heretiques in all Ages, to do every thing in contradiction to the esta∣blisht Laws and known Customs of the Church, as we have seen above by the Canons of the Council of Gangra against the Eutactans or Eustathians. The next Canon is to anathematise those who re∣ceive the holy Eucharist without eating it: For that was the common Practice of those prophane Wretches, that they might avoid discovery, to seem to communicate with the Catholiques even in this great Sacrament, but that they might not be guilty of joyning in true and real com∣munion, secretly to conveigh it away, and so turn it into occasional Communion, as we call it. And to the like purposes are the other Canons. The Heretiques being thus condemn'd in Council, they make Priscil∣lian the Bishop of their Sect, upon which Ithacius and Idacius apply themselves to the secular Magistrate, and at length gain a Rescript from the Emperour Gratian to banish them, not only from all Citys, but out of the Empire it self. For the words in Sulpitius, extra omnes terras, can signi∣fie no less, though (o) 1.6 Gothofred surmises that their meaning reaches no farther than the Territories belonging to that par∣ticular City that they inhabited: As when any man was banisht from Rome, he was

banisht an hundred miles from it, because so far its Territory or Suburbicary Diocess extended. As in the case of Vrsicinus, who when he was driven out of Rome, was confined to keep at that distance. But I would fain know of the learned Civilian, where he ever met with this sense and construction of extra omnes Terras, when put absolutely, though he knows it was a common phrase to express the whole Em∣pire. And so it must be taken here, for the men were condemn'd to banishment for propagating wicked and debauch't Principles; and if that were only out of the Province in which they lived, that would be but a means to spread the Con∣tagion over all the Countrey. And there∣fore the Priscillianists upon the Publica∣tion of the Rescript were not only forced to quit their own particular Provinces, but Spain it self, and farther their Prosecutors were not concern'd to pursue them. But having quitted Spain, they betake them∣selves to Italy, and there endeavour to clear their Innocence to Damasus Bishop of Rome, and Ambrose Bishop of Milain, but they are so wise, as to refuse so much as to see or hear them. Upon that they are forced to betake themselves to the standing shift of all Heretiques, to buy off the Laws of the Church with the Cour∣tiers.

And to this end they bribe Mace∣donius the Magister Officiorum, who there∣upon prevails with the Emperour to re∣verse his Rescript against them, where∣upon they return home with triumph, and rebribe Volventius the Governour so powerfully, that he forces Ithacius to fly his Countrey. Who thereupon betakes himself to Gregorius the Emperour's Prae∣fectus Praetorio in France, to whom Vol∣ventius was subject as his Vicarius, and acquaints him with the disorders in Spain, and upon the information he immediately commands his Spanish Vicarius to send the Heretiques to him, and in the mean time, whilst they were upon their Jour∣ney, informs the Emperour of all their wicked pranks.

But all in vain,* 1.7 for by reason of the ex∣orbitant power and wantonness of a few men at Court, all things were there exposed to sale, and therefore the Here∣tiques after their old custom with a great Sum of Money bri∣bed their old Patron

Macedonius, to per∣swade the Emperour to take the cogni∣sance of the matter from the Praefectus Praetorio, and refer it back to his Vice••rius in Spain.

Which was accordingly done, and a Messenger sent by Macedonius to seize Ithacius and carry him Prisoner into Spain, though at that time he escaped his hands. In the Year 385. the Tyrant Maximus rebels, and overcomes Gratian in France, and after his Victory coming to Treives, where Ithacius then resided, he immediately makes his address to him against the Heretiques, who storms at them, and immediately commands the Governours of France and Spain, to con∣veigh them safe to a Synod at Burdeaux, in which Instantius is deposed. But Pris∣cillian appeals from the Judgment of the Council to the Emperour, and accordingly himself and all his Partisans are carried before him at Treives; where St. Martin being at that time, he advises Ithacius to desist from his Prosecution, and Maximus to spare their blood,* 1.8 because it was more than enough that they were con∣demn'd

by the Episcopal Sen∣tence, and de∣prived of their Churches, and that it was a new and un∣heard of Pro∣phaneness, that a Secular Judge should give Sen∣tence in an Ecclesiastical cause.

In which Advice the good man has be∣trayed great Ignorance of affairs, and great Weakness of understanding: Ignorance, in that it was so far from being a novelty or prophanness, for Princes to enact penal Laws in Ecclesiastical causes, after the Judgment of the Church, that it was ever look't upon as a piece of their duty to abet it, if they approved it, with secular Laws and Penalties. And weakness, in that he thought deposition from their Bishopricks a sufficient punishment for such men, as Sul∣pitius himself says were not worthy to live.* 1.9 And if they were not so, how could he find fault, as he there does, with the

ill example of put∣ting them to death?* 1.10 For they were not proceeded against as meer Heretiques, but as Villains, and therefore it was a great meanness of Understanding in St. Martin, to think an Ecclesiastical Censure a sufficient punishment for such men, as had renounced, not only the honesty, but the modesty of humane Nature, and that was their crime, as appears by the con∣demnation of Priscillian. For though St. Martyn whilst he continued at Treives kept off their Tryal, yet he was no sooner gone, than Maximus referr'd the Examina∣tion of the whole matter to Evodius, of whom Sulpitius gives several Characters;* 1.11 here he is vir acer et severus, in the life of St. Martin, Vir quo nihil unquam justi∣us fuit. But before him upon a double hearing Priscillian is convicted of all the Crimes laid to his charge,* 1.12 and himself confesses that he taught Doctrines of uncleanness, that he kept night-Conven∣ticles with lewd Women, and that he was wont to pray naked before

them Upon which he is condemn'd. And a Narrative of the Proceedings de∣liver'd to the Emperor. Who was so sa∣tisfied with the Evidence of the Testi∣mony and so disgusted with the foulness of the Confession, that he immediately beheaded Priscillian with some of the Ring-leaders and banisht the rest, and he thought the Matter so foul, that he had not confidence to express it, as he af∣firms in his Letter to Pope Siricius.

* 1.13What discovery was lately made of the wickedness of the Manichees, for so the Priscillianists were at first vul∣garly call'd, not from doubtful or uncertain Suspici∣ons, but from their own Confessions, I had rather that your Holiness should be inform'd from the Acts themselves than my Mouth, because I have not confidence to say

such things, as are too foul not only to be acted but spoken. And I think the most merciful Prince could scarce have been less severe to such a Crew of de∣bauch't Ranters: They are the worst sort of Men, that turn Religion into open wick∣edness, and practise all the lewd and dis∣honest things, that the worst of Men can act, with the confidence and autho∣rity of a divine Commission. I am sure it was no more severe than what was done by the great Theodosius himself in his Laws against the Manichees, (p) 1.14 in one of which he distinguishes between the Contemplative and the Practical Here∣ticks; the first he out-laws, but as for the others, known by the names of Eucrati∣tae, Saccophori, Hydroparastatae, and I know not what salvage Sects more, he brings them under the sentence of death. And is withal so severe, as to appoint an Inquisition for their discovery; and in truth no care can be too great nor pun∣ishment too severe, when Men under pretences of a stricter Piety, bring in the practice of all sorts of uncleanness and immorality. And that was the case of these brutish Wretches, they pretended to singular mortification, and under it acted all the Wickedness, that humane Nature was capable of committing. And

therefore in such Cases as these it was a great mistake in St. Martin, to think a Censure of the Church sufficient punish∣ment, and to disswade the Prince from drawing the temporal Sword against them, when if ever it is necessary, it is certainly most so, when Men pervert Religion to the subversion of humane So∣ciety. And then if they are executed, it is not for their Heresie against the Faith, but their Treason against the State, and such Traitors all such Men are that teach such Doctrins, as destroy the Faith of Mankind, and the Peace of humane So∣ciety. And therefore how blame-wor∣thy soever Ithacius might be in his own life or manner of prosecuting, (and Sul∣pitius gives him a very ill Character as to both) no wise Man could ever have blamed him, so severely as he has done, as to the prosecution it self, and no good Man could have been too active in bring∣ing such brutal Wretches to their due punishment. And therefore it was at best, but an indiscreet action (suppo∣sing the truth of the Indictment, which Sulpitius himself allows) in Theognostus and his Followers in separating Commu∣nion from him for prosecuting, though in a cause of blood. When what he did in that case, he was obliged to do as a

Member of the Common-Wealth and antecedently to his holy Orders, which certainly to whatsoever degree of Gen∣tleness they may oblige a Man, they cannot cancel that duty, that by nature he owes to his Country. And it is no better than Julian's Sarcastick Abuse of our Saviour's Laws to apply his Precepts of Mercy and Forgiveness against the just execution of Laws, as if his Religi∣on were set up (as the Apostate pro∣phanely objected to it,) only for the sub∣version of Civil Government. The du∣ty that he commands is a point of Pru∣dence as well as Vertue, that Men preserve the temper of their Minds in all the in∣tercourses of life: they may prosecute a Malefactor to the Gallows without strangling themselves with spite and re∣venge, but only for the same ends, for which the Government, that owes him no malice, inflicts the Penalty of the Law upon him. A Man may hang a Thief, and forgive him too. And there∣fore it was no better than a rash and weak action of Theognostus, St. Martin and their Adherents in general to con∣demn Ithacius his prosecution of the Priscillianists, as if it had been inconsi∣stent with the meekness of a Christian, but much more the exemplary mercy of

a Bishop. It is indeed an Office that no good-natur'd Man can ever be fond of, and less becomes a Clergy-man than any other; but yet it is not unlawful, nor the breach of any Precept of our Religi∣on, and therefore he could not be justly condemn'd for it; nay it was so far from being a Sin, that it was a duty both in him and all other good Subjects to take care of the preservation of the Common-Wealth, by indeavouring to remove such plague-sores out of it. And therefore Maximus did but do him justice to call a Synod at Tr••ives to absolve him from the Excommunication of Theognostus, and if he had beside that, punisht Theog∣nostus for indeavouring to intercept and obstruct publick Justice, I cannot see but that he had acted as became a good and a wise Governor. At least I am sure it is much less decent for a Clergy-man to patronize wicked Men against the Laws than to prosecute them, provided they have reputation enough (which the Ci∣vil Law requires, and all other Laws ought to do) to qualifie them for Evi∣dences. If indeed these had been Male∣factors of an ordinary size, it might not have been unbecoming a Bishop to inter∣pose for mercy, but Men that were made up of nothing but Villainy, were

beyond the reach of compassion, and no Man, in whatsoever station he was pla∣ced, ought to spare their prosecution. And therefore it was no better than Monkish stubbornness in St. Martin, to refuse com∣munion with the Prosecutors after the judgment of the Council; and though he was at last induced to communicate with the Council it self by Maximus, who bought that condescension of him, by giving him the Lives of two of his Friends, that had been loyal Officers under Gratian (though our crude Abrid∣ger says, that it was for the sake of a great Priscillianist) yet upon it he quit∣ted the Council, and could have no peace till he received absolution from an Angel, after which he would never more communicate with the Bishops, and that I take to be no better than Monkish En∣thusiasm. These affectations of mercy are very popular things, and easily seize Men possess't and tainted with mortified Va∣nity, for there is generally the height of pride and ostentation, under the pomps and shews of Humility. And this I doubt was St. Martin's case, who though he was a devout Man, yet he was alto∣gether unlearned and indiscreet and most miserably over-run with the Scurvy of Enthusiasm, and not understanding the

true nature of Pride (as none of that sort of Men do) he was apparently acted by it in all his singularities to the very height of a Cynical vanity, that is the rankest sort of Insolence in the World. And this is too evident from his Story, as it is told by (q) 1.15 Sulpitius himself. To give one instance for all, when he was treated by the Emperor, who invited all his Nobles to the Entertainment, he car∣ried one of his Presbyters along with him, and the Emperor being very proud that he had reconciled to himself and his ill Cause, a Man so much adored by the People, treats him with all the flat∣teries of Civility, seats him next himself, and places his Presbyter in the midst of his Nobles, that was the highest Place at the Table. A Cup is brought to the Emperor according to custom to drink in the first place, he commands it to be given to St. Martin, expecting at least that he would have return'd the Com∣plement, but he without any farther for∣mality very fairly takes off his draught, and so delivers the Cup to his Presbyter, as the best Man in the Company next to himself. And this piece of rudeness the Emperor was forced to applaud, be∣cause his Inter••st at that time obliged him to flatter the holy Man, though o∣therwise,

as far as I can discern, it seems very much to exceed the sawcy Answer of Diogenes to Alexander the great, when he offer'd him whatever he would ask, thrusting him aside with a Prethee friend stand out of my Sun. This Cyni∣cal Vanity is very incident to Monkish Men, and there are few of them that e∣scape the itch, but when it is pre∣dominant and meets with success and ap∣plause in the World, as it did in this good Man, it becomes down-right Enthusiasm and perfect drunkenness, whence came his so frequent Visions, and converse with Angels, and incounters with Devils, and a great number of strange things that he told of himself, the poor Man serious∣ly believing his own dreams and deliri∣ums for want of animal Spirits, to have been true and real transactions. But to let that pass, whether there were any touch of vanity in this intercession for the Priscillianists, or not, I am sure there was very little discretion. Baronius would excuse him from the reason, upon which he proceeded, viz. the abuse that would follow upon an inquisition of the Hereticks, which Maximus intended in Spain. That I confess was one reason (and I think) a good one too, for dis∣swading the Emperor from sending the In∣quisitors,

such Persons being so very apt to abuse their trust, as he had already found by experience, but the general ground that he stood upon was this, that they ought not to be punisht by imperial Laws, but only by the Censures of the Church, and that it was no less than an act of unheard of prophaneness in the Emperor to proceed against them. That reason is general, and extends to all pro∣ceedings abstracting from the abuse, and so Sulpitius Severus confesses in the ve∣ry place where he gives that reason in the life of St. Martin, as well as in the history it s••lf as it is set down above.

* 1.16For St. Martin was possess't with a re∣ligious care,* 1.17 that not only the good Christians, that might have been prosecuted under that pretence, but the Hereticks themselves might escape the Prosecution. So that when Priscil∣lian had confess't such foul things at his Tryal, as are recorded by Sulpitius, and were not to be endured in any heathen Common-Wealth, yet because he call'd himself a Christian, he was not accord∣ing

to St. Martin's Politicks to be punisht according to the merits of his Crimes, and that is the thing that Maximus him∣self informs him of, that they were con∣demn'd by the common Rules of Justice and ordinary pro∣ceedings of Courts,* 1.18 * 1.19 rather than the pro∣secutions of the Bi∣shops. And yet e∣ven r 1.20 St. Ambrose himself seems to be against cutting them off with the Civil Sword, but at that distance of place, it is to be supposed that he understood not their Offences, but only took them for a new sort of Hereticks, as is clear from the Epistle it self. And in point of He∣resie all Men would be tender of sangui∣nary Laws, and so most of the ancient Fathers were, who though they were for Laws penal, yet they were for such on∣ly, as reacht not Mens lives. But the case of the Priscillianists was of another kind, they were not Hereticks from the Faith, but Apostates from humane nature, and the common Faith of Mankind. And therefore if St Ambrose had understood the secrets of the Sect, he would never have opposed cutting off such unheard of Crimes with the Civil Sword, that were

not to be indured under any Govern∣ment, without any regard to religion. And therefore when the heathen Orator Pacatus in his Panegyrick to Theodosius the Great, aggravates this prosecution of the Bishops as unbecoming their Function, his design was only to cast an Odium up∣on them, and their Religion, otherwise it was no piece of inhumanity to prose∣cute such enormous Crimes as were pro∣ved by the very Confessions of the Offenders them∣selves;* 1.21 and that the Orator himself thô an heathen, nay though an Atheist, ought to have been as vehement in their prosecution, as he represents the Bi∣shops to have been, though it were not only to preserve the present Peace and Government of the World, and that is every Man's concern for his own parti∣cular safety. And as for Sulpitius Seve∣rus his angry remarque upon it, that it gave Priscillian the advantage and repu∣tation

of Martyrdom, and by that means gave new life and confidence to the Par∣ty, it is a weaker surmise than all the rest. For though Martyrdom in a good Cause is a very popular Argument, yet in a bad one it soon sinks into the disho∣nor of a just Execution. And though it is no hard matter to bear it up a little time among the People to support the honor of a Faction, as was done by the Donatists of old and our Regicides of late, yet when they have done all, such foul things will sink by the weight of their own Wickedness. And so did this, for after this time we hear no more of them in the Imperial Laws. For though there are some Laws enacted against the Pris∣cillianists by Honorius and Theodosius the younger, among the whole rout of He∣reticks, especially the 40th and 65th de Haereticis, yet these related not to the followers of Pris••illian in Spain, but to a branch of the old Gnostick Heresie, that (as † 1.22 Pancirolus and * 1.23 Baronius observe) had their name from Priscilla, and was synonymous with the old name of Phry∣ges. So that this severity of Maximus was so far from animating the Party, (as Sulpitius injudicouisly suggests,) that for all their great noise of triumph, it struck it dead. For though leud Men

will venture upon strange and extrava∣gant things, where they have any pre∣sumption of impunity, yet when they find their lives at stake for the debaucht frolick, that quickly spoils the jest. And that was the case here, the leud Here∣sie was really chopt off with the Au∣thor. And though Sulpitius complains that it lasted 15 years, yet it lasted no longer, and was the most short-lived of all the Heresies, whereas the Gnosticks and the Manichees, of both which it was compounded, continued some Ages be∣cause not prosecuted with the same seve∣rity. And this too might have ended sooner, had it not been protected by the indiscretion of St. Martin and some o∣thers, that either did not, or would not understand the true state of the Contro∣versy. Which after all accounts of it is best stated by Pope Leo in his Epistle to Turibius Bishop of Asturicum. In whose time the Vermin began to appear again in a remote corner of Spain or Portugal,* 1.24 as they did again afterwards, but never more, in the time of Pope Vigilius, as appears by his Letter concerning them to Eutherius or Profuturus a Bishop in those Parts. Pope Leo's Epistle determines the Matter thus— Meritò Patres nostri, sub quorum temporibus haeresis haec nefan∣da

prorupit, per totum mundum instanter egêre, ut impius furor ab universà Eccle∣sià pelleretur: quando etiam Mundi princi∣pes ita hanc sacrilegam amentiam detesta∣ti sunt, ut auctorem ejus ac plerosque di∣cipulos legum publicarum ense prosterne∣rent. Videban•• enim omnem curam h••ne∣sta••is auferri, omnem conjugi••rum copulam solvi, simulque divinum jus humanumque subverti, si hujusmodi hominibus usquam vi∣vere cum tali professione licuisset.

Our An∣cestors, in whose time this prophane Here∣sy sprung up, took all possible care to root the madness out of the Christian World, when at the same time the secular Prin∣ces so abhorred its outragious wicked∣ness, that they put to de••th with the Sword the Author of it, together with his chiefest Proselytes; for they were sensible that by it, all the Obligations to honesty were destroyed, all the sacred bands of Marriage dissolved, all Laws both Divine and Humane subverted, if these Men were allowed to live any where with the profession of their de∣baucht Principles.

This is the true state of the case, and yet it is the only great instance of cruelty, that R. B. is perpe∣tually bellowing out against the bloudy, the persecuting, the turbulent, the destroy∣ing, the proud, the contentious, the ambi∣tious,

the hereticating, the merciless, the furious, the confounding, and the God-damn-you Prelates, and fire brands of the World. For these are the most usual Titles of ho∣nor, that this Man of meekness and heal∣ing is pleased to bestow upon the reve∣rend Bishops of the ancient, as well as the present Church. But though he is pleased to throw them out at random a∣mong the whole Order, yet when he comes to particulars, his whole Catalogue of Bonners and bloody Bishops is nothing but this story of Ithacius and the Pri∣scillianists continually repeated in his fourscore books and upwards, and by re∣peating one tale so often has made it so many stories. But poor Richard tran∣scribes in so much hast, that he has not leisure to examine and weigh his Records, no nor for the most part (which is much worse) to construe them; for though he is very abounding with his in specie, he is very defective in his In speech, and has of late bless't and obliged the World with such heaps of historical Ignorance, as cannot but be a full satisfaction to the Age, that Presbytery and skill in antiqui∣ty, are inconsistent things. But as for this particular out-cry about Ithacius, if he had but in the least understood the true state of the case, he could never

have prevail'd with himself to triumph over its cruelty, with so much transport and insolence as he has done, in so much that he seems to be more pleased with their Execution, then the bloody Prelates themselves, only because it serves him for a Common Place of railing at them, and that is the sweetest gratification to his healing Spirit. But what were these poor silly harmless Hereticks that were so barbarously butcher'd by these inhu∣mane Prelates? Were they meer He∣reticks in a point of Faith, as the Arians were? Were they meer Schismaticks from the Communion of the Church, as the Donatists were? No, but they were a rout of Villains that under the pretence of a greater Purity, taught all the leud∣ness and wickedness that humane Nature could commit, and daily reduced their Doctrin to practice among themselves. So that their Crime was not any heresie against the Christian Faith, as this crude Rhapsodist supposes, but an Apostasie from humane Nature, and subversion of humane Society, and an utter debauch∣ing of humane Kind. Now when such Monsters of Men, that were implacable Enemies to the Peace of the World, arose within the Neighbourhood of some Chri∣stian Bishops, I cannot see how they could

any way have excused themselves to God and their Country, if they had not in∣deavour'd a speedy stop of the Contagi∣on. For this concern'd them not as Chri∣stian Bishops, but as Men and Members of the Common-Wealth which it was apparent that these Mens Principles ut∣terly subverted, and therefore for that very reason were they bound to let the Government know its danger. And though their Office as Christian Bishops obliged them to mercy, yet not to such foolish mercy as would undo the World. And that was their case, they did not prosecute Hereticks, but Rebels and Traitors. And that Office I think as much becomes a Bishop, if he loves his King and his Country as another Man. But it seems there is no cruelty so terri∣ble in the Eye of a Presbyter, as to bring Rebels to their due punishment. And it looks like strange confidence that Men who have confess't themselves Men of Blood, and cut honest Mens Throats for their Loyalty, should complain of the cruelty of executing Villains for their Rebellion. So that in the Result of all, and granting the truth of the whole Sto∣ry, the conclusion will amount to no more than this, That the difference be∣tween the Prelatical and Presbyterian Itha∣cians

is, That the one is for gleaning up a few Malefactors to preserve a Nation, the other is for reaping the whole field, and that is the true thorough Presbyterian Reformation.

Notes

• (n) 1.1

  De Hae∣re••••bus.
• * 1.2

  Priscillianus institu∣it, maximè Gnostico∣rum & Manichaeo∣rum dogmata per∣mixta sectantur. Quamvis et ex aliis Haeresibus in eas sordes, tanquam in sentinam quandam horribili confusione confluxerint. Prop∣ter occultandas au∣tem contaminationes et turpitudines suas, habent in suis dog∣matibus et haec verba. Jura, perju∣ra, secretum prode∣re noli.
• * 1.3

  Epist. ad C••esiphon∣tem.
• * 1.4

  Ad hoc mulieres no∣varum rerum cupi∣dae, fluxâ fide, et ad omnia curioso inge∣nio, catervatim ad eum confluebant.
• * 1.5

  arbitrantes posse inter initia ma∣lum comprimi.
• (o) 1.6

  Notae in leg. 35. de Episco∣pis.
• * 1.7

  Sed id frustra fuit: quia per libidinem & potentiam pauco∣rum, cuncta ibi ve∣nalia erant. Igitur Haeretici, suis Ar∣tibus, grandi pecu∣niâ Macedonio da∣tâ, obtinent, ut im∣periali Autoritate Praefecto erepta cog∣nitio, Hispaniarū Vi∣cario deferatur. Sulp. Sever. l. 2. p. 445.
• * 1.8

  Namque tum Martinus apud Treveros constitu∣tus, non desinebat incre∣pare Ithacium, ut ab ac∣cusatione desistent; Maxi∣mum orare, ut sanguine infoelicium abstireret: sa∣tis supérque sufficere, ut Episcopali sententiâ Hae∣retici judicati, Ecclesiis pellerentur: novum esse et inauditum nefas, ut causam Ecclesiae judex seculi judicaret.
• * 1.9

  Homines luce indig∣nissimi.
• * 1.10

  Pessimo exemplo ne∣cati.
• * 1.11

  C. 23.
• * 1.12

  Qui Priscillianum gemino judicio au∣ditum, convictumque maleficii, nec diffi∣dentem obscaenis se studuisse doctrinis, nocturnos etiam tur∣pium saeminarum e∣g••sse conventus, nu∣dumque orare soli∣tum, nocentem pro∣nunciavit.
• * 1.13

  Quid adhuc proximè proditum sit Mani∣chaeos sceleris ad∣mittere, non argu∣mentis, neque suspi∣cionibus dubiis vel incertis, sed ipso∣rum confessione inter Judicia prolatis, ma∣lo quòd ex gestis ip∣sis tua sanctitas, quàm ex nostro ore cognoscat: quia hu∣jusmodi non modo fa∣ctu turpia, verùm e∣tiam foeda dictu, prol••qui sine rubo∣re non possumus.
• (p) 1.14

  De Hae∣ret. l. 9.
• (q) 1.15

  De vi∣tâ Martini c. 23.
• * 1.16

  Pia enim erat soli∣citudo Martino, ut non solum Christia∣nos, qui sub illà e∣rant occasione vexan∣di, sed ipsos etiam haereticos liberaret.
• * 1.17

  Dial 3.
• * 1.18

  Dial 3.
• * 1.19

  Haereticos jure damnatos, more ju∣diciorum publicorum, potiusquam insecta∣tionibus sacerdotum.
• r 1.20

  Epist. l. 7. sp. 58.
• * 1.21

  Quid hoc majus po∣terat intendere ac∣cusator Sacerdos? Fuit enim, fuit et hoc delatorum genus, qui Nominibus anti∣stites, revera autem satellites atque adeo carnifices, non con∣tenti avitis evolvis∣se patrimoniis, ca∣lumniabantur in san∣guinem, et vitas premebant reorum jam pauperum, &c.
• † 1.22

  2. Var. 175.
• * 1.23

  Ad an∣num 428. p. 531.
• * 1.24

  Epist. 93. v. Labbès Concil. vol. 3. p. 1409.