A short demurrer to the Jewes long discontinued barred remitter into England Comprising an exact chronological relation of their first admission into, their ill deportment, misdemeanors, condition, sufferings, oppressions, slaughters, plunders, by popular insurrections, and regal exactions in; and their total, final banishment by judgment and edict of Parliament, out of England, never to return again: collected out of the best historians and records. With a brief collection of such English laws, Scriptures, reasons as seem strongly to plead, and conclude against their readmission into England, especially at this season, and against the general calling of the Jewish nation. With an answer to the chief allegations for their introduction. / By William Prynne Esq; a bencher of Lincolnes-Inne.

A Short Demurrer to the Jews long discontinued Remitter into ENGLAND. (Book 1)

HOw the Nation of the Jews (once (a) 1.1 Gods own beloved, special, chosen People) after their (b) 1.2 malitious crucifying of our Savi∣our Jesus Christ, and imprecation, That (c) 1.3 his Bloud might be on them and their children, were for this (d) 1.4 their crying sin especially, made the saddest spectacles of divine Justice, and humane Misery of all other Nations in the World, being quite extirpated out of their owne Land, almost totally deleted by the sword, pestilence, fa∣mine; carried away Captives, and dispersed like so ma∣ny Vagabonds over the face of the whole Earth, as the ve∣ry off-scowring of the World, and execration, derision of all other people, having no place, City, form of Go∣vernment, or Republike of their own, in any corner of the Universe; (according to Gods Comminations against them, Levit. 26.14. to 46. Deut. 28.15. to 68. Jer. 9.10. c. 13.24. Ezech. 5.2. to the end. c. 12.15. c. 22.15. Mich. 1.21. Mat. 24.) Or what banishments, punishments, oppositions, restraints by penal Lawes, suppressions of their Synagogues, Ceremonies, they have received in all ages from Christian Kings, Princes, Republikes in Forein parts, for their implacable malice, blasphemie against our Saviour Jesus Christ, Christians, Christian Religion, and other Crimes and Misdemeanors to which they are most addicted, is not the subject of my intended Brief Discourse,

and so fully related by Josephus, Egesippus, Eusebius, Ni∣cephorus, Zonaras, Paulus Diaconus, Paul Eber, the Mag∣deburgian Centuriators, out of them and other Historians, in their 2. to their 13 Centuries, chap. 14, and 15. in Ba∣ronius his Annals, and Heylins Microcosm, p. 568, 569, 570. where all may peruse them, that I shall not spend time to recite them, but wholly confine my self to, a Brief Relation of their first admission into, their ill deportment, mis∣demeanors, sufferings, popular insurrections against them in, and their final banishment by Judgement and Edict of Parlia∣ment out of England, never to return again, collected out of the best Historians: to which I shall subjoyn, a taste only of such Laws, Scriptures, and Reasons, as seem strongly to plead against their readmission into our Island, especially at this season.

When the Jews came first into England, appears not cer∣tainly by any Historians, there being no mention of their being here in any of our British or Saxon Kings reigns, to my remembrance. Antoninus in his Chronicles, Tit. 16. c. 5. re∣cords, That William the Conqueror King of England, tran∣slated the Jews from Rhoan to London; and the Magdeburg Centuries out of him, Cent. 11. cap. 14. col. 686. adde thereto, that it was OB NUMERATUM PRECIUM, for a sum of money given to him by them, (which I find not in Antoninus.) Both these Authors intimate, That this was their first arival in England, yet in what year of this King, they are silent. With them concurs Raphael Holinshed, Vol. 3. p. 15. where thus he writes, Among other grievances, which the English sustained by the hard dealings of the Con∣queror, this is to be remembred, That he brought Jews into the Land from Rouen, & appointed them a place to inhabit and oc∣cupy: (reputing their very first introduction a Grievance to the English, and hard dealing.) Which Iohn Stow in his An∣nals of England, p. 103. and Survey of London, printed 1633. p. 288. thus seconds, King William FIRST brought the Iews from Rhoan here to inhabit in England; and Sir Ri∣chard Baker in his Chronicle of the Kings of England, Lon∣don, 1653. p. 39. This King was the FIRST that brought the Iews to inhabit here in England. But this Law concern∣ing

the Jews inserted amongst the Laws in the Confessors time, seems to prove their arival and settlement in Eng∣land, to be before this Normans reign; unless mis-placed in point of time amongst his Laws by Hoveden: being ra∣ther in my opinion, a Declaration of the Jews servile con∣dition under King William, and Richard the first, when Hoveden writ, then any Law in King Edwards reign, or be∣fore, (amongst whose Laws or the Conquerors it is not to be found in Abbot Ingulphus his Original copy, published by Mr. Selden in his Notae & Spicilegium ad Eadmerum, p. 172, &c.) as the words themselves import.

(e) 1.5De Judaeis in Regno consticutis.

SCiendum est quo{que}, quod omnes Judaei, ubicun{que} in Regno sunt, sub tutela & defensione Domini Regis sunt; nec qui∣libet eorum alicui diviti se potest subdere, sine Regis licentia. Judaei, & omnia sua Regis sunt. Quod si quispiam detinuerit eis pecuniam suam, perquirat Rex tanquam suum proprium: (or detinuerit eos, vel pecuniam eorum, perquirat Rex, si vult, tanquam suum proprium, as Sir Henry Spelman renders it.)

This Law or Declaration (being the first record making mention of their being, and condition in England:) proves, That as all the Jews when they came first into England, were under the Kings protection and patronage where e∣ver they resided: so they were all under him only as his meer Vassals, their persons and goods being his alone; and that they could dispose of neither of them without his license: Into which slavish condition they doubtless then put themselves, (being banished out of other Nations for their villanies) only to avoid the fury of the common peo∣ple, to whom they were most detestable, who else would have quickly murdered, or ston'd them to death, and stript them of all their wealth; as the sequel will declare.

The next Passage in Historians concerning the Jews be∣ing and condition in England, is that of (f) 1.6 William of Malmsbury, in William Rufus his reign. The Jews (writes he) in his time gave a testimony of their insolency: Once at Rhoan, endeavouring by gifts to perswade and revoke certain

men to Judaism, who had deserted their error: Another time at London, being animated to enter into a combate (or dispute) against our Bishops, because the King (in merriment, as I be∣lieve) had said, That if they should overcome the Christians, and confute them by open arguments, he would then revolt to them, and become one of their Sect; Whereupon it was mana∣ged with great fear of the Bishops and Clergy, and with pious solicitude of such who were afraid of the Christian Faiths mis∣carriage. And from this combate the Jews only brought a∣way nothing besides confusion; although they would many times boast, that they were overcome not by argument or reason, but by a faction. (g) 1.7 Antoninus relating the story in the same words, addes onely this, That the Jews comming to this King on a certain Solemnity, and offering him gifts; (after their removal from Rhoan to London) he thereupon animated them to a conflict against the Christians, swearing by St. Lukes face, that if they overcame them, he would revolt to their Sect: (as if he spake it in good earnest) with whom the (h) 1.8 Mag∣deburg Centuries, Iohn Stow in his Survey of London, p. 288. and Sir Richard Baker in his Chronicle, p. 51. ac∣cord.

By which we may observe, That the Jews were no sooner transported and setled in Rhoan and London, but th••y presently began to grow very insolent against the Christians, 1. Endeavouring to pervert some of them by monies to Judaism. 2ly, Attempting to corrupt the King himself, by gifts, to side with them against the Bishops and Clergy, and to become one of their Sect. 3ly, By entring into open Disputations with the Bishops and Clergy a∣gainst the Christian Faith, to the great fear of the Profes∣sors, and hazard of the Christian Religion. 4ly, By boa∣sting frequently when they were overcome, That it was only by power and faction, not truth or disputation. And will not this be their very practise now, if re-admitted, to the hazard of our Christian Religion, and seduction of ma∣ny simple, unstable souls, in this unsetled, apostatizing age? when not only the ignorant people, but many great Pro∣fessors, turn Atheists, Hereticks, Seekers, Apostates, Blas∣phemers,

Ranters, Quakers, Antiscripturists, and what not, but real, upright, just, and mortified self-denying Christians?

This History of William Rufus, causing a disputation between the Christians and the Jews, is related by Ra∣phael Holinshed in his Chronicle; Vol. 3. p. 27. who like∣wise records of him * 1.9 That he being at Rhoan on a time, there came to him divers Jews, who inhabited that City, com∣plaining to him, that divers of that Nation had renounced their Jewish Religion, and were become Christians; wherefore they besought him, that for a certain summe of money which they offered to give, it might please him to constrain them to abjure Christianity, and turn to the Jewish Law again. He was content to satisfie their de∣sires, and so receiving the money, called them before him; and what with threats, and putting them otherwise in fear, he compelled divers of them to forsake Christ, and to turn to their old errors. Hereupon, the Father of one Stephen a Jew, converted to the Christian Faith, being sore troubled for that his Son was turned a Christian, and hearing what rhe King had done in such like matters, presented to him 60 Marks of Silver, conditionally, That he should en∣force his Son to return to his Jewish Religion; where∣upon the young man was brought before the King, unto whom he said: Sirra, thy Father here complaineth, that without his license thou art become a Christian: If this be true, I command thee to return again to the Religion of thy Nation, without any more adoe. To whom the Young man answered, Your Grace (as I guesse) doth but ••est. Where∣with the King being moved, said, What? thou dunghill knave, should I jest with thee; Get thee hence quickly, and fulfill my commandement, or by St. Lukes face, I shall cause thine eyes to be plucked out of thine head. The young man nothing abashed thereat, with a constant voice answered Truly I will not doe it; but know for certain, that if you were a good Christian, you would never have uttered any such words; for it is the part of a Christian, to reduce them again to Christ, which are departed from him, and not to separate them from

him, which are joyned to him by Faith. The King herewith confounded, commanded the Jew to avant and get him out of his sight; But his Father perceiving that the King could not perswade his Son to forsake the Christian Faith, required to have his money again, To whom the King said, he had done so much as he promised to doe; that was, to perswade him so far as he might. At length, when he would have had the King to have dealt further in the matter; the King (to stop his mouth) tendred back to him the one half of his money, and reteined the other to himself. All which encreased the suspition men had of his infidelity.

By this History we may perceive what a prevailing Engine the Jews money is, both to serue them into Chri∣stian Kingdoms, though the most bitter, inveterate, pro∣fessed Enemies of Christ himself, Christians, and Chri∣stianity, and how their money can induce even Chri∣stian Princes to perpetrate most unchristian, and antichri∣stian actions; and enforce by threats and violence, even converted Christian Jews to renounce their Christiani∣ty, and apostatise to their former Jewish Errors which they had quite renounced. And do not they still work even by the self-same Money Engine? preferred by too many Christians, before Christ himself and Christianity.

In the year of our Lord, 1145. during the reign of King Stephen, the Jews grew so presumptuous in England, that they crucified a child called William, in the city of Norwich, in derision of Christian Religion, as Mathew Westminster, Flores Historiarum, Ann. 1145. p. 36. * 1.10 and others ioyntly attest. Not long after this, Anno, 1160. (the 6 year of Henry the II.) they crucified another child at Gloucester, (in contempt of Christ and his Passion) as John Bromtons Chronicon col. 1050. and † 1.11 others record. And in the same Kings reign, Anno 1181. upon the same account, the Iews on the Feast of Easter martyred and cruci∣fied another child at St. Edmonds-bury, called Robert; who was honourably interred soon after in the Church of St. Ed∣munds, and grew famous by miracles there wrought; as Ger∣vasius

Dorobernensis, in his Chronica, col. 1458. relates.

What punishments were then inflicted on them for these Murders and Insolencies, I find not recorded; per∣chance they purchased their peace with monies: Yet I (i) 1.12 read, That in the year 1168. King Henry the 2. wanting monies, banished the wealthiest of the Jews out of England, and fined the rest of them in 5000 Marks; most likely for these their Misdemeanors. John Stow in his Survey of London, p. 288. writes, That King Henry the 2. grievously punished the Jews for corrupting his coin; which no other Historian mentions.

The (k) 1.13 Jews, though there were a great multitude of them in England, in every quarter of the Realm, had only one Church-yard alotted them, and that at London, (near Red-cross-street) in which they were enforced to bury all their dead corps, wheresoever they died; which being a great trouble and annoyance to them: thereupon in the year 1178. they petitioned King Henry the 2. (being at Stanstede) for a License to have church-yards without the Cities wherin they inhabited, in convenient places where they could purchase them, wherein to bury their dead; which he then granted to them.

It seems the Jews were then so odious to the whole Nation, that they would not permit them to bury their very dead corps in any English soyl, for fear of polluting it, nor near any Christians bodies, without the Kings special License. Neither did they desire to be interred near, or amongst any Christians corps, out of detestation to them, as if one earth, could no more contain them, than one Hea∣ven, which the Jews would engross to themselves a∣lone.

(l) 1.14King Richard the first being to be crowned King at London, in the year of our Lord, 1189. the chiefest of the Jews flocked together from all parts to his Coronation,

resolving to purchase the favour of the New King with most ample gifts, and to get their former priviledges con∣firmed, which they feared they should lose. But they be∣ing suspected of Sorcery and Magick, the King by a publick Proclamation prohibited all Jews from entring the Church whiles he was crowning, or his Palace whiles he was therein feasting. Notwithstanding some of the principal Iews secretly got into the Church and Palace; who being discovered one after another, were well beaten, and thrust out of the Church and Court by the Kings Officers and Christians. Upon which the common people then flock∣ing in great multitudes to the Kings coronation, fell up∣on the Jews standing in great multitudes at the Palace gate, first beating them with their fists, and then taking up clubs and stones slew some of them, and left the others half dead: whereupon one of them called Benedict of York, being so beaten and wounded, that he despaired of life, and extra∣ordinarily terrified with the fear of death, received Bap∣tism from William, Prior of St. Maries of Yorke, and there∣by escaped the peril of death, and hands of the persecutors. In the mean while there was a great rumor spred through∣out the city of London upon this occasion, That the King desired, and had commanded, that all the Iews should be bani∣shed and destroyed; Whereupon an infinite number of peo∣ple, as well out of the City as most counties of England then coming to the coronation, inflamed with the desire of booty, betaking themselves to their arms, fell pell-mell upon the Jews, and slew and pillaged them both in the streets, and in their houses; and those who defended themselves for a time in such strong houses which they could not enter, were there soon after burnt and consu∣med, together with their houses by the furious multi∣tude, who put fire to their houses, and burnt down most of them, Synagogae datae dedecori, and likewise defaced their Synagogues, as Radulphus de Diceto records. The King being informed hereof whiles he was feasting with his Nobles, thereupon sent Ranulphus de Glanvil, then chief Justice of the Realm, a potent and prudent man, to∣gether

with other great Noblemen to perswade and re∣strain these bold people. But all in vain, for in so great a multitude, none would hear their voices, nor reve∣rence their persons; but rather murmuring against them, exhorted them speedily to return: whereupon they advi∣sedly declining their unbridled rage, the fury of these plunderers ceased not til the next day. Ac licet immensitas tantae rab••ei si dissimulata & multa transiret, primordia regiae majestatis denigraret plurimum, propter reorum tamen infi∣nitam multitudinem dissimulari oportuit quod vindicari non po∣tuit; writes Henry de Knyghton. Yet the very next day the King sending his Officers throughout the City, comman∣ded some of the said malefactors to be apprehended, and brought before him, of which three were hanged by the judgement of his Court: one, because he had stollen the goods of a certain Christian, and two because they had made a fire in the City, whereby the houses of Chri∣stians were burned. After which the King sent for the man, who of a Jew was made a Christian, and demanded of him, in the presence of those who had seen him bapti∣zed, Whether he were made a Christian? Who answered, That he was not, but that he permited the Christians to do to him what they would, that he might escape death. Then the King demanded of the Archbishop of Canterbury, in the pre∣sence of many Archbishops and Bishops, What was to be done concerning him? who answering very indiscreetly, said: If he will not be a man (or servant) of God, let him be a man, (or servant) of the Devil; And so he returned to the Judaical Law and pravity, like a dog to his vomit * 1.15 and soon after died at Northampton, and was deprived of the com∣mon burial of the Jews, because he had been made a Christian in this manner, and likewise of common burial with the Chri∣stians, because he apostatized to the Iewish wickednesse, for which some would have had him proceeded against as an Apostate. In the mean time the King sent his Writs throughout all the Counties of England, prohibiting, That none should doe any harm to the Iews, but that they should enjoy his peace. But before that Edict was published, the

Jews which were in the Town of Dunstaple (to preserve their lives from the peoples fury) being converted to the Christian Faith, were baptized, betroathing their wives after the manner of Christians; which was likewise done through many Cities of England. And although the King by his Proclamation, had decreed peace to the Jews, yet notwithstanding the fury against the Jews kindled at Lon∣don, not verily out of a zeal of Faith, but of Gain, vehe∣mently raged in other places of the Land. For a certain Jew at Lynne happening to be made a Christian; thereup∣on the Jews persecuting him, as a prevaricator of their Law, taking an opportunity, assaulted him with arms as he passed throgh the city, whereupon he took sanctuary in the Church; yet notwithstanding the raging Jews would not rest quiet for this, but with a continued fury pre∣sently began to assault the Church with great violence: presently hereupon there arose a great clamor, and the Christians assistance was defired with loud out-cries. This clamor and fame incensed the Christian people, and young men which were strangers, of which a great num∣ber at that time resorted thither, by reason of traffick; who running to the Church armed, valiantly assaulted the proud Jews, who being unable to resist the assault of the Christians, presently betook themselves to flight. After which, the Christians assaulting and taking their houses, spoyled and then burnt them with fire. Hereupon the young men who were strangers, laden with prey, de∣parted with it speedily to their ships & failed thence, lest they should be questioned, & perchance inforced to restore their booty by the Kings officers. But the Inhabitants of the place, when they were questioned for this by the Kings Officers, translated this fact to the strangers, who were then departed from thence; although themselves were not altogether innocent, taking up arms against the Jews upon the out-cry; but yet doing nothing against the Jews for fear of the Kings displeasure.

Not long after, in Lent there arose a new storm against the Jews at Stanford; for there being solemn Fairs there

held in Lent, the young men and Souldiers who had ta∣ken upon them the sign of the Crosse, and were then rea∣dy to go to Ierusalem with the King, assembling together there out of divers counties, disdaining that the Jews, being the enemies of the crosse of Christ, possessed such great store of goods and wealth, when as they had not sufficient to defray the necessary expences of so great a journey; and imagining that they should do God good service, if they assaulted these his enemies; boldly rushed upon them, no man opposing himself against so great attempts: whereupon divers of the Jews were slain, and the rest being received into the castle, hardly escaped with their lives, their goods being all plundered, and the plunderers departing freely away with their booty, none of them being so much as questioned, or punished by the Kings discipline. The citizens of Lincoln hearing what was done to the Jews of Stanford, taking occasion, and being animated by the examples of others, were willing to do something against them: and being assembled to∣gether against the Jews inhabiting together with them, became inraged against them. But these Jews being made more wary by the slaughters and damages of others, some few of them suffering harm and damages, the rest fled timely with their monies into the Royal Fort, and there secured themselves. In all other places whereso∣ever the Jews were found, they were pillaged and slain by the hands of the Pilgrims, who hastning through Eng∣land towards Ierusalem, decreed to rise up first against the Jews; before they invaded the Saracens. Hereupon all the Jews who were found in their own houses at Nor∣wich were slain on the 8 of February, some few of them only escaping to the Castle. At the same time, the Nobles and Gentry of Yorkeshire, nothing fearing the Kings Pro∣clamation, the wicked Jews having by Usury reduced them to extreme poverty, joyning with them some holy foldiers,, brake up the Houses of the chief Jews, equal to the Kings Palace, slew their families, spoild their Goods, & burnt their houses in the night, & then retired themselves

to their homes in the dark. After which, the promiscuous multitude making an assault upon the Jews, slew them without distinction of sex or age, except some few who would give up their names to Christ in baptism to save their lives. On the 18 day of April, being Palm-Sunday, the rest of the Jews in the City of Yorke, (being 500 men and women, besides their children) fearing the violence of the Christians, shut up themselves within the castle of Yorke by the will and consent of the Guardian thereof, and of the Sheriff; who being thus received into the castle for their defence by the Guardian and Sheriff, would not af∣terwards deliver it up unto them again. Whereupon the Sheriff and keeper of the castle being much offended with them, assembled the souldiers of the county, and men of the city, that they might free the castle from those Jews, exhorting them to do their utmost endeavors to effect it: who when they had assaulted the castle day and night, the Jews offered a great summ of money to save their lives; but all in vain, the people being so incensed against them that they would not accept it: whereupon a certain Iew skillfull in their Law, stood up, and said. Men of Is∣rael hearken to my counsel; It is better for us to die for our Law, then to fall into the hands of the enemies of our Law; and our very Law commands the same thing. Upon which all the Jews, as well women as men, consented to his counsel, and every Father of a family going with a sharp razor, first of all cut the throats of his own wife and children, and then of his family, casting the dead corps of those whom they had thus sacrificed to Devils, over the castle walls, upon the Christian people. After which, burning their rich cloathes, and casting their golden Vessels and Jewels into Privies, that the Christians might not be inriched by them, these murderers shutting up themselves and the rest they had killed in the Kings house, set it on fire, and so burnt both themselves and it. After which the Citizens of Yorke and the souldiers of the county burning all the Jews hou∣ses together, spoiled their goods, seized their possessions to themselves, and burn'd all the charters of their debts.

The King being informed hereof, and much incensed, both for the contempt of his Royal proclamation and Authority, and dammage to his Exchequer, to which all the Goods and Debts of the Iews, being Usurers belonged, comman∣ded his Chancellor to inflict due punishment upon the authors of this Sedition. Whereupon, after Easter, the Bi∣shop of Ely the Kings Chancellor gathering a great Ar∣my together, came to Yorke, to apprehend those as ma∣lefactors who had destroyed the Jews of the city: And understanding that this was done by the command of the Sheriff and Governour of the castle, he put them both from their Offices, and took sureties from the Citizens of the City, for to keep the Peace of the King and kingdom, and to stand to the Law in the Kings court concerning the death of the Jews: and commanded the Souldiers of the County who were at the destruction of the Jews, to be ap∣prehended; but the chief of them flying into Scotland, esca∣ped, not one of them all being put to death for this great Massacre and Riot.

Henry de Knyghton, De Eventibus Angliae, l. 2. c. 13. gives this censure of these slaughters & popular tumults against the Jews. The Zeal of the Christians conspired against the Jews in England, but in truth not sincerely, that is, for the cause of faith; but either out of emulation and envy, because of their felicity, or out of gaping after their goods: The Justice truly of God not at all approving such things, but decently ordering them, that by this means he might punish the insolency of a per∣fidious Nation. He likewise addes; that one Iohn, a most bold Christian, flying from Stanford with many spoyls of the Jews to Northampton, was there secretly slain by his Host, to get his money, and thrown without the city in the night, the murderer flying thereupon. After which, through the dreams of old women, and fallacious signs, the simple people attributing to him the merits of a martyr, honoured his Sepulchre with solemn vigils, and gifts. This was derided by wise men, yet it was acceptable to the Clerks there living, by reason of the gains. Which the Bishop hearing of, presently unsaincted him, and propha∣ned

the Monuments of this false martyr, continued by the study of simple and covetous persons. I wish no such plun∣derers as this, might be saincted and adored in our age, as too many of them are, even before their deaths, who will be un-saincted after them, as well as this bold plun∣derer of the Jews.

Mr. Fox in his Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 305. relating the story of the massacres of the Jews this year out of the Chronicle of Westminster, saith: That there were no less than a thousand five hundred of the Iews destroyed at that time in York alone, (beside those slaughtered in other places) so that this year, which the Iews took to be their Iubile, was to them a year of confusion. Neither was this plague of theirs undeserved,* 1.16 for every year commonly their custom was, to get some Christian mans child from the Parents, and on Good-Fri∣day to crucifie him, in despite of our Religion.

King Richard the first, after his return out of the Holy Land in the year 1194. * 1.17 appointed Iustices Itinerant through all the Counties of England, who amongst other Articles, were to enquire; Concerning the slayers of the Iews: who they were that slew them? and concerning the pawns and chattels, and lands and debts, and charters of the Iews that were slain? and who had them? and how much any one owed to them? and what morgages they had, and who held them? and how much they were worth? and who took the issues of them? and what they were? and that all the Morgages and Debts of the Iews who were slain should be taken into the Kings hands, and that those who were present at the slaying of the Iews, and had not made a fine (or end) with our Lord the King or his Iustices, should be apprehended, and not delivered, unless it were by the King our Lord or his Iustices. The self-same year King Richard ap∣pointed Justices, Laws, and Orders, for preventing the frauds, and regulating the contracts of the Jews, both be∣tween themselves, and between Christians and them, thus recorded at large by (m) 1.18 Roger de Hoveden, and briefly touched only by some others.

All the Debts, Pawns, Morgages, Lands, Houses, Rents, and

Possessions of the Iews shall be registred. The Jew who shall con∣ceal any of these, shall forfeit to the King his body, and the con∣cealment, and likewise all his possessions and chattels; neither shall it be lawfull to the Iew ever to recover the concealment. Likewise 6 or 7 places shall be provided, in which they shal make all their contracts, and there shall be appointed two Lawyers that are Christians, and two Lawyers who are Iews, and two Legal Registers; and before them, and the Clerks of William of the Church of St. Maries, and William of Chimilli, shall their contracts be made: & Charters shall be made of their contracts by way of Indenture. And one part of the Indenture shall remain with the Iew, sealed with his seal to whom the money is lent; and the other part shall remain in the common chest; wherein there shall be 3 locks and keys, whereof the 2 Christians shall keep one key, and the 2 Iews another, and the Clerks of William of St. Maries Church, and William of Chimilli, shall keep the third. And moreover, there shall be three seals to it; and those who keep the seals, shall put the seals thereto. Moreover, the Clerks of the said William and William shall keep a roll of the tran∣scripts of all the Charters; and as the Charters shall be altered, so let the roll be likewise: For every Charter there shall be 3 pence paid, one moity thereof by the Iew, and the other moity by him to whom the money is lent; whereof the 2 writers shall have 2 pence, and the keeper of the roll the third. And from hence∣forth, no contract shall be made with, nor payment made to the Iews, nor any alteration made of the Charters, but before the said persons, or the greater part of them, if all of them cannot be present. And the aforesaid 2 Christians shall have one roll of the Debts or receits of the payments which from henceforth are to be made to the Jews, and the 2 Jews one, and the keeper of the roll one. Moreover, every Iew shall swear upon his Roll that all his debts and pawns, and rents, and all his goods and possessions he shall cause to be enrolled, and that he shall conceal nothing, as is aforesaid: And if he shall know that any one shall conceal any thing, he shall secretly reveal it to the Iustices sent unto them; and that they shall detect and shew unto them, all falsifiers or forgers of Charters, and clippers of moneys, where or when they shall know them, and likewise all false charters.

By these strict politick Laws, the King and his Officers knew the particular wealth, monies, goods, debts, and real and personal estates of every Jew, and in whose hands they were, and so could seize and command them at their pleasure, upon any real or pretended misdemeanors, or complaints against them.

King Iohn, (who in the * 1.19 1 and 2 years of his reign, granted them large liberties, and an high Priest for mo∣neys) in the year of our Lord [n] 1.20 1210. commanded all the Jews of both sexes throughout Engl••nd to be appre∣hended and imprisoned, and to be afflicted with most grievous torments, that so they might satisfie the Kings pleasure with their money. Some of them being grie∣vously tortured, gave all things which they had, and pro∣mised more, that they might by this means escape so ma∣ny kinds of torments. Amongst whom one Jew at Bri∣stol, punished with various torments, when as he would neither redeem himself, nor submit to any fine: the King commanded his tormentors, that they should every day pull out one of his grinding teeth, until he should pay to the King ten thousand marks of silver. And when at last for 7 days space they had pulled out 7 of his teeth, with intollerable torment, and now on the 8 day the tor∣mentors had begun the like work again; this Jew, an o∣ver-flow provider for his profit, gave him the aforesaid money, that he might save the 8 tooth to himself, the other 7 being pulled out: who with much more wisdom, and lesse pain, might have done so before, and have sa∣ved his 7 teeth, having but 8 in all.

In the 17 year † 1.21 of King Iohn, the 17 day of May, the Barons coming to London, brake into the houses of the Jews, and searched their Coffers to stuff their own purses, that had been long empty: After which they applyed all dili∣gence to repair the Gates and Walls of the City with the stones of the Jews broken houses.

[o] 1.22In the year 1222. 7 H. 3. in a Council at Canter∣bury under Archbishop Stephen, a certain Apostate Jew, made of a Christian a Deacon, and afterwards apostatizing,

was there judicially punisht, whom Falco presently ap∣prehending, caused to be hanged, as Matthew Paris writes; but Bracton and others record, that he was bur∣ned to ashes.

* 1.23King Henry the 3. in the 11 year of his reign, Anno Dom. 1226. granted the lands and houses of Benomye Matton, a Jew in London, escheated to him by a mur∣der committed by this Jew, to Semain and others, as ap∣pears by his Chatter of that year.

[p] 1.24King Henry the 3. Anno. 1230. wanting mo∣neys, constrained the Jews whether they would or would not, to give him the third part of all their moveable goods, and that with all expedition.

[q] 1.25The Jews in the year of our Lord 1231. builded a Synagogue very curiously, but the Christians obtained of the King, that it should be dedicated to our blessed La∣dy, and was since by the same King Henry granted to the Brethren of St. Anthony of Vienna, and called St. Anthonies Hospital.

[r] 1.26In the year of our Lord 1233. King Henry the 3. at his proper costs built in London, not far from the old Temple, a decent house & Church, sufficient for a Covent, with other convenient edifices thereto belonging, called The house of the Converts. (now the Rolls) To which house the converted Jews flying, leaving the blindnesse of Iudaism, under a certain honest rule of living, might have a certain habitation, a safe refuge, and a sufficient livelihood du∣ring their whole lives, without servile labour, and the gain of Usury. Whereupon it came to passe, that in a short time there was gathered together in that place, a great number of Converts, who were there baptized and in∣structed in the Christian Faith, and lived laudab••y, being governed by a skilfull Rector, specially appointed for that purpose.

* 1.27This House of the converted Jews was founded by King Henry the 3. in the place of a Jews house to him for∣feited in the year 1233. and the 17 of his reign, who builded there for them a fair Church, now used and cal∣led

the Chapel for the custody of Rolls and Records of Chancery; It standeth not far from the old Temple and the new, in the which house all such Jews and Infidels as were converted to the Christian Faith, were ordained and appointed, under an honest rule of life, sufficient main∣tenance: Whereby it came to passe, that in short time there were gathered a great number of converts, who were baptized, instructed in the Doctrine of Christ, and there lived under a learned Christian, appointed to go∣vern them. Since the which time, to wit, in the year 1290. All the Jews in England were banished out of the Realm, whereby the number of converts in this place was decayed, and therefore in the year 1377. this House was annexed by Patent to William Berestal Clerk, Custos Rotulorum, or Keeper of the Rolls of the Chancery, by Ed∣ward the 3. in the 51 year of his reign, and the first Ma∣ster of the Rolls, who was sworn in Westminst. Hall, at the Table of Marble: since which time that house hath been commonly called, the Rolls in Chancery lane. Notwithstan∣ding such of the Jews or other Infidels as have in the Realm been converted to Christianity and baptized, have been received there; for I find in record, that one Willi∣am Peirs a Jew that became a Christian, was baptized in the 5 of Richard the 2. and had 2 d. the day allowed him, during his life, by the said King (out of the Rolls.)

[s] 1.28King Henry in the year 1235. keeping his Court and the Nativity at Westminster, with many of his Bi∣shops and Nobles, there were brought before him; upon the complaint of Iohn Toly, 7 Jews, who had circumci∣sed a certain child in Norwich, whom they had stollen a∣way from his Parents, and kept for a years space from the fight of Christians; intending to crucifie him on the Feast of Easter. But being convicted for this fact, they con∣fessed the truth of the thing in the Kings presence: and so being at the Kings pleasure, both for their life and members, were dete••••ed in prison for this fact, and some of them drawn and hanged.

[t] 1.29 In the year of our Lord 1240. the Jews circumcised a Christian child at Norwich, and being circumcised, they called him Jurninus, but reserved him to be crucified in contumely of Jesus Christ crucified. But the Father of the child, from whom the Jews had stollen him, diligently seeking after his Son, at the last found him shut up in the custody of the Jews; and with loud clamours declared, that his Son, whom he thought to have been lost, was wickedly kept up in the Chamber of a certain Jew. Which great premeditated wickednesse coming to the know∣ledge of the Bishop William Rele, a prudent and circumspect man, and of other great men, lest through the slothful∣nesse of the Christians so great an injury of Christ should be passed by unpunished, all the Jews of the City were apprehended, and when as they would have defended themselves by Regal authority; the Bishop said, These things belong to the Church, and are not to be determi∣ned in the Kings Court, seeing the Question to be discus∣sed is concerning circumcision, and the breach of faith. Whereupon 4 of the Jews being convicted of the afore∣said wickednesse, were first dragged at the tails of Horses, and at last hanged on the Gallows, lamentably breathing forth the reliques of life.

The Proceedings in this New case I find thus recor∣ded in the Placita of 18 H. 3. rot. 21. thus endors∣ed, Placitum loquelae de Iudaeis Norwich, qui sunt in Prisona apud London. Benedictus physicus appellat Jacobum de Norwich Judaeum, quod cum Odardus, filius suus puer aetatis 5 annorum ivit ludendo in via Villae Norwich vigilia San∣cti Egidii 4 annis elapsis, venit idem Jacobus Judaeus & coe∣pit eundem Odardum & eum portavit us{que} ad domum suam & circumcidit eum in membro suo, & voluit ipsum facere Ju∣daeum, & eum retinuit per unam diem & unam noctem in do∣mo sua, quous{que} per clamorem vicinorum venit ad quandam domum; & illum invenit in manibus ipsius Jacobi, & sic ••psum puerum circumcisum monstravit Officiali Archidiaconi & Co∣ronatoribus ipso die, qui praesentes simul & hoc idem testan∣tur; Qui dicunt, quod viderunt praedictum puerum circumci∣sum,

& qui habuit membrum suum grossum & valdè inflatum, & ita aturnatum sicut praedictum est. Et quod hoc nequiter fecit & in felonia, & in dispectu Crucifixi & Christianitatis, & in pace Domini Regis, et quod ipse non potuit habere in per∣fortiam Christianorum, offert disrationare eum sicut Curia considerabit. Et postquam circumciderat eum vocavit eum Jurnipin, & puer visus coram Justiciariis, & liquidum est quod circumcisus erat.

Idem appellat de forcia & consilio Leonem filium Marge∣rie senior, & filium Josce Bodon. & plures alios Judaeos, qui omnes venerunt praeter Dedone Joppe, Benedictum Mo∣ses & Isaac, & hi totum defendunt sicut Judaei versus Chri∣stianum.

Postea praedictus puer, qui tunc fuit aetatis 5 annorum, & nunc est aetatis 9 annorum, requisitus quomodo circumsciderunt eum? dicit, quod ceperunt eum, et adduxerunt eum usque ad domum ipsius Jacobi; & unus illorum tenuit eum & coopo∣ruit oculos suos, & quidam alius circumcidit eum quodam cul∣tello, & postea capiunt peciam illam quam scinderant de mem∣bro suo, & posuerunt in quodam vacyno cum sabelons, & que suenint peciam illam cum parvis sufflatis quousque quidam Judaeus qui vocabatur Jurnepin invenit eum primo, (tunc) vo∣caverunt eum Jurnepin.

Et Officialis Archidiaconi venit coram Justiciariis cum magna secta Sacerdotum, qui omnes dixerunt in verbo Dei, quod praedictus puer ita circumcisus fuit sicut praedictum est, et per praedictos Judaeos, & quod viderunt praedictum puerum recenter circumcisum, habentem membrum suum grossum & valdè inflatum et sanguinolentum.

Et Coronatores de Comitatu, et Coronatores de Civitate Nor∣wici, & 36 homines de villata de Norwic. Jurati venerunt, & troue (inveniunt) ut fuit circumcisus, &c. Et quod juxta ri∣pam Norwic. il fuittroue (fuit inventus) ululans & plo∣rans per unum Maude de Berneham, & sa file, & que i luy emesiont a lovr meason; ton esteaut les Iewes veigne & dioit, que il fuit Judaeum suum; & vocaverunt eum Jurnepin, &c. Et quando Judaei non potuerunt eum habere propter Christianos,

prohibuerunt eidem Matildae, Ne daret ei carnem porcinam ad manducandum: quia dixerunt, ipsum esse Judaeum. Ita quod per vim venerant Christiani & abstulerunt puerum praedi∣ctum à manibus Iudaeorum.

Et Maude examyne confesse ceo tout, &c. Et omnes Iudaei sunt in prisona apud Norwich, praeter illos qui fuerunt apud London, quando haec Inquisitio facta fuit. Et omnes Iuratores requisiti, Qui interfuerunt ad Circumcisionem illam? d••cunt. Quod omnes praedicti Judaei fuerunt consentientes facto illo, prae∣ter Massi filius Saloni. Haec autem omnia facta fuerunt in Curia Domini Regis apud Norwic, & Fratribus Praedicato∣ribus, & Fratribus Minoribus, & pluribus aliis tam Cleri∣cis, quam Laicis praesentibus. Et tout ceo fuit testify, per Ric, de Tresingfield Constable de Norwich, & auters.

Posteacoram * 1.30 Domino Rege, & Domino Cantuar. & Majori parte Episcoporum & Baronium Angliae, quia casus iste nunquam prius accidit in Curia Domini Reg••s, & praeterea quia factum illud primò tangit Deum, & sanctam Ecclesiam, eo quod Circumcisio & Baptismus sunt pertinentia ad fidem; et praeterea non est ibi talis felonia, nec amissio mem∣bri, nec Mahemium, nec plaga mortalis, vel alia felonia Laica quae possit hominem damnare, sine Mandato Sanctae Ec∣clesiae: Consideratum est, quod istud in primò tractetur in sancta Ecclesia, et per Ordinarium loci inquiratur rei veritas: Et mandetur Domino Regi unum Marcum auri persic, quod puer videatur coram Iusticiariis, si circumcisus fuit, vel non; & recipitur. Et visus est puer, et membrum ejus visum est, pelle coopertum ante in Capite: Et in tali statu liberatur pa∣tri suo, ut eum habeat coram Iudicibus Ecclesiasticis, & ipsi Iudaei remaneant in Prisona. So far this Record relates the proceedings in the Kings Court, and Matthew Paris in∣forms us what they afterwards did in the Bishops.

It seems the Citizens of Norwich upon this occasion fi∣red the Iews Houses in the City: for in Placita 18 H. 3. rot. 27. in Dorso, I find a complaint of the Citizens of Norwich against the Sheriff of Norfolk, for certain injuries done unto them, in entring their Liberties, beating their Servants, and ayding the Jews; who justified that

what he did, was because the Citizens had fired the Iews hou∣ses; Which business was debated before the King at Bromholne. And because the Bayliffs of the Town made no Inquisition concerning these burnings, and beatings of their Servants, as belonged to their Office, nor made any emendation thereof, neither would the Commonalty of the City it self, in defence of their Liberties, permit the Sheriff of Norfolke to reform it, it was adjudged, that they should be in the Kings mercy, as well for their Liberties as for the other things, and after paid a fine of fifty marks.

The very next year the Jews in Forraign parts, especi∣ally in Germany, believing, that the Tartars were of their own Nation, entred into a secret League with them, to destroy the Christians, and subdue the whole world to themselves; to which end they provided many Hogsheads filled with arms to be transported to the Tartars; preten∣ding to the Christian Princes, that they were Vessels filled only with poysoned Wines, wherewith they intended to poyson and destroy the Tartars, who would drink no wines but such as were made by the Iews. But this their trea∣chery being detected by the Customers in Germany, who found these pretended Vessels of wine, to be fraught with arms for the Tartars wherewith to destroy the Christians; thereupon the Iews were delivered to Tormentors, to be perpetually imprisoned, or slain with their owne swords, as Matthew Paris more at large relates. Anno 1241. p. 564.

(u) 1.31King Henry, Anno 1243. exacted a great ransom from the most miserable Iews, both in gold and silver: so that, besides what he exacted from others, he extorted from one Iew, Aaron of Yorke, 4 marks of gold, and 4000 marks of silver: the King himself receiving the gold with his own hand from every Iew, man or woman, being made of a King, a new receiver of Custom; but the silver was received by others for the King.

(x) 1.32Anno 1244. in August, the corps of a little male child was found buried in the City of London, in whose

thighs and arms, and under whose paps, there was a regular inscription in Hebrew Letters. To which spectacle when as many resorted, admiring at it, and not knowing how to read the letters, knowing that the letters were He∣brew, they called thither converted Iews, who inhabi∣ted the House which the King had founded in London, that they as they loved their life or members, for the honour, love, and fear of their Lord the King, without figment of falshood, might declare that writing. For the Kings Bay∣liffs and Conservators of the Peace were present. They likewise believed, neither without cause, that the Iews had either crucified that little child in obloquy and contu∣mely of Christ (which was related frequently to have hap∣pened) or had afflicted him with sundry torments to cru∣cify him, and when he had given up the ghost, they had now cast him there, as unworthy the Cross. Moreover, there appeared in his body blew marks, and rents of rodds, and manifest signs and foot-steps of some other torment. And when as those Converts were brought to read those things that were inscribed, and studied that they might perfectly read them, they found the Letters deformed, and now not legible, being many ways disordered, and tossed up and down, by reason of the extension and contraction of the skin and flesh. But they found the name of the Fa∣ther and Mother of the little child, suppressing their sur∣names, and that the child was sold to the Iews; but to whom, or to what end, they could not find. In the mean time, certain of the London Iews took a secret and sudden flight, never to return again, who by this very thing ren∣dered themselves suspected. And some affirmed, that the Lord had wrought miracles for the child. And because it was found, that the Iews at other times had perpetrated such wickedness, and the holy bodies crucified had been solemnly received in the Church, and likewise to have shi∣ned brightly with miracles, although the prints of the 5 wounds appeared not in the hands and feet & side of the said corps, yet the Canons of St. Paul took it violently a∣way, and solemnly buried it in their Church, not far from the great Altar.

[y] 1.33 The same year (1241.) The Barons in Parlia∣ment ordered, That there should be one Justice at the least appointed for the Jews, by the nomination of the Par∣liament.

[z] 1.34In the year of our Lord 1250. King Henry the 3d. burning with a covetous desire, commanded money to be extorted from the Jews without all mercy, so as they might seem to be altogether and irrecoverably im∣poverished; exacting what monies soever they had in their chests. Notwithstanding, although they were mi∣serable, yet they were pittied by none, because they were often proved and convicted to have been counter∣feiters as well of monies as of seals. And to passe by the monies of others, we shall only mention one, that their malice may the more appear to them. There was a certain rich Jew, having his abode and house at Berkamstede, and Wallingford; Abraham in name, not in faith: who was very dear to Earl Richard, who had a very beauti∣full wife, and faithful to him, named Flora. This Jew that he might accumulate more disgrace to Christ, cau∣sed the Image of the Virgin Mary, decently carved and painted, as the manner is, holding her Sonne in her bo∣som. This Image the Jew placed in his house of Office, and which is a great shame and ignomy to expresse, blas∣pheming the Image it self, as if it had been the very Vir∣gin her self, threw his most filthy and not to be named excrements upon her, days any nights, and commanded his wife to do the like. Which when his wife saw, after some days she grieved at it, by reason of the Sex, and passing by secretly, wiped off the filth from the face of the Image most filthily defiled. Which when the Jew here, husband had fully found out, he therefore privily and impiously strangled the woman her self, though his wife. But when these wicked deeds were discovered, and made apparent, and proved by his conviction, al∣though other causes of death were not wanting, he was thrust into the most loathsome Castle of the Tower of Lon∣don. Whence to get his freedom, he most certainly pro∣mised,

That he would prove all the Jews of England, to have been most w••cked Traitors. And when as he was greatly accused almost by all the Jews of England, and they en∣deavoured to put him to death, Earl Richard interce∣ded for him. Whereupon the Jews grievously accusing him both of the clipping of money, and other wicked∣nesses, offered Earl Richard a thousand marks, if he would no•• protect him; which notwithstanding the Earl refu∣sed, because he was called his Jew. This Jew Abra∣ham therefore gave the King 700 marks, that he might be freed from perpetual imprisonment, to which he was adjudged, the Earl assisting him therein. The King thereupon at the same time sent the Justices of the Jews throughout all England, to search out all their mony both in Debts and Possessions, and with them a certain most wicked and mercilesse Jew, that he might wickedly and falsly accuse all the rest against the truth; who verily repre∣hended the Christians, pittying and weeping over the af∣fliction of the Jews, and called the Kings Bayliffs, luke∣warm and effeminate; and gnashing with his teeth over every Jew, affirmed with many great Oathes, that they could give twice as much more to the King, then what they had given, although he most wickedly lyed against his own head. This Jew, that he might more effectual∣ly hurt the rest, revealed all their secrets dayly to the Kings Christian Exactors. In the mean time the King ceased not to scrape money together from all hands, but principally from the Jews; so tha•• from one Jew alone; born and living in York, called Aaron, (because he was convicted of falsifying a Charter, as was reported) he ex∣torted 14000 marks, and 10000 marks of gold for the Queens use, for a little times respite▪ that he might not languish in prison. All which sums being paid, it was found that this Aaron had paid to the King since hi•• re∣turn from foreign parts, 30000 marks of silver, and two hundred marks of gold to the Queen, as the said Aaron upon the attestation of his honour and faith averred to Matthew Paris, who records it, Yet notwithstanding al∣though

the Jews might be pittied, yet were they pittied by no man; seeing they were corrupters and counterfeiters of the Kings money and of charters, and manifestly and frequently proved, condemned, and reprobated as such.

King * 1.35 Henry, Anno 1251. Decreed to destroy all the Jews in his Kingdom, but some of his Counsellors disswaded him from it, and that they should rather be left as Vaga∣bonds, like Cain, that their misery by this means might be set before the eyes of men in all ages. Whereupon the Kings mind was mitigated, and his Decree abolished. Notwithstanding he seriously prohibited them the eating of flesh in Lent, and on Fridays.

[a] 1.36Ph••lip Luuel, Clerk, called to the service of the King, and deputed to the custody of the Jews, Anno 1251. was grievously accused before the King, his adver∣saries affirming, that when he and Nicholas of St. Albans Clerk, were sent towards the Northern parts to tax and squeeze the Jews, he privily received most precious Ves∣sels from a certain Jew, that he might spare him in his Tallage to the King; and that he likewise took se∣cret gifts from others, that he might spare them; and that he opprest these Jews notwithstanding, to the dam∣mage of the King, and the violation of his Faith. Where∣upon the King being very angry, commanded Philip him∣self to be unworthily handled, until he should satisfie him for this great transgression. Philip hereupon, a crafty and circumspect man, humbly craved advice and assist∣ance from the Lord John Mansel, the Kings Prime Coun∣sellor, concerning his great tribulation, because he had promoted him to the Kings service, who effectually pro∣cured that he recovered the kings favor, giving him a great summe of money for it, a thousand marks as was reported, Yet notwithstanding he was removed from his Office, and not a little disgraced.

It seems the kings Officers could fleece the Jews in that age, by secret Bribes and Gifts, as well as himself, by intollerable Exactions.

[b] 1.37King Henry the III. to satisfie the Popes desire in taking a Voyage to the Holy Land, Anno 1252. ex∣torted

from the Jews whatsoever those miserable wret∣ches might seem to have, not only by scraping or exco∣riating, but even by unbowelling them. Being also an Hydropical thirster after gold, he so greedily sucked ta∣lents, or Bullion, or Jewels, as well from Christians as Jews, that a new Crassus might seem to be raised from the dead. And this very year Robert de la Ho, to whom the king had committed the custody of the Jews, and of the Seal which belonged to their Exchequer, was grie∣vously accused before the king, being charged with this crime, That he had oppressed the innocent Son of a cer∣tain knight, by a certain false Charter, confirmed with the Seal, of which the said Robert, Iustice of the Iews, was the bearer and keeper. Whereupon he was basely apprehended, and committed to a close Prison; and de∣famed with the like scandal wherewith Philip Luuel but the year just before had been intangled in the snares of the perfidious Jews, who was then their Iustice. At last, by the great labour of his friends, the malice of the Jews is detected, but the innocency of the said Robert then set free, scarce declared. Whereupon being put from his Offices, he openly paid 4 marks of gold at least for his fine.

[c] 1.38This very year (1252.) there came out of the ho∣ly Land a Mandate from the king of France, that all the Jews should be expelled out of the Realm of France, and condemned to perpetual exile, with this clause of mo∣deration added thereto: But he who desires to remain, let him be an artificer or handicrafts-man, and apply him∣self to mechanical artifices. For it was scornfully obje∣cted to the said King by the Saraccus; That we did little love or reverence our Lord Jesus Christ, who tolerated the murderers of him to live among us.

[d] 1.39In the year of Christ, 1253. November 10. the Obligatory Chatter wherewith the Abbot and Covent of St. Alban were held bound for the debt of Richard de Oxaie knight, was taken out of the hand of Elias the London Jew, and freed out of the chest; and it was pro∣claimed

in the School of the Jews at London (where it seems they had then a School) that the foresaid Ab∣bot and Covent should be quit from all this debt against them from the beginning of the world till then, as the Statute obtained by them protesteth.

[e] 1.40The Jews in Northampton about the year of our Lord, 1253. had among themselves prepared wild-fire, to burn the City of London, for the which divers of them were taken and burned in the time of Lent in the City of Northampton.

[f] 1.41Ann 1254. King Henry after Easter so cruelly raged against the most miserable people of the Jews, that they loathed even to live. And when they were called together, Earl Richard exacted of them for the use of the King, who was then in great want, no small sum of money, under pain of a most loathsom prison, and a most ignominious death. Elias therefore of London, High Priest of the Jews, taking counsel with his Companions, answered for them all, who had frequently paid very great summs of money, whether they would or would not. O noble Lords, we see undoubtedly that our Lord the King pur∣poseth to destroy us from under heaven. VVe intreat, for Gods sak••▪ that he would give us license & safe conduct of departing out of his Kingdom, that we may seek and find a mansion in some other place, under some Prince who bears some bowels of mercy, and some stability of truth and faithfullnesse, And we will depart; never to return again, leaving here our hou∣shouldstuff, and houses behind us. How can he love or spare us,* 1.42 miserable Jews, who destroyes his own natural English? He hath people, yea his own Merchants, I say not Usurers, who by usuríous contracts, heap up infinite heaps of money. Let the King rely upon them, and gape after their emoluments. Verily they have supplanted & impoverisht us. Which the K. howsoever dissembles to know, exacting frō us those things we cannot give him, although he would pull out our eyes, or out our throats when he had first pulled off our skins. And speaking this with sighs and tears hindring his speech, he held his peace, falling almost into an extasie ready to die. Which

when it came to the knowledge of the Magistrates, they permitted them not to depart out of the Realm; saying. Whether will ye flee, O wretches! Behold the King of France hateth and persecuteth you, and hath condemned you to perpe∣tual exile, shunning Charibdis, you desire to be drowned in Scylla. And so the small little substance, which was left to them for their mean sustentation, was violently ex∣torted from them.

(g) 1.43King Henry the 3d. An. 1255. exacted with great earnestness from the Jews, although very frequently im∣poverished, 8000 marks, to be speedily paid unto him under pain of hanging. But they seeing nothing else hang∣ing over them, but destruction with confusion, answered all unanimously. Sir King, we see that thou sparest neither Christians, nor Iews, but studiest with crafty fetches to impove∣rish all men: we have no hope of respiration left us: the Ʋsu∣rers of the Pope have supplanted us; permit us to depart out of thy kingdom with safe conduct; and we will seek for our selves such a mansion as we can, be it what it will. Which when the King had heard, he cried out with a querulous voice, say∣ing: It is no marvel if I covet money, it is an horrible thing to imagin the debts wherein I am held bound, By the head of God, they amount to the sum of two hundred thousand marks, and if I should say of three, I should not exceed the bounds of truth. I am deceived on every side. I am a ma••med and abridged King, yea, now but an halfed King. For having made a certain esti∣mate of the expences of my rents, the sum of the annual rent of Edward my Son amounts to above 15000 marks. There is therefore a necessity for me to live of the mony gotten from what place soever, from whomsoever, and by what means soever. Therefore being made another Titus, or Ʋespasian, he sold the Jews for some years to Earl Richard his brother, that those whom the King had excoriated, he might eviscerate. Yet the Earl spared them, considering their abbreviated power, and ignominious poverty.

(h) 1.44The same year, about the Feast of Peter & Paul, the Jews of Lincoln stole a child call'd Hugo, being 8 years old, and when as they had nourished him in a certain most se∣cret

chamber, with milk and other childish aliments, they sent almost to all the Cities of England wherein the Jews lived, that in contempt and reproach of Jesus Christ, they should be present at their sacrifice at Lincoln: for they had, as they said, a certain child hid to be crucified. Where∣upon many assembled at Lincoln. And comming together, they appointed one Lincoln Jew for the Judge, as it were for Pilate. By whose judgement, by the consent of all, the child is afflicted with sundry torments. He is whipped even unto blood and lividness, crowned with thorns, wearied with spittings and shriekings: and moreover he is prick∣ed by them all with ponyards, made to drink gall, d••rided with reproaches and blasphemies, and frequently called by them with grinding teeth,* 1.45 Jesus the false Prophet. And after they had derided him in divers manners, they cruci∣fied him, and pierced him with a spear to the heart. And when the child had given up the ghost, they took down his body from the cross, and took the bowels out of his corps, for what end is unknown; but it was said it was to exercise Magical arts. The mother of the child diligently sought for her absent son for some days, and it was told her by neighbors, that the last time they saw her child whom she sought, he was playing with the children of the Jews of his age, and entred into the house of a certain Jew. Where∣upon the woman suddenly entred that house, and saw the body of the child cast into a certain pit. And having wa∣rily called the Bayliffs of the City together; the body was found and drawn forth; and there was made a wonderful spectacle among the people. But the woman, mother of the child, complaining and crying out, provoked all the Ci∣tizens there assembled together, to tears and sighs. There was then present at the place Iohn de Lexinton, a circum∣spect and discreet man, and moreover elegantly learned, who said. We have sometime heard, that the Jews have not feared to attempt such things in reproach of Jesus Christ, our crucified Lord. And one Jew being apprehended, to wit, he into whose house the child entred playing, and there∣fore more suspected than the rest; he saith unto him. O

wretch! knowest thou not that speedy destruction abides thee? All the gold of England will not suffice for thy deliverance or red••mption. Notwithstanding I will tell thee, although unworthy, by what means thou maist preserve thy life and members, that thou maist not be dismembred. I will save both to thee, if thou dost not fear to discover to me whatsoever things are done in this case without falshood. Whereupon this Jew, whose name was Copin, believing he had thus found out a way of escape, answered, saying, Sir Iohn, if thou makest thy words good by thy deeds, I will reveal wonderfull things to thee, and the industry of Sir Iohn animating and exciting him therto, the Jew said. Those things are true which the Christians say. The Jews almost every year crucify one child,* 1.46 to the injury and contumely of Jesus; but it is not found out every year: for they do this se∣cretly, and in hidden and most secret places; But this child whom they call Hugo, our Iews have most unmercifully cruci∣fied, and when he was dead, and they desired to hide him being dead, he could not be buried in the earth; nor hid. For the corps of the innocent was reputed unprofitable for Divination, for he was unbowelled for that end. And when in the morning it was thought to be buried, the earth brought it forth, and vomited it out, and the body sometimes appeared inhuman, whereupon the Iews abhorred it. At last it was cast headlong into a deep pit, neither as yet could it be kept secret. For the importunate mother diligently searching all things, at last shewed to the Bai∣liffs the body she had found. But Sir Iohn notwithstanding this, kept the Iew bound in chains. When these things were known to the Canons of the Church of Lincoln, they requested the body to be given to them, which was gran∣ted. And when it had been sufficently viewed by an in∣finite company of people, it was honourably buried in the Church of Lincoln, as the corps of a most precious martyr. The Jews kept the child alive for 10 dayes, that being fed for so many dayes with milk, he might living suffer many sorts of torments. When the K. returned from the Nor∣thern parts of England, and was certified of the premises, he reprehended Sir Iohn, that he had promised life and

members to so flagitious a person, which he could not give; for that blasphemer and homicide was worthy the punishment of many sorts of death. And when as una∣voydable judgement was ready to be executed upon this Offender, he said. My death is now approaching, neither can my Lord John preserve me, who am ready to perish. I now relate the truth to you all. Almost all the Iews of England con∣sented to the death of this child,* 1.47 whereof the Iews are accused: and almost out of every City in England wherein the Iews in∣habit, certain chosen persons were called together to the immo∣lation of that child, as to a Paschal Sacrifice. And when as he had spoken these things, together with other dotages, being tied to an horses tail, and drawn to the Gallows, he was presented to the aereal Cacodaemons in body and soul; and 91 other Jews, partakers of this wickedness, being carried in carts to London, were there committed to prison. Who if so be they were casually bewailed by a∣ny Christians, yet they were deplored by the Caursini (the Popes Italian Usurers) their corrivals with dry eyes. Af∣terwards by the Inquisition of the Kings Iustices, it was discovered and found; That the Iews of England by Com∣mon counsel had slain the innocent child, punished for many days and crucified. But after this the Mother of the said child constantly prosecuting her appeal before the King against them for that iniquity and such a death; God the Lord of Revenges, rendred them a condigne retribution, accord∣ing to their merits; for on St. Clements day, 88. of the richest and greatest Jews of the City of London, were drawn and hanged up in the air upon new Gibbers espe∣cially prepared for that purpose, and more than 23 others were reserved in the Tower of London to the like judge∣ment.

I have transcribed this History at large out of Matthew Paris, who flourished at that time, because our other Historians doe but briefly touch it, and because it un∣deniably manifests the transcendent impiety, blasphemy, malice, persecution, and obloquy of the Jews against our Saviour Jesus Christ, and Christians, and their constant,

usual practise of crucifying children almost every year, in contempt and reproach of our crucified Saviour, by common consent; which Mr. Nye conceived might be easily wiped off, as false, & not fully proved or charged on them by our Historians, which this ensuing passage con∣cerning these Jews will further ratify.

[i] 1.48Certain infamous Jews being 71 in number, ad∣judged to death by the Oath of 25 Knights, for the mise∣rable death of the child crucified at L••ncoln, being reser∣ved in the Prisons of London to be hanged Anno 1256 (the year after their condemnation) sent secret Messengers to the Friers Minors, (as their enemies affirm) that they might intercede for them, that they might be delive∣red from death and prison, being notwithstanding wor∣thy of the most shamefull death. Whereupon they (as the world reports, if the world in such a case be to be credited) by the mediation of money, freed them by their prayers and intercession, both from the prison and from the death which they had deserved; led thereto with a spirit of piety, as I think is piously to be believed: Be∣cause so long as any man is in life, and in this world, he hath free-will, may be saved, and there is hope of him. But yet for the Devil, or the manifestly damned, we are not to hope nor pray, because there is no hope of them, for death and a definitive sentence, at once irrevo∣cably intangle them. Neither could this answer excuse the Minors, for although they were not guilty, yet the scan∣dal did defame them. The common people now hath withdrawn their hands, that they doe not benefit them with their alms, as heretofore, and the Londoners devo∣tion is grown cold towards the Minorites. For procuring these condemned Jews life and liberty, whose money (it seemeth) could even corrupt these very self-denying Po∣pish Saints, who had renounced the world in habit, but not in heart.

[k] 1.49All the Prelates of England in the year 1257. drew up certain Articles in writing concerning their li∣berties, which they intended to present to the King, and Nobles, to be ratified by them in Parliament in due sea∣son;

wherein they complain, Artic. 32, 33. That when as the Iews are convicted before the Ecclesiastical Iudges for delinquency against an Ecclesiastical person, or for Ecclesia∣stical things, or for sacriledge, or for laying violent hands up∣on a Clerk, or for adultery with a Christian woman; the co∣nusans of the cause is hindered by the Kings prohibition: because it alleageth, that they have their proper Judge, the Sheriff of the place, and their proper delegated Iudges, who may and ought to have conusance of these things. And yet if they be con∣vented by a Clergy-man or Lay-man before them for such things, upon the denial thereof by the person alone, by the simple assertion of another Iew, and of one Christian, without the ad∣ministring of an Oath; they purge themselves, the proof of the pro∣secutor being utterly rejected.

Item, If Communion be denied to them by the Church because they bear not their Table or sign, or because they retain Christian Nurses against the Precepts of the Church, or if they be excommunicated for some other excesses; the Bailiffs (or Officers) of the King commu∣nicating with them, command on the behalf of our Lord the King himself, that they be not avoided by any, and cause them to be admitted and received to Communion.

Against which grievances in derogation of Ecclesiasti∣cal Jurisdiction, the Bishops then thus provided. And because in like manner the Office of the Prelates is hindred when as it happens a Iew offending against Ecclesiastical things and persons shall be convented for these things before them, and for other things which appertain to their Ecclesiastical Court of meer right; We provide, that the Iew notwithstanding shall be compelled to aswer in these cases by the interdict of commerce, contracts and Communion of the faithfull: likewise the inhi∣biters, hinderers and distrainers shall incurre the punishments of interdiction and excommunication.

[l] 1.50In the year of Christ 1259. On the Feast of Christs Nativity, a certain creature, Elias a Jew of London, whose Sirname was Bishop, fearing danger and manifest damna∣tion to himself, fled to the laver of defence and salvation, and was new-born in the Spirit; for, being cleansed with wholesom

Baptism, two others also accompanying him, he was del••vered out of the lot of the Devil, and saved from the revenge of the most wicked crime heretofore committed by h••m. For it was said, that in his house that poysonous drink was made, which had proved mortal and perillous to many Nobles of England, (poysoned therewith by the Jews) which even he himself, as was reported, well confessed. But then he was a Devil, but now throughly changed, and a Christian, and as the condi∣tion, so the operation is changed. As Mathew Paris Ironi∣cally writes of them.

(m) 1.51A certain Iew in the year 1260. fell into a Privy at Teuxsbury, but because it was then the Sabbath, he would not suffer himself to be pulled out, except on the following Lords day, for the reverence of his Sabbath; Wherefore Richard de Clare Earl of Glocester, commanded him (in reverence of the Lords Day) to be kept there till Munday, at which time he was found dead of the stink; or hunger.

(n) 1.52The Barons of England, Anno 1262. robbed and slew the Jews in all places. There were slain of them in London to the number of 700. the rest were spoiled, and their Synagogues defaced. The original occasion of which massacre was, because one Jew had wounded a Christian man in London in Cole-church, and would have enforced him to have paid more then two pence for the Usury of 20 s. for one week.

(o) 1.53In the year 1264 in the Passion week, the Jews that inhabited the City of London, being detected of trea∣son, which they devised against the Barons and Citizens, were slain almost all the whole number of them, and great riches found in their houses, which were taken and carried away by those that ransacked the same houses.

(p) 1.54The dis-inherited Barons and Gentlemen in the Isle of Oxholm, in the year 1266. took and sacked the City of Lincoln, spoiled the Jews, and slew many of them, en∣tred into their Synagogue, and burnt the book of their Law, with all their Charters and Obligations.

Anno 1275. the 3. of King Edward the 1. his reign, the

Statute De Iudaismo was made, not in the 18 E. 1. as * 1.55 Sir Edward Cooke most grosly and confidently mistakes, in his commentary thereon. To clear which, I desire the Reader to take notice, that this Statute is not now extant on record, all the Parliamentary Rolls before 5 E. 2. (the first extant) with sundry others since that time, being ut∣terly lost, through the iniquity, injury, or carelesness of the times, and some Pleas only in the Parliaments of King Edward the 1. extant in a Parchment Book in the Tower, but no Acts nor Rolls of Parliament during his reign, ex∣cept such as are elsewhere extant on the backs of some clause Rolls or Patents, or in the Red Book of the Exchequer (as some few of them only are) or in our Manuscript or printed Statutes. This Statute de Iudaismo, was first printed in French, by Richard Totel in his Magna Charta, Anno 1556. part. 2. f, 58, 59. with this Title, Statuta Ed. primi, de Iudaismo, with out mention of any year of his reign wherein it was made, not extant in the Manuscript copies out of which he printed them: and the first Statute of them is also printed in Iustice Rastall his Abridgement and Collection of Statutes, Title Usury, sect. 2. without any date; for which he renders this reason in his Elenchus Par∣liamentorum, at the end of his Abridgement. Tempus Ed. 1. Ceux Statutes auxi come semble fueront faits in temps E. 1. mais, LA CERTAINTIE DES ANS JEO NE TROVE UNCORE, (for lack of skill in our Histories, which too many Lawyers want.) He mentions 5. Statutes in his reign of this Nature, whereof DE JUDAISMO; De terris & tenementis non amortisandis, (made in 3 E. 1. as Walsingham, Hist. Angl. p. 5. Ypodigma Neu∣striae, p. 68. Holinshed, Speed, and others affirm, and Hen∣ricus de Knyghton, de Eventib. Angliae, l. 3. c. 1. col. 2462.) and De Tallagio non concedendo; are three: the last where∣of was certainly made in 25. E. 1. (not 34 E. 1. as * 1.56 Sir Edw. Cooke and most Collectors of our Statutes and Law∣yers mistake) as is clear by Thomas Walsingham, Hist. Angl. Ann. 1298. p. 37, 38, 40. and Ypodigma Neust. p. 84, 85. The first De Iudaismo was made, in 3 Ed. 1.

as these subsequent Historians evidence, who are the best and only witnesses in this case, the Parliament Rolls being not extant to resolve us. * 1.57 Matthew Westminst. who lived and writ his History in or near that time, is most clear herein. Anno gratiae 1275. Rex ad Parliamentū Westm. omnes Nobiles regni sui jusserat congregari. In quo statuta multa ad utilitatem regni fuerunt publ••cata. INTER QUAE JUDAEIS FUIT INTERDICTA EFFRAENATA LI∣CENTIA USURANDI: & ut possint, à Christianis dis∣cerni, praecepit Rex, quod ad instar Tabularum, ad vnius palmae longitudinem, signa fierent in exterioribus indumentis. Who is thus seconded, if not translated by * 1.58 Rich: Grafton, Ann. 1273. Soon after he (King Edward 1.) ordained cer∣tain new Laws for the wealth of the Realm, which are too large here to rehearse. He made a Law also THE SAME TIME AGAINST THE EXCESSIVE TAKING OF USU∣RY BY THE JEWS: and that they should wear a certain Cognisaunce upon their uppermost garment, whereby they should be known from Christians. Both which are expresly provided for in these Statutes, de Iudaismo. The same is attested by Iohn Rouse, and by Iohn Stow out of him, in his Chronicle, p. 200. in these words. In the 3. year of King Edward the 1. in a Parliament at Westminster, USURY WAS FORBIDDEN TO THE JEWS, and that they might be known, the King commanded them to wear a Tablet, the bredth of a palm upon their outmost garments. Which in his Survey of London, 1633. p. 289. he thus expresseth, The 3. of Edward the 1. in a Parliament at London, USURY WAS FORBIDDEN TO THE JEWS, And that all (Jewish) Ʋsurers might be known, the King commanded that every Ʋsurer should wear a Tablet on his brest, the bredth of a paveline, or else to avoid the Realm. With whom Sir Rich: Baker in his Chronicle of the Kings of England, Edit. 2. London, 1653. p. 147. concurrs. So that without all question the Statutes De Iudaismo, were made in the Par∣liament of 3. not of 18 E. 1. as the Statutes themselves will sufficiently evidence (which had all been nugatory, ridiculous, useless, if made in the Parliament of 18 E. 1.

as Sir Edward Cook affirms, wherein they were hence exi∣led.* 1.59) These Statutes I shall here translate out of French, and insert, being not extant in our Statutes at large, nor never yet all printed in the English tongue that I can find, but only * 1.60 some clauses of the first of them.

1. Forasmuch as the King hath seen, that many mischiefs and disherisons of honest men of this land have happe∣ned by the usuries which the Iews have made therein in times past, and that many sins have therein risen from thence: Albeit he and his Ancestors have had great profit from the Jews both now and in times past: Not∣withstanding this, for the honour of God, and for the common benefit of the People, the King doth or∣dain and establish; that no Jew hereafter shall take ought for usury upon lands, rents, nor upon other things: and that no Usury, shall run from the Fea••t of St. Edward last past, and before, but that the covenants before made shall be held, save only that the Usuries themselves shall cease. Provided that all those who are indebted to Jews upon pawns moveable, shall discharge them between this and Easter at furthest, and if not, let them be forfeited: And if any Jew shall take usury against this establishment, The King neither by himself, nor any of his Officers, will not intermeddle to cause him to recover his debt (or use) but will punish him at his pleasure for the Trespasse, and shall do right to the Christian to recover his gage.

2. And it is provided that the distresses for the debt of Jews, shall not hereafter be so grievous, that the moity of Lands and Chattels to the Christians shall not remain for their sustenance. And that no distresse shall be made for the debt of a Jew, upon the heir to the Debtor named in the Charter of the Jew, not upon other which holds the Land which was the Debtors, before the debt shall be dereigned and acknowledged in Court. And if the Sheriff or other Bayliffs by com∣mandment of the King ought to make seisin to a Jew, to one or more, for their debt, of chattels, or of lands, to

the value of the debt, the chattels shall be praised by the Oath of honest men; & the Chattels shalbe delivered to the Jew or Jewesse, or to their Arturney, to the value of the debt; And if the chattels be not sufficient, the lands shall be extended by the same Oath, before that the seisin shall be delivered to the Jew or Jewesse, every one according to the value, and so that they may after know certainly the Debt is discharged, that the Christian afterwards may then have his lands: sa∣ving to the Christian for ever the moity of his lands, and of his chattels for his sustenance, as afore is said, and the chief house.

3. And if any thing stollen at this hour shall be found in the possession of a Jew, and any will sue, let the Jew have his summons, if he may have it, and if not, he shall answer so, that he shall never be priviledged for it other∣wise than a Christian.

4 And that all the Jews shall be residents in the Ci∣ties and in the Burroughs which are the Kings owne, where the * 1.61 Chest for the Jews Indenture is wont to be. And that every Jew after he is past 7 years of age, shall carry a sign (or † 1.62 badge) in his chief garment; that is to say in form of two Talles of * 1.63 yellow taffety, of the length of six fingers and breadth of 3 fingers (or an hand∣full.) And that every one after he is past 12 years shall pay 3 d. the poll every year to the King, which shall be paid at Easter; and this shall be intended as well of wo∣men as of men.

5. And that no Jew shall have power to infeoffe a∣nother Jew nor Christian of their houses, rents or te∣nements which they have now purchased, nor to alien them in any manner, nor to make an acquittance to a∣ny Christian of his debt, without the special license of the King, untill the King hath otherwise ordai∣ned.

6. And because holy Church wills and suffers, that they should live and be protected, the King takes them into his Protection, and gives them his peace, and

wills that they shall live, and shall be guarded and de∣fended by his Sheriffs, and his other Bayliffs, and by his Leiges; and commands that none shall doe them harm, injury, nor force in their bodies, nor in their goods, moveables or immoveables. And that they shall not be impleaded, sued nor challenged in any Court, but in the * 1.64 Kings Court, wheresoever they are.

7. And that none of them shall be obedient, respon∣dent, nor render rent, but to the King and his Bayliffs in his name, if it be not of their houses which they now hold rendering rent; saving the right of holy Church.

8. And the King grants them, that they shall live of their lawfull merchandizes, and by their labour, and that they shall converse with the Christians for lawfull merchandizing in selling and in buying. But yet, that by this privilege, nor any other, they shall not be levant (rising) or couchant (lying down) amongst them. And the King will not, that by reason of their merchandize, that they should be in lots nor scots, nor Tallage with those of the Cities or Burroughs where they re∣main, seeing they are tailable to the King, as his own Vassals, and to none other.

9. Moreover the King grants them, that they may buy houses and curtelages in the Cities or Burroughs where they reside, so as they hold them in chief of the King: saving to the Lords the Services due and accustomed.

10. And that they may take Lands to farm for term of ten years, or under, without taking homages or feal∣ties, or such manner of service of a Christian, and with∣out having advowson of holy Church, for to support their life in the world, if they know not how to mer∣chandize,* 1.65 or be unable to labour. And this power for to take Lands to farm, shall not endure to them but 15 years from this time forth to come.

By these Laws this politick King to please his English Christian Subjects, abridged many of the Jews former priviledges, and put many new restraints upon them. And yet on the other hand, to gratifie the Jews, (who gave him more monies than the English) he takes them all into his special protection, prohibits all violence to their persons or estates, and grants them some petty pri∣viledges for the present, which seemed to content them, and made for his owne advantage, more than theirs.

Rot. Clause•• E. 1. in the Tower, rot. 8. I find, that one who was bound to Gamilel•• a Jew, and had lands, after∣wards acknowledged himself a Villain; whereupon a writ then issued to inquire, what lands he had at the time of the making of the bonds, and to extend them JUXTA STA∣TUTA JUDAISMI. And claus. 4 E. 1. rot. 11. there is this recital made of this very Statute of Judaism: Cum secundum Assisam ET STATUTUM JUDAISMI NO∣STRI, Judaei nostri in part•• ne habere DEBEANT à Chri∣stianis creditoribus MEDIETATEM terrarum reddituum et Catallorum ipsorum, quousque debita sua perciperent, &c. & execution awarded in the case of a Jew, according to the 2 clause of this Statute. Therefore it is most certain, it was not made in 18 E. 1. which was 14 years after these two records, reciting it both by name and words, but in 3 E. 1. the very next year before these records, the end for which I here insert them.

(q) 1.66In the 7th year of King Edward the 1. Anno Dom. 1278. as some, or 1279. as others compute it, the King held a Parliament at London, which was chiefly called for the reformation of his coyn, which was then sore clip∣ped, by reason whereof it was much diminished and im∣paired. In the time of this Parliament in the moneth of November all the Jews throughout England, (as Matthew Westminster) or many of the Jews in London, and other

parts of the Realm, were apprehended in one day, and imprisoned in London for clipping of money: and in De∣cember following, divers Enquests were charged in London, to enquire of the said Jews, and all others who had so blemished and clipped the Kings coyn; By which Enquests the Jews of the City, with the Gold-smiths that kept exchanges of silver, were indicted. And shortly after Candelmas, the Mayor and Justices of the Land sat at London, where before them was cast 297 persons for clipping; of the which 3 only were Englishmen, and all the other were Jews, born either within this Realm, or elsewhere, but most of them English Jews; who were all of them at sundry places and times put to exe∣cution in London; who impeached the chief men of Lon∣don, and very many Christians, who consented to their wickednesses. After which a very great multitude of Jews were hanged in other Cities of England for the same offence. Hereupon in the Patent Rolls of 7, 8, and 9 Edw. 1. in the Tower, I find sundry grants of the Jews Houses and Lands in London, Yorke, and Northampton, made by the King, to several persons, as escheated to him by those executed Jewish offenders.

(r) 1.67Anno 1279. The Jews of Northampton crucified a Christian boy, but did not thoroughly kill him, upon Good-Friday; for the which fact many of the Jews at London, after Easter, were drawn at Horses tails, and hanged.

(s) 1.68In the year of our Lord 1282. John Peckham Arch-bishop of Canterbury, sent an expresse precept and command to the Bishop of London, to suppresse and de∣stroy all the Synagogues of the Jews within his Dio∣cesse.

(t) 1.69On May 2. Anno 1287. All the Jews of Eng∣land were apprehended by the Kings precept, for what cause was not known; who ransomed themselves for 12000l. of silver; They had then a Synagogue at Canter∣bury. Fabian writes, that the Jews of England were sessed at great sums of mony (perchance the cause of their sei∣sure)

which they paid unto the King; But of * 1.70 other Authors it is said, That the Commons of England then gran∣ted to the King the fifth part of their moveables, for to have the Iews banished out of the Land. For which cause the said Jews, for to put the Commons from their purposes, gave of their free wills great sums of money to the King, which saying appeareth to be true, for that the said Jews were exiled within few years after: with whom Grafton and Holinshed accord. A strong evidence of the potency of Jewish money, over-powring the whole Com∣mons of England in Parliament, and this their Liberal sub∣sidy for their banishment at that season.

(u) 1.71K. Edward the 1. the next year (1288.) being in Gas∣coigne, a certain English Knight decreed to convent a Jew, for the undue detention of a certain Mannor morgaged to him, before the Judges: but the crafty Jew refused to answer, pretending a Charter of King Henry heretofore, which was granted to him, that he should not be drawn into judgement before any Judge, except only before the person of the King. The Knight being troubled at this, went into Gascoigne, that he might obtain some remedy hereupon from the King. Whom when the King had heard, he answered: It is not seemly for children to make void the deeds of their parents, to whom by Gods Law they are commanded to give reverence: wherefore I have decreed, not to make void the deed of my Father; but I grant to thee, and to the rest of my Realm by the like Law (lest a Jew might seem better than a Christian) that for any injury whatsoever done to the Iew, so long as he shall enjoy his Charter, you shall not be convented before any Iudge, except my self. The Knight returning with this priviledge, the Jew conside∣ring that danger and peril hung over his head, volunta∣rily renounced his Charter, evacuating the condition of his priviledge, and wishing that both parties might be subject to the Common Law.

(x) 1.72The year following, Anno 1289. King Edwa••d taking upon him the character of the Crosse at Blankeford in Gascoigne, presently banished all the Jews out of Gas∣coigne,

and all other his Lands, which he possessed in the Realm of France, AS ENEMIES OF THE CROSSE. From whence returning into England, Anno 1290. he was joyfully received at London, both by the Clergy and all the people; and the same year exiling the Jews like∣wise out of England, giving them expences into France, he confiscated all the rest of their goods; together with their Lands and Houses, and in 19 & 20 E. 1. he made se∣veral Gifts of the Jews Houses and Lands to others: as ap∣pears by the Patent Rolls in the Tower of London.

Upon what grounds, by what Authority, for what time, in what manner, with what desire of, and content to all the whole Commons and Realm of England, the Jewes were then banished thence, these ensuing Historians will at large relate, in their own words, which I shall transcribe for the better information and satisfaction of all sorts of men, whether Christians or Jews.

(y) 1.73Matthew Westminster (flourishing at that time) gives this relation of it. About these days, namely the 31 of August, the exasperating multitude of Jews, which dwelt confidently in times past through divers Cities & strong Forts, JUSSA EST, was commanded with their wives & children, together with their moveable goods, to depart out of England, about the Feast of All Saints, which was assigned to them for the term, WHICH THEY DARED NOT TO TRANSGRESSE UNDER PAIN OF HANGING, whose number was supposed to be 16511. Such A DE∣CREE had issued out before from the laudable King of Eng∣land in the parts of Aquitain, from whence all the Jews were likewise banished.

(z) 1.74Thomas Walsingham, living near that age, thus records it. The King returning out of Gascoigne to Lon∣don, was solemnly received by the Clergy and all the people: who the same year banishing all the Jews out of England gi∣ving them their expences into France, confiscated the rest of their goods. This year the King held A Parliament, in which were made the Statutes called Westminster the 3d. In quo etiam Parliamento pro expulsione Iudaeotum.

concessa sunt Regi a Populo, quinta decima pars honorum. In which Parliament likewise for the banish∣ment of the Jews, there was granted to the King by the People, a fifteenth part of their goods.

(a) 1.75Henry de Knyghton a Canon of Leicester, a most diligent Antiquary flourishing in Richard the 2ds. reign, rendreth it in these terms: King Edward grievously puni∣shed the Jews and their consorts for clipping of money, and cor∣rupt exchanges, whereupon in one day he caused all the Iews to be apprehended: some he hanged, the rest he banished. When he had done his will upon his corrupt Judges (fined, deposed, and some of them banished in the same Parlia∣ment that the Jews were exiled) presently another cause mo∣ved him concerning his money, which he found to be basely clipped and corrupted, to the prejudice of the Crowne, and the great damage of the people, By the Infidelity and Malice of the Iews as it was inquired and found or found up∣on inq••iry) et fecit stabilire unum Parliamentum, in quo convicti sunt Iudaei de ea falsitate: Et statuit, quod om∣nes Iudaeis exirent de Terra Angliae, deinceps non re∣dituri, propter eorum incredulitatem principaliter, et propter falsitatem quam eis dure imposuerat: et pro hac causa cum festinatione facienda, et sine dilatione explen∣da, communes regni dederunt Regi quintum denarium de omnibus bonis suis mobilibus. And he caused a Parli∣ment to be summoned, wherein the Jews are convicted of that falshood; And he ordained that all the Jews should depart out of the Realm of England, not to return again afterwards, for their incredulity principally, and for their falsenesse, which he had hardly pressed upon them. And for this (their banish∣ment) speedily to be made and executed, without delay, the Commons of the Realm gave to the King the fifth part of all their moveable goods.

(d) 1.76John Major, and the (c) 1.77 Centuriators of Magde∣burgh, out of him, thus register it to posterity. In the year 1290. Iudaei Anglia pulsi sunt, the Jews were ba∣nished out of England, for the Englishmen had made a great complaint to Edward the 1. that by their usuries and frauds

most men of the inferior sort were reduced to nothing: which thing was gainfull to the King, for every of the Commoners gave the King the fifteenth penny, ut Iudaeos ejiceret, that he might banish the Jews.

Our learned (d) 1.78 Iohn Bale (e) 1.79 Polydor Virgil, and the (f) 1.80 Century Writers out of him thus expresse it. Anno Dom. 1291 (it should be 1290) In the Parliament at Lon∣don, the••e was a debate ••n the first place de Iudaeorum eje∣ctione, Concerning the banishing of the Iews; whereof there was a gr••••t m••ltitude throughout England, Sed E∣dicto publico Concilii Londinensis (writes one) Publico igitur Decreto jussi sunt alio commigrare, ut infra pau∣cos dies omnes exirent; (saith another) But by the publick Edict of the Parli••me••t assembled in London, and by a publicke decree, They were all commanded to depart the Realm with their goods within a few days, which they, Concilii jussis obedientes obeying the commands of the Parliament, speedily did.

Thomas Stubs his Acta Fontificum Eboracensium c. 1728 thus relates the universal banishment of them out of all Eng∣land in one day, Anno Dom. 1290. In c••rastino animarum Exulati fuerunt Iudaei a Regno Angliae, et hoc eodem die per totam Angliam. Raphael Ʋolaterianus, Geograph. lib. 3. f. 25. thus expresseth it: Iudaei omnes expulsi•••• An∣nales Dominicanorum Colmarionsium, thus relate it; Anno 1291. Rex Angliae omnes Iudaeos Regno expulit. Gil∣bertus Genebrardus, Chronogr. l. 4. p. 659. thus records it, Anno 1291. Concilium Londinense ad Westmonaste∣rium jussu Edwardi Regis: Eo in Concilio Publico Edicto jussi sunt Iudaei de Anglia in perpetuum exire, words most express. Abraham Bzouius thus: Anna: Ecclesiastico∣rum, Tom. 13. Anno 1291. n. 1. col. 966. * 1.81 Londini ad Westmonasterium celebratum est Concilium. In hoc impri∣mis agitatum est De ejectione Iudaeorum, quorum erat per omnem Angliam ingens multitudo: quo sic oves ab hoe∣dis segregarentur. Itaque Publico jussum est Edicto ut in∣tra paucos dies omnes abierint cum bonis. illi jussis Con∣cilii parentes, alii alio discesserunt. Ita profuga Gens de

Anglia, in perpetuum exivit: misera semper alicubi terra∣rum peti••ura, usque eo dum denique deleatur. But I shall pass from Latin to our more common Engl••sh Historians.

Fabian, in his Chronicle, part 7. p. 133. Mr. Iohn Fox in his Acts and Monuments, Lond. 1640. Vol. 1. p. 443. and Richard Grafton in his Chronicle, p. 169. thus report it, in the same words almost. This year also 1290. all the Iews were utterly banished the Realm of England, for the which the Commons gave he King a fifteenth.

N••cholas Trivet, Polychronicon, l. 7. c. 38. and William Caxton, in his Chronicles, printed 1502. in the life of K. Edward the 1. thus stories the Jews banishment, out of Hygden and Trevisa, in their words; Anone after the King had done his will of the Iustices, tho lete he inquere and espye how the Iews dysceyved and beguyled his people, thorough the synne of falseness, and of usury. And lete Ordain a Prevy Parlement among his Lords: So they ordain∣ned among theim, That all Iewes should void out of Englande for their Mysbyleve, and also for their false vsury that they did unto Crysten Men. And for to speed and make an end of this thing. All the Comynalte of Englande gave unto the King the XV. Penny of all theyr Goodes mevable: and so were the Iewes driven out of Englande. And tho went the Iews into France, and there they dwellyd, thrugh leve of Kyng Phylip that tho was Kyng of France. Raphael Holinshed in his Chronicles out of them, Vol. 3. p. 285. thus publisheth it.

In the same year was a Parliament holden at Westminster, wherein the Sta∣tutes of Westminster the 3d. were ordained. It was also DECREED, That all the Jews should avoid out of the Land; in consideration whereof, a fifteenth was granted to the King: and so hereupon were the Jews banished out of all the Kings Dominions:

and Never since could they obtain any priviledge to return hither again.

All their goods not moveable were confisca∣ted, with their tailles and obligations; but all their goods that were moveable, together with their coyn of gold and silver, the King licensed them to have and

convey with them. * 1.82 A sort of the richest of them be∣ing shipped with their Treasure in a mighty tall ship, which they had hired, when the same was under sail, and got down the Thames towards the mourh of the River beyond Quinborow. The Master Mariner be∣thought him of a wile: and caused his men to cast an∣chor, and so rode at the same till the ship by ebbing of the stream remained on the dry sands. The Master herewith inticed the Jewes to walke out with him on land for recreation: and at length, when he under∣stood the tyde to be comming in, he got him back to the ship, whither he was drawn by a cord. The Jews made not so much hast as he did, because they were not ware of the danger. But when they perceived how the matter stood, they cryed to him for help, Howbe∣it he told them, that they ought to cry rather unto Moses, by whose conduct their Fathers passed through the red Sea, and therefore if they would call to him for help, he was able enough to help them out of these ra∣ging flouds, which now came in upon them: They cryed indeed, but no succour appeared, and so they were swallowed up in the water. The Master return∣ed with the ship, and told the King how he had used the matter, and had both thanks and reward, as some have written. But [g] 1.83 others affirm, (and more truly as should seem) that divers of those Marriners which dealt so wickedly against the Jews, were hanged for their wicked practise, and so received a just reward of their fraudulent and mischievous dealing.

In Capitula Itineris, in Totles Magna Charta, f. 151. made in Edward the first his reign. There is one chapter of Inquiry: De catallis Judaeorum occisorum, et eorum chartis & vadiis, & qui ea habeant, (taken out of the Eyre of Rich. the 1. forecited) which relates to these Jewes thus drowned and slain, as I conceive, since I read of no other massacre of them, near that time.

John Stow in his Annals, p. 204. and Survey of London, p. 289. writes thus of it; King Edward banished all the

Iews out of England, g••ving them to bear their ena••rges till they were out of the Realm. The number of the Iews then expelled, was fifteen thousand and sixty persons, whose hous••s being sold, the King received an infinite masse of money.

Iohn Speed in his History of Great Britain, p. 545 thus varieth the expression of it. King Edward Anno 1290. to purge England from such corruptions and oppressions as under which it groaned, not neglecting therein his particular ga••n, banished the Iews out of the Realm, confiscating all their goods, leaving them nothing but money to bear their charges, they by their cruel Usuries having eaten his People to the bones.

To passe by Heylins Microcosm, p. 570. Henry Isaac∣sons Chronology, Anno 1290. Sir Rich. Baker his Chronicle of the Kings of England, p. 146, 147. with * 1.84 others, who mention this their final banishment out of England, I shall conclude with the words of Samuel Daniel his History, p. 160.

Of no lesse grievance (than corrupt Judges, then fined, displaced, banished) this King eased his people, by the banishment of the Jews, for which the kingdom willingly granted him a fifteenth. having before in Anno Regis 9. offered a fifth part of their goods to have them expelled. But then the Jews gave more, and so stayed till this time; which brought him a great benefit by confiscation of their immoveables, with their Tal∣lies, and Obligations, which amounted to an infinite value. But now hath he made his last commodity of this miserable people, which having never been under other cover, but the will of the Prince, had continually served the turn in all the necessary occasions of his Pre∣decessors, but especially of his Father and himself.

Sir Edward Cook in his 2 Institutes, p. 506, 507, 508. in his Commentary upon Statutum de Judaismo forecited, seems to contradict these forecited Historians touching their banishment, whose words I shall at large rehearse, and refute too in this particular. This Statute was made [writes he] in the Parliament of 18 Ed. 1. That the m••schiefs before this Statute, against Jewish Usury, were these.

1. The evils and disherisons of the good men of the land. 2. That many of the sins and offences of the Realm, had risen, and been committed by reason thereof, to the great dishonour of Almigh∣ty God. (And are no•• the••e two sufficient grounds to keep them out now, as well as to restrain and banish them then?) The difficulty (adds he) was how to apply a remedy, considering what great yearly revenue the King had by the Usu∣ry of the Iews, and how necessary it was, that the King should be supplyed with Treasure. What * 1.85 benefit the Crown had, before the making of this Act, appeareth by former re∣cords, as take [h] 1.86 one for many. From the 17 of Decem∣ber in the 50 year of H. 3. until the Tuesday in Shroveride, the 2 year of Edward the first, wh••ch was about 7 years, the Crown had four hundred and twenty thousand pounds, fifteen shillings and four pence De exitibus judai••mi: at which time, the ounce of silver was 20 d. and now it is more than treble so much. So as the recital of the Preamble is true, That he and his Ancestors had received great profit from Iuda∣ism. (i) 1.87 Many provisions were made both by this King and others: Some time they were banished, but their cruel usury continued, and soon after they returned; and for respect of lu∣cre and gain, King John in the second year of his reign, granted unto them la••ge Privileges, whereby the mischiefs rehearsed in this Act multiplyed. But the lucre and gain which King John had, and expected of the Infidel Iews, made him im∣pie judaisare for to the end they should exercise the Laws of their Sacrifices (which they could not do without a Priesthood) the King by his Charter granted them to have one, &c. Which for the great rarity thereof, and for that we find it not either in our Books or Histories, I will rehearse In haec verba.

(k) 1.88Rex omnibus fidelibus suis, & omnibus & Judae∣is & Anglis, salutem. Sciatis nos concessisse, Jacobo Ju∣daeo de Londoniis Presbytero, Judaeorum Presbyteratum omnium Judaeorum totius Angliae. Habendum & tenen∣dum quamdin vixerit, liberè & quietè & honorificè & inte∣grè it a quod nemo ei super hoc molestiam aliquam, aut gravamen inferre presumat. Quare volumus & firmiter

praecipimus, quod eidem Jacobo quoad vixerit, Presby∣teratum Judaeorum per totam Angliam, garantetis, ma∣nu-teneatis, & pacificè defendatis. Et si quis et su∣per eo forisfacere praesumpserit, id ei sine dilatione (sal∣va nobis emenda nostra) de forisfactura nostra emendare faciatis, tanquam Dominico Judaeo nostro, quem specia∣liter in servicio nostro retinuimus. Prohibemus etiam ne de aliquo ad se pertin••nte ponatur in placitum, nisi co∣ram nobis, aut coram capi••ali Justiciario nostro, sicut Charta Regis Richardi sratris nostri testatur. Teste S. Bathonien. Episcopo, &c. Dat. per manus Huberti Cantu∣arientis Archiepiscopi Cancellarii nostri apud Rothoma∣gum 12 die Julii, Anno Regni nostri primo.

To which Charter Sir Edward Cook annexeth this mar∣ginal Note, Th••s King had a most troublesom and dishonou∣rable reign, God raising against him, for his just punish∣ment, two potent Enemies, Pope Innocent the 3. and Philip K••ng of France, And besides, which was the worst, he lost the heart and love of his Baronage and Subjects, and at the last had a fea••full end.

He adds (i) 1.89 Our Noble King Edward 1. and his Father H. 3. before, sought by d••vers Acts and Ordinances, to use some means and moderation herein, but in the end it was found, That there was no mean in m••schief, and as Seneca, saith, Res profecto Stulta est nequitiae modus (And will it not be so now in their new limited re-admission, if consented too?) And therefore King Ed. 1. as this Act saith, for the honour of God, and for the common profit of his people, without all respect (in respect of these) of the filling of his own Coffers, did ordain, That no Jew from thenceforth should make any bargain or contract for usury, nor upon any former contract should take any usury, from the Feast of St. Edward then last past. So in effect all Iewish Ʋsury was forbidden: This Law struck at the root of this pestilential weed, for hereby usury it self was forbidden, and thereupon the cruel Iews thirsting after rich gain, to the number of 15060 departed out of this Realm into forraign parts, where they might use their Jewish trade of usury,

and from that time that Nation never returned again into this Realm. (m) 1.90 Some are of opinion, (and so it is said in some of our Histor••es) That it was enacted by authority of Par∣liament, that the usurious Iews should be banished out of the Realm: ••••t the truth is, that their usury was bani∣shed by t••••s Act of Pa••liament, and that was the cause, that they banished themselves i••to other Countries, where they might l••ve by their usury: So that by his opinion, they were not then banished by the King or Parliament, but only voluntarily banished themselves upon the making of this Statute against their Usury.

But under the favour of this deceased reverend Judge, whose memory and judgement in Law I generally reve∣rence, this opinion of his is a meer mistake. For 1. This Statute de Iudaismo was not made in the Parliament of 18 E. 1. as he confidently affirmeth, without any ground or Authority at all, but in the 3d year of his reign, as I have * 1.91 formerly proved; being full 15 years before the Jews banishment out of England: the term the Statute de Iuda••smo allowed them to take Lands and Houses to farm, but no longer. If then they resided here full 15. years after the banishment of their Usury by this Statute, it is most certaine, it was not the ground of all their voluntary banishments in 18 E. 1. as he strangely fancieth, but some particular Act for their general ex∣pulsion then made upon the Commons importunity: else they would have voluntarily exiled themselves 15 years before, upon the first publication of this Statute against their Usury, in all probability, rather than so long after its banishment of it in 3: 2. This Stat. hath not one syllable of their banishment in it, but expresly authorizeth them, to take houses and lands to farm and continue here 15 years space, but no longer. Now, had it been made in 18 E. 1. as Sir Edw. Cooke affirms, the King and Parliament had been so far from banishing them that year, (as the premi∣sed Histories and Records he cites do joyntly attest they did) that they had thereby authorized them to continue here 15 years longer, even till 33 E. 1. Yea the Commons

had been much overseen to give the K••ng a fifteen in the Parliament of 18 E. 1. for the present banishment of all the Iews out of England, had they passed the Statute de Iudais∣mo at that very time, which allows them 15 years space longer to take Houses and Lands to farm; to extend the mo••∣ty of the Lands and Goods of their Creditors; to be resident in the Kings Cities and Burroughs, where their chests for In∣dentures were: to grant them the Kings Peace and Protecti∣on, both for their persons and estates, and exempt them from suits in all Courts but the Kings, and from all Taxes, with other Subjects. And that clause of this Statute pre∣scribing them to wear a badge on their uttermost Garments, after they were 7. years of age; and to pay 3 d. the poll yearly to the King after they were 12 years old: had been meerly ridiculous, if made but in 18 E. 1. when they were forth∣with banished, and not in 3. before their exile, as our Historians affirm; who are only to be credited in this case, because all the Parliament Rolls of this Kings reign, and before are utterly lost, and this very Statute de Iuda••s∣mo, not extant on Record in the Tower, or elsewhere; nor any other Statutes made in his or his Ancestors reigns all lost, as well as that of 18 Edw. the 1. for the Jewes Banishment; as the Clerks and Keepers of the Records informed me, upon my searches after them. 3ly. No Record nor Historian mentions, that the Jews volun∣tarily banished themselves upon the making of this Law: and their voluntary departure hence upon the publicati∣on of it, could not be stiled a Banishment, since * 1.92 Cornelius Tacitus, resolves; Exilium non est, ubi quis abit non Sena∣tus consulto, non Lege pulsus. This their banishment there∣fore must necessarily be by an express Law or Decree of Parliament. 4ly, The forecited Historians record, that the Jews but a few years before gave King Edw. the 1. a vast summ of money (full 12 years after this Statute De Judaismo made in the 3. of his reign) to prevent their banishment hence, urged by the Commons in Parliament in the 15 year of his reign, with the profer of the 5th part of their goods to the King for their banishment. Therefore it

is very improbable they would in 18 E. 1. (full 15 years after this Statute) voluntarily banish themselves only be∣cause their Usury was so long before exiled by it. 5. All the forecited Historians of those and of later times (who are more to be credited then Sir Edward Cookes singular, groundless opinion) unanimously record, that the Iews were all judicially, really expelled & banished the Realm in 18 E. 1. both by the King and Parliament, and that principally for their infidelity not Ʋsury, and other fore-alleged reasons; and commanded under pain of hanging by a special Decree and Edict to depart hence by a prefixed day: for the effecting and hastning whereof, the Commons gave the King a fifteenth. Ther••fore they were all precisely banished by the King and Parliament, not by themselves alone. 6. The King then banished them out of England upon the same grounds, and in the self-same manner, as he had newly banished them the year before out of Gascoigne, and all his Dominions in France, as Matthew Westminster, Wal∣singham, and others record. But then and there he ba∣nished their persons by an express Decree, not only for their Ʋsury, but chiefly for their Infidelity and Enmity to Christs Cross. Therefore he did the like in England. 7ly, All Usury in all persons whatsoever, was strictly prohibi∣ted, and quite banished out of England, long before this Statute De Judaismo, which was but a meer confirmati∣on of former Lawes with particular relation to the Jews: not an introduction of any new Law: The clearing whereof (nor impertinent to my Theam against Jewish Usurers) will most fully discover Sir Edward Cooks mistake to the very meanest capacity. The famous * 1.93 Council of Calchuth, Anno Dom. 787. under King Alf∣wood, and King Offa, condemned all usury in these terms, c. 17. Ʋsuras quoque prohibemus, dicente Domino ad David, dignum fore habitatorem Tabernaculi sui qui pecuniam suam non dederit ad Ʋsuram, &c. After which King Edward the Confessor enacted this Law against Usury about the Year, 1050. ratified by William the Conquerour in the fourth year of his reign.

* 1.94 Usurarios quoque defendit rex Edwardus, Ne remane∣ret aliquis in toto regno, &c. & si qu••s inde conv••ctus es∣set, qu••d f••r••ns ex••ger••••, omni substantia propria careret & pro Exlege haberetur. Hoc autem asserebat ille Rex se audisse in Curta Regis Francorum dum ibidem moraretur, quod Usura summa radix est omnium v••tiorum. This Law precisely banished all Usurers, with their Usury out of England, and confiscateth all their goods to the King as Outlaws upon conviction. If therefore there had been any Jewish Usurers in England in St. Edwards reign (as the spurious Law just before it in Spelman & Hoveden * 1.95 foreci∣ted pretends) they had all been expresly banished the land by this Law, and never permitted to reside therein, a∣bove 270 years before the Stat. de Judaismo was enacted. In * 1.96 the Council of London Anno 1128. 25 H. 1 and in the Council of Westminster Anno 1138. the 3 of King Stephens reign; All usury was prohibited under pain of deprivation both from Office and Benefice in Clergy men. By virtue of which laws and Canons all the goods of Usurers became forfeited to our Kings after their deaths & they excōmunic••ted per∣sons. This is evident by the words of Ranulp. de Glanvil, a famous Lawyer under King Henry the 2. De legibus & consuetudinibus Regni Angliae lib. 7. c. 16. where thus he writes. Usurarit verò omnes res, sive testatus, sive intestatus decesserit, DOMINI REGIS SUNT. Vivus autem non solet aliquis de crimine usurae appellari nec convinci. Sed inter caeteras Regias Inquisitiones solet inquiri & probari, aliquem in tali crimine decessisse, per duo decim legales homines de vic••∣neto, & per eorum Sacramentum. Quo probato in Curia, om∣nes res mobiles, and omnia catalla quae fuerunt ipsius usu∣rarii mortui, Ad usus domini Regis capientur penes Quemcunque inveniantur res illae: Haeres quoque ipsius hac eadem de causa exhaeredatur, secundum jus regni, & ad De∣minū vel Dominos revertetur haereditas. Sciendum tamen, quod si quis aliquo tempore Usurarius fuerit in vita sua, & super hoc in patria publice defamatus, si tamen a delicto ipso ante mor∣tem suam destituit, & poenitentiam egerit, post mortem ipsius, ille vel res ejus lege Usurarii minime censebuntur; Oportet er∣go

constare, quod usurarius decesserit aliquis ad hoc, ut de eo tanquam de usurario, post mortem ipsuis judicetur, & de rebus ipsius tanquam de rebus usurarii disponatur; which he likewise affirms for Law in that age, lib. 10. c. 3.8. There∣fore usury in that and former ages, was equally prohibited to all, as well * 1.97 Jews as English, under pain of forfeiture of all their real and personal estates to the King, and their inheritances to the Lords, in case they died usurers. And if the Jews had not been within the compass of these Laws, but might have freely exercised usury when the English could not, they had been in this respect in far better con∣dition than the native English; when as the forecited law concerning them resolves us, * 1.98 Iudaei & omnia sua Regis sunt, both in this Kings reign and before upon this ac∣count amongst others, because they were known Usurers. This Law continued still the same in succeeding ages, as is most apparent by * 1.99 Cap••tula placitorum Curiae Regis made, and to be inquired of by the Justices itinerant, in the 6 year of King Richard the 1. Anno 1194. wherein I find this Article. Item de Faeneratoribus, & eorum catallis qui mortui sunt: which is general, extending equally to all U∣surers, whether English or Jews, Christians or Infidels. But in the * 1.100 Capitula Placitorum Coronae Regis in the 10 year of this King Richard, Anno 1198, it was thus varied, and confined only to Christian Usurers; Inquirendum est (by the Justices itinerant, then appointed in each Coun∣ty) etiam de usuris Christianorum, & eorum Catallis qui mortui sunt. Perchance to put a difference between the Jews, whose goods the King claimed as his own whiles living, and the English Usurers who forfeited not their e∣states for usury, till after their deaths & not unless they di∣ed usurers without publike repentance therof before their death.* 1.101 This form of Inquisition continued both before and after the Statute de Judaismo, as is evident by Capi∣tula itineris, used in the reigns of Henry the 3. and Ed. 1. De Christianis usurariis, qui fuerunt, & quae catalla ha∣bent, & qui catalla illa habuerant? De catallis Judaeorum oc∣cisorum, & eorum chartis & vadiis, & qui ea habeant. King

Henry the 3 rot. finium 29. H. 3. m. 8. De catallis quae fue∣runt cujusdam foeneratoirs: seised the Charters of a certain Usurer, as confiscated by Law unto him; the Statute of Merton c. 5. in the 20 year of his reign, provided and gran∣ted; That usuries should not run against any, being within age, from the time of the death of his Ancestors, whose heir he is unto his lawfull age, &c. So neverthelesse that the payment of the principle debt, with the payment of the usury, that was before the death of the Ancestor, whose heir he is, shall not remain. On which Statute St. Edward Cook himself thus Coments. This Statute hath been diversly expounded (some expounding it only of Nomine poenaes and doubling the rent upon Leases, Bonds and Recognizances, others literally) That the Statute extended to the usurious Iews that then were in England, for at that time, and * 1.102 before the Conquest also, it was not lawfull for Christians (he might have ad∣ded, nor yet for Jews) to take any usury, as it appeareth by the Laws of St. Edward, &c. and Glanvil, and other ancient Authors and Records: And by this Act it was manifest, that the usury intended by the Statute was not unlawfull, for the u∣sury before the death of the Ancestor is enacted to be paid, and after the full age of the heir also. And no usury was permitted but by the Jews only. But King Edw. the 1. (That mirror of Princes) By aeuthority of Parliament made this Law, which is worthy to be written in letters of gold. Forasmuch, &c. That no Jew should take any usury, &c. As if usury (in his opinion) had been lawfull for Jews, before the Statute de Judaismo, when it was equally prohibited to Jews and Christians, though not to make to contractor usury meerly void, except only against Infants during their minority, yet to make both their chatels goods and estates liable to con∣fiscation to the King after their deaths, or before, as the premises undeniably evidence. So that the Statute de Judaismo prohibiting usury to the Jews, was no in∣troduction of any new Law, as to the unlawfullnesse and penalty of usury it self in the Jews, no more than in Christians, (to whom Rastal equally extends it. Ʋ∣sury 2.) but only in respect of the legal means for recove∣vering

the use upon usurious contracts, * 1.103 Usury it self being even reputed absolutely unlawfull by Gods Lawes and ours.

Hence I find Rot. claus. 36 H. 3. m 21. A Prohibiti∣on by writ to all forain Merchants within the Realme, Quod nil capiant ad Vsuram: and if they do, Omnia mobilia & immobilia eorum cedant ad usum Regis, all their goods movable and immovable, shall be confiscated to the Kings use: Rot. claus. 2. E 1. m. 1. De Mercato∣ribus Usurariis, commands all Merchants that were Usu∣rers to depart the Realm, the year before the Stat. de Iudais∣mo made. And in the Patent Roll of 5 E 1. Dors. 26. There is an Inquisition De Usurariis seu Christianis Ju∣daizantibus, ut de eis fiat justitia secundum legem terrae: which punished them by sines and loss of Goods in the Temporal Courts, and by Ecclesiastical censures in the Spiritual Courts, as is clear by Placita. 18 H. 3. rot. 36. and all Canonists in their Titles De Usura; which is fur∣ther evident by these Records & Statutes made since the Statute De Iudaismo, by 15 E. 3. rot. Parl. n. 24.32.21. E. 3. rot. Parl. n, 49.50. E. 3. rot. Parl. n. 47. 6 R. 2. rot. Parl. n. 57. 14 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 23. 5 H. 4. rot. Parl. n. 68.15. E. 3. c. 5. 3 H. 7. c. 5, 6. 11 H. 7. c. 8. 37 H. 8. c. 9.5 & E. 6. c. 20. 23 Eliz. c. 8. 39 Eliz. c. 18.21. Iac. c. 17. Therefore the banishing of Usury by this Law, thus condemned, prohibited in all former ages, could no wayes move the Jews voluntarily to banish themselves hence, no more than all other English and Italian Ʋsu∣rers, but some new special Act for their final expulsion. 8ly, It cannot be proved, or imagined, that all the Jews then in England were Usurers, though the most and wealthiest of them were such. And it is very improba∣ble that all the Jews throughout England with one con∣sent should agree to banish themselves voluntarily out of England, where they were born and lived so long, and that on the same day, because the Usury of some of them was there prohibited, without any Law for their banish∣ment. 9ly, The* 1.104 Iews by several Laws, Canons were expresly prohibited Usury elswhere in that age, which they are total∣ly

forbidden to use of late years, and now in Lithuania, Russia, Poland, and some other places where they reside, living only by * 1.105 Merchandize, Husbandry, and Manufa∣ctures. Yea Menasseh Ben-Israel himself in his Hum∣ble Addresses newly printed, p. 22.23. writes thus: As for Vsury, such dealing is not the essential property of the Iews, for though in Germany there be some indeed that pra∣ctise it, yet the most part of them that live in Turky, Ita∣ly, Holland, and Hamburgh, being come out of Spaigne, they hold it * 1.106 infamous to use it. Therfore the bare suppressi∣on of their Usury in England by this Statute would no more induce them to banish themselves voluntarily out of England, and leave all their houses, morgages, hou∣sholdstuff, amounting to a vast summ, to the King, than out of other Countries where their usury was restrained, then & since, seeing they might live as well without V∣sury in England, by their Merchandizes, Husbandry, and Manufactures, as in any other Climate. 10ly, Sir Ed∣ward Cooke himself contradicts himself herein, not only in his 4th Institutes, p. 254. where writing of The Court of the Justices assigned for the Government of the Jews; he saith, But when the Iews were utterly banished (as hath been said) this Court ceased with them, in 18 E. 1. Anno Dom, 1290. (misprinted 1293.) but likewise in this very Chapter, his own subseqvent words and Records in direct terms contradicting this opinion of his no less than 5 times, which I wonder he observed not; I shall recite them at large to undeceive his over-credulous Readers of the long Robe, who take his words and works for O∣racles (though in many things very full of gross mistakes contradicted by his own Records, he cites, specially in his Chapter of* 1.107 Parliament and Admiralty.)

(n) 1.108And for that [writes he] they were odious both to God and Men, that they might pass out of the Realm in safety, they made Petition to the King, that a certain day might be prefixed to them to depart the Realm [it was prefixed by the King and Parliament against their wills] to the end that they might have the Kings writ to his Sheriffs for their

safe conduct, and that no injury, molestation, damage or grei∣vance be offered to them in the mean time, (for which per∣chance they did petition, though not for their departure hence.) One of which Writs we will transcribe.

[o] 1.109Rex, Vic: G. Cum Judaeis Regni nostri universis Cer∣tum tempus praefixerimus a regno illo transfretandi: (therefore prefixed by the King h••mself, without their Petition, and that for the banishment of them all out of the Realm.) Nolentes quod ipsi per ministros nostros, aut alios quos∣cunque, aliter quam fieri consuevit, indebite pertrect∣entur: Tibi praecipimus, quod per totam Ballivam tuam, publice proclamati, & firmiter inhiberi facias, ne quis eis intra terminum praedictum, injuriam, molestiam, dam∣num inferat, seu gravamen. Et cum contingat ipsos cum catallis suis, quae eis concessimus, versus partes London, causa transfretationis suae, dirigere gressus suos, salvum & securum conductum eis habere facias sumptibus eo∣rum. Proviso, quod Judaei praedicti, ante recessum su∣um, Vadia Christianorum quae penes se habent, illis quo∣rum fuerint, si ea acquietare voluerint, restituant, ut te∣nentur: Teste Rege apud Westmin. 18. die Julii, An∣no 18 E. 1.

This Statute De Judaismo, was made at the [p] 1.110 Parl. post festum Hilarii, Anno 18 E. 1. (a * 1.111gross mistake.) At which Parliament the King had a 15 granted to him, pro expulsione Iudaeorum [Therefore by his own confession they were expelled, banished by the King and Parlament against their wills, and a fifteenth given for it, as the for∣mer Historians note] And this writ was granted in July following [in pursute therefore of their Judgement of ba∣nishment, not upon their petition] the King beginning his reign Novemb. 16. For the Parliament knew [a strange conceit of a Judge, for how could they certainly know it?] that by banishing of Usury [though they banished it only, not the Jews:] the Jews would not remain. And thus this Noble King by this means banished for ever these

infidel usurious Iews [Ergo, their persons, not their Usury only] the number of which Jews, thus banished, was fifteen thousand and threescore.

[q] 1.112We will here adde a (Parliament) Record de Priore de Bridlington; thus.

Et quod praedictus Prior cognoscit, quod praedicta pe∣onnia praed. Judaeo debebatur, viz. 3 col. nec ei solveba∣tur Ante exilium Iudaeorum (therefore by this Parlia∣mentary record but 3 years after, they were judicially bani∣shed by Parliament, not voluntarily of themselves, no banish∣ment in Law.) Et quicquid remansit eorum, debitis aut catallis in regno post eorum Exilium (again repeated, as most certain) Domino regis suit. Confideratum est, quod Dom. Rex recuperet pecuniam praedictam: & dictum est eidem Priori, quod non exeat Villa antequam Domino Regi de praedicta pecunia satisfaciat: Et respondeat Jo∣hannes Archiepiscopus Eborum, quia praecepit dicto Priori solvere Valetto suo praedictam pecuniam in de∣ceptionem Regis, contra Sacramentum & fidelitatem suam Domino Regi datam. Idem in alio Rot. Ann. 27. E. 1. rot. 5.

Therefore by these 3 records resolutions cited by him∣self, the Jews were all banished by sentence of Parlia∣ment, in such sort as our Historians record, and not in his New sence alone, amounting but to a voluntary Recess. And to put this beyond all future doubt or controversie, though the particular Act and Parliament Roll for their Banishment be utterly lost, for ought I can find upon dili∣gent search and inquiry after it as are all other Parliament Rolls during this Kings reign; yet there is a particular Roll still extant in the Tower, of the particular sales of all the Jews Houses and Lands in London, Yorke, Can∣terbury, Northampton, and all other places of England where they resided, made by King Edward the 1. in the 19 and 20 years of his reign, (the next years after their exile) reciting, they were all escheated into the Kings hands

By the Iews banishment out of England, which Roll was thus indorsed in that age: Charta de Judaismo, Paten∣tes de domibus Iudaeorum concessis post eorum exilium de Anglia, Annis 19, & 20. E. 1. The fifth Charter men∣tioned in the Roll of 19 E. 1. conteins this Kings Grant of the House of one Leo a Jew, in St. Martins Parish in London. Domus Leonis, filu Cusae, filii Eliae Judaei, de Pa∣rochia Sancti Martini, &c. per Exilium ejusdem Iudaei e Regno nostro tanquam escheata in manu nostra existen∣tis. After which follow near one hundred other several charters of other particular Jews houses to particular En∣glishmen the same year, in the self-same Roll, as escheated to the King, per Exilium ejusdem Iudaei. After these, in the same Roll, follow several other Patents of this King of the Jews houses, made in the 20 year of his reign, the first whereof is this Kings grant, Domus Benedicti Iu∣daei, per Exilium ejusdem Iudaei ex Regno nostro, tan∣quam escheata nostra, in manu nostra existentis. After which follow several other Charters of other Jews Houses in the self same form. So that by the testimony of all these Char∣ters and Records, & likewise of the Patent Roll of 19 E. 1. granting all the profits of the Jews houses * 1.113 a tempore Exilii eorundem, to charitable uses (the two very next years after their exile) the Jews were all immediatly and legally ba∣nished out of England against their wills, and all their houses there upon escheated into the Kings hands, who upon this Title, made sales of them to Englishmen, re∣cited in all their Charters, the Rolls whereof I have lately perused in the Tower, where all who please may examine them for their satisfaction herein.

By all these concurrent irrefragable Records and Testi∣monies it is apparent [against Sir Edward Cooks grounlesse conceit.]

1. That all the Jews were then banished out of Eng∣land, never to return again, at the special instance and request of the Commons in two several Parliaments, as an intollerable grievance and oppression under which they then groaned.

2. That the principle grounds of this their perpetual banishment were, their Infidelity, Usury, Forgeries of Charters, clipping and falsifying of monies, by which they prejudiced the King and Kingdom, and much oppressed and impoverished the people.

3. That this their banishment was so acceptable to all the people, who oft-times pressed it in Parliament, that they gave the King a Fifth and Fifteenth part of their mo∣veables, to speed and execute it.

4. That this their banishment was by the unanimous desire, judgement, edict and decree both of the King and his Parliament, and not by the King alone: and this Banish∣ment, totall of them all, and likewise final, Never to return into England. Which Edict and Decree, though not now extant in our Parliament Rolls (many of which are ut∣terly lost) nor in our printed Statutes, yet it is mentio∣ned by all these Authorities and Records.

From whence I shall inferre and conclude: That as by the fundamental Laws of England: No Freeman and Na∣tives of England can be justly banished or exiled out of it, but by special judgement of Parliament, or by act of Parliament, (as well as by the ancient Romans, Athenians, and Syracusi∣ans Laws, * 1.114 no Citizen of Rome, Athens, Syracuse could be banished his City or Country, but by the lawfull judgement of the Senat and People in their Parliamentary Assemblies and Se∣nates, which were very numerous,) as is evident by Mag∣na Charta c. 29. The banishment of Sir Thomas Wayband Chief Justice of the Common? Pleas, 19 E. 1. Rot. Pat.

rot. 12. and these Jews then banished. * 1.115 Exilium Hugonis le Dispenser patris & filii. Tottles Magna Charta, f. 50.51. The double banishment of Peter de Gaverston out of England, Assensu communi Procerum & Magnatum, and of the King in Parliament. Walsingham Hist. Angliae, p. 71, 72. The Statute of 1. Edward the 3. c. 2. 11 Richard the 2. c. 2, 3, 4. for the banishment of Belknap and other Judges into Ireland, 21 R. 2. Rot. Parl. n. 16, 17. For the ba∣nishment of Thomas Arundel Arch-bishop of Canterbury. The Statute of 35 El••z. c. 1. of & 39. Eliz. c. 4. For bani∣shing dangerous Sectaries, Rogues, out of the Realm, after con∣viction upon Indictment only, not before (which could not be done by Law, before these Acts) Cooks 2 Institutes, f. 47. Mr. St. Iohns Speech against the Shipmoney Iudges. p. 22. My New Discovery of the Prelates Tyranny, p. 166, 167, 168. Walsingham H••st. Angl••ae, p, 394. and other Testi∣monies: as also by 1 E. 3. c. 54. H. 4. c. 13. The Statute for the pressing of Souldiers for Ireland. 17 Caroli Exact. Collect. p. 435. The * 1.116 Barons opposition and refusal to as∣sist King Henry the 3 in their persons or purses in his foraign wars in Apulia and elsewhere, as no way obliged thereun∣to. The Petition and Protestation of the Lords and Commons in* 1.117 Parliament against serving the King in person, or contri∣bution to his wars in Flanders, and other foraign parts. 25 E. 1. Walsingham Hist. p. 35, 37, 38. Henry de Knyghton de Event. Angl, l. 3. c. 11.14 or in Gascoign, France, Nor∣mandy, Scotland, or Ireland, Cook 2 Instit. p. 528. 4 H. 4. n. 48. 1 H. 5. n. 17. 7 H. 5. n. 9.18. R. 2. n. 6. So none once banished the Realm by Judgement or Act of Parliament, can, may or ought, by the fundamental and known common Laws of England, to be restored and re∣called again, but only by a like judgement Act and Re∣stitution in full Parliament, as is adjudged, declared, re∣solved by the cases and Petitions of the two Spencers, and Pierce Gaveston, Walsingh. Ypodig. Neust. p. 104, 101 152. Hist. Angl. p. 68.71, 72. Holinshed p. 328. Speeds Hist. p. 674. The Printed Statute of 20 R. 2. c. 6. for the resti∣tution of Belknap, and the other exiled Judges, 28 E. 3.

Rot. Parl. n. 8. to 14 and 29 E. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 29. touch∣ing the repeal of the Judgement in Parliament against Ro∣ger Mortimer Earl of March, 17 R. 2. Rot. Parl. n. 18. for the pardon and restitution of the Justices banished in∣to Ireland 21. R. 2. n. 55. to 71. for confirmation of the repeal of the exile of Hugh de la Spencer, Father and Son, An. 15 E. 2. and the revocation of the repeal thereof in 1 E. 3. [A notable full record in point.] The* 1.118 revocation of Abbot Dunston his sentence of banishment by King Edgar and his great Council held at Brentford. Anno Dom. 959. 3 H. 7.10. 4 H. 7.10. 1 H. 7, 4. 10 H. 7.22. b. 15 E. 3. Fitz. Petit. 2. 9 E. 2.23.24. 9 E. 4.1. b. with sundry o∣ther Records for the repeals of Iudgements and Acts of former Parliaments, by the subsequent Judgements and Acts of other Parliaments, in Cooks 4 Institutes, c. 1. and Ashes Ta∣bles. Parliament. 16. and Statutes 68. Therefore the Jews being so long since by Judgement, Edict and De∣cree both of the King and Parliament for ever banished out of England (never since repealed or reversed) neither may, nor can by Law be re-admitted, reduced into Eng∣land again, but by common consent and Act of Parlia∣ment, which I conceive they will never be able to ob∣tain.

I have now presented you with a true Historical and exact Chronological Relation of the Jews first admission in∣to England; (not in the time of the Emperour Constantine the great) as some groundlesly would collect, from his * 1.119 General Epistle to all Churches, touching the Decrees of the Council of Nice, and the unanimous observation of the Feast of Easter, not after the Jewish computation; wherein there is mention of the Churches in Britain, (as well as in Rome, Africk, Spain, France, and other places) conc••••∣••ing with other Churches herein; but not one syllable of any Jews therein, or in Britain then; nor in any other particular places, but onely these general passages a∣gainst Christians complying with them in their Paschal observation. Ac primum quidem indigna res funt sanctis∣simum eum diem imitatione, atque consuetudine Iudaeorum c••∣lebrare,

qui manibus suis nefario flagitio contaminatis, non injuria quoque animis sunt excaecati, homines scelerati. Quidni enim l••ceat, gente ea rejecta, rectiore, verioreque or∣dine, quem à primo passionis di•• hucusque servavimus, ad fu∣tura quoque saecula observationis hujus ritum transmittere? Item nihil nob••s commune sit cum infestissma Judaeorum tur∣ba, &c. Quin & strict or ipsa atque exactior ratio flagita∣re v••detur, NEQUA NOBIS CUM IUDAEORUM PERIURIO COMMUNIO. From whence, as all may jui••ly resolve, that the blinded wicked Jews ought not to be introduced amongst, nor to have communion with us, nor we with them: so no rational man can thence inferr, that there were any Jews at that time observing their Jewish passeover in Britain, of which I can find no sylla∣ble in any Domestick or foreign Historians or Writers whatsoever; nor yet that they inhabited here, or were here in the Briton, Saxon, or Danish Kings Reigns; which if they had, some of our Historians, Synods, Decrees, and Laws in those ages would have mentioned it, (as well as the * 1.120 Gothish, Spanish Histories, Laws, Councils and Consti∣tutions, where they resided) in which there is not one syllable of them, but only in the forecited Law foisted in amongst the Confessors, to which doubtless it was puny:) but in William the Conquerours reign: Together with, their ill deportments, misdemeanors, sufferings, massa∣cres, servile condition, and manifold popular tumults a∣gainst them, during all the time of their residence in England, and final banishment out of it, never to my knowledge, collected † 1.121 into one intire History before. The serious consideration whereof, will, in my weake judgement, sufficiently satisfie, convince the whole Eng∣lish Nation, that they have just grounds and reasons, in point of piety, of policy, never to re-admit them more into our Island; and likewise resolve the very Jewes themselves, that they have little cause or reason at all to desire to re-plant themselves in England, where their an∣cestors in times past, susteined so many miseries, massacres affronts, oppressions, fleecings upon all occasions, & them∣selves

can expect little better usage for the future. To this principal part of my undertaking, for fuller satisfa∣ction, I shall hereunto subjoyn a Tast of such Laws, Scri∣ptures, Reasons, as seem strongly to plead, yea conclude against their re-admission into England, at least in that latitude and freedom as formerly they there enjoyed, and now * 1.122 petition for.

As 1. To erect new Synagogues, Temples amongst us, or turn any of our Churches, Chappels into Synagogues, for the free publique exercise of their Judaism, Jewish Worship, Customs, Religion, (h) 1.123 diametrically contrary to the Gospel, Person, Kingdom, Priesthood, Offices, Media∣tion, Redemption of our Lord Jesus Christ, which they there∣by professedly deny, renounce, as false and fabulous.

2ly. To set up a Jewish Corporation or Fraternity a∣mongst us in our Cities and Corporations, distinct and separate from the English, subject to their own immedi∣ate peculiar Officers and Judges, as heretofore.

3ly. To purchase Houses, Habitations, Rents, Lands exercise Merchandizes and all sorts of Trades, and Manu∣factures amongst us, as free Denizens or Merchants, up∣on such terms and qualifications as shall be indulged to them.

1. For our Laws and Statutes, these following, make directly or obliquely, by way of necessary consequence, against their re-admission.

1. For their Jewish Synagogues, Worship, Sacraments, Religion; these ancient, pious Laws of our Saxon and Da∣nish Kings (made in their great Parliaments and Coun∣cils before the Jews first coming into England) strongly oppose their admission now.

As namely the (i) 1.124 Laws of King Alfred and Guthern, Lex 1.2. of King Ethelred in the Council of Aenham, c. 1.3.27, 29, 30. of Habam, c. 1. with the Laws of King Knute the Dane, Lex 1.27, 28. All which enact,

That the only true God and our Lord be loved, worshipped in all ages by all the people, with all their might: the one Christian, holy Catholick faith, orthodoxly kept,

and the Churches of God to be diligently frequented throughout the Realm. That all Paganisme and false Religions be renounced both in words and deeds; That who ever wickedly resisteth the Laws of Christ, shall be grievously fined and put to death: and, that all men should diligently seek out by all means; Ut recta Christi rel••gio maximè provehatur; That the right religion of Christ might be most of all advanced: obtesting all Ec∣clesiastical and secular persons again and again; most earnestly to keep the sincere faith unanimously in the true God, and the right Christian faith in a right man∣ner; diligently to hear the Teachers of Gods word; stu∣diously to follow their Doctrine and Precepts; to main∣tain peace and tranquility in the Church of God, and there diligently to pour forth their prayers.

All which particulars exclude all Jewish Synagogues, and Judaisme, and are of perpetual force, being grounded on the very Law of God.

Moreover King (k) 1.125 Cnute his Ecclesiastical Lawes [made by the advise of his wise men, to be observed throughout all England] prohibited, That no Christian should be sold or sent out of the Realm, or banished amongst those who had not as yet embraced the faith in Christ, lest per adventure those Souls should perish at any time, which our Lord Jesus Christ had redeemed with his own blood and life. If Christians for this cause ought not to be sent, sold or banished amongst Jews and Infidels, much more then ought not Infidel Jews, with their Jewish Synagogues, Religion, Ceremonies, to be now introduced amongst us Christians, to the hazard of many Christian Souls redee∣med by Christs blood.

2. All the Statutes concerning Uniformity of Common Se••vice, and administration of the Sacraments, as 1 Ed. 6. c. 1, 2. 2 Ed. 6. c. 1. 6 Ed. 6. c. 1.1 Eliz. c. 2.23 Eliz. c. 1.35 Eliz. c. 1.2. [most of them still in force, being never legally repealed] do fully and directly oppugne the introduction of any J••wish Synagogues, Service, Sacra∣ments, Worship, Ceremonies, with the use of them in any place within our Realm.

3. The Statutes of 3. E. 6. c. 10.13 Eliz. c. 2.23 Eliz. c. 1.28 Eliz. c. 2.6, 35 Eliz. c. 1.3. Jac. c. ••. against Popish Recusants, Seminary Priests, Jesuites, Friers, Masse-Books, Agnus Dei's, Popish Books, Superstitions: for even∣ting the withdrawing of the Subjects of this Realm, from the publique Ordinances, Sacraments and Religion here establi∣shed; and for speedy banishing all Seminary Priests and Je∣suites, and keeping them perpetually out of the Realm (up∣on this account, amongst others) though professing Christ, Christian Religion, and agreeing with us in all Ar∣ticles of the Creed, and most fundamental points of Chri∣stianity: Must in Substance, Law, Reason, (in this re∣gard) much more perpetually exclude, abolish all Jews, Jewish Priests; Rabbies, Synagogues, worship, Ceremo∣nies, Superstitions, out of our Dominions, being far more dishonourable to Christ, opposite to our Christian Reli∣gion, and destructive to the peoples souls, if once ad∣mitted, then any Jesuites, Seminary Priests, Friers, Po∣pish Recusants, or any Romish Masses; Superstitions what∣soever. And if the Jewish Priests, Judaism, and Jewish Ceremonies, may be now set up and practised publiquely amongst us, notwithstanding all these Statutes, then much more Masse-Priests, Masses, Popery, and Prelacy, by the self-fame reason, justice, equity.

To these I might annex all the late Ordinances for the Directory, The solemn League and Covenant, and for Sup∣pressing, punishing of Heresy and Blasphemy: therefore of Judaism, which is both Heresy and Blasphemy, and Jew∣ish assemblies, the very Synagogues of S••tan; and Jews great blaspemers, by Christs own resolution, Rev. 2.9. c. 3.9. Acts 18.6. Rom. 2.21. With the late printed (l) 1.126 Instrument of Government, which although it allows not only toleration, but protection to all Sects and Religions, professing faith in God through Jesus Christ, (though differing from the Doctrine and Discipline publickly held forth in the Nation) except only to Popery and Prelacy: yet certain∣ly it can no ways extend to the toleration or protection of Iews, and their * 1.127 Antichristian blasphemies against Christ

himself, and the Gosple; seeing they are so far from profes∣sing faith in Iesus Christ, that (m) 1.128 they utterly renounce, and professedly decry him to be the true Saviour and Messiah of the world, rejecting the whole New Testament and Doctrine of the Gospel: and so by consequence, are necessarily se∣cluded by this Instrument, and Oath for its observation, from practising their Jewish worship, Ceremomies, or erecting any Synagogues in our Nation for that pur∣pose.

2ly. Though the (n) 1.129 Kings of England by the Law and their Prerogative, may in sundry cases erect New Corporati∣ons of their Subjects by their Charters only: yet notwith∣standing, no Corporation or Fraternity of Iews, being meer Aliens, may, can, or ought to be erected in England, by the Fundamental Lawes and Constitutions of the Realm, but only by full consent of the Nation in Parlia∣ment, by special Acts of Parliamennt; it being one of the greatest Intrenchments that can be upon the English Na∣tions Rights, Liberties, Customs, priviledges, pro∣fit, and a violation of all the former Charters, Previledges, Rights, Franchises, confirmed to them by the great Charter of England, (forty times since ratified by new Acts of Par∣liament.) This is evident by the Statutes of Magna Charta, c. 9.37. 34 E. 1. c. 4. 1 E. 3. c. 9. 14 E. 3. c. 1. 1. H. 4. c. 1. 2. H. 4. c. 1. 7. H. 4. c. 1. 9. H. 4. c. 1. 13. H. 4. c. 1. 3. H. 5. c. 1. 2. H. 6. c. 1. compared with 2 E. 3. c. 9. 27. E. 3. c. 1. to 29. 28 E. 3.13.15, 39. E. 3. c. 7, 19 H. 7. c. 12, and all other Acts for the (o) 1.130 Staple and Styliard: and with 3. E. 4. c. 6. 1. R. 3. c. 9. 14 H. 8. c. 2. 21 H. 8. c. 16. 22 H. 8. c. 8. 32 H. 8. c. 16. touching Artificers, M••rchants and Aliens.

3ly. The * 1.131 preambles of the Statute of Merton, 20 H. 3. 3 E. 1. with c. 17.48. 6 E. 1. of Quo Warranto, and of Glocester, 13 E. 1. 12 E. 2. of York, 9, 10, 14, 15, 25, 28, 36, 37. E. 3.1.3, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 21. R. 2.1, 2, 4, 6. H. 4.1, 8, 10, 12. 36. H. 6. 18 E. 3. c. 1, 2, 3. R. 2. Rot. Parl. n. 36, 40. 6 H. 6. c. 5. and o∣ther Acts, declare and resolve. That the Kings of England

by their Oath and Duty, and the Lords and Commons in Par∣liament, are all obliged by their trusts and our Laws, to ad∣vance, uphold, maintain and defend the welfare, wealth, safe∣ty of the Church, Realm, Subjects, People of England, and to prevent, redresse, suppresse, remove by wholesom Laws and Ordinances, all Grievances, Mischiefs, Damages, Inconveni∣ences, Disinherisons contrary thereunto; it being a fundamen∣tal Maxime both in our Laws and Law-Books, SALUS POPULI SUPREMA LEX: which the Army Officers in their Declaration of 16 Novemb. 1648. and Mr. John Pym, in his Speech against Strafford, 12 April 1641. p. 3. &c. printed by the Commons special Order, much insist on. Moreover, it is another Maxime in our Law, * 1.132 Sum∣ma ratio est, quae pro religione faecit. Now the admission of the Jews into England, as appeareth by the Statute de Judaismo, and premised Histories, is no way consistent with the welfare, profit, wealth, safety of the Church, Realm, Subjects, People, or Religion of England, and will be an extraordinary damage, mischief, grievance, inconvenience, and disinherison to them all. Therefore prohibited, enacted against by the general scope of all these Laws and Maxims, and no ways to be admitted.

4ly. The Jews heretofore in England, and still in all [p] 1.133 other parts, being most grievous Clippers, coyners, forgers of money, Ʋsurers, Extortioners, and the greatest cheators, co∣zeners, Impostors in the world, in all their Merchandizes and Manufactures whatsoever: upon this accompt they are and ought to be still excluded, and never re-admit∣ted amongst us, by the provisions of [q] 1.134 all our Laws, yet in force, prohibiting clipp••ng, coyning, usury, extortion, frauds, deceipts, in any Merchandizes or Manufactures whatsoever; unless we intend to have them now more pra∣ctised by them and others among us, than ever here∣tofore. The rather, because they were never admitted free Trading and Habitation in England by [r] 1.135 any of our Laws touching Alien Merchants, and Artificers free Traf∣fick amongst us, from the time of their forementioned ba∣nishment, till this present, under the Name and Notion

of Jews, Foraign Merchants, or Artificers. And therfore not to be adm••tted to those new desired priviledges, from which all these forecited Laws (in my weak Judgement) with the former old Parliamentary Judgement, and E∣dict, for their perpetual banishment, in Law, Justice, Con∣science, still debarre them re-admittance, til repealed; and they (if ever readmitted against all these Acts and Statutes) must be introduced, re-setled by special Acts of Parliament, which no English Parliament (in proba∣bility) will ever indulge unto them, as the peoples ge∣neral present declamations in all places, against their en∣deavoured introduction, prognostick. And thus much I thought meet to inform the Nation, touching those Laws and Statutes which in my poor opinion) directly, or by consequence oppose their re-admission, and refute those Lawyers mis-information, who confidently averred, there is no Law of England at all against it, if Mr. Nye did truly inform me.

2. For Scriptures, these Texts may resolutely engage us against their re-admission,

1. Matth. 5.13. Luke 14.34, 35. Salt is good: but if the salt have lost its savor, w••erewith shall it be seasoned? It is neither fit for the land, nor yet for the dunghil, but to be cast out, and to be trodden under foot of men. This is the condition of the Jews, who have lo••t both their Saviour and their favor too. Therefore not fit for our land, nor yet for our dunghils; but to be kept and cast out from amongst us, and trodden under foot of all true Christian men, whiles unbeliever s.

2. 1 Cor. 16.22. If any man love not the Lord Jesus Christ, let him be Anathema Maranatha. That is, separa∣ted and cast out from all Christian society and commu∣nion until the day of Judgement; the highest kind of Jew∣ish Excommunication. Now the Jews are such, who doe not only not love, * 1.136 but deny, defie, and hate our Lord Je∣sus Christ in the highest degree. Therefore to be excom∣municated and secluded from our Christian communion and cohabitation amongst us, to which they can pretend no right.

3. 2 Cor. 6.14, 15, &c. Be ye not unequally yoaked to∣gether with unbelievers; for, what fellowship hath righteous∣ness with unrighteousness? and what communion hath light with darkness? and what concord hath Christ with Belial? and what part hath he that believeth with an Infidel? and what agreement hath the Temple of God with Idols? &c. Wherefore come out from among them, and be ye separate saith the Lord, and touch no unclean thing, and I will receive you. The unconverted Jews, are both Unbelievers, Infidels, Darkness, Belialists, and the very Synagogue of Satan, as the Scripture resolves them, Acts 14.1. Mar. 6.6. Rom. 11.20.23.32. Heb. 4.6.11. Iohn 1.5. Mat. 8.12. Rev. 2.9. 1 Thess. 2.14, 15, 16. Therefore we Christians ought not to be unequally yoaked, or to have any fellowship, communion, agreement, part or mixture with them; much less to receive them into our land and bosoms, from whence they were formerly spued out, but to keep our selves separated from amongst them, lest God reject us, as he hath done them.

4. 2 John 6.7. This is the commandement that ye have heard from the beginning, that ye should walk in it: For many deceivers are entred into the world, Who confess not that Iesus Christ is come in the flesh: This is a Deceiver and an Antichrist. & v. 10, 11. Whosoever transgresseth, and abideth not in the doctrine of Christ, hath not God: he that a∣bideth in the doctrine of Christ, he hath both the Father and the Sonne. If there come any unto you, and bring not this Doctrine receive him not into your house, neither bid him, God speed: for he that biddeth him God speed, is partaker of his evil deeds. The Jews are these Deceivers and Antichrists, who confess not, but absolutely deny, that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh & they abide not in the Doctrin of Christ; and if they come unto us, they will not bring this Doctrine to us, but the quite contrary. Therefore we ought not to receive them into our Dominions or Houses, nor bid or wish them Godspeed, in returning to dwell amongst us. And if a∣ny do the contrary, they are and shall be partakers of their evil deeds.

5. Tit. 1.10, 11, 13, 14. For there are many unru∣ly and vain talkers and deceivers, Especially they of the Circumcision; whose mouthes must be stopped, who subvert whole houses reaching things which they ought not, for filthy lu••res sake. Wherefore rebuke them sharply, that they may be sound in the fa••th: Not giving heed to Iewish Fables, and commandements of Men that turn from the Truth. I•• the circumcised Jews were such unruly Decei••ers, ••educers, and subverters of whole hou••es, even in the Apostles own dayes, and their Jewish fables then did turn so many from the truth, to prevent which, their mouthes were then to be stopped, With what colour of Christianity, piety, consci∣ence, can we call them in amongst us now, in these times of fearful, and almost universal Apostacy from the truth, and give them leave to set up their Synagogues, and open their blasphemous mouthes here in England, even when many orthodox Ministers mouths are quite stopped up in publick & privat, without hearing, to the great Joy both of Iesuits and Iews, (even whiles their re-admission amongst us is in agitation) when less dangerous seducers are freely permit∣ted to ramble abroad in all places, and have subverted whole houses, parishes, and almost Cities and Counties too, to Gods dishonour, and the danger of the peoples souls.

6. 1 Thess. 2.14, 15, 16. For ye also have suffered l••ke things of your Countrymen, even as they have of the Iews: who both killed the Lord Iesus, and their own Prophets, and have persecuted (or chased out) us, and they please not God, and are contrary to all men: * 1.137 Forbidding us to speak to the Gentiles, that they might be saved, to fill up their sins alway: For the wrath is come upon them to the uttermost. This Gospel character of the Jews, expressing their tran∣scendent malice to the Lord Jesus, their own Prophets, the very Apostles themselves, the Gentiles, with their contrariety to God, and all other men, and Gods wrath upon them for it to the uttermost: administer plenty of invin∣cible arguments, against our receiving them in again a∣mongst us, lest they bring along with them the extremi∣ty

of Gods wrath upon the whole English Nation, who have enough thereof already, and are likely to feel more of it, if they really imitate or play the Jews, and silence, cast out their own Prophets, Ministers, Countrymen in these and other particulars.

7. Acts 18.5, 6, 7.

Paul was pressed in Spirit, and testified to the Jews that Jesus was the Christ. And when they opposed themselves and blasphemed, he shooke his rayment, and said unto them, your blood be upon your own heads: I am clean, from henceforth, I will goe unto the Gentiles. And he departed thence and entred into a certain mans house named Justus, who worship∣ped God. &c. compared with Acts 13.44. to 52. The next Sabbath-day came almost the whole City together to hear the word of God: but when the Jews saw the multitude, they were filled with envy, and spoke a∣gainst those things that were spoken by Paul, contra∣dicting and blaspheming: Then Paul and Barnabas wax∣ed bold, and said, it was necessary the word of God should first have been spoken unto you; but because ye put it from you, and judge your selves unworthy of e∣verlasting life; Loe we turn to the Gentiles; For so hath the Lord commanded us, &c. And the word of the Lord was published throughout all the Region. But the Jews stirred up the devout and honourable women, and the chief men of the City, and raised persecution against Paul and Barnabas, and expelled them out of their coasts, but they shook off the dust of their feet a∣gainst them, and came unto Iconium:

See the like, Acts 17.5. to 16. c. 19.8, 9, 10. c. 28.25. to 31. This malitious carriage and persecution of the Jews, even a∣gainst the Apostles themselves, their Doctrine, and the Gentiles salvation, and casting them maliciously out of their coasts; with their Separation from them, and turn∣ing themselves wholly to the Gentiles upon this account, by Gods own command; demonstrates, what all Gods faithfull Ministers, and we Christian Gentiles must expect from them now: and that being formerly cast out of our

Coasts by our Ancestors for their infidelity, crucifying of Christ in his Members, and such like misdemeanors, and so being totally separated in cohabitation and communion from us, we neither may nor ought now to resume them into our Land, Bosoms or Communion again, upon any pretences whatsoever. The rather for that Martin Lu∣ther on Mich. 4.1.2. and Mr. Samuel Purchas in his * 1.138 Pil∣grimage inform us, That sooner than the Jews would endure that the Gentiles, whom in their dayly prayers they curse and revile, should have any part with them in their Messias, and be accounted coheirs thereof, they would cruc••fy ten Messiahs, yea if it were ••ossible would do to death God himself, with all the Angels and creatures else, although they should therefore undergoe a thousand Hells.

8. When God was bringing the Jews into the promi∣sed Land which he gave them to inherit, he gave them these special commands.

Thou shalt driv•• the Inha∣bitants of the land out before thee (s) 1.139 Thou shalt make no Covenant with them▪ nor with their Gods they shall not dwell in thy land, lest they make thee sin a∣gainst me, and it be a snare in the midst of thee. Thou shalt make no Covenant with them, nor shew mercy to them, Neither shalt thou make marriages with them. Thy Daughter thou shalt not give unto his Son, nor his Daughter shalt thou take unto thy Son, for they will turn away thy Sons from following me, that they may serve other Gods, so will the anger of the Lord be kindled against thee, and destroy thee suddenly; If ye doe in any wise go back, and cleave unto the remnant of these Nations, and go in unto them, and they to you, know for a certain, that the Lord will no more drive out any of these Nations before you; but they shall be snares and traps unto you, and scourges in your sides, and thorns in your eyes, until you perish from the good Land which the Lord your God giveth you: But thus ye shall deal with them, ye shall destroy their Altars, and break down their Images, and cut down their groves, &c. for thou art an holy people unto the Lord thy God.

Now,

the not driving out of these Nations by the Israelites from amongst them, according to the••e command, o•• God, is charged 〈◊〉〈◊〉 special sin upon them by God, ent••ce•• them to I∣dolatry, and brought his severe wrath upon them, ••udges 1.27. to 36. c. 2.2, 3, 12, 13, 19, 20▪ 21, 22, 2••. and is thus expressed by the Psalmist Psal. 106.14. to 43. They did not destroy the N••tions concern••ng ••••••m t•••• L••••d com∣manded them but were mingled amongst the heathen, and learned their works, and they served their ••••ol••, which were a snare unto them, yea they sacrificed their Sons and Daughters unto Devils, and shed innocent blood, even the blood of their Sons and Daughters, whom they sacr••ficed unto the Idols of Canaan, and their Land was defiled with b••ood. Therefore was the wrath of the Lord kindled against his peo••le, insomuch that he abhorred his own inheritance, and he gave them into the hands of the Heathen, and they that hated them were Lords over them; their enemies also oppressed them, they were brought unto subjection under their hands. The mora∣lity, ground and equity of which precepts, as they justifie our Ancestors expulsion of the Jews out of England, with their adulterous worship, Ceremonies & Synagogues here∣tofore. So I conceive they strongly oblige all English Christians (especially after our late solemn League and Co∣venant) to seclude and keep them out from re-entring, coming in, mingling, and dwelling among us now, for fear they draw the self-same sad effects, and bring down the same, or like heavy judgements of God upon us, as these Scriptures threatned, and God himself in∣flicted on the Israelites for transgressing them.

In brief, the Parables of the Vineyard and Husband∣men, the King going into foraign parts, and Marriage-Supper, Mat. 21.33. to 46. c. 22.2. to 11. c. 23.21. to the end. Mar. 12.1. &c. Luk. 19.12. to 28. c. 20.9. &c. particularly applyed to the Jews, and notably set∣ting out their desperate malice against our Saviours per∣son, Kingdom, Government, Ordinances, Ministers, Gos∣pel, and his rejection of them for it. Together with Rom. 16, 17, 18.31.32. 1 Cor. 5.4. &c. Phil. 3.2.3. Mat. 7.

15. c. 16.7.11.12.17 Col. 2.8. 2 Pet. 3.17. c. 2.1 &c. 7, 8.20, 21, 22. 2 Tim. 3.1. to 10. c. 2.16, 17 Titus 3.10.11. Rev. 2.9.14. Heb. 6.4. to 9. c. 16.26. to 32. Ph. 4.2, 3. Gal. 4.29.30. will all furnish us with sundry arguments against their re-admission amongst us, as likewise Prov. 9.27.28. Amos 3.3. Psal. 101.3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. Psal. 119.104. Psal. 139.21, 22. Numb. 8.13. Numb. 16.26, 27. Psal. 6.8. Psal. 119.115. Psal. 139.16. which every good Christian may peruse at leasure, and apply as he sees cause.

3. For Reasons against their re-admission into England, they are divers, Theological, Political, and mixt of bo••h.

1. God himself by his Prophets, Son, Apostles, before their rejection, while they were his special, peculiar chosen people, treasure, above all other Nations of the world, most frequently complains of them, and the ge∣nerality of the Nation(t) 1.140

That they were a most rebel∣lious, disobedient, gainsaying, stiff-necked, impenitent, incorrigible, adulterous, whorish, impudent, froward, shamelesse, perverse, treacherous, revolting, back-sliding, idolatrous, wicked, sinfall, stubborn, untoward, hard∣hearted, hypocritical, foolish, sottish, brutish, stupid, un∣gratefull, Covenant breaking Nation, House, People; a seed of evil doers, a generation of Vipers, doing evil greedily with both hands, according to all the Nations that were round about them; as bad, nay worse than Sodom or Gomorrha, casting all Gods Laws, Ordinances, behind their backs, trampling ••em under their feet, re∣jecting, forsaking, despising God himself, provoking him continually to his face, grieving him to the heart, forgetting him days without number, alwayes erring in their hearts, and disobeying his voice, and the like:

And dare, can we then harbour such a Nation as this,

and bring them in amongst us now they are worse in all these resects than ever?

2. God himselfe hath denounced against, and inflicted upon the Iewes, greater, severer Woes, Iudgments, Calamities Dispersions, Devastations, Captivities, Desolations, Curses, Plagues of all kinds, for their sins, rebellions, impeniten∣cies, and to on, their Nation, Kingdom, Countrie, Cities, than to or on any other Nations, Kingdoms, People, and that more fre∣quently than against any other: Swearing against them in his wrath, that they should never enter into his rest, Psal. 95.11. Hebr. 3.10, 11, 18. stiling them, the generation of his wrath; Jer. 7.29. and averting of them, that wrath is come upon them to the utermost, 1 Thess. 2.15.16. And can or shall we then receive such a Nation as this into our bo∣soms now, without entertaining, and pulling upon us, that wrath and these curses of God which are denounced against, and do now pursue and accompany them in all places?

3. The Jews were alwaies heretofore a very murmu∣ring, mutinous, discontented, rebellious, seditious people for the most part, not only against God, but their (x) 1.141 lawfull Go∣vernors, Kings, Priests, Prophets, oft tumul••uously rebelling against, disobeying, revolting from, deposing, murdering their Kings, and Sovera••gns, and contemning, disobeying, slaying, killing, stoning the Prophets, Messengers whom God sent unto them. Whence God himself gives us this black Character of them, 2 Chron. 36.15, 16. And the Lord God of their Fathers sent unto them by his Messengers, rising up betimes, and sending, &c. But they mocked the Messen∣gers of God, and despised his words, and misused his Pro∣phets, until the wrath of the Lord rose against his people, till there was no remidy, &c. And our Saviour Christ a worse: Lu. 13.33, 34. It is impossible (or cannot be) that a Pro∣phet perish out of Jerusalem: Mat. 23.27. O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, thou that killest the prophets, and stonest those that are sent unto thee! Which St. Stephen thus seconds, Acts 7.51.52. Ye stiff-necked and uncircumcised in heart and ears; ye do alwaies resist the holy, Ghost as your fathers

did, so do ye? W••••ch of the Prophets have not your Fathers persecuted; and they have slain them which have shewed them before of the coming of the Just One, of whom ye have been now the betrayers and murderers. Which St. Paul also con∣firms in the forecited observable Text of the 1. Thess. 2.14, 15, 16. And can we then in point of piety or poli∣cy, even in these distracted, rebellious, mutinous times, entertain, or bring in such a Nation, People as this amongst us? Or can our despised Ministry in this age, when they can hardly convert, keep any of their own English from seduction, have any hopes of reclaiming or converting such a mutinous, ever rebellious, stiff-necked people, who have thus abused, murdered, stoned their own Prophets in for∣mer times, though immediatly sent unto them by God himself? and will quickly teach the English to do the like, who already imitate them in too many places.

4. (y) 1.142

They were the greatest haters, revilers, perse∣cuters, blasphemers, betrayers, and the only murderers, crucifiers of our (z) 1.143 Lord Jesus Christ himself, and his (a) 1.144 Apostles whiles on earth, as the Evangelists, Acts, and other Scriptures testifie. And although Christ and his Apostles miraculously converted some thousands of them by their preaching and miracles, to the faith of Christ, Acts, 2.41. c. 21.20. Yet the generality and body of the Nation continued still blind, obstinate, un∣der the very most powerfull Ministry of the Prophets, Apostles and Christ himself, being then and ever since that time, judicially and penally given up to a blind, ob∣durate, obstinate, impenitent, stupid heart and spirit, a reprobate sense, a cauterized conscience, and divorced, rejected, reprobated, broken off, cast off by God him∣self, proclaiming them to be no more his people, to be reprobate silver, because he hath rejected them; to make way for the calling, conversion, salvation of the Gentiles, whom he hath ingrafted, called, and ta∣ken into special Covenant in their stead,

as is e∣vident by Acts 13.45, 46, 47. c. 19.9. c. 28.25, 26, 27, 28. Isa. 8.14. to 17. c. 10.22, 23. c. 29.8. to 15. c. 65.2, 3,

9. c. 53. 1. Jer. 6.10. c. 7.29. c. 14. 19 Lam. 5.22. Hos. 1.9.10. c. 4.6. Mat. 13.13, 14, 15. c. 21.24. to 46. c. 22.2. to 11. Mar. 4.12. Luk. 2.34. c. 8.10, &c. John 9.39.41. c. 12.37. to 44. Rom. 9.24. to 33. c. 10.16.19.20, 21. c. 11.5.7. &c. 1 Thess. 2.14, 15, 16. Heb. 10.26. to 31. compared together. Which Texts conjoyned with Lu. 18.8. Mat. 24.9. to 15. Joh. 1.11. 1 Tim. 4.1, 2, 3. 2 Tim. 1.3. to 10. c. 4.3, 4. 2 Pet. 2.1.2. &c. c. 3.3.1. John 2.18. Jude 18. in my judge∣ment unanswerably refute, that commonly received opi∣nion, of the calling and conversion of the whole Nation and Body of the Iews in these latter dayes to the faith of Christ, and such glorious Gospel times in the last age of the world, which some have over-confidently asserted, and now in∣sist on, as the chiefest argument for calling in the Jews a∣mongst us at this season, as if they were able more effe∣ctually to perswade, convert them, then either their own Prophets, or Christ himself and his Apostles, and remove that veil of obstinate blindnesse, and obduration, which God hath laid upon their hearts and eyes, to this very end, that they might neither see, hear, nor understand, nor be converted, that he might heal them. Acts 28.25, 26, 27, 28.

5. God himself, (especially for their rejection of Jesus Christ, and refusing him to be their King to rule and reign over them) hath utterly extirpated and ejected the Jews out of their own promised land, which himself be∣stowed on them for their peculiar (b) 1.145 inheritance, and habi∣tation, and setled them in actual possession thereof by an out∣stretched hand, and power: yea, scattered, dispersed them into other Nations, like chaff before the wind, without any fixed habitation, according to the ancient comminations and curses long since denounced against, and now fully execu∣ted upon them. Deut. 28.63, 64, 65. &c. Levit. 26.33.36, 37, 38, 39. Deut. 4.27. c. 32, 26. 1 Kings 14, 15. Neh. 1.8. Psal. 106.27. Jer. 9.16. & 17.24. c. 18.17. c. 49.32.36. Ezech. 5.2. to 13. c. 12.14, 15. c. 20.23. c. 22.15. Daniel 12.7. Zach. 1.21. Ezech. 11.16, 17. c. 6.8.17.21. which scattering, is principally inten∣ded

only amongst Heathen Nations, where they should be totally deprived of all Gods Ordinances, and means of salvati∣on, & where they shall serve other Gods, which neither they nor their Fathers have known, even wood and stone; as these texts expresly resolve and import. Therefore, to receive them into, and settle them in our Christian Kingdom and Island, whereunto they have no title, nor colour of in∣heritance, which God hath (c) 1.146 appointed to the English alone for their portion, (and therefore these Aliens may not invade or intrude themselves into it, without the whole Natio••s ge∣neral consent) is in some sence to crosse these sacred Texts, and neither convenient for us to grant, nor for them to request, being already over-stored with Native English∣men.

6. Since the Jews crucifixion of our Saviour Jesus Christ himself, and their extirpation and dissipation for it, they have oft times in sundry places, ages, in high con∣tempt and despight of his person, and passion, maliciously acted it over and over again in representation, not only, by (d) 1.147 piercing his Images with swords and spears, and by (e) 1.148 stabbing, piercing, boyling, burning, braying in a mortar, and otherwise despighting the consecrated Sacramental bread, repre∣senting his crucified bod••, as the Historians in the Margin at large relate; and likewise by crucifying a Ram at Easter, as they did at(f) 1.149 Syracusa, in the year, 1113: but likewise by crucifying sundry Christian children on Good Fryday, or near Easter, on a Cro••se, in a most barbarous manner, in derision of our Saviours death and passion. To preter∣mit those 7. or 8. forecited instances in England alone, I shall instance in some forreign ones recorded by Histori∣ans. About the year of our Lord, 430. the Jews in their ••••b••ick (g) 1.150 Enterludes and Dances, held on their Sabbath, o∣penly

crucified a Christian child in contempt and derision of Christs death and passion, at Inmestar in Syria; first nailing him to a tree, and lifting him up on high; then deriding and laughing at him; after that like mad men, scourging him as long as any breath remained in his body: whereupon there arose great contention between them and the Christians; and by the Emperours command, the Jews who had done this in jest, were punished in earnest, Anno 1172. (h) 1.151 they crucifyed in like manner another Christian child at Bloys in France, and near the same time, the Jews at[i] 1.152 Bray in France, crowned a Chri∣stian man (whom they accused for a Malefactor) with thorns, then led him publickly about the Town, scourged him with many stripes, and at last crucified him in contempt of Christ. Not long after the [k] 1.153 Jews at Paris in France, in like manner impiously crucified a Christian child called Richard, and sundry others yearly. Anno 1236. (l) 1.154 the Jews at the Monastery of Fulda, killed many Christian chil∣dren in a Mill, piercing them with ponyards, and squesing out their blood, to mix and knead it with their unleavened bread in their Passeover, as was generally reported, which being dis∣covered, many of them were burnt to death for it, & the rest grievously punished. Anno 1252. they massacred and cru∣cified a Christian Child * 1.155 at Wissinburgh. At(m) 1.156Prague in Bohemia, the Jews on Good-Friday in the year 1283. shutting their gates, crucified a Christian man, having first of all done unto him in contempt, what ever they had learned was done to Christ by their Ancestors: which when the people had discovered, running to their arms, they raged cruelly against, and slew many of these impious Murtherers.

The Jews (n) 1.157 Anno 1286. stole away, cruelly tormen∣ted, pricked with ponyards, drew the blood, and impi∣ously crucified a Christian Child called Wernerus, not far from the Rhene in Germany, barbarously murthering him after sundry torments. (o) 1.158 Anno 1287. they tormented and crucified another Christian Child at Bern called Ro∣dolphus,

for which they were massacred and cruelly hand∣led by the furious vulgar. The Jews at [p] 1.159 Trent on Good-Friday, in the year 1475. tortured, whipped, pierced and crucified to death a Christian child, about 13 years old, called Simeon, in contempt of Christs passion and Christi∣ans, kneeding their Paschal unleavened bread with his blood, which History is as large related by the Marginal Historians; for which many of them were tortured, burnt slain, put to death, and others banished the City: yet 6 years after * 1.160 An. 1480. they again perpetrated the like wickedness in crucifying and torturing a child at a Town called Motta near Friuli,[q] 1.161 for which 3 of them were carri∣ed prisoners to Venice, and there tortured and burnt to ashes. And to instance in no more particulars. Vincenti∣us Beluacensis Speculum Hist. l. 29. c. 25. Gaguinus l. 6. de Francis. Centur. Magd. 12 and 13 c. 14. Antonini Chron. p. 2, 3. f, 17. sect. 8. Mat. Par. Mr. Fox, and † 1.162 others record,

That the Jews in Paris & elsewhere, did every year steal some Christian child or other brought up in the Kings Court, and carrying him to a secret house or vault, did on Good-Friday, or Easter-day, in contempt and derision of Christ and Christian Religion, crucify him on a Crosse (as Christ was crucified) and that they had been fre∣quently apprehended persevering in this wickednesse; for which, upon Detection, they were usually murthered, stoned, burned, destroyed, hanged by the furious multi∣tudes violence, or executed, imprisoned, banished by Christian Kings and Magistrates; yet such was their ma∣lice to Christ, that they would still persevere therein, and act it over again upon every opportunity:

Which being so fully justified by these many particular presidents, proofs, authorities, in several ages, places, sufficiently refutes * 1.163 Menasseh Ben Israel his bare-denial, and poor shifts to e∣vade it, as false and scandalous. How can or dare we then receive into our Christian Island, such barbarous, bloody obstinate murderers, and inveterate, incorrigible, malici∣ous enemies to, and deriders, despisers of our blessed Sa∣viours death and passion, formerly cast out by our Ance∣stors

(amongst other things) for their bloody impieties and unchristian blasphemies of this nature, unlesse we first renounce both our Christianity and Humanity at once, and become as bad as the very worst of Jews?

7.

The Jews ever since their dispersions, in all ages, pla∣ces to their power, have been more bitter enemies to the Christians than the worst of Pagans, bending all their studies, forces, wits, endeavours to hinder, op∣pugne, blaspheme, extirpate the Christian Religion, and all professors of it out of the world; stirred up ma∣ny bloody persecutions against them, upon all advanta∣ges, confederating both with Julian the Apostate, the Pagan Persians, the Tartars, Sarazens, Turks, to mur∣der and delete them, having a great hand in raising the 4th. persecution, and murdering, * 1.164 stoning to death, burning, destroying even those of their own Nation, yea poysoning their own Wives, Children, for imbra∣cing Christianity. Moreover they have raised up many seditions, rebellions against Christian Princes, poyso∣ned, destroyed some of them and their Nobles, yea, rai∣sed, occasioned many great popular Tumults, Commo∣tions, Seditions against them in all ages, places, as well as formerly here in England,

As you may read at large in Socrates Scholasticus, Eccl. Hist. l. 7. c. 13. Zo∣naras, Tom. 3. Paulus Diaconus, l. 16, 17, 18. Nicephorus Eccles. Hist. l. 14. c. 14. l. 17. c. 6. Ambrose Epist. l. 5. Epist, 29. Jerom. in cap. 4. ad Galatas, & in Abdiam. So∣zomen, Hist. l. 1. c. 8. Mat. Paris Historia Angl. p. 564. Aventinus Annal. Boyorum, l. 5. and 7. Abbas Uspergensis Paraleip. p. 346. Cent. Magd. 4. c. 14, 15. and c. 3. ••ol. 85, 86. Cent. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13. c. 3.14.15. Mr. Fox Acts and Monuments, vol. 1. p. 56. Munsteri Cosmogr. l. 3. c. 71. p. 482. l. 2. c. 71. p. 310. l. 3. c. 55. p. 583.707. with sundry others. Upon this ground, certain Christi∣ans on the contrary, out of an over-furious zeal, ha••e en∣deavoured to extirpate them all from under Heaven, un∣lesse they would turn Christians. Anno. 1101. (o) 1.165

E∣micho a German Earl, and the Inhabitants near the Rhine,

pillaged, plundered, banished, slew and destroyed all the Jews in those parts, w••o refused to turn Christians, slay∣ing no lesse than twelve thousand of them, many of the Jews killing each other with their own hands, to avoid their fury, but the rest receiving baptisme, and turning Christians only to save their lives, relapsed to their Ju∣daisme again when the storm was over. In the year 1146. one (o) 1.166 Rudolphus a Monk, out of a misguided bloody zeal, stirred up many thousands of people in France and Germany, near the Rhine, to take up the Crosse for the holy wars; exhorting them in his preach∣ing, that they should in the first place kill and destroy all the Jews, remaining every where in the Cities and Towns, as being the greatest enemies of Christ. The seeds of which doctrine took such deep root in many Cities of France and Germany, that in a tumultuous se∣dition and uproar, they slew most of the Jews in those parts, but such who fled into fenced Cities and Castles, under the protection of the Emperor Fred. the 1:

which bloody doctrine and proceeding was reprehended by St. Bernards Letters to these people, informing them,

That the Jews for their excessive wickednesses were not to be slaughtered, but dispersed.

In the year of Christ 1298. (q) 1.167 one Rindflaisch an Husbandman in Germany, o∣penly preached to the people;

That he was sent from heaven, and specially chosen by God to root out the Jews in all places: And proclaimed, who ever will have the Christian Commonwealth to be safe, let him follow me; Whereupon the people flocking to him in great multitudes, and chusing him for their Captain, sought out the Jews in Wirtzburge, Nurinburgh, Ro∣tenburgh, Bambergh, O••enberge, and all other Towns and Villages in Franconia and Bavaria, and slew many of them, the greatest part of them in these places, both men and women obstinately setting their own houses on fire, and burning both them••elves, wives, children, with their houses, housholdstu••f and goods together, that they might not fall into the Christians hands.

In

the year (r) 1.168 1349.

There being a great plague and mor∣tality in Germany, the Jews were generally accused for the chief Authors or increasers thereof, by poyson∣ing all the Wells and Fountains, to destroy all the Christians, and corrupting likewise some baptized Jews, and other Christians with money and charms so far, that they could willingly have destroyed and slain all their fellow Christians, which some of them confessed upon their examinations. Hereupon the Common people in great rage and fury (against their Magistrates and Bishops wills and commands, who neither could nor durst withstand their violence) fell upon all the Jews in Bern, Friburgh, A••gentine, Wormes, Oppenheim, Francfort, Mentz, Spires, and other places, slew, and brained many of them, burned other of them, hanged up many others upon Gibbets, pillaging, burning, breaking and pulling down their Houses, the Jews themselves in many of these places burning both them∣selves, wives, children, goods, to avoid the enraged peoples fury; very few of them escaping, who were baptized to preserve their lives: The Inhabitants of Spire, fearing the air would be infected with the stink of the slaughtered Jews dead corps lying in the streets, al∣though most of them were burnt, put them into empty Caskes, and threw them into the Rhine. All such who protected any of the Jews for money (as some did) were so murmured against, and hated by the people, that they were in great danger of their lives, which some of them lost, as Albertus Argentinensis records at large: Which sad calamity came upon them by Gods just judge∣ment, many of them being found guilty of all sorts of wickednesses, poysonings, the murder of many Chil∣dren, forging of Letters, counterfeiting and corrupting of moneys, thefts, deceipts, and other villanies, where∣by they offended the Divine Majesty.

To these I might add many other such tumults, uproars, occasioned by, and massacres, burnings and destructions of them for their vil∣lanies in France, Spain, Germany, and other parts, recor∣ded

in Hermannus Schedel. Chron. f. 243, 248, 258, 271, 272. and Genebrardi Chronog. p. 461, 627, 660, 618, 688, 824, 830. Abraham Bzou••us, Annal. Eccl. Tom. 15. An∣no 1239. n. 9. Anno 1391. n. 8. Anno 1464. n. 44. An. 1491 n. 6.7. Cromerus de Rebus Polonor. l. 25. with those forementonioned in England, and that of * 1.169 Norlingen An. 1290. where many of them were slain by the Citi∣zens, whom they had undone and ruined. And can we then in point of Christian piety or prudence now bring in such a generation of men as these amongst us, especially in these unsetled, unquiet, discontented times, to kindle new flames of discontent, and tumults amongst the people?

8. The (r) 1.170 conversation of the Jews is so dangerous to Christians; that the 4 Council of Toledo: can. 59.61, 62, made this Decree,

The Conversations and Companies of evil men do oftentimes corrupt even the good, how much more then those who are prone to vices. Let there∣fore the Jews who are converted to the Christian faith, have no further Communion henceforth with those, who still continue in their old Jewish rites, lest peradven∣ture they should be perverted by their Society: Therefore we decree, that the Sons and Daughters of those Jews, which are baptised, that they be not again involved in the errors of their Parents, shall be sepera∣ted from their company, and placed with Christian men and women fearing God, where they may be well instructed, and grow in faith and Christian manners, and that the Jews believing Wives, shall be divorced and separated from their Husbands, unless upon admoniti∣on they turn Christians.

The ••••••e was decreed by the * 1.171 Council of Basil Sess. 20. and (s) 1.172 ••nacted by the Wi∣sogothes Laws; lib. 12. Tit. 2.3. Yea (t) 1.173 Pope Alex. the 3. Decretal. l. 6. c. 7. prohibited all Christians, under pain of Excommunication to cohabit with the Jews, or keep company with them, because their manners and Christians accord in no∣thing, and they by reason of the••r continual conversation, and daily familiarity, might easily incline the minds of simple people to their superstition and infide••ity. And should

not those men, who pretend them••elves far greater Zea∣lots than the Goths, Spaniards, or Pope, and the Popish Canonists (who decree the like upon the s••me reason) upon these very grounds much more oppose, prohibi••e their re-admission into England, in this giddy Aposta∣tizing age, lest their Company and Society should easily seduce the unstable people to their Judaism and Infide∣lity, to Christs dishono••r, their own damnation, and the infamy of our Church and Government? The rather, be∣cause if extraordinary care be not taken herein, under pre∣text of Jews, we shall have many hundreds of Je••uites, (who derive both their Name and pedigree from the Jews e••en from Iesui and his family of the Iesuits Num. 16.44., as some of them affirm in prin••,* 1.174 though o∣thers from other grounds.) of Popish Priests and Friers come over freely into England from Portugal, Spaine, Rome, Italy, Poland, and oth••r places, under the title, habit, and disguise of Jews, of purpose to under∣mine our Religion, Church and State, and sow the seeds of Heresie, Blasphemy, Popery, Super••tition, Schisms, and Divisions amongst us, they having formerly sent over some of late years amongst us, under the notion and vizard of converted Jews, as Ramsey the Scot, and E∣leazer, and Joseph Ben-Isaiah, all Jesuitical, wicked, chea∣ting Impostors: the two last whereof, have cheated the honest people of the Nation of many thousand pounds be∣ing notorious Villains, one of them formerly a Trooper and Plunderer in Prince Ruperts army, as he confessed to his Hostesse at Dursly in Glocestersh••re in his ••rink, where he would have ravished the Maid-servant of the house, locking the door upon her, whi••es she was war∣ming his bed in the night, and upon her crying out for help, fled away presently in the night, to avoid appre∣hension; And yet wanders about cheating the p••ople in other places, instead of being brought to Tybu••ne for his Villanies. And if they abuse and cheat us thus already, much more will they doe it upon, and after the Jewes admission.

9. To pretermit their banishment out of Rome by the Emperor Claudius, recorded Acts 18.2. and that as (t) 1.175 Ecclesiastical Historians report, for their cheating, and tumults there raised. I shall only in brief relate, how they have from time to time been banished, expelled ma∣ny Christians Citi••s, Countries, Kingdoms, and their Sy∣nagogues burnt and destroyed, especially for their In∣fidelity, and other forementioned Mildemeanors, Crimes, Vi••lanies. [u] 1.176 About the year of Christ 430. at the insti∣gation of St. Cy••il Bishop of Alexandria, and the Christi∣ans there, they were expelled and banished that famous City, where they had long inhabited for their insolenc••es, & seditious conspiracies against the Christians. The [x] 1.177 Empe∣ror Phocas, about the year 605. banished them out of the City of Antioch, for the tumults they had there rai∣sed against the Christians and Government. The * 1.178 6 Council of Toledo Anno 686. c. 3. informs us, That King Chinrilla by the inspiration of the most high God, infla∣med with the ardor of Faith, utterly extirpated the Infi∣delity, prevarications and superstitions of the Jews, nei∣ther would he permit any one of them to live in his Realm, who would not become a Christian: For which this Council highly commended him, rendered special thanks to God for it, and withall enacted by the con∣••ent of the Nobles, that every King of Spain in future times, before he should be installed and crowned King, should take an Oath, That he would not suffer the Jews to violate the Christian Faith, and that he would in no wise favour their infidelity, through any kind of negli∣gene or covetousnes, nor give entranc to any thing tending to the precipices of infidelity & prevarication, &c. About the year of Christ, 615. they were banished out of Jerusa∣lem it self, by Heraclius the Emperour, as Zonaras, Tom. 3. in his life: Paulus Diaconus, rerum Rom. l. 18. & Cent. Mag. 7. c. 4. storie, & near that age, out of Arverna Bibl: Patr. Tom. 6. part. 2. p. 243. Venantii Fortun. l. 5. c. 5. About Anno 616. [y] 1.179 King Sisebutus banished them all out of Spaine, unlesse they would turn Christians, which

the most of them refusing to doe, departed thereupon into France, as the marginal Authors unanimously at∣test. About the year 618. they were all banished out of France by King Dagobert, unlesse they would renounce their Judaism, and turn Christians, upon the command and instigation of Heraclius the Emperour; as Reg••no, Chron. l. 1. & Cert. Magdeb. 7. c. 14. relate. King Wamba about the year 710. banished them out of the Province of Narbon; as Rodericus Toletanus de Rebus Hisp. l. 3. c. 11. informs us. About the year 1196. they [z] 1.180 were banished out of the City of Mentz, and near the same time out of the City of Triers, and the Bishoprick there∣of, by Bishop Everhard. [a] 1.181 Philip Augustus King of France banished them all out of France by several E∣dicts, Anno 1152. 1162. & 1182. for the••e reasons:

Because they had divers times crucified children of Christians in Paris, and elsewhere, in contempt of Christ and his passion; entertained Christian men ser∣vants and maid servants in their houses, who did like∣wise play the Jews with them, contrary to the Decrees of God and the Church; above measure oppressed, im∣poverished by their Usuries, the Citizens, Knights, Gentry, and Country people both in the Cities, Sub∣urbs and Villages of France, and detained some of them prisoners in their houses, like captives, binding them by an oath, not to depart out of them; most vilely pro∣faned the sacred Vessels pawned to them by Church∣men in cases of necessity, causing their little children ordinarily to drink wine and eat sops out of them, yea to lay their excrements in them (as * 1.182 Petrus Cluniancensis records, in contempt of the Sacrament) and casting the silver Vessels, Crosses, and guilded Books of the Gos∣pel pawned to them, into a Jakes in a sack, that the Christians might not find them, and because the Sara∣cens upbraided the Christians for entertaining them a∣mongst them, being the professed Enemies of Christ: Ʋpon these grounds, as also because their wealth and number were so increased, that they had almost gotten

half the city of Paris into their hands, King Philip cau∣sed them to be all apprehended through France in one day, as they were in their Synagogues, then * 1.183 spoiled them of all their rich gold and silver garments, confis∣cated all their Lands, Houses, possessions, and banished them the Realm, notwithstanding the intercessions of many Bishops and Nobles (bribed with their gold and gifts) in their behalf, and the proffers of great sums of money to him by the Jews, wherewith he would not be mollified. After which, he caused their Synagogues to be prophaned, and then consecrated and converted to churches, that so where Christ was first blasphemed after the manner of the Jews, he might in the same places be praised both by the Clergy and people, as Vincentius records at large.

After this, creeping into that Realm again by money and bribes, they were [b] 1.184 again bannished out of France, and their goods confiscated by King Philip the Fair, in the year 1293. as some, or 1307. as others compute it, and driven into Germany. In the year 1349. at the earnest importunity of the people they were all banished out of [c] 1.185 Alsatia, and the Im∣pe••ial Cities, by the agreement of the Bishops and Nobles, and most of them burnt and destroyed, as they had been for∣merly in those parts by Earl [d] 1.186 Emicho, An. 1102. who then banished them thence. Ludov••cus Duke of Bavaria, about the year 1425. banished all the Jews out of his Ter∣ritories, as Aeneas Picolomineus in his Europae status sub Frederico, l. 3. c. 32. p. 79. assures us: and that for con∣spiring against the Christians, &c. Procul ejicienda Gens mpia finibus, quae in contumeliam Christi & in sub∣versionem vergit Christianorum: as * 1.187 Abraham Bzovius writes. The Jews were banished out of the * 1.188 Kingdome of Cast••le by K. John the 2. about the year 1430. (e) 1.189 In the

years, 1474, 1482. and 1492. they were all banished out of Spain by King Ferdinand, surnamed the Catholique, from whence they were transported and received into Portugal, they paying to King John the 2.8. Duckets for every poll of them at first, for their admission; which much augmented his Exchequer, though it diminished his piety and honour. Not long after, Anno 1497. they were driven and banished out of Portugal by King Emanu∣el: And in the year 1539. they were banished out of Naples and Sicily by Charles the 5th. To which I might adde the destruction, burning and utter extirpation of the Jews by the Rubeaque••ses, Anno 1309. and 1338. Munst. Cosm. l. 3. p. 547. * 1.190 Their banishment out of Germany, Anno 1385. out of Misnia and Thuringia Anno 1410. out of Wormes and Spires, Anno 1092. Munste∣ri Cosm. l. 3. p. 582. Out of Prague, by Wratislans for hating and slaying the christians, Geor. Bartholdus Ponta∣nus Bohemiae Piae. l. 2. p. 20. Out of Berne, Anno 1287. Munsteri Cosm. l. 3. p. 582. * 1.191 Out of Trent, Anno 1475. for crucifying a child: And out of * 1.192 Rome it self, Anno 1508. by Pope Pius quintus, for their horrid extravagant u∣suries, oppressions, combining with Theeves and Robbers, Forgeries, and ungodly charmes in wooing of women to their lusts. Having therefore been thus frequently banished by Christian Kings, Princes, from time to time, at the earnest sollicitation of their godly christian Ministers, Bishops, people; and by our King and Parliament too out of * 1.193 England, so long since, never to return again, what shadow, colour of piety, policy, prudence, justice, law, reason, there can be for any person or persons whatsoever to re-admit them (except the argument of dishonest, private, filthy under-hand Bribes or Lucre, by which they usually scrue themselves into those pla∣ces, whence they have been exiled) transcends my shal∣low capacity to comprehend, especially at this season, when we are so over-stored with English, that some think of sending and planting Colonies in another world, whithet these Gold-thirsty Jews may do well to trans∣plant

themselves, if they be weary of their former habi∣tation.

10. The forecited Christian Authors, Historians, old and new, much applaud and magnifie those Christian Em∣perors, Kings, Magistrates, States, who have most opposed, restrained, suppressed by (f) 1.194 severest Laws, Edicts, the Jewish Synagogues, Ceremonies, Superstitions, Rites, A∣buses: and banished these Antichristian Blasphemers and Enemies of Christ Jesus out of their Kingdoms and Territories, especially for their Infidelity, and censured those who favoured them. And Matheus Flacius Illeri∣cus, Johannis Wigandus, Andreas Corvinus, Thomas Hol∣thuter, 4 famous learned Protestant Historians and Di∣vines, in their laborious, learned Ecclesiastical centuries, as they every where do the like: So in their 12 Cent. cap. 7. col. 1078, 1079. they pass this sharp censure a∣gainst the Decrees of (g) 1.195 Pope Alexander the 3. and Cle∣ment the 3.

(prohibiting the Jews to build any new Synagogues where were none before, yet tollerating them only to repair old ones where they were fallen down and defaced, to use their rites in; But withall for∣bidding all christians under pain of Excommunication, any communion with them, for fear of being se••uc••d to their Superstitions, &••.) Denique ut extremam ••••oma∣norum Paparum impadentiam et stupendam impleta∣tem videas, non pige ••i•• ••orum Decreta, pro blasphe∣ma in deum gente Iudaeorum lata, adscribere; (••••ough some Popish Schoolmen, as Alexander Alensis, Sum∣ma Theologiae pars 2. qu. 61 Aquinas. 2.2. quest. 10. Art. 9, 10, 11, 12. Scotus in l. 4. Sent. dist. 4. qu. 9. are not ashamed to justifie, Quod ne deterius quid con∣tingat, & aliquo modo bonum eliceatur, tollerandi sunt Ju∣daei ritus suos servare, to gra••••fie their Popes herein, w^ch they likewise affirm of the i••olatrous Gentiles rites and worship, as well as of the Jews.) And Peter Heylin in his Microcosme, p. 569, 570. writing, That the Jews having been put to divers fines and ransoms, they are at last even thrust quite out of Europe also. They were

banished out of England by Edward the 1. Anno 1290. Out of France, Spain, Portugal, Naples, and Sicil (by the Kings forecited) subjoyns by way of censure: Yet are they found in great numbers in the Romish part o•• Ger∣many and Poland, in most Cities of Italy, especially Rome, where there are no lesse than 15000 or 20000 of them, and also in the Popes country of Avignion. The reason why they are permitted to live thus under our holy ••a∣thers Nose, is forsooth, an expectation of their conver∣sion, which is a meer pretence, the reason being in∣deed the benefit hence arising to his Holinesse coffers,* 1.196 but the hopes of their conver••ion is small, and the means lesse, &c.

And therefore we cannot now re-ad∣mit them into England upon the self-same pretence, and ground of gain; without incurring the like censures from Protestants and Papists too; and bringing intollerable Scandal, Dishonour, Reproach, both on our Nation and Religion, in these times of pretended highest Reforma∣tion; they being the professed Enemies of our Lord Je∣sus Christ,

who will not have him to rule over them, Luk. 19.27. and so odious to the [h] 1.197 very Turks them∣selves for crucifying Christ, that they oft use to say in detestation of a thing, I would I might die a Jew. Nei∣ther will they permit a Jew to turn Turk, unless he be first baptized.

11. Many of the wisest Heathen Law-givers, Politi∣cians, States, have specially prohibited

the introducti∣on and habitation of foraigners amongst them. Hence [i] 1.198 Lycurgus the famous Legislator, and the Spartans by his Law and advice, expelled all foraigners out of their city and country, lest by insinuating themselves amongst them, they should teach their Citizens some ill, in∣troduce foraign manners, & an ill disordered kind of life; upon which ground they also prohibited their Citizens to travel into foraign countries. Upon these grounds the Thebans & Apoloniatae (in imitation of the Spartans) ba∣nished all foraigners out of their City, as Aelian Var. Hist. l. 13. c, 16. Alexander ab Alex. l. 4. c. 10 record.

Pla∣to

the Philosopher Dialogo 12. de Legumlatione, though he permits foraigners by way of study, trade, travel, and embassie to come into his city and Republike under cer∣tain Laws, and Rules, yet he totally secludes them from inhabiting therein, or to trade, without strict Laws to prevent their danger, upon this ground; Solet enim civi∣tatum in commerciis permixtio, varios mores civitatibus am∣miscere, dum externi externis vicissim novationes inducunt; quae res civitatibus, per rectas leges benè institutis maximum deirimentum affert. * 1.199 Aristotle observes, That the bring∣ing in of foraigners is the principal cause of seditions, tu∣mults,,

Qui inquilinas aut advenas recipiunt in civita∣tem, Hi fere omnes aut certe plurimi seditionibus con∣flictantur. (k) 1.200

Dr. Jo. Case gives the reason of it.

Nam ut nihil citius corpus humanum inficit, quam pestilen∣tium vaporum malis humoribus copulatio; ita nihil velocius corrumpit Civitatem, quam peregrinorum admissio, in qua contagio & venenum latet.

And here∣upon he raiseth this question from Aristotles Text;

Utrum periculosa sit in Rempublicam peregrinorum admissio? And thus resolves it. It is perillous to take Snakes into the bosom, and Foraigners into the Commonweal; for as they being refreshed with heat do bite and sting: So these being enfranchised destroy the Republike. To prove this by arguments, we may consider, that every Nation hath its proper ceremonies which they bring along with them, and do not change with the climat when they come into another Countrey; Wherefore there is great danger, lest by receiving strangers the ancient manners and Laws should be changed into new and foraign. Now what sooner begets sedition than alteration of Laws and Customes?

(as we may see even in sundry Scripture examples, which he remembers not, and of the Jews especially Acts 14.2. to 7.16. c. 16.19. to 25. c. 18.5, 6, 7.17, 18, 19. c. 17.12. to 18. c. 19.24. to 41. c. 21.27 to 40. c. 22.22. &c. c. 23, & 24, & 25.)

What therefore is more perillous than the admission of Foraigners into our Commonwealth? Moreover where∣fore

hath Nature instructed like to associate together with like, if it should draw men of strange and different manners into a Republike? Nature will not that sheep should be associ••ted with wolves, neither wills Prudence that Natives should be coupled with Foraigners; For Philosophy perswades this, that contraries cannot dwell in the same place, but strang••rs for the most part are Enemies to the Citizens with whom they converse. Adde to this, that as Locusis are to the Corn, so are Foraigners to the Republike, for as they doe wast and consume the grain of Corn, so these devour the fruit of the Commonwealth; for although they are branches of the same plant, yet they suck not wholsom juyce, but poyson from the root, wherewith at length the who••e plant being infected, perisheth. This he proves by several examples out of * 1.201 Aristotle himself, by the Trezenii, Zan∣clei, Sybarites, Bysantii, Antissiaei, Apoloniatae, Chii, Syracusani, Amphipolitae, who by receiving strangers into their cities and countries were all much infested, some of them quite supplanted and ejected by them, the rest enforced to expel them by force of arms. Then he subjoyneth, That the strangers admitted among Gods own people, proved briars and thorns unto them; and Solo∣mon himself by many strange women fell into Idolatry; concluding thus, The Spaniards in my opinion did not unjustly banish the seditious Iews out of their Coasts: propius non accedo, ••ed Christum oro, ne peregrino∣rum turba immanis turbo in civitate fiat.

As these Grecians in ancient times prohibited the introduction of strangers amongst them, for the forementioned rea∣sons, so likewise did some of the wisest Romans: Pen∣nus in ancient times, and Papius after him (as (l) 1.202 Cicero relates) Peregrinos Ʋrbibus prohibent, eosque exterminant; which although he thus censures as an inhumanity, suverò urbis prohibere peregrinos, sanè inhumanum est; Yet he in∣tends it only of excluding strangers from all trading and commerce, not from cohabitation, as Denizens, from which he holds it just to debarre them, there being a

special Law then in force for that purpose, which he thus expresseth: Nam esse pro cive qui civis non sit, REC∣TUM EST NON LICERE: QUAM LEGEM TU∣LERUNT SAPIENTISSIMI CONSULES, Crassus & Scaevola. Hence Claudius the Emperour banished the Jews out of Rome, Acts 18.2 and Suetonius in his life. And the mischief of admitting forraigners is largely ar∣gued in (m) 1.203Cornelius Tacitus, who were after his time banished out of Rome, as (n) 1.204 Coelius Rhodigmus relates out of Ammianus Marcelinus; So the (o) 1.205 Carthaginians, Solthians, Scythotauri, Gamphasantes, Seres, Indians, Aegyp∣tians in some places; the Epidauri, & Athenians also exclu∣ded foraigners their country, company & conversation; Ne cives longo usu dissimiles mores imbuerent, & in alienas leges ritusque transirent, as Alex. ab Alexandro, Gen. Dierum l. 4. c. 10. and Boêmus de Mor. Gentium record. Yea we read of the (p) 1.206 Tartars and most politick Inhabitants of China, at this day,

that they will admit no stran∣gers into their Countries, so much as to travel or traf∣fick for fear of discerning their secrets, and corrupting their manners, and those few they admit by special li∣cence to enter into their Country, they will by no means suffer to return thence, nor permit Merchants and Mar∣riners there trading to walk abroad publikely in their Cities and Countries, nor to lodge on land, but only in their ships.

And to come nearer home, our Kings heretofore upon the grievous complaint of the Nobility, Gentry, People, have frequently banished all strangers out of England, as the greatest pests, inconveniences and grievances to the Natives.

Thus in the reign (of (a) 1.207) King Edward the Confessor, Anno 1052, All the Normans, except two or three were banished our of England for giving ill counsel to the King, and incensing him against the English, by agreement both of the King and Parlia∣ment. So King (b) 1.208 Henry the 2. in the 1 year of his reign, Anno Dom. 1154. or in the second year of his reign as others write, commanded all strangers to avoid out of the Realm, by Proclamation, by a certain day

under great penalty, especially the Flemings and Souldi∣ers, who committed all kinds of mischief, under pre∣tence of a liberty permitted to Souldiers by the Law of arms in time of war. In the year 1220. (c) 1.209 King Hen. the 3. by his Proclamation commanded all strangers, to avoid the land by Michaelmas next following, except such as came with Merchandize to make sale of their wares un∣der the Kings safe conduct: After which the (d) 1.210 Po••∣ctouvines coming into England in great number, obtai∣ning great offices about the King, miscounselling, sedu∣cing and encensing him against the English Nobility, and ingrossing the wealth of the Kingdom into their hands, were assaulted, plundered, and many of them inforced to retire out of England by the Barons in the year 1258. And the next year after they were all bani∣shed out of England by Edict of Parliament. After which they returning, and oppressing the Realm, were again expulsed and exiled by the Barons Anno 1260. So in the (e) 1.211 Parliament of 4 Ed. 2. Anno 1311. It was ordain∣ed by the Archbishops, Bishops, Earls, and all the Com∣mons in Parliament, amongst other things, That the King should banish all Foraigners out of his Court and Kingdom, as his Father had commanded him; which the King obliged himself by Oath to performe:

And thereupon banished his own Minion Pierce Gaveston into Ireland. Which practices and proceeding of all these re∣cited Nations and our Ancestors, being if not grounded on, yet at least warranted by Gods own forcited Precepts to the Israelites, & being warranted by the Jews own practise, who had no dealings with the Samaritans, John 4.9. and the Samaritans reciprocal carriage towards the Iews, whom they would neither lodge nor entertain, Lu. 9.51, 52, 53. Why we should not upon this account seclude those a∣lien Jews, so different from us both in manners, customs, Laws, Religion, and obeying not the Laws of our Sa∣viour Christ Jesus, it being not for the Kings or the King∣doms profit to suffer them, (as Haman, Esther 3.8. once said of them in another case) I referre it to all wise

Statesmen to resolve, since it may be truly said of such unwelcom guests.

Turpius ejicitur quâm non admittitur hospes.

Neither will this contradict that Gospel precept, Heb. 13.2. Be not forgetfull to entertain strangers: or Deutr. 10.18.19. c. 23.7 Mat. 25.35, 43. which extend only to Christian hospitality, liberality, and pity towards private distressed exiles, travellers, and other strangers, coming to lodge or sojourn with us for a short season into our houses or country, upon extraordinary or just occasions especial∣ly such who stand in need of our releif,, and are of the Hou∣shold of Fa••th, as is clear by the Texts themselves, compared with Rom. 12.13. 1 Pet. 4.9.3. Iohn 5. Gal. 6.10. not to In∣fidels Jews, Pagans, or who are in no such absolute neces∣sity nor stand in need of our charity or reception, nor yet to the reception of any forraign Nation or Colony into our Island,* 1.212 to cohabit perpetually with us (the only point in question) which the Scripture no where commands nor in∣tends, but disallows in the aforecited Texts, & Neh. 9.2. c. 13.30. And these Scripture expressions, Prov. 5.10. Lest strangers be filled with thy wealth. Isay 1, 7. your lands strangers devour in your presence, and it is desolate as over∣thrown by strangers. Lam. 5.2. Our inheritance is turned unto strangers, our Houses to aliens. Hosea 7.9. Strangers have devoured his strength, and he knoweth it not; sufficient∣ly manifest both the illegallity, folly and sad consequen∣ces of our receiving Jews and other strangers in such a nature, of which our Ancestors had sufficient experience in the Jews themselves, enforcing them for ever to exile them hence: who have places enough in many o∣ther parts of the world where they now inhabit in peace and plenty, and enjoy their Merchandizes and other franchi••es, together with their Schools and Synagogues, as Benjamin the Sonne of Ionas a Jew records at large in his Peregrination: together with Mr. Samuel Purchas in his Pilgrims, l. 9. c. 5. And Menasseh Ben-Israel him self confesseth in his Epistle Dedicatory and Addresses, where thus he writes; Our Nation at the present is spread

all about, and hath its seat and dwelling in the most flourishing parts of all the Kingdoms and Countries of the world, as well in America, as in the other three parts, (which he prose∣cutes more at large, p. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9. boasting of their extraordinary wealth, Offices, Power and Priviled∣ges in other places.) And therefore this only remains in my judgement, Before the Messia come and Restore our Nation that first we must have our seat here ••••kewise: there∣fore having so much Elbow-room already throughout the world, their reception here will be no act of piety or charity in us, neither do they presse it as such; but an act of the highest impiety, they now insisting on it as a necessary preparative to the coming of th••ir long ex∣pected false Messia, to restore them to their tem∣poral Kingdom again, and Fathers inheritance, as he ex∣presly writes.

These general Reasons against the Jews readmission pre∣mised, which I hope will satisfie most men, I shall con∣clude with some particular Reasons drawn from late pub∣lished Declarations, of our Grandees, which I conceive will best satisfie them of any other: and for this end, (I hope without any just offence, or Scandalum magnatum) I shall crave leave to presse them home in this common cause, for the defence of the Glory, Honor, Scepter, Gos∣pel, Kingdome of our Lord Jesus Christ, the only [q] 1.213 Poten∣tate, the Prince of the Kings of the Earth, the King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, the head of all principality and pow∣er, and God over all blessed for ever, before whose feet all o∣ther subordinate Kings and Potentates whatsoever ought to [r] 1.214 prostrate, not only their persons, but Crowns, and most peremptory Royall Wills and Edicts too; for whose pleasure, ho∣nor and glory alone, all things and powers likewise both are and were created: in whose cause we must be mo••t [s] 1.215 bold and zealous, not fearing the faces of any Mortals.

My 1. Reason shall be drawn from the very words of the Declaration of 21. Novemb. 1655. inviting the people of this commonwealth to a day of solemn Fasting and Hum••lia∣tion, on the 6. of December last (a * 1.216 day of trouble and of re∣buke,

of blasphemy, & provocation, in respect of the violence acted on it that time seven years, when the children were come to the birth, and there was no strength to bring forth, but only to obstruct and pull out the Members, to prevent out peace and settlement.) The principal cause whereof they Declare to be; The abominable Blasphemies vented and spreading of late, through the Apostacy of, and the abuse of Liberty by many professing Religion. And to joyn with them in solemn and earnest supplications to the throne of Grace; That the Lord will disappoint the designs of those, that labour to lift themselves up against the interest of Christ and his people: That he will rebuke the foresaid Evils, and give his people to know the things that belong to their Peace, that so we may with one heart and shoulder serve the Lord, both theirs and ours. The Jews of all other Nations in the world, are the greatest venters, spreaders of abominable * 1.217 Blasphe∣mies against our Saviour and the Gospel; the greatest Apostates from God and abusers of Liberty of any profes∣sing Religion; The greatest designers, plotters and lift∣ers up of themselves against the interest of Christ and his people; as the Premises undeniably evidence: And their introduction amongst us at this season, when the generality of the people, and professors of Religion like∣wise are so bent to Apostacy, and all kind of Errors, of Novelties in Religion, will no ways allay, but most cer∣tainly increase the venting and spreading of abominable Blasphemies amongst us, multiply the Apostacies of, and abuse of liberty by the professors of Religion, and make thousands in probability turn Apostate Jews, instead of converting any of the Jews to Christianity. It will not disappoint, but most of all advance the designes of those that labour to lift up themselves against the interest of Jesus Christ and his people; this being (as some justly fear) the Jews very end and plot in pressing now to be received amongst us, to seduce us unto Judaism, to which many are now inclined; and to deny our Saviour Christ in words, as too many have [t] 1.218 denied him in their works, and some in their opinions of late years. It will not rebuke, but

foment the foresaid Evils; obstruct Gods people both from knowing and pursuing the things that concern their peace; and instead of enabling them with one h••art and shoulder to serve the Lord, divide them into more Sects and Schisms, than formerly, and set up Judaism to affront Christianity with open face, as 2 Pet. 2.1. Jude 3.4. &c. Tit. 1.10.11. 1 Joh. 4.3. 2 Joh. 7 resol•••• & so multiply the late Rebukes and Judgements of God upon the Nation. Ther∣fore their re-admission into England after such a Sol••mn Declaration, and Day of Humiliation as this (and some o∣thers formerly prescribed, observed through the Nation, for the late monstrous growth and spreading of Errors and Blasphemies amongst us,) if resolved and effected, wil•• be reputed by God and Men, A most palpable violation, yea contradiction of this Declaration and Humilation; a mo••t hypocritical, Atheistical mocking of God himself to his face; a most prophane abuse, and per••ersion of this So∣lemn Fast and Humiliation; a frustration of all the pray∣ers, hopes of most religious people thereon, who obser∣ved it for far other prescribed ends, and an high Provo∣cation of Gods severest wrath against the perverters of it, to this very end, to introduce the long-since banished Jews, the debate whereof was proposed immediately be∣fore, and began the very next day after it.

My 2. Reason shall be deduced from the Declaration of the 24 Novemb. 1655. in order to the securing of the peace of the Commonwealth; Declaring it necessary to use all good means to secure the Peace of the Nation, and prevent fu∣ture troubles within the same. The bringing in of the Jews at this season, when the people are ••o generally di∣vided, discontented, and declare (for ought I can learn) their highest, unanimous dislike, and detestation of it, is the most probable means to disturb the peace of the Nati∣on, and to engender future new troubles, Tumults with∣in it; the generality of the people in England, and in o∣ther Countries, having in former * 1.219 ages frequently ri••en up in armes against them, massacred, burnt ••nd de••••roy¦ed them, notwithstanding their Kings and Magi••••r••te

Proclamations and Edicts to the contrary. And the [u] 1.220 Jews themselves in all ages having been principle firebrands of sedition both in their own Land, and all places where they have been d••spersed, as the Texts and Authors in the 3. and 7. premised reasons, with the foregoing Relations out of our English Historians attest. Therefore their re-admissi∣on into England, (especially in this unquiet season) must needs be diametrically contrary to the scope of this De∣claration; and neither in policy nor prudence to be resol∣ved on, but utterly rejected.

My 3d. reason shall be grounded on this clause of that Declaration: That no person who hath or shall be sequestred, or e••ected for Delinquency, or being in actual arms for the late King against the th••n Parliament, or for Charis Stuart his Son, &c. out of any Benefice, School, or Colledge, shall from and after the 1. day of December, be kept as a Chaplain or School-master in any s••questred persons house; Nor after the 1. day of January, keep any School publike or private; Nor preach in any publike place, or private meet••ng of any other persons than those of his own family; No•• shall adm••nister Baptism, or the Lords Supper, or Marry, &c. upon pain that every person so offending in any of the premisses sh••l be procee∣ded against, as by Orders (therin mentioned) is provided: pre∣scribing 3 months imprisonment for the 1.6 months for the 2d, and banishm••nt for the 3d Offence, as I am inform••d. If native freeborn Eng••ishmen formerly ejected out of any Benefice, Colledge or School, only for their old delin∣quency in adhering to the l••te King and Prince (though ac∣cording to their Oaths, duties and dictate of their con∣sciences) after some years publike liberty to preach, Ar∣ticles of Agreement confirmed by the Army and both Houses, and that which some call, An Act of Oblivion, and future indempnity, though orthodox in Doctrine, un∣blamable in con••ersation, and eminent in learning, with∣out any particular impeachment, hearing, conviction of any new Delinquency or mi••demeanors whatsoever, must not have so much liberty as to keep any School, or preach Gods Word in publike or private, or to be en∣tertained

in formerly sequestred Englishmens h••uses, under the foresaid penalties at this season, only in Or∣der to the Nations peace: Then much lesse ought J••ws, meer aliens, who always have been, and still are ••••o∣fessed Enemies in arms against the Person, Kingdom, Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ (which the late Parlia∣men•• by their solemn Protestation, Vow and Covenant, eng••∣ged by all good means to d••fend and advance) to be ent••r∣tained by any Engli••h Christians or publikely or priva••e∣ly to teach, preach, spread, propagate their Jewish Do¦ctrines, Errors and abo••ished Ceremonies in our Island, but to be banished for ever from amongst us, if any o•• them should pub••ikely or privately attempt to creep in amongst us; Else not on••y all sequestred Delinquents, but the whole Eng••ish Nation and world too, will cry out and say, (x) 1.221 the faithfull loyal Chaplains, S••rvants, followers, Friends of the late K. and Pr. though English Nativs, Freemen, ye our felow brethren Members in Christ are more execrable to, more injuriously, unchristianly, uncharitably dealt with by their Fellow English Christians in present power, only for their loyalty and conscien∣tious adhering to their late temporal King and Prince, than the very alien Jews, who both denied, rejected, crucified the Lord Jesus Christ, their own tem••o∣ral Soveraign, who [y] 1.222 was born King of the Iews, and had this very title inscribed on his Crosse; and their & our only spi∣ritual King and Saviour, whose Honour, Power, Kingdom, Gospel, we avowedly profess to ad••ance; & that they en∣joy lesse Christian or civil liberty for themselves, their wives and families necessarie subsistance, (for whom they * 1.223 must provide, unless worse than Infidels) now in their Native country then the Jews, where they must neith••r teach nor preach Christ Jesus to any in publique or pri∣vate, though Gods word and their function, condition, en••oyn, * 1.224 necessitate them to do both, when as these admitted Jews may (and all other kind of Sectaries do) both teach and preach against him too in publick and privat. Which restraints on these English Royalists on the one hand,

and indulged liberty to the alien Jew * 1.225 Antichr••sts on the other, if now put in execution, I humbly ref••rre it to the saddest confiderations and conscientious meditations of all in power to resolve themselves, how scanda••ous and o∣dious it will prove both to God and all good men: how much it will resemble the proceedings, not only of the malicious Jews themselves against the Apostles & Ministers of Christ, recorded, Acts 4.1. to 24. c. 5.24. to 32.1 Thess. 2.14, 15, 16. & of beheaded (z) 1.226 Canterbury, again••t Mr. Workman of Glocester, whom he first prohibited from preaching, then from teaching School and practising Physick, to su••port himself and his family, whereby he was reduced to great extremity; But likewise of that detestable Apostat Emperour (a) 1.227 Julian, who out of his desperate malice to Christ, to undermine and exti••pate Christian Relig••on without shedding the bloud of Christians, first shewed himself a most zealous Christian professor, reducing the O••thodox Bishops, Ministers, christians, whom the persecuting Arian Emperour Constan∣tius had exiled, and restoring them to their confiscated Bi∣shopricks, to ingratiate himself with the people; but not long after turning Apostat, he took away all the priviledges, ho∣nours, revenues of the Clergy, setled on them by Constantine, with the Laws for their establishment, shut up the Churches and Schools of the Christians, prohibiting them to preach or teach in publike or private, or to set their Children to School, un∣less they would renounce their former Religion, and turn Pa∣gans; impoverished, oppressed the Christians with extraordina∣ry doubled Taxes, from which the Pagans were exempted, and cast many of them into prison. But on the contrary at the same time, he shewed extraordinary favour and affection to∣wards the Iews, sent for the chiefest of them to his Court, where he dicoursed with them, writing a special Letter to them, wherein the desired their prayers for him; granted them free exercise of their Jewish ceremonies, and sacrifices long dis∣continu••d, encouraged and assisted them with monies out of his publike Treasury to re-edifie the Temple at Jerusalem, to revive & set up all their Jewish Sacrifices and customes there formerly used, whereupon they began to build it,

till miraculously interrupted therein; and all to vex and un∣dermine the Christians. By which indulged Liberty, the Jews then grew so insolent against the Christians that they greivously persecuted divers of them, destroyed and burne down some of their Churches, and threatned to persecute them worse than the Pagan Romans had done; as the Marginall Historians record more at large. The imitation of whose proceedings now in any degree in these particulars, what harsh cons••ructions and sad events they may pro∣duce, I refer to all wise Christian States-men seriously to ponder, for their own and our Religions honor and Se∣curity.

My 4. argument is this, The Orders for securing the peace of the Nation, which the Declaration relates to; [a] 1.228 contrary to all the Statutes, Acts, Resolutions of our Parlia∣ments and Law-books forecited, upon another occasion) authorize the Major Generals and Commissioners named in them. To banish and send into Foraign parts and Plantations, all persons of the royal party formerly in arms, of no estate, and living loosly, and all persons whatsoever that shall appear by their words or actions to adhere to the party of the late King or his Son, & to be dangerous Enemies to the peace of the Commonwealth; even without and before any Legal in∣dictment, tryal, conviction of any particular crime, for which a Sentence of Banishment is prescribed by our Laws: or any Judgement or Act of Parliament inflicting this heavy Punishment upon them, far worse to many than death it self. Now I shall earnestly intreat in the name and fear of God, all those whom it most concernes, to consider and determine in their own retired thoughts, how unjust, un-righteous, unreasonable, unchristian and more then * 1.229 brutish, it will seem to all Freeborn English men, and conscientious christians, both at home and abroad, and what great scandals it may bring, both upon our Nation, Government, and Religion it self, in this manner, (and on this old account alone) to banish these christian English Freemen out of their Native country, both from their Wives, children,

Kinred, and Gods own publike Ordinances; and at the self-same time to call in foraign Infidel Jews, (greatest E∣nemies to Christ himself and Christians, and in that re∣spect more dangerous to the peace and welfare of the Nation than tho••e thus to be banished) to supply their places, even against an express old Judgement, and Edict of the whole Kingdom in Parliament, for their perpetu∣al exile. What a sad pernicious * 1.230 president it may prove in future ages, (especially to the Authors of it and their posterities by divine retalliation, as the * 1.231 Athenian Ostra∣cisme did to Clisthenes who invented it & was the first ex∣iled by it.) upon e••ery new revolution to banish all Eng∣lish freemen of a contrary, party, and call in Forraign∣ers in their rooms: Whether it will not revive that an∣cient complaint of* 1.232 Petrus Cluntacensis. Lex nam vetusta sed verè diabol••ca ab ipsis Christianis Principibus processit, &c. Manet inultum scelus detestabile in Judaeo, quod ex∣ilio vel horrenda morte suspendit punitur in Christiano. Pin∣guescit inde & deliciis afflu••t Iudaeus, unde laqueo suspend••tur Christianus? And whether upon consideration of this and the precedent reasons deduced from these Declarati∣ons, and all the premises, they ought not peremptorily to conclude against the Jews present and future re-ad∣mission into England?

I shall close up all with an Answer to the two principal Allegations for their reception into our Realm.

1. The main and on••y consciencious Argument for their introduction, is this; That it may be a very proba∣ble hopefull means of the general calling and conversion of the Iewish Nation to the Christ an Faith, which hath been so long prayed for and expected by Christians, and seems now ap∣proaching; which their seclusion from us may much ob∣struct.

Not to enter into any large debate of this conversion of the Iews, wherein learned [b] 1.233 Orthodox Divines and Writers, are much divided. I say, 1. That I could never yet be satisfied, that there shall be such a general call and

conversion of the whole or major part of the Nation of the Jews, as some expect, but only of every smal electremnant of them, The [c] 1.234 forecited Texts, with Is. 30.8, 9, 10, 11. Now go write it before them in a Table, and note it in a book, that it may be for the time to come FOR EVER and EVER, That this is a rebellious people, children that will not hear the Law of the Lord, which say to the Seers see not, and to the Prophets, prophesie not unto us right things, &c. cause the holy one of Israel to depart from before us. Luk. 20.16, 17, 18. Mat. 21.41, 42, 43, 44, 45, John 1.11.12. Rom. 9.27.26.33. c. 11.2, 5, 7, 8. contradicting such a general conversion of them, & that of Rom. 11.26.27, 28. And so all Israel shall be saved: being meant only of the E∣lect, and true Israel of God, both Jews and Gentiles, as many judicious Expositors, and Rom. 2, 26, 27, 28, 29. c. 9.6, 7, 8. c. 11.1. to 8. Gal. 3.7, 9, 14, 16, 22, 28, 29 c 6.16. seem to expound it, not of the whole Jewish Nations calling and salvation at the last. 2ly. It is agreed by most who expect such a general calling and conversion of the Iews [d] 1.235 That it shall not be till the fullnesse of the Gentiles become in, as Rom, 11, 24, 25. resolves, And whe∣ther this fullnesse be yet come in, there being so many Gentile Nations yet [e] 1.236 unconverted, especially in A∣sia, Africa, and America, and those infinitely exceeding the Gentiles yet converted to the Gospel, let those consider who now expect the Iews conversion. 3ly. If this fullnesse of the Gentiles conversion to Christ, must preceed the gene∣ral calling of the Iews, as a necessary preparative and in∣troduction thereunto, then we ought by this allegation in the first place to call the Turks, Tartars, Persians, Chi∣noys, Indians, & all other unconverted Gentile Nations with their Religions into England, & first convert them to the Christian faith, before we bring in the Iews, whose conver∣sion is to succeed theirs, & the Gentiles fullness: And then we shall have Religions enough in England to please all Novellists, and a thousand aliens to each English Native. 4ly, There are farre more expresse, direct promises,

texts, grounds, both in the [e] 1.237 Old and [f] 1.238 New Testament, for the calling, conversion of all Gentiles, and yet unconver∣ted Heathen Nations to the faith of Christ, then of the Iew∣ish Nation: not one Nation of them (for ought we read) being so far rejected, broken off, and given up to an obdura∣tion of heart, and blindness of mind, by Gods judiciall de∣cree, as we read the Jews to be; Isa. 6.9, 10, 11, c. 8 14.15, 16. c. 29.9, 10, 11, 12. Mat. 13.14, 15. Mar. 4.11, 12. Lu▪ 8.10. Iohn 12.37, 38, 39, 40. Act 28.25, 26, 27, 28. Rom. 11.7, 8, 9, 10. Therefore our prayers and endeavours ought first to be for the conversion of all Gentiles yet unconverted to the faith, being more hope∣full, more successfull in all probability, than our prayers, endeavors for the Iews conversion, at least till the Gentiles fullnesse be come in. 5ly, Admit either a general or special calling and conversion of the Iews in the latter end of the world; yet the calling of them in∣to England to cohabit with us in such a manner as they now desire, is no ways necessary for that end. For 1. it is no where declared in Gods word, that they must be called in England, or by English men. 2ly. If they were principal∣ly to be converted by English Divines or Laicks, we may with more ease, lesse danger and prejudice to our Nation and Religion, send English Divines and Laicks into o∣ther forraign parts where they now reside, to instruct, teach, convert them to the faith, than call them into Eng∣land to convert them now, in this giddy, unsetled, apo∣statizing age, wherein they are likelier to gain a thousand English Proselytes to their Judaisme, than we one Jewish convert to Christianity, if introduced with their Syna∣gogues and Jewish ceremonies; perhaps their hopes of such a harvest here, is the principal motive that they are so

pressing to be now admitted again into our English cli∣mate, without delay. 3ly. If we admit them with all their Jewish worship, Synagogues, Ceremonies, as they now propose, it will be rather a means to harden, then convert them; a [g] 1.239 doing of evil that good may come of it: a swallowing down of a certain deadly poyson, in hope to correct it with a subsequent antidote; and to set up a present [h] 1.240 Synagogue of Satan, upon hopes hereafter to convert it into a Church of Christ. 4ly. God can con∣vert them in any other Countries, as well as in England, and by any other Christian Nations, as well as English, as he hath done[i] 1.241som few of them in al ages as Hieron: a fide, and Petrus Alphonsus, Lyra, Tremel. three eminent Divines and Writers, amongst others: And there being as lear∣ned able Protestant Divines in Holland, Germany, France, Denmarke, as any in England, if they cannot convert them, what hopes have we to do it? 5ly. Conversion of their hearts to the truth of the Gospel, and saving Grace, is [k] 1.242 only the work of God, not men, who can work it when, where, and by whom he pleaseth, and is not tied either to place or persons, much lesse to our English climate to ef∣fect it. And, it is Gods and Christs usual prescribed way of converting Nations, People, to send Apostles, Ministers to preach the Gospel to, and convert them, in the Countries, places where they dwell; not to call them into another For∣raign Land where the Gospel first shined, or where it is en∣tertained: as he sent his Apostles from Jerusalem into all the world, to convert the Gentiles, not called them all to Jeru∣salem or Palestine, to be there instructed and converted, Mat. 9.38. c. 10.5.6. c. 28.19, 20. Mar. 16.15. Isay 2, 3, 4. Acts 9.15. c. 10.20. c. 22.12. Ephes. 3.8. 2 Tim. 4.17.3. Iohn 7. Why then we should take this new-found contrary way, of calling the Iews in to us to convert them, and not rather send out Ministers to them, I cannot dis∣cern; The rather, because the * 1.243 Council of Basil, An. 143 1. Sessio 19. prescribes this course both for the converting of the unbelieving Jews and Gentiles to the Orthodox Faith;

That all Diocesans should yearly, at appointed times, provide certain men well learned in holy Scriptures, and in the Tongues, to preach and explain the truth of the Catholick Faith, IN SVCH PLACES WHERE THE IEWES AND OTHER INFIDELS DID DWELL, in such sort, that they acknowledging their error, might forsake the same. To which preaching they should compell all of both Sexes that were at years of discretion to resort, by interdi∣cting them commerce with Christians, and other fitting pe∣nalties. Provided, the Diocesans and Preachers should behave themselves towards them mercifully, and with all charity, whereby they might win them to Christ, not only by declaring of the truth, but also by other Offices of humanity. 6. If the observation of learned[m] 1.244 Paraeus be true, that the over flowing of all sorts of wickednesses, crimes, murders, wars, oppressions, rapines, injustice, tyranny, cruelty, extor∣tions, usuries, the infinite multiplicity, contrariety of Sects, Schisms, Religions, and unchristian, heathenish, atheisticall practises of one Christian towards another, be principal ob∣stacles to hinder the Jews conversion, especially amongst Protestants (as these, with idolatrous worship of Images, Saints, and the Hestia amongst Papists) than the calling of them now into England, where * 1.245 all these abound more than ever heretofore, and more than in other Nations, will be a means more to harden them, and hinder their conversion, then any furtherance thereunto: the rather, because the desperate Apostacy, and atheistical actions of sundry late eminent Professors, have caused many English Christians to turn Antiscripturists, Seekers, Atheists, and like the Iews, to repute Christ and Christianity meer Fables. 7ly. Most of the Iews, who since their dispersion have been baptized, and turned Christians in any age or place, have done it either out of fear, to save their lives, or estates, when endangered by po••ular tumults, or judgments of death denounced against them for their Crimes; or for fear of banishment, or by coercion of penal Laws, not cordially and sincerely, they still playing the Jews in pri∣vate

upon every occasion, and renouncing their baptism and christianity at last, either before or at their deaths, as our own [n] 1.246 forecited Historians; Synodus Nicaena 2 Can 8. Su∣rius concil. Tom, 3. p. 193. the 4th Council of Toledo, cap. 58, 59, 62.63. Iustiniani Codicis l. 1. Tit. 10. de Ap••states I••o••, Gregorius Teronersis, lib. 6. Bibl. Patrum. ••••m. 6. pars 2. p. 467. Leges Wisigethorum, lib. 12. Tit. 23 Vin∣cersius Beluacensis Spec. Hist. l. 29. c. 25. Roderi••us Tel••∣tanus, de rebus Hisp. l. 2. c. 17. Avertin••s, Annal. Boio∣rum l. 5. p. 468: Abbas Uspergensis Chron. p. 227.228. and[o] 1.247other authors attest. Of which we have this late me∣morable History recorded by Munster in his Cosmogra∣phy, l. 2. c. 19. f. 72, 73. There being no lesse than one h••n∣dred twenty four thousand Jews banished out of Spain, Anno 1492. leaving all their gold, jewels, houses behind them, and paying two duckets a poll to the King for their transportation into Portugal; some of them there seemingly turned Christi∣ans, and were baptized, but yet secretly practised their Judaical rites, being Christians only in shew, but not in heart, observing the Passeover, and eating flesh with the Iewes: Upon the discovery hereof, there arose a great tu∣mult of the people against them in Lisbon, the people com∣plaining thereof to the King, Anno 1506. Whereupon the King commanded 16 of them to be imprisoned, and at last dismissed them without other punishment. Upon this the Citizens conspiring again•••• the King and Governour, raised a comm••tion against these Iews and false Christians, slaying all those false converted new Iews they could find through∣out the City, to the number of six hundred, whom they like∣wise burnt; which example spreading into the Country, there were slain in the City and Country of these false Iewish, converts, to the number of 1630: which the King hearing of, being then absent, he was so incersed against the Iews, that he imprisoned very many of them, whereof some were burned, others beheaded, others hanged on Gibbets, and all the rest spoiled of their goods, then expelled and banished the Kingdom, A sad judgement on them for their Hypo∣critical

conversion; and such converts mostly we are like to find them, and none other. Whereupon the 2 Coun∣cil of Nice, Canon. 3. decreed, That no Iews should be admitted suddenly into the Christian Church, nor bapti∣zed, unlesse they publikely certified, that they were con∣verted, out of a pure sincere faith, with all their heart, and utterly renounced their judaical rites. And the Council of ••gatha Can. 34. decreed, That the Iews who desired to turn Christians should remain for 8 moneths space amongst the Catechimeni, for trial of the sincerity of their con∣version before they were baptized, upon this ground, be∣cause they frequently returned to their infidelity & vomit again Judaei qui eorum perfidia FREQUENTER ad vo∣mitum reddit. Which Alexander Alensis summa Theo∣log. pars 2. qu. 161. approves. 7ly. If any private Iews out of meer conscience or sincere desires of being conver∣ted to the Christian faith, shall upon that account alone desire admission into England, to be instructed by our English Divines, I suppose no English Christians will oppose, but further their desires herein, and contribute both their prayers and best endeavors for their conversi∣on, and if ther be cause, admit them also into our Churches Communion upon real testimonies of the truth of con∣version in, and work of grace upon them; which is as much as they can desire at our hands; But to admit whole multitudes and Colonies of infidel Iews at once in∣to our Nation, who neither desire nor pretend conver∣sion to Christianity, (but the quite contrary) toge∣ther with the free use of their Iewish Synagogues, Rites, Ceremonies, (which they strongly insist upon) to esta∣blish their Judaism, make way for their long expected Messia his comming, increase their wealth and traffique, and enable them to recover their ancient Country and Kingdome again, the only things they now aim at as Menasseh Ben Israels printed addresses proclaims to all the World, is such an Impious, Unchristian, Antichri∣stia•• dangerous president (glossed over only with a

possibility of their future conversion) as no sincere Eng∣lish Christians can approve of, nor the Iews themselves desire: For as the Iews by [p] 1.248 Gods own Laws, and their own Iewish Rabbies precepts, neither might, nor yet would permit any Heathen Gentiles heretofore to dwell among them, nor to set up any Altars, Images, Idols, Groves, or exercise any Idolatrous worship amongst them, or to blaspheme, reproach their God or Religion, under pain of death, if they transgressed therein; There being the self same Law of God in these things both to Gentiles, & Iews: And like as they afterwards would not permit the Apostles and Christians in Ierusalem, or any other Cities, for to preach the Gospel, and exercise the Christian Religion freely, but raised up present tumults against and persecuted and cast them out thence, as 1 Thes. 2.14, 15, 17. the whole History of the Acts, and premises abundantly testifie: So by the very self same justice and equity, they can neither now demand nor expect that we, or any Christian Realm or State should tollerate or connive at, much lesse openly countenance and protect them in the publick or private exercise of their Iudaisme, or Iewish Rites, and Blaspemies against our crucified Saviour, and his Gospel: All then that English Christians can do for them, is to (q) 1.249 desire, and pray for the conversion of all Gods elect amongst them in his due time, by such means as he shall think meetest, and to instruct them in the faith, by learned Ministers sent to them, if they desire it; but not to admit them (and perchance many disguised Iesuits, Papists and Friars with them) promiscuously into our Na∣tion; to undermine our Church and Religion, and undo many thousand Souls, it being our duty, * 1.250 as to give no just offence to the Iew, so neither to the Gentiles, nor to the Church of God, whom their admission amongst us, especially upon Manasseth Ben-Israels motives and ad∣dresses, (tending nothing at all to Piety or their conver∣version,) but worldly gains and obstinate perseverance in their Jewish Antichristian Rites and Superstitions will

most justly offend. Lastly those Popes & Popish Princes, who have hertofore admitted any Iews to cohabit amongst them have done it under these several cautions and limitations prescribed to them by their * 1.251 Laws, Councils, Canons, De∣crees, Divines and Canonists. 1. That they should build no new Synagogues, nor repair any old o••es qu••te demolished. 2. Th••t where there were old Synagogues formerly used by them standing; they should only repair, but not enlarge or build them higher than before, nor extraordinarily adorn them. 3. That they should not stir out of their doors on good Friday, nor open their doors, windows, shops, or do any servile work on the Lords days or other solemn Christian Festivals. 4. That they shall utter no blasphemous words, speeches against God, Christ, Christians, or Christian Religion, nor mani∣fest their open contempt of them by gestures or actions, un∣der pain of pecuniary, corporal, and capital punishments, ac∣cording to the quality of the offence. Yea King Eringius Leges Wisigothorum, l. 2. Tit. 3. c. 3.4.7. and 12. Coun∣cil of Toledo c. 9. prohibited the Jews the use of circumci∣sion, the observation of their Jewish Passeovers, Sabbaths, differences of meats, and other Jewish Rites under pain of whipping, confiscation of goods, losse of Noses, Geni∣tals, Banishment, 5. That they shall be admitted to no degress of learning, honour, dignity, office or preferment whatsoever in state or Church, because it is most absurd and unjust, that any blasphemer of Christ, should exercise any power or authority over Christians in a∣ny Christian State. 6. That * they should neither eat nor drink, nor have any dayly familiarity or communion with Christians, nor entertain any Christian man or woman in or out of their houses, either as a Servant, or Nurse to their Children, or otherwise, nor yet administer physick to any

Christian in his sicknesse, lest any simple Christians should be seduced by them to Judaisme by these means. 7. That all Iews both males and females should always wear a speci∣cial* 1.252 badge or sign in all places upon their outward Garments or heads, whereby they might be distinguished from C••ri∣stians, and known by all men to be Iews, to avoid commix∣tion and communion between them and Christians which o∣therwise would happen. 8. That they should be disabled to bear witnesse, or give in any legal testimony against Chri∣stians, or to purchase any advowson or Ecclesiastical prefer∣ment, or to bequeath any legacy to the Nation or Corporation of the Iews, or to exercise usury amongst them. 9. That they should be subject both to the Ecclesiastical & Temporal Courts and Iudges for all offences properly punishable by them which they should commit. 10. That they should pay all predial and personal Tithes to the Christian Ministers where they lived. 11. That though they should not be com∣pelled to be baptized or turn Christians against their will, yet they should at certain times * 1.253 be all constrained to come to the Sermons of such Christian Priests and Ministers as were appointed to instruct them in the Christian faith, and to preach unto them to convert them. 12. That their Ser∣vants and Children being Iews; when once baptized and turned Christians, should no more cohabit with, nor be under their power. 13. That upon their conversion to Christiani∣ty, all their goods and mony gotten by usury and cheating should be distributed to pious uses, and the rest only retai∣ned for their proper use and livelyhood. 14 That if any of them after their baptisme apostatized and turned Iewes a∣gain, or fell into Heresie, they should be proceeded against and burned, executed as Apostates, and Hereticks. 15. That no Christians should communicate with them in any kind, except in buying and selling, nor cohabit with, serve them as a Nurse or Servant, under pain of excommunication, Yet notwithstanding all these restrictions and cautions, we read of few Iews really converted by them, and that the Iews have (r) 1.254 perverted and seduced sundry Christians to

Iudaisme, and made them professed Iews; perswaded other Christians to observe Mosaical ceremonies, besides Baptism, whereby they made a confused Chaos of Religion; yea they corrupted Michael Balbus the Emperor so far, that he com∣manded Christians to fast on their Sabbath, and made him as it were a sink of Sects, as Zonaras and others record; And Frederic. & Isabella banished them out of Spain up∣on this ground, that they induced many of the Nobles in Andaluzia to become Jews, as Manasseh Ben-Israel him∣self acknowledged, p. 15.25. Yea, Sedechias the Iewish Physician (s) 1.255 poysoned the Emperor Charles the Bald his body, as well as others in that age and after poysoned o∣ther Christians souls. What mischiefs then they may doe to mens bodies in England, by poysoning of them, (as they did the(t) 1.256 English Barons heretofore, and Dr. Lopez a Iew, bribed by the Spaniard would have poysoned * 1.257 Queen Eli∣zabeth of late whom he professed, he loved as well as he did Iesus Christ himself) and what desperate venom they may infuse into their souls by their Iewish Doctrines, Sy∣nagogues, and Antichristian Ceremonies, if admitted with∣out, such or upon these restrictions, or any other, let all pru∣dent Christians resolve: Since(u) 1.258 Pope Innocent the 3. him∣self, and (x) 1.259 Cardinal Hostiensis, with other Popish Ca∣nonists, who have tolerated them, give us this account of their requital for it, in positive terms. Iudaei ingrati, pro gratia reddunt contumeliam, pro familiaritate contemp∣tum, impendentes nobis illam retributionem, quam juxta vulgare proverbium, MVS IN PERA, SERPENS IN GREMIO, IGNIS IN SINV, suis consueverunt Hospiti∣bus exhihere, Nam sunt quidam (quod nefandum est dice∣re) Nutrices Christianas habentes, non permittunt lactare filios cum corpus Christi sumpserunt, nisi prius per triduum lac effuderint in latrinam, (quasi intelligunt, quod corpus Christi incorporetur, & ad secessum descendat.) & alia in∣audita committunt, & detest••bilia, quae a fidelibus sunt minime toleranda, ne si haec n••gligunt quae inducunt confusi∣onem fidei INDIGNATIONEM DIVINAM INCVR∣RANT.

As therefore (y) 1.260 Oldradus de Ponte; Ab∣bbot Panormitan, (z) 1.261 Antonius Corsetus, and other Po∣pish Canonists conclude positively. That Christians and Christian Kings may lawfully expel and banish all Iews and Infidels out of their Realms, though peaceable, for their In∣fidelity, and other just causes: So may all English Prote∣stants likewise upon the premised reasons conclude: we may as justly, as lawfully now keep them from re-entring into England, notwithstanding the pretence of their conversion to the Faith, which I hope I have satisfactorily answered.

The 2.* 1.262 Allegation for bringing in the Iews is meerly politick, That it will bring in much present and future gain and mony to the State, and advance trading. This is the Argument Menassah Ben-Israel most insists on, p. 1. to 11.3. How profitable the Iews are, adding, That pro∣fit is a most powerfull motive, and which all the world pre∣fers before all other things. And therefore (writes he) we shall handle that point first. Though he handles it so, that every eye may see he aims more at his own Nations profit, benefit, advance, than ours.

I answer,* 1.263 1. That if this argument overpoysed not the scales, that of conscience, (the hopes of their conversion) would be lighter than the dust of the ballance and sticke with no man, their mony being the only engin, which hath opened the gate and passage for them into any Chri∣stian Kingdoms at first, and made new entrance for them when they have been expelled, as (a) 1.264 Concilium Toleta∣num, 4. c. 57. and others inform us. This opened their first passage into (b) 1.265 England, (c) 1.266 Spain, Portugal: and Philip Augustus who banished them out of France, An. 1182. Postea verò quum propter bella inopia laboraret pe∣cuniae, accepta grandi à Iudaeis pecunia redditum eis con∣cessit & domicilium Parisiis, as (d) 1.267 Munster and others inform us. And this kept them so long in England here∣tofore, till their very banishment; A sign we love their money better than their souls or our own. 2ly, This ar∣gument,

for their readmission, is but wordly, carnal, sen∣sual: the very same with that of Hamer to the Sheche∣mites, when he would perswade them to be circumcised, and turn Iews, Gen. 23.25. shall not their cattle and their substance, and every beast of theirs be ours? only let us con∣sent unto them, and they will dwell with us. An argu∣ment only fit for such whom the Apostle characterizeth, Phil. 3.18, 19. For many walk of whom I have told you often, and now tell you weeping, that they are the enemies of the Crosse of Christ, whose end is destruction, whose God is their belly, and whose glory is in their shame, who mind earthly things; Or for such Princes or Governours as God of old complained thus of (e) 1.268 Her Princes in the midst thereof are like Wolves ravening the prey, and to shed blood, and TO DESTROY SOULS TO GET DIS∣HONEST GAIN. It proceeds from such (f) 1.269 whose eyes and hearts are not but for their Covetousnes (g) 1.270 who all seek their own, not the things that are Iesus Christs. And if the root of it be covetousnesse (h) 1.271 which is Idola∣try, which Christ commands all (i) 1.272 to take heed and be∣ware of, and (k) 1.273 is not so much as to be named (much lesse practised) amongst Christians, whose (l) 1.274 con∣versation ought to be without covetousnesse, and they to rest contented with those things they have; Because (m) 1.275 They that will be rich fall into temptations, and a snare, and into many foolish and noysom lusts which drown men in perdition and destruction; For the Love of mony is the root of all evill, which whiles some coveted after, they have been sedu••ed (or erred) from the faith, (as thousands of late years have been) and pierced them∣selvs through with many sorrows, Therfore 'tis not so much as once to be named or insisted on amongst us, unlesse we will renounce our Christianity, make great gain our only godlinesse, instead of making (n) 1.276 Godlinesse with contentment our great gain;(o) 1.277 betray and sell our Sa∣viour Christ again to the Iews, like Iudas, for thirty peeces of silver, without repenting and making restitution of it to

the Iews, as he did; and most blasphemously transferre our very Saviours most blessed Deity, and stamp his most sweet and highest Title (p) 1.278 GOD WITH US, upon a contemptible piece of white and yellow shining clay, as some have lately done on all our New State coyn (as if it were the only God with them and us) how christian-like, let themselves determine. 3ly. God himself who saith (q) 1.279 Behold I have smitten mine hand at thy dishonest gain, which thou hast greedily gained of thy neighbour by oppressi∣on, & other unlawfull means; will certainly smite his hand at this gain by the Iews re-admission. And therefore let us give that resolute answer to the Iewish Agents, if they proffer to purchase an indenization amongst us by their gold, as (r) 1.280 St. Peter once did to Simon Magus in ano∣ther case: Thy money perish with thee; Thou hast neither part nor lot in this businesse, for thy heart is not upright with God. 4ly. None ever gain'd by the Iews introduction or con∣tinuance in any Christian State, but the King and some of his bribed Officers, and that by oppressing, squeezing, fleecing, taxing: excoriating, eviscerating, crucifying, pil∣laging, plundering the poor Iews in such an unchristian, inhuman, illegal, unrighteous manner, against (s) 1.281 the express commands of God, as made both Christians and Christianity most detestable to them, brought a se∣cret curse of God upon all those unrighteous gaines as also upon their very persons and Government, (wit∣nesse (t) 1.282 King Iohn, and Henry the 3d.) and encouraged them to oppresse, fleece and pillage their Native Subjects, by illegal Taxes and Projects, and to use them rather like Iews than Christians, enforcing them thereby to take up arms against them for their Laws, Liberties and Properties just defence, as those Kings reigns, and others sufficiently evidence. 5ly, The introduction of the Iews into Eng∣land and other Nations, never advanced the publike wealth of the Natives and Republike,* 1.283 but much impaired it by their Vsuries and Deceits, clipping and falsifying monies, ingrossing all sorts of commodities into their

hands, usurping the Natives trades, and becomming such intolerrable grievances to them, that they were never qui∣et till they were banished, as their greatest Annoyance, and purchased their Exiles even with publick Subsidies granted to their Kings to be quit of them; as the * 1.284 premises abundantly evidence. 6ly. The Trade of this Nation flourished more after their banishment hence, then ever it did before; and their introduction now, will but sup∣plant, undoe our English Merchants and other Natives, to enrich them, and some few other Grandees, who shall share with them in their spoils and unrighteous gains: as they utterly supplanted, impoverished, ruined the City of Norlingen in Germany where they intruded themselves in great numbers by the Emperours priviledges; whereupon the Citizens Anno Dom. 1290. being redu∣ced to extreem poverty by them, rose up in arms and slew a geeat number of them, without destinction of age or sex; for with the Citizens were put to so great fines by the Emperour Rodolfus and so oppressed by the Nobility and others obliged to the Jews by morgages and moneys lent them, though the Jews instigation, that the natives were in∣forced to leave both their Studies, Trades, aend the City it self, reduced thereby to extreem penury for above 59 years space; as * 1.285 Sebastian Mu••ster. at large records. W^ch together with the premises, sufficiently disproves * 1.286 Meuasseth Ben Israels Suggestion of the profit the Natives of England may receive by their readmission. 7ly, The taking off all long continued, uncessant, new, illegal Taxes, Excises, Imposts * 1.287 imposed without common con∣sent in Parliament on the Nation, ingrossing, antici∣pating most of the current Monies of the Land, which are the nerves and wheels of Trade, eating up all the Mer∣chants, Peoples gains and labors, and overclogging all or most Commodities imported or exported. The dis∣banding of all unnecessary mercenary Forces and Gar∣ri••ons, who have devoured most of the publike and pri∣vate wealth of our three Kingdoms, and extraordina∣rily

impoverished them, only to enrich and advance them∣selves; and setting up the old unmercinary Trained Bands and Legal Militia of the Realm in their steads: The en∣couraging of Merchants to bring in gold and silver Bulli∣on, to set the Mint on work, which hath lain for the most part idle near 15 years: the suppressing of the superflu∣ous making, wearing, use of gold and silver lace, wyre, gilding, which consume many thousand pounds of current coyne every year: The inhibiting of the excessive use of that late intoxicating smoke of Tobacco, causing such a pro∣digal expence of money, time, and hindring more necessa∣ry, usefull, staple merchandizes and plantations. The re∣gulating of the gross abuses of Letters of Mart, now little better than commissioned open pyracies, occasioning the ru∣ine of Trade and Merchandize by way of Reprisal: The ordering according to Law, Iustice, Conscience, that all prizes taken from any foraign Enemy, or other who pil∣lage or damage the English, by the States Ships, and men of War, set out by the Merchants Customs, Tonnage, Poundage, Imposts, and therewith maintained for their defence, (u) 1.288 shall be equally distributed to our Eng∣lish Merchants that are damnified, or undone by them, towards the reparation of their losses, who maintain them, to enable and encourage them in their trading (espe∣cially when much impoverished or undone by their losses) and not at all converted or rather perverted to the use of that some stile, the Admiralty & State, or Mariners who take them; (at whose cost they are not maintained:) The bind∣ing of all Captains of all States men of war,* 1.289to make good all the English Merchants, and their Allies losses, susteined by their default or negligence: The * 1.290 resuming of all the late alienated ancient Lands, rents, revenues of the Crown, got into private hands, which ought to defray the constant expence of the Government, now extorted for the most part by arbitrary new devices, out of the exhausted peo∣ples purses, The speedy preventing of the late unparal∣leld wasts in all places of English Timber, fit for shipping,

of which there is like to be such scarcity ere long, as will both destroy our Navy, shipping Trade. All these and every of them will far more advance the Trade and Traffique of the Nation, and the publike wealth, and give all the people far better content and satisfaction ten thou∣sand fold, then this New distastefull pernicious project of bringing in the Iews: against which I shall only dis∣charge this ancient(x) 1.291Canon of the 4th Council of Toledo in Spain, under their most religious King Sysenandus in the year of our Lord 681. which thus batters all ecclesi∣astical and temporal promoters of this allegation for fil∣thy Lucres sake, with this direfull thunderbolt; recited and confirmed in consil. Meldenses c. 58. Surius Tom. 3. p. 465. So great is certain mens lucre of money, that some coveting after it, according to the Apostles saying, have erred from the faith. For many hitherto of the Priests & Laity re∣ceiving gifts from the Iews, foster their perfidiousnesse (or in∣fidelity) by their patronage; who not undeservedly are known to be of the body of Antichrist, because they act against Christ: Therefore whatsoever Bishop or Clergy man, or secu∣lar person shall from henceforth give his suffrage to them a∣gainst the Christian faith. Either For reward or favour,, being (as prophane & sacrilegious) really made accursed let him be reputed, excommunicated from the Catholick Church and Kingdom of God; because he is worthy to be separated from the Body of Christ, who is made a Patron or Protector to the enemies of Christ.

I shall close up all with the memorable apposite Hi∣story and words, of that famous ancient Bishop of Millain St. Ambrose (y) 1.292 The Eastern Christians, out of Christian zeal, burnt down a Synagogue of the Iews in the Castle of Callin••co, by their Bishops instigation and command, for which the Emperour Theodosius being much incensed against them by the Jews and their Instruments, commanded his Lieutenant of the East to punish the people, and the Bi∣shop to re-edify the Synagogue for the Iews at his own costs: Of which St. Ambrose being informed; and unable

to go to the Emperour, writ an Epistle to him, wherein he most boldly pleads the cause both of the Bishop and people, proving by evident arguments; The burning of this Syna∣gogue of impiety to be just, and that the Emperour should sin both against his own and his Kingdoms safety if he should do any thing severely against the Bishop or people for it; Adding, that he himself was prepared ra∣ther to suffer death in this cause, than that he should by his dissimulation make the Emperour a Prevaricator, who had commanded such an unjust thing against the Church. After which the Emperour coming to Millain, & St. Amb. hearing that the Iews had built a Synagogue in the Market at Constantinople: he publikely preached against it, & ju∣stified the peoples burning of the other Synagogue in his Ser∣mon before the Emperor and people: wherein amongst o∣ther passages, he used this Speech to the Emperor himself in the person of Christ. O Theodosius! I have made thee of an obscure private person, an Emperor, committing my flock unto thee: I have adorned thy formerly squalid head with a Crown: I have delivered the forces of thine Enemie unto thee, I have reduced thine Enemy under thy power, I have made thee triumph without labour; and dost thou make mine Enemies to triumph over me? and offer contumely unto me, by preferring those whom I have rejected, before those by whom I am worshipped? by offering violence unto them, and suffering a Syna∣gogue to be built in the midst of that City, wherein I am worshipped, and my Crosse adored, by those who have been my Murderers? When St. Ambrose came forth of the Pulpit, the Emperor saying to him: O Bishop, you have this day preached against us. He thereunto replyed; He had not spoken against him, but for him. To which the Emperor subjoyning, O Bishop, will you have the people in a well governed Commonwealth, to have license rash∣ly and impudently to do what they please? St. Ambrose thereto rejoyned: Neither is this verily to be granted, That the Iews should have Synagogues in the midst of

a Christian City, and offend the ears of the Godly with blasphemous Prayers: Nor oughtest thou to Decrée this, most holy Emperor; Whereupon the Emperor being quite silenced and convinced of his error, forthwith gave his faith and promise to St. Ambrose, to reverse his former decree for re-building the Iews Synagogue, before he went to the Altar to receive the Sacrament at his hands. I wish this my Demurrer m••y produce the like effects, & prove a perpetual barre to the present and future read mission of them and their Synogogues into England.

Gal. 5.2, 3, 4. Behold I Paul say unto you, that if* 1.293 ye be circumcised, Christ shall profit you nothing; For I testifie again to every man that is circumcised, that he is a debtor to do the whole Law: Christ is become of no effect unto you; whosoever of you are justified by the Law, ye are fallen from Grace.

1 Joh 4.3. Every Spirit that * 1.294 confesseth not that Ie∣sus Christ is come in the flesh, is not of God, and THIS IS THE SPIRIT OF ANTICHRIST, wherof ye have heard that it should come, and even now already is in the world.

Alexandri ab Alexandro Iuris periti Neapolitani, Genia∣lium dierum lib. VI. cap. VII. Querebat aliquando ex∣me, dum Comae agerem, Raphael Volaterranus, vlr insignis doctrinae & virtutis, cui ad mores emend atissimos gravitas libero homine digna, non modicam accessionem faciebat, quid causae foret, quod cum causarum patrociniis & foro usque a pueritia essem addictus, illis posthabitis, & quasi forensibu negotiis praetermissiis, in his studiis mi∣tioribus ita me oblectatem, ut causarum patrociniis bellum indixisse viderer? cui hoc causae referebam, quod leges, quae ad communem utilitatem editae, studio & labore maximo quaesitae & meditatae nobis forent, neque ab his qui jura darent, coli, neque perinde ut oporteret, praecipi viderem, doleremque juri dicundo illos plerunque peaesidere, qui eas vel turpiter ignorarent, vel per gratiam & sordes fa∣cilè corrumpi sinerent: & quibus servandarum legum

praecipua imminet cura, hi maximè legum scita contem∣nerent: quibus rebus effici, ut tot scita & decreta veterum monumentis nobis tradita, maximisque ingeniis elaborata, & tam pensiculatè expensa, unus homunculus nequissimus audacissimusque, ignarus legum, judiciorum & fori, qui magistratui prae esset, non salubri temperamento, nec dis∣ceptatione ac judicio, sed ausu temerario, & omni jure neglecto, ad suam libidinem per scelus & nequitiam ever∣teret. Horum non minima exempla dicebam fore ea, quae dudum experti vidimus. Nuper cùm Romae custodias cognoscerem, operae precium fuit videre, quae rerum mi∣racula monstris & portentis similia, ac dictu fastidienda, quaeve turpitudines ad aliquorum libidinem admitte∣rentur contra jus fasque: siquidem sacerdotem quempiam in his nacti sumus, gravem & sanctum virum, vita & mori∣bus ornatissimū, hominem profectò honestae & magnae lau∣dis, diu tenebris & carcere maceratum, indignissi∣mam fortunam subire coactum, pro eo quòd pecuniam sibi traditam ab eo qui illam furto subtraxerat, ut vero do∣mino restitueretur, illius jussu mandatoque restituerat sup∣presso autore, ipsum{que} quaestionibus subdi vidimus & tor∣mentis vexari, ut illum qui conscientia culpae, & spe veniae adductus, abstulisse confessus fuerat, palàmfaceret delin∣quentisque delicta, quae ille poenitens culpae dixerat, enun∣ciaret: quo discrimine adactus pauper senior, confitentis peccatum & delinquentem enunciare coactus fuit: quod quidem Scripto jure vetitum, sanctionibusque & decretis interdictum esse constat. Rursus alium immani scelere coo∣pertum hominem impurissimum turpissimumque, qui maximorum criminum reus testibus, tabulis, testimoniis, & certissimis documentis convictus fuerat, quae nec ipse glo∣riabundus diffitebatur, qui{que} legum, judiciorumque poenis saeviss••me coercendus erat, ab eisdem ergastulis, sola prae∣sidentis temeritate, nullo negotio dimitti & liberari, alias∣que audacias & turpitudines, ne dicam scelera indigna au∣diru profatuque, quae vix credenti non modò enunciata, sed visa & comperta fuere. Iason Matassalanus & Ludo∣vicus

Matha, quum sacerdotalibus quibus fungebantur muneribus cedere nollent, quaesitis occasionibus ad inimi∣corum libidinem, tetro carcere usque eò tenti fuere, do∣nec illorum arbitrio singulis ornamentis, fama, & fortu∣nis omnibus exturbati, quoad illis liberet, excruciati sunt, non verò judicio, sed praesidentis sola temeritate & libi∣dine: ne prosequar viros vitae inculpassimae, summa inte∣gritate & fide, falsis criminibus circunuentos ab impoten∣tibus inimicis, miseros & laborentes, in quos graviter cru∣deliterque consultum vidimus, vel ut afflictas fortunas invaderent, ipsosque de possessione & antiquissimis sedi∣bus deturbarent, vel ut invidorum libidini obtempera∣rent: aliaque in miseros edita exempla, nulla pietate in supplices & calamitosos, eosque innoxios turpibus judiciis conflictari, & usque premi ab his, qui gratiâ & opibus plus possunt, pollentque, alios vero autores manifesti facinoris, ne appellari quidem. Quae cum viderem, patronisque contra vim potentiorum aut gratiam nihil praesidii esse, ni∣hil opus frustra nos in legum controversiis, & ediscendis tot casuum var••etatibus ••am pensiculatè editis, tantum la∣boris & vigiliarum suscipere, tantoque nos studio fatigari dicebam, quum ad ignavissimi impurissimique cujus{que} temeritatem, qui jure dicundo praesideret, quem leges vi∣rum bonum esse volunt, non aequo jure, sed ad gratiam & libidinem judicia ferri, decretaque legum tanto consi∣lio edita convelli & labefactari viderem.

FINIS.

Notes

• (a) 1.1

  Deut. 7.6. c. 14. &c. 26.19.
• (b) 1.2

  Acts 2.22. 1 Thess. 2.15, 16.
• (c) 1.3

  Mat. 27.25.
• (d) 1.4

  1 Thess. 2.15, 16.
• (e) 1.5

  Rog. Hove. Annal. pars posterior p. 604 Spelmanni Concil. p. 623. Lambard. Ar∣chaion.
• (f) 1.6

  De Gestic Regum, l. 4. p. 123.
• (g) 1.7

  Chronica pars 2. Tit. 16. c. 5. f. 167.
• (h) 1.8

  Centur. xi. ••. 14. col. 667.
• * 1.9

  See Eadmeri Hist. Novorum l. 2. p. 46, 47. Where this Hi∣story is first re∣corded upon the reports of thers and Sir Richard Baker his Chronicle p. 51.
• * 1.10

  Chronicon Jo∣hannis Brom∣ton. Col. 1048. Hygden in his Polychronicon; Antoninus: Centuriae Mag∣deburgenses: Centuriae 12. c. 14. Mr. John Fox in his Acts and Monu∣ments, 1640. Vol. 1. p. 302. Richard Graf∣ton in his Chro∣nicle, p. 46. Raphael Holin∣shed in his Chronicle, Vol. 3. p. 56. Stowes Survey of London, p. 288.
• † 1.11

  Henry de Knyghton de Event. Angl. l. 2. col. 2394. Polychronicon: Fox Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 302. Grafton in his Chronicle, p. 46.
• (i) 1.12

  Gervasius Dorobern. Chro. col. 1403.
• (k) 1.13

  Chronicon Johann. Brom∣ton, col. 1129. Polydor Virgil, l. 13. Holin∣sheds Chronicle Vol. 3. p. 101. Graftons Chro. p. 79. Cent. Magdeburg. 12 c. 15. col. 1759. John Stow his Survey of Lon∣don, p. 318. Sir Richard Bakers Chroni∣cle, p. 81.
• (l) 1.14

  Guliel. Nu∣brigens. Hist. l. 4. c. 1.7, 8. &c. Matthew west. Mat. Paris, Rog. Hoveden, Hygden, Fabian, Holinshed, Grafton, Stow, Speed, Fox, Daniel, in the life of Rich. 1. Chronicon Johannis Bromton, col. 1152.1160.1171. Radulphus de Diceto Ymagines historiarum, col. 647.651. Henricus de Knyghton, de Eventibus Angliae, l. 2. c. 13. col. 2401. John Stow his Survey of London, p. 288. Sir Richard Bakers Chronicle, p. 89, 94, 95. Cent. Magd. 12. c. 14.
• * 1.15

  Roger de Hoveden, pars post••••ior. p. 657.
• * 1.16

  Nota.
• * 1.17

  Rog. de Hove∣den Annal. pars posterior, p. 743 744.
• (m) 1.18

  Annalium pars posterior, p. 745. Chron. Johan. Brom∣ton, col. 1258. Holinshed, Vol. 3. p. 155.
• * 1.19

  ••ooks 2 In∣stit. p. 507, 508.
• [n] 1.20

  Mat. West. An. 1210. Mat. Paris, Hist. Angliae. Londini 1640. p. 229. Holin∣shed Vol. 3. p. 174. John Stow, p. 1.68. & his Survey of London, p. 288. Daniel p. 115. Polyd. Virgil Hist. Angl. l. 15. Cent. Magd. 13. c. 15.
• † 1.21

  John Stowes Chron. p. 172. Survey of Lon∣don. p. 288.
• [o] 1.22

  Mat. Paris Hist. Ang. p. 314.315. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 151. Bracton, l. 3. c. 9.
• * 1.23

  John Stow his Survey of Lon∣don p. 288.289.
• [p] 1.24

  Mat. Paris hist. Ang. p. 365. Mat. West. p. 128. Holinshed. p. 22••.
• [q] 1.25

  Jo. Stows Chronicle. p. 121.
• [r] 1.26

  Mat. Paris Hist. Angl. p. 393. Stow. p. 183. Speed. p. 516.

  See John Stow his Survey of Lon∣don, p. 289.455.
• * 1.27

  Iohn Stowes Survey of Lon∣don. 1633. p. 435.
• [s] 1.28

  Mat. Paris, Hist. Angl. 409. Mat. Westm. p. 136. Holinshed, Vol. 3. p. 2.19. Stow p. 183. Fox Acts & Mon. Vol. 1. p. 423. Speed p. 521. Polychronicon, l. 7. c. 35. Fa••i∣an part 7. p. 46. Grafton p. 122. Mat. Park. Antiq. Eccl. Bri. p. 178. Rot Claus ••8 H. 3. m, 2.3.
• [t] 1.29

  Mat. Paris p. 532. John Stow his Sur¦vey ••f London. p. 289.
• * 1.30

  Assembled in Parliament, where all New and doubtfull Cases were to be decided.
• (u) 1.31

  Mat. Pa∣ris, p. 605.
• (x) 1.32

  Mat. Paris p. 644.
• [y] 1.33

  Mat. Paris p. 641.
• [z] 1.34

  Mat. Paris, p. 778, 779, 785. Speed. p. 529. John Stow his Survey of Lon∣don, p. 289. Sir Richard Bakers Chron. p. 120: See Rot. Pat. 33. H. 3. in 4. Rot. Fini∣um. 33 H. 3. m. 6. Rot. Fin. 34 H. 3. m. 1.2.
• * 1.35

  Balaeus Cent. 4. Scrip. Brit. c. 14. in Apendi∣ce, Cent. Magd, 13 c. 15. col. 1285.
• [a] 1.36

  Mat. Pa∣ris, p. 827.
• [b] 1.37

  Mat. Pa∣ris, p. 831.856.
• [c] 1.38

  Mat, Pa∣ris Hist. Angl. p. 861, 862. Fox Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. p. 413.
• [d] 1.39

  Mat. Pa∣ris, p. 873, 874
• [e] 1.40

  Fox Acts & Mon. Vol. 1. p. 423 ex Eulogio.
• [f] 1.41

  Mat. Pa∣ris, p. 187. See John Stows Survey of London. p. 289. Polydor. Virgil Hist. Angl. l. 16. Cent. Magd. 13. c. 15. col. 1286. Bakers Chronicle p. 1••2,
• * 1.42

  Nota.
• (g) 1.43

  Mat. Paris p. 902. Mat. West. p. 270. Holinshed, Vol. 3. p. 252. John Stows Survey of London, p. 289. See Pat. 39. H. 3. m. 4. dors. & 2. & 46. H. 3. m. 11.
• (h) 1.44

  Mat. Paris p. 912. Fabian pa••t. 7. p. 58. Fox Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. p. 423. Jo. Stow Chronicle. p. 190. Survey of London, p. 289. Grafton, p. 127. Holinshed, p. 253. Balaeus Cent. 4. c. 22. Johan. Major l. 4. c. 12. Cent. Magd. 13. c. 14. col. 1282.
• * 1.45

  Nota.
• * 1.46

  Nota.
• * 1.47

  Nota.
• [i] 1.48

  Mat. Paris p. 622.
• [k] 1.49

  Mat. Paris, Additamenta, p. 202.207.
• [l] 1.50

  Mat. Paris: Hist. Angl. p. ••82.
• (m) 1.51

  Mat. Paris H••st ••ngl. p. 990. Fox Acts & Mon. Vol. 1. p. 423. John Stows Chronicle p. ••1. Survey of London p. 289. Polychronic. l. 7, c. 37. Cent. Magd. 13. c. 15 col. 1287. Vo∣lat. Geogr. l. 3. Bakers Chron. p. 130.
• (n) 1.52

  John Stows Chron. p. 210. Survey of London, p. 289. Holinshed, Vol 3. p. 263.
• (o) 1.53

  Mat. west. 1264. pars 2. p. 323. Raphael Hol. Vol. 3. p. 27••
• (p) 1.54

  Hol. Vol. 3. p 272. Fox Acts & Mon. Vol 1 p 438.
• * 1.55

  2 Instit. p. 506, 507.
• * 1.56

  2 Instit. p: 332.
• * 1.57

  Flores Histo∣rum, pars 2. Londini 1570. p: 363.
• * 1.58

  In his Chro∣nicle, printed 1569. p: 163, 164.
• * 1.59

  In Rastal usu∣ry 2. & Cooks •• Instit. p. 89.
• * 1.60

  Totles Mag. Charta 1556. part. 2 f. 58, 59.
• * 1.61

  See here p. 15 & Rot. Claus. 1 E. 1. m.
• † 1.62

  See Concil. Lat. sub Inno∣cent. 3. c. 68. Surius Concil. Tom. 3. col. 754. extra de Judaeis & Sa∣racenis c. 13.
• * 1.63

  So the Fren•• but it shoul•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 white.
• * 1.64

  See Rot. claus 3 Ed. 1 memb. 17.
• * 1.65

  Nota.
• (q) 1.66

  Mat. West. An. 1278. p. 367. Hygden, Polychronicon, l. 7. c. 38. Hen∣ry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae. l. 3. c. 1. col. 2462. Wal∣singh. hist. Ang. Ann. 1279. p. 18. Ypodigm. Neustriae, p. 69. Fabian part. 7. p. 124. Grafton, p. 164. Stows Chronicle. p. 200. Survey of London, p. 289. Holinshed, p. 279. Balaeus Cent. 4. Script. Brit. c. 61. in Appendice Cent. Magd. 13. c. 15. col. 1286. Bakers Chron. p. 145. Rot. Clause 7. E. 1. m. 6, 7.
• (r) 1.67

  John Stow his Chron. p. 20. Survey of Lon∣don p. 289.
• (s) 1.68

  John Stow his Chro∣nicle, p. 202. Survey of Lon∣don, p. 289.
• (t) 1.69

  Stow his Chronicle, p. 203, 204. Su••vey of Lon∣don, p. 289.
• * 1.70

  Fabian part: 7 p. 131. Grafton p. 168. Holin∣shed vol: 3. p. 283.
• (u) 1.71

  Thomas Walsingham Hist. Angl. p. 14.
• (x) 1.72

  Th. Wal∣singham, Hist. Angl. p. 15.
• (y) 1.73

  Flores Hist. par. 2. ann. 1290. p. 381.
• (z) 1.74

  Ypodig∣ma Neustriae, p. 62.
• (a) 1.75

  De Even∣tibus Angliae, l. 3. c. 1. col. 2462 2466.
• (d) 1.76

  Histor. Ma∣joris Brit. l. 4. c. 9.
• (c) 1.77

  Cent: Mag: 13. c. 15. col. 1286.
• (d) 1.78

  Centur. 4 Scrip. Brit. c. 60. in Appen∣dice.
• (e) 1.79

  Lib. 17. Ed. 1.
• (f) 1.80

  Cent. Mag. 13 c. 9. col. 967. c. 13. col. 1284.
• * 1.81

  Ex Polydoro l. 19. & Man: Vaticano 1526 de Rebus An∣gliae.
• * 1.82

  See Cooks 2. Instit. p. 508.
• [g] 1.83

  Chron. Dunstap: Cooks 2. Instit: p. 508.
• * 1.84

  See Purchas Pilgrimage. l. 2. c. 10. Sect. 7. p. 171.
• * 1.85

  See Cooks 2. Instit. p. 89.
• [h] 1.86

  Rot. Pat. Anno 3 E. 1. m. 14.17.20. William Mid∣dleton reddit compot.
• (i) 1.87

  Temp. R. Job. Ro. Char. 2. Jo. n. 49.53.18. H. 3. Dors. Claus. m. 37. Dors. Pat. 55. H. 3. m. 20.
• (k) 1.88

  Rot. Char. •• Regis Johan. pa••t. 1 m. 28. Char. 171.
• (i) 1.89

  Rot. 2. E. 1. m. 1.3.5. Rot. Claus. 3. E. 1. m. 8.10 13.16.23. Rot. Pat. 3. E. 1. m. 36. and 17. Dors. Claus. 7. E. 1. m. 6.
• (m) 1.90

  Holinshed, p. 385. Wal∣sing. Ypodig. 72. Florileg. Chron, Dunstab.
• * 1.91

  Here p. 37. to 42.
• * 1.92

  Annalium l. 3.
• * 1.93

  Spelmanni Concil. p. 299.
• * 1.94

  Hoveden Annalium pars posterior p. 6••0 Lambardi Ar∣chaion. Spel∣mani Concil. p. 623.
• * 1.95

  Here p. 3.
• * 1.96

  Simeon Du∣nelmensis Hist. de gestis Regum Angl. col. 254. and Richardus Prior Hagastal∣densis de gestis Regis Stephani col. 327.
• * 1.97

  See here p. 13.
• * 1.98

  Hoven An∣nal. Pars Po∣sterior p. 604. Spelmani Con∣cil. p. 623. here p. 3.13.
• * 1.99

  Roger de Hoveden An∣nal, pars poste∣rior p. 744.
• * 1.100

  Hoveden p. 783..
• * 1.101

  Tottles Mag. Chart. l. 151.
• * 1.102

  Inter leges sancti Edw. Lamb. Si quis de usura con∣victus Glanv. l. 7. c. 16. Ock∣ham qualiter non absolvitur Cap. Itineris de Christianis usurariis.
• * 1.103

  See Claudius Salmasius, De usuris.
• * 1.104

  Concil. Later. sub Innocentio 3. Surius, Tom. 3. p. 753. Ex∣trav. de Usuris. c. 18. Volater∣ranus, lib. 2. Geog••. Cent. Magd. 13. c. 15.1285. Munsteri Cosm. l. 4. c. 12.22.23 f. 1061, 1062. Jacobus de Graffiis Decis. Aur. Tom. 2. l. 2. c. 23. sect. 39. &c. c. 34.
• * 1.105

  See Purchas Pilgrims. l. 9. c. 5.
• * 1.106

  See Mr. Sel∣den, De Jure Nat. & Gentiū juxta Discipl. Ebraeorum, l. 6. c. 9, 20. p. 723.
• * 1.107

  See my Le∣vellers level∣led and Plea for the Lords.
• (n) 1.108

  2 Instit. p. 507.
• [o] 1.109

  Rot. claus. 18 E. 1. m. 6. 11 Julii. The like writs, to other Counties, and intituled, De Judaeis Regno Angliae exeuntibus.
• [p] 1.110

  Parl. 1.3. E. 1.
• * 1.111

  See p. 33. to ••1.
• [q] 1.112

  Plac. Parl. post Pascha a∣pud London, 21 E. 1. rot. 4.
• * 1.113

  Twice repeat∣ed: See the 2 part of the De∣murrer.
• * 1.114

  Lege Duode∣c••m Tabularum hoc sancitum fuerat, ut de capite Civis Romani, NISI CENTURIA∣TIS COMITI∣IS, nihil decer∣ni possit, sed nec tolli de Civitate, vel a solio Patrio relegari, aut in exilium agi, nisi dicta causa & CENTURIATIS COMITIIS POSSET. Atheniexsibus Clisthenes exilii legem tulit pri∣mus, qui haud multò post sua lege damnatus paenas primus tulit. Ostracismon dixerunt, ab ostraco per quam suffragia ferebant: qui mos talis erat, ut in testulis nomen civis, cujus potentiam formidabant, Comitiis inscriberent; & cujus plures erant testae in urnam conjectae, is DE CONCILII SENTENTIA, ab aris focisque projectus, ut à Civium ar∣ceretur aspectu, 15 aut 10 Annorum, exilio solum vertebat: Quae Comitia NISI SU∣PRA SEX MILLIA CIVIUM CONCILIO AD JUDICII DIEM CONVENI∣RENT, nulla atque irrita erant. Alexander ab Alexandro, Gen. Dierum l. 3. c. 20. T. Livii Hist. l. 26. c. 9. C. Taciti Ann. 13 and 4. Xenophon de Atheniensium Republica Plutarchi Aristides, Nicias. Diodorus Siculus. Bibl. Hist. p. 308, 404. Arist. Polit. l. 3. c. 8, 9. Dr. Case Sphaera Civitate l. 3. c. 9. Aelian variae, Hist. l. 13. c. 24.
• * 1.115

  Walsingham••, Ypodig. Neu∣striae Hist. Ang. p. 52 75 95.
• * 1.116

  Mat. Paris 1256.1258. p. 872.934.55 Daniel p. 172.175.
• * 1.117

  See my So∣veraign power of Parl. 6, 7, 8, &c.
• * 1.118

  Osbernus &. Mat. Parker in his life Anto∣nini Chron. Tit. 16. c. 6. f 163. Spelman. Con∣cil. p. 439.
• * 1.119

  Socrates Scholast. l. 1. c. 9. Theod. l. 4. c. 10. Niceph. Eccl. Hist. l. 4. c. 25. Cent. Mag. 4. c. 3. col. 650, 651. Spelman. Con∣cil. p. 43.44
• * 1.120

  See Leges Wisigothorum, l. 12. Tit. 2.3. Surius Concil. Tom. 2.3. His∣paniae Illustra∣tae, Tom. 5.
• † 1.121

  Only I find John Stow in his Survey of London, p. 288.289. hath col∣lected some of them very im∣perfectly.

  And Purchas in his Pilgri∣mage, l. 2. c. 10. Sect. 7.
• * 1.122

  See Menasseth Ben-Israel his Humble Ad∣dresses.
• (h) 1.123

  See Cent. Magd. 2. to 13. c. 15. in each: Antonini Chro. pars 2. Tit. 16. c. 1.
• (i) 1.124

  Chron. Jo∣hannis Bromton col. 829.901.908. Lambardi Archaion, & Spelman. Con∣cil. p. 376.513.515, 521, 522, 549, 550, 599. Mr. Jo. Selden ad Eadmerum Notae, p. 189. makes this one of the Conq. Laws too. Statuimus im∣primis super omnia, Unum Deum per totū Regnum nostrū, venerari; unam fidem Christi semper invio∣latam custo∣diri &c. Ta∣kē out of these Kings Laws.
• (k) 1.125

  Spelman. Concil. p. 553.566.
• (l) 1.126

  Article 37.
• * 1.127

  John 4.3 2 John 7.
• (m) 1.128

  See Petrus Alphonsus ad∣versus Judaeos, Antonini Chro. pars 2. Tit. 16. c. 12. Agobar∣dus de Inso∣lentia Judaeo∣rum, & Juda∣icis superstitio∣nibus, & Cent. Magdeburg. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13. c. 14, 15. where this is largely pro∣ved, & Juda∣isme refuted.
• (n) 1.129

  See Brooke and Ash. Cor∣poration and Prerogative.
• (o) 1.130

  See Rastal Staple.
• * 1.131

  See my So∣veraign power of Parliaments part 2. p. 76, 77, 78.
• * 1.132

  Cooks Reports l. 10. f. 55.
• [p] 1.133

  See Cent. Mag. 3. to 13. c. 14. Alberti Argentinensis Chron. & de Gest••s Bertoldi, p. 148.149.178.
• [q] 1.134

  See Rastals Abridgement title, Artificers, Aliens, Money, Treason, Dra∣pery, &c.
• [r] 1.135

  See Rastals Abridgment, Tit. Merchant•• and Merchan∣dise.
• * 1.136

  See. Cent. Magd. 3. to 13. c. 14, 15.
• * 1.137

  Acts 4.17, 18, c. 5.28, 29.40. c. 13.45. Let those who now imi••a••e them, in eject∣ing & silencing Ministers from preaching, con∣sider & repent of this Jewish crime.
• * 1.138

  l. 2. c. 21. p. ••13.
• (s) 1.139

  Exod. 23.31, 32, 33. c. 34.1. to 17. Deut. 7.2. to 9. Jos. 23.3. to 15. Judg. 2, 3, 4.
• (t) 1.140

  Deut. 9.6, 7, 13. c. 31.17. Exod. 32.9. c. 33.3.5. Psal. 78.8, 9. Jer. 3.6. to 22. c. 5.23. c. 8.5. c. 2.11. c. 23.14 Isay 3.9. c. 24.5. Ezech. 2.3. to 9. c. 3.26, 27. c. 12.2. to 26. c. 17.12. c. 16, 46, 56, 57 c. 24.3. c. 44.4. Hos. 4.16. c. 5.2. c. 6, 7. c. 11.7. Mat. 3.7. c. 11.23, 24. c. 23.33. Acts 7.51, 52. and other texts. Levit. 26. Deut. 28. Isay. c. 1. & 9. & 14. & 29. & 32. Jer. c. 1. to 30. Lam. c. 1. to 5. Ezech. c. 2. to 25. Hos. c. 1. to 11. Joel, c. 1. and 2. Amos, c. 2. to 5. Mal. c. 1. & 2. Zeph. 1. Zach. 11.2. Kings 17.2. Chron. 36. Mat. 24. Lev. 22. Egesippus, Eusebius, and others.
• (x) 1.141

  Exod. 15.24. c. 16.2. &c. Num. c. 14. c: 16. c. 20. c. 21. 2 Sam. 1.15 to 21. 2 Kings c. 12, c. 15. c. 16. 2 Kings c. 9. c. 10. c. 12.20. c. 14.17. c. 17.21.23. c. 23. c. 20. c. 27. 2. Chron. c. 23. c. 36. Ezech. 17.13. to 24.
• (y) 1.142

  Mat. 21.33. to 36. c. 26. & 27. & 28. Mar. 14 & 15. Lu. 22. & 23. John 5.16.18. c. 7.1. c. 9.22. c. 10.31, &c. c. 11.8.55. c. 18 & 19. c. 20.19 Act. 2.23.36. c. 3.13, 14, 15.
• (z) 1.143

  1 Thes. 2.14, 15.
• (a) 1.144

  Act. 4.1. to 23. c. 5, 5.17. to 42. c. 6.9. to 15. c. 7. c. 8. v. 9. c. 12.3. c. 13.42. to the end. c. 14.2.4, 5.19. c. 17.6. to 17. c. 18.12, &c. c. 21. to c. 27. c. 28.17, 18, 19. 2 Cor. 11.24. 1 Thess. 2.14, 15, 16.
• (b) 1.145

  Gen. 15.7.8. c. 26.5. Nu. 26.54.55. c. 27 7.8. c. 32.18.19. c. 33.55. Josh. c. 14. to 20. Ps. 78.55. Ps. 105.11.1 Kings 8.36. Ezech. 48.29.
• (c) 1.146

  See Acts 17.28. Exod. 36 43. Num. 20 14. to 22. c. 21.21, 22, 23. Deut 2.26. to 32. Judg. 11.12. to 29. Deut 2.9 2 Chron. 20.10. Gen. 34.20. Num. 26.54. Deut. 26.9. Ezech. 36.5. Exod. 20.17. Gal. 4.30.31.
• (d) 1.147

  Athanasius de passione Imaginis Chri∣sti: Cent Magd. 4. c. 13. col. 1445. Cent. 6. col. 825. Cent 8. col. 122. Cent. 10. col 633. cent. 11. c. 657. Fasciculus Tem¦porum. f. 56. Sigeberti Chro. Hermannus Sched••l. Chron. f. 168. Nau∣clerus. ••••l. 1. Gener. 50. C••anzius Vandalia l. 4. Abraham Ezouius. Annal. Eccles. An. 1291. n. 16. Anno 1298. n. 1. An. 1299. n. 22. An. 1399. n. 13. An. 1406. n. 20. An. 1407. n. 20. An. 1491. n. 7. An. 1505. n. 4. Naucl. vol. 1. Chronogr. gener. 44. Cent. Magd, 13. c. 15. col. 1287.1288.
• (e) 1.148

  Chron. Magn. Germaniae, An. 1036. p. 268, 269. Hermanus Sche∣d••l. C••••••n. f. 278, 289. Genebr. chronogr. p, 824, 825. Jansenius, l. 4. Mer. Gallobelgici.
• (f) 1.149

  Johannis Bromton chron. col. 1025,
• (g) 1.150

  Socrates Scholast. l. 7. c. 16. Cent Magd. 5. c. 14.
• (h) 1.151

  Sigeberti continuator. Cent. Magd. 12. c. 14. Cent. 13. c. 14.
• [i] 1.152

  Antonini Chron. pars 2. Tit. 17. sect. 26. Vincentius Spec. Hist. l. 29. c. 25. Ga∣guinus l. 6. de Francis, Cent. Magd. 12. c. 14. col. 170.
• [k] 1.153

  Vincentius Spec. Hist. l. 29. c. 25. cent. Magd. 13. c. 14. Munsters Cosm. l. 2. p. 170.
• (l) 1.154

  Fragmen∣tum Histori∣cum Chronicon. Hirsaug. Munt∣zerus. Centur. Magd. 13. c. 14. Bzouius An. 1296. n. 16.
• * 1.155

  Bzouius Ecl. Annal. Anno 1252. n. 16.
• (m) 1.156

  Cranzius. l. 7. c. 14. in Vandalia. Cent. Magdeb, 13. c. 14.
• (n) 1.157

  Chron. Hirsaug. Cent. Magd. 13, c. 14. Fasciculus Temporum, Aventinus Anali∣um Boiorum l. 7. p. 576.
• (o) 1.158

  Sebast. Munsteri Cosm l. 3. p. 482.
• [p] 1.159

  Hermannus Schedel. Chron. f. 285.286. Ant. Coc∣cius Sabellicus Enead. 10. l. 6. p. 742. Bzo∣uius Au. 1479, n. 13. Mun∣ster. Cosm. l. 2. c. 71. p. 300,
• * 1.160

  Chron. Her∣manni Sched. f. 286. Aetas 6.
• [q] 1.161

  Chron. Herm. Sched. sexta Aetas f. 186. Sebast Munster Cos∣mogr. l. 2. c. 57. p. 171.
• † 1.162

  Purchas Pil∣grimage, l. 2. c. 10. Sect. 7.
• * 1.163

  Humble Ad∣dresses p. 24, 25.
• * 1.164

  Justiniani Codicis lib. 1. Tit. 12. Lex 2. Cent. Mag. 4. c. 15. col. 1471. Vincen∣tius Beluacensis Speculum Hist, l. 21. c. 78.
• (o) 1.165

  Aventinus Annal. Boyo∣rum. l. 5. p. 468. Hedio in Chron. Annot. Cent. Magd. 11. c. 15. co••, 68••,
• (o) 1.166

  Otto de Gestis Fred. 1. Imp. l. 1. c. 37.38. p. 428. Cent. Magd. 12. c. 14. Genebrardi Chronogr. l. 4. p. 618.
• (q) 1.167

  Aventinus Annal. Boio∣rum. l. 7. p. 589. See Munsteri Cosmogr. l. 3. p. 547, 707. Cent. Magd. 13. c. 15. c. 1287.
• (r) 1.168

  M. Alberti Argentini Chro. & de rebus ge∣stis Bertoldi, p. 147, 148.149.177, 178. He••∣manus Schedel. Aetas 6. f. 258. See Abbas Uf∣pergensis Para∣leip. p. 346. Seb. Munsteri Cosmogr. l. 3. c. 139. p. 563.707. Fascicu∣lus Temporum.
• * 1.169

  Munsteri 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cosm. l. 3. c. 306 p. 707.
• (r) 1.170

  Surius Con∣cil. Tom. 2. p. 735. Gratian. Dist. 28. qu. 5. & 29. qu. 8.
• * 1.171

  Surius Con∣cil Tom. 4. p. 58.57.
• (s) 1.172

  Frederi∣cus Lindebro∣gus Codex Le∣gum, Antiq.
• (t) 1.173

  Centur. Magdeb. 12. c. 7. col. 1079.
• * 1.174

  Hospiniani Historia Jesu∣itica, l. 1. c. 2.
• (t) 1.175

  Orosius l. 2. c. 6. Cent. Magd. 2 col. 26 Euseb. l. 2. c. 8. Opmeri Chron. p. 185. Metamerus de Academiis Hisp.
• [u] 1.176

  Soc••ates Schol. Eccl. Hist. l. 7. c. 13. Agobardus de Judaicis su∣perstit. Bibl. Patrum. Tom. 9 pars 1. p. 564. Cent. Magd. 4. col. 1081.1490
• [x] 1.177

  Paulus Di∣aconus, l. 17. Zonaras Tom. 3. Cent. Magd. 7. c. 15. col. 588.
• * 1.178

  Surius concil. Tom. 2. p. 742.
• [y] 1.179

  Rodericus Toletanus de Rebus Hisp. l. 2. c. 17. Vasae∣us Chron. Hisp. p 685. Jo Mari∣ana de Reb••s Hisp. l. 6. c. 3. Sigeberti chro. Ado Viennen∣sis. Opmeo••••s Orbis unive••si. Chronogr. p. 355 Cent. Magd. 7. c. 14. Genebrar. Chronogr.
• [z] 1.180

  Cent. Mag. xi. c. 14. &c. 15. col. 689.
• [a] 1.181

  Vincentius Belu. Spe. Hist. l. 29. c. 25. An∣tonini Chron. pars 2. Tit. 17. c. 9. Mat. Paris Hist. Angl. p. 861. Abbas Usperg. Paral. p. 346. Herman. Schedel. Chro. f. 231. Cent. Mag. 12. c. 15. col. 1781. Ge¦nebrardi chron. l. 4. p. 638. Fox. ••cts & Mon. Vol. 1. p. 423, Cook•• 2 Inst. p. 507. Seb. Mun. Cos. l. 2 c. 57. f. 117. Bzovius An∣nal Eccl. An. 1198. n. 3.
• * 1.182

  lib. 5. Epist. 33. Cent. Mag. 12. c. 14.
• * 1.183

  To which the Epistle of Pe∣trus Clunia∣censis to him lib. 5. Epist. 33. encouragd him, wherein he proves it law∣full.
• [b] 1.184

  Aemilius l. 8. Gaguinus, l. 7. Genebrardi chronogr. l. 4. p. 634.660, 667. Heylins M••crocosme, p. 576.
• [c] 1.185

  Alberti Argentinensis chron. p. 147, 148. De Rebus Gestis Bertoldi p. 177, 178.
• [d] 1.186

  Aventinus Annal. Boior. l. 5. p. 468.
• * 1.187

  Munsteri Cosmogr. l 2. c. 20. p. 78.
• * 1.188

  Anno 1425. n. 15.
• (e) 1.189

  See Mun∣steri Cosmog. l. 2. p. 72, 73.171. Bzovius Annal. An. 1424. n. 2.44. An. 1497. n. 16. Hieron. Connestaggius de Portugal, & Cast, conjunct. p. 1064, 1065. Vasaeus Chron. Hisp. Johan. Mariana de Rebus Hisp. l. 26. c. 1.3. The general History of Spain in their Lives. Genebrardi chronog. p. 380, 634, 660, 667, 703, 705.708. Heylins Microcosme, p. 507. Opmeri Chronogr. p. 429.
• * 1.190

  Bzovius An∣nal Eccl. Tom. 15. An. 1385. n. 22. & An. 1410. n. 35. An. 1475. n. 13.
• * 1.191

  Chron. Her∣man. Schedel f. 275, 276. Munster. Cosm. l. 2, c. 71. Sabellicus Ae∣nead l. 10. p. 472.
• * 1.192

  Hiero Rubeus Hist. Raven. l. 11.
• * 1.193

  Annales Do∣min, Colmari∣ensium, p. 25.
• (f) 1.194

  See Justi∣niani Codicis. l. 1. Tit. 10, 12, 13. Concil. Meldense c. 73. Surius concil. Tom. 3. c. 465, 466. Leges Wistgoth. l. 12. Tit. 2, 3. Surius concil. ••. Tom. 2.277, 608, 640, 679, 696, 674, 680, 734, 735, 1092 Tom. 3. p. 552.622, 670, 726.754. Cent. Mag. 4. col. 541.1461. cent. 6. col. 324. cent. 7. col. 588.
• (g) 1.195

  Surius con∣cil. Tom. 3. p. 726.
• * 1.196

  Nota.
• [h] 1.197

  Heylins Microcosm, p. 570.
• [i] 1.198

  ••lexander ab Al••x••••dro, l. 4. p. ••03. Plutarch's La∣conica institut. Xenoph••n de Lacaedem. Re∣publica, Thuci∣dides, Coelius Rhodigi••us an∣tiquar. lect. l. 18. c. 5. Boemus de moribus Gent. p. 199,
• * 1.199

  De Repub. l. 5. c. 2.
• (k) 1.200

  Sphaera civitatis l. 5. c. 3. p. 435.437, 438.
• * 1.201

  De Republ. l. 5. c. 2.3. See Thuci∣dides Hist. l. 6. p. 506.
• (l) 1.202

  Cicero de Officiis l. 3.
• (m) 1.203

  Page 218, 219, 220.
• (n) 1.204

  Antiqu. Lection, l. 18. c. 5.
• (o) 1.205

  Alexan∣der ab Alexan. Gen. Dier. l. 4. c. 10.
• (p) 1.206

  Purchas pilgrimage, l. 4. c. 13.19. p. 537, 538.
• (a) 1.207

  Will. Mal∣mesb. de Gestis Regum l. 2. c. 13. Mat. West. Fl. Florentius Wigorniensis Huntindon, Hoveden, Po∣lychron. Bromp∣ton, Speed, and others.
• (b) 1.208

  Nub••••••er∣sis, Trivet. P••∣lydor Virgil. in H. 2. Holinsh. p. 65. Grafton chron. p. 50. & others;
• (c) 1.209

  ••o••inshed p. 202. Grafton p. 119. Speed, p. 513. Matth. Paris, Hyg∣den, and others.
• (d) 1.210

  Mat. Part. Hist. Angl. p. 973, 976, 983, 989, 990. Mat. West. An. 1258.1269. See Da∣niel, Holinshed, Speed, Baker, and others.
• (e) 1.211

  Walsingham Hist. Ang. p. 71. Ypodigm. Neu∣striae, p. 99. See Holinshed, Speed, and o∣thers.
• * 1.212

  Here p. 6.
• [q] 1.213

  1 Tim. 6.15. Col. 2.10. & 16. R••v. 1.5. c. 17.14. c. 19.16. tom. 9.4
• [r] 1.214

  Rev. 4.9.10.11, c. 19.4. Rom. 11.36.
• [s] 1.215

  Ez••c••. 2.3. to 9. Acts 4.19.20 c. 5.20, 30, &c.
• * 1.216

  2 Kings 19.3.
• * 1.217

  Acts 13.45. Rev. 2.19.
• [t] 1.218

  Tit. 1.16. 2. Tim. 3.5. 2. Pet. 2.1, Jud. 14.1 Joh. 4 3.
• * 1.219

  See here p. 8. to 15 8.27.32, 35.79. to 88 89 ••0. &c.
• [u] 1.220

  See Socra∣tes Schol ast. l. 7. c. 13. Sozo∣men, l. 4. c. 7. Cent. Magd. 4, 5.7.12, 13, c. 14.
• (x) 1.221

  imò qui Regi parucrit pro excommunica∣to habeatur: qui contra re∣gem fecerit, à n•• â injusti∣tiae, & periurii absolvatur, as Sigebertus Gemblacensis. Chron. An. 1088. Writes of Pope Hilde∣brand, a••d his Abetto••••.
• [y] 1.222

  M••••. 2.2. c. 27, 37. Lu. 1.32.33. Rev. 15.9.••3.
• * 1.223

  1. Tim. 5.8.
• * 1.224

  1 Cor. 9.16. 2. Tim. 4.1.2. Acts 4.19.30.
• * 1.225

  1 John 4.3. 2 John 7.
• (z) 1.226

  Canter∣ies Doom, p. 107.138, 491, 199.
• (a) 1.227

  Ambros. Epist. l. 5. Ep. 29. Cent. Magd. 4. cap. 3. col. 114. to 120. c. 14. col. 1438.1459. Nazianzen O∣ratio 2. in Julianum So∣crates Schol. l. 3. c. 22. Rus∣finus, l. 1. e. 28. Theodoret, l. 3. c. 20. Nicephorus l. 10. c. 3.4.5.24, 25, 32, 33. Sozomen. l. 5. c. 22.
• [a] 1.228

  See here, p. 63, 64, 65. 1 H 4. rot Parl. n. 44, 47, 50. Memineritis. nihil posse ju∣dicio fieri con∣trarium magis∣quam sine ju∣dicio proscribe∣re aliquem Non sinit Lex decretum lege plus valere: iste cum tot sunt leges, de∣cretum ratum facit, leges tollit: Demost∣henes, Oratio contra Timo∣cratem, p. 200.
• * 1.229

  Parcit cogna∣tis macults si∣milis sera, &c. Juvenal.
• * 1.230

  Mat. 7.2. Luk. 6.37.38. & Rev. 13.10. Obad. 15. & Joel 3.6, 7, 8.
• * 1.231

  Ae••ian Variae Hist. l. 13. c. 24. Alex. ab Alex. lib. 3. c. 24. Caelius Rho∣diginus Anti{que} Lect. l. 5. c. 44.
• * 1.232

  Lib. 5. Epist. 33. & Cent. Mag. 12. ca. 14.
• [b] 1.233

  See Oeco∣tampadius Hy∣perius, Osiand. Peter Martyr, Bucer, Melan∣••thon, Calvin, Selneccerus, Marlorat, Pa∣reus, Willet, Wilson, and o∣thers on Rom. 11. Dr. Pride∣aux, Orat. 6. de Vocatione Judaeorum. Dr. Willet, de Generali & novissima Ju∣daeorum con∣versione. Pur∣chas Pilgrim. l. 2. c. 21.
• [c] 1.234

  He••e p. 63, 64, 65, 66.
• [d] 1.235

  Paraeus Wil••••t, Peter Ma••tyr. Wilson on the place, and Dr. Pri∣deaux, Oral. 6.
• [e] 1.236

  See Pur¦chas Pilgri∣mage, and Pil∣gr••m. Edwa••d B••••rewood his Inqui••y touching the diversity of Religions through the chief par••s of the wo••••d.
• [e] 1.237

  Ps. 2.8. Ps. 22.27. Ps. 65.2, Ps. 72.1 to 18. Ps. 67.3.4.6.7 Ps. 86.9, 10. Ps. 100.1, 2, 3, 4. Ps. 148, 11, 12. 1. Kin. 8.43 Isay 2.1, 2.3, 4. c. 9.2.7. c. 11, 10. c. 18.7. c. 35.1, 2, &c. c. 40.4, 5. c. 41.2. c. 42.1, 6, 7, 10 11, 12, 16. c. c. 49.6, 7, &c. 20, 21, 22, 23, 24 c. 54.1, 2, 3, 4 c. 55.4, 6.1. ••. 56 5, 7, 8. c. 60. through¦out, c. 61.5, 6, 9. c. 62.2. c. 65.1 c. 66.19. to 24. Jer. 16.19. Dan. 7.14, Hag. 2 7. Mic. 4.1. to 8. Mal. 1.10. Hos. 1.10. c. 2.23. Gen. 49.10.
• [f] 1.238

  Mat. 12.21. c. 28.19, 20 Mar. 16.15. Luk. 2.32. Iob. 7.25. Act•• 9.25. c. 10.1. &c 44.65. c. 11.1.18. c. 13.42. to 49. c. 14.27. c. 15.3. to 24. c. 16.4. to 13. c. 17.12 c. 18.8.10. &c. c. 19.10. c. 21.25. c. 22.21. c, 26.20, 21, 22, 23. c. 28.28. Rom. 1.13. c. 9.24.30 c. 10, 12, 13, 18, 19, 20. c. 11.11, 12, &c. 25.30. c. 15.8. to 30. c. 16.4.26. 1 Cor. 12.2. to 24. Gal. 2.2.16. c. 3.14. Ephes. 2.1.11. to 22. c. 3.6. to 12. Col. 1.6.23, 26, 27. 1 T••••: 2.1. to 9. c. 3.16. 2 Tim. 1.11. c: 4.17. Rev. 5.10. c. 6.9, 10. c. 11.15. c. 14.1.3.6.7.
• [g] 1.239

  1 Tim. 2.3 10. Rom. 3 8.
• [h] 1.240

  Rev. 2.9. c. 3.9.
• [i] 1.241

  See Cent. Mag 4.10 13. c. 14. Pa••••ns Com. in Ro. 13. p. 1101. Here p. 17. An∣tonini Chron. pars 2. Tit. 16.1.2. & Tit. 17.
• [k] 1.242

  Je•• 31 18. Eph•• 2 1. &c. John 3 8. c 12.40. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 2 13.
• * 1.243

  Surius Concil. Tom. 4.57. Fox Acts & p. •• M••n. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 13 un. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 el∣la & An••••••••¦ca, Tit. 〈…〉〈…〉
• [m] 1.244

  Comment. on Rom. 11. p. 1101, 1102. See Sir Edw. Sands his Re∣lation of the State of Reli∣gion. &c.
• * 1.245

  See my Q••a∣••ers U••mas••∣ed: and New Discovery of Free State Ty∣ran••••.
• [n] 1.246

  〈…〉〈…〉 P. 9, 10, 12.••••.
• [o] 1.247

  〈…〉〈…〉 147 〈…〉〈…〉. 3 〈…〉〈…〉. l. 19. ••. 481, 482. 〈…〉〈…〉. l. 1. ••. 19. ••. 72.73. S••m. Reselia. Tit. Judaeus
• [p] 1.248

  Deut. 7.5. Exod. 23.35. c. 34.13, 14.2. Chron. 30.14. c. 31.1 c. 34.3. to 9.33 Levit. 17.12. c. 24.16.22. Nunn. l. 5.16.30, 31. Deut. 31.12. See Mr. Selden. de Ju∣re naturali & Gentium, jux∣ta Disciplinam Eorum. l. 2 & 3. Judaei non per∣miserunt Genti∣les secummanere qui Gentilitiis ritibus semere∣bant, at eos per∣miserunt qui uberum Deum colebant. Tho∣mas Waldenses Doctrinales Fi∣dei. l. 3. c. 5. Sect. 1. p. 4.18.
• (q) 1.249

  Rom. 10.1. 1. Tim. 1.1. p. 3.
• * 1.250

  1 Cor. 10.32.
• * 1.251

  Ju••tiaiani Co∣dicis l, l. 1. Tit. 12. de J••∣daeis Frede••icus Lindebrog••s Codex l••gum Antiq••. leges Wisegothorum. l. 12. Tit. 2, 3. Lau••. Su••i∣us, Concil. Tom. 2. p. 277.322, 366, 608.646, 634, 674, 679, 698, 735, 1042. Tom. 3. p. 2.6.7.466, 467.552, 670.726, 754, 632, 753, 495, C••ncil Basilens. Self. 19. Suri∣us Tom. 4. p. 57, 56. A••••xan∣der, 3 De••••et. l. 5. Tit. 6. c. 4, 5, 7, 8. Inno∣centii, ••. Ope∣ra. T••m. 1. p. 488. Tom. ••. p. 798 805. G•••• Greg. Ep. 7. Ep. 15.113.10. tiau Caus. 28. qu. 1. Pa••o••∣••••i••an, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••n••i Co••s••i••, Rep••r••or••••••m in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Tit. Judaeus Cardinalis Hostinensis Summa cum additionibus, Nicholai Superami••, l. 5. ••it. 11. de Judaeis & Saracenis & eorum servis Baptista Tro∣vomala Summa Rosella Tit. Judae••s Angelus de Clavasio Summa Angelica. Tit. Iudaeus, Th•• Zeru•• a Praxis Escopalis pars, 1 Tit. Judaeus, Centur. Magd. 12 c. 7. Iac. de Graf∣f••is Decipi. Au earum pars, 2. lib. 2. cap. 23. de Judaeis & Saracenis Calderni••s ac Judas Cons••l. Claus. 37. H. 3. m. 18. Clause 7. E. 1. m. 6. dors.
• * 1.252

  Claus. 2 H. 3. m. 10 D••rs. Claus. 37. H. 3. m. 18.

  See here, p. 35. Munsteri Cos••e. l. 4. c. 44. p. 1••8. Concil La••e∣ranums••••. In∣nocent. 3. c. 65. ••urius Tom. 3. ••. 753.
• * 1.253

  S•••• Pat. 8. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 m. 37.
• (r) 1.254

  Zon••••as Tom. 3. Centur. M••••••l. 9. c. 14. col. 614. Ma∣••ianus S••••us, General Hist. of Spanish. 775 958. Bzovius Annal. Eccl. p. An. 1259, n. 3.
• (s) 1.255

  Martini Poloni suppu∣tationes. Anno 876. Sigeberti chron. Grimston and others in his life.
• (t) 1.256

  See here, p. 35.78.
• * 1.257

  Cambden, Speed, and o∣thers in her life.
• (u) 1.258

  Constitut. l. 2. Constit. 22. Oper. Tom. 2. p. 798.
• (x) 1.259

  Summa li. 5. tit. 11. De Judaeis, &c.
• (y) 1.260

  Consil. 87. & 264.
• (z) 1.261

  Repertori∣um in Ab. Pa∣normitan. Tit. Judaeus Jac. de Graff. Decis. Aur. Tom. 2. l. 2. c. 23 Sect. 60.
• * 1.262

  Allegat. 2
• * 1.263

  Answer.
• (a) 1.264

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 concil. Tom. 3. p. 534.
• (b) 1.265

  See ••ere, p. 2.6.
• (c) 1.266

  Hi•• r••∣mus Con••••••. ••∣gius de Po••••••∣gal et Castil. unione. p. 1054, 1065. Opu••••••••s Chronog. p. 429
• (d) 1.267

  Cosmogr. l. 2. p. 171. Vincentius, l. 29. c. 25, Ga∣guinus and o∣thers.
• (e) 1.268

  Ezech. ••2.27.
• (f) 1.269

  Ier. 22.17.
• (g) 1.270

  Phil. 2.20, 21.
• (h) 1.271

  Ephes. 5.3. Col. 3.5.
• (i) 1.272

  Lu. 12.15.
• (k) 1.273

  Ephes. 5, 3.
• (l) 1.274

  Heb. 13.5.
• (m) 1.275

  1 Tim. 6. ••2.80.
• (n) 1.276

  1 Tim. •• c. 6.
• (o) 1.277

  Mat. 26, 15, 16. c. 27.3, 4.
• (p) 1.278

  Mat. 1, 23.
• (q) 1.279

  Ezech. 22 12, 13.
• (r) 1.280

  Acts 8.18, 19 20.
• (s) 1.281

  Exod. 22.21. c. 23. Mic. 2.1, 2. c. 3.2.3, 4, 9. Zeph. 3.3. Ezech. 22.27.28. Jer. 22.17. Mal. 37. Levi••. 13.34. Baptista ••rou••mola, Sum Roselia Iudaeus. 2. Angelus de Clavasio, Sum Angelica Iu∣daeus, sect. 30 Oldradus Con∣sil. 83.264. Iacobus de Graffiis Decis. Au••ea••um. Tom. 2. l. 2. c, 23. Sect. 60. Gratian. Caus. 23 qu. 7.
• (t) 1.282

  See Mat. ••a••is, and o∣thers in their lives.
• * 1.283

  Here p. 33.34.38. to 46.74.75, John S••owes Survey n•• London 1633. p. 288, 289.
• * 1.284

  Here p. 43. to 63.
• * 1.285

  Cosmr. l. 3. c. 306. p. 707.
• * 1.286

  Humble ad∣dresses p. 1 to 11.
• * 1.287

  See my Legal & Historical Vindication, of the Funda∣mental Laws & Liberties of England, part. 1. p. 13. to 20.60 to 104, &c. part 2. p. 65. to 80. Si quis Mercatores no∣vis Thelonto∣rum, & Peda∣giorum exacti∣onibus molesta∣re tentaverit Christiana com∣munione care∣at, donec satis∣fecerit, Grati∣an Caus. 24. q. 3. Vincentii Spec. Doctrin. 1, 10, c. 163.
• (u) 1.288

  Qui s••n∣•••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉, s••••••e∣re d••b••t & commodum; is, and o••g••r to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in th••s c••se.
• * 1.289

  See 5. E. 2. Stat. 2. Ch. 3.
• * 1.290

  See Mr H••••••o∣rical V••nd••••••∣t••on, pa••t 1. p. 64.103.104.
• (x) 1.291

  Surius Concil. Tom. 2 p. 734, 735.
• (y) 1.292

  Amb••osii E••••st, l. 5. Epi••t. 29. ••∣g••bardus de Judaicis s••∣pe. 〈…〉〈…〉. Bibl. Pa•••••••• Tom. 9. p. 516. T••ipa••t••. Hist. l. 3. c. 1. l. 9. c. 1. Ze∣na••es Tom. 3. cent. Ma••••. 4. col 1165.1166
• * 1.293

  As every Jew••is.
• * 1.294

  The case of e∣very Jewish Spirit.