Historiarchos, or, The exact recorder being the most faithfull remembrancer of the most remarkable transactions of estate and of all the English lawes ... : as most elabourately they are collected ... out of the antiquities of the Saxon and Danish kings, unto the coronation of William the Conqueror, and continued unto the present government of Richard, now Lord Protector / by William Prynne, Esquire ...

CHAPTER 6. Comprising the Historical Passages relating to the Par∣liamentary Councils, Lawes, Liberties, Properties, Rights, Government of England, Anno 1066. under the Short reign of the Usurper King Harold, till the Coronation of King William the First, falsly surnamed, The Conquerour, though never claiming the Crown by Conquest, but Title. (Book 6)

KIng Edward deceasing without any issue* 1.1 of his body to succeed him, refusing all carnal copulation with his Queen, ei∣ther out of a vowed virginity, as most Historians conclude; or, out of a de∣testation of Earl Godwins Trayterous race, quod Rex Religiosus de genere proditoris, haere∣des qui sibi succederent, corrupto semine Regio nolue••rit procreari, as [a] 1.2 Ingulphus, [b] 1.3 Matthew W••st∣minster, and others record; thereby exposed the king∣dom for a prey to the ambitious Pretenders aspiring af∣ter it. Upon which consideration, praesentiebant plures in ejus morte, desolationem Patriae, Plebis exterminium, to∣tius Angliae Nobilitatis excidium, finem libertatis, ho∣noris ruinam, (as [c] 1.4 Abbot Ailred informs us.) The English Prelates and Nobles being then all assembled at Westminster to the solemn consecration of the Abbey,

were much perplexed, and the generality of the people exceedingly grieved at his death. For although he were, [d] 1.5 Vir propter morum simplicitatem parum Imperio ido∣neus, yet he was Deo devotus, ideoque ab eo directus. Denique eo regnante; nullus tumultus domesticus, qui non cito comprimeretur, nullum bellum forinsecus, omnia domi forisque quieta, omnia tranquilla; quod eo magis stupendum, quia ita se mansuete ageret, ut nec viles ho∣munculos verbo laedere noscet. Nam dum qu••dam vice venatum isset, et agrestis quidem stabulata illa, quibus in casses cervi urgentur, confudisset, ille sua nobili perci∣tus ira, per Deum inquit et Matrem ejus, tantundem tibi nocebo, si potero. Egregius animus quise regem in talibus non meminisset, nec abjectae conditionis homini se posse nocere putaret. Erat interea ejus apud dome∣sticos reverentia vehemens, apud exteros metus ingens: fovebat profecto ejus simplicitatem Deus, ut posset timeri, qui nesciret irasci; No wonder then if his death were much lamented by all his Subjects, [e] 1.6 cum omnes et in Rege cernerent unde gauderent, et in se sentirent und•• do∣lerent. The English Nobility were much troubled and divided in their minds and affections, which were wa∣vering, touching the election of a ••it person to succeed him; [f] 1.7 Fluctuabant Proceres Regni quem sibi Re∣gem praeficerent et Rectorem. Many of them favoured William Duke of Normandy, as specially designed by King Edward to succeed him, others of them inclined to Prince Edgar Atheling, as the next and right heir to the Crown, Cui de Iure debebatur: Others of them favo∣red Harold, Earl Godwins son, as being a person then of greatest Power and Valour in the Realm, [g] 1.8 An∣glia dubio fav••re nutabat cui se R••ctori committeret in∣certa, an Haraldo, an Willielmo, an Edgaro. Nam & illum pro genere proximum regno, Proceribus Rex com∣mendaverat. Harold being a crafty subtil man, know∣ing that delayes were hurtfull to those who were pre∣pared, on the very day of Epiphany, whereon King Ed∣ward

was buried, having the command of all the Mili∣tia and forces of the Realm, as General and Vice-roy to the deceased Kiug, by the strength of himself and his kinred and friends, invaded and seized upon the royal Crown, and then presently set it upon his own head, crow∣ning himself King without any Title, Right, or due E∣lection by the Nobles, or Coronation by the Bishops, (whereby he incurred the hatred both of the English Pre∣lates and Pope;) and then extorted alleg••ance from the Nobles; as William of Malmsbury, Matthew Paris, Ingulphus, Henry Huntindon, Matthew Westminster, the Chronicle of Bromton, Knyghton, Caxton, Mr. Fox, Speed, and some others attest. But Marianus Scotus, Florent. Wigorniensis, Roger de Hoveden, Sim. Dunelm. Radulfus de Diceto, Eadmerus, Hygden, Fabian, Grafton, with others, write in favour of Harold, that King Ed∣ward before his death, made him not only his General, but Vice-roy; and ordained, that he should be King after him. Whereupon, A totius Angliae Primatibus ad regale culmen electus, he was elected to be King by all the Nobles of England•• and solemnly consecrated and crow∣ned King by Aldred Archbishop of Yorke. And so, Iux∣ta quod ante mortem (Edwardus) statuerat, in Regnum ei successit Haroldus, writes * 1.9 Eadmerus. That King Edward designed him for his Successor in the Crown, seems very improbable, because Harold himself never alleged nor pretended it in any of his Answers to Duke Williams Embassadors to him, who claimed the Crown by his speciall bequest and designation in his life-time; and because King Edwards hatred to Godwin and his Posterity, seems inconsistent with it••

[i] 1.10 William of Malmsbury an impartial disingaged Author living in, or near that time, gives us this deter∣mination of these diffrent relations. Recenti adhuc rega∣lis funeris luctu, Haroldus ipso Theophaniae die, extorta a Principibus fide, arripuit Diadema, quamvis Angli dicant, a Rege concessum: quod tamen magis benevo∣lentia,

quam judicio allegari existimo, ut illi haeredit••tem tran••funderet suam, cujus semper suspectam habuerat po∣tentiam. Quamvis, ut non celetur veritas, pro per∣sona quam gerebat, regnum prudentiae & fortitudine gu∣bernaret, si legitime suscepiscet. Abbot [k] 1.11 Ingul∣phus living at that time, thus relates his intrusion into the Throne against his Oath. In crastino Regii funeris Comes Haroldus, con••ra suum statum & jusjurandum, cont••mpler praesti••ae ••idei, ac nequiter oblitus sui Sacra∣men••i, Throno R••gio se intrusit: yet adds; per Archie∣piscopum Eboracae Aldredum solenniter coronatus: [l] 1.12 Henry Huntindon thus records it, Quidem An∣glorum Edgar Adeling promovere volebant in Regem: Haroldus vero, viribus et genere fretus Regni Diade∣ma invasit. The [m] 1.13 Chronicle of Bromton, and [n] 1.14 Knyghton, thus give us the story of it. Sancto Edwar∣do rege et Confessore m••rtuo, quidam Anglorum Magna∣tes Edgarum Adelynge, ••ilium Edwardi, filii Regis Ed∣mondi Ironside in Regem promovere moliebantur; sed quia puer erat, et tanto oneri minus idoneu••, et in bursa minus refertus, Haroldus Comes viribus et genere fretus, Cui erat Mens astutior, crumena f••c••ndior, et miles copio∣sior, et pompis gloriosior, sinistro omine Regnum occu∣pavit, et contra Sacramentum quod Willielmo Duci Normanniae praesti••erat, Regni Diadema sinistro omi∣ne illico invasit, et sic perjurus sancto Edwardo succes∣si•• juxta quod idem Edwardus, ut quidam aiunt, ante mortem suam statuerat promissione quam idem Rex dum juvenis in Normannia extitit, dicto Willielmo de succe∣dendo post ••um in regnum fecerat, & sibi super hoc postea secundum quosdam solemnes nuncios, ut praemittitur, destinaverat, non obstante. [o] 1.15 Abbot Ailred, thus registers Harolds usurpation, and the sad events thereof. Int••rea Haroldus, Godwini filius, Regnum Angliae quod secundum fidem Sacramenti debuerat servasse Wil∣lielmo Regis Edmundi consobrino, sibi nec Iure debi∣tum, nec Natura, irreverenter usurpans, malum

quod Angliae secundum Sancti Regis oraculum Dominus praeparaverat transgressione pacti et fidei acceleravit laesione. Ut autem attenuati viribus, facilius ab hiis quos injustè provocaverat hostibus vinceretur, suscitavit ei a parte aquilonis inimicos, Haroldum cognomento Harfar, Norwagenorum regem, et Tostium fratrem s••∣um, quem de Anglia ipse exp••lerat &c. (y) 1.16 Tho. Wal∣singham thus stories it. Cujus regnum Haroldus continuo invasit, ex fidelitate pejura••us quam Duci juraverat. Ad quem Legatos direxit protinus, hortans ut ab hac ve∣sania resipisceret, et fidem quam juramento spospondera••, cum digna subjectione servaret. Sed ille hoc non so∣lum audire contempsit, verum omnem ab illo Anglorum gentem infideliter avertit. Hygden in his Polychro∣nicon, l. 6. c. 28. Mr Iohn Fox, Acts and Monuments Vol. 1. p. 214. Mr. Cambden in his B••itannia, p. 145, 146. Holinshed, Sir Iohn Hayward, Sir Richard Baker, affirm the like, and incline to this opinion. That Harold, by his might, power, craft, policy usurped, and invaded the Crown, without any right, against his Oath. I shall summ up all their Opinions in the words of (q) 1.17 Iohn Speed.

After King Edwards death, the Statesmen perplexed for choice of a new, Edgar Athelings title was worthy more respect than it found, for him they held too young for government: besides a stran∣ger born, scarce speaking English, and withall the prophecies of Edward, touching the alienation of the Crown, the interest of the Danes, and the claim of Duke William, made, (both by gift and consanguini∣ty) bred great distractions of desires and opinions, but nothing concluded for setling the State; no man as∣suming or possessing the diadem, because none had the power or right to adorn therewith his own head. In this calm conference a sudden gale arose, which blew all the sails spred for that wind into one port. Harold, son to Earl Godwin, a man (duly prizing his many worthy parts) not unmeet for a Kingdom, next Ed∣ward

(his Bro••her-in-law,) in the kingdom, courte∣ous in speech and behaviour, in martial prowesse the only man, (qui vivente Edwardo quaecu••que contra e∣um bella incensa sunt, virtute sua compressit, cupiens se Provincialibus ostentare, in regnum scilicet spe pruri∣enti anhelans, as(r) 1.18 Malmsbury writes of him) frien∣ded by as••inity of many of the Nobles, expected to be both sided and assisted, if his cause came either to tri∣al or voice, seeing the time well sitted his entrance. Swane King of Denmark (most dreaded by the Eng∣lish) being then intangled with the Sweden wars; Wil∣liam the Norman (that made claim from King Ed∣ward) then absent, and at variance with Philip the French King; the friends of Edgar in Hungary, and himself a Stranger, over young for to rule: all which concurrent made Harold, without deliberation, or or∣der from the States, to set the Crown on his own head, regardlesse of all ceremony, and solemn cele∣bration: for which act, as a violater of holy rites, he too too••much offended the Clergy, none either great∣ly applauding or disapproving his presumption, except only for the omission of manner and form.

Harold having gotten actual possession of the Crown, Marianus Scotus, Florentius Wigorniensis, Huntindon, Hoveden, Sim. Dunelmensis, Radulphus de Diceto, Hygden, Fabian, Gra••ton, H••linshed, Cambden, and Speed, record; that to ingratiate himself with the Clergy & people,

He began to destroy evil Laws and Customs before used: and stablished just and good Laws; especially such as were for the defence of ho∣ly Church: He likewise became a Patron of Churches and Monasteries, respected and reverenced Bishops, Abbots, Monks and Clergymen; shewed himself pi∣ous, humble, affable to all good men, and hatefull to all Malefactors; publickly commanding all his Dukes, Earls, Sheriffs, and other Officers, to appre∣hend all Thieves, Robbers, and Disturbers of the

Realm; himself likewise taking extraordinary paines and care for the defence and guarding of the Realm, both by Land and Sea

Whereunto Iohn Speed super∣adds,

He remitted or diminished the grievous cu∣stoms* 1.19 and Tribute which his Predecessors had rai∣sed; a course ever powerfull to win the hearts of the Commons: to Churchmen he was very munificent, and carefull of their advancement; and to grow more deeply in their venerable esteem, he repaired their Mo∣nasteries, especially that at Waltham, which he sump∣tuously new built, and richly endowed. Moreover, to satisfie such Nobles as affected young Edgar, he created him Earl of Oxford, and held him in special favour. In brief, unto the poor his hand was ever o∣pen, unto the oppressed, he administred Justice; and all to hold that Crown upright which he had set on his own head with an unsure hand, and deprived him of unto whom he was Protector.

But these Encomiums of his Justice and Government, seem to me, to be rather forged than real. For how could he r••form ill Laws and Customs, and enact good Laws, when King Edward had so newly and exactly done it before him, that there was no need of such a reformation; neither ••inde we the least mention of any Laws made by Harold? Or how could he remit, or diminish those grievous c••stoms and Tributes, which King Edward had totally remitted before him, unless himself first revived them? Or how could he court the Prelates and Clergy, when as he refused to be consecrated by them, for which he in∣curred their disfavour? I rather therefore incline to the quite contrary Characters which other Historians give of him and his Government, as most consonant to truth. (s) 1.20 Henry de Knyghton, though he recites what some forementioned write in his favour, yet gives us this ac∣count of his proceedings himself: Iste devenit nim••s e••latus et cupidus in collectione auri et argenti et thesauro∣rum, nec aliquam uxorem ducere voluit, & vi oppressit

filias Baronum & Procerum, atque Militum de regno: quod ipsi aegrè ferebant; Et de Forestis suis tantam fero∣citatē & seviritatem erga adjacentes Nobiliores exercuit, quod quamplures adni••tlavit, et multos depauperavit. Neo mirum quamvis ex hiis et aliis nimis odiosus deve∣nit populis suis. Et ideo pars Comitum et Baronum ad invi••em conferebant, dicentes, ipsum non esse fortunae deditum, nec verum esse Regem, sed per intrusionem erectum, et ideo infauste regere populum suum. Et mandaverunt Willielmo Duci Normanniae, ut in An∣gliam veniret eorum Consilio et Auxilio Ius Regni prosecuturus, feceruntque ei fidelem securitatem veni∣endi, et consensit.* 1.21 And Matthew Westminster gives us this character of him: Superbia elatus jam factus de Rege Tyrannus, Rex Haroldus in multis patrisans temerarius suit, et indiscretus, in praesumptione ancipiti nimis suae invictae confidens fortitudini, laudis cupidus et Thesauri, promissorum immemor arridente prosperitate. Unde ipsis Anglis quibus praeerat, etiam consangui∣neis se praebuerat odiosum; victoriamque cum illi Do∣minus exercituum et Deus ultionum concesserat, non Deo sed sibi, suaeque ascripsit strenuitati. Quod recenti ex∣perientia fuerat comprobatum, cum a Noricis evi••tis Superbus spoliisque omnium retentis, quae aliis promissa debebantur, ad Normannorum praelia praecipitanter et in∣consultè festinavit. Unde Ducis Gulihelmi, maguanimi in negotiis bellicis peragendis, et circumspecti, fidelis in polli∣citis, in pace socialis & jucundi, in conviviis dapsilis et se∣ren••, omnibus fere, tam Anglis quam conterminis, maxime tamen Noricis acceptabatur. Recipientes eum benevole di∣cebant; Benedictus qui venit in nomine Domini, Rex paci••icus, bellator victoriosus, pater & protector deso∣latorum. Dominus autem Papa, simulque fra••res Car∣dinales universi, cum tota Curia Romana, Regem Ha∣roldum semper exosum habentes, pro eo quod sibimet dia∣dema Regni, sine eorum convenientia, et ecclesiastica so∣lemnitate, consensuque Pralatorum, praesumpserat, inju∣riam

dissimularunt. Et vid••ntes, quo fine ausa praesump∣tio terminaretur, cum fortuna adversa sunt adversati, po∣tentioriq, manu atque victrici, more cupidorum, vel potius arundinis exagitatae ventorum turbine, quantocius inclina∣verunt. Such was the Popes & Clergies temper then.

(u) 1.22 Duke William being certainly informed, that Harold contrary to his Oath and promise to him, had without right or Title invaded the Crown, and being secretly invited by some of the English Nobles to chal∣lenge his own right thereunto by Kings Edwards desig∣nation; sent Messengers to Harold, who mildly repre∣hending him for his breach of Covenant, added by way of menace, that he would before the year expired exact his due from him by force of arms, in case he refused voluntarily to yield up the kingdom to him. But Ha∣rold growing secure, contemning his threats, (as never likely to be put in execution, both because the Dukes daughter, to whom he was espoused, was dead, and himself involved in wars with his Neighbour Princes) returned his Messengers to him with this answer, [x] 1.23 Harold King of England sends you this answer, That true it is, when he espoused your daughter in Normandy, being compelled by necessity, He sware that the Realm of England should belong to thee. But against this he asserts, That a forced Oath is not to be kept: For if a vow or oath which a Virgin had knowingly made concerning her body, in the house of her Father, without her parents con∣sent, was revocable and void: much more the Oath which he, being under the Scepter of the King, had made without his knowledge, by compulsion, ought to be n••lled and made voyd, as he asserted.* 1.24 Moreover he af••irmed, Nimis prae∣sumptuosum ••uisse, quod absque generali Consensu Regni Haereditatem vobis juraverat alienandam. Addidit etiam Injustum esse petere, ut e regno disce∣dat, quod tanto Principum favore, susceperat guber∣nandum. That it was overmuch presumption in him, that without the general consent of the Realm, he had sworn

the inheritance thereof should be alienated to him: That King Edward being then living, he c••uld neither give a∣way the Kingdoms succession to him, nor grant it to any o∣ther without his cons••nt; et ••ine populi consensu, Senatus Decreto, et nesciente omni Anglia, de toto Regno, necessitate temporis coactus impegerit: and without the consent of the people, and decree of the SENATE, (or Parliament) he could not promise to him the whole Realm of England, without the knowledg of all England, being compelld therto only by the necessity of the time. Adding moreover, that it was unjust to demand, that he should d••part from that kingdom, which he had undertaken to govern with so great favour of the Nobles; (y) 1.25 Ead∣merus, [z] 1.26 Radulphus de Diceto, and some others, re∣cord this to be his Answer then returned to Duke Wil∣liam. Soror mea, quam juxta condictum expetis, mortua e••. Quod si corpus ejus quale nunc est vult Comes ha∣bere, mittam, ne judicer Sacramentum violasse quod feci. Castellum Dofris, et in eo puteum aquae, licet nesc••am cui, ut vobis convenit,* 1.27 explevi Regnum quod necdum fu∣it meum, quo Iure potui dare vel promittere? Si de filia sua quam debui in uxorem, ut asserit, ducere agit; Super Regnum Angliae mulierem extraneam, inconsultis Principi••us me nec debere, nec sine grandi injuria posse adducere noverit.

* 1.28The Norman, who till then, thought England sure to be his, and had devoted his hopes from a Duke to a King, stormed to see himself thus frustrated on a sudden, and instead of a Crown to have such scorns heaped on his head; therefore, nothing content with this ••light and scornfull answer, returnd his Ambassa∣dors again to Harold, by whom he ••aid his claim more at large; As that King Edward in the Court of France, had faithfully promised the Succession unto him, and again ratified the same unto him, at his being in Eng∣land; and that not done without consent of the State, but confirmed by Stigand (it should be Robert) Arch∣bishop

of Canterbury, the Earls Godwin and Si∣ward, yea and by Harold himself, and that so firmly assured, that his Brother and Nephew were delive∣red for pledges, and for that end sent to him into Normandy: that he being no way constrained to swear (as he pretended) he appealed to Harolds own Conscience, who besides his voluntary offer to swear the succession of the Crown unto him, contracted himself to Adeliza his daughter, then but young, upon which foundation the Oath was willingly taken.

But Harold who thought his own head as fit for a Crown as any others, meant nothing less than to lay it down upon par••y; and therefore told Williams Embas∣sadours plainly;

That however Edward and he had tampered for the Kingdom, yet Edward himself coming in by election, and not by any Title of Inheritance, his promi••e was of no validity, for how could he give that wherein he was not interested, nor in the Danes time was likely to be? and tell you•• Duke, that our Kingdom is now brought to a setled estate, and with such love and liking of the English, as that they will never admit any more a stranger to rule over them. That the Duke himself well knew, that the Oath he made him was only for fear of death or im∣prisonment, and that an Oath so extorted in time of extremity, cannot bind the maker in Conscience to perform it, for that were to joyn one sin with ano∣ther.

With which and the like Speeches he shifted off the Dukes Embassadours, without any Princely en∣tertainment, or courteous regard: who returned home without reply, [b] 1.29 vel veris vel veresimilibus argumen∣tis perstricti.

[c] 1.30 Some of our Historians record; That the Dukes Messengers upon their second Embassy, admonishing him how religiously he had bound himself by Oath, and that per∣jured persons should be sure to find perdition from Gods hands, and reproachfull shame with men, waived all o∣ther

demands of the Crown, and insisted only upon this; That Harold should marry his Daughter, which he had espoused, according to his promise, else he should cer∣tainly know he would by force of Armes challenge the suc∣cession of the Kingdom promised to him. But this seems improbable, because our other Historians conclude, that his espoused Daughter was dead before this Embassie; and Williams preparations and future Messages claim∣ing the Crown, resolve the contrary. [d] 1.31 Abbot In∣gulphus flourishing at that time, gives us this sum of their Negotiation, and Harolds answer thereunto. Wi••lielmus au••em Comes Normanniae Legatos mittit, foe∣dera facta dicit, pacta patefecit, promissa petit, & aliquod justum medium confici requirit. At Rex Haroldus Legatos vix auscultat, foedera fracta negat, pacta recusat, promissa excusat, & omnia ••ustamedia oblata sufflat, & subsannat; Cumque haec intermedia quotidie agerentur, ac solum nunciorum cursus ac recursus tota aestate sine fructu consumerarentur; The Embassadours returned empty, bringing only Harolds unsatisfactory and scornfull An∣swers with them. [e] 1.32 Wherewith Duke William be∣ing much inraged, cast about how to recover that by right of armes which he could not gain by Treaty; providing Ships, Souldiers, Mariners, and all things necessary for an inva∣sive war, making choice of the tallest, skilfullest and good∣liest Souldiers he could select, and of such Captains and Commanders, as both in the Army and elsewhere, seemed all of them to be rather Kings than Nobles. And to set the better colour upon his pretended enterprise, he sent to Pope Alexander, acquainting him with the ju∣stice of his cause, and the war he had undertaken, his Embassadours setting them forth with all the strength of eloquence, which Harold neglected to doe, either through sloathfullness, or diffidence of his Title, or for fear William (who strictly watched at Ports) should in∣tercept his Messengers. The Pope having weighed

the Ti••le of both parties,* 1.33 sent a consecrated Banner to William, as an Omen of his right to the kingdom, and good success taken in the enterprise. Which having received, Conventum magnum Procerum apud Lis∣libonam, fecit, super negotium singulorum sententias scissitatus: Duke William called a Great Council of Nobles at Lill••bon, demanding every one of their opi∣nions concerning this business: Cumque omnes ejus voluntatem plausibus excipientes, magnificis promissis ani∣massent, Commeatum Navium omnibus; pro qnan∣titate possesionum indixit. Henry Huntindon, Hygden, Radulphus de Diceto, Speed, Daniel, and others relate, That the Lords of Normandie in this great Parliamen∣tary Assembly, taking Counsel amongst themselves, what was best to be done in this expedition, VVilliam Fitz-Osbert counselled,

to leave and forsake the war, both for scarcity of ••ighting men, and by reason of the strength, valour, fierceness and cruelty of the Ene∣mies.

Whereof the other Lords being glad, put their answer into his mouth, resolving they would all consent to what he should say: Who comming before the King said; That he and all his men were ready and devoted to as∣sist him in that enterprise, and so were all the other Lords. Whereupon all the Nobles of Normandy being thus un∣expectedly surprized and bound by his words and pro∣mise, provided themselves for the expedition. In this Assembly of the Norman States, [f] 1.34 a subsidy being pro∣pounded, as the sinews to carry on this great undertaking: it was answered, That a former war with the French had impoverished much of their wealth; That if new wars were now raised,* 1.35 and therein their substance spent to gain other parts, it would be there so missed, as it would hardly be suf∣ficient to defend their own; That they thought it more safe for him to hold what he had, than with hazard of their own to invade the territories of others: That though the war in∣tended were just, yet it was not necessary, but exceeding dan∣gerous. Besides, by their allegiance they were not bound to

mil••tary services in forein parts•• and therefore no pay∣ments could be assessed upon them. Whereupon the wealthiest of all the people were sent for by the Duke, and severally, one by one conferred with; shewing them his right and hopes of England, where preferments lay even for the meanest of them: only money was the want, which they might spare, ••either should that be given, but lent upon a plentifull increase. With which words he drew them so on, that they strove who should give most, and by this means he ga••hered such a masse of money as was sufficient to defray the war. Besides, Fitz Osburne promi••ed to furnish 40 ships at his own charge, the Bishop of Bayon 40. the Bishop of Mau•• 30. and so others accordingly, beyond their abilities: And di∣vers neighbour Princes, upon promises of fair possessi∣ons in England, assisted him both with Ships and Soul∣diers. On the other side Harold to prevent his and the Danes invasions, who likewise laid Title to the Crown, provided ships and forces,* 1.36 to oppose them both by Sea and Land, and repairing to the Port of Sandwich, ap∣pointed his Navy to meet him there; which being there assembled, he failed with it to the Isle of VVight, and there watched the coming of VVilliam into England with his Army all the Summer and Autumn, placing likewise his Lan•• forces of Foot in fitting places about the Sea coasts. But at last the victuals of the Navy and land Army being spent, they both returned home about the Feast of St. Mary.

[g] 1.37 Soon after Divine Providence, to make the ea∣sier and speedier way for Harolds overthrow, stirred up his own Brother Tosti, the banished Earl of Nor∣thumberland, to recover his Earldom, and avenge him∣self of Harold (who exiled him) some think by Duke VVilliams advice, they marrying two Sisters: Who coming with 60 (some write 40) ships, out of Flan∣ders, forced Taxes and Tribute out of the Isle of VVight, took booties and Mariners to serve in his Navy on the

Sea coasts of Kent, whence, he hoising ••ail, fell ••oul on Lincolnshire, where Morcar and Edwin, Earls of Che∣ster and Yorkeshire incountring him with their forces by Land, and Harolds Navy by Sea, with some loss of their men, routed, and drove him from thence into Scotland. Where after some stay Harold Harfager, King of Denmark, after his conquest of the Orcades, by Tosti his solicitation came into the River of Tine with 300. (others write 500) ships, where they both united their forces, intending to subdue and conquer England: then landing their Souldiers in Northumberland, they wasted and spoiled the Country where ever they came. Whereupon Earl Morcar, and Earl Edwin, with the inhabitants of the Country, raised all the forces they could against them, and giving them battel in a tu∣multuous manner, were routed by them, many of them being slain in the field, and the rest inforced to fly into York for shelter, which the Enemies besieging, was presently surrendred up to them, and hostages de∣livered them after the slaughter of many Citizens, Nobles, and Clergy-men. Upon this King Harold recollecting his disbanded Army and Navy, marched with all speed towards York against the Danes, Norwe∣geans, and his brother Tosti, but coming to Hamford Bridge, one valiant Dane, with his Battle Axe ••lew 40 of his men, and made good the Bridge against the whole Army, for a long space, till at last some going under the Bridge in a Boat, slew him with a spear. Both Armies joyning battel, after a long and bloudy fight, Harfager and Tosti, with may other of Note were slain, their whole Army routed, all their Ships ta∣ken, with the loss of many of the bravest English Soul∣diers, and 20 of their Ships only permitted to depart into Denmark with their wounded men, and O••aus Harfagers Son, who to save his life, took an Oath, ne∣ver from thence forth to attempt any hostility or invasion a∣gainst the English. [h] 1.38 This victory Abbot Ailred a∣scribes

to the merits of Edward the Confessor, who promised to be the Captain and Protector of the English Nation, against those Enemies who invaded the Realm con∣trary to right and Law, and promised them the victory over them: But Harold, ascribing it to his own valour, in∣stead of rewarding his Souldiers with the spoils of the vanquished enemies, as the price of their bloud, out of a base unworthy avarice, converted all the spoils and booty to his own private use, giving no part of them to any other: Wherewith many of the Nobles and common Souldiers were so incensed, that detesting the covetousness of their Prince, they unanimously depar••ed from his service, and refu∣sed to march wi••h him against the Normans. This tri∣umphant victory so puffed up Harold, that he thought himself secure in the Throne, beyond the fear or reach of a∣ny adversity, and instead of a King became a TYRANT.

Whilst Harold with all his Land and Sea forces were thus bu••ied in the North of England, Duke VVilliam in August assembled all his Land Army and Navy, consisting of 900 ships, at the Port of S. Valerie, to in∣vade England in the South, then wholly destitute of all Guards by Land, and Navy by Sea, to resist his landing. And to satisfie his Souldiers, and all others of the justice of his undertaking, [i] 1.39 he alleged these three causes there∣of, which Henry de Knyghton devides into four.

The first was, to revenge the cruel murther of his Cousin Prince Alfred, King Edmunds brother, and of the Normans who came with him to assist him to re∣cover the Crown of England, to which he was right heir, whom Godwin and his Sons had shamefully dis∣honoured, treacherously betrayed, and barbarously murdered; which fact he ascribed principally to Harold.

The second was, because Godwin and his Sons by their cunning, had injuriously banished Robert Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, Earl Odo, and all the French and

Normans out of England, which wrong he would re∣venge on Harold, as done principally by his means and labour.

The third and chief ground was; because Harold falling headlong into perjury, had without any right usurped the Crown and Realm of England, which of due belonged unto him, both by right of Kinred to, and gift by King Edward his Nephew, and by Harolds own solemn Oath and promise, made to him in Nor∣mandy, to preserve the Kingdom for his use after King Edwards death without children, according to King Edwards command.

While Duke William with his ships and Army lay many days together at S. Valerie, expecting a fair gale for England, the winds being cross [k] 1.40 many of the com∣mon souldiers there lying in Tents, thus muttered one to a∣nother: That the man was mad who would by force invade and make another mans Country and Realm his own; That God did fight against them in withdrawing the winds: That his Father attempted the same thing in the same man∣ner, and was hindered and inhibited therein. That it was fatal to his family, that aspiring to things above their power, they should find God opposite to them. These speeches bruted abroad, which might enfeeble the strength, and a∣bate the courage even of valiant men; The Duke there∣upon taking Counsel with his Senators, caused the Corps of St. Valerie to be brought forth to procure a wind;[l] 1.41 & presently a prosperous gale filling their sayles, the Duke himself first took ship, and launched forth, and all the rest after him, then casting Anchor till the Fleet came round about him, they all sailing with a gentle course landed at Hastings and Pevemsy. The Duke stepping forth of the ship upon the shore, one of his feet slipped, so that he fell down into the mud, one of his hands being filled with sand, whch he interpreted as an ill omen, and sinister event. But one of his Soul∣diers who stood next him, lifting him up from his fall,

whiles he held the mud in his hand, changed this event into a better interpretation, saying; Most happy Duke, thou already possessest England and plowest it up; Behold the land is in thy hand, Lift up thy self with good hope, thou shalt be King of England ere long.

No sooner was the Army landed, * 1.42 but the King strictly charged them to forbear plu••dering, and take no booties, seeing they ought to spare the things that should be his own, nor to wrong any of their persons, who should ere long become his Subjects. (n) 1.43 Richard Vestegan re∣cords out of a French Historian, that Duke VVilliam the same day he landed in England, caused divers of his chief Officers and Friends to dine with him,* 1.44 and chancing at dinner to talk of an Astrologer, who by the conjunction of the Planets, had assured him at St. Valerie, That Harold should never withstand him, but sub∣mit himself unto him, and yeeld him faith and homage; willed now that the said Astrologer should be brought unto him, whom he had caused to be imbarqued for that voyage: But it was told him, that the Ship wherein the said Astrologer sailed, was cast away at Sea, an•• he drowned in it. Whereunto the Duke replyed; That man was not wise, who had more regard ••o the good or ill fortune of another, than unto his own. I am now, thanks be to God, come over, I know not how the rest will succeed. How false this Star-gazers prediction proved, the sequel will manifest.

[o] 1.45 Duke VVilliam after his arrival, rested quietly 15. days without acting any thing, as if he minded no∣thing less than war. After which to cut off all occasi∣on or hopes of return from his Souldie••s, he fired all his ships, or (as some write) drew them all a shore and intrenched them, as others: erecting only a Castle on the shore for a retiring place for his Souldiers, if need were. From Pevensy he marched to Hastings, where he built another Fort. [p] 1.46 Henry de Knyghton records, that the first night he lodged in England in his Pavilli∣on,

there came a voice unto him, saying: William, Wil∣liam, be thou a good man, because thou shalt obtain the Crown of the Realm, and shalt be King of England; and when thou shalt vanquish the enemy, cause a Church to be built in the same place in my name, so many hundred foot in length, as in number of years the seed of thy bloud shall possess the Government of the Realm of England, and reign in England, an 150. years. But [b] 1.47 Matthew Westmin∣ster writes, this voice was after the battel with Harold, not before it, and the subsequent words in Knyghton, (touching his march to London,) import as much.

[r] 1.48 Harold residing in the North after his great vi∣ctory there, when he deemed all his Enemies totally broken in pieces, received certain intelligence, that Duke William was safely arived at Pevensey with his Fleet, and an inn••merable company of valiant Horsemen, Slingers, Archers, and Footmen, whom he had hired out of all France. Whereupon he presently marched with his ar∣my in great haste towards London; and although he well knew, that most of the valiant men in all England were slain in the two late Battels against Tosti and the Danes; that many of the Nobility and Common Souldi∣ers had quite deserted him, refusing to march with him, in that necssity, because he permitted them not to share with him in the great booties they had won with their bloud; and that half his Army w••re not come together•• yet he resolved forthwith to march into Sussex against the Enemy and fight them, with those small forces tired he then had, being most of them Mercenaries and Stipendiaries, except those English Noblemen, Gentl••men and Freemen, who enflamed with the love and liberty of their Native Country, voluntarily engaged themselves with him in the defence thereof, against the common, dangerous, inva∣ding Enemy, ra••her than to support his usurped Diadem and Royalty over them: of which number there were very few. [s] 1.49 Immo vero pauci, et manu promptissimi fuere, qui charitati corporum renunciantes Pro patria animas

posuerunt. Nam praeter Stipendiarios et Mercinarios milites, paucos admodum ex comprovincialibus habuit. Praecipitabant ••um nimium fata, ut nec auxilia convocari vellet; nec si vellet, multos parituros invenerat. Ita omnes ei erant infensi, quod solus manubiis Borealibus incubuerat: Unde cum suis quos ductabat astutia Guliel∣mi ••ircumventus, fusus est levi videlicet belli negotio, sed occulto et stupendo Dei consilio, quod nunquam poste•• Angli Communi praelio in libertatem spiraverint, quasi cum Haraldo omne robur deciderit Angliae, quae certe Potuit et debuit (etiam per inertissimos) solve∣re paenas perfidiae. Yet * 1.50 Thomas of Walsingham and some others write, that Harold had gathered together an innumerable company of Englishm••n against Duke William; and the multitudes of the Nobility, Gentry, and Commons of England slain in the Battel, besides those who fled from it, and could not come to fight; manifest his Army not to be so small, as these Authors would make it, [u] 1.51 only to augment the Englishmens va∣lour, and ecclipse the Normans, as overcomming them more by stratagem and multitude than true fortitude. Whiles Harold was in his march towards William with∣in 9 miles of his Fort in Sussex, he sent out Scouts before him, to discover the forces and numbers of the Enemy, who being intercepted and brought to William, he cau∣sed them to be led about his tents, that they might well view his Army, and then being bounti••ully feasted, he commanded them to be sent back to their Master with∣out any harm. Who returning to Harold, commending the Dukes magnificence, martial prowess and clemency, seriously affirmed, that all his Souldiers seemed to be Priests, because their faces and both their lips were sha∣ven; which kind of shaving none of the English then used, but their Priests only. Upon which Harold smi∣ling at the Scouts simplicity; replied, They were not effeminate Priests, but Souldiers of great and valourous minds, invincible in arms. Whereupon * 1.52 Girth, Ha∣rolds

younger Brother, a man of great knowledge and valour beyond his years, taking the Speech out of his mouth, said; Seeing you commend the valour of the Nor∣mans to be so great, I hold it unadvised rashnesse for you to fight with them, to whom you may be reputed inferiour, both in merit and valour. Neither are you able to gain∣say, b••t that you took an Oath to William (to reserve the Crown to his use) voluntarily or unvoluntarily. Where∣fore you shall doe more advisedly to withdraw your self out of the field in this instant nec••ssity, ne si perjurus decer∣tans, vel fugam vel mortem incurras, lest fighting perju∣red, you incurre either flight or death, and the whole Army perish for your sin of Perjury, seeing there is no fighting against God. Therefore expect the issue of the battel without danger: For we are altogether free from any Oath, justum suscipimus bellum pro Patria pug∣naturi, and have undertaken a just warr, to fight for our Country.* 1.53 If we fight alone without thee, thy cause shall prosper better, and thou shalt be more safe, what••ver be∣falls us; For if we fly, thou maist be able to succour and restore us; and if we be slain, thou maist revenge us. But such was Harolds unbridled rashness, that he would not give a pleasing ear to this admonition, esteeming it in∣glorious, and a great dishonour to his former life and valour, to turn his back to any Enemy or dan∣ger.

Whiles these discourses passed between them: in comes a Monk sent by Duke William, claiming the king∣dom as his, Because King Edward had granted it to him by advice of Archbishop Stigand, and of the Earls Godwin and Siward, and had sent the Son and Nephew of Godwin hostages thereof into Normandy. But to a∣void effusion of Christian bloud, the Monk brought him these three profers. Either to depart with the Realm to William, a••cording to his Oath and agreement. Or, t•• hold the Kingdom from, and reign under him. Or final∣ly to determine the controversie between them two by a sin∣gle

Du••l, in th•• vi••w of both their Armies. But Ha∣rold out of a strange imprudence, impudence & pride of heart, as one whom the heavens would depresse, ac∣cepting neither domestick counsel, nor the N••rmans of∣••er, would neither vouchsafe to look upon the Messen∣ger with a good countenance, nor discourse with him in milde terms, but sending him away with indignation, prayed only thus, That God would judge between him and his Master William. To whom the Monk boldly replying; required, that if he would deny the right of William, he should either referr it to the Iudgement of the Se•• Apostolick, or else to battel, if he had rather; by which he asserted, that William was ready to tri•• his Ti∣tle. But Harold answering nothing to those his Pro∣posals, but what he had done before, went within little of laying violent hands upon the Embassador, comman∣ding William with violent terms and menaces to depart his kingdom. By which he whetted the minds of the Normans to fight, and gave them hopes of Victory by his Injustice. After which both Armies provided to give battel the next morning, being Harolds birth-day, 4. October 1066. his Souldiers (as men whose Heads were sure to be crowned with lawress of Victory) spent the whole night in licentious revels, riot, drunkennesse, clamours, shouts; but the Normans more Christianly and seriously demeaning themselves, spent it in confessi∣ons of their sins, prayers, and Vowes to God for victo∣rious successe. No sooner did the morning appear, but the Norman Army was prepared for battel. Then (y) 1.54 Duke William making an elegant oration to them, minded them, of the extraordinary valour, the manifold victories and conquests of their ancestors and themselves, which he exhorted them now t•• second, concluding his Speech with this exhortation, To avenge the injury of Harold, and the treachery of him and the English in mur∣dering Prince Alfred, and the Noble Normans who ac∣companyed him. Nonne pudet Regem Haroldam, con∣tra

me in praesentia vestri perjuram faciem suam vobis ostendere ausum fuisse? Mihi tamen stupor est, Quod eos qui parentes vestros, cum Alfrido cognato meo proditione nefanda excapitaverunt, oculis vestris vidi∣stis; et eorum capita adhuc humeris eorum super••int. Erigite vexilla viri, nec sit irae promeritae modus vel mo∣destia. Ab oriente ad occidente videatur fulmen gloriae vestrae, audiatur tonitrum impetus vestri, Uindi∣cesque generosissimi sanguinis. At which words all the Normans were so incensed against the English, that they left their Duke alone speaking to himself, befo••e he had ended his Speech; and presently charged the Eng∣lish with unspeakable violence, before the third part of their army could be set in battel array (as Wigorniensis, Sim. Dunelmensis, Radulphus de Diceto, Hoveden, Brom∣tom, and others write.) One Taillefer, running before the rest, slew three English Ensigns one after another, and then was slain himself, before the rest of the Souldiers encountred. The English, by reason of the narrow∣nesse of the place, were unable to bring up above one third part of their men to fight in an orderly manner; For which cause, and out of hatred to Harold, many of them deserted both the field and him, and very few con∣tinued with him with a constant heart. Yet the battel was so manfully fought by Harold, and the English re∣maining with him, with various successe (sometimes one side prevailing, sometimes the other) that in con∣tinued from the third hour of the day, even till dark night. The English stood so thick and close together, and fought so valiantly, that the Norman assailants could no waies break their array, and were upon the point to recoyl: Which William perceiving, politickly sounded a Retreat; the Normans retiring in good or∣der, the English supposing them to flie, and themselves to be Masters of the field, thereupon began disorderly to pursue them, breaking their ranks and files; but on a sudden the Normans having their wished opportunity

charged them afresh, being scattered and disordered, so as they were not able to recover their battel, and so were beaten down and slain on every side; none of them by flight seeking to escape the field, but to main∣tain their honour in arms, chusing rather manfully to dye fighting in the cause and defence of their Country, than to fo••sak•• their Kings Standard. Who performing the Office both of an expert Commander and valiant Soul∣dier all the day, after many wounds received, and fight∣ing very manfully was at last slain with an arrow, shot through his brain in at his left eye, and falling dead from his horse to the ground, was slain under his own Standard, (when he had reigned only 9. Moneths and S. dayes;) and his two Brothers, Girth and Leofwin, with most of the English Nobility & Gentry there pre∣sent were slain together with him. Upon Harolds death, most of the common mercenary Souldiers fled, being without that head for whom they fought, and were pursued and slain by the Normans till night, [z] 1.55 Sed generosi malentes mori quam probrose fugere, videntes exhaeredationem suam imminere et jugum intolerabile, donec nox certamen divideret, in certamine immota pectora praebentes presti••erunt, pulchram mortem pro pa∣tria ultione meruere. [a] 1.56 Some of our Histori∣ans write, that there were slain of the English in this battel no lesse than sixty thousand nine hundred twenty four men; which could not be, if Harolds Army were so small, as some report it; the Normans losing not a∣bove six thousand in the fight. [b] 1.57 Eadmerus, Roger de Hoveden, Simeon Dunelmensis, Radulphus de Dic••to, Bromton, and others, ascribe this Victory only to a di∣vine Miracle, and Gods Justice upon Harold for his de∣testable perjury, from the Testimony of the French who were present in it. De ho•• praelio testantur adhuc Fran∣ci qui interfuerunt, quoniam licet varius casus hinc inde extiterit, tamen tanta strages et fuga Normannorum fuit, ut victoria, quâ potiti sunt, vero et abs{que} dubio soli

miraculo Dei ascribenda sit, qui puniendo, per hanc iniquum perjurii scelus Haroldi, ostendit, se non domi∣num esse volentem iniquitatem. Which [c] 1.58 Abbot Ail∣red thus seconds. Gulielmus Dei judicio (to which Harold appealed) ipsum Haroldum Regno simul et vita privavit, for invading the Crown against right and his Oath, belonging to William, jure consanguinitatis & antiquae inter ipsum et Edwardum conventionis. The most of our Historians do the like. (d) 1.59 Thomas of Walsingham, imputes the great slaughter of the English in this battel by the Normans, as a just Judgement of God upon them for their treacherous murder of Prince Alfred and the Normans that came with him. Referun∣tur illo conflictu pugnae multa millia Anglorum corruisse, Christo illis vicem reddente ob Aluredi fratris Edwardi R••gis necem, ab eis injuste perpetratus: With whom Mr. [e] 1.60 Iohn Fox concurrs in his forecited passage; and Duke Williams Speech to his Souldiers before the battel implies as much, he making it the chief ground of his in∣vading England.

This battel, writes [f] 1.61 Abbot Ailred, Anglicae Li∣bertati finem dedit, initium Servituti: to which [g] 1.62 Malmsbury subjoyns. Illa dies fuit fatalis Anglis, fu∣nestum excidium dulcis patriae, pro novorum dominorum commutatione. [h] 1.63 Hanc autem regni subversionem, & sanguinis redundantis effusionem, cometa ingens & san∣guinea atque crinita, in exordio ill••us anni apparens, mi∣nace fulgore prae••ignavit, unde quidam:

Anno millesimo sexageno quoque seno Anglorum metae flammas sensere Comet••.

Quod Regni mutationem magnam, populi Stragem, & multam terr••e miseriam portendit. Ut enim Philosophi dicunt, quo dirigit crinem, illi•• diriget et discrimen; as

Abbot Ingulphus, Mat. Westminster, Matthew Paris, Huntindon, Hoveden, Wigornienfis, Simeon Dunelmen∣sis, Hygden, Knyghton and others observe.

In this Battel Duke William had three Horses slain under him, and often acknowledged, that Gods divine hand did more protect him, than mans, seeing his Ene∣my, amidst so many showers of darts and arrows which they shot against him, could not draw so much as one drop of hi•• bloud, though they frequently hit him with them.

(i) 1.64 Morcar and Edwin Earls of Yorkeshire and Cheshire, Harolds Brother-in-laws, withdrawing themselves and their forces from their battel, (either for want of room to fight, as was pretended, or rather for former dis∣contents) retreated to London: where consulting with Alfred Archbishop of York, and other Peers, and with the Citizens and Mariners of London, they all re∣solved to crown and set up Edgar Atheling the true heir, for their King: promising, to march under him with all their forces against Duke William, and to try a∣nother field: for which end they posted abroad Messen∣gers to levy new forces, and raise up the hearts of the de∣jected English from a despairing fear. But before Ed∣gars Coronation, whiles many were preparing them∣selves for a new battel, Morcar and Edwyn (whom this fearful estate of their native Conntry would not disswade or restrain from disloyalty and ambition, to gain the Crown to themselves, (as some record) se∣cretly hindered that noble and prudent design, by with∣drawing themselves from Edgar, and marched home with all their forces and their Sister Algitha, or A∣gatha, (Harolds wife) into Northumberland; conje∣cturing out of their simplicity, that Duke William would never come so farr. Upon their departure, though the rest of the Nobles would still have elected and crowned Edgar King, if the Bishops would have assented thereun∣to; yet the Prelates, struck with the fear of the Popes thunderbolt from abroad, and with the consideration of

the divisions, distractions of the Nobility and people, and the imminent danger at home, would no wayes con∣curr with the Nobles, Londoners, Sea-Captains and others, to crown Edgar, but resolved to go forth and submit them∣selves to the victorious Duke, and elect and crown him for their Soveraign. [k] 1.65 The Nobility discerning this wavering inconstancy of the Bishops; and considering, that they were nobly born, and must have a King; that not to ••ake him (who was of power to make himself King) would shew more of passion than discretion, distrusting each others faith, began to strive and runn headlong, who should be the first to preoccupate the Grace of Servitude, and intrude them into forein sub∣jection. The Commons (like a strong Vessel, that might have been for good use) were hereby left without a stern, and could not move irregularly without appa∣rent shipwrack. So that all estates in generall, either transported with sordid fear, or corrupted with new hopes, forsook Edgar, themselves, and their distressed Country, resolving all to become Williams sworn Vas∣sals, without any further contest. [l] 1.66 Ita Angli qui in unam coeuntes sententiam potuissent Patriae reformare ruinam, dum nullum ••x suis volebant, indux••runt ali••∣num.

During this their Consultation at London, [m] 1.67 Duke William after his victory marched with his army through Oxfordshire, Buckinghamshire and Hartford∣shire, towards London, so farr as Berkhamsted, without the least opposition; wasting the Country, burning the Villages, and slaying the people (as Hoveden, Cambden, and others write) notwithstanding his former inhibiti∣on of plunder, to force them more readily to submit unto him. Hereupon Aldred Archbishop of York, Wulstane Bishop of Worcester, Walter Bishop of Hereford, yea Prince Edgar himself, all the English Nobility, the chiefest of the Londoners, and many others repaired to the victorious Duke at B••rkhamsteed; where giving

him hostages for their fidelity, they resigned themselve•• up unto him as his subjects, and swore allegiance to him: with whom he reciprocally made a Covenant of Peace; & nihilominus exercitui suo villas cremare, & rapinas ag••re permi••it, adds Hoveden. When the feast of Christs Nativity approached, Duke William resolved to march to London, with all his Army, and there to be crowned King; * 1.68 but being on his way, he found all the pas∣s••ges blocked up with many great trees, which Frederick Abbot of St. Albans (descended from the Saxons noble bloud) had caused to be cut down and cast in the waies, to secure his Monastery from the destruction of the Normans; whereat the Duke both wondering and fret∣ting, sent for the Abbot, under assurance of his safe re∣turn; and demanding the cause, Why his woods were thus felled, and the wayes blocked up? he returned him this stout answer: I have done (saith he) both the duty of my birth and profession; and if others of my rank had performed the like, (as they w••ll might and ought to doe) it had not been in thy power to have pierced the land thus farr. William hearing his bold answer, and knowing it was now a fitter time to pacifie, than exulcerate the English Spirits, gave way to the present necessity, and marched to London with his Army; where he was joy∣fully received, by the Prelates, Nobles, and Generality of the People, and by them all elected and crowned King on the day of Christs Nativity, Anno 1066. * 1.69 In magna exultatione a Clero et Populo suscep∣tus, et ab omnibus Rex acclamatus. (p) 1.70 Thomas of Walsingham records, that Williams Vantguard march∣ing into London before him, found many Rebels against him in the streets of the City, with whom they encountring forthwith, brought no small grief and lamentation to the City, by reason of the many funerals of the Citizens and their Sons whom they slew. ••t last, the Citizens percei∣ving they could no longer resist them, put in hostages, sub∣jecting themselves with all theirs to their Conqueror and

Hereditary Lord. After which (writes he) the Duke on Christmass day was elected King by all the Nobles, as well of the Normans as English, and anoynted with sacred oyl,[q] 1.71 and crowned with the royal Crown by the Bi∣shops of the Realm at Westminster; He receiving the Crown from the hands of Aldred Archbishop of York, refusing to be crowned by Stigand Archbishop of Can∣terbury, by reason of the many euils and horrible crimes reported of him, and because he had unlawfully invaded that See, during the life of Robert, for which he was sus∣pended by the Pope: ne maledictionem videretur indue∣re pro benedictione, as most of our Historians accord: though the [r] 1.72 Chronicle of Bromton, and [s] 1.73 Mat. Parker assert, that Stigand peremptorily re••used to crown him, being a man of bloud, and an invader of anothers right. Cumque Willielmus Dux Normanniae, Conqu••stor Angliae Tyranni nomen exhor resceret, et nomen Legitimi Principis induere vellet, à Stigan∣do Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo in regno petiit consecrari. Ille vero, ut quidam dicunt, cruenti viro, et alieni Iuris invasori, manus imponere formidans nullatenus adquie∣vit. Unde licet ipse Willielmus eundem Stigandum ut noverat multis modis blandè honoravit, ip••um tamen nun∣quam cordialiter amavit.

* 1.74 Thomas Sprot, William Thorne, and out of them [u] 1.75 Matthew Parker, [x] 1.76 Mr. Lambard, [y] 1.77 Mr. Cambden, [z] 1.78 Godwin, Stow, and [a] 1.79 Speed record this Story, which none of our other antient Historians mention, That after Duke William had slain Harold, and the City of London with the generality of England had submitted to his power, being struck with the ••ear and terror of Harolds death, and the Englishmens great slaughter) except Kent alone; William marched with his forces towards Dover Castle, (the lock and key of the Realm) the better to command the Seas, and awe the Kentishmen, to subject it, and the other parts of the County to his power. Archbishop Stigand then ly∣iug

close in that County, either to renew the warr, or to obtain more honourable and just conditions of sub∣jection for his Kentishmen than any others, effected for his Kentish people that which none in his Country did besides. For perswading all his Kentish men to keep at home, and not stirr out of their confines, when he heard of Williams approach, advising with Eglesine Abbot of St. Augustinet (they two being the chiefest Lords and Governours of Kent) and the principal men of Kent; they considered, that the whole Realm was in a very sad and ill condition; for whereas before the comming of the said William, none of the English was a Servant, that now all indiffe••ently, as well Noble as Ignoble, were subjected to the perpetual Servitude of the Normans. And out of the dangers of their neighbours, assuming matter for their own and their Counties preservation, they assembled all the Commons of Kent to Canterbu∣ry; where they represented to them, the imminent dan∣gers of the Country, the misery of their neighbours, the in∣solency of the Normans, and the calamity of a servile con∣dition; all which now were too apparently seen.* 1.80 The English till then were frée-born, and the name of bon∣dage never heard among them, and they amongst the rest; but now nothing but servitude attended them, in case they unworthily yielded (as others had done) to the insolency of this griping Enemy. Whereupon by com∣mon advice, all the people decreed and declared to mee•• Duke William, et cum eo pro Patr••is Legibus certa∣re; and to fight with him for the Lawes of their Coun∣try; chusing rather to end an unhappy life by fighting for them in the field, than to undergoe the unaccustomed yoak of bondage, or to be reduced from their accustomed li∣berty to an unknown and unsure Slavery. The Archbishop and Abbot chusing rather to die in battel, than to behold the miseries of their Nation, after the ex∣ample of the holy Maccabees, became the Captains of the Kentish Army, resolving to die in defence of their

Country and Laws, whereupon they all resolved to meet together at Swanscomb, (two miles from Graves∣end) at a set time. Where assembling accordingly, they secretly kept together in the woods, watching the Dukes approach, all joyntly agreeing to block up his passage on all sides, and to surround the Duke and his Army on a sudden, that they might not escape them, every one of the Horse and Footmen carrying a green bough in his hand, that they might not be discovered, and wherewith, if need were, they might impeach and hedge up the Normans passage. The Duke marching the next day through the fields near Swanscomb, the whole multitude of the Kentishmen, like a moveable wood, surrounded him, approaching nearer and nea∣rer to him with a lo••t pace. Which stratagem so daun∣ted the Duke, even with the very sight of their ap∣proach, (who being, as he though••, free from all Ene∣mies, was now suddenly beset on all sides with these moving woods) that he knew not but all the other vast woods he saw, might be of the like nature; neither had he time to avoid the danger. The Kentishmen having thus enclosed him round about, casting down their boughs, bended their bowes, drew out their swords, shaked their pikes, held forth their other arms, display∣ed their banners, and sounded their trumpets in token of battel. The Duke and his Army being herewith a∣stonished, (though so puffed up with their former late victory, that they had even now, to their seeming, the whole Realm of England in their hand) were so extra∣ordinarily terrified herewith, that they stood in danger not only of the losse of the Victory and Army, but he even of his own life. Whereupon he desired a parley with the Kentish before the battel was joyned. Upon this Stigand and Egelsine, their Generals, were sent Embassadors to the Duke, on the behalf of the rest, who spake thus to him in their Kentishmens names.

Most Noble Duke, behold the people of Kent, are

come forth to meet thee as thy friends, and are ready to re∣ceive and obey thee as their Liege Lord, if ••hou shalt grant their most just requ••st••, demanding only such things as make for peace, and such as only tend to retain the Liber∣ty received from their Ancestors, and preserve the Laws and Customs of their Country. Neither will they be reduced under Bondage never yet felt by them, nor tolerate any new Lawes; For they can bear Royal Authority, but not Lordly Tyranny. Wherefore receive the Kentishmen, not as thy Servants, but as thy loyal, loving and affectionate Subjects. Yet upon this condition, That all the People of Kent may for ever enjoy their antient Liberty, without diminu∣tion, and use the Laws and Liberties of their Coun∣try, But if thou endeavourest to take away their Li∣berty, and the Immunity of their Laws, thou shalt likewise take away their Lives together with them: they being all ready at present to give thee and thine bat∣tel, and to try the uncertain chance of Warr; Being ful∣ly resolved rather to die in the field, than in any sort to depart with their Countries Laws and Customs, or to live under strange Laws or servile Bondage; the name and nature whereof is and ever shall be strange unto us. For although the rest of the English can submit themselves to Slavery, yet Liberty is the proper badge of Kentish men.

The Duke aston••shed with this Orat••on and his new troubles, with a perplexed troubled mind, advised here∣upon with his Counsellors; and wisely considering, that the event of the battel would be very doubtfull, that if he should depart without accomplishing his de∣signe, or if he should suffer any repulse or inconveni∣ence from this warlike people, that it would not onely redound to his great infamy, but that it would endan∣ger the loss of his new-acquired kingdom; undo what ever he had hitherto effected, and turn all his hopes and security into danger, if he should not joyne Kent, the

key of the whole Realm to the rest of the Kingdom, and retain it more by friendship and compact, (thus of∣fered to him) than by force. And considering like∣wise that their demands were not unreasonable; he thereupon, not so willingly as wisely, rather out of ne∣cessity, than voluntarily, granted to the Kentish men, that they should live freely according to their antient Laws and Customes. Whereupon there being a League made between William and the Kentishmen, and Hostages given on both sides for performance of it, they thereupon laid down their arms, and the joyful Ken••ish men conducted the joyous Normans to Rochester, where they resigned up to Duke William both the County of Kent, and noble Castle of Dover. And thus the an∣tient Liberty, Laws, Usage, and Custom of the English (called Gavelkind in the municipal English Laws) which was frequently and equally used throughout the whole Realm of England, before the comming of Duke Wil∣liam, afterward taken from others, continued more inviolable even till these our dayes in Kent alone, by the industry, courage, intercession and earnest vehemen∣cy of Stigand and Egelsine. Which thing is sufficient∣ly proved out of antient Writings concerning the cu∣stoms of Kent, wherein it is thus recorded, Dicit Comi∣tatus, quod in Comitatu isto de jure deb••t de ejusmodi gra∣vamine esse liber; quia dicit, quod ••om••tat••s iste, ut re∣siduum Angliae nunquam fuit Conquestus, sed per pa∣cem factam se reddidit Conquestioris dominationi Salvis sibi omnibus Libertatibus suis, et liberis consu••tudi∣bus primo habitis et usitatis. And from this valour and prowesse of the Kentishmen in standing thus man∣fully for the Laws, Cnstoms and Liberties of their Coun∣try both against Duke William, and the Danes before him, when as the other English basely submitted their necks to their Vassalage, they [b] 1.81 first obtained, and for many years after claimed, enjoyed this special priviledge, That in all Armies and Ba••taliaes of the English, they

had the honour of the Van, and foreward, and were worthi∣ly placed in the front, in all conflicts with the Enemy; they above all other Englishmen, retaining still the badges of their antieut worthinesse and Liberty.

Duke William having thus rather reconciled, than subdued Kent to himself (of which he was most careful, because therin were the most commodious Ports for any so pass into or out of the Realm) hasted to London to his Coronation; (which Matthew Parker, Godwin, and others, make subsequent to his Agreement with the Ken∣tish men, though Speed erroneously makes it precedent) where he conceived so profound a displeasure against Archbishop Stigand, for his forecited Speech and Strata∣gem to preserve the Liberties, Laws and Customs of his Kentishmen, that he would not suffer him to Crown him, according to the duty of his place, though he al∣leged other reasons for it, and never ceased his rancor towards him, till he had revenged it; [c] 1.82 first by carry∣ing him over with him into Normandy soon after in the na∣ture of a prisoner at large, under a pretext of honour: Next, by depriving him of his Archbishoprick, upon his return from thence; And finally, by shutting him up pre∣sently after a Prisoner in Winchester Castle, where he had scarce enough allowed him to keep life and soul toge∣ther, and soon after there died of grief or famine.

When Duke William was crowned at Westminster by Archbishop Aldred, before he set the Crown upon his head, he caused him before the altar of St. Peter in West∣minster, to promise upon Oath in the presence of the Clergy, Nobles and people, Se velle Sanctas Dei Eccle∣sias, ac Rectores earum defendere; necnon & cunctum populum sibi subjectum Iuste & regali Providentiae rege∣re; Rectam Legem statuere et tenere: Rapinas in∣justaque judicia penitus interdicere: as Florentius Wigorniensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, Roger de Hoveden, and Radulphus de Diceto, record his Oath: Which the Chronicle of Bromton,* 1.83 col. 962. thus expresseth. Ipsum

Regem Willielmum ad Iura Ecclesiae Anglicanae iuendae et confirmanda, populumque suum recte regendum et le∣ges rectas statuendum Sacramento solemniter astrixit. Which Iohn Speed thus renders in English, At his Co∣ronation he took a corporal Oath, before the High Altar, according to the accustomed form. To defend the holy Church of God and the Rectors of the same. To govern the universal people subject to him justly; to establish equal Laws, and to sée them duly executed as became a good King. After which Oath taken, the Bishops and Barons of the Realm there publikely made him homage, and took an Oath to him, to be his true and loyal Subjects. Thus (writes [d] 1.84 Matthew Westminster,) the Kingdom of the English was translated to the Dominion of the Normans by the most orderly disposition of God, who disposeth and dis∣sipateth Kingdoms, and disappointing the Councils of Princes, gives them to whom he will, and so long as he pleaseth, neither is there any that can say, why d••st thou thus?

What the chief Sins of the Englishmen then were, which brought them under the Norman yoak, I hav•• mentioned in part; take this addition to them, out of the Chronicle of Bromton, col. 961, 962. Cur autem tanto furore Dei Iustil••a in Anglos exarsit, causa, ut cre∣ditur haec est. In primitiva Angliae Ecclesia Religio cla∣rissime splenduit, &c. Processu vero temporis adeo omnis virtus in eis emarcuit, ut gentem nullam in proditione et nequitia sibi parem esse permitterent. Immisit ergo Dominus omnipotens, velu•• examina apum, Gentes cru∣delissimas, quae ab initio Ethelwolfi Regis, usque adven∣tum Normannorum per CCXXX. annos Terram jugi∣ter, protriverunt, et potissimum Normanni, quando omnes fere Angli (ut inferius aliqualiter parebit) in servitutem sunt redacti, et approbrium erat Anglicus appellari: To whom I shall subjoyn this passage of (c) 1.85 William of Malmsbury more fully setting out the Sins and Vices of the generality of the English in that

age, which brought Gods judgements on them, and en∣slaved them to the Normans by one single battel. Illa fuit dies fatalis Anglis funestum, excidium dulcis patriae, pro novorum dominorum commutatione. Iam enim pri∣dem moribus Ang••orum insueverat, qui varii admodum pro temporibus fuere. Nam primis adven••us sui annis vultu & gestu barbarico, usu bellico, ritu fanatico vive∣bant: Sed postmodum Christi fide suscepta, paulatim & per incrementa temporis, pro ocio quod actitabant exerci∣tium armorum in secundis ponentes, omnem in religione operam insumpsere. Taceo de pauperibus quos fortunae tenuitas plerumque continet, ne cancellos justi••iae trans∣grediantur: pr••termitto graduum Ecclesiasticorum vi∣ros, quos nonnunquam professionis contuitus, sed & infa∣miae metus à vero deviare non sinit. De Regibus dic••, qui pro amplitudine suae potestatis licenter indulgere volunta∣tibus possent: quorum quidam in patria, quidam Roma, mutato habitu coeleste luc rati sunt regnum, beatum nacti commercium. Multispecie texus tota vita mundum am∣plexi, ut thesauros egenis effunderent, Monasteriis divi∣derent. Quid dicam de tot Episcopis, Hermitis, Abbati∣bus: nonne tota Insula indigenarum tantis reliquiis ful∣gurat, ut vix aliquem vicum insignem praetereas, ubi no∣vi Sancti nomen non audias? quam multorum etiam pe∣riit memeria, proscriptorum inopia. Veruntamen lite∣rarum et religionis studia aetate procedente absoleverunt, non paucis ante adventum Normannorum annis. Clerici literatura tumultuaria contenti, vix Sacramentorum verba balbuti••bant: stupori et miraculo er••t caeteris, qui grammaticam noscet. Monachi subtilibus indumentis et indifferenti genere ciborum regulam ludificabant. Op∣tima••es gulae & venerii dediti Ecclesiam more christiano ••an•• non adibant, sed in cubiculo, et inter uxorios am∣plex••s, matutinorum solemnia et Missarum a festinante presbytero auribus tantum libabant. Vulgus in medio expositum, praeda erat potentioribus, ut vel ••orum substantiis exhaustis, vel etiam corporibus i•• longinqua••

terras distractis acervos thesaurorum congererent, quam∣vis magis ingenitum sit illi genti commessationibus, quam operibus inhiare. Illud erat a natura abhorrens, quod multi ancillas suas ex se gravidas, ubi libidini satisfecis∣sent, aut ad publicum prostibulum, aut ad ••t••rnum obse∣quium vendicabant. Potabatur in commune ab omnibus, in hoc studio noctes perinde ut dies perpetuantibus, parvis & abjectis domibus totos sumptus absumebant: Francis & Normannis absimiles, qui amplis & superbis aedificiis modicas expensas agunt. Sequebantur vitia ebrietatis so••ia, quae virorum animos effaeminant. Hi••c factum est, ut magis temeritate et furore praecipiti, quam scientia militari Willielmo congressi, uno praelio, & ipso perfacili, s••rvituti se patriam{que} pessundederint. Ad summam, tunc erant Angli vestibus ad medium genu expediti, crines tonsi, barbas rasi, armillis aureis brachia on••rati, picturatis stig∣matibus, cutem insigniti: in cibis urgentes crapulum, in po∣tibus irritantes vomic••. Et haec quidē extrema victoribus suis participarunt, de caeter is in ••orum mores transeuntes. Sed haec mala de omnibus generaliter Anglis dicta intelligi nolim. Scio clericos multos tunc temporis simplici via se∣mitam sanctitatis trivisse; Scio multos Laicos omnis generis & conditionis in hae eadem gente Deo placuisse: facessat ab hac relatione invidia, non cunctos pariter h••c involvat calumnia. Verum sicut in tranquillitate malos cum bo••is fovet plaerumque Dei sereni••as, ita in captivitate bon••s cum malis no••nunquam ejusdem constringit sev••ritas.

I have insisted more largely upon the Historical part of Harolds usurpation, perjury, short and troublesom reign, tragical death, Duke W••lliams claims to, and manner of acquiring the Crown of England, for this reason especially; To refute the common received Er∣ror of some ignorant Historians, of many illiterate Statists and Swordmen of this age, and of fundry tem∣porizing Ignoramusses of my own robe; who publickly averr in their Pamphlets, Speeches, Charges, and Dis∣courses; that Duke William claimed and obtained the

Crown of England only as a Conqueror; and thereupon al∣tered the antient Laws, Customs of the Realm, and gave New Laws unto it by his own absolute power, as a Conqueror thereof. Upon which false Ground they inferre; That those in late and present Power, coming in by the same Title of Conquest, may lawfully give new Laws to, & im∣pose what Taxes, Government they please upon the English (as well as Scotish and Irish) as a meer conquered Na∣tion, by their own inherent authority; seeing by the * 1.86 Laws of Warr, regularly all Rights and Laws of the place and Nation conquered be wholly subject to the Conquerors will. And hereby they justifie all their late Impositi∣ons, Taxes, Excises, Sequestration, Seisures, Sales of all the publike revenues of the Nation, and many thousand private mens Estates, by their Westminster, and White-Hall Ordinances, Edicts, with the changes of our Go∣vernment, new-modellings of our Parliaments; and all other irregular proceedings, destructive to our Funda∣mental Rights, Laws, Liberties, Government, (which they formerly covenanted inviolably to maintain) with∣out grant or consent, by any free, full, lawfull English Parliaments. Now to demolish all these their superstru∣ctures, by subverting their ••alse Foundation of D. Willi∣ams pretended Title to the Crown of England only by Conquest; It is most apparent by the premised Historical Authorities.

• 1. That King William alwayes claimed the Crown of England, both before at, and after his Coronation, as of right belonging to him, by the promise, gift, contract, gift and bequest of Edward the Confessor, and as his heir and next kinsman by the Mothers side.
• 2. That he alleged, this gift and grant of the Crown to him, to be made with the consent of the Archbishops of Canterbury, Earls Godwin, Syward, and other No∣bles of the Realm; ratified by special Messengers sent unto, and Hostages delivered him for its performance, and by Har••lds own solemn agreement and Oath, sent

• to him by King Edward for that purpose, as himself at least suggested to him: which designation and grant of King Edward to William, was no fiction; but a truth confessed by all our Historians, and Harold himself, who by his answers never denyed, but only endeavoured to evade it, and voluntarily acknowledged by all the No∣bles of England, both at his Coronation, and in Parlia∣ment it self in the 4. year of his reign.
• 3. That after King Edwards decease, divers of the Nobles would have elected William King, in pursuance hereof, but that Harold perjuriously usurped the Crown by meer force and power, without the least right unto it, or any election by the Lords or people; setting the Crown on his own head the very day King Edward was interred, and thereby prevented Williams election to it.
• 4. That hereupon divers of the Nobles, Prelates, and other English, sent private Messengers to William into Normandy to come and demand his right to the Crown, as due unto him; promising hostages and their assist∣ance to recover it.
• 5. That thereupon he sent Embassadors twice or thrice to Harold, one after another, before his landing, insisting on his meer right and Title to the Crown, to gain it by parly without effusion of bloud.
• 6. That upon Harolds obstinacy, he appealed to the Pope, and to all his Nobles assembled in a Parliamentary Council, for the justice of his Title and Right to the Crown, who declared his Title Lawfull and Just; and thereupon encouraged, assisted him all they could to regain it by force of arms from the Usurper Harold, who would not otherwise depart from it.
• 7. That immediately after his landing he made claim unto it only by the foresaid Right, Title, and thereupon prohibited his Souldiers to plunder the Country or hurt any of the Inhabitants, as being his by right.
• 8. That very few of the English Nobility or Nati∣on,

• would march or engage with Harold, against Wil∣liam, and sundry withdrew themselves from the battel, as conscious of Harolds usurpation, perjury, and Williams just cause against him, (however other causes were then pretended) and amongst the rest, his own Brother-in-laws, the greatest Peers of the Realm, Earl Morcar and Edwin, deserted him in the fight.
• 9. That after the first battel won and Harold slain, all the Prelates and Clergy generally (except Abbot Frederick) appeared for him, and would not consent to set up Edgar, though right heir.
• 10. That after good deliberation, all the Nobles, Prelates, Lo••doners, and others who first appeared for Edgar, with the greatest p••rt of the Clergy, people of the English Nation, without the least fight or resistance, or before any siege or summons from him, together with Prince Edgar himself, voluntarily went out, and sub∣mitted themselves, sware faith and allegeance to him as their Soveraign, at Berkhamsted, and after that joyfully received him with highest acclamations as their lawfull King, at his entry into London.
• 11. That all the Prelates, Clergy and Nobility soon after, without any coercion, upon his foresaid right and Title, freely elected, and solemnly crowned him as their lawfull King, in a due and accustomed manner and then did Homage, and swore new Allegiance afresh un∣to him, as their rightful Soveraign.
• 12. That he took the Ordinary Coronation Oath of all lawfull Kings; to ma••••••tan and defend the rights, persons of all his people, to govern them justly, &c. as became a good King; which a King claiming by meer conquest, would never do.

All these particulars are undeniable Evidences, that Duke William never made the least pretence, claim, or title to the Crown and Realm of England, only as an absolute Conqueror of the Nation, but meerly by Ti∣tle, as their true and lawfull King, by designation, a∣doption,

and cognation, seconded with the Nobles, Prelates, Clergy, and peoples unanimous election: And although it be true, that this Duke ejected Harold and got actual poss••ssion of the Throne and Kingdom from him by the sword, as did Aurelius Ambrosius and others before, and King Henry the 4. Edward the 4. Henry the 7. with others since his reign; yet that nei∣ther did, nor could make him, a King by conquest only, no more than these other Princes, seeing the end of this warr was not against the whole English Nation, the greatest part whereof secretly abbetted his interest; but only against the unjust Usurper and Intruder King Harold, and his adher••nts; not to create a Title to the Realm, by his and their Conquest, but to remove a U••surper, who invaded it without and against all right, and to gain the actual possession thereof by arms•• from which he was unjustly withheld by force, against those pretended lawfull Titles which he made. So that he got not the Right, Title, but only the actual posses∣sion of the Crown by his Sword, not as a universal Conqueror of the Realm without right or Title, but as if he had been immediate heir, and lawfull Successour to the Confessor, who designed him to succeed him. For ••uller confirmation whereof, I shall here subjoin these ensuing proofs.

1. King William himself at his very Coronation in(e) 1.87 London (as Mr Cambden informs us) said; That the king∣dom was by Gods providence appointed, and by vertue of a gift from his Lord and Cosen King Edward the glorious, granted unto him; and that this most bounteous King Edward had by adoption ordained him his h••ir in the king∣dom of England.

2ly, In his (f) 1.88 Charter to the Church of Westmin∣st••r, he resolves as much in direct terms, where he re∣cites, In ore gladii Regnum adeptus sum Anglorum, devict•• Haroldo rege Cum suis complicibus, qui mihi Regnum cum providentia Dei destinatum, & b••neficio

concessionis Domini & Cognati mei, gloriosi Edwardi CONCESSUM, conati sunt auferre, &c. So that his Ti∣tle was from Edward, though his possession by the sword.

3ly. In the very (g) 1.89 Title of his Laws, (published in the 4th year of his reign, (which he was so far from altering, that he both by Oath and Act of Parliament, ratified,* 1.90 confirmed all the Laws and Customs of the Realm used in the Confessors time and before, presented by a Grand Enquest unto him out of every County of Eng∣land upon Oath, without any alteration, praevarication, or diminution) he stiles himself, (or is stiled by the Colle∣ctor of these Laws) HEIR AND COSEN TO Ed∣ward the Confessor, even in the ancient Manuscript which Sir Henry Spelman hath published Incipiunt Leges S. Edwardi Regis, quas in Anglia tenuit; & quas WIL∣LIELMUS HAERES & cognatus suus POSTEA CONFIRMAVIT. To which I shall likewise subjoyn the words of the Charter of his Sonn [h] 1.91 King Henry the 1. Anno 1108. translating the Abbey of Ely into a Bishoprick, wherein he gives his Father William the self-same Title. Ego Henricus providente divina cle∣mentia Rex Anglorum & Normannorum Dux, Williel∣mi magni Regis filius•• QUI EDWARDO REGI HAEREDITARIO JURE SUCCESCIT I•• REG∣NUM: renouncing all Title by conquest, and claiming only as Heir to King Edward by Hereditary right.

4ly. Earl William himself in none of his Charters, Writs, Speeches, Writings, ever stiled himself a Con∣querour of England, nor laid claim to the Crown and Realm of England by Conquest, after his inauguration; which Title of Conqueror was afterwards (out of the flattery or ignorance of the times) given unto him by others. Therefore the words which the [i] 1.92 History of St. Stephens in Caen in Normandy, reports he used at his last breath: The Regal Diadem which none of my Pre∣decessors ever wore, I got and gained by the Grace of God

only. I ordain no man heir of the Kingdom of England, (which all our Historians unanimously contradict, af∣firming, that he ordained VVilliam Rufus his second son particularly to succeed him in it, at his death, up∣on which Title only he enjoyed it) but I commend the same to the eternal Creator, whose I am, in whose hands are all things. For I became not possessor of so great honour by any hereditary right, but by an humble conflict, and with much effusion of blood I took it from the perjured King Harold, and after I had either slain or put to flight his fa∣vourits and Servants, I subdued the kingdom to my self, must either be reputed false and fabulous, as most e∣steem them; or else have this construction, that he gained the actuall possession of it against Ha∣rold, and his adherents only by the Sword, and that he had not an hereditary right thereto, as next heir by descent to the Crown, but only by ado••tion from, and as heir by donation to King Edward; as next of kin by the Mothers side; which he made his only Title.

5ly. Those antient English Historians, who first gave him the name of Conquerour, did it not in a strict pro∣per sence, as if he were a meer universal Conque∣rour of the Nation, disposing of all mens Estates, per∣sons, and the Laws of the Realm at his pleasure, for that he never did: but only as one who gained the a∣ctual possession thereof from a perjured Usurper and his forces by strength of arms, conquering them by open battel in the field; but still claiming it by gift, con∣••ract, and designation from King Edward, as his Kinsman; as an heir who forcibly outs a dis••eisor and intruder, comes in by Ti••le and Inheritance only, though he gains the possession by force. This is evi∣dent by the forecited words of [k] 1.93 Mathew Paris, and this passage of Henry de Knyghton (not extant in Hyg∣den,[l] 1.94 out of whom he seems to transcribe it.) Et sic quia Normannus Iure haereditatis tenuit Normanniae Du∣catum, ideo Dux, Regnum vero Angliae mero Con∣questu••

(in respect of actual possession) et clameo subscripto, (in respect of Title, & by claim by gift from King Edward) Ideo Rex: which claim and Title be∣ing backed by the unanimous election of the Prelates, Clergy, Nobility•• People, and right heir to the Crown himself, (who all submitted and sware homage, fealty, and allegiance to him as their lawfull King•• infallibly demonstrate him to be no Conquerour in respect of Ti∣tle, in a strict, legal military sense, even in the judge∣ment of those antient and modern Historians, who give him that Title, but only in regard of Harold and his party, and the actual possession which he got by conquest. And in this sense alone is that Distick in the [m] 1.95 Chronicle of Bromton to be understood.

Dux Normannorum Willielmus vi validorum Rex est Anglorum, Bello Conquestor eorum.

6ly. Our Great Antiquary Richard Vestegan in his Restitutions of d••cayed A••tiquities, learned Mr. Iohn Selden in his Review of the Hist. of Tithes p. 482, 483. Sir Iohn Hayward in the li••e of King VVilli••m the first Mr. Nathaniel Bacon, in his first part of his Historical Dis∣cours••, of the uniformity of the Governme••t of England, chap. 44, 45, 46, 55, 56. (to omit others) most ful∣ly prove and assert; That the entry of William the first into the royal Government of England, neither was nor pro∣perly could be by Conquest, but by Title, and by the free election of the Nobles, Clergy, and People. That al∣though the several Titles he Pretended were perhaps, if curiously examined, not sufficient to give him a true, legal Title and Right to the Crown of England, à parte ante, because not agreed unto and confirmed by the general con∣sent of the Nobles, Kingdom, and Nation in a Parlia∣mentary Great Council; but only by the King, and some particular Prelates and Nobles out of Parliament (as Ha∣rold in his answers alleged) yet being ratified, ex parte

post, both by the subs••quent consent, agreement, submission, election, Oath, homage, and fealty of all the people, Nobles, Clergy, by their legal free crowning of him a•• first, by Edgar Atheling his own submission, fealty, and resignation of his royal right and Title thereby un••o him, and ratified by succeeding Parliamentary Councils, it became an in••u∣hitable Right and Title, both in Law and Iustice, to him and his Posterity, against all others, who could lay no legaller Title thereunto: he continuing, confirming all the anti∣ent fundamental Laws, Liberties, Customs, and Govern∣ment of the English Nation, without any alteration, both by Oaths and Edicts. I shal therefore conclude this point with the words of (n) 1.96 Shard (a learned Lawyer in King Edward the third his reign;) who when the Kings Counsel in a Quo Warranto against the Abbot of Peter∣borough, would have made a Charter of king Edgar void, because they alleged•• all Franchises were devol∣ved to the Crown by the Conquest; replyed there••o, The Conquerour came not at all to ••ut any who had lawfull possession out of their rights; but to dispossess those who by their wrong had seised upon any land in dis-inheri∣son of the King and his Crown, And with the words of our judicious Hi••••orian Sa. Daniel [o] 1.97 concerning this king VVilliam. Neither did he ••ver claim any power by con∣quest, but as a regular Prince submitted himself to the orders of the Kingdom: desiring to have his Testamentary Title, (howsoever weak) to make good his succession ra∣ther than his sword. And though the stile of Conque∣ror, by the flattery of the time was after given him, he shewed by all the course of his Government he assumed it not: introducing none of those Alterations (which followed) by violence, but by a mild gathering upon the disposition of the State, and the occasions offered; and that by way of re∣formation.

And although * 1.98 Sir Hen. VVotton gives this verdict of them. VVe do commonly and justly stile him the Con∣querour: For he made a general conquest of t••e ••••ole

Kingdom and People, either by Composition or Armes, &c. Yet he addes, He was Crowned on Christmas day, 1066. at which time he would fain have compounded a Ci∣vil Title of, I know not what Alliance or Adoption, or rather Donation from Edward the Confessor. As if hereditarie kingdoms did pass like Newyears gifts. The truth is, he was the heir of his Sword. Yet from these pretences howsoever, there sprang this good, That he was thereby in a sorting aged to cast his Government into a mid∣dle or mixed nature, as it were, between a lawfull suc∣cessor, and an Invader: though generally (as all new Empires do savour much of their beginning) it had more of the Violent than of the Legal.

If any domineering Souldiers, or others, upon this false surmise, of Duke VVilliams right to the Crown and Realm of England by meer conquest•• shall henceforth presume to claim and exercise a meer arbitrary, abso∣lute, tyrannical and despotical power over our English Nation, Laws, Liberties, Parliaments, Estates, Per∣sons, as over a meer conquered Nation, against all Commissions, Trusts, Oaths, Engagements, Declara∣tions, and the rules both of Law and War it self, being rai••ed, waged, commissioned only to defend and pre∣serve us from conquest by the opposite party, Let them know, that they are far greater, worser Enemies to their own Native Country, than this Norman Duke, or any of our former British, Saxon, Danish, Nor∣man or English Kings; who never claimed the Crown by meer conquest in any age, but only by some real or pretended Title of Inheritance; or at least by a free and general election both of the Nobility, Clergy, and people, as this King William did.

From the former Historical Passages concerning Harold, Tosti, Duke William, and the Kentishmen, I shall deduce these legal Observations.

• 1. That no Tax, Subsidie, or Imposition whatsoever * 1.99could in that age be imposed on the English or Norman

• Subjects by their Kings or Dukes, but by their common consent•• in their Parliamentary Councils; where they were denied, when inconvenient to the publike; as well as granted, when convenient.
• 2. That no English or Norman Subjects were then* 1.100 obliged to aid and assist their Soveraigns, with their persons, arms, estates, or subsidies granted, in any fo∣reign invasive war, but only left free to contribute what private assistance they thought fit in such cases.
• 3. That no publike wars in that age were ever un∣dertaken,* 1.101 but by common advice and consent in great Parliamentary Councils.
• 4. That the Kings of England in that age,* 1.102 however they came to the Crown, by right or wrong, held it both their bounden duty, interest, safety, to defend and preserve the Laws, Rights, Liberties of the Church and people; to enact and maintain good Laws, and abo∣lish all evill Laws, Rapines, Exactions, Tributes, and to govern them justly, according to their Coronation Oaths, and not arbitrarily or tyrannically according to their pleasures.
• 5. That no Freemen in that age,* 1.103 could be justly im∣prisoned, banished, or put to death, but for some hai∣nous misdemeanors, and that by a legal trial and con∣viction.
• 6. That the Subjects of England then held it their bounden duties,* 1.104 in times of forein invasion, to defend the Realm, their Lives, Liberties, Properties both by Land and Sea against forein Enemies; yet they held themselves dis-obliged, and were generally averse to defend the person or Title of any Usurper of the Crown, against any forein Prince, or other Person, who had a better right and title to it.
• 7. That our English Ancestors in that age, esteem∣ed their hereditary Liberties, good antient Laws and Customs, more dear and pretious to them than their very lives, and would rather die fighting for

• their Laws and Liberties like freemen, than live under slavery or bondage to any Soveraign whatsoever.
• 8. That the Kings of England in that age could nei∣ther give away,* 1.105 nor legally dispose of their Crowns, Kingdoms, or Crown Lands to others, without the privity and free consent of their Nobles, and Kingdom in general Parliamentary Council; as is evident by Harolds answers to VVilliams Embassadours; the re∣cited passage of* 1.106 Matthew Paris upon that occasion, and this of Samuel Daniel, p. 34. So much was done ei∣ther by King Edward or Harold, (though neither act, if a∣ny such were, was of power to prejudice the State, or alter the course of right succession) as gave the Duke a colour to claim the Crown by a donation made by Testament: which being against the Law and Custom of the Kingdom, could be of no validity at all. For t••e Crown of England, being held, not as patrimonial, but in succession by remotion (which is a succeeding to anothers place) it was not in the power of King Edward to collate the same by any dispositive and Testamentary Will, the right descending to the next of blood only, by the Laws and Cu∣stom of the Kingdom. For the successor is not sa••d to be the Heir of the King, but of the Kingdom which makes him so, and* 1.107 cannot be put from it by any Act of his Prede∣cessors.
• 9. That the Nobilities, Clergies, and peoples free-Election, hath been usually most endeavoured and sought a••ter by our Kings ••especially* 1.108 Intruders) as their best and surest Title.

To these Legal I shall only subjoyn some Political and Theological Observations, naturally flowing from the premised Histories of King Edward, Harold, and William, not unsuitable to, nor unseasonable for the most serious thoughts, and saddest contemplations of the present age, considering the revolutions and postures of our publike affairs.

1. That it is very unsafe and perillous for Princes

or States to intrust the Military and Civil power of the Realm in the hands of any one potent, ambitious, or covetous person: who will be apt to abuse them to the peoples oppression, the kingdoms perturbation, and his Sovereigns affront or danger; as is evident by Earl Godwin and his Sons.

2. That devout, pious, soft-natured Princes are apt∣est to be abused, and their people to be oppressed by evil Officers.

3. That it is very dangerous and pernicious to he∣ditary kingdoms, for their King to die without any cer∣tain, known, and declared right Heirs or Successors to their Crowns, yea an occasion of many wars and revolutions; as is evident by King Edwards death without i••sue, or declared right heir.

4. That right heirs to Crowns, who are of tender years, weak judgement, or impotent in Frien••s and Purse, are easily and frequently put by their rights, by bold, active, and powerfull Intruders, as Edgar A∣theling was both by Haro••d and William successively. Yet this is remarkable in both these Invaders of his royal Right. 1. That [a] 1.109 Harold, who first dethro∣ned him, to make him some kind of recompence, and please the Nobles of his party, created Edgar Earl of Oxford, and held him in special favour. 2ly. That King Willam the first, (to whom [b] 1.110 he submitted himself, and did homage and fealty) used him very honourably and entertained him in his Court, not only at first, bu•• even af∣ter he had twice taken up armes against him [c] 1.111 joyning first with the English Nobilitie, then with the Danes and Scots against his interest. For Edgar coming to him into Normandy, Anno 1066. out of Scotland, where he lived some years, where nihil ad praesens com∣modi, nihil ad futurum spei; praeter quotidianam stipem nactus esset: he not only pardoned his fore-past offen∣ces;

but magno donativo donatus est, pluribusque annis in Curia manens Libram Argenti quotidie in stipendio accipiebat, writes [d] 1.112 Malmesb. receiving a great do∣na••i••e from him, and a pound of silver for a stipend e∣very day, and continuing many years in his Court. After which, Anno 1089. He went into (e) 1.113 Apulia to the Holy wars by King Williams licence, with 200 Souldiers, and many Ships; whence returning after the death of Robert son of Godwin, and the loss of his best Souldiers, he received many benefits from the Emperours both of Greece and Germany, who endeavoured to re∣tain him in their Courts for the greatness of his birth: but he contemning all their proffers, out of a desire to enjoy his Na∣tive Country, returned into England, and there lived all Kings Williams reign.(f) 1.114 In the year 1091. Wil. Rufus going into Normandy to take it by force from his bro∣ther Robert, deprived Edgar of the honour which his Brother (with whom he sided) had conferred upon him, and banished him out of Normandy; whereupon he went into Scotland; where by his means a peace being made between VVilliam Rufus and Malcholm king of Scots, he was again reconciled to Edgar by Earl Roberts means, & returned into England, being in so great fa∣vour with the king, that in the [g] 1.115 year 1097. He sent him into Scotland with an Army, Ut in ea consobrinum su∣um Eadgarum Malcholmi Regis filium, (patruo suo Dufenoldo, qui regnum invaserat expulso) Regem constitu∣eret. Whence returning into England, he lived there till after the reign of king Henry the first, betaking himself in his old age to a retired life in the Country, as (h) 1.116 Malmesbury thus records; Angliam rediit, ubi diverso fortunae ludioro rotatus, nunc remotus & tacitus, canos suo in agro consumit. Where most probably he died in peace, since I find no mention of his death: No less than 4 successive kings, permitting this right heir to their Crowns to live both in their Courts and Kingdom of England in peace and security (such wa••

the Christian Generosity, Charity, and Piety of that age) without reputing it High Treason for any to re∣lieve or converse with him, as the Charity of some Saints in this Iron age would have adjudged it, had they lived in those times, who have quite forgotten this Gospel Lesson of our Savior they then practised:[i] 1.117 But I say unto you love your Enemies, do good to those that hate you, &c. Wherefore if thine enemy hu••ger give him meat, if he thirst, give him drink, &c. B•• not over∣come of evil, but overcome evil with goodness.

5. That base carnal fears and cowardize, oft cause both Prelates, Nobles and People to desert their own best interest, and lawfull Princes, and to act, vote, and submit to meer unrighteous Usurpers, against their pri∣mitive resolutions, judgements, Consciences; as here in the case of Edgar, and Rich. 3. since.

6. That Generals puffed up with victorious successes, and having the command of the Land and Sea Forces in their power, are apt to aspire after the royal Crown and Soveraignty, and forcibly to usurp it upon the next oc∣casion•• even with the disinheriting of the right heir, and hazard of the whole Realm; of which Harold is a most pregnant example.

7. That ambitious aspirers after the royal Crown and Throne, will make no conscience to violate all sa∣cred and civil Oathes, Obligations, Contracts, and find out any evasions to elude them, rather than goe without them•• or part with them when injuriously usur∣ped ••y them; and will adventure to crown themselves with their own hands, than not wear the Diadem: wit∣nesse Harold

8. That Usurpers of Crowns without right, though they Court the people with Coronation Oaths and fair promises of good Laws, Liberty, Immunity from all Tax∣es and Grievances; yet usually prove the greatest Ty∣rants and Oppressors to them of all others; as Harold, and William in some sort did.

That Invaders of Crowns and Soveraign power, without any right, title, or colour of Justice, being once in possession, will never part with them to those who have better right, upon any verbal Treaties, but rather adventure their lives, bodies, soul••, and their whole kingdoms utter ruine, than part with their usurped Su∣premacy.

10. That the most unrighteous Usurpers of the roy∣al Throne by apparent perjury, fraud, force, treachery, will feign, forge, publish some specious pretext or other of Title, or popular election, to palliate, or extenuate their intrusions; to avoid the infamy of Tyrants and Usurpers; and take off the Odium of their most unrigh∣teous Intrusions; of which we see footsteps, both in Harold, William then, and Rich. 3. of late.

11. That unjust Invaders of Crowns for the most part bring many miseries, troubles, warrs, and ruins, not only on themselves and their posterities, but likewise on their Kingdoms and people; as Harold did.

12. That royal Usurpers when they are most success∣full, insolent and secure (as Harold after his victory in the North) are nearest greatest dangers and ruine.

13. That such Usurpers are commonly very vigilant and industrious to preserve their own Interest and Pow∣er, under pretext of the common defence and safety of the Nation: yet more rely on their Mercinary forces, than the unmercinary Militia of the Nation.

14. That Usurpers, though they may have many Flat∣terers and seeming Friends, to write, and act for them whiles in prosperity; yet are commonly generally de∣serted both by Nobles, People, yea their own indeared Friends and kinred in their greatest dangers, when they need them most; as Harold was.

15. That few English Nobles, Gentry or Commons, will readily adventure their Lives in a Vsurpers quarrel, when and where his Title stands in competition with a better and clearer right; as most of them deserted Ha∣rold.

16. That the reign of perjured Invaders of others Thrones, is commonly * 1.118 very short, full of War••, Trou∣bles, Fears, Jealousies, and their ends, for the most part, bloudy, tragical; as was Harolds, and Rich. 3.

17. That the sordid Covetousnesse of Kings and Generals in oppressing their people, and depriving their Subjects and Souldiers of their just and lawfull spoils after victory over the Enemies, is a ready means to alienate their affections, and cause a defection from them to their Opposites.

18. That when God hath designed a perjured Vsur∣pers or Nations ruine for their crying sins, he suddenly stirs up unexpected Enemies and Instruments to effect, occasions to facilitate it; and so infatuates them, that they become altogether uncapable of any good advice, and reject all Propositions and Accommodations, that might prevent the s••me; as Harold obstinately did.

19. That none are more forward publikely to appeal to God himself, for to judge and decide the Justice of their cause and proceedings, than the most perjurious and unrighteous Vsurpers. That when such pre∣sumptuously and atheistically dare openly appeal to God himself for justice against their Opposites or Com∣petitors, he usually cuts them off by exemplary deaths and fatal Overthrows, as he did Harold; both to ma∣nifest his severe Justice and Indignation against such A∣theistical and hypocritical Apellants and Appeals; and to deterr all others from such practices.

20. That all sacred Oathes and sworn Contracts so∣lemnly made to others in things lawfull or indifferent, be it through fear, or voluntarily upon premeditation, ought religiously and inviolably to be observed, and not wilfully infringed, or eluded by shifts and preten∣ces, as here, by Harold.

21. That God sooner or later doth usually avenge in an exemplary manner the perjurious wilfull breach of

solemn Oathes, even in Kings themselves and the grea∣test persons: whose detestable perjury oft brings sud∣den destruction both upon themselves, their kinred, Posterity, and whole Armies and Kingdoms too; as in the case of Harold.

22 That perjured persons fighting in a cause direct∣ly against their corporal Oaths, can expect no other suc∣cesse in battel, but either flight, or death. And that one Battel may both lose and win a whole kingdom; so un∣stable are even kingdoms themselves.

23. That the barbarous murders, the cruel oppressi∣ons of Innocent people, are apt to stirrup a universal Insurrection against their Governors and Instruments; and u••ually end in the dethroning, expulsion, death and destruction of the Authors of them; of which To∣sti yields us a notable president: And that people when once justly enraged against such bloudy tyrannical Op∣pressors, become altogether implacable, and will never brook their future Government over them.

24. That base carnal fears in times of imminent dan∣ger, usually dis-joynt, those persons, councels, forces whom the Common danger should more unite, and make them desert the probablest means of their publike preservation, liberty, peace, settlement, by setting up the Right heir of the Crown (as Edgar here) against the Intrusions and Pretences of all usurping Invaders of the Soveraign power.

25. That a few timorous Counsellors, Great Persons or Clergy-men, in times of danger, are apt to disappoint the magnanimous resolutions, and daunt the heroical Spirits of such who are most cordially affected both to their Native Countries Lawes, Liberties, and right heir to the Crown; and to draw them to unworthy com∣pliances with them against both.

26. That stout resolute real Patrons of their Native Countries Laws and Liberties, will then appear most cordially zealous to protect, own, and fight for them,

when they are in greatest danger to be lost, and most disowned, deserted, betrayed by other timorou•• and time-serving persons: witnesse the example of Abbot Fred••rick, Stigand, Eg••lsine and the Kentish men.

27. That true heroick English Freemen, preferr their old Native Liberties, Laws, Customs b••fore their Lives; and would rather die fighting for them in the field, than depart with them upon any Terms to a vi∣ctorious Soveraign; or subject themselves to the le••st publike Servitude, the name whereof hath been ever o∣dious to them, much more the thing it self.

28. That the best means to preserve our publike Laws, Liberties, Customs against all Invaders of them, is manfully, resolutely, and unanimously to stand up in their defence, both by words and deeds, when they are most indangered: That such persons, Counties, places who have appeared most stout and resolute in their defence, when others have generally de••erted, surrendered or betrayed them; have thereby preser∣ved, secured, perpetuated them to themselves and their posterities, when all else have lost and been deprived of them; yea gained immortal honour, and prece∣dency of all others to boot: Witnesse the Ken••ish-men.

29. That the Stoutest Maintainers of their Countries Laws and Liberties are commonly most odious to, most injured, oppressed by tyrannical Soveraigns, though up∣on other pretences; witnesse Archbishop Stigand, Ab∣bot Frederick, and Egelsine. Yet this must not deter•• them from their duties.

30. That no age or person ever yet reputed Conquest a just, safe, prudent Title or Pretext to the Crown of England, but ever disclaimed it, as most absurd and dangerous to their interests.

31. That the murdering, or disinheriting of the right heir to the Crown, hath been the Principal occasion and ground-work of all the great, sad revolutions of Go∣vernment

in this Island; and of the translations of the Crown and Kingdom from the * 1.119 Britons to the Saxons; from the Saxons to the Danes, and since from both of them to the Normans, by the murther of Prince Alfred, and rejection of Prince Edgar.

32. That when Treachery, Perjury, Oppression, Murder, Violence, and other sins forementioned have generally overspread the Kingdom••, and infected all sorts and de∣grees of men, then National Judgments, Forein invasi∣ons, publike Revolutions of Governours and Govern∣ment, yea all sorts of Calamities, Warrs, Troubles, may be justly feared, expected, inflicted, as the fruits, punishments of these epidemical crying Transgressi∣ons.

33. That [p] 1.120 Crowns and Kingdoms have their Periods and Revolutions, as well as private possessions, Families, and that by the secret Justice, and wise dis∣posing Providence of God; who disposeth, translateth, dissipateth, dissolveth Kingdoms at his pleasure, and giveth them to whomsoever he pleaseth.

34. From the whole, we may observe, with the [q] 1.121 Chronicle of Bromton, and [r] 1.122 Mr. Fox, That as the English-Saxons had most unjustly, against their Oathes and Trusts, formerly subdued and expelled the Britons by the just judgement of God upon them for their sins, out of the possession of the Throne and Kingdom of Britain, by the power of the sword: so God him∣self, by divine retaliation, for the like Sinnes of the English-Saxons, after many years bloudy intestine warrs between themselves, (wherein many of their Kings, multitudes of their Nobles, and Millions of the Common Souldiers, and people were slain and lost their lives) first plagued, infested them for many years, and at last totally subdued, and dispossessed them of the Crown and Kingdom for some years space by the bloudy Danes, & after that subjected them to the Normans yoke, who possessed themselves of the Crown

and Realm of England instrumentally by the Sword, and put by both the Saxon Invader Harold and his Posteri∣ty, with Edgar the Saxon heir, in such sort as here you have read.

The Lord sanctifie all these Collections and Observa∣tions to the greatest publike good and settlement of our unsetled distracted English Nation, and the private be∣nefit of all who shall peruse them, that they may aim on∣ly * 1.123 at that kingdom which cannot be shaken, and that Crown of glory which fadeth not away: not at temporal Crowns, and kingdoms, which are so fading, transitory•• full of Thorns, Crosses, Cares, Fears, Vexations, Tor∣tures, Perils, Deaths.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno 1066.
• [a] 1.2

  Historia, p. 899, 900.
• [b] 1.3

  Flo••••s Hist. p. 433. Malms∣b••••y de Ges••is R••gum, l. 2. c. 13.
• [c] 1.4

  De Vita & Miraculis Ed∣wardi Con••••sso∣ris, col. 399.
• [d] 1.5

  Malm••bu∣•••• de Ges••is E••g. l. 2. c. 13. p. 7••.
• [e] 1.6

  Ailredus de V••t••, et Mira∣••••lis Edwardi. Con••ess••ris, col. col. 402.
• [f] 1.7

  Mat. West∣minst••r, Anno 1066. p. 433.
• [g] 1.8

  Malmsb. de Gest. Re••um, l. 3. p. 99.
• * 1.9

  Historia, Novorum, l. 1. p. 5.
• [i] 1.10

  De Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 13. p. 93.
• [k] 1.11

  His••oria, p. 900.
• [l] 1.12

  His••o••iarum l. 6. p. 367.
• [m] 1.13

  Col. 957.
• [n] 1.14

  D•• ••v••n∣tibus An••li••, l. 2. c. 15. col. ••339.
• [o] 1.15

  De Vita & Miraculis Ed∣wardi Confesso∣ris, col. 404.
• (y) 1.16

  Ypodigma Neustria, p. 28.
• (q) 1.17

  History of Great Britain, p. 416, 417.
• (r) 1.18

  De Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 13 p•• 93, 94.
• * 1.19

  Proposit. 1•• 2, 5••
• (s) 1.20

  De Even∣••ibus Angliae, l. 1. c. 16. col. 2339.
• * 1.21

  Flores Hist. p. 434, 44••.
• (u) 1.22

  Ingulp••us, Malms••. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Huntin∣••on, Hov•• den, Mat. V••••s, Mat. ••estm••nst. VValsingham, ••pod••g••na Neu∣••r••••••, Sem. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Ra∣dulphus de Di∣ceto, Bro••ton, Hygden, K••yg••∣ton, F••bian, Caxton, Gras∣••on ••••lin∣shed, Speed, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ••aker, S. ••. Hayward, and others.
• [x] 1.23

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••stm. p. 434 435.
• * 1.24

  Proposit. 5, 10.
• (y) 1.25

  Hist. No¦••o••um, l. 1. p. 5.
• [z] 1.26

  ••bbreviat. Chron. col. 481.
• * 1.27

  Proposit. 10, ••.
• * 1.28

  Speeds Hi∣sto••y, p. 419. S••e Sir Iohn H••y∣wa••d in VVill. 1.
• [b] 1.29

  Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. 3. p. 99, 100.
• [c] 1.30

  Eadmerus Hist. Nov. l. 1. p. 5. Radulph. de Diceto Ab∣brev. Chron. col. 481. Cambdens Brit. p. 147.
• [d] 1.31

  Historia p. 900.
• [e] 1.32

  Mat. Paris Mat. Westmin. Wigorniensis, Sim. Dunelm. Rad. de Diceto, Bromton, Hun∣tind. Hoveden, Hygden.

  Malmsbur. de Gest. Reg. l. 3. p. 99, 100. Henry de Knyghton, de Eventib. Angl. l. ••. c. 16. In∣gulphi Hist. p. 900. Camb∣dens Brittan. p. 148. Speeds Hist. p. 420. Gra••ton, Fabian, Holinshed, Caxton, Daniel, Baker, Fox, Sir Io. Haywood.
• * 1.33

  Proposit. 6, 9
• [f] 1.34

  Cambdens Brit. p. 147. Speeds Hist. p. 421. Daniel Hist. p. 34, 35••
• * 1.35

  Proposit. 1, 9.
• * 1.36

  Proposit. 3.
• [g] 1.37

  Malmsb. Mat. Paris, Mat. Westm. Huntindon, Hoveden, Sim. Dunelmen. Bromton, Ra∣dulph. de Diceto, Hygden, Knyghton, Walsingham, Fabian, Caxt. Holinsh••d, Graft. Speed, Daniel, Baker, A••l••edus Abba•• Sir Iohn Hay∣wood.
• [h] 1.38

  De Vita & Miraculis Edwardi Con∣fessoris.
• [i] 1.39

  Hen. Hun∣tind in Hist. l. 6. p. 367. Po∣lychron. l. 6. c. 29. Chron. Io. Brompt. col. 958. Hen. de Knyghton, de Eventibus Angliae, l. 1. c. 16. Speeds History, p. 422, Fox Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 215. Cambdens Britanniae, p. 149, Sir Iohn Haywood.
• [k] 1.40

  Malms∣bury de Gestis Regum, l. 3. p. 100.
• [l] 1.41

  Mat. West∣minst. p. 435. Mat. Paris Hist. Angl. p. 2. Henry de Knyght. de E∣vent. Angl. l. 2. c. 1. Fabian part 6. c. 217. Gra••ton, Ho∣linsh. Speed, Caxton, Hay∣wood, and o∣thers.
• * 1.42

  Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. 3. p. 100. Fabian, part 6. c. 217. and others.
• (n) 1.43

  Restitution of decayed An∣tiquities, p, 137
• * 1.44

  Proposit. 1, 2, 3
• [o] 1.45

  Malmsb. Mat. Paris, Wigorn. Hove∣den, Bromton, Hygden, Fabi∣an, Knyghton, Walsingham, Holinsh. Speed, Daniel & o∣thers.
• [p] 1.46

  De Event. Angl. l. 2. c. 1.
• [b] 1.47

  Flores Hist•• p. 439, 440.
• [r] 1.48

  Malmsbur. Huntindon, Hoveden, Wi∣gorn. Sim. Du∣nelm. Mat. Pa∣ris, Mat. West∣minst. VVal∣singham, Ra∣dulphus de Di∣ce••o, Knyghton, Polychron. Bromton, Fa∣bian, Caxton, Gra••••on, Ho∣linshed, Speed, Daniel, Baker, Sir Iohn Hay∣ward.
• [s] 1.49

  Malmsb. De Gestis Reg. l. 2. p. 94. l. 3. p. 100. See Mat. Westm. p. 435. Fabian, pa••t 6. c. 277. Sir Io. H••yward in VVill. 1.
• * 1.50

  Ypodigma N••ustria, p. 28.
• [u] 1.51

  See Malms•• de Gestis R••g. Angl. l. 2. p. 94••
• * 1.52

  Mat. West. p. 436. Malms••••u••y de Gestis Reg. l. 3. p. 100. Mat. Paris Hist. Angl. p. 3. Ho∣linsh••d, Speed, Sir Iohn Hay∣ward and o∣thers.
• * 1.53

  Nota.
• (y) 1.54

  Hen. Hun∣tindon Hist. l. 3. p. 368. Chron. Iohan: Brom••on col. 959, 966••
• [z] 1.55

  Mat. W••st. p. 438, 439. Malmsbury, de Gestis Regum, l. 3. p. 101.
• [a] 1.56

  Speed, Hey∣lyns Microcosm.
• [b] 1.57

  Hist. No∣vorum, l. 1. p. p. 5, 6.
• [c] 1.58

  De Genea∣log. Reg. Angl. col. 367, 368. & De Vita & Mir••c••lis Ed∣wardi Confesso∣ris, col. 977.
• (d) 1.59

  Ypodigma Neustriae, p. 28.
• [e] 1.60

  Acts and Monnments, vol. 1. p. 215. here p. 254.
• [f] 1.61

  De Vi••a & Miraculis Ed∣wardi Confesso∣r••s, col. 401.
• [g] 1.62

  De G••stis Reg. l. 3. p. 101.
• [h] 1.63

  Ingulphi Hist. p. 900. Mat. W••stminst. Mat. Paris, p. 4. Wigo••n. p. 428. Hov••den, p. 447 448. Sim. Du∣n••••m col. 193. Radulphus de Diceto Abb••••v. Chron. Col. 479. Knyghton De Event. Angli••, l. 1. c. 15. Polychron. l. 6. c. 28. Walsingham Ypodigma, p. 28. Fabian, Cax••on, Gra••∣ton, Holinshed, Speed, S••ow, Baker, Sir Iohn Haywa••d.
• (i) 1.64

  Malmsb. de Gest••s Regum, l. 3. p. 100, 101. Cambden, Speed, Daniel, Fabian, part. 6. c. 217. Sir Io. Ha••ward in William the 1.
• [k] 1.65

  Daniels Histo••y.
• [l] 1.66

  De Gestis R••g. l. 3. p. 102.
• [m] 1.67

  Marianus, VVigorniensis, Hoveden, Sim. Dunelm. Speed, Holinshed, Da∣niel, Cambden, and others. Fa∣bian, part. 6. c. 217. Sir Iohn Hayward in VVill. ••he 1.
• * 1.68

  M••••. Paris in ••he life of A••b••t F••••d••∣••ick, Speeds Hi∣sto••y, p. 4••6. Io••n Stow, S••r Iohn ••a••wa••d. in ••ill••am the 1.
• * 1.69

  Matthew ••••stm. p. 44. Mat. Paris, p. 3, 4. Malmsb. de G••stis Reg. l. 3. p. 102. Bromton, Knyghton, G••a••ton, Speed, D••ni••l and o∣th••rs.
• (p) 1.70

  Ypodigma ••••ustriae, p. 28.
• [q] 1.71

  〈…〉〈…〉, l. 1. p. 6.

  Malmsb. M••t. Pa••is, Mat. W••stm. W••go••n. Sim. Dun••lm. Radul. de Di••e∣to, Hov••d••n, B••om••on, Knyghton, Hyg∣d••n, Mat. Par∣k••r, Godwin, & G••••vasius Do••o∣b••rn. in the liv••s o•• S••igand, ••nd Alfr••d, Ch••on. Will. Thorn••, ••ol. 1792.
• [r] 1.72

  Chr••n. Io. Bromton, ••ol. 962.
• [s] 1.73

  Ma••. Par∣ke••, ••n••iq. ••c∣cl••s. Brit. p. 89, 90.
• * 1.74

  Chronica 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Tho••ne, col. 1786.
• [u] 1.75

  An••iq. Ec∣c••es. B••it. p. 89, 90.
• [x] 1.76

  Perambu∣lation of Kent.
• [y] 1.77

  Britannia, p. 325.
• [z] 1.78

  Catalogue of ••ishops, p 28
• [a] 1.79

  History, p 437, 438. Sir 〈◊〉〈◊〉 H••y∣w••••d in VVill. the 1.
• * 1.80

  Proposit. 3, 5.
• [b] 1.81

  Camb••••ns B••itanni••, p. 324. Io•••• S••∣lisbury in his Polycr••••i••o••.
• [c] 1.82

  Mat. Paris, Mat. Westm. VVigorniensis, Huntindon, Hoveden, Malmsb. De Gestis Reg. & de Vitis Ponti∣sicum in Sti∣gando, Sim. Dunelmensis, Bromton, Hyg∣den, Chronicon VVill, Tho••ne, col. 1787. Hen. de Knygh••on, de Even••bus An∣gliae, l. 2. c. 8. Matthew Par∣ker, and God∣win in his life. Sir Iohn Hay∣ward in VVill. 1.
• * 1.83

  Proposit. 1, 2, 4, ••,
• [d] 1.84

  Flores Hist. p. 440.
• (c) 1.85

  De Gestis Regum, l. 3. p. 101, 102.
• * 1.86

  See Grotius, De Iure Bell, l. 3. c. 4, 5, 6, 7, 15.
• (e) 1.87

  B••ittannia in Engl••sh, p. 145.
• (f) 1.88

  In Insp••••. par. 7.1 E. 4. membr. 26. Mr. Seldens R••vi••w o•• his Histo••y of Ti••hes, p. 483.
• (g) 1.89

  Sp••lmanni Concil. p. 619.
• * 1.90

  ••oveden, p. 601.
• [h] 1.91

  1. Seld••ni ad Eadmerum N••t••, p. 211.
• [i] 1.92

  Cambdens Britannia, p. 145. Speeds History, p. 448, 449.
• [k] 1.93

  Here p. 34.
• [l] 1.94

  De Event. Angl, l. 2. c. 2. col. 2343.
• [m] 1.95

  Col. 962.
• (n) 1.96

  In itinere Temps. E. 3. s. 143. Mr. Seldens Revi••w p. 483.
• [o] 1.97

  In the life o•• Willam the first, p. 36, 37.
• * 1.98

  Reliqui•• Wo••••on••anae, p. 149, 150, 152, 153.
• * 1.99

  Proposit. 1.
• * 1.100

  Proposit. 3.
• * 1.101

  Proposit. 9.
• * 1.102

  Proposit. 1, 2, 4••
• * 1.103

  Proposit. 4.
• * 1.104

  Proposit. 3, 8.
• * 1.105

  Proposit. 10.
• * 1.106

  Here p. 340.
• * 1.107

  See Rot. Parl. 39 H. 6. n. 10. to 26.1 E. 4. n. 8. to 16.
• * 1.108

  See 1 R. 3. Rot. Parl. and Speed in his life.
• [a] 1.109

  Speeds History, Camb∣dens Britan. and others. Here p. 349.
• [b] 1.110

  VVigorn•• Sim. Dunelm. Bromt. Hovden. An. 166.

  Here p. 369.
• [c] 1.111

  Mat. VVestminster, Mat. Paris, p. 6. VVigorniensis, Huntindon, Hoveden, Simeon Du∣nelmensis. Bromton, Malmsbur, Holinsh, Speed, Knyghton De Event. Angliae. l. 2. c. 3. col. 2350.
• [d] 1.112

  De Gestis Regum, l. 3. p. 103.
• (e) 1.113

  Malmsb. Ib. p. 103. Sim. Dunelm. de Gestis Reg. Angl. col. 213. Chron. Ioh. Bromt. col. ••76.
• (f) 1.114

  Florent. Wigorniensis, p. 456. Simeon Dunelm. De Gest. Reg. An∣glor. col. 216, 217.
• [g] 1.115

  Florent. VVigorn. p. 466. Sim. Du∣nelm. col. 223. Hoveden An. pars 1. p. 466.
• (h) 1.116

  De Gest. Reg. l. 3. p. 103.
• [i] 1.117

  Mat. 5.4•• 44 45, R••m. 12, 14, 20, 21.
• * 1.118

  Iob 20.4, 5, 6. Psal. 37.2.35, 36.
• * 1.119

  See part. 2. p. 29, to 38.
• [p] 1.120

  Prov. 27.24. Dan. 2.21. c•• 4.25.
• [q] 1.121

  Col. 883.
• [r] 1.122

  Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 148.
• * 1.123

  Heb. 12.28. 1 Pet. 1 4. c. 5, 4.