The first part of a brief register, kalendar and survey of the several kinds, forms of all parliamentary vvrits comprising in 3. sections, all writs ... illustrated with choice, usefull annotations ... / by William Prynne ...

SECTION 3. (Book 3)

Of Writs of Summons to the Kings Counsil and other Ordinary Assistants to the Lords in Parliaments and Parliamentary Councils; with annotations on them. (Book 3)

THe next Writs of Summons after those to the Spiritual and Temporal Lords entred in the antient Clause Rolls, are those to the Kings Counsil, different only in one or two Clauses from the former, in which else they usually ac∣corded. These persons commonly summoned to Parlia∣ments as the Kings Counsil by distinct writs from the Lords, as ordinary Assistants both to the King and them in all causes, controversies, Questions of Mo∣ment, were mostly the Kings Great Officers, as well Clergymen as Secular persons, who were no Lords nor Barons of the Realm; as namely his Treasurer, Chan∣cellor of the Eschequer, Judges of his Courts at West∣minster, Justices in Eyre, Iustices assignes, Barons of his Eschequer, Clerks, Secretaries of his Counsil, and sometimes his Serjeants at Law, with such other Officers and Persons whom our Kings thought me•• ••o summon.

The first writ of this kinde I yet find extant in our Records is thus entred in Clause 23 E. I. dorso 9.

Rex dilecto & fideli suo Gilberto de Thornton, salu∣tem: [ 1] Quia super quibusdam arduis negotiis, Nos & Regnum

nostrum, ac Vos, coeterosque de Consilio nostro tangenti∣bus, quae sine, &c. (ut supra▪ p. 6.) Vobis mand••mus in ••ide & dilectione quibus Nobis tenemini, &c. (ut supra, in Mandato Episcoporum, p. 6. usque in finem) Teste ut ibi.

Eodem modo mandatum est, Justiciariis de utroque Ban∣co, & de Itinere, Justic. assignatis, Justiciar, juratis de Consilio, Baronibus de Scaccario, et aliis Clericis de Consilio, quorum nomina inferius annotantur, viz.

• Gilb•• de Thornion, ut supra
• Rogero Brahazon
• Magistro Iohanni Lovell
• Iohanni de Metingham
• Willielmo de Bereford
• Petro Malorre

• Hugoni de Cressingham
• Willielmo de Ormesby
• Willielmo de Mortuo Mari
• Roberto de Swillington
• Roberto de Ratford.
• Iohanni de Insula

• Iohanni de Cobham
• Willielmo de Carleton
• Petro de Leycestr.
• Magistro Iohanni de Lacy
• Philippo de Willughby Deca∣no Lincoln
• Magistro H. de Newwerke Decano Ebor.
• Magistro I. de Derby, De∣cano Li••hf.

• Roberto de Hertford
• Iohanni de Berewik
• Iohanni de Lichegreyns
• Hugoni de Cave
• Ade de Crokedayk
• Willielmo Inge

• Henr. de Enfeld
• Iohanni de Bosco
• Iohanni de Batford
• Willielmo Haward
• Osberto de Spalding••on
• Rogero de Burton

• Magist. Gerard de Wyspayn•• Archid. Richm.
• Magistro I. de Crancumb, Archid. Estrid
• Magist. Rob: de Redeswell
• Magist. W. de Grenefeld
• Magist. Regi. de Brandon
• Magist. W. de Kilkenny
• Gilberto de Roubury
• Magistro Petro de Dene.

In Clause 25 E. 1. d. 25. there is no writ at all to the Counsil; But after the writ at large to the Earl of Corn∣wall, followes, Consimile mandatum habent singuli Comites, Barones, et Milites subscripti, viz. &c. And after the

Earls and Barons names with a lines space between them, the Justices names follow, with Milit••s* 1.1 in the Margin, in this order.

• Rogerus Brabazun
• Willielmus de Bereford
• Petrus Malorie
• Iohannes de Leithgreines
• Iohanneo de Cobham
• Adam de Crokeda••k
• Henr. de Euefeld

• Iohannes de Bosco▪
• Bogo de Knouill
• Willielmus Iuge
• Iohannes de Insula
• Willielmus Haward
• Henr. Spigurnel; without any others of the Clergy.

The next writ on Record is this of Claus. 27. E. ••. [ 3] d. 18.

Rex dilecto & fideli suo Rogero de Brabazon, salutem; Quia super negotiis nostris ultramarinis vobiscume et cum cae∣ter••ls de Consilio nostro habere volumus Colloquiunt et Tractatum. Vobis mandamus in fide e•• dilectione quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes, ••uod prima Dominica, &c. ut supra (to the Archbishop, p. 9, 10.) Teste ut supra.

Consimiles li••erae diriguntur subscriptis, viz. 20 more▪ Justices and others, most of them the same as in the 2. former lists.

The 4. writ is this of Claus. 28 E. 1. dors. 17. [ 4]

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Philippo de Wyllughby Can∣cellar. Scaccarii sui, salutem. Quia ad salvationem Coronae nostrae & communem utilitatem popul•• regni nostri s••cunda die Dominica Quadragesimae prox. futur. Londini Parliamentum tenere, & vobiscum, et cum caeteris de Consilio nostro, super Negotiis Nos et idem Regnum nostrum contingentibus speciale Colloquium habere volumus et tractatum. Vobis ma••∣damus firmiter injungentes, quod ad praedictos diem & locu•••• &c. (ut supra, p. 164. to the Earl of Cornwall.) T. ut supra.

Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis, viz. Rogero Bra∣bazun, and 22 Justices and Lay-men more, whereof

Iohanni de Havering Justic. Northwalliae, and Hugoni de Leominster Thesaur. de Karnarvan, are two; and to 24 Clergymen, 3 of them Archdeacons, and 2 of them Deans. The total number of them being 38.

[ 5] The 4th and 5th writs of this nature are thus regi∣stred one after the other, Clause 28 E. 1. d. 3.* 1.2

Rex dilecto Clerico suo Magistro Reginaldo de Braun∣don, salutem. Quia super jure et dominio quae Nobis in Regno Scotiae competit, & quae Antecessores nostri Reges Angliae in eodem Regno Scotiae habuerunt temporii bus retroactis, cum Iurisperitis, et cum caeteris de Consilio nostro speciale Colloquium habere volumus et tractatum. Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod modis omnibus sitis ad Nos apud Lincoln. in Octabis Sancti Hillar. prox. futur. Nobiscum, et cum caeteris de Con∣silio nostro super praemissis tractatur. vestrumque Consili∣um impensur. Et hoc sicut Nos et Honorem ac commodum Regni nostri diligitis nullatenus omittatis▪ T. Rege apud le Rose 28 die Septembris.

Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis, videlicet.

• Magistro Willo. de Grenfeld Decano Cicestr.
• Magistro R. Decano Sancti Pauli London.
• Magistro Willo. de Sardene Offic, Cantuar.
• Magistro Roberto de Radeswell Archid. Cestr.
• Magistro Petro de Insula Decano Wellen.
• Magistro Iobanni de Derby Decano Lichf.
• Magistro Iohanni de Crancumbe Archid. Estriding.
• Magistro Pho. Martell.
• Magistro Willo. Pikering
• Magistro Robert•• Pikering
• Magistro Willo de Kilkenny
• Magistro Rico. de Plumpsted
• Magistro Thomae de Lugore
• Magistro Petro de Dene.
• Magistro Iohanni de Lacy.

Rex dilecto & fideli suo Johanni de Metingham, salu∣tem. Quia nuper de quibusdam arduis Negotiis Nos et sta∣tum Regni nostri tangentibus in Octabis Sancti Hillarii prox. futur. apud Lincoln. speciale Colloquium ••abere volumus, & ••ractatum. Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod ad praedictos diem & locum modis omnibus personaliter intersitis, Nobiscum, & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super

dictis negotiis tractatur. vestrumque consilium impensur. Et ••oc nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege apud le Rose, 26 die Sep∣tembris.

Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis, viz.

• Rogero Brabazon
• Willo. de Ormesby
• Gilberto de Roubyry
• Willo de Bereford
• Elie de Beckingham
• Willo: Haward
• Petro Mallore
• Willo: de Carleton
• Pho: Willughby Canc. Scac.
• Petro de Leicestr.
• Johanni de Insula.
• Ade de Crokedayk
• Joh: Lovel de Snotescumb
• Willo: Juge
• Henr: de Gildeford
• Rogero de Hegham
• Johanni de Betesford
• Henr: Spigurnell
• Hugoni de Leominster
• Thesaur. de Karnarvan.
• Roberto de Retford
• J: de Havering Iusti••. Wall.

Immediately after which followes this writ to the Chancellor and University of Oxford.

Rex dilecto sibi in Christo Cancellario et Universi••a∣ti Oxon.* 1.3 salutem. Quia super jure et dominio quae No••is in Regno Scotiae competit, & quae Antecessores nostri Re∣ges Angliae in eodem Regno Scotiae habuerunt, temporibus retroactis cum Iurisperitis et ceteris de Consilio no∣stro Colloquium habere volumus et tractatum. Vo∣bis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod Quatuor vel quin∣que de discretioribus et in ••ure scripto magis exper∣tis Universitatis praedictae ad Parliamentum no∣strum apud Lincoln mittatis. Ita quod sint ibi in Octa∣bis Sancti Hillarii prox. futur. ad ultimum, Nobiscum & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super praemissis trac∣taturi, suumque consilium impensuri; Et hoc sicu•• Nos & honorem ac commodum Regni nostri diligitis nullatenus o∣mittatis. T. Rege ut supra.

Eodem modo mandatum est Cancellar. et Universitati Cantebr. quod mittant ad dictum Parliamentum duo vel tres de discretioribus et magis in ••ure scripto exper∣tis, &c.

Then follows a writ to sundry Abbots, Priors, Deans and Chapters, (with the same recital) Quia su∣per

Iure & Dominio, &c. (as in the last) De mittendi•• Chronic ad Parliamentum &c. of which in its due place, more fully. The occasion and result whereof, and of sending these Lawyers from the Universities to the Parliament, you may read at large in Matthew Westmin∣ster. Anno 1302. p. 419. to 438. and in Thomas de Wal∣singham. Hist. Angl. p. 32. to 58.

Before I proceed to the ensuing Writs, I shall here observe, 1. That this recital, Quia super jure & Dominio quae Nohis in regno Scotiae competit, &c. is not mentioned at all in the Writs of Summons to the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, temporal Lords, Justices, or Sheriffs of Counties; but only to the Clergy-men of the Kings Counsil, Vniversities, and to those Abbots, Priors, Deanes and Chapters, who were to search and send their Chronicles to the Parliament, that had any thing in them concerning the Kings right to Scotland. 2ly. That (for the Honour of my Quondam nursing Mo∣ther the University of Oxford) she is here preferred be∣fore the Vniversity of Cambridge; and her Chancellor and she enjoyned to send 4. or 5. of the discre••test and most exact Lawyers of the said University to the Parliament, to treat with the King and the rest of his Counsil, concerning his ancient right and dominion to the Realme of Scotland; whereas the Chancellour and Vni∣versity of Cambridge, are commanded to send only 2. or 3. such Lawyers of it for that purpose. 3ly. That these Lawyers sent from the Universities upon this special occasion, were only extraordinary assistants, there being no such president of any thus sent to succeeding Parliaments.

[ 6] The 6. Writ of this kind is in Claus. 30. E. 1. d. 13. Rex dilecto•• & fidelissimo suo Rogero la Brabazun, salutem. Quia super quibusdam arduis negotiis, Nos & totum Regnum nostrum specialiter tangentibus, Vobiscum & Cum caeteris de Consilio Nostro habere Volumus colloquium & tracta∣tum, Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod in Octabis Nativitatis Sancti Johannis Baptistae prox. futur. ad ul∣timum

apud Westm. omnibus modis personaliter inters••••is * 1.4 Nobiscum, super••dictis negot••is tractatur▪ vestrumque consilium impensur. & hoc nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege ut supra. p. 13.

Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis, viz. 33. more Judges and others, mentioned in the former Ca∣talogues.

Anno. 34. E. 1. dors. 2. There is no Writ to the [ 7] Assistants entred in the Roll: but 16. of them only (Justices and Clergy-men) are named in the Eodem modo, after the Lords and great men, with a••little space between their names for distinction sake.

The next Writ of this kind is thus briefly registred, [ 8] Claus. 1. E. 2. dors. 19.

Rex dilecto & fideli suo Rogero•• le Brabazun, salutem. Quia super quibusdam, &c. ut supra, usqu•• ibi vobiscum & cum caeteris fidelibus nostris &c. & Magnatibus, &c. Teste Rege ut supra. p. 14. 15. eodem modo scribitur subscri∣ptis. viz. 29. more Justices, Clerks, and others.

In Claus. 1. E. 2. d. 9. There is no Writ: but after [ 9] the Earles and Barons Writ and names, followes this entry, Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis. viz. Williel∣mo Iuge and 36. others, whereof 2. only were Clergy-men.

The next Writ is in Claus. 1. E. 2. dors. 8. Rex di∣lecto [ 10] & fideli suo Rogero de Brabazon, salutem. Quia &c. ut supra (p. 15.) Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod dictis die & loco omnibus aliis praetermissis personaliter intersitis ibidem, Nobiscum & Cum caeteris de Consilio Nostro super dictis negotiis tractatur. vestrumque consilium impensur. & hoc nullatenus om••ttatis. T. R. apud Westm. x. Die Martii.

Consimiles literae diriguntur, to 35. others, Justi∣ces, [ 11] and Lay-men, and but to 2. Clerks.

In Claus. 2. E. 2. d. 14. 11. 20 Schedula, there are 4. Writs of the same forme with the last.* 1.5 The 1. to Roger de Brabazon, and 34. others, whereof one only was a Clerk. the 2. to him, and 16. others, whereof 7.

were Clerks: the 3d. to him and 22. others, whereof 6. were Clerks; and two others Escheators, the one ultra Trentam, the other citra Trentam; The 4th. to him and 6. more, the one of them a Clerk.

[ 12] The next Writ is in Claus. 4. E. 2. dors. 1. some∣what different from the former.

Rex dilecto & fideli suo Willielmo de Bereford, salu∣tem. Quia super diversis & arduis negotiis Nos & Statum Regni nostri specialiter tangentibus in instanti Parliamento nostro die Dominica prox. ante festum Sancti Laurentii prox. futur. fecimus summoneri, Vobiscum, & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro Colloquium habere volumus & tractatum, Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod omnibus aliis praeter∣missis dictis die & loco personaliter intersitis, Nobiscum & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super praemissis tractaturi, Ve∣strumque consilium impensur. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis. T. ut supra. (••p.

Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis. viz. 16. Lay-men more.

[ 13] Claus. 5. E. 2. d. 17. The Kings Counsill, Clerks and Judges, are thus entred in the eodem modo scribitur subscriptis, after the Earles and Lords, with a lines space between them, and this distinction made between them in the margin of the Roll.

• Iohanni de Sandale
• Iohanni de Merkingfeld
• Waltero de Norwico* 1.6
• Iohanni Abell* 1.7
• Magistro Ricardo de Abyndon
• Magistro Iohan. de Everdon
• Magistr. Roberto de Pickering
• Magistro Iohanni de Nas∣sington senior;

• Rogero Brabazon
• Willielmo de Bereford
• Gilberto de Roubury* 1.8

• Stephano de Malo Lacu
• Waltero de Thorp.
• Magistro Tho. de▪ Cobham.
• Magistro Golberto de Mid∣dleton
• Magistro Tho. de Loggore
• Willielmo de Goldington.
• Iohan. de Chaynell
• Roberto de Cliderhow

• Iohan. de Foxle
• Roberto de Re••ford.
• Willielmo de Ormesby

• Henrico de Stourton
• Henr. le Scroop
• Iohan. de Benstede
• Iohan. de Insula
• Lamberto de Trikingham

• Iohan. de Mi••ford
• Henr. de Guldeford
• Iohan. de Doncastr.
• Willielmo Inge
• Henr. Spigurnel.

In Claus. 6. E. 2. d. 31. There is such a Writ to [ 14] Roger le Brabazon, as the fore rehearsed; with Vobiscum & caeteris de Consilio nostro, &c. twice repeated▪ in it, and an eodem m••do mandatum est, to 42 besides; (most of them in the preceding Catalogues) sub••data ••pud Windesore, 14. die Februar. when as the writs to the spiritual and temporal Lords bear date thence. 8. die Januar. Claus. Anno 7. E. 2. d. 27. There is a like writ issued to Roger le Brabazon and 29 others.

I find this memorable writ issued to Willielmo de [ 15] Bereford Chief Justice of the Common Bench, Claus. 9. E. 2. d. 20. varying from the first there issued to him and the rest of the Coun••ill.

Rex dilecto & fideli suo Willielmo de Bereford.* 1.9 Quia Volumus Vobiscum una cum caeteris de Consilio no∣stro, in Parliamento nostro quod apud Lincoln. in Quindena Sancti Hillarii prox. futur. secimus summo∣••eri super Negotiis Nos tangentibus habere Collo∣quium & Tractatum; Vobis mandamus firmiter•• injun∣gentes▪ quod magis ardua negotia coram Vobis & sociis vestris, in instanti termino Sancti Hillarii, cum omni deliberatione qua poteritis expediatis, Ita quod sitis in dicto Parliamento nostro, viz. sexto die post Quindenam supradictam, ad tractandum ibidem no∣biscum & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro, super nego∣tiis antedictis. Onerantes dilectos & fideles nostros Lambertum de Trikingham, & Iohannem Bacun Justicia∣rios nostros, & Socios vestros de Banco praedicto, quod residua negotia in Banco preaedicto expediant, cum festinatione qua poterunt, sucundum legem & consue∣tudinem Regni nostri. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege apud Clipston. 27. die Decembris.

[ 16] I find this memorable Writ recorded in Claus. 7. E. 2. dors. 25.* 1.10

Rex dilecto & fideli suo Iohanni de Insula, salutem. Cum pro diversis & arduis negotiis Nos & Statum Regni nostri tangentibus ordinavimus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Dominica prox. post festum Sancti Matthei Aposteli prox. futur. tenere, & Vobiscum & cum caeteris de Consilio no∣stro super dictis negotiis habere Colloquium & Tractatum, per quod vobis mandavimus, quod dictis die & loco interlitis Nobiscum, & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super dictis negotiis tractatur▪ Ac jam intelligimus, quod vos unà cum quibusdam aliis ad Assisas tam in Episcopatu Dunolm. quam in diversis Com. versus partes boriales capiend. certos dies sta∣tim post dictam diem Dominicam praefixistis, unde plurimum miramur; praesertim cum per captiones Assisarum si durante dicto Parliamento nostro pro∣cederent, negotia nostra in eodem tractanda possent non mediocriter perturbari. Vobis mandamus fir∣miter injungentes, quod omnibus hujusmodi capti∣onibus Assisarum, & omnibus aliis praetermissis, dicta die Dominica apud Westm. modis omnibus intersitis Nobiscum & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super negotiis praedictis tractatur. Et hoc sicut indignatio∣nem nostram, & grave dampnum vestrum vitare volueritis, nullo modo omittatis. T. Rege apud Windesore, sexto die Septembris. Per Breve de Privato Sigillo.

Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis, viz.

• Thomae de Fisheburn
• Hugoni de Louthre
• Ricardo de Berningham
• Ade de Middleton
• Iohanni de Dancastr. exceptis illis Verbis, tam in Episcopatu Dunolmens. quam.

From which writ is apparent; 1. That the Justices of Assises were usually summoned by writ to Parlia∣ments, as Members of the Kings Counsil; as the words cum caeteris de Consilio nostro, thrice repeated in it

and in other writs, demonstrate. 2ly. That their summons by writ to attend and counsell the King in Parliament; was a super sedeas to them to take Assises during the Parliament; and their proceeding to take Assises notwithstanding, inconsistent with their atten∣dance in Parliament, yea a contempt and offence puni∣shable by the King. 3ly. That the* 1.11 Assises and Suits of private persons ought to give place to publick affaires of the King and kingdome in Parliament, and to be deferred, when they may hinder or disturbe the af∣faires of Parliament, or keep any Members or Assistants from their personal attendance in them, when sum∣moned to them.

In the Clause Roll of 8. E. 2. dors. 35. There is [ 17] no Writ at all to the Kings Justices and Counsill; but in the Eodem modo, I find sundry of them here and there promiscuously inserted amongst the Barons names, and not after them, as usually in other Rolls, sc. Iohanni de Hotham, Waltero de Norwico, Iohanni de Foxle, Rogero la Brabazon, Gilberto de Roubery, Willielmo I••ge, Iohanni de Insula, Henr. le Scrop, Henr. Spigurnel, Io∣hanni Benstede, Lamberto de Trikingham; alwayes listed amongst the Justices, and Kings Counsil in precedent Rolls, and in 7 E. 2. d. 27. the very next before this, and those succeeding it. In Cl. 8. E. 2. d. 29. the Counsil are coupled together with the Barons in the Eodem modo mandatum est, without any writ, with a space of distin∣ction between them, all of them after the Lords, with∣out intermixture with them, being in all 33.

In Cl. 9. E. 2. d. 22. They are named only in the eodem modo, with a small distance after the Lords, being in all 34. without any special writ entred. In Claus. 12. E. 2. d. 29. in Cedula, There is no special writ to any of the Counsil entred, but only a list of their names in the Eodem modo, being 24. in [ 18] number, 2. of them escheators, Vltra & citra Tren∣tam; others of them Deacons, Archdeacons, Clergy∣men and Iustices, with Magistro Iohan•• de Walewayn The∣saur.

Regis. And likewise in Claus. 12. d. 11. they are listed in the same manner, being but 25. whereof two were the Escheators fore-named. And in Claus. 13 E. 2. dors. 13. they are listed in the same form being 25. and in Claus. 14 E. 2. d. 29. where they are 32.

[ 19] Claus. 14. E. 2. d. 5. there issued a writ in the usual form, Willielmo de Bereford, and 37 others, whereof 2. were Escheators, and the Dean and a Canon of Yorke two others; Cl. 15 E. 3. d. 16. there is the like writ sent to him, and 33. more. Cl. 16. E 2. d. 26. the like writ to him and 22. others. And Cl. 19 E. 2. d. 7. the like writ to him and 22. besides; the Dean of Yorke being one of them, as in most of the precedent lists. Cl. 20 E. 2. d. 4. the writ issued Waltero de Norwico, and 22. more.

[ 20] In Clause 1 E. 3. pars 2. d. 16. there is this writ issued, somewhat different from the precedent.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Waltero de Norwico, salutem. Quia super magnis et arduis negotiis Nos et statum Regni nostri tangentibus, Vobiscum, et cum Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus, ac cum caeteris de Consilio nostro apud Lincoln. in crastino Exaltationis Sanctae Crucis prox. futur. Colloquium habere ordinavimus et Tractatum. Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod omnibus aliis praetermissis dictis die et loco perso∣naliter intersitis Nobiscum, si interesse possumus, seu interveniente impedimento, deputandis à Nobis, super dictis negotiis tractatur. vestrumque consilium impen sur. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis. Teste Rege apud Stanhope, 7, die Augusti.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. 33. 0thers there named. And in the same Roll, dors. 3. there is the like writ to him, and 7. more only.

The writ Claus. 2 E. 3. dorse 31. thus varies from the former.

[ 21] Rex dilecto et sideli suo Waltero de Norwico, salutem. Cum in Parliamento nuper apud Eborum convocato magna et ardua negotia proposita fuerunt, quae pro∣pter

absentiam quorundam Praelatorum, Magnatum, et Procerum Regni nostri tunc non poterunt termina∣ri; super quibus et aliis diversis Negotiis de assensu Praelatorum, ac Magnatum et Procerum in eodem Par∣liamento nostro tunc existentium, apud Northhampton, à die Paschae prox. futur. in tres Septimanas Parliamen∣tum tenere, et Vobiscum, ac cum Praelatis, Magnatibus, et Proceribus Regni nostri, et eum caeteris de Con•• silio nostro Colloquium et Deliberationem habere vo∣lumus. Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod omnibus aliis praetermissis dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis, Nobiscum super dictis Negotiis tractatur: vestrumque Consilium impensur. Et hoc sicut Nos ac honorem nostrum, ac salvationem Regni nostri diligitis nullo modo omittatis. Teste Rege ut su∣pra.

Eodem modo mandatum est, to x. more: the first of them Magistro Gilberto de Middleton Archid: North∣hampton. Clause 23: of the same Roll, there is the like writ (different only in the recital, as to the Archbish∣op, p. 28.) to x. Justices and Assistants, the same with the former; and so in dorse 15.

In Claus. 3 E. 3. d. 19. there is no writ entred to [ 22] the Justices and Counsil, but I finde them promiscu∣ously inserted amongst the Lords in the Eodem modo mandatum est; where I meet with Magist: Rico: Erinm, (perchance Ermin) Magist: Antonio de Bek, Decano Ecclesiae beatae Mariae Lincolne, Galfro: le Scrop, Wil••••: le Herle, Roberto de Malberthorp, Rico: de Willug••by, Iohi: de Traverse, Ade de Herewinton, Henry le Scrop, Roberto de Wodehouse, Archid: Richmond, Willo: le Dennie, Io••i: de Cante••rigg Rico: de Aldeburge, Magist. Gilberto de Middleton, Archid: Northampton, and Rob., Baynard; in∣serted into the List of the Lords, being usually listed amongst the Justices and Counsil, in precendent and sub∣sequent Rolls.

Clause 4 E. 3. d. 41. the writ runs in this most usual form, except in the recital.

[ 23] Rex dilecto et fideli fuo Roberto de Wodehouss Archid. Richmond. Thesaurar. suo, salutem. Quia pro magnis et arduis negotiis Nos et statum Regni nostri multi∣pliciter contingentibus, Parliamentum nostrum apud Winton die Dominica prox. ante festum Sancti Gregorii Papae prox. futur. tenere; et Vobiscum, ac cum caeete∣ris de Consilio nostro habere Colloquium disposui∣mus et tractatum. Vobis mandamus firmiter injungen∣tes, quod omnibus aliis praetermissis dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, ac cum caeteris de Consilio nostro, super dictis negotiis tractatur. ves∣trumque consilium impensur. Et hoc nullatenu•• omit∣tatis. T. ut supra, p. 30.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. 8. more: Ibidem, dors. 13. the like Writ (except in the Pro∣logue, Qualiter, &c. as p. 31.) issued to this Treasurer, and the same 8. persons more: But in dorso 23. there is no writ entred, but only the names of 5. of the Coun∣sil, in the Eodem modo after the Lords, with a space for distinction.

[ 24] Claus. 5 E. 3. dors. 25. the Writ issues; Dilect•• & fideli suo Galfrido Le Scrop, Capitali Iusticiario suo, &c. (as p. 32.) in the recital, and then in the usual form, as the precedent writ in the later Clause: there being 12 more names in the Eodem modo: Dorse 7. the like writ issued to him and x. more: both of them entred after the Writs to the Sheriffs and Warden of the Cinque-ports, (usually registred before them, next after the writs to the Lords in all precedent Rolls, but fre∣quently after them in most Rolls after this.) Clause 6 E. 3. d. 9. 19. & 36. there are three writs of this na∣ture entred after those to the Sheriffs and Wardens of the Cinque-ports, issued to this Chief Justice Scrop, the first to 7, the second to 30, the third to 9 more, Justices and others. Claus. 7 E. 2. pars 2. dors. 3. the writ entred is to him, and 20. besides, after all the rest of the Writs but one, (as in many more ensuing Rolls) and so Claus, 8 E. 3. d. 18. to him and 22. more,

whereof the Chancellor of the Exchequer is one, and the Kings Treasurer another.

Claus: 9 E. 3. d. 8. the Writ entred is to to the same Geoffry Le Scrop, and 15 others; and Dorse 28. to him and 22 more: But in Claus. 10. dors. 1, & 5. the Writs enrolled issued, Magistro Roberto de Stratford, Archid. Cantuar: and 14 more in both lists, whereof Ro∣berto Parnings, Willo: Scot, Simoni Trewosa, Servienti∣bus Regis, are 3. These are the two first Eodem modo mandatum est I meet with, wherein the Kings Serjeants at Law were summoned to Parliaments, who are last na∣med in both these Lists.

Clause 11 E. 3. pars 1. d. 15. After the Lords, 5 are [ 25] registred, with Iustic: added to them, and 3 besides. In d. 8. there is only this entry, Eodem mode mandatum est dilecto Cler. suo Mro: Joh: de Ufford, mutatis mutandis after the Lords names: to which 9. of the Counsils & Justices names are conjoyned without distinction, before this entry. But in Clause 11 E. 3. part 2. dorse 40. the writ entred is directed Rob: de Stratford Electo Cicestr. different in the recital from the writs to the Temporal and Spiritual Lords in this Membrana, and agreeing with that in Claus. 11. pars 1. m, 8. to which it should refer: upon which Account I shall transcribe it.

Rex dilecto Clerico fuo Mro. Rob: de Stratford, Ele∣cto [ 26] Cicestr. salutem. Quia super certis responsionibus solennibus Nunciis nostris per Nos ad partes Franciae ultimo pro quibusdā negotiis nostris ibidē expediendis transmissis datis, necnon pro quibusdā aliis negotiis ur∣gentis••limis, Nos et statum Regni nostri, ac aliarum ter∣rarum nostrarum intimè contingentibus, cum Praelatis, Magnatibus, et Proceribus regni nostri apud Westm. die Veneris prox. ante festum Sancti Michaelis prox. futur. ordinavimus habere Colloquium et Tractatum. Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod omnibus aliis praetermissis dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiseum, &c. ut supra. T. ut supra.

Eodem modo mandatum est, &c. to 10. more, most of them Justices, and the Chancellor of the Eschequer.

Here a Bishop elect is summoned as one of the Counsil; though usually summoned as a Spiritual Peer; and the Gardian of the Spiritualties of the Bi∣shoprick of Chichester, sede vacante, summoned in the list amongst the Bishops, not this Bishop elect, who is summoned as a Bishop the next year and Parliament; Claus. 12 E. 3. d. 11. the Writ issued Galfrido Lescrop and 12. more, wherof the Kings Treasurer, and Chan∣cellor of the Exchequer, were two.

[ 27] Claus. 12•• E. 3. pars 2. d. 32. the writ entred, issued Iohanni de Ston••re, with the same recital as p. 41, 42. and then Quod omnibus aliis praetermissis intersitis cum dicto Custo••e, et cum caeteris de Consilio praedicto, super dictis negotiis tractatur. &c.

Eodem modo mandatum est to 13 others, whereof the Kings Treasurer, and Chancellor of the Exchequer are two▪ and the last Robto: de Sadyngton Capitali Ba∣••dni de Scaccario: the first I observe summoned by this Title. Claus. 13 E. 3. pars 2. d. 28. the writ entred is of the self-same form with the last: and to the same 13 persons, though not listed in the same order; and with this addition of Regis, after Staccario, to the Chief Baron. Claus. 13 E. 3. pars 2. d. 1. we have the same form of writ to Stonore and 13 more, the very same as in the two former lists: Claus. 14 E. 3. pars 1. d. 33. the like to him, those 13, and one more: and Pars 1. d. 23. to him and 14 more.

[ 28] The Writ in Claus. 15. E. 3. pars 1. d. 37. issued in usual form, Dilcto et fideli suo Roberto de Parnings Thesaurar: suo, and 9. others. Claus. 17 E. 3. pars 1. d. 25. Roberto de Sadington, and only 6. more. Claus. 18 E. 3. pars 1. d. 14. Willo: Scot, and but 4. more, Cl. 20 E. 3. pars 2. d. 22. Willo: Scot, Quod personal••••er intersi∣tis Nabis••um si praesentes fuorimus ibidem▪ seu cum Custode dicti Regni nostri si abesse nos contigerit, & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro, super dictis negotiis, &c. and 14 others, the two last Roberto de Thorpe Servienti Regis, Henry de Grene, Servienti Regis. Claus. 21 E. 3. pars 2.

d. 9. Willielmo de Thorpe (with the same recital, as to the Archbishop, Here, p. 52, 53. and the same Seire vos volu∣mus, quod dictum Parliamentum non ad auxilia, &c. as in that writ:) Eodem modo mandatum est to 16 others, the 4 last the Kings Serjeants at Law: namely Roberto de Thorpe Servienti Regis, Henr: de Grene Servienti Re∣gis, Willo: de Notton Servienti Regis, Thomae de Seton Servienti Regis. Claus. 22 E. 3. pars 1. d. 32. the writ issued Willo: de Thorpe, and 16 more, the 4 last the Kings Serjeants forenamed. This writ is registred next after the Lords: As is that in Clause 22 E. 3. pars 2. d. 7. issued to Iudge Thorpe, and 15 more, the 4. last the Kings Serjeants forenamed.

In Claus. 24 E. 3. pars 2. d. 3. the writ runs in this [ 29] form.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Willo: de Shareshull, salut: Quia pro quibusdam arduis et urgen••ibus negotiis, Nos, & statum, et bonum regimen Regni nostri Angliae, et aliarū terram̄, et Do∣miniorum nostrorum Parl: nostrum apud Westm. in Octabis Purificationis beatae Mariae Virginis prox. futur. tenere; & cum Praelatis, Magnatibus, et Proceribus dicti Regni nostri Angliae, & aliis de Consilio nostro, Colloquium habere volu∣mus & tractatum. Vobis mandamus, &c. personaliter intersi∣tis Nobiscum, & cum dictis Praelatis, Magnasibus et Pro∣ceribus dicti regni, Super dictis negotiis tractatur. &c.

Eodem modo mandatum est to 12. more, the 4 last are the Kings forecited Serjeants at Law: Claus. 25 E. 3. pars 1. d. 5. the same form of writ as the last, issued to William Shareshull, and 13 others, whereof the last are the 4. Serjeants. Claus. 26 E. 3. d. 14. there are two writs registred one after another; the first to Share∣shull, and 7 Justices more: The 2. Dilecto Clerico suo Magistro Iohanni de Leech, and 8 Masters more. So Claus. 27 E. 3. d. 12. there are two distinct writs to the same parties, and to 6 Justices, and 3. more Ma∣sters.

In Claus. 28 E. 3. d. 26. There is only one Writ [ 30] to William de Shareshull, of the same form with that of

24 E. 3. and to 11 more, whereof 4 are the Kings Serjeants; namely, Thorp and Notton forecited, Willo: de Skipwith, Servienti Regis, Ioh: Mowbrey Servienti Regis, last named. The same form of writ to him, & 13 others is registred Claus. 29 E. 3. d. 8. wherein the Kings said Serjeants are last listed. Claus. 31 E. 3. d 21. there is the like writ to him and 14 others; where Notton, Skipwith, and Mowbrey are listed without the addition of Kings Serjeants: Claus. 31 E. 3, d. 2. the like writ is entred to him, and 15 others, without the addition of Serjeants to those so stiled in former lists.

[ 31] The writ in Claus. 34 E. 3. d. 4. to William de Share∣shull and 13 others, is only, & cum Praelatis et caeteris Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti Regni Colloquium habere, &c. Dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, et cum dictis Praelatis, Magn••tibus et Proceribus dicti Regni, &c. with∣out the clause, & caeteris de Consilio nostro, in either place, or any other part of the writ. So is the writ Claus. 36 E. 3. d. 16. Henr: Grene, and 8 others: and Claus: 37 E. 3. d. 22. to him and 8. more; and Claus: 38 E. 3. d. 3. to him, and but 5 besides: and Claus: 39 E. 3. d. 2. Iohi: Knyvet, and 13 more, wherof Mro: Thomae Young Offic: Cur: Cancell. is one•• the first I find so stiled in the Rolls: The like writ Iohanni Knyvet, is in Claus: 42 E. 3. d. 22. and 8 others: and Claus: 43 E. 3. d. 24. •• Claus: 44 E. 3. d. 1. the same in forme, persons, number, without any Clause cum caeteris de Con∣silio nostro, in them.

There is this form of writ in Claus: 46 E. 3. d. 11. different from the precedent.

[ 32] Rex dilecto et fideli suo Iohi: de Cavendish, Capita∣li Justiciario suo, salutem. Qui•• pro quibusdam ar∣duis, &c. (ut supra, p. 67:) teneatnr, et cum Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus Regni nostri Angliae trac∣tatus et Colloquium habeantur. Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod omnibus aliis praeter∣missis, dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobis∣cum, si praesentes fuerimus ibidem, seu cum Ricardo

filio Carissimi Primogeniti nostri Edwardi Principis Aquitaniae & Walliae Custode Regni nostri Angliae, et locum nostrum tenente in eodem Regno, si abesse Nos contigerit, et CUM CAETERIS DE CONSI∣LIO NOSTRO, super dictis Negotiis tractaturi, vestrumque consilium impensuri; et hoc nullatenus omittatis. Teste ut supra. Without any Eodem mo∣do to others. Claus. 47 E. 3. d. 13. there is a writ is∣sued to him, with a different recitall (as p. 67.) and a personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, et cum caeteris de Con∣silio nostro, with Consimilia Brevia to 6 more Justices: The like writ to him is in Clause 48 E. 3. dors. 24. with Consimilia Brevia to 8 others, whereof two are Masters: These writs are entred after those to the Sheriffs, and before the writs to the Warden of the Cinque-ports; as the like writ to him is, Claus. 50 E. 3. pars 2. dors. 6. with Consimilia Brevia to 8 mo••e; the two last Mro: Iohanni Barnet, and Mro: Nicho de Chaddeston, as in the last before.

The next writs of this nature, are in Claus: 1 R. 2. [ 33] dors: 37: Claus: 2 R. 2. d: 13. both directed Iohanni Cavendish, Capitali Justiciar: suo, and 11 others in both Rolls, with a personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super dictis negotiis tractaturi, &c. But that of Claus: 3 R: 2 dors; 32. runs thus: Quod omnibus aliis praetermissis dictiss die & loco personaliter inter∣sitis Nobiscum, & CUM CAETERIS PRAELATIS, MAGNATIBUS, ET PROCERIBVS Regni▪ nostri DE CONSILIO NOSTRO tractaturi, vestrumque Consilium impensuri, &c. The like Ordinary writ is∣sued to Cavendish and 9 others: Claus: 4 R: 2: dor∣so 32: After which this form of writ is registred.

Rex dilecto Servienti suo David Hannemere, salu∣tem: [ 34] Quia de avisamento, &c. usque tractatum; tunc, Mandamus firmiter injungentes, &c: quod di••tis die et loco personaliter intersitis ad faciendum pro Nobis et expeditione negotiorum nostrorum quod ad tunc ibidem fuerit faciend: et hoc Nullatenus

omittatis. Teste Rege apud Westm, 26 die Augusti.

[ 34] In the Clause Roll of 5. R. 2. dorso 40. The writ entred is directed Roberto Tresilian Capitali Justic suo, and 7 more. Claus. 6 R▪ 2. pars 1. d. 4. & 7. to him and 8 others in both dorses. Claus. 7 R. 2. d. 10. & 17. to him and 7. others in both. Claus. 8 R. 2. d. 35. to him and 10. besides, Claus. 9 R. 2. d. 45. to him and 9 more. Claus. 10 R. 2. d, 42. to him and 12 others. Claus. 11 R. 2. d. 24. to him and 11 more. Claus. 12 E. 3. d. 42. the writ issued Waltero Clopton Capitali Iustic. suo, and 7 others. Claus. 13 R. 2. pars 1. d. 6. & Cl. 14 R. 2, d. 42. to him and 12 more. Cl. 16 R: 2. d. 37. to him and 12 others, whereof the chief Baron of the Exchequer was one. Clause 16 R. 2. d, 23. to him and 11 others: and d: 32 to him and 12. more. Claus. 17 R. 2. d. 30. to him and 12 others. Cl. 18 R. 2. d: 23. to him and 10 besides. Claus. 20 R. 2. d. 11. to him and 11 more. Cl. 21 R 2. d. 27. and Cl. 23 R. 2. d. 3. to him, and 11 others.

[ 35] The writ in Claus: 1 H: 4: d. 37. is directed Waltero Clopton Capitali Iustic: suo, and 12 others: and still to the Chief Justice for the time being throughout his reign; all or most of the rest of the Assistants being Ju∣stices, whose names you may find in the ensning Table.

[ 36] The writ in Claus: 1 H: 5: dors: 9. issued Willielmo Hankeford Capitali Iustic: suo, &c. But that in dors: 37: Willielmo Gascoyne, Capitali Iusticiario suo, and 11 others, most, or all Justices, and so throughout his reign.

[ 37] In Henry the 6. his reign, Claus. 1 H. 6. dors. 22. the writ is directed Willo: Hankeford Capitali Iustic: suo, and 10 more Justices; and so in other years to the Chief Justice for the time being, and other Justices.

[ 38] In Cl. 1 E: 4. d. 34. the writ issued Iohi: Markham and 12 Justices and Lawyers besides; and so through∣out his reign to the Chief Justice and Justices for the time being, and few else besides them.

[ 39] Of later times both the Chief Justices, Chief Baron, and all the Kings Justices, Barons of the Eschequer,

Serjeants at Law, the Mr: of the Rolls, & some Masters of the Chancery, have been usually summoned as Assi∣stants, to counsell and advise both the King and Lords in all matters of Law and difficulty, wherein their ad∣vice is necessary, as also to carry messages, Bills and Or∣ders from the Lords to the Commons House, and re∣turn answers from them upon such occasions, when they please to return answers by them, and not by Mes∣sengers of their own.

Usefull Observations upon the precedent Writs to, and concerning the Kings Counsil summo∣ned to Parliaments and Parliamentary Coun∣cils.

IT is observable, 1. That in many antient Rolls and Lists of Summons to Parliaments and Parliamenta∣ry [ 1] Councils, there is no mention of any writs or sum∣mons at all to any of the Kings Counsil, Justices, Offi∣cers, or others, as there is in those forecited; as name∣ly in the summons in Claus: 49 H. 3. d: 11. 23 E: 1. d. 2, 3, 4. 24 E. 1. d. 7. 25 E. 1. d. 6. 27 E. 1. d. 9. 16. 28 E. 1. d. 16, 17. 30 E. 1. d. 9. 32 E. 1. d. 2. Cl. 33 E. 1. d. 8. Cl. 35 E. 1. d. 13. Cl. 3 E. 2. d. 16, 17. 7 E. 2. d. 16. 9 E. 2. d. 22, 18 E. 2. d. 5. 21, 34. 20 E. 2. d. 4. Cl. 5 E 3. pars 2. d. 7. 1•• E. 3. p. 1. d. 15. 16 E. 3. pars 1. d. 39. 16 E. 3. pars 2. d, 13. 29 E 3. d. 7. 32 E. 3. d. 14. 33 E. 3 d. 10. 34 E. 3. d. 35. & 49 E. 3. d. 4. to omit others: Which Parliaments it seemes were held without any of the Kings Counsil, or Justices summoned to them; or else the Clerks through neg∣ligence or slothfullness omitted the entries of their Writs or names in all these Rolls of Summons: Therefore they are no essential Members of the Parlia∣ments or Great Councils of England, which may be held without them, being none of the 3. Estates.

[ 2] 2ly, That there is no mention at all made of them in the usual ordinary writs to the Spiritual or Temporal Lords, Sheriffs, and Wardens of Cinque∣ports; in these most material clauses, Parliamentum nostrum tenere, & Vo••iscum ac ••um Praelatis, Magna∣tibus & Proceribus dicti regni nostri Angliae Colloquium ha•• bere volumus & tractatum: Or the personaliter inters••••is Nobiscum, ac cum dictis Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceri∣bus dicti Regni super dictis Negotiis tractaturi, vestrumque consilium impensuri, which have never this Clause, & cum ••aeteris de Consilio nostro, inserted into them: Therefore they are no essentiall constitutive Members of our Par∣liaments or Great Councils, but* 1.12 Assistants only to the King and Lords, as there is occasion.

[ 3] 3ly, That those of the Kings Counsil summoned to Parliaments and Great Councils by the precedent writs, were sometimes very many in number, somtimes very few, and alwaies more or less, at the Kings meer plea∣sure. In the first writ and list of summons extant, they were no less than* 1.13 40, in some others above 30, in most under 20, usually in later times but 10, 11, 12, 13, or 14, sometimes but 4, 5, 6, or 7; once or twice but one. Sometimes most of them were Deans, Archdeacons, and other Clerks or Clergymen who had alwaies▪ the Title MAGISTRO, praefixed to their names both in the writs and lists of their names; other times the ma∣jor number were Justices, Laymen, and but two or three Clerks: In later times the Clergymen, were wholly omitted, or very rarely inserted, and that when they were Treasurers, or Temporal Officers to the King: An unanswerable apparent Argument and demonstra∣on, that they were no essential Members of our Par∣liaments or Great Councills, since the King might thus summon more or fewer of them, or which of them he thought fittest, and omit all or any, or as many of them as he would at his pleasure out of the summons.

[ 4] 4ly. That in all lists of Summons of this kinde, the

Kings Chief Justices, and other Justices of his Courts at Westm: and Chief Baron, were constantly summo∣ned in more or less numbers, and the Kings Serjeants very frequently: yea the writs of Summons entred in the Rolls, were, for the most part, issued to the Kings Chief Justice; because there was most use of the Justi∣ces and learned Lawyers advice and counsel in Parlia∣ments in all matters of Law there debated, in••writs of Error there pending, in the penning of New, and al∣tering, explaining, or repealing of former Statutes; in Pleas of the Crown, and other cases criminal or civil heard and determined in Parliaments, than there was of inferiour Clergymen of the Counsil; the Archbi∣shops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors and Spiritual Lords there present as Members, being sufficiently able to advise the King and Temporal Lords in all Ecclesi∣astical matters there debated or treated of; especially when assisted with the Clerks of the Convocation usu∣ally summoned, without any Clergymen of the Kings Counsil.

5ly, That by the King and his Counsil, Vs and Our [ 5] Counsil,* 1.14 Vs and the rest of our Counsil, aliis ac caeteris de Con∣silio nostro, in the precedent and other writs in the Clause Rols, the Rolls of Parliament, the afetrcited Statutes, and other Acts of Parliament; the Kings Justices and others summoned to Parliaments and Great Councils as his Counsil, not as Spiritual or Temporal Lords; are properly meant and intended, not the Lords of the Kings Privy or continual Council, nor yet the Lords in Parliament, or Parliament it self; the Parliament in the writs of Summons to the Bishops, in the Clause of Praemunientes Decanum, Capitulum, Archidiaconos, to∣tumque Clerum vestrae Dioc: &c. and in the writs to the Sheriffs & Wardens of the Cinqueports, being usually stiled, Commune Consilium Regni nostri, as the Clause, Ad consentiendum hiis quae tunc ihidem de Commu∣ni Consilio regni nostri contigerit ordinari: inser∣ted into the last part of these Writs, informes us:

And so is it stiled in the writ prescribed by the Statute, De non ponendis in Assis••s, Anno 21 E. 1. & in other Writs grounded upon Acts of Parliament in the Register of Writs and Natura Brevium: Or the Kings Common or General Council, as in the Stat: of Vouchers 18 E. 1. in the Statutes of Wast, & de Defensione Iuris, An: 20 E: 1. and other printed Acts; and long before this, in Pat. 1 Joh: R••: m. 3 n. 3. Pat. 1 H: 3. m. 3. Pat. 3 H, 3. ps. 2. m. 6. and sundry other writs and Patents in his reign

6ly, That although Sira 1.15 Edward Cooke and others make this the chief or sole distinguishing Cla••se, or proprium quarto modo, between the writs of Summons to the Lords and Members of the Lords House, and Assist∣ants; that the one are always summoned, quod in propria persona intersitis Nobiscum, ac cum dictis, or caeteris Praela∣tis, Magnatibus, et Proceribus dicti regni nostri, super dictis negotiis tractaturi, vestrumque consilium impensuri: The o∣thers only summoned; quod personaliter intersitis Nobis∣cnm, et cum caeteris de Consilio nostro, super dictis ne∣gotiis tractaturi, vestrumque consilium impensuri; Yet this is not a general truth: For 1. in sundry forecited writs to the Kings Counsil, Justices, and Assistants; this clause, Et cum caeteris de Consilio nostro, &c. is totally o∣mitted, though it be in most of them: and intersitis No∣biscum only, or, intersitis Nobiscum, et cum* 1.16 dictis Praelatis, Magnatibus, et Proceribus super dictis negotiis tractaturi vestrumque consilium impensuri; (without any & cum cae∣teris de Consilio nostro,) inserted in lieu thereof; yet with this distinction, (not formerly observed by any to my knowledge) that in the writs to the Spiritual and Temporal Lords, the words alwayes run thus in the first Clause of the writs; Vobiscum, ac cum CAETERIS Praelatis, Magnatibus & Proceribus dicti Regni nostri, to a Spiritual Lord: and, Vobiscum, & cum Praelatis, ac CAE∣TERIS Magnatibus et Proceribus, &c: to a Temporal Lord: and thus in the mandatory part; dictis die et l••∣co personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, ac cum CAETERIS Prae∣latis, Magnatibus & Proceribus, if to a Prelate: and if

to a Temporal Lord, Nobiscum, ac cum Praelatis, et CAE∣TERIS Magnatibus et Proceribus Praedictis super dictis ne∣gotiis tractaturi, &c. the word Caeteris is alwaies omit∣ted in the writs to the Justices, and other Assistants of the Counsil in both these clauses; because they are no Spiritual nor Temporal Lords of Parliament, nor sum∣moned as such; and, cum Praelatis, Magnatibus & Proce∣ribus, without caeteris, being only used in their writs; both where & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro is inserted in∣to their writs after the word Proceribus, or elsewhere; and where it is totally omitted: So that the omission of the word caeteris in this place and manner in all writs to the Justices and other Assistants, and the inserting it as aforesaid, into the writs of the Spiritual and Tem∣poral Lords, is the principal distinguishing word that puts a difference between them, not this Clause alone, Nobiscum, & cum aliis de Consilio nostro, twice inserted into the writs of Prorogation and Resummons both to the Temporal and Spiritual Lords, as well as to the Justi∣ces and Assistants, Claus: 33 E. 1. d. 9, 10. which I shall recite at large in its due Section.

7ly, That in the writs of Summons to the Kings [ 7] Counsil, they are never licensed to appear by Proxies, or Attorneys, as the Spiritual and Temporal Lords sometimes are; but in proper person alone.

8ly, That such of them who were Deans, Archdea∣cons, [ 8] or Clergymen have alwaies the Title MAGI∣TRO prefixed to their names both in the writs and lists of summons, by which they are distinguished from the Laymen mentioned in those writs and lists. And that one Bishop elect summoned amongst the Bish∣ops to Parliament, was yet summoned as one of the Kings Counsil by an other writ. What ever else is worthy Observation touching these writs, or lists of persons summoned, I have noted already in the prece∣dent recitals of them.

9ly, That though the Kings Justices and others of [ 9] his Counsil summoned to our Parliaments, were no real

essential Members of them, but rather Assistants to the King and Lords, yet they had a very great hand, pow∣er, authority, not only in making Ordinances, Procla∣mations, desciding all weighty controversies, regu¦lating most publike abuses, and punishing all Exorbi¦tant Offences out of Parliament in the Star-chamber and elsewhere, Coram Rege et CONSILIO SVO, as is evi∣dent by 19 E. 3. Fitzh: Judgement 24. 20 As••. 14. Br. Dures 12. 39 E. 3. f. 14. b. Brook Judges 13. Judg∣ment 117. 43 Ass. 15. 38. Register pars 1. f. 191. b. pars 2. f. 124. b. 125. a. 13 E. 4. f. 9, 10. 27 H. 6. 5. b. 2 R. 3. f. 2. 10, 11. 1 H. 7. f. 3. 4. Brooke Parlia∣ment 37. 105. Fitz. Parl. 2. 135. An Exact Abridge∣ment of the Records in the Tower, p. 157, 169, 197, 426, 428, 459, 460, 560, 591, 638, 641, 651. Lambardi Ar∣chaion, p. 108. to 116. and the records there cited, tran∣scribed by Sir Edward Cook in his 4 Institutes, c. 5, Cromp∣tons Jurisdiction of Courts, f. 29. &c. de Court de Starr-chamber, et matters avant LE COVNSELL LE ROY, Ashes Tables, Courts 2. and the Lawbooks, Statutes, there cited, with others anon remembred; but likewise in receiving, answering all sorts of Petitions, determi∣ning, adjudging all weighty doubtfull cases, pleas, yea in making Acts, Ordinances, Statutes, and transact∣ing all weighty affaires concerning the King or kingdome, even in Parliaments themselves, when summoned to them by the premised writs; which being not commonly known to the Kings Coun∣sill, or others, nor insisted on, nor cleared up by Sir Edward Cooke, or any others who have written of our PARLIAMENTS, I shall briefly and satisfactorily illustrate by these four following par∣ticulars.

1. By sundry Petitions upon several complaints and occasions presented and directed to the King and HIS COUNSELL,a 1.17 OR SAGE, OR GOOD COUN∣SEL in sundry of our antient Parliaments, entred in the Clause and Parliament rolls, more especially in Claus.

Anno 1. E. 3. pars 1. & 2. Where multitudes of Petiti∣ons are thus directed; A nostre Sign••ur. le Roy, et ASON COVNCILL, Au BON COVNCIEL nostre Signior le Roy, &c. Which Petitions were usually answered and determined, sometimes By the KING and His COVN∣SELL, joyntly, other times by His COVNSEL alone; and sometimes by the King with the assent or advice of his COVNSEL, as these entries; Coram Rege & CON∣SILIO concessum est & emendatum: per agard de toute LE COVNSELL: soit le COVNCIEL certifie; Coram CON∣SILIO NOSTRO in praesenti Parliament•• venire faciatis scriptum praedictum; ad faciend. inde ulterius, quod per idem CONSILIVM NOSTRVM ibidem CONTIGERIT ORDINARI▪ Videtur CONSILIO: Il semble AV COVN∣CIEL que ce est bone affaire▪ Veniat Inquisitio CORAM CON∣SILIO. Place at Dom. Regi & CONSILIO SVO ordinare: with the like, most frequently occurring in these Petiti∣ons, and the answers to the proceedings and resolu∣tions upon them, abundantly evidence.

2. By this subscription or addition to many Writs, Patents, Charters, in the Clause, Patent, Charter, and Parliament Rolls, per ipsum Regem & Consilium in Parliamento, being all made, issued, granted, approved, entred by Order of the King and those of His COUN∣SIL in Parliament.

3. By the Placita coram ipso DOMINO REGE ET EJUS CONSILIO AD PARLIAMENTA SUA, &. AD PARLIAMENTUM SUUM, &c. recor∣ded in the Parchment Book of Pleas in the Tower of London..•• Wherein, the Proceedings, and the Judgments on them, were given sometimes by the Kings COVNSELL alone; sometimes by the King and his COUNSELL, and other times by the King, with the advice of the Arch∣bishops, Bishops, Abbots, Barons, and others, or the rest of His COUNSELL; and sometimes Fines and Recognizances were acknow∣ledged before the COUNSELL in Parliament.

To instance in some particulars. In the Placita coram ip∣so Domino Rege et ejus Consilio, ad Parliamenta sua post festum Sancti Hillarii, et etiam post Pascha, Anno 18 E. 1. Willielmus de Wasthull quaeritur Domino Regi et ejus Consilio, per quandam petitionem, against a deceit and covin in levying a fine: Iohannes Comes de Dewe venit coram Rege et ejus Consilio, ad Parliamentum suum post Pascha, &c. & petiit, &c. So Domino Regi et ejus Con∣silio Johannes Episcopus Wynton. alias coram Auditori∣bus quaerelarum monst••avit, &c. Petrus Maulore, venit co∣ram Domino Rege et ejus Consilio, ad Parliamentum, &c. et petiir, &c. Dominum Regem et ejus Consilium certiorari faciant Querela Willielmi de Valentia Consi∣lio Domini Regis in Anglia, dum Rex suit in Vasconia. Macolomus de Harlegh monstravit Consilio Regis per quandam petitionem, &c. So Placita Parliamenti apud Clip∣ston & Asherugg, &c. Anno 18 E. 1. Margeria de Mose uxor Thomae de Weyland, & Ricardus filius ejusdem Thomae monstraverunt Domino Regi, et ejus Consilio, &c. coram ipso Domino Rege et ejus Consilio venerunt praedicti Cemites Gloucestr. & Hereford: Quod ipsi habeant corpora eorundem Comi••um coram ipso Domino Rege et Consilio suo, &c. ad faciendum et recifiendum id quod Dominus Rex de Consilio suo duxerit ordinandum. Prior de Goldelyne queritur Domino Regi et ejus Consilio, de hoc, &c. Me∣morandum quod Recordum, quod Episcopus Wynton et socii sui miserunt coram Consilio de magno placito Abbatis de Rupl. &c. Robertus Bardolph habet diem per adjorna∣mentum in pleno consilio, &c. Maria quae fuij••uxor Wil∣lielmo de Brewosa petiit coram Domino Rege et ejus Con∣silio versus Willielmum, &c. medietatem manerii de Wyke∣ham, &c. Placita coram Rege et Consilio suo ad Par∣liamentum suum post Pascha apud London. Anno 21 E. 1. Willielmus de Mere, &c. et Reginaldus do Legh coram ipso Domino Rege et ejus Consilio allocuti, ad rationem positi de hoc, &c. Stephanus Rabez Viceco∣mes Leicestr. & Warwic: coram ipso Domino Rege et ejus Consilio arrenatus, ad rationem positus de hoc, &c. Placi∣ta

coram ipso Domino Rege et Consilio suo ad Par∣liamentum suum post festum Sancti Michaelis, Ann. 21 E. 1. Malcolinus de Harley Eschaetor Domini Regis ci∣tra Trentam monstravit Domino Regi et ejus Consilio, &c. et super hoc vocatis coram domino Rege et ejus Consilio: Decano de Wellen▪ &c. Placita coram ipso Domino Re∣ge et ejus Consilia apud Cantuar. &c. Anno 21 E. 1. The Judgements and Orders upon such Petitions and complaints, were somtimes given by the Counsil alone. As in the case of Theobaldus de Verdun coram ipso Rege et ejus Consilio apud Bergaveny, de diversis Transgressi∣onibus et inobedientiis factis Domino Regi, arenatus; and found guilty of them by Inquisition, returned and read C••ram ipso Domino Rege et ejus Consilio, in the Parliament of 20 E. 1. praedictus Theobaldus de Verdun per considerationem et Iudicium totius Consilii committe∣batur Goalae, et exhaeredatus fuit de tota libertate sua Regali, quam habuit in terris suis de Ewyas Lacy, pro so et hoeredi∣bus suis imperpetuum; But mostly by the King & Counsil: Witness these Clauses in Plac. Parl. Anno 18 E. 1. Lo∣quela inter Johannem de Sancto Johanne, & Williel∣mum de Valentia ponitur in respectum usque in Octabis San∣cti Johannis Baptistae, eo quod per Consilium Domini Regis et Iusticiarios suos judicium certum in loquela illa non∣dum est provisum, &c. Postea ad diem illum Dominus Rex et ejus Consilium in praesentia praedict••rum partium habito con∣silio de procedendo ad judicium, &c. The Summons to Theo∣bald de Verdun; ad faciendum et recipiendum qu••d Dominus Rex de Consilio ordinaret; And the acquittal of the Ser∣vants of The••bald de Lacy, upon the returns of the Inqui∣sitions against them, lecta et audita coram dom. Rege et ejus Consilio. In the Plea between the King and the Bishop of Winchest. de Custod: Hospitii S. Juliani Southampton, upon full hearing and examining of the cause, Uide∣tur Domino Kegi et ejus Consilio, quod Iusticiarii se∣cundum quod in recordo suo praedicto continetur, debito modo & secunduin consuetudinem Regni ad captionem praedictae In∣quisitionis processerunt, &c. In the case of the Earl of

Ewe in Normandy petitioning for the restitution of the Castles of Hastings and Tikehall belonging to his Gran∣mother Alicia, whose heir he was, and by her delivered into the Custody and protection of King Henry the III. Et quia Domino Regi et ejus Consilio manifestè constat, quod praedicto Comi••i alias responsum fuit ad consimilem Peti∣tionem, &c. Nec videtur Domino Regi aut ejus Con∣silio, quod ratione aliquarum literarum praedictarum praedi∣cto Comiti aliud responsum dare debeat, &c. In the Parlia∣ment of ••0 E. 1. The case of the Prior of Gis∣burn, Coram Rege et ejus Consilio apud Norham. Anno 19 E. 1. where per ipsum Regem & CONSI∣LIVM suum ordinatum et concordatum est, that a Re∣cognisance of 600 marks acknowledged in Chancery by the Prior should be cancelled. In the case of the differences between the Citizens of London and Mer∣chants of Gascoigne, both cited Coram ipso Domino Rege & CONSILIO SVO. Anno 20 E. 1. Vt auditis coram ipso Domino Rege et CONSILIO SUO allegationibus et disputationibus, rationibusque quibuscunque per praedictas partes porrectis, fieret in hac parte quod Dominus Rex de Con∣silio decreverit, &c. et contentio praedicta finem debitum per ipsum Dominum Regem et CONSILIUM SUUM sortietur; who then made an Order and peace between them, and likewise in the Parl. of 21 E. 1. In the case between Iohn Gifford, and Robert Tybetot touching the Commot of Hysk ynny, the King at Berwick Anno 21 E. 1. Cartam praedictam coram se & CONSILIO suo legi fecit, et ad ambiguitatem quorundam verborum in prae∣dicta Garta contentorum de caetero auferendam, eadem ver∣ba declaravit in hun•• modum. &c. An. 21 E. 1. The Bi∣shop of Durham (having his liberties unjustly seised by the award of the Justices in Eyr,) Supplicavit ipsi Do∣mino Regi et CONSILIO SUO instanter, quod praedicta processus et Recordum coram eis recitarentur et exa∣minarentur, et errores in eisdem contenti pro se & Ec∣clesia sua Dunolm. prout justum fuerit, & secundum legem et consuetudinem Regni emendarentur. Which

being accordingly done, and the cause fully heard and debated before them; consideratum est per ipsum Regem & Consilium, quod judicium praedictum revo∣cetur, & adnulletur, et quod omnes libertates praedicti Episcopi, Ecclestae suae & hominum suorum, quae per considerationem Justiciariorum ••tinerantium, in ma∣num Domini Regis captae fuerunt, eidem Episco∣po, Eccles••ae & hominibus suis plenarie & integre re∣stituentur.

I shall instance only in three more memorable cases at large.

The 1. is in the Placita coram ipso Rege & Consilio suo, ad Parliamentum suum post Pascha apud London. in Ma∣nerio Archiepiscopi Eborum; Anno regni Regis Ed∣wardi 1. 21. De Petentibus arreragiis de tempore Iudae••∣rum. Quia plures Capitales Domini, de quibus Iu∣daei ante Exilium suum de Regno isto tenementa sua tenuerunt, diversa arreragia petunt, de servitiis ••orun∣dem tenementorum ••ibi detentis, tempore quo tenemen∣ta illa in manu Domini Regis, ut Eschaeta sua per Exilium eorundem Iudeorum devenerunt, & similiter à tempore postquam tenementa illa per concessionem & donationem suam, in manus nunc tenentium deve∣nerunt, quod per eosdem tenentes aut eorum haeredes, aut assignatos plenarie satisfiat, capitalibus Dominis de quibus tenementa illa tenentur, de omnibus servi∣ciis & consuetudinibus eisdem Dominis capitalibus feodi debitis & consuetis, & quae servicia Iudaei ante Exilium suum; dum tamen sibi facere consueverunt & debuerunt, & secundum quod iidem Domini capitales legitime verificare poterunt, servicia illa & consue∣tudines sibi deberi, & quod Iudaei dum tenementa illa tenuerunt pro tenementis illis sibi ••acere consueverunt, cum singulis Cartis Domini Regis de talibus tenementis cuicunque concessis semper contineatur, quod servicia debita & consueta inde faciant capitalibus Dominis feodi il∣lius. Et de toto illo tempore quo tenementa illa in se∣••ina Domini Regis remanserunt postquam per Exili∣um

••orundem Iudeorum ••eisita fuerint usque diem quo eadem tenementa per concessionem ipsius Domini Regis in seisinam aliorum devenerunt respond••atur, satisfiat Capitalibus Dominis ac Scaccarium per ipsum Dominum Regem, singulis pro sua portione, et secun∣dum quod verificare poterunt prout superius dicitur; cum quilibet de suo tempore tantummodo teneatur re∣spondere, et de isto tempore quo Rex tenebitur respon∣dere satisfaciant ipsi modo tenentes Capitalibus Domi∣nus, et ipsis allocetur in pacatione sua facienda, aut redditu suo, vel secundum quod The saurarius et Barones de Scaccario, melius viderint expedire. De tempore au∣tem Iudeorum quo ipsi tenementa illa tenuerunt, non videtur Domino Regi, aut ejus consilio, quod alicui petenti debet responderi, cum iidem Capitales Domini semper suerant et esse debuerant sufficientes et potentes ad servitia et consuetudines sibi debita petenda, et pro eisdem distringenda si quid aretro fuit, vel cum ipsi Iudei fortè satisfecerunt de hoc quod modo petitur, et inde habeant acquietancias. Et si quid a retro fuerit hoc fuit per negligentiam et stultitiam eorundem Domino∣rum Capitalium, quorum negligentia merito ••ibi ip••is imputanda, et cum dicitur, Vigilantibus et non dormi∣entibus jura subveniunt.

* 1.18 The second is the case of the Prior of Bridlington, before the King and his Counsil the same Parliament. Prior de Bridelington allocutus coram ipso Domino Rege et consilio suo de hoc, quod cum quidam Bona∣my nuper Iudeus Eborum: mutuasset eidem Priori Tres∣centa Lìbras Sterlingorum, solvendas eidem Iudeo ad Gulas Augusti, Anno regni Regis nunc vicessimo, Et idem Iudeus ante terminum praedictum; Per commune Exilium Iudeorum de regno isto exularet, per quod praedictum debitum simul cum omnibus aliis bonis quae fuerant ejusdem Iudei in Anglia, et quae in regno re∣manserunt post eorum Exilium, in quorumcunque manus fuerunt ipsius Domini Regis Catalla fuerunt, et ipsi Domino Regi reddi debuissent; Praedictus Prior

debitum praedictum quod fuit &c. esse Catall. Dom. Regis, ad terminum statutum ipso Domino Regi non solvit, nec ipsum Dominum Regem aut suos inde pre∣munit; Immo totaliter concelavit, detinuit▪ & adhuc detinet, in lesionem fidei sui qua Domino Regi tene∣tur, & ad grave dampnum ipsius Domini Regis, &c. Et Prior bene cognoscit, quod Praedecessor suus imme∣diatus pecuniam praedictam de praedicto Iudeo mutua∣vit termino praedicto solvendam, & quod ipse ratione mutui illius, adhuc ad solutionem pecuniae illius tene∣tur. Set dicit; quod Iohannes Archiepiscopus Eborum qui nuncest, in tertia septimana Quadragesima proxi∣mò praeterito ad domum suam de Bridelington, prout ad officium suum pertinet, visitavit, & inter caetera in visitatione sua ibidem inventa, quaesivit de debitis do∣mus in quibus idem Prior, & quibus, & pro quo teneba∣tur? ita quod tunc inuenit, quod domus praedicta praedicto Iudeo indebitabatur in pecunia praedicta; et statim in Capitulo ipso Priori injunxit, quod pecu∣niam illam solveret ejusdem valecto tunc ibidem prae∣senti ad festum Nativitatis Sanctae Mariae proximum, quem valectū idem Archiepiscopus dicebat esse Attor∣natum praedicti Iudaei. Et ipse Prior prout ratione obe∣dientiae suae tenetur; praecepto praefati Archiepiscopi obedivit, & eandem pecuniam tunc solvere promisit. Et quia idem Prior cognoscit, quod praedicta pecunia praedicto Iudeo debebatur, nec ei solvebatur. ante exili∣um Iudeorum, & quicquid remansit de eorum debitis & catallis in Regno post eorum exilium, Domini Re∣gis fuit. Consideratum est, quod Dominus Rex recu∣peret praedictam pecuniam, ut Catalla sua versus prae∣dictum Priorem. Et dictum est praedicto Priori, quod non exeat è villa, priusquam Domino Regi, de prae∣dicta pecunia satisfecerit. Et quia praedictus Archie∣piscopus praedicto Priori injunxit; quod catalla Do∣mini Regis praedicto vallecto solveret, ad dampnum Domini Regis, & similiter quia Dominus Rex intel∣lexit, quod Archiepiscopus praedictus quoddam scrip∣tum

obligatorium, per quod praefatus Prior praedicto Iudaeo tenebatur in debito praedicto, contra fidem Domino Regi debitam, & Sacramentum fidelitatis suae à praedicto Iud••o emit aut perquisivit, ad elongandum Dominum Regem de Catallis suis praedictis, & ibi appropriando malitiosè: Praeceptum est Vicecomiti Eborum, quod ve∣nire faciat praedictum Archiepiscopum coram Domino Rege, à die Sancti Michaelis, in Quindecim dies, ubi∣cunque, &c. ad respondendum Domino Regi de receptione praedicta. Et similiter quod praedictum scriptum, ut dicitur, remanet in custodia Abbatis Sanctae Mariae Eborum•• aut Prioris Sancti Andre•• Eborum, ideo praeceptum est Vicecomiti praedicto, quod venire faciat eosdem Abbatem & Priorem, ad terminum praedictum, ad respondendum de eodem scripto.

Hereupon the Sheriff summoned the Archbishop; Ad respondendum Domino Regi de hoc, quod nunc Prior de Bridelington et ejusdem loci conventus per scriptum suum obligatorium tenebatur cuidam Bon∣amy quondam Iudeo Eborum, in Trescentis libris ster∣lingorum certis terminis solvendorum: et idem Iudeus Per Commune Exilium Iudeorum de Regno isto, ante solutionem praedictae pecuniae sibi factā Exuleret; praedictus Archiepiscopus de Curia Romana rediens apud Paris cum praedicto Iudaeo conventionem & mer∣catum faciens, praedictum debitum, quod fuit & est Catalla Domini Regis ab eo emit, & post in visitatione sua ad Prioratum praedictum facta, eidem Priori et Con∣ventui per obedient••am injungit, quod pecuniam prae∣dictam cuidam Valecto ipsius Archiepiscopi, aut nun∣cio praefati Iudaei, certo termino solverent; contra fide∣litatem in qua Domino Regi tenentur, & in alienationem pecuniae Domini Regis▪ ad dampnum Domini Regis mille librarum &c. Et praedictus Archiepiscopus modo venit, & super hoc facto praedicto CORAM DOMINO REGE ET CONSILIO SUO arenatus, expresse dicit; Quod nunquam cum praedicto Iudaeo aliquam

conventionem fecit, seu mercatum de pecunia praedi∣dicta sibi adquirenda; set revera dicit, quod in visita∣tione sua ad domum praedictam invenit, et per Prio∣••em et Conventum ejusdem domus sibi ostensus fuit, quod domus illa indebitabatur praedicto Iudeo de prae∣••icta pecunia. Et idem ad salvationem animarum sua∣••um prout tenebatur, eidem Priori et Conventui dixit, quod pecuniam illam salva conscientia retinere non possent, et quod sic facerent quod animas suas salva∣rent: set quod nunquam eis injunxit, quod pecuniam illam sibi aut al••i nomine praedicti Iudei solverent, pa∣ratus est se acquietare, si placuerit DOMINO REGI¦ET EJUS CONSILIO. Et Dominus Rex super hoc, de gratia sua speciali, et ad instantium MAGNATUM DE CONSILIO SUO, licet per patriam de jure in∣quirere posset veritatem praemissorum, concessit praedi∣cto Archiepiscopo, quod in fide in qua ei tenetur, veri∣tatem praemissorum fatetur et cognosca••. Et idem Archiepiscopus in fide, &c. fatetur et dicit, quod in veniendo de Curia Romana apud Paris: bene audivit & intellexit per praedictum Iudeum quod praedicta pecunia ei debebatur, et quod idem Iudeus eum rogavit, ut ei pro Deo esset in auxilium ad praedictam pecuniam suam ••ecuperandam. Et postea, ut praedictum est, in visita∣tione sua ad domum praedictam hoc idem invenit per confessionem praedictorum Prioris et Conventus; et eis dixit, quod ••ic facerent, quod animas suas salvarent. Et quia idem Archiepiscopus bene cognoscit, quod POST EXILIUM DICTI JUDAE••, & ALIORUM JUDAEORUM DE REGNO ISTO, à praedicto Iu∣deo intellexit, quod pecunia praedicta ••ibi in regno isto debebatur, et POST EORUM EXILIUM, omnia quae sua fuerunt, et in regno isto remanserunt, tam de∣bita quam alia bona quaecunque ipsi Domino Regi re∣manserunt, et Catalla sua fuerunt, et super hoc incon∣tinenti POST EORUM EXILIUM solempnis Pro∣clamatio siebat per totum regnum, et quod omnes qui debita aliqua alicui Iudeo debebant, aut de eorum debi∣••is

tis, bonis & catallis aliquid sciebant Domino Regi, aut alicui de Consilio suo scire facerent, de qua quidem Proclamatione nullus dedicere potest, quin scivit, a•••• scivisse debuit. Et idem Archiepiscopus de debito prae∣dicto scivit, prout fatetur, tam per Iudeum, quam per Priorem & Conventum, nec de hoc Domino Regi, aut alieui de suìs constare fecit; Immo debitum illud concelando, et à Domino Rege alienando contra fidem qua Regi tene••ur, injunxit praefato Priori et Conventui, quod animas suus-salvarent, quod tantum valuit, quan∣tum si dixisset; quod Iudeo satisfacerent, concordatum est, quod praedictus Archiepiscopus remaneat in mi∣sericordia Domini Regis, pro concelamento & trans∣gressione praedicto, &c. et idem Dominus Rex sibi ipsi reservat Tax ationem illius misericordiae. From these 2. Records I shall observe, That the General Banish∣ment of the Iewes out of England, and the escheat and forfeiture of their Lands, Goods, and Debts to the King, by this their generall exile, is no lesse then 10. severall times precisely mentioned in these 2 Records, and the very groundwork of them; besides some hun∣dreds of other Records and Authors cited by me in the 1. and 2. Part of my Demurrer to the Iewes long discontinued Remitter into England: And therefore I must admire* 1.19 Sir Edward Cooks peremptory denyal of it in print, in his Commentary on the Statute de Iudaismo, in the very date whereof he is mistaken, as well as in most of his Comments thereupon, as I have largely proved in my Demurrer. 2. That it is a breach of the Oath of Fealty and Allegiance in any Subject, and an offence for which he is punishable, to conceal from, or defraud the King of any of his just debts and rights, especially when engaged by Procla∣mation to discover them. 3ly. That the King and his Counsell gave judgment in these causes; and that in the later of them the King reserves the taxing of the Amerciament of the Archbishop for an offence against him, wholly to himself.

The 3. case is that of Iohn Sa••veyn, his wife and her sister, in the Placita coram ipso Domino Rege apud West∣monasterium in Parliamento suo in Octabis Nativitatis be∣atae Mariae, Anno regni Regis Edwardi filii Regis Hen∣rici 33. which is very memorable, and thus recor∣ded.

Iohannes Salveyn, Margareta uxor ejus, Isabello soro•• ejusdem Margaretae, filiae & haeredes Roberti de Ros de Werk, per Petitionem suam in forma sequenti osten∣dunt Domino Regi, et petunt, quod cum Dominus Rex de gratia sua speciali concessit et ordinavit, Quod omnes gentes de regno Seotiae, cujuscunque fuerint, et quae ad pacem suam venerint, exceptis aliquibus per∣sonis in eadema 1.20 Ordinatione nominatis, admittantur secundum conditiones subsequentes; videlicet, quod salva sit eis vita et membra, et quod quieti sint de im∣prisonamento, et quod non exhaeredantur. Ita quod de eorum exemptione et emendis de Transgressionibus, qnas ipsi Domino Regi solummodo fecerint, et de esta∣bilamento terrae Scotiae staret ordinationi suae, sicut plenius continetur in Ordinatione supradicta. Et in•• super Dominus Rex concessit omnibus qui secuti fuerint seisinam de terris quas ipsi et eorum Antecessores tenuerunt in principio Guerrae In quorum manus terr•••• illae devenissent; quod ipsi Iohannes, Margareta, & Isa∣bella, uti possent et gaudere concessione et Ordinatione praedictis, quoad terras quae dictus Robertus tenuit in Anglia & Scotia in principio guerrae. Ita quod non sin•• exhaeredati. Et Willielmus de Ros de Hamlake, qui tenet praedictum Manerium de Werk, ex dono et concessione Domini Regis, per praemunitionem sibi factam venit••, et tam pro seipso tanquam tenenti dictum Manerium, quā pro Domino Rege quo ad alias terras et tenementa quae fuerunt dicti Roberti, tam in regno Angliae quam in terra Sco••iae, dicit; Quod praedicti petentes nichil in eisdem per medium praedicti Roberti clamare possunt ut ipsius haeredes, nec ad illa petenda, seu aliquam partem earundem audiri debent, prout petunt. Dicit enim,

quod ipsi petunt tenementa praedicta ut haeredes praedi∣cti Roberti, et virtute c••jusd ••m Ordination••s, quam Do∣m••nus Rex nuper fecitet concessit illis hominibus de terra Scotiae, qui in ultima guerra in eadem terra ad pa∣cem suam venerunt et admissi suerunt; et per illa ver∣••a videlizet, [quod non ••x••aeredentur,] Et etiam pe∣tunt, quod ipsi uti possunt, et gaudere concessione et Ordinatione praedictis quo ad terras quas dictus Rober∣tus tenuit in Anglia & in Scotia in principio guerrae, Ita quod non sint exhaeredati, prout in sua petitione con∣tinetur, quod nullo modo admitti debent. Quia dicit, quod praedictus Robertus diù ante principium istius gueriae, ad quod tempus Ordinationi praedicta reddito terrarum et concessio se extendunt, Inimicus Domini Regis devenit mani••estus, parti Scotorum Contra Homa∣gium et Filelitatem suam felonice et traditiose ad∣h••rendo, et sic omnes terras et tenementa sua ubicun{que} infra Dominium et potestatem Domini Regis existen∣tia, simul cum aliis bonis suis quibuscunque totaliter forisfecit; nec unquam postea in vita sua ad pacem Domini Regis rediit, set in inimicitia sua ut Felo et Traditor obiit. Occasione cujus Inimicitiae sic commissae Dominus Rex terras illas et tenementa statim in manū suam seisivit; et postea ipsum Manerium de Werk ipsi Willielmo dedit. Et hoc paratus est verisicare, tam p••o Domino Rege quam pro seipso, si petentes praedicti in petitione sua praedicta audiri debent, &c. Et quia habito super praemissis diligenti tractatu per ipsum Dominum Regem et totum Consil••um, expressè re∣cordatum est, quod dictus Robertus de Ros, per multa tempora ante principium istius ultimae guerrae contra Homagium, Fidelitatem et Ligeantiam suam, de ipso Domino Rege traditiosè et felonicè se elongavit, et Inimicus ipsius Domini Regis manifestè devenit parti Scotorum adhaerendo tunc Inimicorum et Rebel∣lionum Domini Regis existentium, nec unquam postea in vita sua ad pacem Domini Regis rediit, set inimicus ••••••s obiit, visisque articulis et conditionibus contentis

in Ordinatione per ipsum Dominum Regem facta in ea••dem ultima guerra hominibus de terra Scotia, et con∣cessione de redditione terrarum suarū eisdem facienda, quam de aliis in eadem Ordinatione contentis, et virtute cujus Ordinationis petentes praedicti modo tenementa praedicta petunt: Uidetur Domino Regi et Consilio suo, quod petentes praedicti ratione illius Ordinatio∣nis seu redditionis in Petitione sua praedicta audiri non debent. Propter quod Concordatum est et conside∣ratum per ipsum Dominum Regem et Consilium su∣um, quod praedictus Willielmus eat inde sine die, &c. Et quod praedicti petentes nichil capiant per Petitio∣nem suam praedictam, &c. After which, upon the suit of the Petitioners to King Edward the 2. in the 4. year of his reign, being in Scotland, there issued two several writs to Gilbert de Roubyry, to search the* 1.21 Rolls of Parl. and certify the Tenor of the Petitions aforesaid, and the Answers given thereunto, and proceedings there∣upon coram dicto Patre nostro (Edw. 1.) et Con∣silio suo in Parliamentis suis fa••ta; because this Iohn Salve••n coram Nobis et Consilio nostro prosecu∣tus fuerit petenda, &c. that the King would receive his homage for the moity of the lands descended to his wife, as one of the Coheirs of Robert de Ros, and re∣store the same unto him.

For Judgements given in Parliament upon Petiti∣ons or Complaints by the King, Lords, and Kings Coun∣sil joyntly, you may peruseb 1.22 Nicholas de Segraves case, in Cooks 3 Instit. p. 7, 8. and My Plea for the Lords, p. 361. with others there cited: I shall here for brevity recite only two Memorable ones.

The 1. in the Placita in Parliamento apud London in crastino Epiphaniae, Anno regni Edwardi 1. vicesimo, the long, great and famous case between Humfry de Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex, and Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester and Hertford, who invaded one anothers lands by force and arms in a warlike manner, and committed many rapines, burnings, murders and enormities against

the Kings peace and prohibition: after many Inquisi∣sitions and debates touching this business before Justi∣ces assigned, and afterwards before the Kings Counsil, and then before the King and his Counsil, by these passages often mentioned in the record; Concordat••m est per DOMINUM REGEM & CONSILIUM, De∣cretum est PER CONSILIUM, Videtur CONSILIO DOMINI REGIS, per dictum DOMINUM REGEM & CONSILIUM, &c. evident••r compertum est (twice repeated) Quod corpora eorum habeat coram. DOMI∣NO REGE & EJUS CONSILIO, ad voluntatem ipsius Domini Regis audiendam et faciendam, et reci∣piendum id quod DOMINUS REX DE CONSILIO SUO DUXERIT ORDINANDUM) fully evi∣dence. At last both the Earls. Voluntati Domini Regis se omnino submiserunt, ut de eorumque liber∣tatibus faciat quod sibi placuerit. Whereupon Do∣minus Rex super hoc non voluntariè tantumniodo, imo pro••t de jure et secundum legem et consuetudinem reg∣ni fuerit faciendum, et etiam per Consilium Archie-piscoporum, Cpiscoporun••; Comitum et Baronum caeterorumque De Consilio suo existentium facere volens in praemissis, et ut voluntas sua justa sit et ratio∣nabilis pro••t decet, eorumque Assensum in praemissis petiit et Consilium. Propter quod habito tractatu ••oram ipso Domino Rege et Consilio suo super prae∣dictis, tam ipso Domino Regi, quam caeteris Prae∣latis et Magnatibus et singulis de Consilio suo vi∣de••ur, quoad Comitem Gloucestriae, quod libertas sua praedicti, &c. pro se et haeredibus suis forisfacta est ra∣tione delicti praedicti, &c. Dictum est eidem Comiti Gloucestriae per considerationem et Iudicium Archie∣piscoru••••, Episcoporum, Comitum, Baronum, et to∣tius consilit Domini Regis, quod libertas sua prae∣dicta, &c. totumque regale in eisdem terris remaneânt Domino Regi et haeredibus suis ut forisfacta tota vita ipsius Comitis Gloucestriae, et idem Comes retor••etur prisonae, et inde redimetur ad voluntatem domini Re∣gis▪

et etiam quod praedictus Comes Hereford recuperet versus eum Centum libras pro dampnis praedictis. Et similiter quoad praedictum Comitem Hereford, ••o quod videtur Domino Regi, et ejus Consilio habito su∣per hoc tracta•••• diligenti, quod libertas sua in terris suis de Brekenno••, &c. ratione delicti praedicti forisfac∣ta esset. Dictum est eidem Comiti Hereford, per consi∣derationem et judicium Archiepiscoporum, Episco∣porum, Comitum et Baronum, et totius Consilii Domini Regis, quo libertas sua praedicta remaneat Domino Regi et haeredibus suis forisfacta de ipso Co∣mite Hereford et haeredibus suis imperpetuum, et corpus suum prisonae retornetur et inde redimetur ad volunta∣tem Domini Regis; Et quia videtur Domino Regi et ejus Consilio, quod transgressio de qua idem Co∣mes Hereford convictus est, non est ita carcans, nec tan∣tam poenam requirit quantum et facta transgressio prae∣dicta de qua praedictus Comes Gloucestriae convincitur: and because he had espoused the Queens kinswoman; therefore the forfeiture was mitigated, and ordered to continue to the King and his heirs during the Earls life only: After these Earls had continued in prison for some time; the Earl of Gloucester, finem fecit Domi∣no Regi pro Decem Mille Marc. pro Transgre s••ione praedic∣ta, and put in 5 Noble men for his pledge••; And the Earl of Hereford likewise, finem fecit Domino Regi pro T••ansgressione praedicta, pro Mille Marcis, et re••ipitur per plegios, who are named in the Record: After which Io•••• de Crepinghes, and others of the Earls Assistants in these riotous Misdemeanors, ad instantiam Praelato∣rum, Comitum & Baronum, et aliorum de Consilio sus, who moved the King to shew mercy to them▪ were put to several fines.

The 2. is in the Placita co••am••ipso Rege & Consilio suo ad Parliamentum suum, post Pascha apud London, Anno 21 E. 1. the Archbishop of Yorkes case. Johannes Ar∣chiepiscopus Eborum attachi••tus fuit ad respondendum Da∣mino Regi de pla••i••o quare cum placita de Imprisonamento

et aliis Transgressionibus in regno Regi•• contra pacem Regis factis ad Regem & coronam et dignitatem suam specialiter pertineant. Idem Archiepiscopus per Johannem Prio∣rem de Bolton in Cravene Commissarium suum in venerabilem Patrem Antonium Episcopum Dunolm: dum nuper in partibus Borialibns in obsequio Regis juxta la••us suum per praeceptum ipsius Regis sub protectione extitit, pro eo quod Ballivi esusdem Episcopi Willielmum de Wrleton 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Johannem Roman apud D••nolm. inventos ceporunt et imprisonaver••nt, Excommunicationis sententi••m in Regis contemptum et Coronae & dignitatis suae laesionem, & contra reverentiam Regis in hac parte debitam, in dispectum ipsius Regis viginti Mille librarum, fecit fulminari, et illam Excommunicationem demandari. Propter quod idem Rex ta••um contemptum & tantum irreverenti 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sibi illatam••ran∣sire impunitam sustinere non valens, maxime cum tam ipse Rex quam praellictus Episcopus quanium in ipso suit, praefato Willielmo & Johanni de imprisonamento praedicto celeris justitiae complementum juxta regni consue••udinem semper fue∣runt parati exhibere, &c. After the Archbishops Plea thereto, and a long debate of the business in Parlia∣ment; Videtur Domino Regi in pleno Parliamento prae∣dicto, Comitibus, Baronibus, Iusticiariis, & similiter toti Consilio ipsius Domini Regis, quod praedictus Ar∣chiepiscopus quantum in ipso fuit niteba••ur occupare & usurpare super Coronam Regiam et Dignitatem, in casu••isto deliberationes imprisonatorum, contra legem et consuetudinem regni, et Contra ••••dem in qua idem Archiepiscopus Domino Regiet Coronae suae astringitur, ad exhaeredationem Do••••ni Regis et haeredum suorum manifestam. Propter quod per Comites, Barones et Iusticiarios, et dinnes alios de Constlio ipsius Domini Regis concordatum est, quod praedictus Archiepiscopus committatur prisonae, pro offensa & transgressione praedictis. Et super hoc ante Iudicium pro∣nunnciatum licet unanimiter de consilio praedictorum Magnatum et aliorum concordatum fuisset tenendum in hoc casu, et similiter in casibus consimilibus imperpetuum, praedictus Archiepiscopus Maguates et alios de Consilio

ipstus Domini Regis rogavit, quod pro eo Domi∣num Regem requirerent, ut Ante Pronuntiationem Judicit ipsum ad gratiam suam admitteret. Et Domi∣nus Rex ad instantiam eorundem Magnatum, de gra∣tia sua speciali hoc idem ipso Archiepiscopo concessit. Et idem Archiepiscopus humiliter supplicavit, quod possit de omnibus praemissis alto & basso Voluntati Domini Regis se submittere. Which the King assen∣ting to at the Lords request, Dictum est eidem Archiepis∣copo sub gravi forisfactura, quod non recedat à Parliamento isto ••onec super praemissis Domini Regis audivit voluntatem. Postea venit praedictus Archiepiscopus, et fecit finem Domino Regi pro Transgressione praedicta, pro quatuor millibus mar∣carum, per scriptum suum obligatorium: 5 others being bound with him for due payment thereof to the King.

It is observable, that in all these Pleas, Proceedings & Judgments, there is no mention at all of the Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, or Commons in Parliament, (no shar••rs in them) but only of the King, Archbishops, Bishops, Earles, Barons, Justices, and Kings Counsell.

4ly. The power of the Kings Counsell and Judges in Parliament, is evident by sundry Prefaces to, and passages in our printed Acts of Parliament: as namely by the preface of the printed Statute of Bigamie, 4. Octo••. An. 4. Ed. 1. In the presence of certain Reverend Fathers, Bishops of England, and OTHERS OF THE KINGS COVNSELL, the Constitutions underwritten were recited, after heard, and published before the King and HIS COVNSELL: forasmuch as ALL THE KINGS COVNSELL, AS WELL IVSTICES AS OTHERS DID AGREE that they should be put in writing for a perpetual memory, and that they should be stedfastly observed.* 1.23 &c. By the exposition of the Statute of Gloucester An. 6. E. 1. made by the King and HIS IVSTICES. By the Statute of Mor••main An. 7. E. 1. which recites. Wee by the advice of our Prelates, Lords, Barons, and other our Sub∣jects, BEING OF OVR COVNSELL, have provided, made and ordained, &c. By the Statute of Acton

Bnrnell. 13. E. 2. Forasmuch as Merchants &c. The King for himself, and BY HIS COVNSELL hath ordained and established, &c. The Prologue to the Statute of Wes••m. 2. An. 13. E 1. Whereas of late our Lord the King the 6. year of his reigne calling together the Earles, Prelates, Ba∣rons, and HIS COVNCELL at Glocester, &c. (so as there were writs of summons then issued to them all, though not entred in the Clause Rolls of 6. Ed. 1. nor any other now extant.) By the Statute of Merchants, An. 13. E. 1. The King and HIS COVNSELL at his Par∣liament holden at Acton Burnell, the 11. year of his reigne, ••ath Ordained establishments thereupon, for the remedy of such Merchants: which Ordinances and establishments, the King commandeth, that they shall be firmly kept throughout the Realme. By the Statute of Wast. Anno 20. E. 1. Other Instices with the more part OF THE KINGS COVN∣SELL, were of the contrary opinion, &c. Wherefore our Lord the King in his full Parliament, in the 20th. year of his reigne, by A GENERALL COVNSELL, hath or∣dained, &c. Articuli super Chartas, An. 28. E. 1. c. 2. Neverthelesse the King and HIS COVNSELL do not in∣tend by reason of this estatute to diminish the Kings Right, for the ancient Prises due and accustomed And ch. 20. Notwithstanding all these things, &c. both the King and HIS COUNSELL, and all they that were present at the making of this Ordinance, will and intend, that the right and prerogative of his Crown, shall be saved to him in all things. The Statute for Escheators. Anno 29. E. 1. At the Parliament of our sovereign Lord the King, By his Counsell it was agreed, and also commanded by the King himself, &c. according to advice of &c. Treasurer to the King, Chancellor, and other of the Counsell there present before the King, &c. By the New Statute of Quo War∣ranto, 30 E. 1. Cum nuper in Parliamento nostro a••u•• Westm. per Nos et Consilium nostrum provisum sic et Proclamatum, quod Praelati, Comites, Barones, & alii &c. By the Ordinance for Inquests, 33. E. 1. It is agreed and ordained by the King aud all his Counsell, &c. By

Ordinatio pro statu Hyberniae, An. 17. E. 1. made and agreed on at Nottingham, By the assent of our Counsell there being. By the Preface to Articuli Cle∣ri, 9. E. 2. In our Parliament holden at Lincoln•• the 9th. of our reigne, We caused the Articles underwritten, with cer∣tain Answers made to some of them, to be rehearsed before Our Counsell, and made certain Answers to be corrected; and to the residue of the Articles underwritten, answers were made By us and our Counsell, of which Articles and Answers the tenours here ensue. By the Statute of Gavelet, An. 10. E. 2. It is provided by our Lord the King, and His Iustices, &c. By the Statute De Terris Templario∣rum, 17. E. 2. It was moved in Parliament in the presence of the Prelates, Barons, Nobles, and Great men of the Realm, and others there present; Whether the Order of the Tem∣plers being dissolved, the King and other Lords of the fees might retain them by the Law of the Realme, and with safe conscience? Whereupon the Greater part of the Kings Counsell, as well the Iustices as other Lay-Persons being assembled together, the said Iustices affir∣med precisely; That our Lord the King, and other Lords of the fees aforesaid, might well and lawfully by the lawes of the Realme retain the foresaid Lands as their Escheats, in regard of the ceasing and dissolution of the Order aforesaid. But upon other grounds of Conscience, they setled them on the Hospitall of S. Iohns of Ierusalem by this Statute. 1. E. 3. c. 3. But it is not the mind of the King nor of His COUNSELL, that they who have sold ther Lands, &c. should have any benefit of this Statute. The Prologue of the printed Statute of 1. E. 3. Parl 2. At the request of the Commonally by their Petition made before the King and HIS CONSELL in Parliament, by assent of the Prelates, Earles and Barons, &c. 9. E. 3. c. 1. Our Sovereign Lord the King, desiring the profit of his people, by the assent of his Prelates, Earles, Barons, and other Nobles of his Realm, summoned at his pre∣sent Parliament, and By the a••vice of his Counsell, being there, &c. hath ordained and established the Stat••••te

of Money 9. E. 3. c. 7. When and where it shall please us and OVR COVNSELL to make Exchanges. 11. E. 3. c. 1. Till by the King and his COVNSELL i•• he otherwise provided. 14. E. 3. c. 5. The Chancellor, Treasurer, the Justices of the one Bench, and of the other, and other OF THE KINGS COUNSELL. 14. E 3. Stat. 3. Of the Clergy. Prologue. Wherefore Wee their pe∣tition seen and regarded, and there upon deliberation with the Peers of the Realme, and other of OVR COVNSELL, and of the Realm, &c. have granted, &c. And ch. 5. Our Chancellour and Treasurer taking to them other of our Counsell, &c. 20. E. 3. Prologue. By the assent of the Great men, and other wise men of Our Counsell, We have ordained these things following. And c. 5. We have ordained to come be∣fore us at a certain day, or before them whom we shall depute of Our Counsell. 23. E. 3. c. 8. should be converted to a publick and common profit, by ad∣vise of His Counsell. And alwayes it is the intent of the King, and of His Counsell, that according to the first Ordinance, it should be lawfull, and shall be lawfull for every man, &c. 25. E. 3. of Labourers. Pro∣logue. It was ordained by our Sovereign Lord the King, and by assent of the Prelates, Earles, Barons, and other of His Counsell. 25 E. 2. Stat. 2. Of those born beyond the Seas. Our Sovereign Lord the King. willing that all doubts and ambiguities should be put away, and the Law in this case declared, and put in a certainty, hath charged the said Prelates, Earles, Barons, and other wise men of his Coun∣sell, assembled in this Parliament, to deliberate upon this point; which of one assent have said, That the Law of the Crown of England is, and alwayes hath been such, &c. 25. E. 3. Parl. 5. c 2. of Treasons.

And if percase any men of this Realme endeavour covertly or secretly against any other, to slea him, or to rob him, or take him, or retein, till he hath made fine or ransome, or to have his deliverance, it is not

the mind of the King, Nor His Counsell, that in such cases it shall be judged Treason; but shall be judged Felony or Trespasse, according to the Laws of the Land of old time used, and according as the case requireth. And chap. 4. It is accorded, assented and stablished, that from henceforth none shall be taken by petition or suggestion made to our Sove∣reign Lord the King, or to his Counsell, unlesse it be by Inditement or presentment of his good and lawfull neighbours. 25. E. 3. Parl. 6. Statute of Pro∣visors. Whereas in the Parliament of Edward King of England, Grandfather of the King that now is, the 25. of his reigne holden at Carlile, the Petition heard, put before the said Grandfather and HIS COUNSELL by the Commonalty of his Realm &c. 27. E. 3. c. 1. Provisors shall have day containing the space of two moneths, by warning to be made to them, &c. to be before the King and HIS COUN∣SELL, or in his Chancery, or before the Kings Ju∣stices, in his places of the one Bench or the other, or before other the Kings Justices which shall be depu∣ted to the same, to answer in their proper persons to the King of the contempt done in this behalf. ch. 2. It is assented by the King and all his Counsell. 27. E. 3. of the Staple. ch. 21. That the same Mayor and Consta∣bles do not ordain any thing contrary to these Ordi∣nances, nor make interpretation, nor exceptions to them, otherwise then the words purport, but if there be any thing that is doubtfull, it shall be shewed unto Our Counsell, and there declared by good advise. ch. 23. And in case that debates arise betwixt them, upon the discussing of any plea or quarrell, the t••∣nour of the said Plea or quarrell shall be sent before the Chancellor, and other of Our Counsell, to be by them determined without delay▪ ch. 25. And now late it is done Us and our Counsell, to un∣derstand by the complaint of the said Merchants. ch. 28. And in case any thing be to be amended, ad∣ded,

changed, or withdrawn of any of the said points in time to come, by a true cause. we will that the same be done by deliberation, and advice of the Great men, and Other of our Counsell in Parlia∣ment. 31. E. 3. Stat. 2. c. 3. It is accorded by our Sovereign Lord the King, the Great men, and all the Commons in this present Parliament, that the Chancellor and Treasurer taking unto them the JUSTICES and OTHER THE KINGS COUN∣SEL, such as to them shall seem meet, shall have power to ordain remedy of the buying and selling of Stockfish of St. Botulfs, and Salmon of Barwick, and of Wines and Fish of Bristow, and elsewhere; and that the Ordinances by them made in this party be firmly holden. The offenders against the Ordi∣nance of Fish, made in 31. E. 3. c. 2. are to be at∣tached and detained in Prison as Rebels and Trans∣gressors, till the King and HIS COUNSEL have ordained of them, that right requireth after the quality of their Trespasse. 34. E. 3. c. 21. By assent of the King and of HIS COUNSEL, passage was granted of Wools and other Merchandises of the Staple to Denizens, contrary to the Ordinance of the Staple, that only Merchants Aliens, and no Merchants Denizens, should transport them; which passage was confirmed by Parliament, and this Act. 35 E. 3. Upon doing us and OUR COUNSELL TO UNDERSTAND, &c. It was adjudged by US AND OUR COUNSEL, that the Fishers of her∣rings at Great Yermouth should be free to sell their herrings to all people that will come to the faire of Yermouth, without disturbance of their host or any other, and accordingly enacted by this Parliament. The printed Pardon granted by the King in Parlia∣ment, An. 36. E. 3. was prayed by the Commons to be shewed to the Ki••g and to HIS COVNSELL, and to the other Lords, ere passed, according to the tenour of the Commons Petition. 37 E. 3. c. 15. Clot•• ma∣kers

and Drapers, shall be constrained by any manner, way that best shall seem to the King and his Counsel, that the Ordinance of new Apparell be in no point bro∣ken. 37 E. 3. c. 18. enacts, That those who make false suggestions to the King, be sent with the said suggesti∣ons before the Chancellor, Treasurer and His Counsil, and that they there finde surety to pursue their suggestions and incurr the same pein that the other should have had, if he were attainted, in case that his suggestion be found evil. 38 E. 3. c. 11. e∣nacts, That all Merchants Denizens may pass into Gascoigne, and bring in Wines from thence without any disturbance, or impeachment. Alwayes provi∣ded to the King, that it may be lawful to him, when∣soever it is advised to him or to His Counsil, to or∣dain of this article in the manner as best shall seem to him for the profit of him and his Commons: 38 E. 3. c, 3. Provisors and Offendors against this Act, who do not present themselves before the King or His Counsil within two moneths after that they are thereunto warned, &c. shall be punished accord∣ing to the Statute of 27 E. 3, and otherwise as to the King and His Counsil shall best seem to be done, without any grace, pardon, or remission. And Cap. 5. if any person maliciously or falsly make any pur∣sute against any person (as a Provisour) and be thereof duly attainted, he shall be duly punished at the Ordinance of the King and His Counsil, and nevertheless he shall make gree and amends to the party grieved. The Statute of 42 Edward 3. c. 3. made upon a Petition of the Commons in Parlia∣ment beginning thus. Plese a nostre Seigneur le Roy & son BON COVNSEL pur droyt governement de son peuple Ordeigner: Which complains that diverse up∣on false and malicious suggestions have been taken and caused to come before the Kings Counsil by writ and other command of the King upon grievous pein against the Law.

To these I might superadd the Statutes of 1 R. 2. c. 4. 3 R. 2. c 3. 5 R. 2. c. 2. Stat: 2. 6 R. 2. Stat. 2. c. 1. 8 R. 2. c. 4, 10 R. 2. c. 11. 11 R. 2. c. 2, 6, 7, 12. 12 R. 2. c. 1, 2, 10. 13 R. 2. c. 2. 18. Parl. 2. c. 3. 16 R. 2. c. 5, 17 R. 2. c. 5, 6, 7. 1 H. 4. c. 6, 7, 9, 13. 4 H. 4. c. 4, 23, 30. 1 H. 5. c. 6. 2 H. 5. c. 8. Parl. 2. c. 2. 9 H. 5. c. 3, 5. 1 H. 6. c. 1, 5. 2 H. 6. c. 6. 4 H. 6. c. 5. 8 H. 6. c. 13, 27. 10 H. 6. c. 3, 4. 14 H. 6. c. 2. 27 H. 6. c. 11. 31 H. 6. c. 1. ••3 H. 6. c 3. 14 E. 4. c. 1, 2. 17 E. 4. c. 1. 3 H. 7. c. 1. & 4. 4 H. 7. c. 4. 11 H. 7. c. 7. 25. 19 H. 7. c. 1. 13, 18. By all which and other Acts, as likewise by Mr. William Lambards Archaion, p. 118. to 216. com∣pared with Cooks 4 Institutes, c. 5. and the records in My Plea for the Lords, p. 273, 330, 331, 385, 390, 398, 399, 418, 419, 420, 505, 507. the Authority, Power, Jurisdiction, use, proceedings of the Kings Counsil and Justices both in and out of Parliaments, is fully explained, declared; to which I shall subjoyn two me∣morable records for a Conclusion hereof.

Claus:* 1.24 37 H. 3. dors. 7. Rex Ricardo Comiti Cornu∣biae, salutem: Alias allocuti sumus Episcopum Sarum, quod intenderet Consilio nostro, & praebuit se difficilem, propter quod ad praesens nolumus habere alios Consi••••arios quàm ordi∣navimus, sicut scitis; sed cum aliqua difficultas emerserit super Iudicium reddendum, vel aliis communibus negotiis ta•••• gentibus legem terrae, bene placet Nobis quod ad hoc in∣tendat cum à Vobis interpellatus: & ad ipsum vocandum cum hujusmodi necessitas evenerit, plenam Vobis concedimus pote∣statem. Teste Rege apud Portsmouth 7 die Augusti.

By this record it is evident, That the Kings Counsil in those dayes usually gave judgement in cases of diffi∣culty, and other common cases concerning the Law of the realm, calling those who were learned in the Laws for Assistants therein. Of which amongst many others we have a memorable president in the Pleas of Mich. 53 & 54 H. 3. rot: 37. in the case of Assise of Mortdaun∣cester brought by Alexander King of Scots against Iohn de Burgo, for the Mannor of Westlye with its appurte∣nances

before G. de Preston, and other Justices in Eyre, who determining nothing therein; thereupon King Hen: writ to the Justices to proceed to a speedy deter∣mination, or else to adjourn it coram Nobis et Consi∣lio nostro in Quindena Michaelis; which they did. When the King of Scots appearing by his Attorney, and Iohn de Burgo in person before S. de Litlebyr & Sociis suis Iusticiariis de Banco, Rich: de Middleton then the Kings Chancellor, Thomas Basset, Robert Augulon, and Mr. Ri∣chard Stane••, they resolved, that the writ of Mortdance∣ster would not lie in that case, claiming both as heirs to one Ancestor; but because the King of Scots title to it was as heir to Margaret wife of Hubert de Burgo, they said to Iohn de Burgo, that he should shew cause, Quare praedictus Rex Scotiae praedictū Manerium habere non debeat: And so much touching the Counsils power and juris∣diction in former times. Whose excessive power in later ages incroaching upon the Ordinary Courts of Justice, Freeholds, Liberties, Properties of the Subjects to their great oppression and vexation: thereupon in the late Parliament of 16 Caroli, Cap. 10. there was an excellent Act made, For Regulating the Privy Counsill, and for taking away the Court commonly called the Starr-chamber, fit to be put in vigorous execution against the transcendent infringers of it. By all which it appears, that the Kings Iustices, and Counsil in Parliaments (as well as out of them) had formerly a principal hand in making Laws, Ordinances; and resolving points, questi∣ons of Law, and other matters of moment.

I shall close up my Observations on this Section with these 4. memorable Records, relating to the Kings Counsell, and the Nobles, in Scotland and Ire∣land, as distinct from his Counsell and Parliamentary Assemblies in England.

Cl. 37. H. 3. d. 9. Rex mandat quod Abbas Westm.-moretur in Anglin de Consilio Reginae, propter reces∣sum Regis ad partes Vasconiae. Et mandatum est ei∣dem Reginae quod ipsum ad hoc admittat, accepto ab

eo prius corporali Sacramento, quod officium illud fi∣deliter intendat. T. ut supra.

Cl. 38. H. 3. dors. 13. Rex H. Cantuar.* 1.25 Archiepiscopo salutem. Cum quaedam ardua & urgentia negotia Sta∣tum nostrum & Regni nostri tangentia, habeamus Vo∣bis communicanda, quae sine consilio Vestro & aliorum Magnatum nostrorum noluimus expediri, Vobis man∣damus in fide quia Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes, quatinus sicut Nos & honorem nostrum diligitis, nul∣latenus omittatis, quin à die Sancti Hillarii proximo futuri in quindecim dies, sitis apud Westm. coram Regina nostra & R. Com. Cornub. fratre nostro, & aliis de Con∣silio nostro, super dictis negotiis tractaturi, nec retardetis adventum vestrum quin sitis ad dictum diem tempe∣stive. Teste A. Regina & R. Com. Cornub. apud Westm. The cause of this meeting is at large related in another Writ to this Archbishop, forecited. p. 3. 4.

Upon the same occasion the King issued this Writ to the King of Scots, entred in the same Roll and dorse.

* 1.26 Rex Regi Scotiae salutem. Quia ratio Vinculi & foederis inter nos contracti requirit, quod Vobis & fidelibus Vestris ardua & urgentia negotia Statum no∣strum & terrae nostrae tangentia communicemus, & Vos Nobis vice versa; Serenitatem vestram ex toto corde re∣quirimus, quatinus in Quindena Purificationis bea∣tae Mariae prox. futur. apud Castrum puellarum de E∣denburgh personaliter interesse velitis; convocantes & inducentes Praelatos & Magnates Regni Vestri, ut ad di∣ctos diem & locum representent se coram Vobis modis omnibus. Nullo enim modo expediret honori & proficuo nostro & vestro, quin modo praedicto ad prae∣dictos diem & locum compareatis; audituri per nuncios nostros qui de Vasconia Vobis ibidem occurrent, praedi∣cta negotia arduissima & urgentissima, in quibus necesse est, quod vos & fideles vestri consilium vestrum pariter & auxilium apponatis. T. ut supra, per Reginam & Co∣mitem.

It is observable, that the King by this Writ doth not summon the King of Scots and his Nobles to his Par∣liament, or Counsell of England, as members thereof, to advise and assist him in this necessitie, notwithstanding the strict alliance and league between them, but to assemble together at Edenburgh in their own country, by themselves alone, as the Officers and Nobles of Ire∣land were then also required to meet in Ireland by themselves, by this ensuing Writ of the same date with the former.

* 1.27 Rex Mauricio filio Giraldi salutem. Quia Rex Castell cum multitudine Exercitus Christianorum & Saracenorum terram nostram Vasconiae in Quindena Pasche prox. futur. ingressurus est hostiliter, non so∣lum ad eandem terram destruendam & occupandam, set & ad terras nostras Angliae & Hiberniae, per in∣troitum dictae terrae, si eam optineret, quod ab∣sit, invadendas aspirat, & Nos in propria per∣sona nostra cum eodem Rege bellum campestre ag∣gredi proposuimus; de universa fidelitate vestra, quam in agendis nostris fructuosam semper invenimus, ple∣nam gerentes fiduciam, vos requirimus, & in fide qua Nobis tenemini affectuosè rogamus, quatinus sic••t Nos & honorem nostrum & indempnitatem corporis nostri diligitis, in hac necessitate nostra non parcentes personae aut rebus vestris, nulla ratione seu occasione differatis quin poteritis vos praeparare ad veniendum ad nos in Vasconiam, omnes amicos vestros ad hoc idem inducentes. Ita quod sitis apud Waterford in Octabis Pasche prox. futur. cum equis & armis & bona gente, prompti & parati statim naves ascendere ad transfretandum ad Nos in terram praedictam. Sci∣tote indubitanter qui Nobis in hac parte subvene∣rint, eorum amici erimus & benevoli imperpetuum; & qui Nos in hac urgenti & inexuperabi••i necessi∣••ate relinquerint, de eis alias minus confidere poteri∣mus, & eis minus grati erimus. Nunquam etiam futuris temporibus tanta Nobis imminebit necessi∣tas

consilii & auxilii sicut in presenti negotio. Et ad regerendum vobis plenius pericula nostrorum Ini∣micorum, Iohannem filium Galfridi, Justiciarium no∣strum Hiberniae, ad partes illas (misimus) cui apud Dub∣linum ad in stantem mediam Quadragesimam; una cum aliis Magnatibus nostris Hiberniae quibus••id mandavi∣mus accedatis, audituri voluntatem nostram, & cum ip∣••o super praemissis, plenius tractaturi. T. ut supra.

An Exact Alphabetical Table of all the Kings Counsil, whether Judges, Serjeants at Law, Officers of State, Deans, Archdeacons, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 other Clergy men or Laymen, from 22 E. 1. till 23 E. 4. with the Yeares, Rolls, Dorses of each King wherein they were summoned to Parlia∣ments. By which you may finde, who were Chief Justices, Judges, Officers, in each Kings reign.

A

• IOhn Abell 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 14, (d. 23.) E. 2.
• Magister Richard de Abyngdon 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 31. 16.) 7, (d. 2.) 8, (d. 29.) 9 (d. 22.) E. 2.
• Magister Robert de Aileston, Archidiac: Berks, 6, (d. 9. 19.) Thesaurarius Regis, 7 E. 3.
• Richard de Aldeburge 3, (d. 19.) 7, 8, E. 3.
• Peter Arderne, 23, 25, 27, 29, 31, 33, (twice) 38 H. 6. 1, 2, 6 E. 4.
• Magister Robert de Ashton, 1, 2, 3 (d. 13. 19.) R. 2.
• Henry Asty, and Astee, 49, 50 E. 3. 1, ••, 3, (d. 13. 19.) 4, 5, 6 R. 2.
• William de Ayremine 6, (d. 16.) 7, (d. 11. 27.) E. 2.
• William Ayscogh 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31 H. 6.
• William Ayshton 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38 H. 6. 1, 2 E. 4.

B

• VVIlliam Babington 7 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13 H. 6.
• ...

• ... Iohn Bacun, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 14, (d. 23.) E. 2.
• Thomas Bacoun, 7 (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) E. 3.
• Magister Robert de Baldock, 11, (d. 11. 19.) Archidiac:
• Midd. 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d▪ 13.) 14 (d. 23.) E. 2.
• Iohn de Banquell 1, (d. 11.) E. 2.
• Magister William de Bardelby 6 E. 2. (d. 16.)
• Robert de Bardelby 7, (d. 27.) E. 2.
• Magister Iohn Barnet 29, 31, (d. 2. 21) 50 E. 3. (Cle∣ricus) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5 H. 4.
• Robert de Bartermine 7, (d. 27.) E. 2.
• Mr. Thomas de Barton Cleric, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12 R. 2.
• William Basset 20, 21, 22, (d. 7. 12.) 23, 24, 25 E. 3.
• William Batford 23 (d. 9.) E. 1.
• Iohn de Batesford 28, (d. 9. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11▪ 19.) 2, (d. 20.) 4, 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 14) E. 2.
• Roger de Bukwell 20, 21, 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23 (p. 1. d. 18) E. 3.
• Robert de Baynard 2, (d. 15. 29. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) E. 3.
• Robert de Bealknap 49, 50 E. 3. 1. 2, 3, (d. 13. 29.) 4. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 R. 2.
• Magister Robert de Bedeswell 23 (d. 9.) E. 1.
• Magister Antony de Bek Dean of Lincoln 3 (d. 9.) E. 3.
• Ely de Bekingham 27, 28, 30, (d. 9.) 32 E. 1.
• Roger Beler 17, 19 E. 2.
• Robert de Bellofago 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 20.) E. 2.
• Iohn de Benstede 2, 4, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 31. 16.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 29. 11.) 14, (d. 5.) E. 2.
• William de Bereford 23, (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 4, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15, 16, 17, 19 E. 2.
• Richard de Bermingham 8, (d. 9.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 23.) E. 2.
• Iohn de Berwike 23, (d. 9.) 27, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11, 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) F. 2.
• Robert de Betford 28 (d. 3.) E. 1. See Retford.
• Thomas Billing 38, 49 H. 6▪ 1, 2, 6, 9, 12 E. 4.
• Nicholas de Bolingbroke 8, (d. 29.) 9 (d. 22.) E. 2.
• ...

• ... Iohn de Bosco 23 (d. 11.) E. 1.
• Iohn de Bowsser, Bousser 14, (d. 5.) 15, 16, 17, 19 E. 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) E. 3.
• Roger B••abazon 23, (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, (d. 2.) 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2, d. 11. 14. 20.) 4, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9 E. 2.
• Magister Reginald de Brandon 23, (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 2.
• William Brenchesle 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7 H. 4.
• Iohn de Breton, Bretton, 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 20.) E. 2. Most likely the Author of Britton.
• Adam de Brom 20 (d. 4.) E. 2.
• Magistro Andrew de Bruges 14, (d. 5.) 15 E. 2.
• Thomas Bryan 12 (Miles) 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
• Magister Thomas de Buckton 34, (d. 4.) 36, 37, 38, 39 E. 3.
• William de Burgh 8, 9, 10 R. 2.
• Roger de Burton 23, (d. 9.) E. 1.
• Richard de Burton 14, (d. 5.) 15 E. 2.
• William de Burne 8 (d. 2, 9.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14) E. 2.
• Richard Byngham 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, (Miles) 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 9 E. 4.

C

• MAgister Iohn de Cadamo 28, (d. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12) 32, 34 E. 1. 1. (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 20.) 11, 14 E. 2.
• Thomas de Cantebrig. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) E. 2.
• Iohn de Cantebrig. 3, (d. 19.) 5, (d. 7. 25,) 6, (d. 36,) 7, 8, E. 3.
• William de Carleton, Charleton, 23 (d. 3.) 27, 28, (d. 37.) 30, (d. 9. 11.) 32 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) E. 2.
• Magister Thomas de Carleton, or Charleton, 14, (d. 5.) E. 2. 34, (d. 4.) 36 E. 3.
• ...

• Magister Iohn de Carleton, 29 (Dean of Wells) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 37, 38, 39 ••. 3.
• Iohn de Carleton, or Cherleton, Capitalis Iusticiarius Regis de Com: Banco, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, (d. 23. 30.) 18 R. 2.
• Iohn Cassy, Capitalis Baro de Scaccario Regis, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, (d. 23. 30.) 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1 H. 4.
• Iohn Catesby 49 H. 6. 9, 12, 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
• Hugh de Cave 23 (d. 9.) E. 1.
• Iohn de Cavendish, Capitalis Justiciarius Regis, 46, (d. 11.) 47, 49, 50 ••. 3. 1, 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, 4 R. 2.
• Magister Henry Chadesden, written also Chaddeston, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25, 28 E. 3.
• Mag: Nicholas de Chadesdon, & Chaddeston, 42, 43, 44, 47, 49, 50 E. 3. (Clericus) 1, 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3. 4, 5 R. 2.
• Iohn de Chaynnel 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12. (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 23.) E. 2.
• William Cbeyne 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, H. 5. 1, 2. (Capitalis Justiciarius Regis) 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10▪ 11, 13 H. 6.
• Richard Chikle, or Chicke, 33, 38, (Miles) 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 9, 12, 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
• Richard de Clare Escheator beyond Trent: 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 23.) E. 2.
• Robert de Cliderhow 5, (d. 17.) E. 2.
• Walter Clopton 11, (Capitalis Justiciarius Regis,) 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18. 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2 H. 4.
• Iohn de Cobeham, Cobham 23, (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 3, 17.) E. 1.
• Magister Thomas de Cobham 5, (d. 17,) 6, (d. 31.) 7, d. 27.) E, 2.
• Iohn de Cobham 14, (d. 23.) E. 2.
• Iohn de Cokeyn 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2. 3, 4, 5, 7•• 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4. 5 (d. 4.) H. 6.
• Iohn Colepepper 5. 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1 (d. 9. 37) H. 5.
• William de Colneye 1, (d 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d, 20.) E. 2.
• William de Cornish 28 (d. 17.) E. 1.
• Iohn Cottesmore (unus Servientium Regis ad legem,)

• 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13 H. 6.
• Magister Iohn de Crancombe, or Crancumbe, Archidiac: Estrid. 23, (d. 9.) 28, (d, 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 10.) 32 E. 1.
• Hugh de Cressingham 23 (d. 9.) E. 1.
• Adam de Crokedaykes 23, (d. 9.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 1.
• Ralph de Crophill Escheator citra Trentam 12, (d. 11.) 13, 14, (d. 23.) E. 2.

D

• MAgister Peter Damory 31, (d. 12.) E. 1,
• Robert Danby 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6 (d. 1.) E. 4.
• Robert Danver 29, 31, 33, 38 H. 6, 1, 2, 6, (d. 1.) E. 4.
• Magister Peter de Dene, or Denny 23, (d. 9.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 10.) 32, 34 E. 1. 8, (d. 29.) 10, (d. 5.) 11, (d. 8. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15 E. 2.
• William de Dennie 3 (d. 19.) E. 3.
• Iohn de Dennom, or Dennum 14, (d. 5.) 15, 16, 17, 19▪ 20 E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 16.) E. 3.
• William de Dennum 7, 8 E. 3.
• Magister Iohn de Derby Decanus Litchf. 23, (d. 9.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 1.
• Edmond Deyncourt 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 20.) E. 2.
• Iohn de Donecaster 1, (d. 8. 11.) 2, (d. 20.) 4, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29) 13, 14, (d. 23.) E. 2.

E

• GEofry de Edenham 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 36.) E. 3.
• Henry de Enfeld 23 (d. 9.) E. 1.
• Magister Rich: de Erymn 19 (d. 27.) E. 2. 3, (d. 19.) E. 3.
• Geoffry de Eton 17, 19, (d. 7.) 20 (d. 4) E. 2.
• Magister Iohn de Everdon, and Everden, 1, (d. 11.) 2, (d. 11.) 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8▪ (d. 29.) 9,

• 11, (d. 8. 14.) 14, (d. 23.) 15, 20 (d. 4.) E. 2.
• William de Everdon, 7, 8, 9, (Cancellarius Scaccar.) 15 E. 2.
• Iohn de Eure 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) ••. 2.
• William Exon Episcopus; Thesaurarius Regis 17, (d. 27.) E. 2. summoned both as a Bishop, and as one of the Counsil besides, in this Roll.

F

• GVido Fairfax 49 H. 6. 6, 9, 12, (Miles) 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
• Thomas de Fencotes, 22, (d. 7.) 23, 24, 25 E. 3.
• Nicholas Fernibaud 1, (d. 19.) E. 2.
• William de Finchenden, and Fincheden 39, 43, 44, 47, 49 E. 3.
• William Fishride 31, (d. 2. 21.) E. 3.
• Iohn Fortescue 20, (Miles) 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38 H. 6.
• Iohn de Foxle, or Foxley 1, (d. 11.) 2, (d. 11.) 4, 5, (d. 17) 6, (d. 16. 31) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15 E. 2.
• Magister Iohn Fraunceis 6, (d. 16.) 7, (d. 27.) E. 2.
• Iohn de Fresingfeld, Tresingfeld 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 2. 27.) E. 2.
• Walter de Freskemy 14, (d. 5.) 15, 16, 17, 19, 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) E. 3.
• William de Fulburne 17, 19 E. 2.
• Roger de Fulthorpe 49, 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 R. 2.
• Thomas Fulthorp 13, 18, 20, 23, (Miles) 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33 H. 6.

G

• WIlliam Goscoigne 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, (Capi∣talis Justiciarius Regis) 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1 H. 5.
• ...

• ... Walter de Gloucester 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) 4 E. 2.
• Richard de Gloucester 20 E. 2. 1, (d 2,) 2, (d. 3.) E. 3.
• William Goderede 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 18, 20, 23 H. 6.
• William de Goldington 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) E. 2.
• Magister Peter de Granvill 2, (d. 14.) E. 2.
• Henry de Green (the Kings Serjeant at Law, afterwards a Judge) 20, 21, 22, (d. 7. 22.) 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, (d. 2. 31.) 34, 37, 38, 39 E. 3.
• Magister William de Grenfeld 23, (d. 1.) 27, (Dean of Chichester) 28, (d. 3.) 31, (d. 12.) E. 1.
• Henry de Guldeford, Gildeford, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9.) 32 E. 1. 4, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 3.) E. 2.

H

• DAvid de Hannemere 7, 8, 10 R. 2.
• William Hankford 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21•• 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, (Capi∣talis Justiciarius Regis) 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2 H. 6.
• Magister Michael de Harcla, 14, (d. 5.) 15, 16 E. 2.
• William Havely 23 (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, •• H. 4.
• Iohn de Havering, Justiciarius Northwalliae, 28, (d. 3. 17.) E. 1.
• Magist: Rich. de Haverings 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) E. ••.
• William Haward 23, (d. 7.) 27, 28, (d. 3. 13) 30, (d. 9.) 32 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19) E. 2.
• Roger de Hegham 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9.) 32 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) E. 2.
• Ralph de Hengham 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9.) 32 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) E. 2.
• Adam de Herewinton 14, (d. 5.) 15, E. 2, 3, (d. 19. 23.) 10 E. 3.
• William de Herle 6, (d. 16.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11, 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15, 16, 17, 19, 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d, 15. 23. 33) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 19. 23. 43.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 11. 15. 40) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) E 3.
• ...

• ... William de Herleston 20 (d. 4.) E. 2.
• Geoffry de Hertelpole 1, (d. 8. 15.) 2, (d. 20.) 6, (d. 16.) 14, (d. 5.) 15, 16, 17, 19 E. 2.
• Robert de Hertford 23, (d. 9.) E. 1.
• Robert Hill 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1. 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1 H. 6.
• Magister Iohn de Hildersle, or Hildesle 14, (d. 5.) 15 E. 2. (Cancellarius Scaccarii) 9, 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) E. 3.
• Roger Hillary 15, 18, 20, 21, 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 28, 29 E. 3.
• Iohn Hody 18, (Miles, & Capitalis Justiciarius Regis) 20 (d. 27.) H. 6.
• Iohn Holt 8, 9, 10 R. 2.
• Roger Horton 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1 H. 6.
• Robert Hoter 3 (d. 15.) H. 5.
• Iohn de Hotham, Hothnm 6, (d. 16.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) E. 2.
• William Huddessend 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
• Hugh Hulls, Herle, Hales 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12 H. 4. 1, 2, H. 5.
• Iohn Hulls 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, (one of the Kings Serjeants at Law) 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11 H. 6.
• William Hussce 12, (Miles) 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
• William Hynderston 33 (d. 36.) H. 6.

I

• MAgister Henry de Iddesworth 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 16.) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, ••, 9, 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 11. 15. 41.) 15, 17 E. 3.
• William Ienny 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
• William Inge, or Iuge 27, 28, (d. 3.) 29, 30, (d. 3. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. ••. 11. 14. 20.) 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 14, (d. 5.) 15, 16 E. 2.
• Iohn Inge, or Iuge 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 19. 30.) 7, 8, 9, 11 (d. 11.) 12, 13, (d. 11. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33) E. ••.
• ...

• ... Thomas de Ingleby 34, (d. 4.) 35, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 47, 49, 50 E. 3. 1. (Breve nou fuit signatum) 2 R. 2.
• Iohn de Insula 23 (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2, (d. 20.) 4, 5, (••. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) E. 2.
• Magister Simon de Islep 17, 20, 21, 22, (d. 32.) E. 3.
• Iohn Iuyn 3, 4, 5, 7, 9. 10, 11, 13, (Capitalis Justi∣ciarius Regis) 18 (d. 3••.) H. 6.

K

• RIchard de Kelleshull 20, 21, 22. (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25 E. 3.
• Magister William de Kilkeny, or Kilkenny 23, (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 1.
• Iohn de Kirkeby 1, (d. 11.) E. 2.
• Roger de Kirketon 47, (d. 13.) 49 (d. 6.) E. 3.
• Magister William de Knapton 2, (d. 14.) E. 2.
• Gilbert de Knouill 1,, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 20.) E. 2.
• Iohn Knyvet 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4.) 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44 E. 3. (Chivaler) 1, 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, 4 R. 2.

L

• MAgister Iohn de Lacy 23, (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) E. 1.
• Iohn de Lancaster 8, (d. 29.) E. 2.
• William Layton 49 (d. 6.) H. 6.
• Magister Iohn de Leech 22, (d. 7,) 23, 25, 28, 29, 31, (d. 2. 21.) E. 3.
• Peter de Leicestr. 23, (d. 9.) 28, (d. 3.) 30, (d. 13.) ••. 1.
• Hugh de Leminster, Thesaurarius de Carnarvan 28 (d. 3. 17.) E. 1.
• Iohn de Lichegreins 25, (d. 25.) E. 1.
• Thomas Littleton 23, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 9, 12 (d. 41) E. 4.
• ...

• ... Thomas de Lodelowe 39, 42, 43, 44 E. 3,
• William Lodington 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7 H. 5.
• Iohn de Lockton 10 (d. 42.) R. 2.
• William Lockton 6, 9, 12 R. 2.
• Magister Iohn Lovell, Luvel, de Snotescombe 23, (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 1. 6, (d. 16.) E. 2.
• Hugh de Louthre 2, (d. 19.) E. 2.
• Thomas de Louthre 5, (d. 25.) E. 3.
• Thomas de Louche 5, (d. 7.) E. 3.
• Magister Thomas de Lugore, Lugorre 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) E. 2.
• Adam de Lymberge 20 (d. 4.) E. 2.

L

• RObert de Madingle, Maddingle 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) E. 2.
• Robert de Malberthorpe (Babthorp) 4, ••d. 5.) 15•• 16, 17, 19, 20 (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (d, 3. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) E. 3.
• Peter Malorre 23, (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) E. 2.
• Stephen de Malo-la••u 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27) E. 2.
• Iohn Markham 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 5, 7, 8 H. 4.
• Iohn Markam 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31. 33, 38 H. 6, 1, 2, 6 E. 4.
• Magister Philip Martell 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 1.
• Iohn Martyn 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13 H. 6.
• Roger de Meres, Merkes, 50 (d. 6.) E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4 R. 2.
• Iohn de Merkingfeld 5, (d. 17) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27) E. 2.
• Iohn de Metingham 23 (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) E. 1.
• ...

• ... Adam de Middleton 1, (d. 19.) E. 2.
• Magister Gilbert de Middleton 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 14, (d. 5.) 15, 17, 19, 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) (Archidiaconus Northampton) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 19. 41.) E. 3.
• Magister Thomas de Middleton 6, (d. 17.) E. 2.
• Magister Adam de Mirymouth, Merymouth 8, 9. 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33) 15 E. 3.
• Iohn de Mitford, Mutford 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2, (d. 20.) 4, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 20.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15, 16, 17, 19 E. 2. ••, (d. 3. 16.) 3 E. 3.
• Magister Iordan Morant, Menaunt 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 23.) E. 2.
• William de Mortuo-mari 23, (d. 9.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9.) 32 E. 1. 1, (d. 8, 11. 19 2, (d. 20.) 8 (d. 29.) 9 E. 2.
• Henry de Motelowe 31, (d. 2. 21. E. 3.
• Iohn de Moubray (the Kings Serjeant at Law) 28, 29, 30, 31. (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4.) 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 44 E. 3.
• Walter Moyle 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38 (Miles) 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6 E. 4.

N

• MAgister Iohn de Nassington 2, (d. 14.) Senior. 5, d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) Canoni∣cus Ebor. 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) E. 2.
• Iohn Nedeham 38, (Miles) 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 9, 12 E. 4.
• Richard Neel 49 H. 6. 9, 12, 22 (d. 6.) & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
• Magister H. de Newarkes Decanus Ebor. 23, (d. 9.) ••. 1.
• Richard Newton 9, 10, 11, 13, 18, (Miles) 20, 23, 25 H. 6.
• Magister Robert de Norton 20 (d. 4.) E. 2.
• ...

• ... Walter de Norwich 5, (d. 17) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15 16, 17, 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 33.) E. 3.
• Robert de Nottingham 20 (d. 4.) E. 2.
• William Nottingham 31, 33, 38 H. 6.
• William de Notton (Serviens Regis ad legem) 21, 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, (d. 2. 21) E. 3.
• Richard Notton, written oft Norton 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, (Capitalis Justiciarius Regis de Com. Banco) 2, 3, 4, 5, 7 H. 5.

O

• IOhn de Ockam (Cobeham) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15 E. 2.
• Magister Iohn de Offord, Vfford 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 7, 8, 9, 10, (d. 1. 5.) (Serviens Regis) 11, (d. 11. 40.) 15 E. 3.
• William de Ormesby 23, (d. 9.) 28, (d. 3.) 30, (d. 9. 12) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 4, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 8, (d. 27) 9, 10, (d. 14.) E. 2.
• Adam de Osgoteby 6, (d. 16.) 7, (d. 27.) E. 2.

P

• MAgister Roger Page, Clericus 13, 14, 15 R. 2. Robert Parnings 7, 8, 9, 10, (d. 1. 5.) Serviens Re∣gis 10, 11, 12, 14, (d. 23. 33.) Thesaurarius Re∣gis 15 E. 3.
• Edmund de Passeleiwe 14, (d. 5.) 15, 16, 17, 20, E. 2.
• William Paston 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 18, 20 H. 6.
• Iohn de Sancto Paulo 20, 21, 22, (d. 32.) E. 3.
• Henry Percehay 2, 3 R. 2.
• Richard de Pere 13 E. 2. 6 E. 3.
• Magister Robert de Pickering 28, (d. 3.) 30, (d. 9. 12.)

• 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11, 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) 5, (d. 17.) 6, d. 16. 31.) (Decanus Ebor.) 12, (d. 11. 29) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15, 16, 17, 19 E. 2.
• Magister William Pickering 28, (d. 3.) Archidiaconus Nottingham, ••0, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 2.
• Richard Pigot 49 H. 6. 9, 12, 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
• Thomas Pinchebecke (Capitalis Baro Scac. Regis) 11, 12 R. 2.
• Magister Richard de Plescy 29, 31, (d. 2. 21.) E. 3.
• Robert de Plesington Capitalis Baro de Scaccar. Regis, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 R. 2.
• Magister Richard de Plumsted, writ Plumstoke. 28, (d. 3.) 30, (d. 9. 12. 22.) 34 E. 1. 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) E. 2.
• Ralph Pole 33, 38 H. 6.
• Iohn Portington 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31 H. 6.
• Iohn Preston 3, ••4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, H. 6.
• Iohn Prysot 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33 (Miles) 38 H. 6.

R.

• MAgister R. Decanus Sancti Pauli London 28, (d. 9. 30, (d. 32.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19) E. 2.
• Magister Iohn de Radeswell 20 (d. 4.) E. 2.
• Magister Richard de Radeswell Archidiac. Cestr. 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 1.
• Magister Robert de Radeswell, Redeswell 23, (d. 9.) E. 1. 2, (d. 14.) E. 2.
• Iohn Randolfe 1, (d. 8. 9.) 2, (d. 20.) E. 2.
• Robert de Ratford, or Retford 23, (d. 6.) 28, (d. 3.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 1. 1, (d. 4. 11. 19.) 2, (d. ••. 11. 14. 20.) 4, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16.) 8, ••d. 29.) 9, (d. 11, 12.) 11. ••d. 8. 14.) E. 2. See Batford.
• Robert de Reinford 6, (d. 31.) E. 2.
• Richard de Rodeway 6, (d. 16.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 9.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) Eschaetor citra Trentam 14, (d. 5.) 15 E. 2.
• ...

• ... Gilbert de Roubury, Rubery 23, (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11, 14. 28.) 4, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (16. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29••) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 14, (d. 23.) E. 2.
• William Rykill 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7 H. 4.

S

• RObert de Sadington, Capitalis Baro Scac. Regis, 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23, 33.) 15, 17, 21, 22 (d. 32.) 23 E. 3.
• Gerard de Salvayne Eschaetor ultra Trentam 1, (d. 11.) 2, (d. 11.) E, 2.
• Magister Boniface de Saluciis 1, (d. 11.) 2, (d. 11. 14) E. 2.
• Magister Thomas Sampson 7, 8, 9, 10. (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 11. 15. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1, 28.) 17, 18 E. 3.
• Iohn de Sandale 1, (d. 8. 11.) 2, (11, 14, 20.) 5, (d. 17.) E. 2.
• Robert de Sapy Eschaetor citra Trentam, 12, (d. 29,) E. 2,
• Magister William de Sardene Offic: Cantuar. 28, (d. 3.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) E. 1,
• Roger Savage, Sauvage 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2, (11.) E. 2.
• William Scot 10, (d. 1, 5.) Serviens Regis 15, 18, 20 E. 3,
• Roger le Scoter 4, (d. 2.) E. 2.
• William Screne 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3 H. 5.
• Geoffry le Scroope 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15, 16, 17, 19, 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 9.) 4, (d. 19, 23. 41.) Capitalis Justi∣ciarius 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, 10, (d. 1, 5.) 11, (d. 11. 15. 40.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) E. 3.
• Henry le Scroope 1, (d. 11.) 2, (d. 11. 14.) 4, 5, (d. 17,) 6, (d. 16.) 7, (d. 27) 8, (d. 7. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15, 16, 17, 19 E. 2. 3, (d. 19. 23. 41.) 4, (d. 19. 23. 31) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 36.) 8, 9 E. 3.
• ...

• ... Iohn de Seton Serviens Regis 21, 22, (d. 7. 22,) 23, 24, 25, 28, 29, 31, (d. 2. 21.) E. 3.
• Magister Iohn de Silveston, Selveston 27, 28, (d. 17.) E. 1.
• Thomas de Sinterton 1, (d. 19.) E. 2.
• Iohn de Shardelowe 7, 8, 9 E. 3.
• William de Shareshull 6; (d. 9. 19.) 7, 8, 9, 10, (d. 19.) 11, (d. 11. 15. 40) 13, (d. 4. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 18, 20, 21, 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, (d. 2, 21.) 34, (d. 4.) E. 3.
• Iohn de Shoredike, Shordich 8, 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 11. 15. 40) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) E. 3.
• William de Skipwith Serviens Regis 28, 29, 31, (d. 2. 21) 34, (d. 4.) 36, 37, 38, 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 R. 2.
• Osbert de Spaldington 23 (d. 9.) E. 1.
• Henry Spigurnell 28 (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 12.) 32, 34 E, 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 42. 26.) 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 11. 16.) 8, (d. 27.) 9, 11. (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15, 16, 17, 19 E. 2.
• Richard de Stanford 13 (d. 13.) E. 2.
• Henry de Stanton 1, (d. 8. 11.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) 4, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15, 16, 17, 20 (d. 4.) E. 2, (d. 16.) E. 3.
• Gilbert de Stapleton Escheator citra Trent•• 14, (d. 4.) E. 2
• Iohn de Stoner, Stonore, Stonnore, 6, (d. 16.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 1. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15, 16, 17, 19 E. 2. 3, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 4, (d. 19. 23. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36) 7, 8, 9, 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 11. 15. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 26 E. 3.
• Iohn de Stonford Sonford 13, (d. 1. 28) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, (d. 26.) 21, 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, (d. 2. 21.) E. 3.
• Henry Stotehill 49 (d. 6.) H. 6. 1, 2, 6, Miles 9 E. 4.
• Iames Strangeways 4, 5, 7, 8, (Unus Servientium Re∣gis ad legem) 9 H. 5▪ 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 11 H. 6.
• Mr Iohn de Stratford 12, (d. 11.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23) 15 E. 2.
• ...

• Magister Robert de Stratford Archidiaconus Cantuar. Cancellarius de Scaccario 7, 8, 9, 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 11. 15. 40.) E. 3.
• Magister Iohn Strecche Decanus Lincoln 39, (d•• 2.) E. 3.
• Herincus de Sutton 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2, (d. 20.) E. 2.
• Robert de Swillington 23, (d. 9.) E. 1.
• Richard de Sydenham 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, ••8 R. 2.

T

• GIlbert de Thornton 23, (d. 9.) E. 1.
• William de Thorpe 15, 20, 21, 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23. 31, (d. 2. 21.) E. 3.
• Magister Walter de Thorpe 2, (d. 14.) 5•• (d. ••.) 11, (d. 8. 14) E. 2.
• Robert de Thorpe Serviens Regis 20. 21, 22, (d. 7. 22.) 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, (d. 2. 21.) 33, 34, (d. 4.) 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44 E. 3.
• William Thurning 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, Capita••••lis Justiciarius de Com. Banco 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1 H. 5.
• William de Toudeby, Tontheby 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5, 23.) 15, 16, 17. 19, 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) E. 3.
• Roger Townsend 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
• Iohn Traverse 3, (d. 19.) 5, (d. 25.) E. 3.
• Thomas Tremoyle 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
• Robert Tresylian 2, 3, 4, Capit: Justiciarius Regis 5, 6, 8, 9, 10 R. 2.
• Iohn de Trevaignon 7 (p. 2. d. 3.) E. 3.
• Iohn de Trewosa 8, 10, (d. 1. 5.) E. 3.
• Simon de Trewechosa 11, (d. 11. 40.) 12 E. 3.
• Lambert de Trikenham 1, (d. 8. 11.) 2, (d. 11, 20.) 4, 5. (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 19.) 12, (d. 11, 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5, 21.) 15, 16 E. 2.
• Thomas Tyldeslye 5, 7, 8, 11 H. 4.
• ...

• Magister William Tingewykes 39 (d. 2.) E. 3.
• Robert Tyrwhite 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 5 H. 6.

V

• IOhn Vampage 23, 25, 27, 28, 29 H. 6.
• William la Vavassor 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2, (d. 20.) E. 2.
• Magister Gerard de Vippeins Archidiac. Richmond. 28, (d. 17.) E. 3.

W

• IOhn Wadham 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21 R. 2.
• Humfry de Waledon 20 E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 16.) E. 3.
• Magister Iohn Walewayne 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11.) Thesaurarius Regis (d. 29.) 13, 24, (d. 5,) E. 2.
• Magister Iohn de Waltham 39 E. 3. 7, 8, R. 2.
• Ingelard de Warle 11, (d. 8. 14.) E. 2.
• Nicholas de Warre 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2. (d. 20.) E. 2.
• Magister Henry la Warre 12, 14 H. 4. 1 H. 5.
• William Westbury 5, 7, 9, 10, 13. 18, 20, 23 H. 6.
• Iohn de Westcote 6, (d. 17.) E. 2.
• William de Weston 17, 19, E. 2. 2, (d. 23. 31.) E. 3.
• Philip de Willoughby Decan. Lincoln. 23, (d. 9.) Cancell. Scac. Regis 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9, 10.) 32 E. 1.
• Richard de Willoughby, Willughby 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5. (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 9, 10, 30.) 7, 8, 9, 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 20, 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 26, 31, (d. 2. 21) E. 3.
• Robert de Wodehouse 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15, 16, E. 2. (Ar∣chidiac, Richmond) 3, (d. 19.) (Thesaurarius Re∣gis) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 16, 17 E. 3.
• William de Wychyngham 42, 43, 44, 47, 49, 50 E. 3. 1, 2 R. 2.
• ...

• Magister Gerrard de Wyspanes Archidiac, Richmond 2••, (d. 9.) 28 E. 1.

X

• WIlliam Yelverton 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31. 33, 38 (Miles) 49 H. 6, 1, 2, 6, 9 E. 4.
• Magister Thomas Younge 34, (d. 4.) 36, 37. Offic. Cur. Cancellar. 39, 42, 43, 44, 47, 49 E. 3.
• Thomas Younge 49 (d. 6.) ••. 6. 6, 9 E. 4.

Z

• MAgister William de la Zousche Decanus Ecclesiae be∣atae Mariae Ebor. Thesaurarius Regis 11, (d. 11.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) E. 3.

Where the Dorses are for brevity omitted in any years of this or any the precedent Tables after a particular name you may readily find them in the precedent Sections, in the writs to the Prelats, Temporal Lords and Counsil, which are all entred together in the self-same Rolls, and Dorses, when they all occurr.

General useful Observations on and from the precedent Writs of Summons, mentioned in the premised Sections; and the 7. Sections next ensuing in the second part following them.

HAving thus presented you with 3▪ distinct Secti∣ons or Squadrons of Writs of Summons, to our Parliaments, Great Councils and Convocations, is∣sued to Arch-bishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and other Ecclesiastical Lords; the P. of Wales, Dukes, Earls, Barons Temporal Lords, and great men of the Realm, the Kings Counsil, Iustices, with some useful particular Observa∣tions on them in each Section, I shall for a close of this first part of my breif Register, Kalender, and Survey of them, superadd some general necessary Observations on, and Conclusions from them, and the 7. next follow∣ing Sections (which I intended to have annexed to this first part of my Register, but now shall reserve for the second,) for the further information of the Readers, the benefit of Posterity, and rectifying some Oversights in sundry printed trivial Discourses of our English Par∣liaments.

First, From the manifold rare, delightful Varieties, Forms, Diversities, and distinct kinds of Writs of Som∣mons, transcribed out of the Clause Rolls, in a Chro∣nological method; Va••ied from time to time by our Kings, their Chancellors, Counsellors, and Officers, who formed them, as there was occasion, without the privity or direction of their Parliaments, before the Sta∣tutes

of 7. H. 4. c. 15. 6. H. 6. c. 4. 8. H. 6. c. 7. 23. H. 6. c. 11. 15. which ordered some new clauses to be insert∣ed only into the VVrits for Election of Knights of Shires, (and none else) for preventing and rectifying abuses in such elections, but prescribed no set unalterable future form••, for those or any other Writs of Sommons, leaving the King and his Counsil at Free Liberty as before, to vary and alter them as they saw just cause; The Judicious Readers may clearly discern, what little credit is to be given to Reverend Sir Edward Cookes ob••ervation, in his slighta 1.28 discourse, Touching the VVrits of Som∣mons of Parliament, which are to be found in the close Rolls from time to time; Which begins thus. A••d it is to be Ob∣served, that the substance of the VVrits, ought to continue in their Original Essence, without any Alteration or Ad∣dition, unlesse it be by Act of Parliament. For ifb 1.29 Original VVrits at the Common Law can receive no Altera∣tion or Addition, but by Act of Parliament, A multo For∣tiori, The Writs of the Sommons of the Highest Court of Parliament, can receive no Alteration or Addition but by Act of Parliament, &c. But had this great Oracle of the Law, diligently considered the mani∣fold varieties of the Writs of Sommons to Parliaments, With their several Alteraions and Additions, made from time to time upon emergent occasions, without any Act or Order of Parliament; Or, had he remembred old c 1.30 Bractons, and his own distinction of these two dif∣ferent sorts of Original VVrits, in the places he refers us to in his margin, viz. Brevia Originalia, quaedam sunt formata sub suis casibus, & de cursu, & De communi Concilio to∣tius Regni concessa et Approbata; quae quadem Nulla∣tenus mutari poterint, absque consensu et voluntate ••orum: & quaedam Magistralia, et saepe variantur se∣cundum varietatem casuum, factorum et quaerelarum, and that by the Masters and Clarks of the Chancery them∣selves, according to the variety of every Mans case; as d 1.31 himself, and the Statute of VVestm. 2. c. 23. resolve us, without any Act, or common consent in Parliament,

And then judiciously pondered, that Writs of Sommons to Parliaments, are all of this latter kind, only Migistra∣li••, and frequently varied according to the several varie∣ties of the causes, Publick grievances Dangers, E∣mergences, Businesses, Complaints, occasiōing their Som∣moning, expressed usually in these Writs different Pro∣logues; he would certainly never have made such a strange erronious Observation as this upon these Writs, contradi∣cted by so many Presidents on record in all former ages; nor alleaged such a pittiful mistaken Argument a multo Fortiori, and such Authorities to justifie it; Which di∣ametrically contradict both his reason and observation, the Writs of Sommons being all of them Magistralia, not Formata sub suis Casibus, (as the miserably mistook them to be.) Therefore if such Magistral Writs are of•• ••imes varied, according to the variety of cases, facts and complaints in particular mens cases, by the Clerks of Chancery, and Cursitors themselves, without Act of Parliament, a multo fortiori, may Writs of Sommons to Parliaments of the self same kind, which concern the great weighty affairs of the King, Kingdom and Church of England, be varied, altered by the King himself, with the Advise of his Great Officers, Judges, Council, ac∣cording to the variety of emergent occasions, requiring Parliaments to be called, without any Act or consent of Parliament authorizing it, notwithstanding Sir Ed∣wards groundlesse Assertion to the contrary, though pre∣faced with and it is to be observed; as I conceive it will henceforth be for a great mistake, although formerly believed as an undoubted Truth, upon his Ipse dixit; whose venerable reputation hath canonized many of his Apochryphal conceipts, which have dangerously seduced most Students and Professors of the Law, with others who peruse his Institutes; for whose better Information, and Vindication of the truth alone, I have upon all just occasions both detected and corrected his formerly un∣discerned Errors; and this here insisted on, I hope with∣out just offence to any of his surviving Friends or Pro∣geny;

if they consider the duty and protestation of eve∣ry ingenuous Christian, and Chronographer thus briefly expressed by St. Paul, 2 Cor. 13. 8.e 1.32 We can do nothing a∣gainst the truth, but for the truth.

Secondly, It is observable, that the word Parlia∣mentum, is but once used or mentioned in any Writ of Sommons, Act, Statute, Charter, Patent, or other Re∣cord that I have yet seen, either before or during the Reigns of King Iohn or Henry the 3d. but only the word Concilium, Commune Concilium, Colloquium, Tra∣ctatum; placitum magnum, &c. which frequently occur, and are alwayes used in them to expresse that Assem∣bly of the States by, which in after times, and now is usu∣ally called Parliamentum. The very first mention, and use of this word, in any Writ or Record I have perused, is in the Writ of Sommons to the Cinqueports, Cl. 49. H. 3. d. 11. sōmoning thē ad instans Parliamentum nostrum, The next is in the Writ of Prorogation of the Parlia∣ment. Cl. 3. E. 1. 20. in dor. where it is twice thus mētioned in the Writ; Generale Parliamentum nostrum, eodem Parliamento, and once in the Margin, Do veniendo ad Parliamentum; And this Writ assures us that it was used in the Original Writs of Sommons to this Parlia∣ment, though not extant, compared with the printed Prologue to the Acts therin established. The Writs of Som∣mons from 3. to 23. E. 1. being not extant in the Rolls; the next use of this word I find, is in the Writ•• of Som∣mons & Prorogation, in Clau••. 23. E. 1. dorse 9. Cl. 28. E. 1. d. 3. 17. Cl. 30. E. 1d. 7. 9. Cl. 32. E. 1. d. 1. Cl. 33. E. 1. d. 9. 10. 21. Claus. 34. E. 1. d. 2. and Claus. 35. E. 1. d. 13. In all which Writs under King Edward the first, not onely. Colloquium & Tractatum, but also the word Par∣liamentum is mentioned, and also thus expressed in the Margin of the Rolls. De Parliamento tenendo, De∣veniendo ad Parliamentum, De Parliamento Proro∣gando. And so is it likewise in the Writs de expensis Militum qui venerunt ad Parliamentum Regis, clau. 28. E. 1. dors. 12. cl. 29. E. 1. d. 17. cl. 33. E. 1. d. 15. cl. 34. E.

E. 1. d. 11. and cl. 35. E. 1. d. 14. In the Writs and Rolls of Sommons, and De expensis Militum & Burgensium, under Edward the 2d. it is commonly used and mention∣ed, as the premises evidence; Yet I find Parliamentum to∣tally omitted again in sundry other Writs of Sommons and Prorogations, and the words Colloquium, Tractatum, & Commune Consilium, only made use of in them; as in cl. 23. E. 1. d. 2. 4. cl. 24. E. 1. d. 7. cl. 25. E. 1. d. 25. cl. 27. E. 1. d. 9. 16. 28. cl. 28. E. 1. d. 3. cl. 1. E. 2. d. 11. 19. cl. 2. E. 2. d. 11. 13. 14. 20. cl. 9. E. 2. d. 17. and in some other succeeding Rolls; yet in the Margin o∣ver against these Writs, I find in divers of these Rolls, De Parliamento tenendo; De veniendo ad Parliamen∣tum, Summonitio & Prorogatio Parliamenti, written, though the words Parliamentum, be not extant in the Writs themselves.

The first use of the word Parliamentum, in any Act or Statute in my Observation, is in the Prologu•• to the Statutes of Westminster, 1. An. 3. E. 1. which it stiles, Son Primer Parliament general apres Son coronement. The next usage of it is in 7. E. 1. Rastal Armour 1. Wherein it is twice mentioned: After which I find it used in the Prologue of Westminster, 2. 13. E. 1. and c. 24. In the Statute of Merchants, 13. E. 1. The Statutes De Quo warranto; De terris vendendis & emendis, 18. E. 1. The Statute of Waste for Heirs, end of Defending Rights, 20. E. 1. The Statutes De non ponendis in Assisis, and De Ma∣lefactoribus i•• parcis, 21. E. 1. The Statute of Persons appealed, 28. E. 1. And the Prologue to Articuli super car∣tas the same year: The Statutes De Escheatoribus, 29. E. 1. The New Statutes of Quo warranto, 30. E. 1. Ordinatio Fo∣restae, 33. E. 1. De asportatis Religiosorum, c. 1. In most succeeding Prologues to all Statutes and divers Acts, ever since King Edward the 1. it is commonly and frequently used; (as also in ourf 1.33 Historians in that age) In the Pro∣logue to Articuli Cleri, An. 9. E. 2. there is this observable Recital. Sciatis quod cum Dubum temporibus Progenitorum nostrorum Regum Angliae, in diver sis Parliamentis su∣is,

& similiter postquam Regni gubernacula suscipimus, In Parliamentis nostris, &c. Ac nuper in Parliamento nostro apud Lincoln, &c. Attributing this title of Parli∣amentum, not only to the Parliament•• held under Edward the 2d. and first, but to General Councils of State, and Conferences held by our Kings, Lords, & great Men, in the Reigns of their Progenitors, who were totally un∣acquainted with this Word, and never used it for ought I can yet discover. It is agreed by all who have written of thef 1.34 Antiquity, or use of our English Par∣liaments, that the word Parliamentum, is no proper Latin word,* 1.35 for that we call a Parliament, but Colloqui∣um, Tractatus, & commune Concilium Regni nostri, still reteined in the Writs of Sommon••, as well since the use of the word Parliamentum grew common, as before in was inserted into such Writs: That it is originally a meer French Word, first introduced amongst us by the Norman Monkes, or being taken from the French, who stiled the publick conventions of their Kings and Princes a Parliament, in their own Language, and coyned this new Latin word Parliament••m out of it. But when, and by whom it was first introduced and used in England, is a great dispute amongst truly judicious Antiquaries. Many there are who conceive it to be used in the S••xons time, and* 1.36 long before the reign of King Henry the 3d, because many Latin and English Historians and Chronolo∣gers, who (have written since the Reign of King Hen∣ry the 3d.) do sometimes give the title of Parliamen∣tum, & Parliament, to our great Councils and Assemblies of the King, and of the spiritual and temporal Lords in those ancient times, in their relations of them: But this questionless is a gross mistake; since not one of all their great Councils in any of their Titles, Prologues, Laws, Cannons, Edicts, Acts, recorded by Brompton, Lambard, Sir Henry Spelman, Whe••lock, Fox, and others; nor a∣ny of our Historians living and writing in those times, before the later end of King Henry the 3d. (as Gildas, Beda, A••helwerdus, Asser Menevensis, Ingulphus, Wil∣lielmus,

Malmes buriensis, Eadmerus, Florentius Wigorniensis, Simeon Dun••lmensis, Aelredus Abbas, Henry de Huntindon, Sylvester Gyraldhes, Gulielmus Neubrigeusis, Simeon & Richardus Hagustaldensis, Radulphus de Diceto, Roger VVendover, Thomas Spotte, Gervasius Doroberniensis, & Tilburiensis, VVillielmus Stephanides, Gualterus Mapes, Gualterus Coventriensis, Richardus Heliensis, Thomas Stubs, & Petrus Hen••am) nor yet Glanvill, Bracton, Andrew Horn, and other Lawyers flourishing under H. the 2. and 3. do once use, or apply this word Parlia∣mentum, to any one Grand parliamentary Council, which they alwayes call by other Names, for ought I can yet discover upon my best search and inquiry.

The very first of all our Writers or Historians in my Observation, who made use of this word, and applyed it to the Common Councils of our Realm, is Matthew Paris h 1.37 flourishing about the midsts, and dying before the end of King Henry the 3d. Anno. 1259. the 43. of his Reign. He in his Historia Angliae, from the beginning of the Conquerors Reign, till the year 1246. (the 30th. of Henry the 3d.) alwayes made use of the words Conci∣lium, Concilium magnum, Colloquium Tractatus, and the like, to expresse all Parliamentary Great Coun∣cils, and State Assemblies held in England; near the space of 200. years before he Writ, and never of Parlia∣mentum. But in Anno gratiae, 1246. and 1247. and in no other years before or after, he useth this word five or six times only, in these insuing passagesi 1.38 Anno 1246. Convenit ad Parliamentum Generalissimum totius Regni Angliae totalis Nobilitas Londini. &c, Over a∣gainst which the Publisher, not he, adds in the Margin Parliamentum habitum Londini, After which he sub∣joynes Convenientibus igitur ad Parliamentum m••mo∣ratum totius Regni Magnatibus: Then followes, Et postea in Anglia in Parliamento Regis ubi congregata fuerat totius Regni tam Cleri quam Militiae Generalis Vni∣versitas, deliberatum, &c. Yet in the very next page, he returns to his old term again. Die vero translationis

Thomae Martyris habitum est magnum Concilium, inter Regem & Regni Magnates, apud VVintoniam. Over against which, his continuer or publisher hath placed this marginal Note. Parliamentum habitum apud VVinton. The like he doth in p. 560. 561, 687, 714. and elsewere, inserting in the Margin, Parliamentum Generale, &c. When as Matthew Paris useth it not, but Concilium only, or the like in his Text. In hisk 1.39 History of the next yeer 1••47. He proceeds thus. Dominus Rex Francorum Regni sui Nobiles tam Cleri quam Populi generaliter Edicto Regio fecit convocari, ut Ad Parliamentum communiter convenientes, ardu ne∣gocia Regni sui statum contingentia, diligenter, deliberan∣do, contrectarent. And Five pages after, Dominus Rex (H. 3.) jussit omnem totius Regni Nobilitatem convoca∣ri, &c. Oxoniis: Praelatosautem maxime Ad hoc Parlia∣mentum vocavit arctius. Applying the word Parlia∣mentum, to these Assemblies of the King, Lords and Nobles, both in France and England, held this year, about the weighty affairs of their respective Kingdoms. In his Additamenta to the last Addition of his History printed at London, p. 170. he useth the word Parlia∣mentum only once, and that in another sense; For the conference and discourse of Monkes with one another af∣ter their repasts, then prohibited the black Monkes by special Order, as an impediment to their contemplations and prayers. In no places else of his History or other print∣ed pieces, do I find he made use of this word. Indeed, the continuer of his History from the yeer 1258. to the end of King Henries Reign 1273. (whoml 1.40 Iohn Bale inform•• us to be VVilliam Rishanger) flourishing under King Edward the 1. & 2. (when this word Parliamentum grew cōmon both in Writs of Sommons, Statutes, & vulgar Speech) makes frequent use thereof in his History, ap∣plying it to great Councils of the Realm, in the latter end of Henry the 3d. both in the Text and Margin; as in Page 788, 933. 935. 938. 940. 948. 960. 967. 974. of his continuation, Editione Tiguri, 1589, and so doth

Matthew Westminster (who continued the History of Matthew Paris) flourishing under the Reign of King Edward the third,a 1.41 when this word Parliamentum was commonly used in all Writs of Summons, Statutes, Writers and Vulgar speech) makes frequent use there∣of, applying it to the Great Councils of State towards the latter end of King Henry the third, in his Flores Histo∣riarum, Londini 1570. pars 2. p. 206, 207, 223, 254. 261. 280, 296, 300, 317, 345. and in subsequent Pages to the Parliaments held under King Edward the first. Henry de Knyghton a Canon of Leicester flourishing under King Richard the 2. de Eventibus Angliae, l. 1. c. 3. l. 2. c. 10, 12, 15. Col. 2318, 2387, 3446, 2455. applies this word to the Great Councils held under the Danish and other Kings, before the Reign of Edward the 1. Canutus vixit per 20. annos, & postea celebravit Parliamentum apud Ox∣oniam, &c. Ranulfus Consul Cestriae cum Rege (Stephano) concordatus est, Set tito post, in Parliamento apud Nor∣thamptoniam delose captus est, &c. Anno 1261. Rex (Hen. 3.) convocato Parliamento suo Oxoniae, questionem movit Magnatibus suis. Tenuit Rex (H. 3.) Parlia∣mentum suum apud Merleberg. Anno Regni sui 52. & ad exhibitionem communis justitiae multa fecit statuta, quae dicuntur statuta de Marleberg. The Author of the Chronicle of Brompton (whob 1.42 writ after the beginning of King Edward the 3.) doth the like in these passages, ac∣cording to the language of the age wherein hee writ.c 1.43 Edgarvis Rex Parliamentum suum apud Salisbiriam con∣vocavit. Post haec (Canutus) apud Oxoniam Parliamen∣tum t••nuit, &c. cito post in Parliamento suo apud Win∣toniam. Rex (Edwardus Confessor) & omnes Magna∣tes ad Parliamentum tunc fuerunt, Anno 1164. Rex (Henricus 2.) Parliamentum apud West••inst tenuit. Rex Angliae (Richardus 1.) congregatus Episcopis, Comitibus & Baronibus Regni sui Parliamentum Londo∣niae super hoc habuit & Tractatum. Rex (Johannes) Par∣liamentum suum usque Lincolniam convocaverat. So doth d 1.44 Radulphus Cicestrensis,e 1.45 Thomas of Wal••••ngham (who

writ under K. Henry the 6.) and after them Fabian, Cax∣ton, Polydor Virgil, Grafton, Speed, Stow, Holinshed, Daniel, Baker, and other of our late Historians; Whereupon their injudicious credulous Readers of all sorts, conceit not onely the words Parliamentum & Parliament, but even the thing it self (as since constituted of Knights, Ci∣tizens and Burgesses, as well as of the King, spiritual and temporal Lords, Nobles, Barons, and Great Men) to have been in common use both under our Saxon, Danish, Norman, and English Kings, long before the Reign or 49. year of King Henry the 3. when as neither the name nor thing it self (as now compacted) was either known to, or used by any Aniquaries, Councils, Re∣cords, Historians, or English Writers before Mat. Paris, that I have yet seen or heard of. From whence (to omit other Arguments, with the Writs de Expensis Militum & Burgensium levandis, mentioned in the Modus tenendi Parlamentum, though in no Records before, Claus. 28. E. 1.) it indeniably appears, that this absurd ridicu∣lous Modus, so much magnified, followed, relied upon byf 1.46 Sir Edward Cook, in sundry of his Books, as a most ancient authentick Record, both known, and used in Ed∣ward the Confessors time; For Certain rehearsed before William the Conqueror, by the discreet men of the Realm, and by him approved, and used, who kept a Parliament ac∣cording to its Prescription, (which the Book of 21. E. 3. f. 60. hee cites to prove it, directly contradicts) After which King H. the 2. fitted and transcribed this Modus in∣to Ireland in a Parchment Roll for the holding of Parlia∣ments there. Which no doubt hee did by the advice of his Iudges, &c. That this Modus was seen by the makers of Magna Charta, Anno 9. H. 3. c. 2. concerning the redu∣cing of ancient Reliefs of intire Earldemos, Baronies & Knights fees, according to such proportions as is contained in the Modus, which they could not have done so punctual∣ly if they had not seen the same: (all which hee asserts with so much confidence, as if hee had been an eye-wit∣ness thereof himself, though most gross untruths) is in

verity a late spurious Imposture: written long after the Reign of King Henry the 3. and Edward the 1. himself confessing that some part thereof is cited in (he should have said taken out of) the Parliament Roll of Anno 11. R. 2. and other Records of Parliament, and not compiled before the latter end of King R. the 2.g 1.47 The word Parliamen∣tum being not onely used many hundred times, almost in every line throughout this Modus, and not the words Concilium or Collequium, but likewise intituling and de∣nominating the very Treatise it self, which grew not in∣to such Vulgar use, till after the Reign of King Henry the 3. under King Edward the 3. and succeeding Kings, as appears by Thomas Walsingham, Hist, Angliae. p. 5, 8, 12, 13, 17, 25, 28, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 70, 71, 76, 77, 78, 81, 82, 83, 88, 96, 105, 110. Ypodigma Neustriae. p. 68, 69, 71, 72, 73, 82, 83, 87, 88, 98. &h 1.48 Henry de Knyghton, and was totally unknown to, and not used by any Lawyers, States-men, Clerks, Writers of our English Annals before the Reign of King Henry the 3. Which I much wonder Sir Edward Cook (who writes, that after diligent search hee could finde nothing against this Modus, and demands, Quis vitupera••it?) and somei 1.49 others of ou Antiquaries observed not, being so palpable an Imposture, ask 1.50 Mr. Selden,l 1.51 Archbishop usher, and others, have discovered it to be. Indeed I found one Roll in the Tower, Anno 9. E. 2. stiled Modus Parliamenti, which upon its first view I conceited might have some affinity with, or at least give some colour to this forged Modus; but upon per∣usal it proved onely a Roll of the Proceedings in the Par∣liament of 9. E. 2. farre different from this Modus, and having no affinity with it, yet peradventure the Author of this Imposture, borrowed his Title from it.

Besides the late introduction of the word Parliamen∣tum into England, doth likewise discoverm 1.52 Sir Edward Cooks other pretended ancient Manuscript of the Mona∣stery. of St. Edmonds (which hee much cried up, yet ne∣ver would send judiciousn 1.53 Sr. Henry Spelman to per∣use,

perchance lest hee should detect its Novelty and Im∣posture) to be of no such Antiquity (as hee conceited it to be, written,o 1.54 in King Cnutes Reign, or not long af∣ter it) but after Henry the 3. his Reign; since the words Parliamentum, in suo public•• Parliamento, tunc in eodem Parliamento personaliter existentibus were not grown in use till Edward the 1, 2, & 3. and the whole clause hee prints out of it in his Preface to his 9. Reports, prove it to be written under one of these three Kings Reigns, if not after them, as the Modus was: By both which you may easily discern, how little insight this great Lawyer had in Histories, Antiquities, or Records, as to be cheated, be∣sotted with such Impostures, and bottom his Discourses of our Parliaments upon such spurious rotten Foundations as these.

3. That no Oath nor Engagement whatsoever was antiently imposed on the Members of the Lords or Com∣mons House,* 1.55 to debar or seclude any of them from sit∣ting or voting, much less were any of them suspended or forcibly kept out of either House till they had taken a∣ny new-invented Oath, prescribed them onely by a pre∣vailing party, without a Legal Act of Parliament ratified both by the Kings, Lords, and Commons in an orderly manner; such inforced seclusive Oaths, being inconsistent both with the Freedome, Priviledges, Rights of old English Parliaments. The Parliament of 1. Eliz. c. 1. upon the abolishing of Popery, and restitution of the Protestant Religion, having by unanimous consent of the three States, made and prescribed an Oath of suprema∣cy (for the preservation of the ancient Rights and Royalties of the Crown of England, and of the persons of the Queen, her heirs and successors, against the usurpations, claimes, practices of the Bishop, of Rome, and his confederates) on all Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Arch-Deacons, Clergy-men, and temporal officers: By reason of the manifold Plots and Treasons of the Pope and Papists against the Queens per∣son, Crown, and Realm, the Parliament of 5. Eliz. c. 1. thought fit to prescribe this Oath, for the better detection

of persons popishly affected, not onely to all Readers, Bar∣resters, Graduates in the Universities, Schoolmasters, She∣riffs, and other inferiour Officers, but likewise to all future Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of Parliament; enacting, That every person who shall bee hereafter elected or appointed a Knight, Citizen, Burgess, or Baron of the five Ports, for any Parliament or Parliaments hereafter to be holden, shall from henceforth, before hee shall enter into the Parliament House, or have any voice there, openly receive and pronounce the said Oath before the Lord Steward for the time being, or his Deputy or Deputies for that time to be appointed. And that hee which shall enter into the Parliament, House, without taking the said Oath, shall be deemed no Knight, Citizen, Burgess, nor Baron for that Parliament, nor shall have any voice, but shall be to all intents, constructions, and purposes, as if hee had never been returned or elected Knight, Citizen, Burgess or Baron for the Parliament, and shall suffer such pains and penalties, as if hee had presumed to sit in the same without Election, return, or authority. Provided, that this Act, nor any thing therein shall not extend to compel any temporal person of or above the degree of A Baron of the Realm, to take or pronounce the Oath abovesaid, nor to incur any penalty limited by this Act for not taking or refusing the same. This is the first Act ever imposing an Oath up∣on any Members before their sitting and voting in the Parliament House: wherein five things are ob∣servable.

1. That this Oath was made by unanimous consent of the Queen, Lords and Commons in Parliament.

2. That it was five years a probationer, and appro∣ved, ratified by two successive Parliaments, before it was imposed upon any Members, and not actually ad∣ministred to any till the Parliament of 8. Elizabeth.

3. That it was imposed onely upon the Members of the Commons House, not upon any temporal Lords or Barons of the Realm.

4. That the principal end of prescribing it was, to abo∣lish

the Popes usurped supremacy, and prevent his and his instruments Traiterous attempts against the Queens per∣son, Crown, Kingdome, discover persons popishly affect∣ed, and seclude them from sitting or voting in the Com∣mons House if elected, returned, unless they should first take this Oath: Not to debar or exclude any real Pro∣testants, when duly elected, from entring into the Parlia∣ment house to discharge their trusts and duties.

5. That it appoints no Officers or armed Guards for∣cibly to seclude any Knight, Citizen, Burgess, or Baron of the Ports till hee hath openly taken and pronounced this Oath, but onely layes 2 particular inhibition upon every such Member himself, not to enter the House without taking it, under the disabilities and penalties therein mentioned: leaving every Member a liberty to seclude himself in case hee were unsatisfied, or could not in conscience or prudence take this Oath, but authori∣zing none else to keep him perforce out of the House, if hee had a mind to rush into it without taking it. After this the Par••iament of 3. Iacobi. c. 4. upon the detection and prevention of the in••ernal Gunpowder Treason of the Pope, Iesuites and Papists, to blow up the King, Queen, Prince, Lords, Commons, and Parliament, when all assem∣bled together in the Lords House, November 5 Anno 1605. by unanimous consent of the three Estates, made and prescribed a New Oath of Allegianoe to all persons, except Péers of the Realm, who actually were, or should be su∣spected to be Papists, for their better discovery and con∣viction, without imposing it upon any Members of either House. Which Oath many Papists oppugning with false and unsound Arguments,* 1.56 though tending onely to the declaration of such duty, as every true, well-affected sub∣ject, not onely by his bond of Allegiance, but also by the commandement of Almighty God ought to bear to the Kings Majesty, his Heirs and Successors; Thereupon the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of 7. Iacobs: (when this Oath had been approved four years space) not onely enacted, ch. 2. that every person who should henceforth

be naturalized or restored in blood, should first take this oath; but to shew their great approbation thereof, humbly prostrating themselves at his Majesties feet, did earnestly beseech him, that the same Oath might be administred to all his Subjects what soever; And thereupon it was enacted, ch. 6. That all and every Knights, Citizens, Burge••••es, and Barons of the Five-Ports of the Commons House of Par∣liament, ••before hee or they shall be permitted to e••ter the said House, shall make, take, and renew the said corpo∣ral Oath upon the Evangelists before the Lord Steward for the time being, or his Deputy or Deputies, without impo∣sing any disability or penalty, or appointing any Offi∣cers forcibly to seclude those from entring who refused it. Since these recited Acts, all Members of the Commons House have constantly taken these two Oaths voluntarily, without coercion or forcible seclusion, before they en∣tred or sate as Members in the House. The last Parlia∣ment of 16. Caroli in their first Act, for preventing the inconveniences happening by the long intermission of Parlia∣ments, enacted: That all and every the Members that shall be elected to serve in any Parliament hereafter to be assembled by virtue of this Act, shall assemble and enter into the Com∣mons House of Parliament, and shall enter into the same, and shall have voices in Parliament, before and without the taking of the several Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, or either of them, any Law or Statute to the contrary there∣of in any wise notwithstanding. Provided alwaies, that if the Kings Majesty, his Heirs or Successors, shall at any time during any Parliament hereafter to be assembled by vertue of this Act, award or direct any Commission to any person or persons whatsoever to take or receive the said Oaths, of all or any Members of the Commons House of Parliament, and any Members of the House being duly required thereunto, shall refuse or neglect to take and pronounce the same, that from thenceforth such person so refusing or neglecting shall bee deemed no Member of that House, nor shall have any voice therein, and shall suffer such pains and penalties, as if hee had presumed to sit in the same House without Election,

return or authority. These Statutes being all in their full force, never legally repealed, & authorizing no Officers nor Souldiers whatsoever forcibly to seclude or punish any Member of the Commons House, for not taking both or either of these two Legal Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance ratified by so many indubitable Parlia∣ments one after another, and backed by thep 1.57 solemn League, Covenant, and Protestation; it is neither in the power of the King himself, or his Counsil, nor of the House of Lords, or any other persons whatsoever (much less of the Commons House alone, or any prevailing par∣ty in it, who never in any age had the least Legal right or authority to administer an Oath in any case to any witness or person whatsoever, much less to impose any New Oaths upon their fellow-Members sitting with them, or secluded by them, and on all succeeding Mem∣bers of that House in future Parliaments) to enforce any New Oath or Engagement whatsoever, inconsistent with, or repugnant to these two Legal Parliamentary Oaths, or to suspend, exclude, or eject any Knight, Citizen, Burgess, or Baron of the Ports duly elected and returned, from sitting or voting with them in the Commons House, for refusing such new Ingagement or Oath; it be∣ing directly contrary not only to the Freedome, Priviledge of our English Parliaments, Laws, Liberties, but to the very letter of theq 1.58 Petition of Right ratified by K. Charles himself, which complained of, and provides against the administring of any Oath not warranted by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm, and enacts, That no Man hereaf∣ter shall be called to take such Oath (as being repugnant to their Rights, Liberties, the Laws and Statutes of the Land (much less then no Members of Parliament en∣forced by their fellow-Members to take such an Oath, or else be suspended, secluded the House of Commons) r 1.59 & that former proceedings of this kind (in the case of Loanes, wherein such an oath was prescribed, exacted) should not be drawn hereafter into consequence or example; Yea contrary to the House of Commonss 1.60 Remonstrants of

the State of the Kingdome, 15. Decemb. 1641. who there∣in charge the Kings evil Counsellors, That New Oaths have been enforced upon the Subjects against Law, and new Iudicatures erected without Law (which some who thus remonstrated have since that actually done, to the secluding of sundry Members of their own new-model'd Parliaments, for refusing to take new illegal Oaths, and Engagements, repugnant to their old ones of Supremacy and Allegiance) if not the very third Article of the late Petition and Advice, viz. That the ancient and undoubted Liberties and Priviledges of Parliament (which are the Birth-right and Inheritance of the people, and wherein eve∣ry man it interessed) bee preserved and maintained, and that you will not break nor interrupt the same, nor suffer them to be broken or interrupted. And particularly, that those persons who are legally chosen by a free Election of the people to serve in Parliament, may not be secluded from sit∣ting in Parliament to do their duties, but by judgement and assent of that House whereof they are Members. There∣fore not by any armed Guards without any hearing or judgement whatsoever: Which had some of those Ar∣my-Officers and Swordmen well considered, who assent∣ed to this Article and Petition; they would never have forcibly secluded, secured, imprisoned my self, and sun∣dry other Members of the late Parliament, onely for the faithful discharge of our Oaths, Duties, without, yea a∣gainst the judgement of the House whereof they were Members, which God in judgement hath repaid on some of them since that, with a suitable Retaliation, Seclusion, Restraint, by some of their own confederates in that un∣righteous Anti-parliamentary action.

4 That there is no one President exstant in our Histo∣ries or Records in former Ages, nor from 49. Henry 3. till the end of King Charles his Reign, of any Writs issued to Sheriffs or other Officers in Ireland, or Scotland (though subordinate and subject to our English Kings and Par∣liaments) for electing Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, or Commissioners to sit or vote as Members of the Commons∣house

in any Parliaments or great Councils of England; nor yet for any Knights, Citizens, Burgesses out of Ger∣sy, Gernsey, Alderny, Serke, Man, Silly, or other Islands belonging to England.a 1.61 Yea the Principality of Wales it self (though ever subjected and united to England as part thereof) never sent any Knights, Citizens, or Burgesses to the Parliaments of England, as Members thereof, till enabled by special Acts of Parliament, Anno 27. H. 8. c. 26. & 35. H. 8. c. 11. Nor yet the County Palatine of Chester, though a part and member of England, till specially enabled by the Statute of 34. H. 8. c. 13. nei∣ther did, much less then can or ought any Counties, Ci∣ties, Burroughs in Scotland, or Ireland, to claim or pre∣tend the least colour of Right, Law, or Reason, to send any Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, (or Peers) to sit or vote in the Parliaments of England, neither ought any such if elected, returned to be of right admitted into our English Parliaments.

1. Because they never enjoyed this priviledge hereto∣fore in any Age, nor pretended to it.

2. Because they are very remote from the places where our English Parliaments are held, and it will not be onely extraordinarily troublesome, expensive, vexa∣tious, inconvenient for them, when elected, to re∣sort so far to our English Parliaments, but dangerous, (especially to cross the Seas out of Ireland in the Winter season) and mischievous.

Thirdly, Because if any of them be unduly elected, returned (as is most probable the most of them will be so) it must necessarily put them to intollerable expen∣ces, trouble, vexation, and almost an impossibility to examine, determine the legality or illegality of such Elections, and returns from Scotland and Ireland. The Parliaments being likely to be determined, or adjour∣ned before the Sheriffs and other Officers, who unduly returned them, can be summoned, and witnesses pro∣duced thence to prove the abuses or injustice of such E∣lections: so that any persons thence returned by those in

power, though never elected, or very unduly through favour, power, or corruption of Officers, shall sit and vote as Members, whilst those who were duly chosen and entrusted by the people, shall be secluded and left without relief.

4 Because Scotland and Ireland,* 1.62 though united to England, alwaies were, and yet are distinct Realms and Republicks, never incorporated into England, or its Par∣liament, as natural proper Members thereof: they all having by their own Fundamental Laws, Statutes, Cu∣stomes, Rights, Priviledges, their peculiar proper Par∣liaments, Peers, Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, Courts, Iudicatures, Councils, and Iudges distinct, divi∣ded from, and not intercommoning with one another. The Peers, Lords, Knights, Citizens, Burgesses of Eng∣land having no place, voice, nor right of Session in the Parliaments of Scotland or Ireland, though in many things subordinate to the Parliaments of England, and subject to Acts of Parliament made in them, and the Lords, Peers, Citizens, Burgesses of the Parliaments of Scotland, and Ireland, being no Lords, Peers, Knights, Citizens or Burgesses at all in England or its Parliaments, being distinct from theirs, and summoned unto their own Parliament onely, as I shall hereafter manifest in its due place. This is evident not onely by the distinct printed Laws and Statutes of England, Scotland, and Ire∣land, and those Historians, who have written of them (especially Holinshed, Bucana••, and Mr. Cambden) but likewise by Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour, p. 2. c. 5, 6, 7, Cooks 4 Institutes, ch. 1. 75, 76. Cooks 7 Reports, Cal∣vins case. The Statute of 1 Iacobi, ch. 1, 2, 3. Iacobi, c. 3, 4. Iacobi, ch. 1. 7. Iacobi, ch. 1. which fully confirm and establish the distinct Parliaments, Rights, Laws, Li∣berties, Customes, Iurisdictions, Iudicatures of the Realm•• of England, and Scotland.

5. Because the calling and admission of Scotish Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, or Peers unto the Parlia∣ments of England, and giving them a voice and Legisla∣tive

power therein, both in Relation to England, Scot∣land and Ireland, though united under one King and Soveraign Lord, is diametrically contrary, First, to all these recited Acts, and the Propositions, proceedings men∣tioned in them, referred to the consideration and deter∣mination of the Parliaments of both Realms, as separate and distinct from each other, and not incorporated into one body, Realm, or Parliament; whose peculiar di∣stinct Rights, Jurisdictions, Powers, Parliaments, are since that in precise terms confirmed and perpetuated, without any union or incorporation into one undivided body politique. Secondly, Because it is expresly contra∣dictory to the late Act of 17. Caroli, passed, ratified in and by the Parliaments of both Kingdome, for the con∣firmation of the Treaty of Pacification between the two Kingdomes of England and Scotland. Wherein the Com∣missioners deputed by the Parliament of Scotland, to treat with the Commissioners appointed by the King and Parliament of England, for the saving of the Rights of Scotland, that the English might not claim any joynt right or interest with the Scots, in the things that con∣cerned their Parliaments, or Kingdome, in their papers of the 7. of August 1641. did declare and make known, that although they were fully assured that the Kingdome and Parliament of England, was for the present far from any thought of usurpation over the Kingdome and Parlia∣ment of Scotland, or their Laws and Liberties, yet for preventing the misunderstanding of posterity, and of strangers, and for satisfying the scruples of others not acquainted with the nature of this Treaty, and the manner of their proceedings, which may arise upon their comming into England, and their treating in time of Parliament: That neither by our treaties with the English,, nor by seeking our Peace to be established in Parliament, nor any other action of ours, do wee acknowledge any dependence up∣on them, or make them Iudges to us or our Laws, or any things that may import the smallest prejudice to our Liber∣ties. But that wee come in a free and brotherly way, by our

Informations to remove all doubts that may arise concerning the proceedings of our Parliament, and to joyn our endea∣vours in what may conduce for the peace and good of both Kingdomes, no otherwise than if by occasion of the Kings Re∣sidence in Scotland, Commissioners in the like Exigence, should be sent thither from England. Thirdly, It is point∣blank against the solemn League and Covenant, ratified and confirmed in the most sacred and publick manner, The 3 Article whereof, taken with hands lifted up to heaven, and subscribed by the Parliaments of both Kingdomes, and all others well-affected in both Realms, doth thus preserve the distinct Priviledges of the Parliaments of both Realms, in these words. We shall with the same sinceri∣ty, reality, and constancy in our several vocations, endeavour with our estates and lives, mutually to preserve the Rights and Priviledges of the Parliaments, and the Liberties of the Kingdomes of England and Scotland; which are like∣wise distinguished from each other in every other Ar∣ticle, the Prologue and Conclusion of the League and Co∣vena••t, and all Ordinances that confirm it. 4. As if this were not sufficient; it is directly contrary to the* 1.63 Declaration of the Commons of England assembled in Parliament, 17, April, 1646. of their true intention inviolably to main∣tain the Ancient and Fundamental Government of the Kingdome, by King, Lords and Commons, the Govern∣ment of the Church, securing the people against all ar∣bitrary Government, and maintaining a right understand∣ing between the two Kingdomes of England, and Scotland, according to the Covenant and Treaties; To the Com∣mons printed Answers to the Scots Commissioners Papers 28 of November 1646. Yea to the Lords and Commons Houses joynt Declaration, the 29. of Iune 1646. In all which they* 1.64 do professedly declare, assert, argue, resolve, the absolute Independency, distinct Rights, Iurisdictions of the Kingdomes and Parliaments of England and Scotland, from the very Articles of the solemn League and Cove∣nant, and Treaties between both Kingdomes, and other E∣vidences, grounds, reasons, positively asserting, That the

Parliament and Kingdome of England is, and ought to bee the sole and proper Iudge of what may bee for the good of this Kingdome; and that the Kingdome and Parliament of Scotland, neither have, nor ought to have any joynt-concur∣rent share or interest with them therein, nor right of joynt-exercise of interest in disposing the person of the King in the Kingdome of England. And that the self-same liberty and priviledge alwaies had been admitted, and ever shall bee carefully and duly observed by them and the Parliament and Kingdome of England, to the Kingdome and Parlia∣ment of Scotland in all things that concern that Kingdome; And that it was not the intention of the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England, nor of the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland, in sending Propositions to the King, in the name, and in the behalf of both Kingdomes, by joynt-consent, that any construction should be made there∣from, as if either Kingdome had any interest in each others Propositions, or in the Legislative Power of each other con∣cerning any of the said Propositions; but that it remaineth distinct in each Kingdome and Parliament respectively. And that notwithstanding any joynt-proceedings upon the said Propositions, either Kingdome hath power of themselves to continue, repeal, or alter any Law that shall be made upon the said Propositions for the good and government of either King∣dome respectively. And both Houses did therein declare, that they are fully resolved to maintain, and preserve in∣violable the solemn League and Covenant, and the Trea∣ties between the Kingdomes of England and Scotland. Now the calling and incorporating of Scotish and Irish Peers, Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses into the Parliaments of England, as Members, Voters, Legislators, together with the English, to oblige both England, Scotland, and Ireland, against the ancient, unquestionable, distinct, fundamental Rights, Priviledges of the Kingdomes, Parliaments, people, both of England, Scotland, and Ireland (all whose Parliaments, Rights, Priviledges, Li∣berties, will be totally subverted by it as well as our Eng∣lish) is so contradictory, so repugnant to, and inconsistent

with all and every of these recited Acts, Ordinances, De∣clarations, clauses of the solemn League and Covenant, to the Great Charter of King Iohn, all ancient Writs of Summons to English, Irish or Scotish Parliaments, all Acts for Electing Kn••ghts, Burgesses, and concerning Parlia∣ments formerly established in all these three Kingdomes, as distinct, that no conscientious Heroick Englishman, Scot, or Inhabitant of Ireland, who cordially affects the honour, maintenance, preservation of his own native Countries, Kingdomes, or Parliaments fundamental Rights, Priviledges, Liberties, or makes conscience of violating the Articles of this solemn League and Covenant hee hath formerly taken, and subscribed in the presence of Almighty God, Angels and Men, with this protestation; wee shall not suffer our selves directly or indirectly by what∣soever combinatien, perswasion or terror to be divided or withdrawn from it, either by making defection to the contra∣ry part, or by giving our selves to a detestable indifferency or neutrality; but shall all the daies of our lives constantly continue therein against all opposition, and promote the same according to our Power against all Lets and Impe∣diments whatsoever; and this wee shall do in the sight and presence of Almighty God, the searcher of all hearts, with a true intention to perform the same, as wee shall answer the contrary at the great day, when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed; can ever in conscience, justice, reason, policy or prudence submit thereto, but is bound to oppose and resist with all his power, for the premised Rea∣sons.

6. Because the proportioning and distribution of the thirty persons to be elected for Scotland, and the thirty others for Ireland, and incorporating of these sixty Scotish and Irish Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses into the Par∣liaments of England, was not projected, effected, ap∣proved, ratified by the free, full, and joynt-consents of the respective Parliaments of England, Scotland, and Ire∣land, but onely by about twenty or thirty Army-Officers, in a private Cabinet Conventicle, at Whitehall, without

yea against their privities, and consents, by their Instru∣ment of Government, which they then published, 16 De∣cemb. 1653. Artic. 9, 10, 11. having not the least sha∣dow of any Legal Power or Authority, to oblige our 3 distinct Kingdomes, Nations, Parliaments, much less to subvert and abolish them, by new melting them into one body, contrary to their very fundamental Laws, Con∣stitutions, Rights, Priviledges, to their grand prejudice and dishonour. Therefore there is no reason for either of them to submit and conform thereto. The rather, because this Instrument was never ratified by any, but opposed by every publick Convention, since its publication, yea totally set aside (if ever valid) by the last of them, in and by this clause of their humble Petition and Advice, Artic. 3, 4. That the number of persons to be elected and chosen to sit and serve in Parliament for England, Scotland, and Ire∣land, and distribution of the persons so chosen, within the Counties, Cities, and Burroughs of them respectively, may be according to such proportions as shall be agreed in this pre∣sent Parliament: which agreed nothing concerning the same: And both the Instrument and Advice being now set aside by those in present power, by issuing Writs for e∣lecting Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses throughout England, according to the ancient Laws, Usage, Cu∣stome, and not according to the Instrument or Advice, by which the English and Commons House are now remit∣ted to their old Parliamentary Rights & Priviledges. They are obliged upon all these Reasons, Authorities, and Con∣siderations, henceforth to seclude all Scotish and Irish Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, or Peers, from sitting or vo∣ting amongst them as Members, and ought to treat with them onely as Delegates or Commissioners sent from both Nations touching such affairs as particularly relate to Scotland and Ireland, according to* 1.65 ancient and late Presidents, but not to permit them any place or vote at all in the Commons or Lords House, as joynt-Members, Legislators with the English, in the Parliaments of Eng∣land.

7. Because the thrity persons to be chosen for Scotland, and the other thirty for Ireland, and the several Coun∣ties, Cities, and Borroughs within the same, to repre∣sent and oblige both these Kingdomes and Nations, as their Representativees and Attornies, are not to be elected by the generality of both Kingdomes, as in justice, rea∣son, equity they ought to be, but by such as the Major part of the Council at Whitehall shall prescribe, as the 9th. Article in the Instrument declares, some whole Counties, and eminent Cities in both Kingdomes, hav∣ing no voices at all in the Elections of these Members, and therefore not to be obliged by them, as 44. E. 3. f. 19. 11. H. 7. 14. 21. H. 7. 40. 23, H. 8. Br. Lert. 27. 7. H. 6. 35. 6. Dyer 373. b. resolve. This being a general Rule in Law, Justice, Reason, inserted into the very Writs of Summons to Parliament, Claus. 24. E. 1. m. 7. dorso (here) p. 6. Ut quod omnes tangit ab omnibus approb••∣tur. And the sole reason why Acts of Parliament oblige all those who send Knights and Burgesses to them, and not tenants in Ancient Demesn, is onely this, because they assent unto them, in and by their representatives, as the Statute of 1 Iac. c. 1. 4. H. 7. 10. Brooke Parliament, 25. 27. 41. Ash Parliament, 10. and Proclamation, 39. and the Law-books Authorities there collected to this purpose determine.

8. In the* 1.66 Parliament of a Caroli, the Lords Spiri∣tual and Temporal then in Parliament assembled, exhibited this Petition to the King: That whereas they heretofore in civility as to strangers yeelded precedency according to their several degrees unto such Nobles of Scotland and Ireland, as being in Titles above them, have resorted hither; Now divers of the natural born Subjects of these Kingdomes re∣sident here with their families, and having their estates a∣mong us, do by reason of some late created dignities in those Kingdomes of Scotland and Ireland, claim precedency of the Peers of this Realm, which tends both to the disservice of your Majesty, a••d to the di••paragement of the English No∣••ility, as by these Reasons may appear.

1. It is a nobelty without President, that men should in∣herit honours where they possess nothing else.

2. It is injurious to those Countries from whence their Titles are derived, that they should have a vo••e in Parlia∣ment where they have not a foot of Land, &c. Upon the con∣sideration of which inconveniencies they humbly beseeched his Majesty, that an order might be timely setled therein to prevent the inconvenience to his Majesty, and redress the prejudice and disparagement to the Peers and Nobility of this Kingdome occasioned thereby, which the King promi∣sed to do. And is it not a far greater inconvenience, pre∣judice and disparagement to the Nobility, Gentry, and Parliaments of England, yea a greater Novelty and In∣jury than this they then petitioned against, not only for the Nobility, but for the very Knights, Citizens, Burges∣ses, of Scotland, and Ireland, to sit with, and take place of the ancient Peers, Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of England, according to their several Titles, and to enjoy an equal vote, judicature, priviledge with them in every particular, in the very Parliaments of England, which they never formerly did, though they have not one foot of Land in England, nor the English any vote of place in their Parliaments? No doubt it is. There∣fore as fit to be timely redressed, as that grievance, upon the self-same grounds, being more universal, prejudicial and dishonourable to the whole English Peerage, Parlia∣ment and Nation, than this which concerned the Eng∣lish Peers alone, and that onely out of Parliament.

9. This number of Members sent from Scotland and Ireland to the Parliaments of England, holds no just not equal proportion or distribution with the numbers of Members, which they formerly elected and sent to their own respective Parliaments, in Scotland and Ireland, as is evident by the Irish Statutes of 18, E. 4. c. 2. 10. H. 7. c. 16, 38. H. 8. c. 12. 33. H. 8. c. 1. Cookes 4. Iustit. c. 75, 76. and Regiam Majestatem, nor yet in reference to the number of the Members and Parliament-men in Eng∣land, being near ten to one to the Members of both these

Nations conjoyned, which inequality upon all occasi∣ons may prove very prejudicial to them both.

10. It will be an extraordinary grievance, oppression, expence, vexation, mischief, delay and obstruction of Justice to all the Inhabitants of Scotland and Ireland, not onely to bear the Expences of all the Members they send to the Parliaments of England, but to be enforced to re∣sort unto them in person, together with their Witnesses, Evidences, and Council, for all grievances, oppressions, injuries, errors, complains and misdemeans in Officers or Courts of Justice formerly redressed, and remediable onely in their own proper Parliaments, much nearer home, and now only to be heard, examined, redressed, determined in the Parliaments of England, as the Claus. Roll. of 39. E. 3. M. 12. De erroribus corrigendis in Par∣liament is tenend is in Hibernia (printed in my Epistle to my Argument of the case of the Lord Mag••••re) most fully and excellently resolves: And the multitudes of com∣plaints, out of all three Kingdomes will prove so great in every Parliament, that it will be impossible to hear and determine the moity of them at any one Session or Par∣liament, and the attendance will prove so tedious to all or most, that it will become a greater grievance to them than any they complain of, and if they gain any relief, it will be in effect, a Remedy as bad or worse, as the dis∣eas•• it cures: Yea an express violation of Magna Charta. ch. 29. Nulli negabimus, nulli differemus justitiam aut rectum: Finally, This patching of New Scotish and Irish Members into our old English Parliament, will be so farre from uniting and contenting the three Nations and Par∣liaments in one, that it will discontent and disunite them more than before, and make the rent the greater upon every occasion, as Christ himself resolves, with whose words I shall close up this observation:* 1.67 No man seweth or putteth a peece of new Cloth upon an old Garment,* 1.68 else the new peece that filleth it up, taketh away from the old, and agreeth not with the old, and the rent is made worse.

5. That as the Writs of the Common Law, are the

foundations whereon the whole Law, and subsequent pro∣ceedings do depend, asa 1.69 Glanvil,b 1.70 Bracton,c 1.71 Britton, d 1.72 Fleta heretofore,e 1.73 Fitzherbert,f 1.74 Thelwell,g 1.75 Sir Edward Cook, and others of later times resolve; upon which account if the Writs be vicious, erronious, invalid, illegal, or null in Law, they abate, vitiate, and annihilate the whole Process, Declarations, and Struotures grounded on them, ash 1.76 all our Law-Books assert; So the Writs of Summons to Parliaments and Great Councils are the very foundations, and corner-stones whereon our Par∣liaments, Great Councils, and all their Votes, Judge∣ments, Proceedings, Acts, Ordinances do depend. Therefore if they be defective, erronious, invalid, ille∣gal, insufficient, or null in themselves, the Parliaments and Great Councils convened by, founded on them, with all their Iudgements, Proceedings, Acts, Ordinances, must of necessity be so likewise, as the Statutes of 1. Hen. 4. c. 3. 21. R. 2. c. 1. 39. 8. H. 6. c. 1. H. 8. c. 1. 17. E. 4. 5. 7. 1. H. 4. rot. Parl. n. 1. 66. 1. E. 4. rot. Parl. n. 8: to 17. 1. H. 7. c. 9. 27. H. 8. c. 24. in England, largely evidence, and the Statute of 10. H. 7. c. 27. in Ireland, determines; repealing a Parliament holden at Drogheda before Sir Ro∣bert Preston, decreed and deemed void to all Intents, by the Kings Council in Ireland.

1. Because the Duke of Bedford, Lieutenant of Ireland, (by whose Deputy it was summoned and held) surren∣dred his Patent of Lieutenancy before the said Parliament summoned.

2. Because there was no general summons of the said Parliament, to all the Shires, but onely to four Shires.

3. Because the said Deputy had no m••nner of Power by his Commission to summon or kéep a Parliament: For the which causes it was ordained and enacted, that the Parlia∣ment to holden be deemed void, and of none effect, by the whole Parliament of Ireland, Anno 10. H. 7. And the Parliament of 18. E. 4. ch. 2. in Ireland, touching the Election of Knights and B••rgesses, further manifests it.

6. That the summoning (as likewise pro••••guing,

adjourning, dissolving) of all Parliaments and Great Councils in England and Ireland, is a peculiar inseparable royal Prerogative, belonging onely to the Kings of England, and incommunicable to any other person or persons, yea to Parliaments themselves, which cannot appoint a succeed∣ing Parliament to be called but by the Kings consent, and that (though appointed to be held at a prefixed day and place) to bei 1.77 summoned only by the Kings Writ. That all Writs of Summons and Prorogation alwaies issued, and of right ought to be iss••ed onely in the Kings name, stile, autho∣rity, whether absent out of, or present within the Realm, whether within age, or of ripe years, and that by his special Commands alone, or his and his Councils joynt precept, as the stile, name, contents of all prece∣dent and subsequent Writs; the subscriptions under them, Per ipsum Regem, per ipsum Regem & Consilium, per ipsum Regem, Custodem & Consilium (in the Kings absence) per breve de privato sigi••••o, &c. the stile, tenor of all Writs, De expensis Militum & Burgen sium, the Statutes of 5. R. 2. Parl. 2. c. 4. 7. H. 4. c. 14. 6. H. 6. c. 4. 23. H. 6. c. 11. 27. H. 8. c. 24. 31. H▪ 8. c. 10. most Acts of late times for the subsidies of the Clergy and Temporalty, Tonage, Foundage; the Prologues to our ancient and mo∣dern printed Statutes, the Kings Chancellors and others speeches upon the convention of most Parliaments, in Parliament Rolls, together with the Act of 16. Caroli, for preventing of inconveniences happening by the long inter∣mission of Parliaments, Cooks 4. Institutes, ch. 1. and all who have written of our English Parliaments, abun∣dantly evidence and resolve beyond contradiction. Hence our latek 1.78 King Charles, in his Declaration of the causes of assembling and diss••lving the two last Parlia∣ments, Iune 13. 2. Caroli, affirms, That the calling, ad∣journing, proroguing, and dissolving of Parliaments, do pe∣culiarly belong unto himself by an undoubted Prerogative inseparably uniied to his impertal Crown, and the Statute of 16. Caroli. c. 1. made by the unanimous consent of both Houses declares, That by the Laws and Statutes

of this Realm, the appointment of the time and place for the holding of Parliaments, and the summoning of them (by Writ in the Kings Name) hath alwaies belonged, as it ought, to his Majesty, and his royal Progenitors, and none else.

7. That the Kings of England, have as true, full, re∣al and legal an haereditary right, Title, Interest, Propriety in and to the Parliament, as they have in and to the Kingdome and Crown of England, as these Clauses in all their Writs of Summons, Prorogations of Parlia∣ments, issued to the spiritual and temporal Lords, Kings Counsil, Sheriffs, and Warden of the Cinque∣ports resolve; Ordinavimus quoddam Parliamentum no∣strum, &c. tenere: In ultimo Parliamento nostro; post ultimum Parliamentum nostrum, sitis ad nos ad Parliamentum no∣strum, and the like; compared with Statum Regni nostri Angliae: Et cum Praelatis & Proceribus Regni nostris sicut commodum Regni nostri Diligitis: Iura Coronae no∣strae, &c. in the same Writs: The Writs de expensi: Militum & Burgensium; The Titles and Prologues of most printed Acts of Parliament: The Statutes of 8. H. 6. c. 7. 23. H. 6. c. 11. 23. H. 8. c. ••3. 27. H. 8. c. 24. 31. H. 8. c. 10. 1. Iac. c. 1. and sundry Writs in the Register, stiling the Parliament, the Kings Parliament, his Parliament, our Parliament in relation to the King, andl 1.79 his Patents for creating Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Peers and Barons of the Realm, granting them and their Heirs males, Sedem & locum in Parliamentis no∣stris, Haeredum & successorum nostrorum in••ra Regnum nostrum Angliae. Therefore the Parliaments of England can no more exist or subsist without the King, than the Kingdome or Crown of England, the King being both Ca∣put, Principium & finis Parliamenti, as Modus tenendi Par∣liamentum, m 1.80 Sir Edward Cooke and others resolve, our Parliaments living and dying with our Kings, and determining when summoned and sitting by the Kings decease (since they can neither treat nor confer with him of any businesses concerning him or his Kingdome, nor be his Parliament after his death) as the Parliaments of

1. H. 4. rot. Parl. n. 1. 2. 3. 1. H. 5. rot. Parl. n. 16. 4. E. 4. f. 44. Cooks 4. Instit. p. 46. adjudge: the Parliament of 23. R. 2. dissolving by this resignation of the Crown, and the Parliaments of 14 H. 4.n 1.81 and 24. Iacobi being dissol∣ved by their respective deaths, as their Judges and Par∣liaments resolved, and the Parliament of 18. Caroli by the self same reason, as I haveo 1.82 elsewhere evidenced, seeing hee could neither vobiscum & cum caeteris Magna∣tibus & Proceribius Regni nostri colloqaium habere & Tra∣ctatum, super diversis & arduis negoc••is Nos & Regnum nostrum co••tingentibus, nor the Commons do and assent hiis quae tunc ibidem per N••s, &c. ordinari contigerit super negotiis antedictis, as the Writs of Summons and Pro∣rogation prescribe.

8. That when ever there was ap 1.83 Custos Regni, du∣ring the Kings absence in forraign parts, or a Protector during his Minority, the Writs of Summons and Proro∣gation issued alwaies in the Kings stile, name, and by his authority and direction, and the Teste onely in the Cu∣stos, or Protectors name, with a per ipsum Regens, per ip∣sum Regem & Consilium, or, per ipsum Regem, Custodem & consilium subjoyned.

9. That when our Kings could not be personally pre∣sent at any Parliament by reason of their wars, sickness, extraordinary occasions, absence in forraign Parts, or minority, they held them by aq 1.84 Custos Regni, or Commissioners authorized by special Commissions issued to them in the Kings name under his Great Seal, to hold these Parliaments in his Name and Stead, which were publickly read at the beginning of the Parliament, and entred in the Parliaments Rolls; for which I shall present you with these presidents onely, omitting all others of this kind, agreeing with them, or varying little from them, in form or substance. The first is this.

Anno 13. E. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 4. Edward••s Dei gratia Rex Angliae, Dominus Hiberniae, & Dux, Aquitaniae, Ar∣chiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Comitibus, Baronibus & omnibus aliis ad instans Parliamentum no∣strum

apud Westm. summonitum conventuris salu∣t••m. Cum dilectus & fidelis noster Edwardus Dux Cor∣nubiae, Comes Cestr. filius noster carissimus Custos. Reg∣ni nostri, propter quaedam negocia sibi incumbentia sit ad praesens Parliamentum praepeditus, quo minus isto die Iovis in Octabis Sti. Hillarii apud locum praedictum vale at perso∣naliter interesse: de circumspectionis & industriae magni∣tudine venerabilis Patris Iohannis Archiepiscopi Cantuar. totius Angliae Primatis, & discretorum virorum Magistri Williel••i de le Zouche Decani Ecclesiae beati Petri Ebor, Thesaurarii nostri Ricardi de Willoughby, Iohannis de Sto∣nore, & Iohannis Decani Sti. Pauli plenam fiduciam reportantes; ipsos quatuor, tres aut duos eorum ad incho∣and. & continuand••m Parliamentum praedictum, nostri, & dicti filii nostri nomine; & ad faciend. ea quae Pro Nobis per praedictum filium nostrum facienda fuerint, usque adventum filii nostri ibidem, Deputamus & Assignamus. Et ideo vobis mandamus, quod iisdem Archiepiscopo, The sau∣rario, Rico. Iohi. & Iohi. quatuor, tribus & duobus eo∣rum intendentes sit is in praemissis in forma praedicta. Teste Edwardo Duc•• Cornub. & Comite Cestr. filio nostro ca∣rissimo Custode Angliae, apud Langle XIX. die Ianua∣rii, Anno Regni nostri tertio decimo.

The second is thus registred, Ann•• 25. E. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 1. 2.

Edwardus Dei gratia Rex Angliae, & Franciae, & Do∣minus Hiberniae, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Militibus, & omni∣bus aliis ad instans Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm Summonitum conventuris, salutem; Cum Nos ex certis ca••∣sis sumus ad partes transmari••as profect••ri, per quod ad primum diem dicti Parli••menti forte non poterimus interesse, Nos in casu quod citra dictum diem non redeamus Leonel∣lo filio nostro carissimo ad inchoand: Nomine nostro Par∣liamentum praedictam, & ad faciend. ea quae pro Nobis & per Nos faci••nd•• fuerint, usque adventum nostrum ibidem, plenam tenore praesentiu•••• committimus potestatem. Et ideo Vobis mandamus quod eidem filio nostro intendentes

sitis in praemissis, in forma praedicta: In cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri ••ecimus patentes. Teste m••ipso apud Turrim London. 20. die Januarii. An∣no Regni nostri Angli••••, 24. Regni vero nostri Franciae undecimo. Per ipsum Regem.

The third is thus recorded in the Parliament Roll of 51. E. 3. n. 1. with this Prologue.

Enle 15a. s••int Hilar, &c. que fuist le primer jour de ce present Parlement, tr••z nobles & p••issent Sir Richard Prince de Gales, Duc de Cornwelle, & Cou••te de Cestr. & auxint les Prelets, Seigneurs, Justices, Comenes, & auters que fu∣erent venuz per Sommons de ce present Parlement, sesemble∣rent en le palayes de Westm. en le Chambre de peinte; & illoeques en lour presence le dit Prince alos seent in my lieu de uly, Cestassav••ir en la place du Roy mes••es, nostre le dit Seig••ieur le Roy esteant meismes benemont, venier en sa proper persone, envoy ast en dit Parlement returnes ses Li∣teres patents ••o••z son grant Seale enseales, en la form que ensuant.

Edwardus Dei gratia, &c. Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Ducibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, militibus, & omnibus aliis in instanti Parliamento con∣venturis salutem. Cum ex certis cansu sum••s ad pr••••s••ns praep••diti, ita quod ad primum diem Parliamenti praedicti ad locum praedictum personaliter non poterim••s interesse; de circumspectionis & industriae magnitudine carissimi filii nostri Ricardi, Principis Wallia, Duci•• Cornubiae, & Comitis Cestr, plenam fidu••iam reportantes, eidem filio nostro ad Parliamentum praedictum nostro nomine inchoand. & ad faciend. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 quae pro Nobis. & per ••os ibidem faciend. fu∣••runt, plen••••m tenors•• praesentium committimus po••estat••m. Et ideo vobis mandamus, quod eidem Principi, intendentes fitis in praemissis in forma praedicta. In cujus Rei, &c. Teste meipso apud Havering. 26. die Jan. Anno Regni nostri A••gliae, 51. & Franciae, 38.

The fourth is thus entred, Rot. Parl. An. 1. H. 6. n. 1.

Fait assavoir 〈◊〉〈◊〉 comm••nc••ment del Parlement tenuz le Lundy prochein de ••a••t le feste de Seint Martyn, I'a•• del

regne du Roy Henry Sisme, p••is le conquest; primerement un•• Commission du Roy fait desoutz son grande Seal, & direct••z al Honorable & puissent Prince, Humphry Duc de Glocestre, son-Uncle, per la quell le Roy av••i•• done poiar a mesme son Uncle a tenit le dit Parlement en le nom du Roy, folon•• laffect & la contenuz de mesme la Com∣mission; en la preseuc•• de'l dit Duc seant en la Chambre de peinte, deinz In Palayes de Westm. & anxy de les Seignieurs espuelz & temperelz, & les Chivalers des Countees, & des Citeins, & Burgeois del Roialme, De∣ingleterre pur toute lay Comme de mesme la Rolalm•• au dit Parlement tenuzilleoqes alors esteantz, ••uit over∣tement le e••z, dont le tenure-cy ensuyt.

He••ritus Dei gratia Rex Angliae, & Franciae, & Domi∣nus Hiberniae, omnibus ad quos praesentes litetrae pervene∣rint, salutem, Sciatis, quod cum de avisamento Conci∣lii nostri pro quibusdam arduis & urgentibus negociis nos, & statum & defensionem Regni nostri Angliae, ac Ecclesiae Anglicanae▪ contingentibus, quoddam Parlia∣mentum nostrum, apud Westm. Die Lunae prox: ante se∣stum Sti. Martini prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, Et quia vero propter certas causas ad Parliamentum Praedi∣ctum personaliter non poterimus interesse; Nos de circum∣spectione & industria carissimi Avuncu••i nostri Hum∣fredi Duc••s Gloucestr. plenam fiduciam reportantes, ei∣dem Avunculo nostro ad Parliamentum praedict. nomine nostro i••choand & in eo procedend. & ad facienda omnia, & singula quae pro Nobis, & per Nos, pro bono regimi∣••e & gubernatione R••gni nostripraedicti, ac aliorum Uomi∣niorum nostrorum eidens Regno nestro pertinent••um; ib••dem suerint faciend. Nec non ad Parliamentum illud ••••••ien∣dum & dissolvendum, de assensu Concilii nostri, plenam te∣nore praesentium, committimus potesta••e••s. Dantes ult••r••us, de assensu ejusdem Concilii nostri, tam universis & sin∣gulis Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Du∣sibus, Comitibus, Baronibus & Militibus; quam omnibus aliis quorum interest ad Parliamentum nostrum praedict•• conventuris, similiter tenore pr••sentum in mundatis▪ quod ei∣de••••

Av••••culo nostr•• intendant•••••• praemissi•••••• forma supra•• dict••. In cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. T. m••ipsa apud Westm. 6 dis No∣vembris. Anno Regni nostri primo.

The like Commission I finde made to the same, Duke in the Parliamant Roll of 2. H. 6. n. 1. word for word, except in those additional words and clauses in the Commission it self. Nos de circumspectione, fidelitate & industria, &c. Eidem Avunculo nostro ad Parliamentum praedict. nomine nostro inchoand. negociaque praedicta ex∣ponend. ac declarand. ac exponi & declarari faciend. necnon in negociis illis, & Parliamento praedicto, ac omnibus & singulis in eo emergentibus procede••d, &c. Ne••non ad Parliamentum illud si necesse fuerit continu∣and. & prorogand▪ ac ad idem Parliamentum finiend, &c. plenam committimus potestatem; quam in eventu praedicto Parliamento nostro & tempore aliquo forsan in perso∣na nostra adess•• contigerit revocare intendimus. Dantes, &c. Ut supra: with the like in other Parliaments, during this Kings Minority, and in 33 H. 6. rot. Parl. n. 30.

It is observeable, that none of these Custodes Regni, or Protectors, had any power given them to summon or hold Parliaments in their own Names, or by their own inherent Authority as Protectors; nor to create new Peers or Barons of the Realm, by Writs or Patents, for ought I finde, the very words of their Patents, and ther 1.85 Par∣liaments of 1. H. 4. rot. Parl. n. 24, 25, 26, 2 H. 6. rot. Parl. n. 15, 16. 6 H. 6, rot. Parl. n. 22, 23, 24. (a no∣table Record.) 8 H. 6. rot. Parl. ••. 13. 33 H. 6. rot. Parl. n. 30. to 42. resolving the contrary.

By all these forecited Commissions, Patents, and the Patent to the Protectors themselves during the Kings Mi∣noritie, enrolled in the Parliament Roll of 1. H. 6. Num. 24, (which I have* 1.86 elsewhere published) it is most ap∣parent; That as theb 1.87 Scripture and New Testament it self, in express terms resolve; The King alone, to be the Supream Magistrate: So the Common and Statute

Laws, Lawyers, Writs, Records, and Parliaments of England, have alwaies hitherto, resolved, declared, pro∣claimed (as Bracton, l. 1. c. 8. l. 3. c. 16. f. 134. l. 3. c. 3. 9. Fleta. l. 1. c. 5. 17. The* 1.88 Parliament of Lincolne. 29 E. 1. 16 R. 2. ••. 5. 25. H. 8. c. 19, 21. 22. 26 H. 8. c. 1. 27. H. 8. c. 15. 28 H. 8. c. 7, 10. 31 H. 8. c. 10, 15. 32 H. 8. c. 22, 24, 26. 33 H. 8. c. 29. 35 H. 8. c. 1. 3, 27, 19, 37 H. 8. c. 15. 1. E. 6. c. 2. 1. Eliz. 5. 1. 3. 4. 5 Eliz. c. 1. 8 Eliz. c. 1. 1 Iac. c. 1. 2. 3. Iac. c. 4. 7 Iac. c. 6. The Prologues of all ancient Par∣liaments, and the very words of the Oathes of Suprema∣cy and Allegiance, (prescribed to all Members of the Common House, Judges, Justices, Officers, Barristers, Attornies, Sheriffs, Graduates, Ministers and School∣Masters by our Parliaments) abundantly evidence;) The King of England alone (not the Custos Regni, Protector, nor any other person whatsoever, nor the Pope himself) to be the onely Supream Governour, Head, Magistrate of the Realm of England, and the Dominions thereunto an∣nexed, and that in and over all spiritual and ecclesiasti∣cal persons, things, causes, as well as temporal, without recognizing any other Soveraign Lord, Governour, Ma∣gistrate, for ought I finde in History or Record.

10. That the causes of summoning and proroging all Parliaments ought to be generally or particularly ex∣pressed in the Writs of Summons and Prorogation, to∣gether with the precise daies whereon, and places where∣in they are to meet upon the Summons or Prorogation; that so all may know ••ertainly at what time and place to meet. That the daies and places of their meeting and prorogation, were absolutely in the power of our Kings, who varied them according to emergent occa∣sions, and the places of their necessary residence. For in∣stance; When the wars or affairs of Scotland drew our Kings and Nobles towards the Northern parts, they u∣sually summoned or prorogued their Parliaments to York, Karlisle, Newcastle, Stanford, Lincolne, Leycester, Northampton, Cambridge, Stainford, Conventry, Not∣tingham.

When the wars and businesses of France cal∣led them towards the South, they frequently summon∣ed their Parliaments, to Winton, Salisbury, Southampton, Canterbury. When the wars or negotiations of Wales or Ireland occasioned their removal towards them, they convened their Parliaments at Gloucester, Worce∣ster, Salop, Hereford, Bristol, Oxford, or Malborough. But most usually they were summoned and prorogued to Westminster or London, as the center and Metropolis of the Realm, and the most indifferent and convenient place of meeting, as the Writs of Summons and Proro∣gation attest.

11. That for the most part all Writs of Summons and Prorogation both to the spiritual and temporal Lords, Kings Counsil, Sheriffs of Counties, and War∣dens of the Cinque-ports, have the self-same Teste, date, Prologues; yet now and then some of them, are diffe∣rent in their dates, yet very rarely in their recitals. That there is frequently a different space of daies and times be∣tween the dates of the Writs of Summons and Resum∣mons upon Writs of Prorogation, and the daies of the first meeting of the Parliaments, and Great Councils to which they are summoned and elected, as you may ea∣sily discern by comparing them; there being sometimes two months space or more, sometimes fifty daies, but usually forty daies, or more (according to the Charter of King Iohn) between the date of the Writs and daies of appearance in Parliaments, and Grand Councils. Yet in cases of extream necessity, upon sudden unexpected dangers, I finde two Parliaments summoned to meet within the space of forty daies; as ins 1.89 Claus. 4 E. 3. d. 19. Where there was onely two and thirty daies between the date of the Writ and Parliament, which being un∣usual, there is an express clause in the Writs, that it should not be drawn into consequence for the future: So in 28 Eliz. the Writ bore date the 15th. of September, and the Parliament was to begin the 15th. of October following, but thirty daies after. All other Writs (to

my best remembrance) these two excepted, having at least forty daies between the Teste, and daies of ap∣pearance, that so the Members might have competent time to prepare themselves to repair to Parliaments and Great Councils after their Summons and Elections.

12. That in ancient times our Parliaments and Great Councils were more frequently summoned to meet and i 1.90 appear on the Lords Day, than on any other day of the week; which abuse in succeeding times was reformed and quite discontinued even in times of Popery, as well as since the reformation of Religion.

13. That our Kings upon extraordinary publick dangers, and other occasions, may summon Parliaments, Great Councils, Convocations as often as they think meet: That they were anciently summoned once or twice every year at least (and some times thrice, four or five times in one year) according to the ancient Constitution in the.u 1.91 Council at Hereford, Anno 673. Can. 7. The Law ofx 1.92 King Alfred, Rotul. Ordinationum, 5 E. 2. n. 31. 4 E. 3. c. 14. Rot. Parl. n. 14. 36. E. 3. cap. 10. 50. E. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 181. 1 R. 2. rot. Parl. n. 95. 2. R. 2. rot. Parl. n. 4. 5. & 16 Carol. cap. 1.

14. That the more weighty, difficult, pressing, ur∣gent the occasions and dangers were of summoning Par∣liaments they 1.93 more importunate, vehement, urgent, mandatory, minatory, and compulsary, were the expres∣sions, mandates, clauses in the Writs of Summens for the Lords and Commons personal appearance and atten∣dance, without admitting any excuses, or procurations, and not to depart from them without special licence.

15. That when any publick weighty businesses in∣tended to be propounded, dispatched in one Parlia∣ment or Great Council, by reason of other businesses, or shortness of time, could not be propounded or con∣cluded, therein; thereuponz 1.94 another Parliament or Council was soon after called to dispatch it, the day and place whereof was sometimes appointed in and by the Parliament next preceding before its dissolution.

16. That though anciently before the word Parlia∣mentum came in use among our Ancestors, Great Councils were the same in substance with Parliaments; yet since the summoning of Knights, Citizens, Bu••∣gesses and Barons of the Ports to Parliaments, and the insertion of Parliamentum, into the Writs of Summons and Statutes, you may ob••erve some differencesa 1.95 be∣tween Parliaments and Councils, and the Writs of Sum∣mons to them, which are frequently distinguished in the margin of the Clause Rolls; by this different entry; Summunitio Parliamenti, De veniendo ad Parliamentum, &c. & Summonitio Concllil, de veniendo ad Concilium, &c. The principal differences between them are these.

1. That many Bishops, Abbots and Nobles are usu∣ally omitted in the Summons to Councils, which were u∣sually summoned to Parliaments, and seldome omitted in the summons to them, unless absent in forraign parts.

2. That many persons were summoned to Councils, which wee never finde summoned to Parliaments.

3. That there is no Clause of Praemunientes in the Writs of Summons to Councils issued to Archbishops, and Bishops, to summon their Chapters, Deans, Archdea∣cons, and Clergy of their Diocess; as there is usually in their Writs of Summons to Parliaments.

4. That Writs of Summons to Councils, issued to the Lords & Great men are seldome accompanied with any Writs of Election for Knights, Citizens, Burgesses and Barons of Ports issued to Sheriffs, or the Warden of the Cinqueports; as Writs of Summons to Parliaments are; and if any Knights, Citizens or Burgesses be summoned to them, it is in a different manner and number, than when they were summoned to Parliaments.

5. Writs of Summons to Parliaments are usually accompanied with Writs of Summons to the Kings Counsils, but those to Councils are never attended with such Writs, distinct from those is∣sued to the spiritual and temporal Lords, as Writs of

Summons to Parliaments are. Which differences some injudicious Writers and Antiquaries not observ∣ing; have both confounded those Writs together as one, and mistaken one of them frequently for the other.

17. That the principal end,b 1.96 scope of summoning Parliaments ought to be the common benefit, ease, pro∣fit, welfare of the people, the execution, promotion of publick Justice, the Peace and good Government of the Realm, the reformation of all publick grievances, and oppressions, the enacting of wholesome Laws, the maintenance of the Great Charters and Liberties of the people, and freeing them from all unjust exactions, impositions, taxes, not granted by Parliament, nor warranted by Law; the necessary defence of the Realm by common consent against forraign enemies; and not to exact and impose unnecessary, insupportable, excessive, endless Aids and Taxes on the people.

18. That no publick war ought to be undertaken,c 1.97 nor no Aids, Taxes, Imposts, Customes or Tallages im∣posed on, or exacted, levyed on the people by our Kings, or any other, but onely by common consent, and Grant of the Lords and Commons in a full and free Parliament, though it be for the necessary defence of the Kingdome by Land or Sea, the defence or regain∣ing of the Lands and Rights of the Crown in forraign parts; and that onely in moderate and just proportions, granted onely for a short season, and leavyed in a legal manner. Nor no mens Rights precluded or forejudg∣ed in Parliament by any general Act, before they bee heard. Nor the Clergy taxed by the Lords and Com∣mons, but onely by themselves in their convoca∣tions.

19. That the Writs of Summons to Parliaments en∣joyning all the temporal Earls, Peers, Lords, and Barons of the Realm, and commanding them upon and in the Love, Faith, Homage, Allegiance they owe unto the King, to appear in proper person in their Parliaments, and that with a Quanunque excusation•• cessant••; 〈◊〉〈◊〉

& salvationem Regni nostri & Ecclesiae Anglicanae & expeditionem dictorum negotiorum diligitis, Nullatenus omittatis, &c. as the Writs enjoyn them. And the Writs de* 1.98 Expensis Militum, & Burgensium levandis (issued only after each Parliament ended, not before) allow∣ing every Knight, Citizen, Burgesse, and Baron of the Ports his wages, In Ueniendo, Morando, et Rede∣undo; both in coming to, continuing at, and retur∣ning from the Parliament when dissolved; (for∣feited by his departure thence without special license:) It must needs be the highest contempt against the Kings authority, the greatest injury, affront to the persons summoned, and those for whom they serve as Trustees or Attornies, the most audacious, apparent vio∣lation of the Priviledges and Freedome of Parliaments, for any person or persons whatsoever, by meer armed force, or other Machiavillian practises, to suspend or seclude any Lord, or other Member duly summoned, elected, retorned from sitting, voting, and discharging his trust in the Parliament House: Which the King and all his loyal subjects are bound in publick Justice carefully to prevent; as is evident not only by the forecited passages and Records, (p. 27. 28 177. 219. to 222.) but by these two memorable Writs and Pa∣tents purposely issued for this purpose, in the case of the Archbishop of York.

There happeninga 1.99 many differences between the Arch∣bishops of Canterbury and York in former times, about carrying up their Crosses before them in one anothers Pro∣vinces, when summoned to Councils and Parliaments, to the great disturbance of the publick peace and pro∣ceedings in Parliament, oft interrupted, prorogued, ad∣journed by this meanes, and their absenting themselves from them, when summond out of their own Provi∣nces, the Parliament at York (as some others before it) being adjourned upon this occasion. Anno. 6. E. 3. as the Writ of Prorogation to the Archbishop of Can∣terbury, Claus. 6. E. 3. m. 4. dorso recites; hereupon

the King to prevent the like inconveniencies and Archbishops absence, issued this special writ to the Archbishop of Canterbury, not to prejudice or inter∣rupt the Archbishop of York or his servants, for car∣rying his Crosse before him within his Province, nor to enforce them to lay it down in coming to, conti∣nuing at, and returning from this Parliament at West∣minster to which he was summoned.

b 1.100 Rex Venerabili in Christo Patri eadem gratia Ar∣chiepiscopo Cantuariensi, totius Angliae Primati, Salu∣tem. Cum dudum tempore celebris memoriae Domini Ed∣wardi nuper Regis Angliae patris nostri, inter tunc Ar∣chiepiscopum Cantuar. praedecessorem vestrum, & Vene∣rabilem Patrem Willielmum Archiepiscopum Ebor-Angliae Primatem, pro malis & dissens••onibus quae saepius ex bajulatione Crucis Praedecessorum vestrorum in Eboracensi Provincia, & Cruci•• Archiepiscoporum Eborum, in Provincia Cantuariensi oriebantur, sedandis & pacifi∣candis, fuisset in praesentia ipsius Pa••ris nostri & Praelatorum & aliorum Magnatum de Regno nostro plurimorum, ut pro certo dedicimus, ordinatum; Quod praefatus Praedecessor vester & successores sui ad Parliamenta & Tractatus dicti Patris nostri & Haeredum suorum quae infra di∣ctam Ebor. Provinciam teneri contigerint, & praefatus Eboracensis Archiepiscopus & ipsius successores ad hujus∣modi Parliamenta & Tractatus infra dictam Camuar. Provinciam tenenda, ad mandatum ipsius Patris nostri & haeredum suorum venientes Cruces suas ante se ere∣ctas portarent absque perturbatione inibi facienda, NE REGIA ET COMMUNIA REGNI N. GO∣TIA EA OCCASIONE IMPEDIENTUR: ac prae∣fatus Archiepiscopus Eborum ad Parliamentum nostrum quod apud Westmon. in crastino Nativitatis Mariae Virgi∣nis prox. futur. tenere ordinavimus, ad tractandum Nobiscum, ac cum Praelatis & Magnatibus Regni nostri super diversis & arduis negotiis Nos & Statum Regni nostri contingenti∣bus, jam de mandato nostro sit venturus: Nos nolentes nostra & Regni nostri negotia occasione dissensionum hujus∣modi

aliqualiter retardari, sed volentes concordiam praedictam quantum ad Nos attinet firmiter observari; Vobis injungendo mandamu••, quod eidem Archiepiscopo Eborum seu hominibus suis super bajulatione Crucis ejusdem Archiepiscopi ante se infra vestram Provinciam in veniendo ad dictum Parliamentum, ibidem moran do & exinde ad propria redeundo, non inferatis, seu¦per alios inferri vel procurari aliqualiter faciatis damp∣num, vituperium, impedimentum aliquod, seu grava∣men, contra formam concordiae memoratae. Teste Rege apud Kyderminster. xviil, die Augusti, Anno Regni sui sexio.

And lest any others by the Archbishop of Canterbu∣ries instigation, and menaces of excommunication should instigate any Officers or others (as hisc 1.101 Pre∣decessors had done) to interrupt the Archbishop of York or his servants, and deny them meat, drink or lodging for their monies, for carrying his Crosse erected before him within the Province of Canterbury, the King di∣rected this special Inhibition and Mandate to them, of the same tenour and date with the Writ to the Archbi∣shop by these Letters Patents.

d 1.102 Rex, Vicecomitibus, Majoribus, Ballivis, & omnibus aliis fidelibus suis tam infra libertates quam extra ad quos &c. salutem. Cum Venerabilis Pater Willielmus Archie∣piscopus Ebor. Angliae Primas, ad Parliamentum no∣strum quod apud Westm. in crastino Nativitatis beatae Mariae Virginis prox. futur. tenere ordinavimus de mandato nostro sit venturus, Vobis mandumus, quod eid••m Archiepiscopo aut hominibus suis in personis aut rebus eorum super bajula∣tione Crucis ipsius Archiepiscopi ante se in veniendo ad dictum Parliamentum nostrum, ibidem morando, & exinde ad propria redeundo non inferatis, seu quan∣tum in vobis est ab aliis inferri permittatis dampnum, impedimentum aliquod, seu gravamen, sed eis potius salvum & securum conductum cum per destrictum ve∣strorum local transitum fecerint, suis sumptibus habere faciatis, quotiens & quando per ipsos, seu eorum ali∣quo••

super hoc ex parte nostra fueritis requisiti. In cu∣jus rei &c. (has literas fieri fecimus Patentes) usque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum prox. futur. duraturas. Teste Rege apud Kyderminster. 18. die Augusti, Anno Regni sui sexto. Per Breve de Privato Sigillo.

If our Kings had then so great a care, that neither of these two Prelates, nor their successors, nor any other of his officers or subjects by their instigation, should interrupt or disturbe each other about this great controversie of Crosse-bearing within each others Pro∣vince, in coming to, residing at, or returning to any Parliaments to which our Kings and their heires should legally summon them; nor seclude each other from sitting in them upon any pretence or difference between them; Then by the self same reason, all other lawfull Members both of the Lords and Commons House, ought to enjoy the self same Protection, Privi∣ledge, Freedome, immunity, and no wayes to be inter∣rupted, molested, disturbed by any other Officers, Sub∣jects, Persons or Members whatsoever from freely repai∣ring to, residing in, or returning from our Parliaments; much lesse to be forcibly secluded out of them by ar∣med guards, new oaths, or popular tumults; Neither may, can, ought the House of Commons alone, nor any prevailing party in it, to exclude, eject any duly ele∣cted, returned Member, once admitted, without any Legall accusation, tryal, cause at all; nor yet for be∣traying of his trust, or misdemeaning himself as a Member after his election, nor for any real offence as a Member, without and against the Kings and Lords concurrent Judgments and assents, (in whom alone the power of Iudicature resides in such as well as in all other causes, as I havee 1.103 elsewhere evidenced by unanswe∣rable Presidents and the rules of right reason) he be∣ing summoned only by the Kings Writ and authority, impowred, trusted by his electors only, as their peculiar Trustee, Atturney (not his fellow Knights, Citizens, Burgesses) to do and assent to such things as shall be ordain∣ed

by the King, Nobles and Common Counsell of the Realme, touching the weighty publike affairs of the King and King∣doms, and obliged antiently by Manucaptors, and since by their Indentures of retorn,* 1.104 and our Laws, not to depart from the Parliament, without the Kings special li∣cense, under pein of his indignation, and other penalties: Therefore no more to be suspended, secluded, ejected, imprisoned by his fellow-Commoners, without the Kings and Lords concurrent Judgements and Assents, than one Judge or Justice on the Bench can unjustice, unjudge, uncommission another; one Trustee, Execu∣tor or Attorny discharge his fellow Trustees, Execu∣tors, Attornies of their trusts; one Grand-Jury man thrust another out of the panell without the Judges consent; or one Common Counsel man of a City, or Livery man of a Companyf 1.105 disfranchise and discom∣mon another, without the consent or judgement of the Mayor and Aldermen of the City, or Master and Wardens of the Company whereof they are Members; Whatever ex∣orbitant irregular practices have of late times been u∣surped by, or presidents made in the Commons House to the contrarie, almost to the total, if not final sub∣version of all future Parliaments and their privileges; It being ag 1.106 Maxim in Law and Reason; Par in pa∣rem nonhabet Imperium, multo minus Superioritatem, es∣pecially in the Kings own Parliament, and Supreme Court of Justice, whereinh 1.107 himself and his-Nobles only sit as supreme Iudges, not the Commons, as a di∣stinct Court and independent Judicature of them∣selves, as some would fancy them in their Utopian brains and practises; much less can they ••e••••ude, vote down any Members of the House of Peers, or the whole antient House of Lords, or dishinherit them of their Birthrights, as some furious Bedlam Members of a dis∣membred, dissolved House of Commons have most insolently and injuriously, without hearing, trial, (a∣gainst their own Acts, Declarations, Protestations, Vowes, Covenants, Commissions, Trusts,) attempted

to intrude themselves into their places and Tribunals, and make themselves more than Lords and Caesars, not only over their Fellow-Commoners, but our Kings, Peers, Parliaments and Kingdomes, which they have tram∣pled under their Papall feet, and metamorphosed at their pleasures, into sundry mishapen, mutable, unsetled new models, to our apparent approaching ruine, if God of his infinite mercy prevent it not by their reestablish∣ment upon their ancient bases and foundations.

20. That if the forcible seclusion or disturbance of any Lord, or Member of the Lords House duly sum∣moned, who ought of right to sit, vote in the Lords House, be so great a breach of Priviledge, Injury, as I have evidenced, then the forcible suppression, se∣clusion of all the ancient Peers and House of Lords, by any real or pretended Members of the late House of Commons, contrary to the expresse Clauses, Formes of all ancient Writs, and the very writs in 16. Caro∣li, without any legal jurisdiction, hearing, triall, must needs be a greater breach of trust, Priviledge, In∣justice in them, fit to be redressed for the future peace, Justice, settlement of our distracted Nations, and restoring our Parliaments to their pristine Splen∣dour, Honour, ends, uses, for the redressing of all pub∣lick Grievances.

If any Republicans,* 1.108 Army Officers, New Grandees, or others, here object, as some now do; That it will be both perillous and inconvenient to the Subjects, the House of Commons and its Members, to restore the an∣cient Lords and House of Peers to their pristine Rights, Priviledges, Jurisdiction, Judicature over them, in that latitude I have asserted, evidenced it by Histories and Records in my Plea for them, without prescribing some new just bounds and regulations unto them by the Commons House.

I answer.* 1.109 1. That the Lords being the only original ancient Members of our Great Councils, Parliaments, ma∣ny hundreds of years before any Knights, Citizens,

Burgesses, or House of Commons were called, admitted to them by the King and House of Lords, and receiving no power, Judicature or Jurisdiction at all from the Commons, but what they have of right enjoyed, exer∣cised in all precedent ages, without the least complaint, opposition or contradiction of the Commons in any former Parliaments before 17. Caroli; The Commons have no more authority, right, reason, ••urisdiction to limit, or restrain this their ancient right, Judicature, Priviledge (much lesse to abrogate) then the Grand or Petty Jury have to limit, regulate the Judges or Justices Commissions, Authority on the Bench; or the Tenants the Jurisdiction of their Lords Courts, or every Committee of the Commons House, the Ex∣cesses of the House it self; or the Unparliamentary Iuncto, which voted them down and engaged against them, without the least colour of Jurisdiction, Law, reason, hearing, impeachment, triall, had to usurp such a transcendent power over them, not to be para∣lelld in any age, nor now approved by assenting to it.

2ly. That the old Lords and House of Peers in no cases ever exercised such an exorbitant, arbitrary, ty∣rannicall Jurisdiction, Illegall power in all kinds, as the Commons House, and every of their Committees and Sub-Committees of Examinations, Sequestrations, Composi∣tions, Sale of Delinquents estates, Crown Lands, Obstru∣ctions, Appeales, Scandalous Ministers, and High Courts of Iustice have done, without the least Report to the House it self of their proceedings, both over the King and his Posteritie; the Peers of the Realme, their fellow Members, (secluded, secured, imprisoned, close imprisoned, ejected, exiled by them without any cause or hearing at all) and their fellow Com∣moners of all sorts* 1.110 deprived of their Inheri∣tances, Estates, Offices, Liberties, Callings, Lives, and the benefit of the Lawes themselves, for not taking their new Oathes and Engagements, contrary to Law, and their former legall Oathes, Leagues and

Solemn Covenant and Protestation, w••••hout a legal Indictment, or trial by a Jurie of their equalls, or wit∣nesses viva voce upon Oath, since their slighting, sup∣pressing of the old House of Lords; who should have restrained, reformed these their unparallelld extrava∣gancies, which I could prove by hundreds of sad In∣stances, and have briefly hinted in my ••lea for the old Lords, page 413. to 419. For which very reason they ought now to be restored;* 1.111 being an excellent Bank and Screen between the Prince and People, to assist each against any encroachments on the other, and by just judgements to preserve that Law, which ought to be the Rule between every one of the three, and trusted with a Iudicatory power to this very end.

3ly. Some of those very Members of the late Commons House, Army, and Whitehall, who would disseise them of their House, Privileges, Birthrights, and antient Iuris∣diction, before they took upon them the Title of Lords, or of the House of Lords, as pretended Members of the Commons House, a little before and since their votes a∣gainst the old House of Lords; as Committees of that House; or Commissioners in their new ••rected High Courts of Iustice, Members of the Counsil of State at White-Hall, or Counsil of Army-Officers; or Major Generals, and De∣puty Major Generals, have acted a thousand, times more exorbitantly, arbitrarily, tyrannically to the sub∣version of the Fundamental Laws, Liberties, proper∣ties, Government, Justice of the Nation, oppressing, improverishing, vexing, dishinheriting, destroying, en∣slaving of the Freemen of England, than ever any old Lords, or House of Lords, or Kings of England in Parlia∣ment heretofore did in any age whatsoever; Witness their usurpations of a more than absolute Parliamen∣tarie power to themselves, by their own Votes, Or∣••ers, Declarations alone, to alter, new model (over and over) the whole frame of our Parliaments, Laws, and publike Government; their electing Knights, Citi∣zens, Burgesses for what they stiled a Parliament, with∣out

the least privity or election of the people; their dissolving, & declaring the long Parliament to be dissol∣ved, against an expresse Act of Parliament; their repealing many old Lawes, Acts, Oathes, enacting new Lawes contrary to them; creating New Treasons and misprision of Treasons; yea imposing heavy, exces∣sive New Taxes, Customes,* 1.112 Excises of all sorts, on the three Nations, not only in their private Westminster con∣ventions, but by their Armie and Whitehall Ordinances (amounting to a large Folio Volume) without any Parliament or legall Act of Parliament; ordering them to be levyed, by fines, forfeitures, sales of the refusers reall and personal es••ates, imprisonments, soldiers quartering, and the like; Injoysing All Courts of Iustice, Iudges, Iustices, Sheriffs, Officers of this Commonwealth, Counsellors, Attornies, and other Persons, to con∣form themselves accordingly without any opposition or dispute whatsoever; and committing their very Counsel to the Tower as Traytors or Grand Delinquents, only for arguing their Cases upon an Habeas Corpus in Westminster Hall, according to Law and their Du∣ties; Their taking away the lives, liberties or estates, freeholds of thousands, without any legall Triall, or Indictment of their Peers; their banishing, confi∣ning, imprisoning, close imprisoning hundreds, yea thousands at a time, upon meer fears and jealousies; and binding them and all their servants in excessive bonds with sureties; their disfranchising Maiors, Bailiffs, Aldermen, others in corporations; enforcing divers to release their legall actions, Judgements, Executions, and committing them at their pleasures till they did it, against the expresse tenour not only of the Grand Charter, Petition of Right, and other. Acts, but the very letter of the late Act; For preventing of Inconveniences, happening by the long intermission of Par∣liaments, The Acts for the 3. first subsidies of Tonnage and Poundage; The Act for regulating the Privy Counsell, For declaring unlawfull and void the late proceedings touch∣ing

Ship-mony, and other Acts passed by some of their own Votes, in the Parliament of 16. and 17. Caroli, of which, or the like exorbitances, no ancient Peers, or House of Lords, were ever yet guilty. And if some of those persons who would usurp, or abridg the old Lords power have been so arbitrarie & tyrannical in all kinds, before they claimed the Title of Lords, or House of Lords, how exorbitant, in all probability, are they likely to grow in a short time, (having Command in the Armie, and other Courts) if they should be esta∣blished in their new Lordly Power, and the old House of Lords put by, who should correct, restrain these their unparalelld Excesses for the whole Nations ease and benefit.

4. If these new Peers, be in truth, Law, Herauldry, no true or real Lords, Barons, Peers of the Realm by their Writs of Summons, for the premised reasons (but * 1.113 meerly imaginary, Titular and false ones, like those crea∣ted by the usurper King Stephen;) then the House of Commons can neither in Law nor verity agree or assent to any thing that shall be ordained by them, ac∣cording to the tenour of the Writs of Summons; nor establish any settlement that can be reputed legal or ob∣ligatory to Posteritie, in a Parliamentary Way, if the ancient reall Peers and legal House of Lords be set aside and disowned. And therefore they must of necessity own, close with them alone, and remit them to their old hereditary right, else they can never make nor ex∣pect any real lasting settlement of our distracted State and Government; and all they vote will quickly prove abortive, illegitimate; as the late New-models, Instru∣ments, and Advices have done.

5ly. The setting aside the ancient Lords and House of Peers, and establishing their very Disseisors in their places, as the only future Lords and House of Peers: will both justifie all their recited Exorbitances, Excesses, Violences, & Tyrannical proceedings against the old Lords, their Fellow Commons, & others, (transcending Straffords, Caterburies and the worst old Counsel-Ta∣ble

Lords excesses by many degrees) & ratifie, yea reward, crown them with the highest publick Honour, Trust, Power they are capable of, even in Parliaments them∣selves. Which will not onlie probably excite, encou∣rage others in succeeding times, to the like dangerous extravagancies, excesses, to the publick prejudice and desolation; but animate them, when setled in their new Lordly Authority, to pursue their former practises, and turn greater Tyrants, Oppressors in all kinds then formerly they have been, to the utter ensla∣ving of our Nations, and embroyling them in new Tumults. Yea, how farre it may tend to the Total and Final suppression of the Commons House it self in succeeding times, is worthy sad and serious consi∣deration. For if the Commons House shall not onlie silently connive at, but openly approve and assent to the dissolving, suppressing of the old Lords and their House, by pretext of former illegall, unrighteous Votes (a 1.114 meer nullities by all Lawes) made by a Fragment of a dissolved House of Commons, sitting under a force, not having the least Jurisdiction or power of Judicature over them, against all rules of Justice, the very fundamental Lawes of the Land, the undoubted Rights and Priviledges of Parliament, Prescription time out of mind, all old & late Acts, Records of Parl. their very Solemn League, Covenant, Protestation, and hundreds of late Declarations and Remonstrances to the contrary: They may justly fear, and well ex∣pect by way of divine and human retaliation, that their very New erected House of Lords when once established, having the power of Judicature (if not of the Army) in them, to preserve themselves from the like Usurpations of the Commons over them in after ages, will upon the first opportunity, Vote down (by this their pre∣sident) the whole House of Commons, and quite suppresse it for the future, as Vselesse, dangerous, factious, Tumul∣••uous, seditious, arbitrary, Tyrannicall, oppressive to the people, degenerated from its ancient duty, bounds moderation;

as not onlyb 1.115 some of our late Kings, but of those new intended Lords have publickly branded, proclaimed it to be, inc 1.116 late printed Declarations; and constitute all future Parliaments only of a House of Lords and Great men of the Realme, (assisted with the Counsell and Iusti∣ces) without any Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, Ba∣rons of Ports, or House of Commons, according to all ancient long continued Presidents in former ages, be∣fore 49. H. 3. when (for ought appeares) the Commons were first admitted, and called unto Parliaments out of meer grace by the Kings Writs: Or at least the disinhe∣rited ancient Nobility (in case they regain their pristine Rights of Session, Judicature in Parliament, without the Commons assistance, of which there is no abso∣lute future improbability) may by way of Justice and retaliation, set the Commons House quite aside, for their late transcendent breaches, abuses of their Trusts to∣wards them, in secluding, and voting them quite down, against their Writs, Indentures, Duties, Oathes; by which they have legally forfeited all their Priviledges and right of Parliamentary session, according to this received Maxime in all Lawes,d 1.117 Privilegium amittat qui im∣probabili temeritate quod non accepit usurpat; & sua authori∣tate non legitime utitur, sed abutitur potestate. Which weighty consideration (though seconded with none else) should engage all Commoners to pursue the gol∣den rule, precept of Christ himself, as well in point of prudence, conscience, Justice, as morality towards the old Lords: Matth. 7. 12. Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them; for this is the Law and the Prophets: For with the same measure that ye meat withall, it shall be measured to you again, as Luk. 6. 38. Iudg. 1. 6. 7. Psal. 137. 8. Rev. 13. 10. c. 16. 5. 6. Ezek. 35, 10. 11. 14. 15. Obad. 15. 16. Ioel. 3. 6. 7. 8. Gen. 9. 6. Mat. 26. 52. Iam. 2. 13. do all infallibly resolve us, as well as late experiments.

21. That the first and principle things specified in the Writs of summons, as the prime ends for which

Parliaments are summoned, is to debate and consult of quaedam specialia & ardua negotia Nos, et Statum reg∣ni nostri, et etiam Iura, Salvationem, et De∣fensionem Coronae nostrae Regiae (as well as Regni nostri et Ecclesie Anglicanae) specialiter & intime contingentib••s. And all Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, Barons of Ports elected, returned to serve in Parlia∣ment in the Commons House, receive plenam & sufficien∣tem potestatem pro se, et Communitate Comitatuum, Civita∣tum, Burgorum et Portuum, from those Commonalties who elect them, only ad faciendum & consentiendum his quae tunc ibidem de communi Consilio Comitum, Baronum, or dicti Regni nostri contigerit ordinari super Negotiis ante∣dictis, quod hoc breve, or, prout breve illud in se exigit & requirit; as the express words of the* 1.118 Sheriffs returns and their Indentures evidence: Therefore their enact∣ing any thing by themselves alone, without the Earls, Barons and Lords House; or Majoritie of their Fellow Commoners; or against their Counsell, Votes, advice, to the prejudice, destruction, subversion of the Kings Person, State, Kingdom, and the Preroga∣tive, Rights of his Royal Crown and Dignity.▪ which they were purposely summoned by the King, and au∣thorized, intrusted only by their Electors, Commo∣nalties, people, to preserve, support, and defend; and to do and consent to nothing else inconsistent with, or repug∣nant to these ends; is the highest prevarication, trea∣cherie, violation of their Trusts, Duties, that can pos∣sibly be imagined, deserving the most exemplarie pu∣nishments: And those Republicans who lately acted in this kind, to the destruction of the King, kingdom, the prerogatives, Rights of the Crown, Parliament, Lords and Monarchie of England, upon this pretext,* 1.119 that they were intrusted, impowred thus to doe by the people, and those who did elect them; are the most notorious Impostors, Prevaricators, Infringers, Peruerters, Falsifiers of their trusts and power in this kinde that ever England yet produced; as all the forecited Writs, compared with their

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their retorns, unanimously resolve, against their false absurd pretences to the contrarie, wherewith they have endeavoured to blinde and cheat the people; in whom they verbally voted, placed the Soveraign power, only by this forged, hypocritical pretext, actually to usurp, appropriate it to themselves, as their Trustees, and Representatives; presently thereupon in all their new published Knacks, Papers, intitling themselves alone, (not the people) the SUPREAM AUTHORITY OF THE NATION, making the people greater Slaves and Uassalls to them in respect of their Lawes, Lives, Mem∣bers, Liberties, Freeholds, Franchises, Properties, E∣states, than ever they were in any age, under Beheaded King Charles, or the worst of all our Kings and Lords; who never acted half so arbitrarily, tyrannically in eve∣rie kinde, as they, their* 1.120 Committees, High Courts of Iu∣stice, Counsils of State, Major Generals, Excise-men, and other Officers have done; since their late Exorbitant Anti-parliamentary Vsurpations, Innovations, Proceedings, under the disguise and Notion of the Parliament of Eng∣land, without A KING, & HOUSE OF LORDS, or the secluded MAIORITY OF THE COMMONS HOUSE it self; the forced absence, seclusion of all and everie of which 3. made them no real Parliament at all, but an Anti-Parliamentary Conventicle, and all their mi••intit∣led Acts, Ordinances, meer Nullities both in Law and Conscience, fit to be enternally exploded by the whole English Nation, and all future new Parliaments, to prevent the like pernicious Extravagances in after ages, which have involved us in so manie various Mi∣series, Warrs, Perplexities, Fears, Dangers, Oppres∣sions, Factions, Troubles, Changes, Unsettlements, and Confusions, which, without Gods insinite mer∣cie, presage nought else but total and final Desolation both to our Church, State, and Nations.

Our* 1.121 Law-books resolve the Parliament to be a Corporati∣on, consisting of the King as thief head, the Lords as the Superi∣or, and the Commons as inferior Members, who ought mutually to preserve each others interests, and unite their counsells for the

publike good, without any seisure or encroachment upon one ano∣ther. For as there is nothing but giddiness, torture, distemper, consumption, restlesness, sickness, inactivity, maimedness, & confusion in the body natural, whiles the head, or chief joints, bones, parts of it are inverted, dislocated, fractured, severed, and kept out of joynt; and no other means left when thus di∣storted, to restore it to rest, health, soundness, activitie, and prevent its dissolution by death, but with all speed and cate to restore every Member, bone, joynt to its proper place, po∣sture, office, and preserve them from subsequent dislocations and fractures. So it hath been and will be with this body Politick: It will never be reduced to its pristine health, soundness, vigor, use, ends; or become medicinal, to settle or advance the publike weal of the Nation, till all its dislo∣cated broken Members be restored to their due places and power in it, without which it will soon come to utter desola∣tion, as 1. Cor. 12. 12, to 31. Gal. 5. 15. Mat. 12. 25. Isa 19. 2. 14, 15. Prov. 30. 21. 22, will assure all carnal Politicians who think the contrarie,

22. That as it was the prudence, policie, justice of our Parliaments, Nobles, Great men in former ages, not to vote, conclude, or enact any thing in Parliament, when any of their chief Members* 1.122 were absent, or not summoned, or re∣strained from them, and to determine all Great Affairs in FULL PARLIAMENT: So it was also their special care to preserve the Jurisdiction of the Kings Courts of Common Law, as a chief right and flower of the Crown, and the antient Lawes and Customs of the Realm, against all incroachments upon them by Popes, Bishops, or anie others, as is evident bym 1.123 sundry instances elsewhere cited; and by this memorable Writ of Prohibition, isiued in King. H. 3 his name, on the behalf of the Nobles of England to the Bishop of Durbam; Proving the interpretation of the Laws and Customs of the Realm, (in anie doubt∣full cases of publike concernment) to belong only to the King and his Nobles, (n 1.124 assisted with the Iudges and Coun∣sil) not to the Clergy, Commons, or anie other person or persons.

* 1.125 R••x Waltero Episcopo Dunolm: salutem. Cum se∣cundum Leges et Consuetudines regni nostri, quae••tio

de Jure Patronatus Ecclesiarum Regni ejusdem, adjus & dignitatem Coronae nostrae pertineat, et de soro nostro, vel eorum qui Regalia jura de nostravel Prae∣decessorum nostrorum largitione susceperunt, de pla∣no existunt. Ac de COMMUNI CONSILIO PRO∣CERUM NOSTRORUM DUXIMUS PROVI∣DENDUM ET FIRMITER STATUENDUM, ut leges ••t consuetudines Regni nostri super hiis et aliis, ab omnibus observentur qui concessis fibi rega∣libus, et aliis Libertatibus gaudent, vel de unitate ac pace nostra et regni nostri censeri voluerint. Cum∣que interpraetationes Legum et Consuetudinum prae∣dictarum AD NOS ET PROCERES NOSTROS PERTINEANT, NEC AD ALIVM VEL ALIOS ipsas leges vel consuetudines declarare vel interpretari possit aut debeat pertinere: Vobis DE CONSILIO PROCERVM NOSTRORVM PROHIBEMVS, ne ••icut usum Regalium libertatum quas vos habere praetenditis gaudere volueritis, alicui interpraetatio∣ni per quemcunque alium factae vel faciendae innitami∣ni, vel aliquid per eam fieri procuretis, vel fieri pronun∣ciatis, contra leges et consuetudines in regno nostro usitatas, et hactenus observatas. Maxime cum secun∣dum leges et consu••tudines supradictas judicari debeat ad quos vel quem, et per cujusmodi assignationes seu concessiones debeat jus Patronatus cum Maneriis vel Feodalibus in Regno nostro, ad alios transire. Quod si super re praedicta aliter fieri seu judicari contigerit, ipsas libertates regales praenotatas ad Nos per vestrum abusum censemus devolvendas. Teste Rege apud Westin. 11. die Septembris. Per Comitem Gloucestriae, & Hug. le Bigod Justic. Angliae, EX PARTE MAGNATUM.

What else is worthie Observation, from or concer∣ning these, or other Parliamentarie Writs, I shall ad∣journ to the succeeding Parts of this Register, Kalen∣dar and Survey; till whose publications,

* 1.126 Dimidium facti qui benè caepit, habet.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Milit••s▪
• * 1.2

  De veniendo ad Parliamen∣••um▪
• * 1.3

  De mittendis Jurisperitis ad Parliamen∣tum.
• * 1.4

  (Without, & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro.)
• * 1.5

  With cum caeteris de Consi∣lio nostro, twice reci••ed in 2. of them, and bu••∣once in the o∣••ther.
• * 1.6

  Clericis.
• * 1.7

  Consilii.
• * 1.8

  ••ustic••ar.
• * 1.9

  De veniend•• ad Regem.
• * 1.10

  De interessen∣do Parliamen∣to.
• * 1.11

  See Cookes 4 Instit. p. 24.
• * 1.12

  Cookes 4 In∣s••it. p. 4.
• * 1.13

  Sec ••▪ 341, 342.
• * 1.14

  See my Ta∣ble to An Ex∣act Abridge∣ment, Title Councils and Counsellors.
• a 1.15

  4 Instit. p. 4.
• * 1.16

  See p: 357:
• a 1.17

  See my Ta∣ble to the Ex∣act Abridge∣ment of the Records of the Tower, Title Coun∣••ell.
• * 1.18

  21 E. 1. ro••. 4. 22 E. 1. rot. 5. Cooks 2 Instit p. 508. The 2d. Part of my Demurrer, p. 123.
• * 1.19

  2. Institutes p. 106. 707. 568.
• a 1.20

  See this Or∣dinance inrol∣led at large, Claus. Ann. 33 E. 1. m. 13. dorso in Ce∣dula, and re∣membred by Mat. Westm. pars 2. p. 451, 452.
• * 1.21

  Then in be∣ing, but since not extant.
• b 1.22

  Placita in Parl. Anno 33 E. 1. ro••. 17. 2••.
• * 1.23

  See Poultons Statutes at large. p. 39, 43, 44.
• * 1.24

  See Claus. 38 11. 3. dors. 13.
• * 1.25

  De Magnati∣bus Vocatis ad Consilium.
• * 1.26

  Claus. 38 H. 3. dors. 13.
• * 1.27

  Claus. 3•• H. 3. dors. 13.
• a 1.28

  4. Institutes p. 10.
• b 1.29

  Bractan. l. 5. f. 413. Brit∣ton. 122. 227. Fleta. l. 2. c. 12 West. 2. c. 23. 1. part of the ••nsti••. Sect. 101 f. 73. b.
• c 1.30

  Lib. 5. f. 413.
• d 1.31

  Instis. f. ••3. b.
• e 1.32

  See the 2. and 3. part of my Historical Collection and Vindication. My Abridge∣ment of the an∣cient Councils and Parlia∣ments of Eng.
• f 1.33

  Matth. Westminster, 2. p. 363, 264, 387, 321, 405, 411, 415, 438, 439, 463, 464, col. 1965, 1977.
• f 1.34

  Cookes 1. Instit. p. 109, 110, 4. Instit, c. 1.
• * 1.35

  Cromtons Jurisdiction of Courts, Ch. 1. The Antiquity of the Parlia∣ments of Eng∣land, by Justice Dodridge and others, p. 43. 65, 66.
• * 1.36

  The Antiquity of the Parlia∣ment of Eng∣land, p. 78, 79. writes, that this word was first brought into this Realm by the French Monkes and first used by the Statists in the time of H. 1. & that Abbot Ingulphus, first used it, who dyed in the year 1109.
• h 1.37

  See Balae∣us. Script. Brit. cens. 4. c. 26. p 315, 316.
• i 1.38

  Edit. Ti∣grui. 1589. p. 674. 677. 686. 687.
• k 1.39

  Ibidem p. 702. 707.
• l 1.40

  Scripto∣rum Brit. Cen. 4. c. 94.
• a 1.41

  See the Praeface to Mat Paris, and Mat Westm, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Script. Brit. Cent. 6. c. 31.
• b 1.42

  Mr. Sel∣dens Praeface, Historiae Ang∣licanae Scripto∣re•• X. Londi∣ni. 1652.
• c 1.43

  Chron. Jo∣hannis Bromp∣ton. Col. 866. l. 50. 908. l. 36, 937. l. 28. 1005. l. 65. 1066. l. 62. 1058. l. 66. 1282. l. 66.
• d 1.44

  Polychron. l. 7. c. 38.
• e 1.45

  Ypodigma Neustriae, Lon∣dini. 1574. p. 61, 62.
• f 1.46

  4 Inst. p. 12. 341. 1. Instit. f. 10. 2. Instit. p. 7, 8.
• g 1.47

  See Spel∣ma••ni Conci∣lia, p. 534.
• h 1.48

  De Eventi∣bus Angliae. Col. 2463, 2491, 2528, 2549.
• i 1.49

  Gul. Lam∣bardi Archi∣von. The Anti∣quity of the Parliaments of England. p. 28, 29.
• k 1.50

  Titles of Honour. p. 613. 738, to 745.
• l 1.51

  In his Let∣ter Mr. Wil∣liam Hackwel.
• m 1.52

  Preface to the 9. Reproof.
• n 1.53

  Spelmanni Concil. p. 534.
• o 1.54

  See my seasonable Le∣gal Historical Vindication. part. 3. p. 231, 232, 233.
• * 1.55

  ••. 11. p. 40.
• * 1.56

  7. Jac. c. 6.
• p 1.57

  A Colle∣ction of Ordi∣nance••. p. 420. K. 430.
• q 1.58

  3 Caroli.
• r 1.59

  Mr. Rush∣worths Histo¦rical Collecti∣ons. p. 423.
• s 1.60

  Exact Col∣ection. p. 8.
• a 1.61

  37. H. 8. c. 26. 34 H. 8. c. 26.
• * 1.62

  See my Ar∣gument of the case of the Lord Ma∣guire.
• * 1.63

  A Collection of Ordinances, p. 877, 878.
• * 1.64

  See the In∣dependency of England, by Henry Martin, 1628.
• * 1.65

  Ordinatio, pro stabilitate terrae Scotiae, cl. 33. E. 1. dorse 13. Cedu∣la. Rustal Par∣tition. 2. 1. Jac. c. 2. 16. Caroli. here p. 414, 415, 416.
• * 1.66

  See Mr. Rushworths Historical Collections. p. 237.
• * 1.67

  Mark. 2. 21.
• * 1.68

  Luk. 5. 36.
• a 1.69

  De Legi∣bus & consue∣tudini, Regni Angliae.
• b 1.70

  Lib. 5.
• c 1.71

  Cap. 48.
• d 1.72

  Lib 2. c. 12.
• e 1.73

  Prae••ace to Na••. Brevium.
• f 1.74

  D••gest of Writs.
• g 1.75

  1. Instit. f. 73. b.
• h 1.76

  Britton. c. 48. Statham. Fitzherbert, Brock, Thelwel, Ash Title, Brief, Abate∣ment de Brief & Errour.
• i 1.77

  Here p. ••3.
• k 1.78

  See Mr. Rushworth his Historical Col∣lections, p. 4 10, &c.
• l 1.79

  Seldens Titles of Ho∣nour. p 663, 665, 747, 748, 751, 757, 764, &c.
• m 1.80

  4 Inst p. 3.
• n 1.81

  King Cha••les his De∣claration, 13. June 2. Car. Mr. Rush∣worths Histo∣rical Col••e∣ctiods, p. 411.
• o 1.82

  My Legal Vindication a∣gainst illegal Taxes.
• p 1.83

  Here p. 43, 44, 46, 50, 51, 52, 67, 68, 80, 84, 85, 86, 87, &c An exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower, p. 542, 543, 552, 561, 597.
• q 1.84

  Here p. 9. 41, 42, 44, 46, 48, 49, 50, 93, 64.
• r 1.85

  Exact A∣bridgement of the Records in the Tower, p. 564, 568, 869, 592, 658.
• * 1.86

  In the second part of my so∣veraign power of Parliaments & Kingdomes, p 67, 68.
• b 1.87

  1 Pet 2. 13, 14. 1 Tim. 2. 2. Prov. 8. 2. 4 Dan, 2. 37, 38.
• * 1.88

  Walsingham. Hist, Angl. p. 55, 56, Mat. Westm. p. 435, 536. Henry de Knyghton de e∣ventibus. Angl. l. 3. c. 13. Col. 3529.
• s 1.89

  Hen. p. 31.
• i 1.90

  See p, 7, 10, 11, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 24, 27, 30, 63, 64, 162, 164, 168, 169, 171. 343, 348, &c.
• u 1.91

  Beda Ec∣cles. Hist. l. 4. c 5. Spelman∣ni Concil. p. 153.
• x 1.92

  Horne•• Myrrour. p. 1. Cooks 1. In∣stit. f. 110. ••.
• y 1.93

  See p. 13, 14, 19, 21, 27, 28, 44, 177.
• z 1.94

  See p. 27, 28, 29, 32, 41, 43, 177.
• a 1.95

  See p. 19, 20, ••4, 30, 38, 39, 40, 4••, 48, 52, 57, 62, 63, 174, 187, to 192.
• b 1.96

  See p. 11, 12, 13, 29, 45, 48, 49, 53, 54, 56, 59, 63, 64, 67, 74, 88, 93. Ho••ns Myr∣rour, ch. 5. sect 11. p. 282.
• c 1.97

  See p. 6, 7, 8, 12. 17, 45, 46, 6••, 68, 70. 71, 72, 73, 74, 76, 77, 131, to ••24, 232, 233, 234.
• * 1.98

  23 H. 6. c. 12. 6. H. 8. c. 16. Register•• 192 Cooks 4. In∣stit. p. 46. 1 H. 5. Rot. Parl. n. 26.
• a 1.99

  Mat. Far∣ker. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. tan. p. 113. 114. 124. 125•••• 198. 333. Godwins Ca∣talogue of Bishops in Canterbury and York.
• b 1.100

  Claus. 6. E. 3. m. 13. dorso.
• c 1.101

  Autiquita∣tes Eccles. Brit. p. 1••8. 333.
• d 1.102

  Patent. An. 6. E. 3. part. 2. m. 15.
• e 1.103

  My Plea for the Lords, p. 371. to 419.
• * 1.104

  See Cooks 4. Instit. p. 15. to 21. 5 R. 2. S••at. 2. c. 4. My Plea for the Lords, p. 29. 9. H. 8. c. 16.
• f 1.105

  James Baggs case, Cooks 11 Reports, f. 93. t•• 100.
• g 1.106

  Bracton, l. 5. c. 5. f 412. See my Ardua Regni.
• h 1.107

  See my Plea for the Lords.
• * 1.108

  Objection.
• * 1.109

  Answer.
• * 1.110

  Exact Collection, p. 321.
• * 1.111

  Exact Col∣lection, p. 321.
• * 1.112

  See their Whitehall Or∣dinance of 24. Decemb. 17. March 1653. and May 4. Iune 8. 1654. The first part of my Season∣able Legall, Historicall Vindication. London. 1655 p 67. to 100. The Instructi∣ons to the Ma∣jor Generalls; My Summary Collection of the Funda∣mental Rights Liberties, Pro∣perties of all English Free∣men. p. 53. to 64.
• * 1.113

  See p. 240.
• a 1.114

  Ea quae contra leges siunt non so∣lum inutilia, sed etiam pro infectis ha∣benda sunt. Justin. Cod. l. 1. Tit. 22. Gratian, Caus. 25. qu. 2.
• b 1.115

  Mr. John Rushworths Historical Collections, p. 43, 44, 47, 50, 51, 53, 57, 140, 151, 195, 360, 362, 365, 410, to 417, 643, 631, 672, &c. Ap∣pendix, p. 1, 2, &c.
• c 1.116

  The De∣claration of the General Officers of the Army, 22 Au∣gust 1653 p. 4, 5, 6. A true State of the Common∣wealth of England, p. 2. to 14.
• d 1.117

  Gratian, Causa 25. qu. 2. f. 493. See Littleon, sect. 178. Cooks 1 In∣stit. f. 23. 11 Report, f. 98. 9 H 6. 55. Brook Officer 44, 48, 51. Here, p 450.
• * 1.118

  See Retorna Brevium, Cromptons Jurisdict. of Courts, f. 2. Daltons Office of Sheriffs, & the Returns & Indentures in the Tower, & Rolls.
• * 1.119

  See their Declaration Votes of Jan. 2. Feb. 6. March 17. 19. 1648. The 2. Part of the Hi∣story of Inde∣pendency.
• * 1.120

  See A true State of the Common∣wealth of England, p. 8. to 16.
• * 1.121

  Dyer, f. 60. a. Cooks 4 In∣stit. p. 1. 3.
• * 1.122

  See Here, p. 28, 29, 31, 41, 43, 177. My Plea for the Lords, p. 23. to 30. 49 to 55.
• m 1.123

  2•• H. 3. c. 9. An Exact Abridgment of the Records in the Tower, 1. Table, Law, Old and Com∣mon Law.
• n 1.124

  See Here, p. 366. to 394.
• * 1.125

  Claus. 43, H. 3. 4. dorso.
• * 1.126

  Horatius, •• p. 200.