The antipathie of the English lordly prelacie, both to regall monarchy, and civill unity: or, An historicall collection of the severall execrable treasons, conspiracies, rebellions, seditions, state-schismes, contumacies, oppressions, & anti-monarchicall practices, of our English, Brittish, French, Scottish, & Irish lordly prelates, against our kings, kingdomes, laws, liberties; and of the severall warres, and civill dissentions occasioned by them in, or against our realm, in former and latter ages Together with the judgement of our owne ancient writers, & most judicious authors, touching the pretended divine jurisdiction, the calling, lordlinesse, temporalities, wealth, secular imployments, trayterous practises, unprofitablenesse, and mischievousnesse of lordly prelates, both to King, state, Church; with an answer to the chiefe objections made for the divinity, or continuance of their lordly function. The first part. By William Prynne, late (and now againe) an utter-barester of Lincolnes Inne.

THE SECOND PART OF THE Antipathy of the English Lordly Prelacy, both to Regall Monar∣chy and civill Vnitie. (Book 2)

CHAP. IV. Conteining the Treasons, Conspiracies, Seditions, Contumacies, and disloyalties of the Bishops of Ely, Exeter, Worcester, and Hereford.

THe Bishopricke of Ely was * 1.1 first e∣rected by the pride of Richard Abbot of Ely, who in respect of his great wealth disdained to live under the jurisdicti∣on of the Bishop of Lincolne, to whose Diocesse Cambridge-shire at that time appertained. But hee had reasonable pretences or his ambition. He caused the King to be told, that the Diocesse of Lincolne was too large for one

mans government, that Ely were a fit place for an E∣piscopall See, &c. These Reasons amplified with gol∣den Rhetoricke, so perswaded the King, as he not one∣ly consented himselfe, that this Monastery should be converted into a Cathedrall Church, and the Abbot made a Bishop; but also procured the Pope to con∣firme and allow of the same; but Richard dying be∣fore his enstalement, Henry the first, Anno 1109. ap∣pointed this Bishopricke unto one Hervaeus,1 1.2 that had beene Bishop of Bangor, and agreeing ill with the Welchmen, was faine to leave his Bishoppricke ther••, and seeke abroad for somewhat elsewhere.

Nigellus,* 1.3 the second Bishop of this See, by reason of his imployment in matters of State and Councell, could not attend his Pastorall charge, and therefore committed the managing and government of his Bishoppricke unto one Ranulphus,* 1.4 sometime a Monke of Glastonbury, that had new cast away his Cowle, a covetous and wicked man. * 1.5 King Stephen and he had many bickerings, and as * 1.6 Matthew Paris writes, hee banished him the Realme; he was Nephew to Roger Bishop of Salisbury, from whom, in ejus pern••••iem traxerat inc••ntiuum, he had drawne an incentive to his distructi∣on; but of him, and his contests with this King, you may read more in Roger of Salisbury his Vncle.

This * 1.7 See, continuing void five yeares, without a Bishop after Nigellus death, Geoffery Rydell,3 1.8 Anno. 1174. succeeded him, a very lofty and high minded man, cal∣led commonly, The Proud Bishop of Ely. King Richard the first, and he accorded so ill, that he dying inte∣state, and leaving in his coffers great store of ready money, namely, 3060. markes of silver, and 205. pound of gold, the King confiscated and converted it to his owne use.

William Longchamp,* 1.9 next Bishop of this See, being made Lord Chancellour of England, chiefe Justice of the South part of England, & Protector of the Realmeby Richard the first, when he went his voyage to the Holy-land,

* 1.10 set the whole Kingdome in a combustion, through his strang insolence, oppression, pride, vio∣lence: For having all temporall, and spirituall Juris∣diction in his hands, the Pope making him his Legate here in England, at the Kings request, (which cost him a thousand pounds in money, to the great offence of the King,) infatuated with too much prosperity, and the brightnesse of his owne good fortune, he be∣gan presently to play both King and Priest, nay Pope in the Realme; and to doe many things, not onely untowardly, and undiscreetly, but very arrogantly and insolen••ly, savoring aswell of inconscionable covetous∣nesse and cruelty, as lacke of wisedome and policy in so great a government requisite. He calling a Convocati∣on by vertue of his power Legantine, at the intreaty of Hugh Novant Bishop of Chester, displaced the Monkes of Coventree, and put in secular Priests in their roomes; Officers appointed by the King himselfe, he dischar∣ged, and removed, putting others in their steeds. He utterly rejected his fellow Justices whom the King joyned with him in Commission for government of the Realme, refusing to heare their Counsell, or to be advised by them. Hee kept a guard of Flemmings and French about him. At his Table, all Noblemens chil∣dren did serve and waite upon him. Iohn the Kings brother, and afterward King himselfe, hee sought to keepe under, and disgrace by all meanes possible, op∣posing him all hee could that he might put him from the Crowne; He tyrannized exceedingly over the No∣bility and Commons, whom he grieved with intolle∣rable exactions, oppressions, extraordinary outward pomp, and intollerable behaviour. He was extreame burthensome one way or other to all the Cathedrall Churches of England. His Offices were such prolling companions (bearing themselves bold upon their Masters absolute authority) as there was no sort of peaple whom they grieved, not by some kinde of ex∣tortion, all the wealth of the Kingdome came into

their hands insomuch that scarce any ordinary per∣son had left him a silver belt to gird him withall, any woman any brooch or bracelet, or any gentleman a ring to weare upon his finger. Hee purchased every where apase, bestowed all Temporall and Ecclesiasti∣call Offices and places that fell where he pleased. Hee never rode with lesse than 1500. horse, and comman∣ded all the Nobility and Gentry when he went a∣broad to attend him, lodging for the most part at some Monastery or other, to their great expence: having both Regall and Papall authority in his hands: hee most arrogantly domineered, both over the Cleargy, and Layety; and as it is written of a certaine man,* 1.11 That he used both hands for a right hand; so likewise hee for the more easie effecting of his designes (as our Lordly Prelates doe now) used both his powers one to assist the other; for to compell and curbe potent Laymen, if peradventure he could doe lesse than he desired by his secular power, he supplied what was wanting with the censures of his Apostolicall power. But if perchance any Clergy man resisted his will, (him without doubt al∣ledging the Canons for himselfe in vaine) he oppres∣sed and curbed by his secular power. There was no man who might hide himselfe from his heate, when as he might justly feare, both the rod of his Secular, and the sword of his spirituall jurisdiction to be inflicted on him; and no Ecclesiasticall Person, could by any meanes or authority be able to defend himselfe against his royall preheminence: Finally glorying of his im∣mense power, that the Metropolitane Churches, which as yet did seeme to contemne his excellency, might have experience of his authority, he went in a terrible manner to both. And first of all to Yorke, to the Bishop elect whereof hee was most maliciously di∣spitefull. And sending before him a mandate to the Clergy of the said Church, that they should meete him in a solemne manner, as the Legate of the Aposticke

See; when as they had thought to appeale against him, he regarded not the appeale made to the higher power, but gave the appellants their choyce, that they should either fulfill his commands, or be committed to pri∣son, as guilty of high * 1.12 Treason•• Being therefore thus affrighted, they obeyed, and not daring so much as to mutter any further against him, as to one triumphing, they with a counterfeit sorrow bestowed as much honor & glory on him as he would himself. The chiefe Chan∣ter of that Church had gone out of the way a little be∣fore, that he might not see that which he could not be∣hold without torment of mind, which the Bishop un∣destanding, raging against this absent person as a re∣bell with an implacable motion by his own Sergeants spoiled him of all his goods. Having preyed upon the Archbishoppricke, and pursed all up into his Treasury, this famous tryumpher departed. And not long after he triumphed in like manner over those of Canterbury, when as no man now durst to resist him. Having therefore both Metropolitane Sees, thus prostrate to him, he used both as he pleased. In a word,* 1.13 the Lay∣men in England at that time (writes Neubrigensis) found him more than a King, and the Clergy men more than a Pope, but both of them an intollerable tyrant. For by occasion of his double power, hee put on a double tyrants person, being onely innoxious to his compli∣ces and co-operators, but equally grievous to all o∣thers, not onely in his greedy desire of monies, but likewise in his pleasure of domineering, his pride be∣ing more than Kingly•• almost in all things. * 1.14 Hee carrying himselfe above himselfe, consumed much Treasure in walling about the Tower of London, which he thought to have compassed with the Thames, Et regem de magna parte pecuniae multipliciter damnificauit, and many wayes damnified the King in mispending a great part of his money. Therefore in the end he was precipitated from the top to the bottome of confusion.

He set over every Province, rather to be destroyed than governed, most wicked executioners of his covetousnes, who would neither spare Clergy man, nor Lay man, nor Monke, whereby they might the more advance the profit of the Chancellour; for so was he called, when as he was a Bishop; the name verily of a Bishop being no∣thing at all, or Lukewarme in him, but the name of a Chancellor was famous and terrible throughout all England. Hee appointed the Governours of every county, under pretence of suppressing theeves, to have great troopes of cruell and barbarous armed persons to ride with them, every where, to terrifie the people; who going abroad in every place without punish∣ment, comitted both many enormities and cruelties.

Hoveden 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Holinshed note, that the King con∣firming this Bishop Chancellor, and Lord chiefe Iustice of all England, and the Bishop of Durham to be Lord chiefe Iustice from Trent Northwards; when they were thus advanced to these dignities, howsoever they came by them, directly, or indirectly: that immediatly, thereupon strife and discord did arise betwixt them; for waxing proud and insolent, they disdained each o∣ther, contending which of them should beare most rule and authority: insomuch that whatsoever seemed good to the one, the other misliked. The like hereof is noted before, betweene the Archbishops of Canter∣bury and Yorke. For the nature of ambition is, to de∣light in singularity, to admit no Peere, to give plac•• to no superiour, to acknowledge no equall, as appeares by this proud Prelate. Who afterward depriving Hugh of Durham of all his honour and dignity; and putting the Bishop of Winchester to great trouble; and doubting least the Nobles of the Realme should put him out of his place, who detested him for his pride and insolen∣cie, he thereupon matched divers of his Kinswomen to them, to make them true unto him, promising them great preferments; the rest of the Nobility hee either

crushed, or otherwise appeased: fearing none but Iohn the Kings brother, who was like to succeede him to curbe him, hee sent his two brothers to the King of Scots, to joyne in a firme league with him to crowne Arthur King, and not Iohn, in Case the King died with∣out issue. These ••everall particulars, insolencies, and oppressions, being related to the King Wintring in Sicily, he thereupon sent Wal••er, Archbishop of Rhoan, a prudent and modest man, with a Commission to be joyned with this Bishop in the government of the Kingdome, and that nothing should be done without his consent, sending Hugh Bardulfe Bishop of Durham with him to governe the Province of Yorke, (where the Bishops brother played Rex in a barbarous man∣ner) granting him likewise the custody of the Castle of Windsor: Hugh meeting with the Bishop at the towne of Ely, shewed him the Kings Letters to this purpose, to which he answered, that the Kings commandement should be done, and so brought him with him to Euwell, where he tooke him and kept him fast, till hee was forced to surrender to him the Castle of Windsor, and what else the King had committed to his custody, and moreover was constrained to leave Henry de Pu∣t••nco his own•• sonne, and Gilbert Lege, for hostages of his fidelity to be true to the King and the Realme. The Bishop hereupon contemned this command of the King, pretending that hee knew his minde very well, and that this Commission was fraudulently procured; and when the Archbishop of Rhoan, according to the Kings direction went to Canterbury to order that See, being void, this proud Chancellor, aspiring to the prero∣gative of this See. prohibited him to doe it; threat∣ning, that he should dearely pay for this his presump∣tion if he attempted to goe thither, or doe any thing in that businesse: so that this Archbishop continued idle in England. But the Chancellor impatient of any collegue in the Kingdomes government, like a ••inguler wilde beast

preyed upon the Kingdome. Whereupon he sends for a power from beyond the sea, puts Gerardus de Cammilla, from the government of Lincolne Castle his wives inhe∣ritance•• and commands him to resigne it into his hands: he refusing to doe it, repai••es to Iohn the Kings brother for aide, and assistance; where∣upon the Bishop in a rage presently goes and besiegeth the Cas••le; and seekes to force it: Iohn in the meane time takes Notingham and Tikehill, and sends to the Bishop, to give over his siege, who losing one of his hornes or hands (his spirituall Legantine power by the Popes death, and a little affrighted therewith) by the advice of his friends, he comes to a parly with Iohn, and made his peace with him for the present upon the best termes and conditions hee could. But hearing shortly after that the forraigne forces he had sent for to ayd him were arrived, he takes courage, and falls off from his Covenants, protesting, that he would drive Iohn, or Iohn should drive him out of the Kingdome; intimateing, that one Kingdome was to little to containe two such great and swelling persons. At last they come to new Articles of agreement; soone after, which Geoffery Plantagenet Archbishop of Yorke, the Kings and Iohns base brother, procured his consecration from the Archbishop of Towres, which the Chancellour hindred and delayed all he might. The Chancellour, his bitter enemy and prosecutor hea∣ring of it, presently ••ends his owne Officers to Yorke, invades and spoiles all the possessions of the Bishop∣prick••, and what ever belonged thereto, and com∣mands all the Ports to be stopped, to hinder his lan∣ding and accesse to his Church, writing this Letter to the Sheriffe of Kent. We command you, that if the Elect of Yorke shall arrive in any Port or Haven within your Bayly∣wicke, or any Messenger of his, that you cause him to be ar∣rested, and kept till you have commandement from us there∣in. And we command you likewise to stay, attach, and keepe all Letters that come from the Pope, or any other great man.

He notwithstanding arrives at Dover, but found a greater storme on shore, than at sea, for the Captaine of Dover Castle, who had married a Kinswoman of the Chancellors, hindred his progresse, and certified the Chancellour of his landing withall speede, who no wayes dissembling the rage of his fierce minde, commanded him to be stript of all his goods, and to be thrust pri∣soner into the Monastery of Dover. The Officers here∣upon sent from this most cruell tyrant seize upon all his carriage and goods, and strip him and his of all they had, and finding him in the Church of S. Martyn in Dover, neither respecting the greatnesse of his per∣son, nor the holinesse of the place, dragging him by force from the very sacred Altar, and violently halling him out of the Church in a most contumelious man∣ner, thrust him prisoner into the Castle. The same of this enormity flying, as it were upon the wings of the winde, presently filled all England. The Nobility storme at it, the inferiour sort curse him for it, and all with common votes detest the tyrant. Iohn most of all grieved at the captivity and abuse of his brother, ear∣nestly seekes, not onely to free him from prison, but to revenge his wrong. Wherefore he speedily gathers to∣gether a great army: many Bishops and Nobles that formerly sided with the Chancellor joyning their forces with him, being justly offended with his tyran∣nicall proceedings, and immoderate pride, as well as others, and raged against him more than others, both with their tongues and mindes. The Chancellor here∣upon releaseth the Archbishop; who comming to London, allayed and recompensed the griefe of the inju∣ry sustained, with the more aboundant affections and offices of many. But Iohn with the other Nobles, and Prelates, not satisfied with his release, though stirred up with his imprisonment, proceeded on to breake the hornes of this Vnicorne, who with his friends and forraigne souldiers encamped about Winchester; but

finding himselfe too weake, and most of his friends and his souldiers to fall off from him, flees first to Windsor, and from thence to London; where finding the Citizens, who formerly feared him for his pride and cruelty, to incline to Iohn, flies with all his com∣pany into the Tower; which being oppressed with the multitude, was more likely to betray than defend them; whereupon he seeing his danger, ••oes forth and submits himselfe to Iohn, craves leave for th••se included in the Tower to depart•• resignes up the Tower, and all the other royall forts to him, and flieth privatly in an inglorious manner to Dover to his Sisters husband, thinking to steale secretly beyond the seas to the King: and knowing that his enemies, if they should have any inkling of his intent, would assuredly hinder the same, or worke him some mischiefe by the way, he disguised himselfe in womans apparell, and so went unto the Sea side at Dover mufled, with a met-yard in his hand, and a webbe of cloth under his arme. There he sate up∣on a rocke ready to take shippe; where a certaine leude marriner thinking him to be some strumper, be∣gan to dally wantonly with him; whereby it came to passe, that being a stranger borne, and not able to speake good English, nor give the marriner an answer either in words or deeds, he suspected him to be a man, and called a company of women; who pulling off his kerchiefe and muffler, found his crowne and beard shaven, and quickly knew him to be that hat••full Chancellour whom so many had so long cursed and feared; whereupon in great dispite, they threw him to the ground, spit upon him, beat him sore, and drew him by the heeles alo•••• t••e ••ands, the people flocking out of the Towne, deriding and abusing him, both in words and deeds. The Burg••sses of the Towne, hea∣••i••g of this tumult, came and tooke him from the people his servants being not able to rescue him, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him into a seller, there to keepe him prisoner,

till notice had beene given of his departure. It is a world to see he that was a few monethes before hono∣red•• and reverenced of all men like a petty god, atten∣ded by Noblemens sonnes, and Gentlemen of quality,* 1.15 whom he matched with his Neeces and Kindswomen, every man accounting himselfe happy whom he fa∣voured, yea to be acquainted well with his Porters and Officers, being thus once downe, and standing in neede of his friends helpe, had no man that moved a finger to rid him out of the present calamity & trouble. Whereupon he lay prisoner in this pickle a good space. The Earle Iohn was desirous to have done him some further notable disgrace and contumely; neither was there any one almost, that for his owne sake with∣stood it; But the Bishops, though most of them his enemies, regarding notwithstanding his calling and place, would not suffer it, but caused him to be relea∣sed. So not long after being deposed of his Office of Chancellor by direction of the King, deprived of au∣thority, and banished the Land by the Lords, Barons, and Prelates of the Realme, hee gat him over Sea into Normandy, where hee was borne, and complained of these proceedings against him to the Pope, whose Le∣gate he was, who thereupon writ Letters in his favour to all the Archbishops and Bishops of England, com∣manding them to excommunicate Iohn Earle of Mor∣ton, and interdict the Realme, till the Bishop was re∣stored unto his former estate; which the Bishops neglecting to doe, notwithstanding this Bishops owne Letter to the Bishop of Lincolne, touching this matter, he there rested himselfe after this turmoile till the returne of King Richard from the holy Land,* 1.16 the Arch∣bishop of Roan governing the Kingdome the meane while, whom he caused the Pope to excommnnicate.

* 1.17 Anno. 1194. Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury, with the Bishops of Lincolne, London, Rochester, Winchester, Wor∣ceter, Hereford, the Elect of Exeter, and many Abbots

and Clergy men of the Province of Canterbury, after they had excommunicated Earle Iohn with all his Fau∣ters and Councellours, in an Assembly at Westmin∣ster, in the Chappell of the infirme Monkes, on ••he 4th. of February, appealed to the presence of the Pope, against this Bishop of Ely, that he should not from thenceforth enjoy the office of a Legate in England, which appeale they ratified with their seales, and sent it first to the King, and afterwards to the Pope to be confirmed. Vpon the Kings returne, this Bishop ex∣cused himselfe the best he might, reconciled himselfe to Geoffery Archbishop of Yorke, purging himselfe with an hundred Clerkes his compurgators, from the guilt of his wrongfull imprisonment and misusage at Dover, and being after sent Embassadour to the Pope with the Bishop of Durham and others fell sicke by the way at Poyters, and so died. From this and other forci∣ted presidents we may see, how dangerous and per∣nicious a thing it is for any one man to have the exer∣cise of spirituall and temporall Jurisdiction vested in him, since it makes him a double tyrant and oppressour.

5 1.18Eustachius, this turbulent Prelates successor * 1.19 was one of those Bishops, that pronounced the Popes ex∣communication against King Iohn, and interdicted the whole Realme; for which he was glad to flee the Realme, continuing in exile for many yeares: his tem∣poralties & goods being seised on by the King in the interim: yea, the King for this Act warned all the Pre∣lates and Clergie of England, that they should present∣ly depart the Realme, that all their Lands and goods should be confiscated, which was done, and they all put out of the Kings protection. The Bishops and Abbots hereupon stood on their guard, sending the King word, that they would not depart out of their Bishopprickes and Monasteries, unlesse they were thrust out perforce, whereupon all their possessions, barnes, corne, and goods were seized on by the Kin••s

Officers, and the Parents of those Bishops who interdi∣cted the Realme, apprehended, spoiled of all their goods, and thrust into prison.

In the yeare 1266. whiles * 1.20 King Henry the third besieged Kenelworth Castle,6 1.21 some rebells whom the King had disinherited, entred the Isle of Ely, and wa∣sted the Country thereabouts. Whereupon Hugh Balsam (about whose election there was great contention) comming to the King to complaine, being then Bishop of this See, was unworthily received, & ei ca∣sus iste apluribus imputatur: This accident being impu∣ted unto him by many, hee being suspected to favour and side with these Rebells. * 1.22 In William Kilkenny, his next predecessors time, there was a great suit betweene this Bishop and the Abbot of Ramsey about the Fennes, and the bounding of them; which Fennes having beene formerly unhabitable, and unpassable by men, beasts, or carts•• overgrowne with Reeds, and inha∣bited onely by birds, that I say not devills, about that time were miraculously converted into delectable meadowes, and arable ground. Et quae ibidem pars ••e∣getes vel faena non producit, gladiolum, cespites, & alia ignis pabula, cohabitantibus utilia, germinando abundanter submini∣strat. Vnde lis, & gravis contentio, de termin••s locorum tali∣um & terrarum inter eos qui ab initio Mariscum inhabitabant exorta, lites & praelta suscitabat; writes Matthew Paris, and among others, betweene the Bishop of Ely, and this Abbot of Ram••ey. King Edward the third was so highly offended with the Monks election of this Bishop Balse∣am contrary to his direction that he caused the woods of the Bishoprick to be cut downe and sold, the Parkes to be spoiled, the Ponds to be fished and wasted, and havocke to be made of all things: whereupon the Bishop got him over sea to Rome to seeke reliefe: a∣gainst whom Boniface Archbishop of Canterbury, to gra∣tifie the King, writ divers Letters to his friends of Rome, and set up one Adam de Marisco, to be a counter∣feiter

to the Pope against him. * 1.23In this Bishops time, the King standing in neede of money, the Prelates granted him 42. thousand markes, to the great hurt, and irreparable damnage of the Church and King∣dome, upon condition, that the King should speedi∣ly redresse the oppressures of the Church, and reduce it to the State of due libertie: whereupon the Bishops fra∣med about fiftie Articles, and put them in writing, that being read before the King, Nobles, and Prelates, they might be confirmed in due time; which Arti∣cles, writes my author, were like to those which Tho∣mas, Archbishop of Canterbury the Martyr contended for, and became a glorious conquerour, (and therefore directly against the Kings Prerogative, and the Lawes of the Realme).

7 1.24Thomas Lilde Bishop of Ely, a furious and undiscreet Prelate, in King Edward the third his* 1.25 dayes had many quarrels with the Lady Blanch Lake, a neere Kinswoman of the Kings about certaine bounds of Lands and tres∣passes in burning of a house by the Bishops command or privity•• belonging to this Lady who recovered 900. pound dammages against him, which he was inforced to pay downe presently. After this he had divers con∣testations with the King himselfe, one about Robert Stretton Bishop of Lichfield, he reprehending the King for making him a Bishop, which the King tooke so tenderly, that he commanded him in great displeasure to avoid his presence. Another about his suits with the forenamed Lady, and some harsh speeches used by him of the King concerning them•• for which words and other matters, the King accused him to the Par∣liament then assembled, and there testifying these ob∣iected wrongs upon his Honour: the Bishop thereupon was condemned, and this punishment laid upon him, that hereafter he should never presume to come in the Kings presence. Which History * 1.26 William Harrison thus relates, and others quoted in the Margin. There was

sometime a grievous contention betweene Thomas Lilde Bishop of Ely, and the King of England, about the yeare of grace. 1355. which I will here deliver out of an old Record, because the matter is so partially pen∣ned by some of the brethren of that house in favour of the Bishop; and for that I was also abused with the same in the entrance thereof at the first into my Chro∣nologie. The blacke Prince favouring one Robert Stratton his Chaplaine, a man unlearned•• and not wor∣thy the name of a Clearke, the matter went on so farre, that what for love, and somewhat else, of a Canon of Lichfield, he was chosen Bishop of that See. Hereupon the Pope understanding what he was by his Nuncio here in England, stayed his consecration by his letters for a time; and in the meane season committed his ex∣amination to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of Rochester, who felt, and delt so favourably with him in golden reasoning, that his worthinesse was commended to the Popes Holinesse, and to Rome he goes. Being come to Rome, the Pope himselfe oppo∣sed him, and after secret conference utterly disableth his Election, till he had proved by substantiall Argu∣ment, and of great weight before him also, that he was not so lightly to be reiected. Which kinde of reaso∣ning, so well pleased his Holinesse; that, ex mera pleni∣tudine potestatis, he was made capable of the Benefice, and so turneth into England; when he came home, this Bishop being in the Kings presence told him, how he had done he wist not what, in preferring so unmeete a man unto so high a calling; with which speech the King was offended•• that he commanded him out of hand to avoid out of his presence. In like sort the Lady Wake, then Dutchesse of Lancaster, standing by, and hearing the King her cozen to gather upon the Bishop so roundly, and thereto bearing an old grudge against him for some other matter, doth presently picke a quar∣rell against him, about certaine Lands then in his pos∣session,

which he defended, and in the end obtained against her by Plea and course of Law, yet long also afore hapned in a part of her house, for which she ac∣cused the Bishop, and in the end, by verdict of twelve men found that he was privy unto the fact of his men in the said fact; wherefore he was condemned in 900 pound damages, which he paid every penny. Ne∣verthelesse being sore grieved, that she had (as he said) wrested out such a verdict against him, and therein packed up a Quest at his owne choyce; he taketh his horse, goeth to the Court, and there complaineth to the King of his great iniury received at her hands; but in the delivery of his tale his, speech was soblocki••h & termes so evill favoredly (though maliciously) placed, that the King tooke yet more offence with him than before; insomuch, that he led him with him into the Parliament house (for then was that Court holden) and there before the Lords, accused him of no small misdemeanor towards his person, by his rude and threatning speeches; but the Bishop eagerly denieth the Kings Obiections, which he still avoucheth upon his Honour, and in the end confirmes his Allegations by Witnesses; whereupon he was banished from the Kings presence during his naturall life by verdict of that House. In the meane time the Dutchesse hearing what was done, beginneth anew to be dealing with him, and in a brabling fray betweene their servants, one of her men were slaine; for which the Bishop was called before the Magistrate, as chiefe accessary unto the fact; but he fearing the sequell of his third cause, by his suc∣cesse had in the two first, hideth himselfe; after he had sold all his moveables, and committed his money un∣to his trusty friends; and being found guilty by the Inquest, the King seizeth upon his possessions, and cal∣leth up the Bishop to answer unto the trespasse. To be short, upon safe conduct, the Bishop commeth to the Kings presence, where he denie••h that he was accessary

to the fact, either before, at, orafter the deede com∣mitted, and thereupon craveth to be tried by his Peeres. But this Petition is in vaine; for sentence passeth against him also by the Kings owne mouth; whereupon hee craveth helpe of the Archbishop of Canterbury and priviledges of the Church, hoping by such meanes to be solemnly rescued. But they fearing the Kings displeasure, who bare small favour to the Cleargie of his time, gave over to use any such meanes, but rather willed him to submit himselfe to the Kings mercy, which he refused, standing upon his innocen∣cie, from the first unto the last. Finally, growing in∣to chollor, that the malice of a woman should so pre∣vaile against him; hee writeth to Rome, requiring that his Case might be heard there, as a place wherein greater Justice (saith he) is to be looked for, than is to be found in England: upon the perusall of these his Letters also, his accusers were called thither; but for so much as they appeared not at their peremptory times, they were excommunicated; Such of them al∣so as died before their reconciliations, were taken out of the Church-yards, and buried in the Fields and Dunghills, Vnde timor & turba (saith my Note) in An∣glia. For the King inhibited the bringing in, and re∣ceipt of all Processes, Bulls, and whatsoever instru∣ments should come from Rome; Such also as adventu∣red contrary to this Prohibition to bring them in, were either dismembred of some joynt, or hanged by the neckes: which rage so incensed the Pope, that hee wrote in very vehement manner to the King of Eng∣land, threatning farre greater curses, except hee did the sooner stay the fury of the Lady, reconcile himselfe unto the Bishop, and finally, make him amends for all his losses sustained in these b••oyles. Long it was ye•• that the King would be brought to peace: neverthe∣lesse in the end he wrote to Rome about a reconcilia∣tion to be had betweene them; but ye•• all things were

concluded, God himselfe did end the quarrell by ta∣king away the Bishop.

8 1.27Anno 1388. the Nobles being assembled at West∣minster said to King Richard the second, that for his ho∣nour and the weale of the Kingdome,* 1.28 it behoved that Traytors, Whisperers, Flatterers, Malefactors•• Back∣biters•• and unprofitable persons should be banished out of his Palace and company, and others substituted in their places, who knew & were willing to serve him more honourably & faithfully; which when the King had granted (Licet merens) they determined that Alexander Nevell Archbishop of Yorke•• Iohn Fordham then Bishop of Durham, and afterwards of this See of Ely, Thomas Ru∣shoke the Kings Confessor Bishop of Chichester (who being conscious to himselfe fled away and hid in Yorkeshire) Richard Clifford, & Nicholas Lake, Deane of the Kings Chappell, all Clergy men, whose words did ma∣ny things in the Court, should be removed; all these they sent to divers prisons to be strictly garded•• till they should come to their answers the next Parliament.

9 1.29Nicholas West Bishop of Ely, in Henry the eig••h his dayes (who kept daily an hundred servants in his house to attend him and gave them great wages) fell into the Kings displeasure, for some matters concer∣ning his first marriage, who for griefe thereof fell sicke and died.

Thomas Thirlby was advanced by Queene Mary,10 1.30 not onely to the Bishoppricke of Ely, but also made of her privy Councell.* 1.31 After her death for resisting obstinatly the reformation intended by our gracious Soveraigne Queene Elizabeth, hee was committed to the Tower, and displaced from his Bishoppricke by Act of Parlia∣ment•• Having endured a time of imprisonment, nei∣ther very sharpe nor very long, his friends easily ob∣tained license for him, and the late Secretary Roxall to live in the Archbishops house, where they had also the company of Bishop Tunstall, till such time he died.

To these I might adde Bishop Buckeridge, Bishop White, and Bishop Wren, late Prelates of this Sea, who occasi∣oned much mischiefe and distraction in our Church and State; but I shall referre them to another place•• and passe on to the Prelates of Exeter.

Exeter.

About the yeare 1257. Walter Bronscome. 12. B of Ex∣eter,1 1.32 had a Fryer to his Chaplaine and Confessor, which died in his house of Bishops Clift, and should have beene buried at the Parish Church of Farringdon,* 1.33 because the said house was, and is in that Parish, but because the Parish Church was somewhat farre off, the wayes foule•• & the weather rainy, or for some other causes, the Bishop commanded the corps to be carried to the Pa∣rish Church of Sowton, then called Clift Fomeson, which is very neere, and bordereth upon the Bishops Lordship, the two Parishes there being devided by a little Lake called Clift. At this time, one Fomeson a Gentleman was Lord and Patron of Clift Fomeson, and he being advertized of such a buriall towards his Pa∣rish, and a leach way to be made over his Land with∣out his leave or consent requited therein, calleth his Tenants together, goeth to the bridge over the Lake, betweene the Bishops Land and his; there meeteth the Bishops men bringing the said corps•• and forbid∣deth them to come over the water. The Bishops men nothing regarding this Prohibition, doe presse for∣wards to come over the water, and the others doe withstand so long, that in the end, my Lords Fryer is fallen into the water. The Bishop taketh this matter in such griefe, that a holy Fryer, a religious man, his own Chaplaine and Confessor, should so unreverently be cast into the water, that he falleth out with the Gentle∣man, and upon what occasion I know not, he sueth him in the Law, and so vexeth and tormenteth him,

that in the end he was faine to yeeld himselfe to the Bishops devotion, and seeke all the wayes he could to curry the Bishops good will; which hee could not obtaine, untill for redemption he had given and sur∣rendred up his Patronage of Sowton with a peece of Land; all which the said Bishop annexeth to his now Lordship. Thus by policy he purchaseth the Mannor of Bishops-Clift, by a devise gaineth Cornish-wood, and by power wresteth the patronagne uf Sowton from the true owner, to the great vexation and disturbance of the Country.

2 1.34Pet••r Quiuill, his next successor had great contests with the Citizens of Exeter; in so much that in his time. 1285.* 1.35 Walter Li••hlade the first Chaunter, was slaine in a morning, as hee came from the morning Service, then called the Mattens, which was wont to be said shortly after midnight; upon which occasion the King came unto this city, and kept his Christmas in the same, and thereupon a compo••ition was made betweene the Bishop and the City, for inclosing of the Church-yard, and building of certaine gates there, as appeareth by the said composition bearing date, in fe∣sto Annunciationis beatae Mariae. 1286. The King at the suit of the Earle of Hereford (who at his being here, way lodged in the house of the Gray-Fryers, which then was neere the house of S. Nicholas) obtained of the Bishop, that they should be removed from thence to a more wholesome place without South-gate; whereof after the Kings departure grew some controversie, be∣cause the Bishop refused to performe his promise made to the King, being disswaded by Peter Kenefield a Do∣minicane or a Blacke-Fryer, and confessor unto the said Bishop: for he envying the good successe of the Fran∣ciscans, adviseth the Bishop, that in no wise he would permit them to enjoy the place which they had gotten, fo•• (saith he) as under colour of simplicity they creepe into the hearts of the people, and hinder us poore Prea∣chers

from our gaines and livings; so be ye sure that if they put foote within your Liberties, they will in time finde meanes to be exempted from out of your Liberty and jurisdiction. The Bishop being soone dis∣swaded, utterly forbiddeth them to build, or to doe a∣ny thing within his See or Liberty: About two yeares after, the Bishop kept a great feast upon the Sunday next before S. Francis day; and among others, was present with him one Walter Wilborne, one of the Kings chiefe Justices of the Bench, who was present when the Bishop at the request of the King made pro∣mise to further and helpe the Franciscans. He now in their behalfe, did put the Bishop in minde thereof, and requested him to have consideration both of his owne promise, and their distresse. The Bishop misliking this motion, waxed angry, and did not onely deny to yeeld thereunto•• but wished himselfe to be choked what day soever he did consent unto it. It fortuned that the same weeke, and upon the day of S. Frances Eve, The Bishop tooke a certaine Sirope to drinke, and in too hastily swallowing thereof, his breath was stopped, so as hee forthwith died. The Franciscans hearing thereof made no little adoe about this matter, but blazed it abroad that S. Francis wrought this miracle upon the Bishop, ••••cause he was so hard against them

Anno. 1326. * 1.36 Walter Stapleton Bishop of Exeter,* 1.37 to whom King Edward the second left the charge of the city of London, was assaulted by the people at the North∣doore of Pauls Church, who threw him downe, and drew him most outragiously into Cheape-side, where they proclaimed him an open Traytor, a Seducer of the King•• and a destroyer and subverter of their Liberties; the putting off his Aketon, or coate of defence, with the rest of his garments, they shore his head from his shoulders, with the heads of two of his servants. The Bishops head was set on a pole for a spectacle•• that the remembrance of his death, and

the cause thereof might continue; his body was bu∣ried in an old Church yard of the•• Pied Fryers, with∣out any manner of Exequies or Funerall service done for him. Belike he was a wicked instrument, that hee became so odious to the people, who thus cruelly hand∣led him.

4 1.38Symon Mephara Archbishop of Canterbury began his Metropoliticall Visitation, in the yeare 1332. and comming to Exeter, Iohn Grandison Bishop of that See,* 1.39 either scorning or fearing his jurisdiction, appealed a∣gainst it to the Pope; and when the ArchBishop came to visite his Diocesse, hee resisted him, and kept him from entring into it with * 1.40 a Military band of Souldi∣ers, and when as the Archbishop resolved to encoun∣ter him and his forces in the field with armes, and raised an army in Wiltshire for that purpose; the King being there with acquainted, recalled him by his roy∣all Letters; so as he returned shamefully and ignomi∣niously out of that Diocesse without visiting it, and falling sicke for griefe of this his repulse, he died at Macfield in his returne thence, of a deadly feaver. This Bishop built a faire house at Bishops Taington which he left full furnished unto his successors, and did impro∣priate unto the same the Parsonage of Radway, to the end (as he setteth downe in his Testament) ut haberent Episcopilocum ubi caput suum reclinarent, si forte in manū re∣gis eorum temporalia caperentur. Presuming no doubt, that many of them would prove contemptuous to their Soveraignes, and have their temporalties seised for it.

5 1.41Thomas Brentingham the 18th. Bishop of Exet••r, at the * 1.42 Parliament holden at Westminester, in the tenth yeare of King Edward the second, was chosen to be one of the twelve Peeres for the government of the Realme un∣der the King. In this mans time, Anno. 1388. William Courtney, Archbishop of Canterbury intending to keepe a Metropoliticall Visitation in his Province; and having formerly visited the Diocesse of Rochester,

Chichester, Worcester, Bath and Wells, without any resi∣stance or contradiction, came into the Diocesse of Exeter; and having begun his Visitation there oft times proroged the same from day to day, and from place to place, and suspended the Jurisdiction of the Bishop and other Prelates in that Diocesse during his Metropoliti∣call Visitation; Herupon the Bishop of Ex••ter comman∣ded all within his Diocesse, that they should not obey the Archbishop in his Visitation, and that they should receive their Institutions, Collations, and Admissi∣ons to Benefices Commissions of Administrations, Confirmations of Elections, Conusances, and Deci∣sions of all causes, Corrections of crimes and ordina∣ry rights, from no other but himselfe and his Officers, excommunicating all who di••obeyed this his Edict. The Archbishop abolished and repealed this Prohibi∣tory and Mandatory Edict of his by a contrary one, and made void his sentence of Excommunication. After which he appealed foure severall times to the Pope, and fixed his appeale in writing on the doores of the Cathedrall Church of Exeter. The Archbishop rejected, and refuted them all, and proceeded in his Visitation notwithstanding; citing the Bishop him∣selfe by divers Edicts to answer to certaine Articles objected to him in his Visitation. But some of the Bishops adherents, caught Peter Hill, the Archbishops Somner in a Towne called Tapsham, and punishing him grieviously, compelled him to eate with his teeth and swallow downe a Parchment Citation, wax and all•• written and sealed with the Archbishops seal••, which he carried in his bosome wherewith to cite the Bishop. Of which misdemeanor the Archbishop complaining to the King; hee commanded William Courtney Earle of Devonshire to curbe these Rebells, and to apprehend and carry them to the Archbishop, who enjoyned them pennance, and withall removed William Byd (a Dr. of Law, and Advocate of the Court

of Arches) from his Order and place, because hee had given counsell to the Bishop of Exeter against the dignity of the See of Canterbury; and thereupon pre∣scribed a set forme of Oath to all the Advocates of that Court, not to give any advice to any person against that See. The Bishop of Exeter after much contention, finding the Archbishop too potent for him, and that his appeales were like to succeede but ill, by reason the King favoured the Archbishop, submitted himselfe to the Archbishops Iurisdiction, and craved pardon for what was past.

6 1.43In Edmund Lacyes time, the 21. Bishop of this See, there arose * 1.44 great contentions betweene him and the city for Liberties, which by arbitrement were compoun∣ded. After which, Anno. 1451. King Henry the sixth, came in progresse to the city of Exeter; where after great entertainment, there was a Sessions kept before the Duke of Sommerset, and certaine men condemned to die for Treason, and had judgement to be executed to death. Edmond Lacy and his Clergy understanding hereof, with open mouth•• complained to the King, that he caused a Sessions to be kept within his Sanctu∣ary contrary to the priviledge of his Church, and that therefore all their doings (being done against Law) were of no effect. And notwithstanding the King and his Councell had discoursed to them the just and or∣derly proceeding, the hainousnesse of the offences, and of the offenders, and the necessitie of their con∣digne punishment, yet all could not availe, for holy Church; for neither holy Church, nor the Sanctuary might be prophaned (as they said) with the deciding of temporall matters; whereupon the King in the end yeelding to their exclaimes, released a coupple of ar∣rant Tray••ors, reversed all his former lawfull procee∣dings, and so departed and returned to London, his Lawes and Justice being thus captivated to this Pre∣lates will, and trayterly encrochments upon his Pre∣rogative

so farre as even to exempe and rescuee notori∣ous condemned Traytors from his Justice and con∣demnation, even after judgement of death pronoun∣ced against them.

George Nevill7 1.45 the 23. Bishop of Exeter (afterwards Archbishop of Yorke) March the 4. 1460. after a so∣lemne procession preached at Pauls Crosse,* 1.46 where hee tooke upon him by manifold evidence to prove the Title of Prince Edward (afterwards Edward the fourth) to the Crowne to be just and lawfull, answering all obje••tions that might be made to the contrary: where∣upon, the ••aid Prince accompanied with the Lords Spirituall and Temporall, and a great number of the common people, rode the same day to Westminister Hall, and there, by the consent & approbation of them all, tooke possession of the Kingdome against King Henry the sixth, who made him Bishop. See more of him in Yorke. part. 1. p. 196.197.

The Rebellion in Cornewall and Devonshire in Ed∣ward the sixe his raigne, was * 1.47 imputed to Iohn Voysey8 1.48 Bishop of Exeter, and other Priests; who thereupon resigned his Bishoppricke into King Edwards hands, ha∣ving much wasted and impoverished it before. God∣win writes of him, That hee was Lord President of Wales, and had the government of the Kings onely daughter, the Lady Mary (who afterwards proved a bloody persecuter by the Prelates cruell instigation tutership, and evill counsell, when she came to the Crowne.) Of all the Bishops of the Land, he was ac∣counted the best Courtier; being better liked for his Courtly behaviour than his learning, which in the end turned not so much to his credit, as to the utter ru∣ine and spoyle of the Chur••h; For of 22. Lordships and Mannors which his Predecessors had left unto him, of a goodly yearely revenew, he left but three and them also leased out, and where hee found thirteene houses well furnished (too much for one Prelate) he

left onely one house bare, and without furniture, and yet charged with sundry fees and anuities. So as by these meanes, this Bishoppricke•• which sometime was counted one of the best, is now become in temporall lands one of the meanest.

6 1.49Iames Turbevill the 32. Bishop of this See, was depri∣ved in the first yeare of Queene Elizabeh for deny∣ing the Queenes Supremacy and refusing to take the Oa••h of Allegiance.* 1.50

10 1.51William Cotton the 37th Bishop of Exeter, was a great persecuter and silencer of godly Ministers in his Dio∣cesse; and so was Bishop Cary after him for a season, but at last, both of them being mollified with gifts and gratuities became more milde, selling that liberty of preaching for money, which they formerly restrained gratis, of purpose to advance this sale to an higher price, so as may apply that of * 1.52 Bernard to them. Episcopi hujus temporis Christi approbria, sputa, flagella, claues, lancem crucem, & mortem, haec omnia in fornace avaritiae conflant, & profligant in acquisitionem turpis quaestus, Et praecium vniversitatis suo marsupio includere festinant hoc solo san•• a Iuda Ischariota differentes; quod ille horura omnium denariorum emolumentum denariorum numero co••∣pensavit; isti vora••iori ingluvie lucrorum infinitas exigunt ••p••∣cunias; his insatiabili desiderio inhiant; pro his ne amittant timent, & cura amittunt dolent, Animarum nec casus reputa∣tur, nec salus.

11 1.53For the present Bishop of this See, a man formerly much honored and deservedly respected, both for his Writing and Preaching before he became a Bishop, he hath much degenerated and lost himselfe of late, not onely by his too much worldlinesse, but by his over-confident defence of Episcopacy to be Iure Divino, in some late Bookes he hath published, and that upon such * 1.54 weake sandy grounds as vanish into smoake, when seriously examined. I read that * 1.55 Osbertus the second, and William Warewest the third Bishop of this

See, became blinde in their latter dayes. I wish this reverent Prelate may not doe the like, who doth al∣ready Caecutire, through the splendor of that Episcopall Lordly pompe and honour, which some feare hath dazled his eye-sight. I come now to Worceter.

The Bishops of Worceter.

Dunstan1 1.56 the sixteenth Bishop of Worceter (afterwards of Canterbury) put King Edgar to seven yeares penance for ravishing Wildfrid,* 1.57 and kept him some twelve or fourteene yeares from the Crowne. Which fact of Dunstans * 1.58 Mr. Fox thus expresseth; you heard before how King Edgar is noted in all Stories to be an incon∣tinent liver in deflouring Maids and Virgins, three notoriously are expressed in Authors, to wit, Vlstride, or Vlfride; the second was the Dukes maide at Andever, neere to Winchester; the third was Elfrid mother of Edward, for the which Elfrid he was staied and kept backe from his Coronation, by Dunstan Archbishop of Canterbury, the space of seven yeares, and so the said King beginneth his raigne in the sixteene yeare of his age, being the yeare of the Lord, 959. was crowned at his age, One and thirty, Anno. Dom. 974. as is in the Saxon Chronicl•• of Worceter Church to be proved. For the more evident declaration of which matter,* 1.59 concerning the Coronation of the King restrained, and the presumptuous behaviour of Dunstan against the King, and his pennance by the said Dunstan injoyned; yee shall heare both Osburne, Malmesh. and other Au∣thors speake in their owne words, as followeth. Per∣petrato itaque in virginera velatam peccato, &c. After that Dunstan had under••tanding of the Kings offence perpe∣trated with the professed Nun, he comes to the King,* 1.60 who seeing the Archbishop comming, eftsoones of gentlenesse arose from his regall seat towards him, to take him by the hand, to give him place. But Dunstan re∣fusing to take him by the hand and with sterne counte∣nance bending his browes,* 1.61 spak after this effect of words (as

Stories import) unto the King,* 1.62 You that have not feared to corrupt a Virgin maide hand fast to Christ, presume you to touch the consecrated hand of a Bishop? you have defiled the Spouse of the Maker, and thinke you by flattering service to pacifie the friend of the Bridegroome? No Sir, his friend will not I be, which hath Christ to his enemy, &c. The King terrified with these thundring words of Dunstan, and compuncted with inward repentance of his sinne perpetrated, fell down with weeping at the feet of Dun∣stane, who after he had raised him up from the ground againe, began to utter to him the horriblenesse of his fact, and finding the King ready to receive whatsoever satisfaction he would lay upon him, injoyned him this Pennance for seven yeares space, as followeth.* 1.63 That he should weare no Crowne all this space, that he should distribute his Treasure left to him of his Ancestors liberally unto the poore, he should build a Monastery of Nunnes at Shafts-bury, that as be had robbed God of one Virgin through his trans∣gression, so should he restore to him many againe in times to come. Moreover he should expell Clerkes of evill life (meaning such Priests as had wives and children) out of Churches, and place covents of Monkes in their roome, &c. It followeth then in the Story of Osberne, that when the seven yeares of the Kings pennance were expired; Dunstan calling together all the Peeres of the Realme, with Bishops, Abbots, and other Ecclesiasticall degrees of the Clergy, in the publike sight of all, set the Crowne upon the Kings head at Bath,* 1.64 which was the one and thirtieth yeare of his age, and thirtenth yeare of his reigne, so that he reigned onely but three yeeres crowned King. All the other yeares besides, Dunstan belike ruled the land as he listed. As touching the Son of the said Elfled, thus the Story writeth•• Puerum quo∣que ex peccatrice quadam progenitum, sacro fonte regeneratum lavavit, & aptato illi nomine Edwardo, in filium sibi adop∣tavit, i.e.* 1.65 The child also which was gotten of the harlot he baptized in the holy Fountaine of regeneration, and

so giving his name to be called Edward•• did adopt him to be his sonne, Ex Osberno. But of this Dunstan, See more in Cante••bury. p. 3, 4.5.

Living the 23. Bishop of Worceter,2 1.66 Anno. 1040. was accused for procuring the death of Alfred,* 1.67 the eldest sonne of King Elthelred and King Hardeknutes brother•• his accusers were Elfricke Archbishop of Yorke, with many others. Whereupon the King being very angry degraded him, and gave his Bishoppricke to Elfricke•• he died at Tauestocke, March 2••.1046. At which time, just as he gave up the ghost, there was such an horrible tempest of thunder and lightning, as men thought that the day of Doome had beene come.

Alfred Bishop of Worceter,3 1.68 was * 1.69 expulsed that See by King Hardicanute for his misdemeanor and opposi∣tions against him, till his money had purchased his peace. This Bishops hands (as was said) was deepe in the murther of Alfred the Kings halfe Brother, who had his eyes inhumanely put out, his belley opened, and one end of his bowells drawne out, and fastned to a stake•• his body pricked with sharpe needles, forced about, till all his entralls were extracted: in which most savage torture hee ended his innocent life: for which barbarous act this Bishop was for a time depri∣ved, af••er which being restored, he went & fought with Griffith King of South-Wales, but with such successe that many of his Souldiers were slaine, and the rest put to flight•• which made the Welchmen farre more bold, and Rese the brother of Griffith to make incur∣sions to fetch preyes out of England, till at length hee was slaine at Bulenden, and his head presented to King Edward at Glocester.

Not to mention Wulstan,4 1.70 the 19. Bishop of this See, surnamed * 1.71 Reprobus, the reprobate, belike for his leude reprobate actions; S. Wulstan the 24. Bishop, refused obstinatly to yeeld consent to his election a long time, protesting he had rather lay his head upon a blocke to

be chopt off, then to take so great a charge as a Bishop∣prick upon him. At last, undertaking it by the perswasi∣on of one Wullsius an Anchorite; he permitted publike drinking in his Hall after dinner for whole houres to∣gether, and made as if he dranke in his turne, but in a lesser cup to make the guests the merrier, pompam ra••∣litum secum ducens, leading still a stately traine of Soul∣diers with him, who with their annuall stipends, and dayly provision wasted a hugh masse of money. * 1.72 In his time Edward the Confessor falling sicke, and conti∣nuing speechlesse for two dayes space, on the third day rising as it were, from the dead, and groaning excee∣dingly, he began to speake thus. O Almighty God, if it be not a fantasticall illusion which I have seene, give me leave to relate it to those that stand by: or if on the contrary it be false, I beseech thee substract from me the power of uttering it. As soone as he had ended his speech, speaking expeditely enough, and very arti∣culately, he said, I beheld two Monkes standing by me, whom when I was young, I saw live very re∣ligiou••lly in Normandy, and I knew that they died most Christianly. These affirming themselves to be Gods Messengers sent unto me, added; because the chiefe men of England, Duces, EPISCOPI & Abbates, non sunt Ministri Dei sed DIABOLI, the Dukes, Bishops, and Abbots, are not the Ministers of God but of the Devill; God hath delivered this Kingdome in one yeare, and in one day into the hand of the enemy, and Devills shall wander over this whole Land. And when I answered, I would shew this unto the people, that so sinners having made confession and condigne satisfaction might repent, and obtaine mercy like the Ninivites: they replied, neither of these shall be; be∣cause neither shall they repent, neither shall God have mercy on them. And I demanding, when remission, of so great calamities might be expected? To this, they answered, concerning this it shall be so, as in case of a

greene tree, if it be cut in the midest, and the part 〈◊〉〈◊〉 off be carried farre from the Trunke, when that with∣out any helpe shall be reannexed to the Trunke, and begin to flourish, and bring forth fruit, then a remissi∣on of such evills may be hoped for. The truth of which prophesie (writes Matthew Wstminster) the English soone after had experience of, in this, that England be∣came the habitation of strangers, and the dominion of forreiners; for a little after no English man was either a Duke, Bishop, or Abbot (upon the comming in of the Conqueror,) neither was there any hope of ending this misery. The Conqueror comming to the Crown, had some contests with this Bishop, whom he would have removed from his Bishoppricke for insufficiency in point of learning; but being found more able than he was reputed, he held his Bishoppricke, and reco∣vered some Lands from the Archbishop of Yorke, taken by the Archbishops from this See, which some three or foure Archbishops before had held in Commendam with Yorke. The Cathedrall of Worceter being stately built a new from the ground in his time, the Monkes thereupon forsaking their old habitation built by Os∣wald, which they pulled downe, betooke themselves to this new stately building. Which Wulstan seeing, burst out into teares, and being demanded a reason thereof, by some that told him, he had rather cause to rejoyce; our predecessors (saith he) whose Monu∣ments wee deface, rather (I doubt) to set up the ban∣ners of our vaine-glory, than to glorifie God, they in∣deede (quoth he) were not acquainted with such stately buildings, but every place was a Church suffi∣cient for them to offer themselves a reasonable, holy,* 1.73 and lively sacrifice unto God: we contrariwise are double diligent in laying heapes of stones, so to frame a materiall Temple, but are too too negligent in setting forward the building of that lively Temple the Church o•• God. In King William Rufus time, this Bishop ar∣ming

such an number of people, as the city of Worce∣ter could afford, caused to sally out, and set upon Roger, Earle of Mountgomery and others, who attempted to take it, whom they discomfited, killing and taking a number of them prisoners.

5 1.74Maugere, the 36. Bishop of Worceter, was one of those foure Bishops, who Anno. 1208. upon the Popes command excommunicated King Iohn, and put the whole Kingdome under interdict: whereupon his goods and temporalities were seised, and he inforced to flie the Realme, dying at last in exile at Pontiniac in ••rance: during the time of this interdict, the King (writes * 1.75 Matthew Parts) had most wicked Councellors, Qui Regi in omnibns placere cupientes, cousiliura non pro ra∣tione, sed pro voluntare dederunt; who d••sirous to please the King in all things, gave counsell not according to reason, but will: among these he reckons up Tres E∣piscopi curiales, three Court Bishops, to wit, Philip Bishop of Durham, Peter, Bishop of Wincester, and Iohn Bishop of Norwhich.

6 1.76Walter de Cantelupo the 40. Bishop of Worceter, as he stoutly opposed the Popes exactions in England, so in the yeare 1264. he * 1.77 tooke great paines, to worke a peace betweene the King and the Barons: in whose behalfe when he had offered the King conditions (as he thought most reasonable) which might not be ac∣cepted, he addicted himselfe unto their party, exhorted them to fight valiantly in the cause, and promised hea∣ven very confidently to them that should die in de∣fence of the same. For this he was after justly excom∣municated by the Popes Legate, and being sicke unto death, repenting much this fault of disobedience unto his Prince, he humbly craved and received absolution from that excommunication: whereupon ensued bloody warres and rapines so•• as * 1.78 Matthew Paris writes, Nec Episcopi, nec ahbates, nec ulli religiosi de villa in villam progred•• potuerunt, quin à vespilionibus praeda••ontur.

And concludes this yeare thus. Trans••it annus iste fru∣gifer, benè temperatus, & sanus•• sed in cunctis eventibus An∣gliae dispendiosus, propter bellum commune, propter rerum coramunium & privatarum flebilem direptionem.

Most of the succeeding Bishops of Worceter (as Adam de Orleton that Arch-traytor and such like) were translated to other Sees, where I shall meete with them, and therefore pretermiting them here, I passe to those of Hereford.

The Bishops of Hereford.

Iune 16. An. 1056. Griffin King of Wales having over∣throwne the forces of the Engishmen about two miles from Hereford,11 1.79 immediatly assaulting the city tooke it,* 1.80 slew Leovegar the Bishop, and seven of the Canons there, who denied him entrance into the Church and held it against him, spoiled it of all the reliques and ornaments that were portable; and lastly, fired both Church, City, and all.

This See continued voyd foure yeares after the death of Leofuegar,2 1.81 after which * 1.82 Walter Chaplaine to Queene Edith was consecrate at Rome by the Pope, in the yeare 1060. his end was much more unhappy than his Pre∣decessors. He chanced to fall in love with a certaine comely woman that he met in the street. A long time he contended with this vile and unseemely affection, and he thought hee had quenched the same; when a small occasion renewed it to his destruction; having certaine linnen to cut out, this woman was commen∣ded to him for a very cunning Seamster. He sent for her, and his old flame of filthy desire easily kindling by this little sparke, he found errands to send his men out of the way, while he set upon her first with words, and they not prevailing by force: she resisted what shee might, but finding him too strong for her, thrust her Sheeres into his belly, and gave him his deaths wound. The King being desirous it should be esteemed false,

forbid the report of it by a Proclamation, which af∣terwards came to be Chronicled.

5 1.83Raynelmus the 30 Bishop of this Diocesse, received that Bishoppricke at the hands of King Henry the first, who bestowed it freely on him,* 1.84 and was invested into it (as the manner of those times was) by the delivery of the Ring and the Crosier. Anselme then Archbishop refu∣sed to consecrate him and divers others, who received their investitures in this manner from the King: he was so farre from importuning him in this matter as being now perswaded this his election to be insufficient, he renounced the same, delivering againe unto the Kings hands the Ring & Crosier that he had received. Here∣with the King was so offended (as he had cause) that presently he banished him the Realme: after much ado betweene the King and Anselme, a reconciliation was wrought and this man consecrated.

4 1.85 * 1.86 Gyles de Bruse the 30. Bishop of Hereford in the Barons warres, was a great stickler wjth them against King Iohn, and at last was glad to flie the Realme with other Prelates, the King seising on his and their goods and banishing him the Kingdome.

5 1.87 * 1.88 Peter de Egueblancke the 42. Bishop of that See (Cujus Memoria sulphureum faetorem exhalat ac deterrimum, writes Matthew Paris) An. 1255. put King Henry the 3. upon a strange and intolerable kinde of exaction, such, and so great, as even beggered all the Clergie of that time: he got certaine authenticke seales of the Bishops of England, wherwith he sealed Indentures, Instruments, and Writings, wherin was expressed that he had recei∣ved divers summes of money for dispatch of businesses for them and their Churches of this or that Marchant of Florence or Spaine, whereby they stood bound for payment thereof by the same Instruments and Wri∣tings so made by him their agent in their name. This shift was devised by the said Bishop, with license of the King and Pope, into whose eares he distilled this poy∣sonous

councell; the maner whereof Matthew Paris relates at large. These debts being afterwards deman∣ded the Prelates denied them to be true, and said, there was a greater occasion for them to suffer Martyrdome in this cause than of that of Thomas Becket of Canterbury; whereupon the Bishops of London and Worceter, prote∣sted they would rather lose their lives and Bishopprickes than consent to such an injury, servitude, and op∣pression. Haec & alta detestabilia à sulphurto fonte Romanae Ecclesiae, proh pudor, imo & proh dolor tunc temporis emana∣runt, Writes Matthew Paris of this and such like chea∣ting projects to get mony An. 1263. the Barons arrested this Bishop (who plotted much mischiefe against them) in his owne Cathedrall Church, seised upon his goods, devided his Treasure unto their souldiers before his face, imprisoned him a long time in the Castle of Ordley, as a meere pest and Traytor both to Church and State. He was accursed of so many for his strange Oppressions, Treacheries•• and Extrava∣gances, that it was impossible many calamities should not light upon him. Long before his captivity, his face was horribly deformed with a kind of Leprosie Morphea, or Polypus, which could by no meanes be cu∣red till his dying day; this disease made him hide his head, so that none within his Diocesse knew where he lurked. Some reported that he went to Mount Pessula to be cured of this his infirmity: Tot in caput suum con∣gessit imprecationes multipliciter à Doraino meruit flagellari, ad sui, ut sperandum est, correctionem, * 1.89 Writes Mat∣thew Paris, who further addes, Episcopus Herefordensis turpissimo morbo, videlice•• Morphea, Domino percutiente, merito de••ormatur, qui totum Regnum Angliae PRODITIOSE damnificauit. About the yeare of our Lord, 1256. the Archbishop of Burdeaux being old and decrepit, began to be deadly sicke, and being thought to be dead, who was but halfe alive, this Bishop of Hereford, who most earnestly gaped after this Archbishoppricke thinking to

obtaine it•• procured the Kings Letters, who was very favourable to him, because hee was his Tax-gatherer, and went with them beyond the Seas, but when the truth appeared, that the Archbi••hop was still alive•• hee lost both his journey, labour, travell, and expenses and received many scoffes, as one Mr. Lambin did in the like case, of whom these two Verses were composed,

Aere dato multo, nondum pastore sepult••, Lambi•• ad optatum Lambinus Pontificatura.

He to reimburse his expences not regarding the pub∣like good, but his owne priva••e benefit, by license from the King and Pope, collected a tith for him∣selfe in the borders of Ireland•• and the places adjoyning, which amounted to no small quantitie of money; this he reputed the price of his paines, and the reward of his treason; and he caused it to be so strictly exacted•• that shame prohibites the relation of the manner of the extortion. And because fraud is not accustomed to want feare; meticulosus armatus, armatus vallatus incessit; being fearefull, he went armed, and being armed hee went with a guard about him.

6 1.90Adara * 1.91 de Orleton, the 46. Bishop of Hereford, was a notable wicked Traytor and Rebell against his Sove∣raigne, King Edward the second, who advanced him, and was the chiefe cause both of his deprivation and murther: Of whom you may read more at large in Winchester, p. 265.266.

7 1.92Iohn Bruton or Briton was the 43. Bishop of Hereford, on him the King bestowed the keeping of his wardrobes which he held long time with great honour, as his Regester saith. A wonderfull preferment that Bishops should be preferred from the Pulpit, to the custody of Wardrobes••* 1.93 but such was the time, neverthelesse his humble custody of that charge is more solemnely re∣membred then any good Sermon, that ever he made, which function peradventure hee committed to his Suffragane, sith Bishops in those dayes had so much bu∣sinesse

at Court, that they could not attend to Doctrine and Exhortation. This Bishop was * 1.94 Doctor of both Lawes, and very well seene in the common Lawes of the Land and writ a great volume De juribus Anglicanis, yet extant: but that he ever Preached, or writ any thing of, or had any skill at all in the Law of God, I finde nothing at all in story.

Iohn Trevenant the 51. Bishop of Hereford,8 1.95 sided with King Henry the 4th. against Richard the second, who advanced him, and was sent to Rome,* 1.96 to informe the Pope, what good Title King Henry the 4th. had unto the Crowne of England, which he usurped. So the Bishop of Duresme was then sent unto France, the Bishop of Saint Asaph to Spaine, the Bishop of Bangor to Germany, ar∣med with all ••orts of instructions for the justification of their new advanced King his Title too, and usur∣pation of the Crowne. So ready have Prelates beene not onely to act, but to justifie, defend•• and boulster out Treasons, and Rebellions of the highest nature, with the depositions and murthers of their lawfull Princes•• Anno. 1499. this Bishop of Hereford had a chiefe hand in deposing King Richard the second, and was the second commissioner sent from the States in Par∣liament, named in the Instrument wherein they de∣clare his voluntary resignation; and he, with the Arch∣bishop of Yorke made report to the Parliament•• of the Kings voluntary resignation of his Crowne and King∣dome, the instrument whereof subscribed in their pre∣sence, was delivered unto Thomas Arundels hands then Archbishop of Canterbury, an Arch-traytor, as I have formerly manifested.

The most of the succeeding Bishops of this See were translated to other bishopprickes,9 1.97 where you may meete with them who were most obnoxious, onely I observe, that in the generall pardon of 22. H. 8. c. 15. the Bishop of Hereford (then Charles Booth) is specially excepted out of the pardon of the Premunire. It seemes his crime was very great.

And for the present Bishop of Hereford, George Cooke,20 1.98

he stands now impeached by the Commons in Parlia∣ment for the late Canons, Oath, and benevolence in the pretended Synod, in which he had a finger; which proceeding of our Prelates, may justly induce us to passe the same censure on them now, as famous Henry Bullenger did of old on the Bishops then, in his Booke De Episcoporum Functione & Iurisdic••ione Tiguri, 1538. ••. 112.113.143.1150.159. to 163. and 172. and as Mr. Calvin after him did, in his nota∣ble Booke De Necessitate Reformandae Ecclesiae. Edi. 1543 p. p. 24.25.26.104.105.106. to which I shall referre the reader.

As for Dr. Manwaring who had some relation to this church, we all know that he received a Censure in the Parliament House 3. Caroli. for two seditious Sermons, Preached at the Court before his Maiestie, and then published in Print by the now Archbishop of Canterbu∣ries meanes; wherein he indeavoured to undermine the Subjects liberties, and the proprietie of their goods (••etled in them by our Lawes) by false divinity•• and to give the King an absolute power against Law, to impose what taxes he pleased and to take away such a proportion of goods and treasure from his people as himselfe should thinke meete, upon any occasion. For which Sermons, though he were censured by both Houses to be never more capable of any future pre∣ferment in Church or Common-wealth, yet immedi∣atly after the dissolution of the Parliament, he was by Canterburies meanes, in affront of that Sentence•• advan∣ced, first to a great living granted formerly to another, then to a Deanery, and soone after to the Bishopricke of St. Davids, where he so demeaned himselfe in advan∣cing of superstition, prophanesse, and idolatry, that now he dares not shew his face in Parliament, and lies lur∣king, in obscure Places (and Ale ho••ses as some report) fearing a deprivation from this usurped•• dignity•• given him in contempt of his former sentence in Parliament. And thus much for the Bishops of these Sees, I now proceede to others.

CHAP. V. Containing the Treasons, Conspiracies, Contu∣macies and disloyalties of the Bishops of Chi∣chester, Carlile, Norwich, Chester, Coventry, and Litchfield.

NOt to mention how * 1.99 Agilricke Bishop of the South-Saxons,1 1.100 with divers other Bish∣ops and Abots, were deprived by Willi∣am the Conqueror, Anno 1076. 〈…〉〈…〉 in the Councels of Winchester and Wind∣sor, and after that committed to perpetu∣all Prison upon suspition of Treason, and Rebellion against the Conqueror, to deprive him of the Crown.

Ralph the third Bishop of Chichester,2 1.101 a man of high Stature, and no lesse * 1.102 high of mind•• stood very stout∣ly in defence of Bishop Anselme, in so much that when King William Rufus threatned him for the same, he of∣fered him his Ring and Crosier, saying, It should better become him to loose his place•• than his duety to the Archbishop, whom he could never be induced to forsake, untill he seemed to forsake his owne cause, by flying the Country. After this when King Henry the first, was content to dispense with the marriage of Priests, to which Anselme was an hea∣vy enemy, notwithstanding the Canons lately made in the Councell of London to the contrary, the Priests granting him an yearely summe of money to defend

them against Anselme, this Bishop resisted the collecti∣on of that money in his Diocesse, calling it, the tribute of Fornication; and when notwithstanding his resistance it was payd, he interdicted his owne Diocesse, com∣manding the Church doores to be every where stopped up with thornes. The King whether not vouchsafing to contend with him, or taking his well meaning in good part, was not onely content to pardon this his contemptuous disobedience, but also bestowed the money so gathered in his Diocesse upon him, saving, It was a poore Bishoppricke and needed such helpes. This Bishop went every yeare thrice about his Diocesse, Causa praedicandi, onely to Preach the Gospell to the people, exacting nothing from his Provincialls by his Episcopall power, but receiving onely what they wil∣lingly presented to him as a free gift, rebuking those who offended, which was the sole kind of Visitation in those dayes, without any such Visitation Articles, Procurations, presentments, Fees, &c, as are this day practised, imposed, exacted, both against Law and * 1.103 Canon too.

3 1.104Hilary the fifth Bishop of this See, though hee was * 1.105 content absolutely to allow of the Declaration after published at Claridon, without mention of that odious clause (saluo ordine suo) being shreudly baited of his brethren for his labour, yet afterwards hee had some contests with the King, and sought to impeach his prerogative royall, as appear••s by this notable pas∣sage, of the Author of the Holy Table, name and Thing p. 30.31. Sure I am, that [according to this advice of Eleuthe••ius] the B••ittish, Saxon, Danish•• and first Norman Kings have governed their Churches and Churchmen by Capitula••s and mixed Digests, com∣posed (as it were) of Common and Canon Law, and promulged with the advice of the Counsell of the King, as w••e may see in those particulars set forth by * 1.106 Mr. Lambard, * 1.107 Mr. Selden ¶ 1.108 Dr. Powell,

and others. And I doe not beleeve there can be shewed any Ecclesiasticall Canons for the government of the Church of England, untill long after the conquest, which were not either originally promulged•• or after∣wards approved and allowed by either the Monarch, or some King of the Heptarchy, sitting and directing in the Nationall or Provinciall Synod. For all the Colle∣ctions that Lindwood Comments upon, are (as Theo∣phrastus speakes) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but rough and rugged mony of a more fresh & later coyning:* 1.109 and yet in those usurping times I have seene a Transcript of a Record, An. 1157.3^o. Henry the 2. wherein when the Bishop of Chichister opposed some late Canons against the Kings exemption of the Abby of Battells from the Episcopall Jurisdiction;* 1.110 it is said, That the King being angry and much moved therewith, should reply. Tu pro Papae au∣thoritate ab hominibus concessa, contra dignitatum Regalium authoritates mihi à Deo concessas, calliditate arguta niti prae∣cogitas,? Doe you Sir goe about by subtilties of wit to oppose the Popes authority, which is but the favour or connivence of men against the authority of my Regall Dignities, being the Charters and Donations of God himselfe? and thereupon requires Reason, and Justice against the Bishop for this soule insolencie. A good evi∣dence, that the Canon Law, had little esteeme or fo••ce among us in that age; and not long after it was prohi∣bited by speciall Writ to be read among us, as appeares by the Writ of 19. Hen. 3. directed to the Major and Sheriefes of London, commanding them,* 1.111 Quod per totara Civitatem London Clamari faciant & firmiter prohiberi, ne ali∣quis Scolas regens de Legibus in eadem Civitate de caetero ibi∣dem Leges doceat.* 1.112 Et si aliquis ibidem fuerit hujusmodi Scolas regens, ipsum sine dilatione cessare faciat. T. Rege apud Basing XI. die Decembris•• This was five yeares after the Decre∣talls published, and it seemes most probable, that these Leges were Canon Lawes, perhaps mixt (as usually they were in the profession also,) with the Imperialls

(for both of them were it seemes, studied here under * 1.113 Henry the third by the Clergy, more ••han any other part of learning,) and therefore were forbidden, as being b••th in regard of their owne authority, against the supreme majestie, and independency of the Crown of England. * 1.114 And before this, in King 〈◊〉〈◊〉 reigne, in that great controversie in the Synod of Winchester touching the Castles of Newarke, Sales••ury, and the Vies, the King denied utterly Censuram Canonum pati,* 1.115 that is, to have it determined by them•• whether or no•• the two Bishops Roger of Salisbury and Alexander of Lincolne might lawfully kepe their Castles that they had fortifi∣ed. But while the rest of the Bishops stood so much upon their Canons, and even in the face of majestie, profest a rebellion, the King, and the Lay subjects, it seemes grew so exasperated against them, that by pub∣like command for the preservation of the Liberty of the Crowne and Laity, they were forbidden to be of any more use in the Kingdome: for so perhaps is that to be understood in * 1.116 Iohn of Chartres, where he sayes; that, Tempore Regis Stephani a regno jussae sunt Leges Roma∣nae quas in Brittanniam domus venerabilis Patris T••eobaldi Bri••tanniarum Primatis asciverat. Ne quis etiam libros retine∣ret, edicto Regio prohibitum est. The Canon Law made by Popes and Prelates being inconsistent with the Kings Supremacy, and Subjects Liberty.

4 1.117 * 1.118 Stephen Berksteed the 14th. Bishop of Chichester, Anno. 1265. was excommunicated by O••tobon the Popes Le∣gate, for rebelling and taking part with the Barons against King Henry the third, who thereupon repaired to Rome for absolution.

5 1.119Iohn de Langhton, the 16th. Bishop of Chichister, Anno. 1315. excommunicated Warren, Earle of Kent, for adul∣tery:* 1.120 whereupon the Earle came unto him with ar∣med men, making some shew to lay violent hands up∣on him, unlesse he would absolve him. The Bishops men perceiving it, by their Masters command set upon

them, and put both the Earle, and his men in prison, whereupon ensued great combustions.

* 1.121 Thomas Rushocke the 20th Bishop of Chichester,6 1.122 a lewde pernicious Prelate. Anno. 1388. was driven a∣way from the Court by the Barons, as a Traytor, for his ill Councells to Richard the second, his Lands and goods confiscated, he banished and deprived of his Bishoppricke by * 1.123 Act of Parliament, himself had suf∣fered as a Traytor, but that his guiltinesse made him flie before he could be apprehended.

Adam Molins the 31. Bishop of that See,7 1.124 falling at variance with Richard Duke of Yorke was slaine at Ports∣mouth by certaine Marriners, Iune 9. 1449.* 1.125

* 1.126 Richard Sampson the 37th. of Chichester.8 1.127 Anno 21. Hen. 8. was committed to the T••••••••••r for relieving certaine Trayterous persons, who denied the Kings Supremacy.

George Day the 21. Bishop of this See,9 1.128 October 10. 1551. * 1.129 was deprived from his Bishoppricke, for de∣nying the Kings Supremacy, and maintaining the Popes, and other misdemeanours, but was afterwards restored by Queene Mary, at whose Coronation hee preached.

* 1.130Iohn Christopherson the 40. Bishop of this Diocesse,10 1.131 was deprived by Act of Parliament in the beginning of Queene Elizabeths happy reigne, for denying her supre∣macy, and refusing to take the oath of alegiance.

To passe by the subsequent Bishops of this See, Richard Mountague the last Bishop thereof but one,11 1.132 was the principall abetter and reviver of those late Armi∣nian and Popish Doctrines, Ceremonies, Innovations which for sundry yeares have disquieted•• both our Church and State; and that not onely in his Booke, intituled Appello Caesarem, published in the yeare 1625. complained against in three severall Parliaments, and called in by his Majesties speciall Proclamation, * 1.133 as a Booke that opened the way to those Schismes and

Divisions which have since ensued in our Church; (though for this very Booke•• he was advanced to this See, by the practise and confederacy of some swaying Prelates;) and in his Gagge; but likewise in his Visita∣tion Articles, his Antidiatribae, his Aparatus ad Historiam Eccles••asticam, and other Workes, as you may rea•• more largely in Mr. Bayly his Canterburians se••fe-Conviction, the last Edition: which Bookes of his have given great scandall to our Church, much advantage to our Po∣pish Adversaries, and much distracted•• not onely our Church, but State; for which no doubt hee should have received his just demerits in the high Court of Parliament, had not hee died suddenly out of feare, (being sent for to answer his old and new offences upon some fresh complaints) to ease the Parliament, and prevent a censure. Of his successor in this See, I neede say nothing hee is so well knowne: wherefore I shall next visit Carlile Diocesse, and give you but a touch of some speciall Acts of the Bishops of that See.

The Bishops of Carlile.

* 1.134 * 1.135 Walter Malclerke, in the yeare 1223. was conse∣crated unto the Bishoppricke of Carlile, which hee ac∣knowledged to have obtained by evill and corrupt meanes, and therefore resigned the same (moved in conscience so to doe as hee alledged) Iune 29. 1246. and tooke on him the habit of a Fryer Preacher at Oxford, in which he continued till his death. Being Treasurer of England under King Henry the third; the King upon a sudden, at the instigation of Peter, Bishop of W••nchester, not onely displaced him from that of∣fice, but revoked certaine Grants made unto him heretofore, & charged him with the debt of 100. pound. which hee acknowledged not. For redresse of these wrongs (as he tooke them) he determined to travell to Rome, but was stayed at the waters-side by the Kings

Officers; whom Roger, Bishop of London excommuni∣cated for the same; and riding presently to Worceter, where the Court lay, renewed that Excommunicati∣on in the Kings presence•• How he thrived with these businesses afterward I find not. But likely enough it is, that these troubles rather made him weary of the world, than any such scruple induce him to leave his Bishoppricke.

Sylvester de Everdon,2 1.136 the 5th. Bishop of this See, was elected in the yeare, ••••46. but not consecrated till February 5th. 1247. because he refused to accept of the election,* 1.137 alledging his owne unworthinesse; but at last upon better deliberation, yeelded: he was one of them that joyned with Boniface the Archbishop, and Ethelma••re the Elect of Winchester in their request to the King that remembring his promise often made, here∣after he would not impeach the Libertie of Elections by interposing his armed requests, &c. The King ac∣knowledged hee had indeede offended that way, and that especially (quoth he) in making meanes for you your selves, that thererefore of all other should least find fault with it. To this man particularly hee used these words. I remember how I exalted thee Sylvester of Carlile unto a Bishoppricke, having hankered a long time about the Chancery, and being a petty Chaplaine to my Chaplaines, preferring thee before many grave and reverend Divines, &c. His conclusion was that if they would give over their places which they had obtained by so undue meanes, he would hereafter for∣beare to commend any so unworthy. This was the yeare 1253. The yeare following, May the 13th This Bishop riding a horse somewhat too lusty for him, was cast, and so brused with the fall, as he died by and by, to wit, May 13•• 1254.

3 1.138 * 1.139 Thomas Merkes the Fiftenth Bishop of this See, amongst many unworthy preferred to Bishopprickes in those dayes, was undoubtedly a man well-deserving that

honour; for he was both learned and wise, but prin∣cipally to be commended; first, for his constant and unmoveable fidelity unto his Patrone and preferrer King Richard, then for his excellent courage in profes∣sing the same, when he might safely, yea, and honestly also, have concealed his affection. Some other there were of the Nobility that remembring their duety and allegiance, when all the world b••s••de forsoke this un∣fortunate Prince, followed him with their best assi∣stance, even till the time of his captivity. This man nothing regarding the danger might ensue, not onely refused to forsake him when he had forsaken himselfe, but defended him and his cause the best he could, when he might well perceive, his endeavour might hurt him∣se••fe much, without any possibility of helping the o∣ther, when the furious and unstable multitude, not contented that King Richard had resigned his Crowne to save the head that wore it, and their darling Henry the fourth. seated himselfe in his royall throne, importuned the Parliament assembled to proceed yet farther against him, desiring no doubt that to make all sure, his life might be taken from him. This worthy and memora∣ble Prelate stepping forth, doubted not to tell them, that there was none amongst them meete to give judge∣ment upon so noble a Prince as King Richard was•• whom they had taken for their Soveraigne and Leige Lord, by the space of twentie two yeares and more, And proceeding further, I assure you, quoth he (I re∣port his words as I find them in our Chronicles) there is not so ranke a Trayter, nor so arrant a theefe, nor yet so cruell a murtherer, apprehended or detained in pri∣son for his offence, but he shall be brought before the justice to heare Judgment; and will you proceed to the judgment of an annointed King, hearing neither his answere nor excuse? I say and will avow, that the Duke of Lancaster (whom ye call king) hath more tres∣passed to King Richard and his Realme; the King Rich∣ard

hath done either to him or us: for it is manifest and well knowne, that the Duke was banished the Realme by King Richard and his Councell, and by the judgement of his owne Father•• for the space of tenne yeares, for what cause ye remember well enough•• This notwithstanding, without Licence of King Richard, he is returned againe into the Realme, and (that is worse) hath taken upon him the name, title, and pre∣heminence of King: and therefore I say that you have done manifest wrong to proceede against King Richard in any sort without calling him openly to his answer and defence. This Speech scarcely ended, he was at∣t••ched by the Earle Marshall, and for a time committed to ward in the Abbey of St. Albanes. Continuing yet his loyall affection unto his distressed Master, soone af••er his inlargement, he trayterously joyned with the Hollands, and others in a conspiracy against King Henry the 4th. which being bewrayed to the destruction of all the rest, he onely was pardoned, peradventure in regard of his calling (for it had seldome or never been seene hitherto, that any Bishop was put to death by order of Law;) peradventure in some kind of favour and admiration of his faithfull constancy (for vertue will be honoured, even of her enemies;) peradventure also to this end, that by forcing him to live miserably, they might lay a punishment upon him more grevious than death, which they well saw he despised. The Pope (who seldome denied the King any request that hee might afford good cheepe) was easily intreated, to translate forsooth, this good Bishop from the See of Carlile, that yeelded him honourable maintenance, unto Samos in Greece, whereof he knew he should never receive one penny profit: he was so happy, as neither to take benefit of the gift of his enemy, nor to be hurt by the masked malice of his counterfeit friend, disdai∣ning (as it were) to take his life by his gift, that tooke away from his Master, both life and Kingdome, hee

died shortly after his deliverance, so deluding also the mockery of his Translation, whereby (things so falling out) he was nothing damnified. Hall reports, that hee died for feare, more than sicknesse, as one rather desi∣rous to die by deaths dart, than the temporall Sword, which this his Treason deserved, being a great ble∣mish to his former fidelity.

4 1.140 * 1.141 Owen Oglethorpe the 31. B. of this See, was deprived with divers other Bishops for withstanding Q. Eliza. proceedings, and refusing to take the Oath of Allegi∣ance, in the yeare 1559. Of other Bishops of this See, since his dayes, I find little mention, most of them be∣ing translated to other Sees; I shall therefore proceede to the Bishops of Norwich.

The Bishops of Norwich.

1 1.142Iohn de Gray, the fifth Bishop of Norwich (if we be∣leeve * 1.143 Matthew Paris,) was one of those three Court Bishops who were consiliarios iniquissimos most wicked counsellors to King Iohn, during the time of the inderdict of the Realme: who desiring to please the King in all things, consilium non pro ratione, sed pro volun∣tate dederunt, gave the King counsell, not according to Reason, but Will, and thereby wrought much trouble both to the King and Kingdome.

* 1.144 Pandulphus the next Bishop of this See,2 1.145 consecra∣ted by the Pope at Rome, Anno. 1222. was the Popes Legate, and the chiefe instument, who perswaded King Iohn, most ignominiously, and shamefully to re∣signe up his Crowne and Kingdome to the Pope, to become his Vassall, to his eternall infamy, and to sub∣mit himselfe to S••ephen Langhton, and those other Tray∣terly Prelates who intardicted the Realme, excom∣municated this King, published the Popes deprivati∣on of him from his Crowne, and instigated the French King to invade the Realme of England, and usurpe

the Crowne, which the Pope had conferred on him upon King Iohns deprivation from it, of which you may read more at large before in Stephen Langhton, Archbishop of Canterbury, p. 33. to 41. Onely let me informe you, that during the time of this inderdict (aboue six yeares space) all Ecclesiasticall Sacra∣ments ceased in England, except Confession, and the viaticum in extreame necessity, and the Baptisme of In∣fants; so as the bodyes of dead men were carried out of Townes and Villages, and burried like dogges in Highwayes and Ditches without prayers, and the mi∣nistry of Priests, as Matthew Paris and others testifie. Such was the Prelates piety and charity.

About the yeare of our Lord, 1271. In the time of Roger de Skerwing,3 1.146 12. Bishop of Norwich, there was raysed a dangerous sedition betweene the Citizens of Norwich and the Monkes of the Cathedrall Church;* 1.147 the History whereof is briefely this. At a Faire that was kept before the gates of the Priory, there hapned a fray, in which some servants of the Covent, ••lew cer∣taine citizens: A Jury being empaneled hereupon, found them guilty, and the Officers tooke order for the apprehending of the murtherers if they might be met withall. The Monkes greatly offended herewith, first, excommunicated the Citizens, then shutting the gates, not onely prepared themselves to defence. but also began to offend the other, shooting at the passen∣gers first, and afterward issuing out of their gates, kil∣ling divers persons, and spoiling many houses: The Citizens greatly incensed herewith, fired the gates, en∣tred the Monastery. and after a long conflict (a great number being slaine on both sides) prevailed, rifled the Priory, and set fire on the same in divers places at once. This fire consumed not onely the Cells and Of∣fices of the Monkes, but the Almes house also, the steeple, and greatest part of the Cathedrall Church. The King hearing of this tumult, with all speed posted

thither, with the Bishop of Rochester, and others. The Bishop of Rochester, excommunicated all those who had consented to this wickednesse, and the King cau∣sed divers Citizens to be hanged•• drawne, and quar∣tered; amongst the rest that were executed•• a woman that carried fire to the gates was burned. The Monkes for their part appealed to Rome, and so handled the matter, that they not onely escaped punishment but al∣so forced the Citizens to pay them 3000. markes after 500. markes a yeare, toward the reparation of their Church, and to present them with a Pix or Cup of gold of seven pound weight. This end was made by King Edward the first (his Father being now dead) at the request and solicitation of the Bishop. But the Pri∣or (saith Holinshed) was well enough borne out and defended by the Bishop of Norwich named Roger, who (as it is likely) was the Master of the mischiefe, though hands were not layde upon him, nor upon his adhe¦rents, perhaps for feare, peradventure for favour; and no marvell, though the lesse faulty lost their lives, as most guilty; for

— Rarus venator ad ursos Accedit, tutos conservat Sylva Leones; Debilibus robusta nocent, & grandia paruis. Ales fulminiger timidos infestat olores; Accipiter laniat Turdos, mollesque Columbas. Verficoler Coluber ranas miserasque lacertas; Irretit muscas, transraittit aranea vespes.

So Holinshed.

* 1.148After him Anthony de Becke, the 17th. Bishop of this See attaining this dignity at the Popes hands. behaved himselfe so imperiously in the place,* 1.149 that he bereaved the Monkes of divers ancient and long enjoyed privi∣ledges suffering them to doe nothing in their house but what seemed good unto him, plucking downe and preferring amongst them whom he listed.

Neither could he onely be content thus to tyrannize over them, but scorning to have his actions reformed or called in question by any other, he openly with∣stood Robert Winchelsey, Bishop of Canterbury in his Visitation; affirming, that he would not answer to those things which were objected against him, unlesse it were at the Court of Rome. This boysterous and unruly dealing purchased him such hatred of all men, that at the last he was poysoned by some of his owne servants.

William Bateman the 18th. Bishop of Norwich••5 1.150 forced the Lord Morley for killing certaine Deere in one of his Parkes, and abusing his Keepers,* 1.151 to carry a bur∣ning Taper in his hand, through the streetes of Nor∣wich unto the High-Altar by way of Pennance. And although King Edward the third became an earnest in∣tercessor for him to the Bishop, mingling sometimes threates with requests, yet nothing could move the Bishop following his determinate course; such arro∣gant, malicious, dispitefull froward creatures are Pre∣lates for the most part, both towards Kings and No∣bles. In his time there hapned a great Pestilence, so that in many Monasteries and religious Houses, there were scarce two of twenty left alive, there died onely in Norwich in one yeare, besides religious men 57104 persons.

Henry Spencer,6 1.152 a Gentleman of great valour and skill in martiall affaires, * 1.153 serving the Pope as Generall in his, warres, in the yeere 1370. was made Bishop of Norwich. And being a better Butcher and Souldier than a Shepheard, he (notwithstanding the Kings Commandement to the contrary) procured the Popes authority for levying of an army here in England, which he transported about the yeare 1385. into the Low-Countries for the Popes service in his war••es, where after hee had slaine above 1100. men, in a set batt••ll (wherein the Priests and religious men that were with

the Bishop fought valiantly and most eagerly, some of them slaying sixteene men apeece in one battell against the ••lemmings: vanquished an army of 30000. and burnt the Townes of Graveling, Dunkirke, Newport and others, returned againe into England, the King seising his Temporalties into his hands & detaining them two yeares space for his contempt, in raising an army with∣out, and against his expresse command. This Martiall Prelate, had forgotten what answer all the Bishops, Abbots, and Clergy of England gave to King Henry the third, Anno. 1267. in a Parliament at St. Edmonds Berry, where the King demanding, that all Clergy men holding Baronies, or Lay Fee, should goe armed in person against the Kings enemies, or should finde so many men to serve the King in his Expidition, as per∣tained to so much land or tenement. To this they an∣swered, * 1.154 Quod non debent pugnare cum gladio raateriali; That they ought not to fight with the materiall sword, but with the spirituall, naraely with teares, and sighes, and devout Prayers; and that for their Benefices they were bound to main∣taine peace not warre: and that their Baronies were founded in pure Franck-Almoigne, where they owed no Knights Ser∣vice but what was certaine; neither would they begin any new: and when it was replied, that the Prelates were obliged to grant all the Kings requests (there specified and contradicted by them) whether they would or no, by reason of the Oath they had taken at Coventrie, where they swore, that they would ayde their Lord the King by all meanes that they could. To this they gave this equivocating answer; that when they made this Oath, they understood it not of any other ayde, but spirituall and wholesome councell, denying to grant the King any mony at all. But it seemes that this was then the Bishops received distinction, that they might lawfully beare armes, and fight with the materiall sword, and grant Subsedias to ayde the Pope against his enemies, as this Bishop and the Clergy in his time did; but not to assist the King against his enemies•• This Martiall Act of his war∣like

Prelate is thus censured by * 1.155 William Swinderby, one of our Martyrs in Richard the seconds raigne. Fur∣ther I say, if the Pope hold men of armes, in maintai∣ning his Temporalties and Lordship to venge him on them that gilten and offend him, and gives remission to fight and to sley them that contrary him•• as men say he did by the Bishop of Norwich, not putting his sword into his sheath, as God commanded Peter Mitte, &c. hee is Antichrist, for he does contrary to the Commande∣ments of Jesus, that bade Peter forgive to his brother se∣venty times seventy. Si peccaverit in me frater meus, quotiens dimittam ei? Septies? &c & Christus; non dieo tibi septi••s, sed septuagesies sepcies. Which Walter Brute another mar∣tyr in that time thus seconds, * 1.156 Againe, Christ saith, You have heard that it is said, an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, but I say unto you, see that you resist not evill. But if any man shall strike you upon the right cheeke, give him the other too; and to him that will strive with thee for thy caate in judgement, let him have thy cloake also, and whosoever shall constraine thee one mile, goe with him also two other. Hee that asketh of thee give him, and he that will borrow of thee, turne not thy self from him. By these things it may plainely ap∣peare how that Christ the King of peace, the Saviour of mankind, who came to save, and not to destroy, who gave a Law of Charity to be observed of his faithfull people, hath taught us not to be angry, not to hate our enemies, nor to render evill for evill, nor to resist evill. For all these things doe foster and nourish peace and charity, and doe proceede and come forth of charity, and when they be not kept charity is loosed, and peace is broken. But the Bishop of Rome approveth and alloweth warres and slaughters of men in warre, as well against our enemies, that is, the Infidells, as also against the Christians for temporall goods. Now these things are quite contrary to Christs Doctrine, and to charity; and to peace, &c. And indeede if wee consider Pope Vrbanes Commission and priviledges

granted to this martiall Prelate against Clement the Antipope and his complices, wee shall see how farre the Popes practises are opposite to Christs practi••e and precepts, and what mercifull, peaceable men Lordly prelates are, I shall give you a taste hereof out of * 1.157 Wal∣singham. In the yeare of our Lord 1382. Henry Spencer Bishop of Norwich, received Bulls from the Pope his Lord directed to him, to signe with the Crosse all those who were willing to goe with him into France, to the distruction of the Antipope, who called himselfe Clement, and to sanctifie a warre against all who adhe∣red to him. Which Bulls, because they conferred great power to him, hee caused to be published in Parlia∣ment, and sent abroad Coppies of them round about into every place, which he caused to be fixed on the doores of Churches and Monasteries in open view. These Bulls relate at large the injuries that Clement the Antipope, and the Cardinalls confederating with him, had offered to Vrban, and that Pope Vrban, being un∣able without great offence of Christ, and remorse of conscience any longer to endure so many great ex∣cesses, thought meet to rise up against those wicked ones in the power of the most high, and proceeding judici∣cially against them by a definitive sentence denounced and declared them to be scismatickes, and conspira∣tors against the Pope, and blasphemers, and that they should be punished like Hereticks, and persons guilty of high Treason, and did thereupon excommunicate and accurse them, and withall deprived them from all their Benefices and O••fices whatsoever, making them uncapable to retaine or receive them, or any other, both for the present and future; withall, he degraded all the Nobl••s and Knights who adhered to him from all their honours, dignities, and Knightships, decreed all their goods, moveables and immoveables, rights, and jurisdictions to be confiscated, and their persons to be detestable, and so to be esteemed, and exposed

them to be apprehended by all Christians, and so ap∣prehended to be kept in such sort, that they should not escape, and either be sent immediatly to the said Pope, or else detained close prisoners in safe custody, till hee should give further order therein: Moreover he excommunicated all those who should either be∣leeve, receive, defend, or favour any of them, so as they should not be absolved from this sentence without his privity, unlesse it were at the very point of death; hee further decreed, that whosoever should wittingly pre∣sume to admit any of them to Ecclesiasticall buriall, should be subject to the sentence of Excommunica∣tion, from which he should not be absolved, unlesse at the very point of death; except (O barbarous cruelty) they would first with their owne hands digge them out of their graves, Et procul e••••ecrent ab Ecclesiastica sepul∣tura corpora eorundem; and cast out their bodies far from the Church-yard or Ecclesiasticall burying place. Moreover, he inhibited all Christians wittingly to harbour any of them, or to presume to bring, send•• or suffer to be brought or sent, any corne, wine, flesh•• clothes, wood•• victuals, or any other thing profitable for their use, to any place where any of them should dwell or abide, if it lay in their power to prohibit it; he commanded likewise, that no man should presume in any wise to hinder the apprehention and detention of the said Antipope and his adherents and their trans∣mission to him, and commanded every man to be as∣sisting to their apprehention. And if any did contrary to the premises, or wittingly name, believe in, or preach Clement to be Pope, if he were a single person he should be excommunicated, if a Commonwealth or Corpo∣ration, they should be interdicted, and their cities and Lands, deprived of all commerce with other cities, places, and countries, and that the cities themselves should be deprived of their pontificall dignity, and that none but the Pope himselfe should have power to

absolve them from this interdict, or excommunicati∣on, unlesse it were at the very point of death, hee fur∣ther granted to all persons truely penitent, and confest who would fight against the said Antipope, and his confederates in their proper persons, or by others for one whole yeares space, from the day this Bishop of Norwhich should appoint, either continually, or by times if they were lawfully hindred, to all, as well Clergy men as Lay men who should follow the stan∣dard of the Church, and likewise to all such that should contribute towards the expences of this warre according to their ability, either to the Bishop or to his Deputy, or should hire fit souldiers to warre and continue with him for the said space, the same indul∣gence that was usually granted to those who went to aide the holy Land. Moreover this Pope grants these Priviledges to this his Generall the Bishop of Nor∣wich, for the better promoting of this warre. First, that the said Bishop might execute capitall punishments a∣gainst the Antipope, his adherers, factors, and coun∣cellours in any place, with strong hand. Item that hee should have power to publish processe against the An∣tipope and his adherents and any other, to be fulmina∣ted out by the said Lord the Pope himselfe, against them•• and every of them. Item, that he should have power summarily, and plainely to enquire of all and singular Schismaticks, and to imprison them, and to confiscate all their goods, moveables, and immove∣ables. Item, that he should have power to deprive Lay Schismatiques of all secular Offices whatsoever, and to conferre their Offices upon fit persons. Item, That he should have power of depriving and declaring to be deprived all Schismaticall Clergy men, and of con∣ferring their Benefices with Cure, or without Cure, their dignities, Personages, or Offices to other idone∣ous persons. Item, That he should have power over all exempt persons, Clerkes or Laicks, Seculars or

Regulars, though they were brethren of the Order of the Mendicants, or Professors, or Professed of other Houses, or of the Hospitall of St. Iohns of Ierusalem, or of St. Mary of the Teutonicks, or professors of any other Orders. Item, That he should have power of dispensing with any Beneficed secular Clerks, with Cure, or with∣out Cure, or such who had any dignities, parsonages, or Offices, and with regulars exempt or not exempt, that every of them might be absent with him from their benefices, dignities, offices, and houses un∣der the signe of the Crosse, without any license of their Prelates obtained, with the notice and re∣ception of the fruits of their benefices, as if they per∣sonally had resided. Item, It is granted to all, who goe oversea with him at their owne cost and expences, or at the charges of any other plenary remission of all sinnes, and so many priviledges, as are granted to those who goe to the aide of the holy Land. Item, They who out of their proper goods and meanes shall mi∣nister sufficient wages to fit souldiers, according to the discretion of the said Bishop, or of any deputed by him, albeit he himselfe shall not be personally present in the execution of the said businesse, shall have like remis∣sion of sinnes and indulgence as aforesaid, as they had beene personally present with him. Item, All shall be partakers of this remission who shall congruously mi∣nister of their goods to the said Bishop towards the ex∣pugnation of the said Heretickes. Item, if any in fol∣lowing the same Standard shall chance to die in the journey undertaken, or if the businesse it selfe shall chance to be finished in the interim with a convenient end, he shall intirely receive the same grace, who shall be partaker of the forenamed indulgence & remission. Item, he hath power of excommunicating, suspending, interdicting all rebellious persons; or those who hinder him to execute the power granted to him, of what dig∣nity, state, degree, preheminence, order, place, or condi∣tion soever they shall be, allthough Regall, Queenely,* 1.158 or

Imperiall,* 1.159 or of what other Ecclesiasticall or worldly dignity soever they excell in. Item, He hath power of compelling all religious persons whatsoever, even the professors of the Order of the Mendicants, if it shall seeme expedient to him, to destinate or transmit them where he please for the execution of the premises. This Bishop armed with this large Commission, sends out his Mandates, every where for the advancement of this holy papall warre; and among other his precepts, di∣rects this ensuing mandate to the Clergy of the Pro∣vince of Yorke. Henry, by Divine permission, Bishop of Norwich, Nuncio of the See Apostolicke, to our be∣loved in Christ, all and singular the Rectors, Vicars, and Chaplaines Parochiall within the City and Dio∣cesse of Yorke, greeting in the Lord; Albeit wee have exhorted all, and every of you by Apostolicall autho∣ritie in the Lord, and strictly commanded you, that you should publish the crosse committed to us and its vertue to your parishioners in the most opportune time and places, whose sustainers, fauters, and aiders ac∣cording to Ours, or Our Deputies discretion have plenary remission of sinnes granted, and besides this, have augmentation of eternall salvation permitted, as is more fully contained in the Apostolicall Bulls lawfully published throughout all England. And be∣cause we understand by the relation of credible men, that our exhortation and command hath taken none, or small effect, especially (as is beleeved) by reason of the negligence of Curates, to the diminution of the Catholicke faith, and danger of soules, who easily by your councell and exhortation might obtaine the foresaid priviledges and sempiternall grace. There∣fore wee much affecting the salvation and pofit of soules, lest the precious gift of this spirituall universall grace or our power, should not as much as in us lieth be unknowne to any of your parishoners, for time to come; doe you cause the names of all your

Parishioners to be written, setting downe the summe and donations of those that pay upon their names, and those that pay not, from day to day, as often, and when it shall be most expedient, not onely the rich, but also the poore, according to the similitude of the poore widdow, the healthy, and those that are sicke, especial∣ly in confession, doe you prudently handle, and perswade to put their helping hands to this holy voy∣age, to the destruction and extermination of moderne Heretickes, that so they may be partakers of the merit and reward granted in this behalfe, and your selves hereby very much eased from the burthen of your Cure. Moreover, the desturbers of this holy Voyage, or Rebells to our Commands, or rather to the Apostles, and fauters of the moderne Schisme, you, or some of you shall peremptorily cite, that they personally ap∣peare before us, or our Commissioners by a certaine day perfixed by you, or some one of you in the Cathe∣drall of St. Paul in London, to shew cause, at a precise and peremptory time, wherefore they ought not to be pronounced to have fallen into the censures thundred out against those who perpetrate such things. And further to doe and receive what Justice shall per∣swade. You or some one of you shall distinstly and wisely certifie us or our Commissioners of the nam•••••• and quantity of the almes conferred in this kinde•• and also of the dayes of your citations, and of the manner and forme thereof: Of all, and every of which we burthen every of your consciences, firmely injoyning you by vertue of that obedience you stand obliged to the See Apostolicke•• that you publish these our pre∣sent Letters among your Parishioners, reteining the Coppies of them with your selves, and that yee speedi∣ly transmit them to the next Curate in the foresaid Diocesse: In witnesse whereof wee have to these pre∣sents set to our usuall S••••le in this behalfe: Given at Our Lodging ••t Charing neare Westmi••ster the 9th.

day of the Monesh of February, Anno. Dom. 1382. and the 13th. of Our Consecration. And withall he granted this forme of Absolution to all ayders and Assistants to this holy warre. By the Apostolicall authority com∣mitted to me in this behalfe, wee absolve thee, A. B. from all sinnes confessed with the mouth and sorrowed for with the heart, and which thou wouldst confesse if they came to thy memory, and we grant thee plena∣ry remission of all thy sinnes, and promise thee retri∣bution of just men, and augmentation of eternall sal∣vation; and we grant to thee so many priviledges as are granted to those who goe to the aide of the holy Land, and we impart to thee the suffrages of the prayers and benefits of the Synod of the Vniversall Church,* 1.160 and of the holy Catholike Church. By these recited Letters and Absolutions, you may clearely discerne, 1. The extraordinary insatiable malice, uncharitable∣nesse, cruelty, rage of Popes and Lordly Prelates against their opposites. 2. Their earnest desire and promotion of bloody warres by all manner of instiga∣tions and enforcements. 3. Their exorbitant incroach∣ments and usurpations upon Emperors, Kings, Prin∣ces, Subjects, and all sorts of men, who must be sub∣ject to their Censures, Excommunications, and De∣privations, if they resist their wills and bloody designes. 4. Their notable abuse of Excommunications, and other Ecclesiasticall censures to avenge their owne meere personall wrongs•• and execute their owne malicious designes. 5. Their politicke inventions to raise moneyes, and men to maintaine their warres. 6. The impiety and strange abuse of their pretended indulgences wherewith they grossely cheate poore silly people. 7. The industry of this Martiall Prelate of Norwi••h to promote this holy warre, as he termed it, onely in maintenance of Pope Vrbans inurbanity. This Bull and large Commission of the Pope to the Bishop•• was many dayes debated in Parliament, and so his Voyage: During which time the Bishops fore∣said

Letters & Popes Bull being published throughout the Realme, the silly people, hearing the sweetnesse of so great a benediction to have arrived to the English, would neither reject nor receive in vain so great grace, but inflamed with the heat of devotion and faith, those who thought themselves fit for warre, prepared them∣selves with all speede, and those who seemed unable for the Expedition, according to the councell of their Confessors liberally contributed out of their goods towards the use of those who wentt, ••••t they might de∣serve to be partakers of so great remission and in∣dulgence. And the hearts of all men were so generally inflamed with devotion, that there was almost no man found in so great a Kingdome, who did not either offer himselfe to the said businesse or contribute some∣thing towards it, out of his estate: So that in a short space, divers great summes of money were brought to the Bishop out of many parts of the Kingdome, and multitudes of souldiers resorted to him: whereupon the Bishop takes his journey with part of his army to∣wards the Sea-side, and comes to Northborne in Kent; where making some small stay, he received the Kings writ, commanding him to returne to speake with the King•• and to know his pleasure. The Bishop thinking that if he returned, the King would command him to stay his Voyage, and so all his paines and provision should be lost, and himselfe exposed to derision, ga∣thering together those souldiers he had present by the helpe of Iohn Philpot, transported both him∣selfe and them to Chalis, from whence hee went and besieged Graveling; where in a set battell he van∣quished the Flemmins and Schismaticks, and obtained a glorious victory, slaying at least 12. thousand of them in the battle and flight. The newes whereof comming over into England, so affected the people moved with the hope of the prey they should gaine, that many Ap∣prentices in London, and many servants tooke the Crosse upon them without their Masters consent, and

against their wills, whose example others following throughout the Kingdome, leaving their parents, kind red, and deare consorts, being unarmed, having onely swords, bowes, and arrowes went out to this war; and many religious persons of all Orders, (who craved li∣cense to goe but could not obtaine it) presumed to undertake that Voyage, In magnum personarum suarum dedecus & detrimentum, quia non propter Iesnm tantum pere∣grinare decreverunt sed ut patriam mundumque viderent. Iohn Philpot pro••••••••ng all these with necessaries, trans∣ported them to the Bishop: whose temporalties the King seised and detained many yeares in his hands for undertaking this warre, and passing the sea with his subjects, contrary to his inhibition. A little before this warre, this Martiall Prelate had occasion given him of imploying his valour at home to better purpose. In the yeare 1381 the Commons of Suffolke, and Nor∣folke made one Iohn Lister their Leader, a Dyer of Norwich, called the King of the Commons, endea∣vouring to joyne their forces with those notable Re∣bells Wat ••yler, and Iacke Straw. The Bishop hereupon armed from top to toe, marcheth with such forces as he could raise against these Rebells: meeting with some of them at Ickingham, hee presently laid hold of the three chiefe of them, and without more adoe, cut off their heads, which hee caused to be set upon poles at Newmark••t: Thence hee marched towards Norwich, where he understood the Rebells had determined to make some stay. By the way divers Gentlemen that had hid themselves•• Videntes Episcopum militem in∣duisse, & galeam assumps••sse raetalicam, & lor••cam duram quam non possent penetrare sagittae, nec non gladium ma••erta∣lem ancipitem arr••puisse (as Walsingham writes) joyned with him; so as by that time he came to Norwich hee had a reasonable company about him. With that troope (such as it was) he set upon the Rebells, who had fortified themselves with trenches, and barraca∣does

very strongly, having their carriages, and wa∣gons behinde them. The Martiall Bishop without de∣lay, about to give them open battell, moved with their audacity, commands the Trumpets to blow, and the Drummes to beate; and taking a Lance in his right hand, puts spurres to his horse, and is carried with so great animosity and impetuous boldnesse against them, that with a most speedy course hee pre-ocupies their trenches, before his Archers could come up to him, neither was there neede of Archers, they being come to fight hand to hand. The warlike Prelate therefore, like a wilde Boore gnashing his teeth, spa∣ring neither himselfe nor his enemies, where hee per∣ceives most danger thither hee directs his strength, running through this man, casting downe that man, wounding another, and ceaseth not to hurt the enemy most vehemently, untill all the troope which followed him•• had gotten the Trench, and were prepared to the conflict: the Bishops party then fought valiantly, and so did the Commons, Donec infirmior conscientia partem terreret injustams & animum ab audacia & voluntate sub∣traheret moriendi.* 1.161 Hereupon the fearefull vulgar betake themselves to flight, and because they had no way left besides their Carts and Carriages which they had pla∣ced behinde them, they strove to leape over them, and so to escape. But the Bishop, exercising every where the Office of a circumspect Generall•• dashed these endea∣vours, and hindred those who thought to flee by kil∣ling them, and in hindring slayes them, till hee had ta∣ken their Ringleaders, and Iohn Litcestere their King, whom he caused to be drawne, quartered, and be∣headed. Which done, this Bishop rested not, untill ha∣ving searched out the malefactors throughout the country, he caused Justice to be executed on them, Sicque pacem peperit regioni, & indicibile toto regno com∣modum, laudanda probitas, & audac••a commendanda Pontifi∣cis bellicosi. This Act was very commendable, I con∣fesse

yet unsuitable to his calling. There wa•• great contention betweene him and the Monkes of Norwhich for fifteene yeares, concerning their pri∣viledges and jurisdictions; at last they gave him 400. Markes to enjoy their priviledges.

7 1.162 * 1.163Alexander P••yor of Norwich was next elected B. by the Monks, but the King so misliked their choise, as he not only kept him from his dignity, but also imprisoned him at Winsor almost a whole yeare after his election, yet afterwards at the request of Thomas Arrundell Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, and divers other of the Nobility, he was released, set at liberty, and afforded Consecra∣tion, Anno. 1408.

Richard Nyx. 29. Bishop of this Sea,8 1.164 had a report of a vicious and dissolute liver, and was blind long be∣fore his death. Hilary 25 H. 8. Coram Rege Rot. 15. he was attainted in a praemun••re,* 1.165 put out of the Kings pro∣tection, his person imprisoned, Lands, Goods, and Chattles forfeited to the King, for citing Richard Cocke∣rall, Major of Thetford, and others into his Spirituall Court, and enjoyning them under paine of Excom∣munication, to call a Jury of the said towne before them, and cause them to revoke and cancell a Present∣ment they had found upon Oath touching their Li∣berties, to wit, that none of the said Towne ought to be cited into any Spirituall Consistory, but onely in∣to the Deane of Thetfords Court; and that if any one cited any of that Towne into another Spirituall Court, he ••hould forfeit sixe shillings eight pence for the same, The Glasse-windowes of Kings-Colledge Chappell in Cambridge were bought and set up with part of this Bishops Fine and Forfeiture upon this his attainder, as the Author. of the Catalogue of the Chancellors and Colledges of Cambridge Record••, in his Collegi••m Regis.

9 1.166 * 1.167 Iohn Hopton the 32th Bishop of this Sea, was a great persecuter, and a cause of putting many of our

Martyrs to death; as you may read in Mr. Fox his Acts and Monuments.

Samuel Harsnet Bishop of this Diocesse,9 1.168 a turbulent Prelate and great opposer of Godly Ministers in the latter end of King Iames, and the beginning of King Charles raigne was questioned and proceeded against in Parliament for divers oppressions, Extortions, and Superstitious innovations introduced in that Dioces••e. Of whom, See more in Yorke, to which he was transla∣ted.

Dr. White,10 1.169 and Dr. Corbet his immediate successors,11 1.170 were men of the same straine with Harsnet, and where∣as Dr. White had gained great fame and reputation in our Church for his learning and Bookes against the Papists whilst he continued an ordinary Minister, his carriage and change was such, that he soone lost all his honour and reputation after he became a Bishop, and when as other men grow commonly white in their old age, he contrariwise like the * 1.171 Albanes (who doe in senectute nigrescere) waxed blacke in his declining dayes, and as some say, deserved the title of that Popish Trea∣tise which he answered in his Orthodox, White dyed blacke. A strange effect of a white Rochet.

But his Successor in this See, Matthew Wren,2 1.172 a man of a more active spirit, thinking it a disparagement to him, not to transcend his predecessors in superstitious Popish Innovations, and extravagant oppressions, both of the Ministers and people of that Diocesse, hath beene so exorbitantly outragious in his procee∣dings, that upon the hearing of sundry Petition•• and complaints against him in Parliament, the whole House of Commons have transmitted to the Lords these subsequent Articles of impeachment against him (already Printed) wherein the malicious venome of his spirit against piety and our Religion, with his se∣ditious, oppressive practises are Anatomized to the full, and most elegantly displaied in their proper co∣lours

by Sir Thomas Widdrington in his Speech at their transmission, which Articles and Speech here I insert.

ARTICLES of Impeachment, of the COMMONS A••sembled in Parliament in the name of themselves, and of all the Commons of England, against Matthew Wren, Dr. in Divinity, late Bishop of Norwich, and now Bishop of Ely, for severall Crimes, and Misdemeanors committed by him.

THat the said Matthew Wren, being Popishly and superstitiously affected, did at his first comming to be Bishop of Norwich, which was in the yeare 1635. endeavour by sundry wayes, and meanes, to suppresse the powerfull and painefull Preaching of the Word of God; did introduce divers Orders, and Injunctions, tending to Superstition and Idolatry; did disturbe, and disquiet the orderly, and settled estate of the Mi∣nisters, and people, and Churches of that Diocesse, to the great prejudice of His Majestie, the great griefe and disquiet, and hazard of the estates, consciences, and lives of many of his Majesties Loyall Subjects there, to the manifest bringing in, and increasing of prophane∣nesse, ignorance, and disobedience in the Common people, (as by the particulars ensuing may appeare.)

I. Whereas many Chancels of Churches, during all the time of Queene Elizabeth, King Iames, and of his Majestie that now is, had laid and beene continued, even and flat, without any steps ascending towards the East-end of the same, and are ordered to continue as they were, and so ought to have continued; He of his own minde and will, without any lawfull warrant of authority, in the yeare 1636. being then Bishop of Nor∣wich, ordered and enjoyned, that the same should be raised towards the East-end, some two, some three, some foure steps, that so the Communion Table there placed Altarwise, might be the better seene of the people.

II. He in the same yeare 1636. ordered, That the Com∣munion Table which is appointed by the said Rubrick, at the time of the celebration of the holy Communion, to be placed in the Body of the Church or Chancell, where Divine Prayers are usually read, and where the people might best heare, should be set up close un∣der the Wall at the East-end of the Chancell Altar∣wise, and not to be removed from thence; whereby the Minister, who is by the Law to Officiate at the North-side of the Table, must either stand and offici∣ate at the North-end of the Table so standing Altar∣wise, or else after the Popish and Idolatrous manner, stand and officiate at the Westside of the Table with his backe towards the people.

III. He in the same yeare 1636. enjoyned that there should be a Rayle set on the top of the new raised steps before the Communion Table so set Altarwise as a∣foresaid, which Rayl should raise from the Southside of the Chancell to the North within, which the Mi∣nister onely should enter, as a place too holy for the people; and some of the people were punished for step∣ping into it, as namely Daniel Wayman, and others.

IV. The more to advance blinde Superstition, hee in the same yeare 1636. ordered that all the Pewes in the Church should be so altered, that the people might kneele with their faces Eastward, towards the Com∣munion Table so set Altarwise as aforesaid; And that there should be no seats in the Chancell above, or on either side even up with the said Table.

V. He in the same yeare 1636. enjoyned that every Minister after he had finished the reading of some part of the Morning Prayer, at the Deske, should goe out from the same to the holy Table set Altarwise, as to a more holy place, and there, when no Communion was to be administred, reade at the said Table a part of the Communion Service, now commonly called the se∣cond Service, whereby the consciences both of the Mi∣nister,

and people, have beene not onely very much of∣fended, and grieved, but also the Service it selfe was made very unprofitable to the people•• who could not heare what was said, or prayed in that place.

VI. That both he in his owne person, his Chaplains, and others of the Clergy as namely, Master Iohn Novell, Master William Guest, Master Iohn Dunckon, and others following his example, did ever after the Table was so set Altarwise, use and performe such, so many, and so frequent bowings and adorations before, and to∣wards the said Table as have beene dangerous exam∣ples to draw others to the like superstitious ge∣stures, and have given great scandall•• and offence to the sound, and sincere, and well affected Christi∣ans.

VII. Hee in the said yeare 1636, enjoyned all the people to come up to the Rayle to receive the holy Communion, and there kneele, and doe reverence be∣fore the holy Table placed Altarwise and gave directi∣ons to the Ministers not to administer the Communi∣on to such people as should not so come up, and do such reverence as aforesaid, And that the Minister should within the Rayle deliver the Bread to such people onely as should so come up and kneele before the said Table as aforesaid. This was to the offence of the con∣sciences of many good people, who for feare of Idola∣try and Superstition, durst not come to kneele at the ••aid Rayl before the Table so placed Altarwise; and many people not comming up thither, though presen∣ting themselves upon their knees in the Chancell, have not had the Communion delivered unto them, and af∣terward for not receiving have bin excommunicated, as namely, Iohn Shyming, Samuel Dunckon, Peter Fisher, Tho∣mas Neuton, Edward Bedwell, Edmund Day, Iohn Frowar, and many others.

VIII. He did in the said yeare, 1636. enjoyn and command, that there should be no Sermons on the

Lords Days in the afternoone or on the weeke dayes at all, without his Licence. And also enjoyned that there should be no Catechising, but onely such questions, and answers•• as are contained in the Booke of the Common prayer. Not allowing the Ministers to expound or open the points of the same to the poople. He and his under Officers affirming in publike places, that such an exposition might be as ill as a Sermon. And the more to hearten, and confirme the people in prophaning the Lords Day, He enjoyned the Ministers to read publikely in their Churches, a Book published touching Sports on the Lords Day. For not reading whereof, some Ministers were by the command and directions of the said Bishop suspended, viz. Master William Leigh, Mr. Richard Proud, Mr. Ionathan Burr, Mr. Mathew Brumwrigg, Mr. Mott, and divers others, some deprived Master Powell, Mr. Richard Raymond, Mr. Jeremy Borrowes, and some otherwise troubled. By all which, knowledge was suppressed, and ignorance and prophanenesse introduced in that Diocesse.

IX. There having beene formerly two kinds of rin∣ging of Bells, and calling people to the Church in that Diocesse (viz.) one kinde, when there were one∣ly Prayers to be read, and another kinde, when there were both Prayers to be read, and a Sermon preached, whereby the people did apply themselves to the Service of God in those places, where both Prayers, and Prea∣ching was to be; He to hinder the people in their good desires of serving of God, and edifying their soules, did in the same yeare 1636. command, and enjoyne that there should be no difference in ringing of Bells to Church when there was a Sermon, and when there was none.

X. Whereas many godly Ministers for the preven∣ting of the great sinne in the people of unworthy recei∣ving the holy Communion of the Lords Supper•• did use to Preach two or three dayes before every Com∣munion,

a preparation Sermon to prepare, and instruct the people in the right and worthy receiving of the Communion, He the said Bishop did in the said yeare, 1636. forbid Ministers, to preach any such prepa••ati∣on Sermon in that Diocesse, as namely, Master Deve∣reux, Master Swayn, and other Ministers.

XI. Whereas all Gods Ordinances are sanctified, and made fruitfull by the blessing of God upon them by Prayer; Hee endeavouring to suppresse the power, and benefit of Prayer in the yeare 1636. enjoyned that no Minister should use any prayer before his Sermon, but move the people to pray onely in the words of the fifty fifth Canon made Anno Dom. 1603. which Canon was not warranted by the Law. And that no prayer should be used before or after the Sermon. And he in his owne person having beene at the Sermon in the Towne of Ipswich when the Preacher did use or make any other prayer, did sit upon his seat without using, or giving any reverence of kneeling, or otherwise, thereby to discountenance such prayer. And he in the said yeere 1636. enjoyned that no prayer should be made in the Pulpit for the sicke, and that such as were prayed for in the reading Deske, should be prayed for onely in the two Collects prescribed for the Visitation of the sicke in private houses.

XII. He the more to alienate the peoples heart from hearing of Sermons in the said yeare 1636. comman∣ded, and enjoyned all Ministers to preach constantly in their Hood, and Surplice, a thing not used before in that Diocesse, and much offensive to the people as a scandalous innovation. And the Parishioners of Knatt∣shall wanting a Surplice•• he did by his Officers in the yeare 1637. injoyn the Churchwardens there, that no prayers should be read in that Church till they had got a Surplice, which they not getting for the space of two Lords dayes after, had no prayers during that time there.

XIII. That during the time of his being Bishop of Norwich, which was about two yeares, and foure moneths, There were for not reading the Service, at the Communion Table set•• Altarwise, for not reading the Booke of Sports•• for using conceived prayers before and after Sermons, and for not observing some other illegall innovations by him, and his under-officers, by and upon his directions, and Injunctions, sundry godly painefull Preaching Ministers, that is to say, Master William Powell, Mr. Iohn Carter, Mr. Robert Pe••k•• Mr. William Bridge, Mr. William Greene, Mr. Mott, Mr. Richard Raymond, Mr. Thomas Scot, Mr. Greenehill, Mr. Nicholas Beard, Mr. Hudson, Robert Kent, Jeremy Burrow, Mr. Thomas Allen, and others to the number of fifty, were excommunicated, suspended, or deprived and other∣wise censured, and silenced, to the undoing of many of them, their wives, and children, and they could not be absolved without giving promise to conforme to his directions editis & edendis, by meanes whereof some Ministers were enforced to depart this Realme into Holland, and other parts beyond Sea, viz. the said Mr. William Bridge, Mr. Jeremy Burrowes, Mr. Thomas Allen•• Mr. John Ward, and others of Norwich, to remove into other more peaceable Diocesses, as namely, Mr. Edmund Calamy, Mr. Broome, Mr. Beard and others, and some of them so pros••cuted, as hath bin suspected to be the cause of their deaths, as namely, Mr. Th••mas Scot and others; the terror of which proceedings, hath caused o∣ther Ministers to leave their Cures, and goe away, viz. Mr. William Kirington, M. Thomas Warren, Mr. John Allen and others; & if a stranger preached at the Cure of such person suspended, the Church-wardens permitting such person so to preach, were enjoyned pennance, and otherwise troubled, as namely, the Church-wardens of Snaile-well, and the stranger for preaching, was also therefore molested, viz. Mr. Ash, Mr. Eades, Mr. Man∣ning, and other Ministers.

XIV. That during the time hee was Bishop of the said See of Norwich, he did unlawfully compell the inhabitants of the severall parishes within that Dio∣••esse, to raise the floors of the Chancells, of their re∣spective Churches, to raile in their Communion Ta∣bles, to remove the Pewes and Seats, and to make o∣ther alterations in the respective Churches; in the do∣ing whereof the said Inhabitan••s, were put to great, excessive, and unnecessary charges and expences, a∣mounting in the whole, to the summe of five thou∣sand pounds, and upwards, which said charges and expences, hee did by unlawfull meanes and courses, enforce the said Inhabitants to undergoe; And such of the said Inhabitants, as did not obey the same, hee did vex, trouble, and molest by presentments, Citations, Excommunications, tedious, and frequent Journeyes, and by attendances at the Court of his Chancellor, and other his Officialls, viz. the Church∣wardens of Lin, Ipswich, S. Edmunds Bury, and others.

XV. That for not comming up to the Raile, to re∣ceive the holy Communion, kneeling there before the Table Altarwise, for not standing up at the Gospell, and for not observing and performing of his unlawfull Innovations, and Injunctions, many other of his Ma∣jesties subjects, viz. Peter Fisher, Samuel Duncon, Iames Per∣civall, John Armiger, Thomas King and others, have beene by him, his Chancellors, Visitors, Commissaries, and Officialls by his command and Injunctions, much molested, disquieted, and vexed in their estates and consciences by Citations to the Courts, long atten∣dance there, Dismission, Fees, Excommunications, Penances, and other Censures.

XVI. That by reason of the rigorous prosecutions, and dealings in the last precedent Articles mentioned, and by reason of the continuall superstitious bowing to, and afore the Table set Altarwise, the suspending, silencing, driving away of the painfull preaching

Ministers, the suppressing, and forbidding of Sermons, and Prayer, the putting downe of Lecturer, the suppressing meanes of knowledge, and salvation, and introducing ignorance, Superstition, and prophane∣nesse, many of his Majesties subjects, to the number of three thousand, many of which used trades of Spin∣ning, W••aving, Knitting, and making of Cloth, and Stuffe, Stockings, and other manufactures of Woolls, that is to say, Daniel Sunning, Michael Met∣calfe, John Berant, Nicholas Metcalfe, John Derant, Busby, widdow Mapes, Richard Cocke, John Dicks, Francis Lawes, John Senty, and many others, some of them setting an hundred poore people on worke, have removed them∣selves, their families, and estates into Holland, and other parts beyond the Seas, and there set up and taught the Natives there, the said manufactures, to the great hinde∣rance of trade in this kingdome, & to the impoverish∣ing, and bringing to extreame want, very many who were by those parties formerly set on worke, to the great prejudice of his Majestie and his people.

XVII. That he the said Bishop, finding the people to distaste his innovations, hath often in publike, and private speeches declared in the said yeare, 1636. That what he did in the same, was by his Majesties com∣mand, whereby hee contrary to the duty of his place, which he held under his Majestie, being Deane of his Majesties Royall Chappell, and contrary to the duty of a good and loyall subject, endeavoured, to free him∣selfe of blame, and to raise an ill opinion of his Royall Majestie, in the hearts of his loving subjects.

XVIII. That hee the said Matthew Wren, being Bishop of Norwich in the said yeare, 1636. in the Tower Church in Ipswich, and other places, did in his owne person, use superstitious and idolatrous actions, and gestures in the administration of the Lords Sup∣per, consecrating the bread and wine, standing at the West-side of the Table with his face to the East, and

••is backe towards the people, elevating the Bread and Wine, to be seene over his shoulders bowing low, either to o•• before them•• when he after the Elevation, and Consecration, had set them downe on the Table.

XIX. That he the more to manifest his Popish af∣fection in the said yeare 1636. caused a Crucifix, that is to say, the figure of Christ upon the Crosse to be en∣graven upon the Episcopall Seale besides the Armes of the See.

XX. That he hath chosen and imployed such men to be his Commissioners, Rurall Deanes, and to be his household Chaplaines, whom he knew to be, and stand affected to his innovated courses, and to popish superstition, and to be erroneous, and unsound in judgement and practise, as namely M. Iohn Novel. M. E••mond Maple••of••, M. Iohn Dunkin. M. Bo••ek, M. Dun, and others.

XXI. That he hath very much oppressed divers Pa∣trons of Churches by admitting without any colour of title his owne Chaplaines and others whom he af∣fected into Livings, which became void within his Dioces•• unjustly enforcing the true and right Patrons to long and chargeable suits to evict such Incumbents, and to recover their owne right, some of which he did against his Priestly word given to the said Patrons or their friends in verbo Sac••rdotis not to doe the same. This he did in the case of one M. Rivet.

XXII. That he and others in the yeare 1635, sould, granted away the profits of his Primary Visitation for five hundred pounds over and above the charges of the Visitation•• and for the better benefit of the Farmer, s••t forth a booke in the yeare 1636 intituled, Articles to be inquired of within the Dioces of Norwich, in the first Visitation of Mathew Lord Bishop of Norwich, consisting of 139 Articles, and wherein are contained the number of eight hundred ninety seven questions, according to all which, the Churchwardens were in∣forced

to present upon paine of perjury. And some Churchwardens, that is to say, Robert Langly, Charles Newton, Richard Hart, William Bull, and Zephany Ford, and others not making presentments accordingly, were cited, molested, and troubled, and injoyned pen∣nance•• notwithstanding many of the said Articles were ridiculous and impossible.

XXIII. That the Churchwardens, and other men sworne at the Visitation, were inforced to have their presentments written by Clarkes specially appointed by such as bought the said Visitation•• to whom they paid excessive summes of money for the same, some two and twenty shillings, as namely, Richard Hurrell, Iohn Punchard, and others, some more, some lesse, for writing one Presentment, to the grievous oppression of his Majesties poore subjects in his Diocesse.

XXIV. Whereas by the Lawes of this Realme no tythes ought to be paid out of the rents of houses, nor is there any custome or usage in the City of Norwich for such payment, yet the said Bishop indeavoured to draw the Citizens, and other inhabitants within the said City against their wills and consents to pay two shillings in the pound in liew of the tithes of houses within the severall Parishes of the said City, unto the Ministers there, of the said respective parishes. And the better to effect this his unjust resolution, he did by false and undue suggestions, in the fourteenth yeare of his Majesties reigne that now is, procure his Majestie to declare under his Highnesse great Seale of England his royall pleasure, That if any person, within the said City shall refuse to pay according to the said rat•• of two shillings the pound unto the Minister of any Pa∣rish with in the said city, That the same be heard in the Court of Chancery, or in the Consistory of the Bishop of Norwich. And that in such case no prohibition a∣gainst the said Bishop of Norwich, their Chancellors, or Commissaries in the s••••d Courts of Consistory be

g••anting the same upon ••ight of his Highnesse said Or∣der, shall forthwith grant a consultation to the Mini∣ster, desiring the same with his reasonable costs and charges for the same, which said Order and Decree under the great Seale of England tended to the viola∣tion of the Oathes of the Judges•• and was devised, con∣trived, and made by the said Bishop. And afterwards by his evill counsels and false surmises he did obtaine his Majesties royall consent thereunto, and by colour of the order aforesaid; and other the doings of the said Bishop, the Citizens and inhabitants of Norwich a∣foresaid, viz. Iohn Collar, Judith Perkeford, and others, have beene inforced to pay the said two shillings in the pound in liew of tythes, or else by suits and other undue meanes beene much molested, and put to great charges and expences, contrary to the Law and Justice.

XXV. That he assumed to himselfe an arbitrary power to compell the respective parishioners in the said Diocesse to pay great and excessive wages to Pa∣rish Clarks•• viz. the Parishioners of Yarmouth, Congham, Tostocke, and others, commanding his of∣ficers, that if any parishioner did refuse to pay such wages, they should certifie him their names, and hee would set them into the High Commission Court for example of them. And that one or two out of Ipswich might be taken for that purpose.

And the said Commons by Protestation saving to themselves the libertie•• of exhibiting at any time here∣after any other accusation or impeachment against the said Matthew Wren late Bishop of Norwich, and now Bishop of Ely, and also of replying to the an∣swer to the said Articles, or any of them, or of of∣fering proofe of the premisses or any other impeach∣ments or accusations that shall be exhibited by them as the case shall (according to the course of Parlia∣••ents) require, doe pray that the said Matthew ••ren

may be called to answer the said severall crimes, and misde••eanours, and receive such condigne punish∣ment as the same shall deserve, and that such further proceedings may be upon every of them had, and used against him, as is agreeable to Law and Justice.

Sir THOMAS WIDDRINGTONS SPEECH, At a Conference betweene both Houses, on Tuesday the 20•• of Iuly, 1641. At the transmission of the impeachment against Matthew Wren Doctor of Divinity, late Bishop of Norwich, and now Bishop of Ely.

My Lords, I am commanded by the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses now assembled for the Commons in Parliament, to deliver to your Lordships these Articles against the Bishop of Ely. May it please your Lordships first to heare them read.

MY Lords, These Articles are dipped in those Co∣lours, in which this Bishop rendred himselfe to the Diocesse of Norwich, they neede no Glosse, nor Varnish. In them you may behold the spirit and disposition of this Bishop, heare the groanes and cries of the people, see a shepheard scattering, (I had almost said) devouring his owne flocke; He that was desi∣red to paint Hercules, thought he had done enough, when he had made a resemblance of the Lyons skin, which he was wont to carry about him as a Trophee of his honour.

I will not say that in these you will finde a resem∣blance of the Lyons skin, I am sure you will finde the resemblance of the skins (that is to say,) the tottered and ruin'd fortunes, of poore innocent Lambs, who have extreamely suffered by the violence of this Bishop.

In the yeare 1635. this man was created Bishop of Norwich: he is no sooner there, but he marcheth fu∣riously.

In the creation of the world light was one of th•• first productions, the first visible action of this Bishop after his creation into this See was to put out many burning and shining lights, to suspend diverse able learned and conscientious Ministers•• he that should have beene the Golden ••nuffer of these lights, became the extinguisher, and when these are taken away, where shall poore men light their Candles?

My Lords, this was not all.

He put out lights, and sets up firebrands in their pla∣ces, suspends painfull Ministers, and sets up idle facti∣ous and superstitious Priests, (to use their owne lan∣guage) in their places, yet it is the fortune of these men at this time, like Rivers in the Ocean, to be buri∣ed the in extreme activity of their Diocesan.

He made a scourge, not of small cords, but of new Injunctions and numerous Articles tyed about with a strong twist of a most dangerous oath; and with this he whips not out buyers and sellers, but the faithfull dispensers of the word out of their Churches, out of their estates, out of their deere Country.

This Noah (if I may so call him without offence) assoone as he entred into the Arke of this Diocesse, he sends, nay forces Doves to fly out of this Arke, and when they returne unto him, with Olive branches in their mouthes of peaceable and humble submissions, he will not receive them into this Arke againe, unlesse like Ravens they would feed upon the Carrion of his new Inventions, they must not have any footing there•• he stands as a flaming sword to keepe such out of his Diocesse.

My Lords, unlesse he had done this, he could never have hoped to have brought that great worke he un∣doubtedly aymed at to any perfection.

Whilst the Palladium of Troy stood, that Citie was impregnable, The Greekes had no sooner stollen that away but they instantly won the Citie•• So then he

first put out the Candles, then was the opportunity to shuffle in his workes of darknesse: h•• first bea••s off the Watchmen and seers, then was likely to follow that which the impiety of some was pleased to stile, the piety of the times.

This being done, he then begins to dresse out Gods Worship according to his owne fancy, this he expres∣seth in Injunctions and directions, the Minerva's of his owne braine; we find them stiled Regales Injunctiones Domini Episcopi: a stile too sacred to Baptise his brats withall; I shall be bold to ca••l them Tyrannicas injuncti∣ones Do•• Episcopi; stories afford not a more barbarous cruelty then to joyne a dead and a living body toge∣ther, the one is miserable, killed with the stinch of the other.

This Bi. who like Aaron should have stood between the living & the dead hath joyned to lively ordinances ma∣ny dead & venemous ceremonies, which have no other life, than what they received from the breath of his Injunctions•• and these are pressed upon the Conscien∣ces•• even these must be observed as morall lawes.

An arbitrary government in the Church is more dangerous, more grievous than that in the state; this is exercised upon men•• conscien••es the most tender parts, and is the very pinacle of ••yranny, and of all o∣ther most intollerable; tha•• blow which will hardly be felt by the arme, will put out the eye.

(My Lords) in the time of King Ri••h. 1. one of this mans predecessors, a valiant Bishop went into the ho∣ly warre, this Bishop hath raised a warre at home in his owne Diocesse; a warre not against Sa••azen••, Bar∣barians, Turks or Infidels, but against good & well dis∣posed people. I know not what stile to give this warre: without doubt (my Lords) this was no holy warre.

The weapons of this warfare were 28. Injunctions, ••••9. Articles containing 87••. questions.

The souldiers were Chancellors, Commissaries, Of∣ficials,

Commissioners, Rurall Deanes, &c.

Himselfe commanded in chiefe.

The wayes of assault and killing were by excom∣munications, suspensions, deprivations, — I stay here, Mille modis mori••ur mortales.

The Magazin wherein all these were originally hat∣ched and lodged, was the superstitious and malicious brest of this Bishop.

This Dioces was the stage where the direfull tra∣gedies of this warre were acted by the space of two yeares and upwards.

Thus did he trouble Israel in the time of peace, nay by these he put some of the Chariots and Horsemen of Israel to flight, out of these he raiseth a farme of 500. pounds for his primary Visitation: if it be considered cum pertinentiis, it was not deere, yet well improved; for formerly but 40. pound in the time of some of his pre∣decessors.

Will it please your Lordships with patience to cast your eyes upon the modell of this Bishops zeale, piety, and Religion: Let his affection to prayer and prea∣ching speake for all the rest.

First, for prayer. It was his hap to finde a prayer which is no prayer, pretended to be prescribed by a Canon which is no Canon, I meane the 55. Canon set forth in the yeare 1603. and no other prayer must be used in his Dioces before Sermons. That monster of conceived prayer (pardon the expression, its not my owne) seemed as bad to him as a spell or charme. It must not be used upon any occasion, without doubt he would never have beene so strait-laced, and severe in this particular, if hee had but dreamed of that strait which a minister a friend of his was put unto by this meanes; the story is short. A Butcher was gored in the belly by an Oxe, the wound was cured, the party de∣sired publike thanksgiving in the Congregation, the Minister finding no forme for that purpose, reads the

Collects for Churching of women.

Next for preaching. That hee is most able in this kinde is agreed by all. But that he ever preached him∣selfe in this Diocesse saving once, I never heard affir∣med by any.

His next care was that others should not preach too often; if they did, they must be put into his blacke Bill: He changed that golden sentence of (vae mihi si non praedicavero) into vae aliis si praedicaverint; he was so farre from the practise of Saint Paul the great Preacher of the Gentiles, who (we reade) preached till midnight, that there must be no Sermons in the afternoone; there may be, nay there must be sports and pastimes then. And as if he had stood in feare of inarticulate language bells which might foretell a Sermon, hee cannot en∣dure to heare the noise of a Sermon in the toll of a Bell.

In a word; he adorned Churches at the charge of other men, and spoyled Pulpits, which ought to have beene the greatest part of his owne charge.

(My Lords) you have now presented to your Lord∣ships a brother, nay, one whose place ingaged him to be a father of the Clergy, yet one who like Iosephs bre∣thren hath taken the coat from Ioseph, nay they were forced to fly from him as Ioseph from his Mistris, or else they must taste of his forbidden waters, but in their going away he rents their skirts, nay their whole garments and livelihoods from them, hee hath taken the locks from many Sampsons, and done what he could to put out their eyes, and to make them grinde in the mill of his pernicious and dangerous innovations.

He should like Moses have led his flocke. Moses led the children of Israel through the red Sea, this man drives part of his flocke over the Sea, but went not himselfe.

Like Nimrod he hath invaded the lawes and liberties of the subject, he hath beene as great a robber as ever

was presented to your Lordships: He hath robbed the King of his Subjects, the greatest glory of Kings; the Kingdome of trade, of tradesmen, the supporters of it.

He that deprives the King of one subject, you know his punishment•• and what shall be the punishment of him who hath robbed the King of so many subjects?

* 3.1In the time of King Henry the third•• we finde a te∣nant in Dower punished in action of waste, because she had destroyed two rich villeynes, and made them beggers.

I appeale to your Lordships, what is his offence who hath committed so much wilfull waste and spoyle, beggered hundreds, not villaines, but free borne subjects.

He robbed the soules of that sweet Manna, which is pabulum animarum, the Word of God.

(My Lords) I have not yet recounted all his rob∣beries; he hath robbed God of part of his day•• makes part of that a day of sports; he hath robbed the subjects of their indubitable birth-right, the Lawes of the Kingdome.

The citizens of Norwich must pay tythes for the rents of houses; there's no Law in England, nor Cu∣stome in Norwich for it: Nay and that they may be sure to be robbed of justice too, the suite for these tithes must be in his owne Consistory, from whence there must be no appeale, no prohibition.

The true•• Patrons of Churches, they are robbed of their presentations•• others who had none or small pre∣tence of right are admitted upon this unhallowed maxim, That if hee should institute those who had right, the pretender was without remedy; by this he inverted a fundamentall Law of this Nation, to invest remedilesse rights with unjust possessions.

(My Lords) I cannot tell you all, but you can mea∣sure a Lyon by the paw.

I am commanded to lay this great malefactour at

your doores, one who hath beene a great oppugner o•• the life and liberty of Religion, and who set a brand of infamy (to use his own words) upon Ipswich education.

In summe, one who is a compleate mirrour of in∣novation, superstition, and oppression•• he is now in the snare of those Articles, which were the workes of his owne hands.

The rod of Moses at a distance was a serpent, it was a rod againe when it was taken into his hands: this Bishop was a serpent, a devouring serpent in the Di∣ocesse of Norwich; your Lordships peradventure will by handling of him make him a rod againe•• or if not, I doubt not but your Lordships will chastise him with such rods as his crimes shall deserve.

(My Lords) I am commanded by the House of Commons to desire your Lordships that this Bishop may be required to make answer to these Articles, and that there may be such proceedings against him as the Course and Justice of Parliament doth admit.

You see by this Parlamentary impeachment what a Regulus, Tyrant, and Serpent this Wren hath beene, I shall say no more of him, but leave him to his legall triall.

Richard Mountague who next succeeded Bishop Wren, in this Sea, proceeded on in his extravagant courses, and Popish innovations; witnesse his strange Visitation Articles printed for the Diocesse of Norwich; many whereof are directly Popish, others unjust, absurd and strangely ridiculous; as, of what Assise is ••our Sur∣plesse? What is your Surplesse or Lords Table worth if it were to be sold? Is your Communion Table ray∣led in, so as Cats and Dogges (he might as well have added, Rats and Mice) cannot get through unto it? &c. This Bishop conscious to himselfe of his owne guiltinesse came not up to this last Parliament for feare of questioning, and being complained of for suspending a Lecturer in Norwich without any just

cause, even sitting this Parliament, the House thereup∣on made an Order, that a speciall Committee should be appointed to examine all his offences old and new; the newes whereof so affrighted him, that within few dayes after he died, to ease the Parliament of that la∣bour, of whom see more in Chichester: Since his de∣cease this See hath continued vacant; and the whole Diocesse earnestly desire it may so remaine till Doomesday, having beene almost ruined, and infi∣nitely vexed by their late monstrous Prelates; of whom I shall now take my farewell, and shape my course to Chester Diocesse.

The Bishops of Chester.

The Bishopricke of * 3.2 Coventry and Lichfield in for∣mer times, had three Episcopall Sees, Chester, Coventry, and Lichfield, whence some of the Bishops in our Chronicles, were formerly called the Bishops of Chester, because they there resided, of some of whose Acts I shall give you a taste:

1 3.3Hugh Novant Bishop of Chester (whom * 3.4 Godwin reckons among the Bishops of Coventry and Lichfield) about the yeare 1188. when King Richard the first was taken prisoner by the Arch-duke of Austria,* 3.5 joy∣ned with Iohn Earle of Morton the Kings Brother a∣gainst the King, to dispossesse him of his Kingdome; his brother went from this Earle and the French King to the Emperour with Letters, & a message, promising him a great summe of money in their names to detaine the King still in Prison, after the Articles for his re∣lease and ransome were concluded; for which treason and conspiracy after the Kings enlargement, this Bishop was indicted in a Parliament at Notting∣ham, that he being privy to the Kings secrets had re∣volted from him to the King of France and Earle Iohn, his enemies; & adhered to them plotting all mis∣chiefe for the destruction of the King and of the King∣dome, whereupon hee was peremptorily cited to ap∣peare and answer this indictment within 40. dayes,

which he failing to doe, was adjudged to be punished by Ecclesiasticall censures as he was a Bishop, and as an Officer to the King, he was also by the Laity bani∣shed the Realme, and at last enforced to purchase his peace with a Fine of 5000 markes to the King. * 3.6 Anno 211 90. he having purchased the Monastery of Coventry from the King, came thither with a power of armed men to place in secular Priests in stead of the Monkes, who making resistance against him, he invaded them with forces, chased away some, lamed others of them•• spoiled their house, burnt their Charters and Evidences, himselfe being wounded (and that in the Church before the High Altar) in this conflict, to the effusion of his blood.

* 3.7 2 3.8 In the yeare of our Lord, 1234. in the Purifica∣tion of St. Mary, King Henry the third came to a confe∣rence at Westminster, wherein he sharpely rebuked cer∣taine Bishops, Et maximè Alexandrū Cestrensem Epis••opum; & especially Alexander de Savensby Bishop of Chester, that they were over-familiar with the Earle Marshall; Et quòd ipsum de regni solio depellere nitebantur; that they indevoured to depose him from his royall throne. But this Bishop clad in his Pontificalibus, when hee knew such things were objected to him, and also that some had suggested to the King by way of exasperating, that the Bishops favouring the party of the Marshall would create another King, was exceedingly moved, especi∣ally against Roger de Catelu; whereupon hee inconti∣nently excommunicated all those, who imagined any such wickednesse against the King, or maliciously imposed such things upon the Bishops, who were al∣together folicitous of the Kings honours and safety. The innocency of the Bishops being thus manifested and proved, and the sowers of dissention confounded, Catelu held his peace being not free, as it seemed•• from the Anathema. So the other Bishops who were present in∣tervening, Alexander B••. of Chester was pacified, and his spirit quieted, Nimis antè amaricatus, being overmuch im∣bittered

before. Edmond Elect Archbishop of Canterbury with many of his suffragans, were present at this con∣ference, who all condoling at the desolation of the King and Kingdome, came to the King, and as it were with one heart, mind and mouth said. O our Lord the King, let us tell you in the Lord, as your faithfull sub∣jects, that the counsell which you now have and use•• is neither wholsome nor safe, but cruell and dange∣rous to your selfe, and to the Kingdome of England, to wit, the counsell of Peter Bishop of Winchester (of whom before) Peter de Rivallis and their complices. Fi••st of all, because they hate and contemne the English Nation calling them Traytors, and causing them all to be so called, and turning your minde away from the love of your owne Nation, and ••h•• hearts of your people from you, as appeares in the Marshall, who is the best man of your Land, whom they have perverted and estranged from you by lyes they have scattered a∣broad of him. And through this very counsell, to wit, by the said Bishop, your Father King Iohn first lost the hearts of his people, after that Normandy, afterwards o∣ther lands, and in the end exhausted all his treasure, and almost lost the dominion of England, and had ne∣ver peace afterwards. By the same counsell in our times, the Kingdome was troubled, and the interdict came, and finally, the Kingdome was made tributary, and the Prince of Provinces (alas for griefe) is brought under tribute to ignoble persons, and warres begun, and long protracted, your father died like a banished man, neither in peace of the Kingdome, nor of minde, and so by them he incurred a very perillous death. By the same counsell the Castle of Bedford was detained a∣gainst you, where you lost much treasure, and many valiant men; by meanes whereof in the interim you lost Rochell, to the ignominy of the whole Realme. Item, the now imminent perturbation, perilous to the whole Kingdome, comes to passe through their wicked counsell, because if your people had beene handled ac∣cording

to Justice and the right Judgement (or Law) of the Land•• this perturbation had not hapned, and you should have had your lands undestroyed & your trea∣sure unexhausted. Likewise we tell you in that allegi∣ance wherby we are obliged to you, that your counsell is not of peace•• but of trouble to the Land, because they that seeke to thrive by the trouble of the Kingdome, and the disinherison of others, cannot doe it by its peace. Item, because they have your Ca••tles and your forces in their hand•• as if you ought to distrust your owne people. Item, because they have your Exchequor, and all the grea••est Wards, and Escheates in their power, such an expectation pleaseth, and how they will answer you in the end, wee beleeve you shall prove. Item, because by your Seale or Precept with∣out the Seale of Peter de Rivallis, scarce any great busi∣nesse is done in the Realme, as if they accounted you not to be King. Item, because by the same counsell the naturall borne subjects of your Kingdome are expel∣led out of your Court; whence wee have cause to be fearefull both of you and the Kingdome, when as wee see you to be more in their power, than they in yours, as appeares by very many examples. Item, because they have a mayde out of Brittany, and your sister under their power, with many other noble girles, and wo∣men who are marriageable, with Wards and marria∣ges, which they give to their owne creatures and disparage. Item, because they confound and pervert the Law of the Land sworne and confirmed, and ratified, by Excommunication, and Justice likewise; whence it is to be feared least they be Excommunicated, and you also by communicating with them. Item, because they keepe to no man, either their promise, faith, or oath, or writing, neither feare they Excommuni∣cation: whence they who have receded, from the truth are desperate•• as remaining diffident in feare. Now these things we faithfully relate to you, and wee

counsell, beseech, and admonish you before God and man, that you would remove such counsell from you, and as it is the custome in other Kingdomes, that you governe your Kingdomes, by your faith∣full and sworne men of your Realme. Wee de∣nounce to you in verity, that unlesse you correct these things, within a short time we will proceede against you, and all other contradictors by Ecclesiasticall Censure•• expecting nothing but the Consecration of our venerable Father, the Elect of Canterbury. These things being thus spoken, the King humbly desired a short time of truce, saying, that hee could not so sodainely remove his counsell untill he had received an account of the treasure committed to him; and so the conference was dissolved, all men departing, with confidence of a concord speedily to be obtained; soone after the Archbishop being consecrated upon the fifth of Aprill, the King with his Nobles being at Westmin∣ster; the Archbishop taking all the Bishops and other Prelates that were present with him, whereof this Bishop of Chester was one, went to the King, and shewed him their counsell touching the imminent de∣solation and danger of the Kingdome, repeating the former inconveniences mentioned in the conference; and denounced to the King expresly, that unlesse hee would speedily reforme his error, and make a peacea∣ble composition with the faithfull men of his King∣dome, he with all the Bishops who were present, would incontinently in ipsum Regem sententiam ferre excommu∣nicationis, pronounce a sentence of Excommunication against the King himselfe, and against all others con∣tradictors of this peace, and perverters of concord. The King hearing this, humbly answered, that hee would obey their counsels in all things. Whereupon a few dayes after understanding his error, moved with repentance, he commanded Peter, Bishop of Win∣chester, to goe to his Bishopricke, to intend the cure

of soules, and that from thenceforth Regiis negotii•• nequa∣quam interesset; hee should by no meanes intermeddle with the Kings affaires.

* 3.9 Walter de Langton Bishop of Chester lived in great authority,3 3.10 under King Edward the first, who favoured him much; but his sonne Edward the second molested & disgraced him all that eyer he might. His Fatherdy∣ing in the North country, he ••ommanded this Bishop to conduct his corps up to London: and when hee had done so, for reward of his paines, hee caused Sir Iohn Felton Constable of the Tower to arrest him, seased upon all his goods, and imprisoned him first, in the Tower, then in the Castle of Wallingford, of which imprisonment he was not released in two yeares after. In his fathers life time, he had often reprehended the young Prince for his insolent and dissolute behaviour, which good admonitions he taking in evill part, wronged and dis∣graced him many wayes, namely one time, he brak•• downe his Parkes, spoyled and drove away his deare, &c. The Bishop complained of this outrage unto the King his Father, who being greatly displeased there∣with, committed the Prince his sonne for certaine dayes. And this was the cause of the grudge between the yong King and him, for which he sent him from Castle to Castle as Prisoner, seised his Lands & Tenements in∣to his own hands, gave his moveables to Pierce Gaviston, and his Lord Treasurership to Walter Reignold. About the same time (or I thinke a little sooner, to wit, in the yeare 1••01.) hee was accused of certaine hainous crimes before the Pope, and compelled to answer the accusation at Rome in his owne person. Though the proofes brought against him, were either none, or very slender, yet well knowing whom they had in hand (Noverant ipsum prae multis bovem valde pinguem, saith Matth. Westminster) they were content to detaine him there so long, as it forced him to spend an infinite deale of mony & yet was never a whit the nearer atlast: for the Pope remitted the hearing of the cause to the Archbishop o•• Canterbury and yet reserved the determi∣nation of the ••ame unto himself at last. The tempests of

these troubles being over-blowne, the rest of his time he lived (for ought I finde) quietly, and being happily dismissed from the Court, attended onely the government of his charge. This Bishop setling his See towards his later end at Litchfield, I finde no mention at all of any Bishops of Chester after him, till towards the later end of King Henry the eight his reigne, * 3.11 who erected a new Bishops See at Chester, distinct from that of Coventry and Leichfield, and subjected it to the province of Yorke, by Act of Parlia∣ment, to wit, 33. Hen. 8. c. 30.

4 3.12 * 3.13 Iohn Byrd, the first Bishop of this new erected See, was deprived in Queene Maries dayes, for being married.

5 3.14 Cutbert Scot the third Bishop of this Diocesse in the beginning of Queene Elizabeths dayes was * 3.15 displaced, and for his disobedience committed to the Fleet: whence escaping he fled into Loraine, and there died.

To passe by the other Prelates of this See, I shall give you onely a touch of Iohn Brigdman the present Bishop of it.6 3.16 This man in his wives life time, seemed to be a favowrer of godly Ministers, but since her decease, he hath turned a prosecutor, if not a persecutor of them, ••uspending and driving many of them out of his Dio∣cesse, especially in Lancashire amidst the Papists where was greates•• neede of them, to pleasure the now Archbishop of Canterbury, whose great creature and intelligencer he hath been of late yeares: he * 3.17 caused di∣vers of the city of Chester to be Pursevanted & Articled against in the High Commission Court at Yorke, and there fined, censured, and almost ruined in their estates, onely for visiting Mr. Prynne at Chester in his passage to Carnarvan, whose Pictures he caused to be publickly defaced, and the frames of them to be openly burnt at the high Crosse in Chester before the Major and his brethren, in a most disgracefull manner; and caused divers of Chester to make a publike impious Recanta∣tion both in the Cathedrall Church and Towne Hall, at Chester, onely for visiting Mr. Prynne at his being there, with the license of his Keepers, who had no war∣rant,

nor authority to keepe any from him: in all which proceedings (as appeares by his owne letters) this Bishop was both the Informer, Accuser, Director, and Judge in some sort. To comply with the times, he erected divers stone Altars in his Diocesse, one in the Cathedrall at Chester used in times of Popery, which hee caused to be digged up out of the ground where it was formerly buried, which Altar since this Parli∣ament for feare of questioning he hath caused to be taken downe and re-enterred: He ordered all the Mi∣nisters in Chester, not onely to read prayers but like∣wise to prea••h in their Hoods and Surplesses, for which there is neither Law nor Canon, but his Lordly pleasure: he commanded all Sermons there, to end before nine of the clock in the morning, because the Major & Alderman should dance attendance on his Highnesse at the Cathedrall, to which end he emplored the ayde of the Archbishop of Yorke, causing some to be troubled for not comming to the Cathedrall, after they had beene at their owne parish Churches. Hee was a great stickler in the late warre against the Scots, a vehement presser of the loane on the Clergy to maintaine it, threatning to impose armes on those who refused it. He greatly promoted the new Canons, and late &c. Oath•• which he both tooke, and enforced eagerly on his Clergy. He hath divers great impro∣priations of good value, where he alloweth little or no maintenance at all to finde either a reading Curate or Preaching Minister; he hath caused divers to be ex∣communicated and vexed in his Consistory, for go∣ing to heare Sermons abroad when they had none at home. If any desire to know more of his Episcopall vertues, I shall referre them, to a Booke intituled, * 3.18 A New Discovery of the Prelates Tyranny, and to the Petiti∣ons of the inhabitants of Cheshire, Chester, Lancashire, Wiggon, and others, already exhibited or ready to be preferred to the High Court of Parliament against him, and so passe to the Bishops of Coventry and Lich∣field, out of which this Bishoppricke of Chester was de∣rived.

The Bishops of Coventry and Lichfield.

Of the first Bishops of this See, there is little extant in our stories, but onely their names, with the time of their Con••ecrations and deathes; and the Acts of some others of them, I have formerly related in Chester, so as I shall be very briefe in those who remaine.

1 3.19Roger de Clinton the 36. Bishop of Coventry and Lich∣field, about the yeare 1147•• tooke upon him the Crosse, went to Ierusalem to fight against the Saracens,* 3.20 and died at Antioch Aprill 16. 1148.

2 3.21Richard Peche, sonne unto Rober Peche, Archdea••on of Co∣ventry in the yeare,* 3.22 1162. succeeded him in this Bishop¦pricke: of this Archdeacon and Bishop perchance it was that I reade this merry passage in * 3.23 Giraldus Cambrensis & in Camdens Brittannia p. 604. who relates it out of him. It hapned that a certaine Iew travelling towards Shrewsbury with the Archdeacon of Malpas (in Cheshire) whose surname was Peche, that is, Sinne, and a Deane named Devill; when he heard by chance the Arch∣deacon telling, that his Archdeaconry began at a place called Ill-street, and reached as far as to Malpas towards Chester, he considering and understanding with all, as well the Archdeacons surname as the Deanes, came out with this merry and pleasant conceit: would it not be a wonder (quot•• he) and my fortune very good, if ever I get safe againe out of this country, where Sinne is the Archdeacon, and the Divell is the Deane, where the entry into the Archdeaconry is Ill-streete, and the go∣ing forth of it Malpas?

3 3.24Geoffery Blithe Bishop of this See, Anno Dom. 1523. was attached for high Treason.

* 3.25And to mention no more, Robert Wright the present Bishop of this Diocesse set up a goodly Crucifix in a frame,4 3.26 with the pictures of men and women devoutly praying to it, in the Cathedrall at Litchfield, over the Altar there: for oppo••ing whereof he caused the Lady Davis to be laid in ••edlam; promoted the late Innova∣tions, and had a great hand ••n composing and impo∣sing the late•• Canons, Oath, Benevolence and Lone, for which he stands now impeached by the Commons in Parliament, to whose Censure I remit him.

CHAP. VI. Comprising the Treasons, Conspiracies, Se∣ditions, Contumacies, and Disloyalties, of the Bishops of Rochester, St. Da∣vids, Landaffe, Bangor, Asaph, Bath and Wells: With a short touch of the Bishops of Oxford, Bristol, Peter∣burgh, and Glocester.

Rochester.

PVTTA the sixth Bishop of Rochester,1 3.27 waxing weary of his Bishopricke,* 3.28 was halfe determined to leave it, when Edilred King of Mercia, upon some displeasure concei∣ved against him, burning his Church and City, resolved and setled him in that de∣termination. So hee went into Mercia, where he accepted the Charge of a Parish Church under Saxulf Bishop there, mending his living by teaching a singing Schoole, (for he was a great and cunning Musitian.) In that kinde of life hee spent the rest of his time, and could never abide to heare of returning to his Bishopricke. Malmesbury gives this verdict of him, Quantum idoneus oti•• Eccle••iastico, tant••m hebes & segnis, forensi negotio: Anno 983.

(As Matth. Westminster,* 3.29 and others report) King Ethelrede be∣••ieged Godwin2 3.30 the 27. Bishop of Rochester in his owne City a long time, and being warned by Saint Dunstane, he should take heed least he provoked against him Saint Andrew, Patron of that Church, yet he would not depart thence till he had wrung from the Bishop 100. l. Dunstan wondring thereat, sent this message to the King: Because thou hast preferred silver before God, mony before an Apostle, and covetousnesse before me, violent mis∣chiefes shall come upon thee, which the Lord hath spoken: Yet for all this he continued his siege, and would not depart thence with∣out the Bishops submission, and unlesse he would likewise pay him an hundred pounds.

3 3.31Gilbert de Glanuyll was consecrated Bishop of this See Septem. 29. 1185. * 3.32 Betweene this man ••nd his Monkes of Ro••hester was long and continuall debate, by occasion whereof, he tooke away from them all their moveable goods, all the ornaments of their Church, their writings and evidences; yea, and a great part of their Lands, Possessions, and Priviledges: wanting mony to follow their suits against him, they were forced to coyne the silver of Saint Paulines shryne into mony. These controversies were ended no otherwise then by his death, which happened Iune 24. 1214. But their hatred against him was so farre from dying with him, as they would afford him no manner of obsequies, but buried him most obscurely, or rather basely, without either ringing, singing, or any other manner of solemnity.

4 3.33Laurentius de Sancto Martino, the 41. Bishop of this See, got a dispensat••on from the Pope to hold all his for••er ••i••••ings, in ••ommendam with this Bishopricke.* 3.34 And yet alledging that his Bishopricke•• was the poorest of E••gland, much meaner then Carlile, and therefore his living yet unable to maintaine the po••t of a Bishop; he never ceased till he had extorted from the Clergy of his Dio••es, a grant of a f••ft part of all their Spirituall livings for five yeares, and appropriated unto his See for ever the Parsonage of ••riendsbury. ••oniface the Archbishop of Canter∣bury used this man hardly, invading his possessions, and vio∣len••ly taking from him without all right, divers things of old belonging ••o his Bishopricke. Hee complained unto the King, ••nto whose Q••eene Boniface was Uncle. The King answered him in plaine 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ••e ••new ••e should offend his wife much, if ••e

should become a flickler betweene them, wishing him to seeke some other remedy; and if by importunity he inforced him to inter∣pose his authority, he should doe him more hurt then good; which Matth. ••aris thus expresseth. Diebus sab ••isdem, A••chi••∣piscopus Cantuariensis Boni••acius, Ecclesiam Roffensem pr••gr••v••n••, ejus{que} invadens possessiones, t••ntam de facto suo ••o••am incurri•• vitupe∣••i, u•• Ecclesia, c•••••••• esse debet defens••v, per eum dicatur v••xari. Epis∣••opus autem Roffensis, cum Domino Regi ••u••us ••ltori lachrymabili••••r super tanta injuria conquerere••ur, Rex demisso vultur•• spondit, Non possum eum ••••ectere ad ju••titiam vel humilitatem, ••e ipsum tam genero∣sum & genus suum ••àm magnific••m, praecipue Reginam, offen••a•• vel contristem. Hereupon he sought unto the Pope, but he was so neere a neighbo••r to the D••ke of Sav••y the Archbishops Brother, as perceiving quickly little good was to be done there, he was faine to take patience for an amends, and so sit him downe; yet at last he obtained a citation from the Pope against the Arch∣bishop, which Matthew Paris thus expresseth. Interim Episco∣pus Roffensis, qui int••llerabil••s ab Archi••piscopo Cantuarien••i injurias sustinuerat, querimonias lach••y••abiles coram tota curia Romana repo∣suit, & repositas continu••vit, Cumque causa sua cond g••am expostu∣l••ss••t ultionem, culpa enim gravis extitit, post mult••s admonitiones tan∣dem ad Regem factas, qui dicto Archiepiscopo cornua praestitit, & au∣••aci•••• delinquendi, mer••itidem Archiepiscopus citari, ut pe••sonaliter ••ompareret coram Papa, de ••ibi ••b••iciendis responsurus•• & de illatis inju∣riis & damnis s••tisfact••r••s.

Iohn Fisher,5 3.35 the 65. Bishop of Rochester was grievously questi∣oned in Parliament in King Henry 8. his dayes by the house of Commons for saying,* 3.36 that all their doings were for lack of faith; Of which you may see more in Canterbury Part. 1. p. 12••.126. after which he gave credit, and countenance to the forg••d visi∣ons and Revelations of ••lizabeth Barton, tending to the reproach, perill and destruction of the Kings person, honour, fame and dignity, for whicsh he with others was afterwards condemned of high treason, and executed•• Not long after, this Bishop for de∣nying to acknowledge the Kings Supremacy in Ecclesiasticall matters, was arraigned and condemned for high Treason, and executed on Tower Hill Iune 22. 1535. being made Cardinall about a month before. His head was set on London Bridge, and his body buried in Barking Churchyard•• He was a great per••ecu∣tor of Gods faithfull ministers, servants, Gospell, and had this

deserved reward of his disloyalty both to God and his Sove∣raigne.

Not to mention all the late Bishops of this See, many of whom were notorious in their generations; Doctor Bols,6 3.37 the last but one, was a very active talkative man in the high Commission, till he wearied most of his Colleagues there, who commanded him to his Bishoprick; where he was very i••dustrious in setting up popish ceremonies, Innovations, and in promoting the Booke of ••ports in the Lords day, breathing out nothing but threats and suspensions against those ministers, who out of conscience refused to publish ••t in proper person in their Churches; whom he intending to suspend and silence in his visitation, it pleased God, as he was riding towards it, to silence them, that himselfe was suddenly surprised with a dead palsie, which made him speechles for a long season; by means whereof the ministers es∣caped for that season; and he (never able to recover his pri∣••tine health) dyed no ••ong after, leaving a successor behind him, who followeth his foot-steps, had a vote in compiling of the New Canons, and Oath, which he inforced; and hath beene a great fomenter of the late Scotish warres, and differences, be∣ing now one of those Prelates impeached in Parliament by the Commons. But of those Prelates enough. I must now turne a∣bout my rudder, and take a short survey of our W••lch Bishops, beginning with those of Saint Davids, once the * 3.38 Metropoli••anes of all that Country, and of some of our English Bishops too.

Saint Davids.

* 3.39 * 3.40GVido de Mona, the 62 Bishop of Saint Davids, appointed Treasurer by Richard the 2. in the 21. yeare of his raigne, revolting to Henry the fourth from his old Master, was made his Treasurer likewise in the 4. yeare of his raigne, but continued fo a very short time. This Bishop (saith Walsingham) while he lived was a cause of much mischiefe to the Realme; as others of his succes∣sors have beene whom I pretermit.

Landaffe.

1 3.41 * 3.42OVdotius the third Bishop of Landaffe Anno 560. assembled a Synod of a great part of his Clergy and three Abbots,

and in full Synod excommunicated his Soveraigne Mou••ice King of Glamorgan for ••laying Cynetu, and breaking the Cov••∣nant, which he had made in his presence upon the Altar of Peter the Apost••e, and of Saint Dubricius, and Telianus, and then layed their Crosses to the earth, and likewise intermit∣ted Baptisme throughout his Country. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Communio Christia••a, and the Christian Communalty accursed the King and his pro∣geny, the Synod confirming it, and saying; Let his dayes be few, and le•• his child••en be Orph••n••s, and his wife a w••ddow. Whereup∣on the King with all his Country remained for two yeares space & more, under the said excommunication: after which this King unable any longer to sustaine such a long lasting great excom∣munication, seeing the perdition of his owne soule, and damna∣tion of his kingdome, went to Landaffe, and craved pardon of Saint Oudotius, and powring out teares, with his head bowed downe, in the presence of three Abbots, this Bishop imposed the yoake of pennance upon him, according to the quality and quantity of his offence, commending to him, that hee should three manner of wayes amend his fault with God, and the Church of Landaffe; to wit, with fasting, Prayer, and Almes; where∣upon this King for the redemption of his owne Soule, and for the Soule of Synetu, gave foure Villages to the Church of Lan∣d••ffe, the names whereof are mentioned in that Synod. Not long after another Synod was assembled by the same Bishop for the pennance and absolution of * 3.43 King Mor••ant, who slew Frioc his Vncle, contrary to his oath, they two having solemnely vowed that if one them should either kill or deceive the other, that he would not redeeme himselfe, either with Lands or money, but would relinquish his Kingdome, & spen•• his whole life in pilgrimage. This K. confessing his fault before the Bishop and his Synod, and craving pardon both for his perjury and Homicide•• the whole Synod decreed, (least the Kingdome should be destitute of a King, and of the p••ote∣cting buckler of their naturall Lord) that he should redeeme his Pilgrimage, and ••xpi••te his homicide, and perjury with fastings prayers and Almes: which he swearing to doe, they injoyned pennance to him, according to his offence, and his quality greatnesse and power; whereupon he was restored to Christian Communion, of which hee was formerly deprived by the Bish••p, and gave three Churches with other particulars to the Church of L••nd••ffe. After this, a * 3.44 third Synod was held under the same

Bishop at Land••ff••, wherein Guidneth who slew his brother Mer∣c••ion in a contestation for the kingdome, was excommunicated by this Bishop & Synod, with crosses laid downe to the ground, and Cymbals overturned•• under which excommunication he re∣mained three whole yeares without any Communion of Christi∣ans. Af••er three yeares expired, he asked pardon of the Bish••••; who granting him remission, sent him in Pilgrimage to the Archbishop of Dole in Britany, where he promised to continue a yeares space in exile; but returning thence within the yeare this Bishop refused to absolve him, and put him under the first excommunication, because he performed not his first penance. But this Bishop dying within a yeare after, and Berthguin succee∣ding him, king Morcant and Guadnor••h with many elders, went to Landaffe, and requested this new Bishop with one mou••h, (see∣ing ••he crosses yet laid downe upon the ground, together with the reliques and Cymbals) that he would absolve Gu••dnorth from his excommunication, by lifting up the Cros••es, and Saints re∣liques from the earth. After which Guednorth promising yet more to amend his life with fasting, prayer, and Almes, and shedding teares with great devotion, was thereupon absolved by the Bishop, who enjoyned him plenary penance, according to the manner of his fault: he afterwards mindfull of the divine saying, as water extinguisheth fire, so alms doth sinne, gave three Manors with all their liberties & appurtenances to the Church of Landaffe. By this kind of indirect meanes, this Church got so much lands, that had it now but the tenth part thereof, * 3.45 God∣win assures us, it would be one of the wealthiest Churches in Christen∣dome.

2 3.46T••ud••ur King of Brechiniau•• (or Breckn••ck) sonne of Rese slew Elgistill,* 3.47 another King of that Country treacherously, after •• league solemnly sworne betweene them•• not to lye in waite one for another, and to maintaine a firme peace without deceit: hereupon Gurcan the tenth Bishop of Landaffe, with his Cleargy excommunicated him for his perjury and murther, by uncove∣ring the Altars of God, casting the crosses and reliques to the ground, and depriving him of all Christian communion: where∣upon Te••dur unable to undergoe this malediction and rigour of justice, with a contrite heart, and teares powred out craved par∣don, and submitted himselfe to the penance imposed on him according to his quality and greatnesse, recompencing his

wickednesse with Almes, prayer, and fasting, and for his abso∣lution he gave this Bishop Lan. Mich••••l, with all its lands, lib••r∣ties and Commons.

* 3.48 King Clo••ri and L••ndguallaun made a solemne league, before Berthgwin the 14. Bishop of Landaffe, and sware to main••aine fi••me peace betweene them in all things, w••thout fraud or damm••ge. And if either of them violated it, he was to leave his kingdome, and to goe on P••lgrimage all his life•• neither should he redeeme himselfe, nor his kingdome with gold, nor silver; A••ter which King Clotri breaking the league, slew the other treacherously, committing both homicide and p••rjury. Which ••his B••shop hearing of, assembled a Synode of his Clergy at Landaff••, and in a full Synod, excommunicated the King with al•• his progeny and kingdome, by uncovering Gods Altars, and casting downe the crosses to the earth, and left the Country without B••ptisme and the communion. Whereupon the K. unable to endure so great an excommunication, with great devotion submitted him∣selfe to the Bishop, left his Kingdome, went on Pilgrimage into forraigne parts; from whence returning into his Count••y, after a long ••pace, by ••he intercession of King Morcant he obtained ab∣solution from the Bishop, to whose enjoyned penance he submit∣ted; & thereupon he gave Helic, with other lands to the B••shop and his successors in the Church of Landaffe. In this B••shops time * 3.49 Gurcan the sonne of Guin••n kept his owne Stepmother; for which the Bishop excommunicated him, in such manner a•• he did Clo••ri, and upon his penance and absolution, the Bishop wr••sted from him a pe••••e of land called Marchinis.

In the dayes of * 3.50 Cercenhir4 3.51 the 18. Bish••p of Land••ff•• Houel King of Glevissig contrary to his solemne oath, circumvented, and slew Gallun the sonne of Cidrich, whereupon the B••shop sum∣moning a Synode excommunicated him (in such sort, as the for∣mer Kings were) almost a yeares space; at which time hee coming bare foot to the Bishop, implored absolution with many teares, which he obtaining after publike pennance enjoyned, gave three Mannors to the Bishop and his Church. After which this Bishop excommunicated Coubius for murthering C••mauc con∣trary to his solemne oath, and that in a publike Synode; who upon his pennance and absolution gave Guliple to his Church. Aquod the sonne of ••ou••f falling out with this Bishop, drave him and his men into the Church of Landaffe: For which hee was

excommunicated by him, and to bee absolved was glad to give Pennoun, with the Church of Lantil••l and certaine other Lands.

5 3.52 * 3.53 Loumarch the sonne of Carguocaun was excommunicated by Gulfridus the 20 Bishop of this See in a full Synod, for violating certaine priviledges, and invading the goods of his Church; but upon his humble submission on his knees to the Bishop with many teares, and his offer to acknowledge his offence, and to suffer any punishment the Bishop would impose upon him: The Bishop upon restitution of all the goods he had taken, and the gift of Treficarn pont, absolved him. Assac the sonne of M••rchiud having treacherously slaine one Gulayguni, being ex∣communicated for it by this Bishop, gave Segan to his Church, to expiate the murther, and for the soule of the slaine.

6 3.54S••••lferth, Hegoi, and Arguistil, the sonnes of Belli, fell at va∣riance in words with Nudd the 21 Bishop of this See,* 3.55 and pro∣ceeding at last from words to blowes, committed divers out∣rages upon his Land and Family; but quickly remembring themselves, fearing excommunication, they asked pardon, and submitted themselves to pennance. After which performed, they gave unto the Church for further confirmation of their unfeigned repentance, the territory of Iulius and Aaron.

7 3.56King Brochvaile the sonne of Mouric, and his Family fell at variance with Civeilliauc the 22 Bishop of Landaffe and his Fa∣mily,* 3.57 to whom they offered some injury, wherewith the Bi∣shop being moved, assembled all his Clergy together, even to the inferiour degrees, intending to excommunicate Brochvaile and all his family (as forfeited to him, and execrable to God) before all the people in a full Synod, for this injury: which Brochvaile hearing of, sought for pardon and remission, which he could not obtaine from the Bishop upon any termes, unlesse he would suffer a Canonicall judgement. The cause being dis∣cussed, the Bishop was adjudged to receive from him an Image of his face both in length and breadth in pure gold, and that amends should be made by him to the condigne honour of his Family and Nobility of his parentage•• which sentence Borch∣vaile was forced to redeeme, by giving the Towne of Tref-Peren, with six other pieces of Land to the Bishop and his Church.

8 3.58One Pater being the 25 Bishop of this See, Anno 955.* 3.59 A cer∣taine Country fellow meeting a Deacon with a sword by his

side, asked him, what a Coward should doe with Weapons, and stri∣ving to take away the sword, cut the Deacons finger, whereupon the Deacon killed him; and when he had done, tooke Sanctuary in the Church of Saint Iarman and Saint Febrie. Thereby sixe of King Gurialls houshould (although there wanted not many that sought to defend the man, in regard of the place) he was slaine even at the very Altar of the Church. These sixe men were de∣livered at the City of Gwentonia (now Caerwent) into the hands of Pater the Bishop, who kept them in straight prison sixe moneths, and then forced them to give all their Lands and Livings to Landaffe, besides seven pound of silver to the Church, which they had polluted.

Mouric King of Glamorgan was excommunicated by Ioseph the 28 Bishop of this Diocesse,9 3.60 for putting out the eyes of Etgum in a time of truce;* 3.61 to have his absolution he gave to the Bishop Pani∣prise. Another time he was faine to give Gulich Fabrus and foure pound of silver unto the Bishop, beside other great gifts to the Canons upon this occasion: Hee had broken the Sanctuary of the Church of Landaffe, by taking away thence violently the wife of his enemy, and hurting some of the Bishops servants: For so doing he was publiquely excommunicated by the Bishop in a Synod, and by these gifts made way to obtaine his ab∣solution.

Caratuc one of his company in the last recited action, was forced to give Henriu in Wencia.

Riugallan the sonne of Rum being excommunicate for an as∣sault made upon the Bishop and his men, gave Riu Drein and the third part of the Wood of Yuisperthan, to be absolved.

Cutguallam the sonne of Guriat strooke one in the Consistory in the presence of Ioseph the Bishop, who kept him the said Catguallam in prison till he had made amends for that fault, by giving the Church of Saint Brides.

Calgucam the King of Morganuc and his family was solemnly excommunicated by Herewald the 29 Bishop of Landaffe,10 3.62 in a Synod of all his Clergy;* 3.63 who thereupon cast downe all the Crosses and Reliques to the ground, overturned their Bells, and stopped up all the doores of the Churches with thornes, so as they continued for a long time without divine service, and pastors day and night; the King and his Family in the meane time being sequestred from the society of all the faithfull, and

all, because one of the Kings followers being drunke, had laid violent hands upon Bathutis the Bishops Physitian and Kinsman on Christmas day, Anno 1056. Whereupon the King, though innocent, upon his submission to the Bishop, to obtaine his absolution, was enf••rced to give Henringumna, in the presence of all the Clergy & people, to this Bishop and his successors, free from all secular & regal services. After which one Gistni excom∣municated for a rape committed by a Nephew and follower of his upon a Virgin, whom he tooke violently out of the Church of Landaffe, was forced to give Milne to the Bishop and his Successors to obtaine absolution. By these instances wee may partly discerne by what undue meanes Bishops at first obtained their large Temporalties and Revenues, even by enforcing Kings and great persons to buy out and expiate their offences by endowing their Sees with Lands and Manors, without which they could not purchase their absolution: and we likewise learn hence that Bishops in those dayes excommunicated none but in a Synod, with the suffrage of all their Clergy.

11 3.64 * 3.65 Edmund de Bromfeild the 48. Bishop of Landaffe, for pro∣curing and bringing in the Popes Bulls of Provision to make him Abbot of Bury, contrary to his owne expresse Oath, and the Statutes of the Realme, was for this his contempt and disobe∣dience committed to the Tower by King Richard the second, where he lay prisoner a long time; neither durst the Pope yeeld him any assistance, to justifie his owne Bull.

The late Bishops of this See (as Feild and others) have beene so notoriously peccant, that I need not mention them, wherefore I shall passe on to the Bishops of Bangor.

Bishops of Bangor.

1 3.66 * 3.67 MAuritius the third Bishop of Bangor most undutifully refused a long time to doe homage to the King of England for his Bishopricke held of him, but at last was perswa∣ded to doe it.

2 3.68Robert of Shrewsbury joyning with Leolin Prince of Wales, a∣gainst King Iohn his Soveraigne, was taken prisoner by the King in his owne Cathedrall Church,* 3.69 and ransomed for 200. hawkes; after this dying, he was buried, not in the Church-yard, but in the market place of Shrewsbury, by his owne appointment.

Richard3 3.70 the 10. Bishop of Bangor excommunicated David ap Lhewelin,* 3.71 Prince of Wales, for that contrary to his O••th he took his Brother Gryffith prisoner, who was content upon the Bi∣shops word to goe to his Brother: and when he saw that course would not reforme him, he never lin complaining, first to the King of England, then to the Pope, that he so incensed them, as the one excommunicated him, the other made warre upon him untill he delivered his said Brother into the Kings hands, who caused him to be kept in the Tower of London, till he endeavo∣ring there to escape, by misfortune brake his necke. The Prince hereupon so wasted the Bishopricke, that in the yeare 1248. this Bishop and the Bishop of Saint Asaph were forced to beg their bread. Whereupon this Bishop came to the Abbot of Saint Albanes, desiring that the Bosome of Mercy might be opened unto his poverty, and he abiding there untill his Bishopricke wasted and spoiled with continuall warre, should recover some better estate, might together with his Chaplaine there breath and rest themselves from those calamities wherewith they had beene long afflicted, in like sort as heretofore the Bishop of Hereford had done, who was honorably entertained there almost the space of twenty yeares.

* 3.72 Richard Young the 22. Bishop of Bangor,4 3.73 for some contempt and disobedience against the King, and confederating (as is likely) with that Rebell Owen Glendor, was imprisoned two or three yeares, till the Pope, Anno 1404. translated him to Ro∣chester by his Bull.

Lewis5 3.74 the 23. Bishop of Bangor Anno. 1408. joyned with the Earle of Northumberland,* 3.75 the Lord Bardolfe and others, in open Rebellion against King Henry the fourth. The Earle was slaine in battell in the field, the Lord Bardolfe mortally wounded, and their heads set upon London Bridge. The Bishop was likewise taken prisoner in the battell, but obtained pardon from the King, because he had no Armes upon him when he was taken, though the incendiary of the other two, and as great a Traytor as they; but the Abbot of Hayles was hanged, because hee had borne Armes in that Rebellion. So happy are Traytorly and Rebellious Bishops, as to scape scot free in their Treasons and Rebellions, when all other sorts of men have execution done upon them.

Arthur Bulkly Bishop of Bangor,6 3.76 and Iohn Lewis Vicar of

Llain-geynwina,* 3.77 were attainted in a Praemunire at the prosecution of William Whorewood the Kings Attorney, for suing for the right of Patronage and Tithes of the said Church, and for se∣verall summes of money due on bond for Tithes, in this Bi∣shops Ecclesiasticall Court, which had no cognisance of them being temporall, and belonging only to the Kings Civill Courts, to the derogation of the imperiall Jurisdiction of the King and his Crowne, and subversion of the Lawes and Statutes of the Realme. And hereupon judgement was given against them according to the Statute. This Bishop sold away five faire Bells out of the Steeple of his Cathedrall Church, which ma••d the Musicke there.

Should I rip up the scandalous lives and Actions of some of the late Pilates of this See, one of whom published The Practise of Piety, (which some say he never writ) though neither he nor any of his successors, did ever much practice it in their lives, or should I recite the vile complaints of late against one of them in 2 or 3 late Parliaments, I should be over tedious, and pollute my paper with such beastly actions, as would cause chast eyes to blush, and turne their aspect from them: Wherefore I shall passe them over in silence, (he being gone to answer them before the supreame tribunall) informing you only, that he imposed Ar∣mies upon his Clergy, and provided an Armory for them to be kept in within his Cathedrall at Bango••: And so I post on to Assaph Diocesse.

Saint Assaph.

* 3.78 * 3.79IOhn Trevaur Bishop of Saint Assaph pronounced the sen∣tence for deposing King Richard the second, in which in∣strument he is first named, as appeares by this ensuing Copy of it. In the Name of God, Amen. We Iohn Bishop of Saint Assaph, chosen and deputed speciall Commissaries by the three states of this pre∣sent Parliament representing the whole body of the Realme, for all such matters•• by the said estates to us committed; Wee understanding and considering the manifold crimes, hurts, and harmes done by Richard King of England, and misgovernance of the same by a long time, to the great decay of the said Land, and utter ruine of the same shortly to have beene, had not the speciall grace of our God thereto put the sooner remedy; And also further more adverting, that the said King Richard

by acknowledging his owne insufficiency, hath of his owne meere vo∣lunta••y and free will, renounced and given over the rule and governance of this Land, with all rights and h••nours unto the same belonging, and utterly for his merits hath judged himselfe not unworthily to be de∣posed of all Kingly Majesty and Estate Royall: We, the Premisses well considering by good and diligent deliberation, by the power, name, and authority, to us (as aforesaid) committed, pronounce, decer••e, and de∣clare the same King Richard, before this to have beene, and so to be unprofitable, u••a••le, unsuffi••ient, and unwor••hy of the Rule and Government of the foresaid Realmes and Lor••ships, and of all rights and other the appurtenances thereto belonging. And f••r the same causes wee de••rive him of all Kingly dignity and worsh••p, and of all Kingly worship in himselfe. And we depose him by our sentence de∣finitive: forbidding expresly to all Archbishops and Bishops, and all other Prelates, Dukes, Marquesses, Earles, Barons, and Knights, and all other men of the foresaid Kingdome and Lordships, Subjects and Leiges whatsoever they be, that none of them from this day forward, to the foresaid Richard, as King and Lord of the foresaid Realmes and Lordships, be neither obedient nor attendant. Immediatly as this sentence was in this wise passed, and that by reason thereof the Realme stood voyd without head or governour for the same, The Duke of Lancaster rising from the place where before hee sate, and standing where all the house might behold him, laid claime to the Crowne, to which the Lords assented.

After which the Archbishop of Canterbury (Arundel) having no∣tice of the minds of the Lords, stood up and asked of the Com∣mons, if they would assent to the Lords, which in their minds thought the claime of the Duke made to be rightfull and neces∣sary for the wealth of the Realme and them all. Whereto the Commons with one voyce cryed, Yea, yea, yea: After which an∣swer, the said Archbishop going to the Duke, and kneeling downe before him on his knees, addressed to him all his purpose in a few words: which ended, he rose, and taking the Duke by the right hand, led him unto the Kings Seat, the Archbishop of Yorke assisting him; and with great reverence set him therein. When he was thus placed in his Throne, the Arch••. of Canturbury began a briefe Collation, taking for his Theame these words written in the first Booke of Kings, the ninth Chapter, Vir dominabitur in p••pulo, &c. handling the same, and the whole tenour of his tale to the praise of the King. Thus was this King deprived by the

Bishops meanes, who were chiefe actors in deposing him, and setting up King Henry; yet some of them (especially Yorke) were the authors of that evill counsell, which was the cause of his de∣privation. And no wonder, since in his reigne (as Holinshed writes) such were preferred to * 3.80 Bishopricks; and other Ecclesia∣sticall livings, as neither did, nor could teach, nor preach, nor know any thing of the Scripture of God, but onely to call for their tythes and duties; so as they were most unworthy of the name of Bishops, being lewd and most vaine persons disguised in Bishops apparrell. Furthermore, there reigned abundantly the filthy sinne of Leche••y and Fornication, with abominable adul∣tery in the King, but chiefly in the Prelacy; whereby the whole Realme, by such their evill example, was so infected, that the wrath of God was daily provoked to vengeance for the sinnes of the Prince and people, and tooke so sharpe an edge, that it shred the King off from the Scepter of his Kingdome, and gave him a full cup of affliction to drinke. After which, this Bishop was sent Ambassador into Spaine, to shew the King the rightfulnesse of Henry the fourth his Ti••le to the Crown of England; and soone after his returne thence, Anno 1404. (as Th••mas Walsing••am re∣ports) perceiving Owen Glendor, that Welch R••bell, to prosper in his wa••res against King He••ry the fourth; Conversus est in virum pravum factus transfuga ad Owenum, hee turned a lewd Traytour and Rebell, flying away from the King to Owen. What became of him upon Owens defeate, I find not. Thus this B••shop was a Traytor and Rebell to two severall Kings; and which was worst of all, to him whose title he thus tooke upon him publikely to defend but a little before. Such faith and loyalty is there in lord∣ly Prelates.

I shall not trouble you any more with our Welch Bishops; only let me acquaint you for a farewell; that the present Bishops of A∣saph, Bangor, and Landaffe, are now complained against in Parlia∣ment, and impeached by the Commons House for the late Ca∣nons, Oath, malevole••t benevolence, and other crimes; for which I suppose they will ere long receive their doome.

The Bishops of Bath and Wels.

1 3.81 * 3.82GISO the fifteenth Bishop of Bath and Wels, had many conflicts with Harold, before and after hee came to the

Crowne; so that he was forced to fly the Land all his time.

* 3.83 Ioseline the one and twentieth Bishop of this See,2 3.84 joyned with Stephen Langhton, that Arch-rebell against King Iohn, and had an hand in interdicting the Realme, and excommunicating the King; for which he was glad to fly the Land for five yeares, the King seizing upon his goods and temporalties; whereupon the Monkes and Prelates raised many vile reports of the King, which you may reade in * 3.85 Matth. Westminster.

Robert Stillington,3 3.86 the nine and thirtieth Bishop of Bath and Wells, though highly advanced by K••ng Edward the fourth, * 3.87 sided with that Usurper Richard the third, and was a man specially employed in his Coronation; hee was a great enemy to King Henry the seventh, being sent Embassador to the Duke of Brit∣taine for apprehending him, whiles hee was Earle of Richmond, Anno 1487. H••e was accused of high Treason, for yeelding assi∣stance to Lambert the counterfeit Earle of Warwicke, and some such other treacheries; whereupon, having a guilty conscience, he fled to the Vniversity of Oxford, hoping that the priviledges of the same might be some shelter and defence unto him; whereof the King having advertisement, sent one Edward Willoughby, his Chaplaine, to the Chancellor of the University, to require the Bishop to bee delivered to his Officers, as being one to whom the Priviledges of the University could not extend (being at the time no Student there) so farre at least as to protect him in a matter of Treason, unto which no priviledge ought to yeeld any patrociny. After two or three refusals, at last by the connivence and permission of the Chancellour, hee was there arrested and committed prisoner to the Castle of Windsor, where hee lay priso∣ner foure yeares space, till his decease, 1491.

* 3.88 Hadrian de Castello the two and fortieth Bishop of this See,4 3.89 though he conspired not against the King, yet being at Rome, and there made a Cardinall he entred into a conspiracy with Cardinal Alfonso Petruccio, and others to murther Pope Leo the tenth, out of an ambitious conceit that surely he should be elected Pope i•• Leo were once dead; a Witch having foretold him that a cer∣taine old man named Adrian, borne of meane parentage, as hee was, should be advanced to the Papacy: This conspiracy com∣ming to the Popes eares, Petruccio was thereupon apprehended and executed: The Pope comming into the Consistory, promi∣sed pardon to all the other Cardinalls, who should then and

there immediately confesse their faults: Hadrian hereupon, and some other, falling downe on their knees before him, acknow∣ledged what they had done, and humbly besought him of mer∣cy. He promised to bee as good as his word. Howbeit, Hadrian ••earing the worst, shortly after stole secretly away, and was nei∣ther seene or heard of ever afterward, and thereupon deprived of his Bi••hopricke.

5 3.90William Barlow, the six and fortieth Bishop of Bath and Wells, incurred a Praemunire, for presuming to visite the Deane and Chap••er of Wells being a Donative, for which he was glad to buy his peace, as appeares by Brooke, Praemunire. Sect. 21.

6 3.91Guilbert Bourne the seven and fortieth Bishop of Bath and Wells, in the first yeare of Queene Elizabeth,* 3.92 was deprived of his Bi∣shoprick for refusing to subscribe and take the Oath of Alleage∣ance, and then committed to the custody of Master Cary, Deane of the Queenes Chappell.

The Bishops since his time, I shall pretermit for brevity, and descend to William Pierce the present Bishop of this Diocesse.7 3.93 This man having been Vicechancellor in the University of Ox∣ford, wherein hee was over-busie and turbulent in persecuting good men, and in causing Pareus his Commentary on the Ro∣mans to be publikely burnt in an ignominious manner; was for his good service made Bishop of Peterborough, and from thence translated to Bath and Wells; where his tyranny, oppression, im∣piety, and practises have been so excessive, that the whole Coun∣ty of Somerset, with sundry particular persons, both Ministers and people there, weary of his insupportable government and vexa∣tious oppressions, have exhibited divers Petitions against him to the high Court of Parliament now assembled, upon the full hea∣ring whereof before a speciall Committee for that purpose; the Committees have drawn up this following Impeachment against him, reported to the Commons House, and now ready for a transmission to the Lords; by perusall whereof you may in part discerne what a good Prelate and carefull Bishop he hath been, or rather a Wolfe in a Bishops Rochet.

Articles of Accusation and impeachment by the Commons House of Parliament against William Pierce, Doctor of Divinity, and Bishop of Bath and Wells.

THat he hath by his owne arbitrary power, against Law, since he was Bishop of Bath and Wells (being about ten [unspec 1] yeares space) of purpose to keep the people in ignorance and hinder the Salvation of their Soules which hee should pro∣mote; in and about the yeares of our Lord, 1633.1634.1635. and since, suppressed all Lectures within his Diocesse, both in Market Townes end elsewhere, aswell those that the ministers kept in their severall C••res, as others that were maintai∣ned by severall yearely stipends, given by the Founders, out of their piety and devotion, for such good uses, or by the vo∣lentary assistance of neighbour ministers, some of which * 4.1 Le∣ctures had continued for 50.40.30. and 20. yeares, without in∣terruption, and were countenanced by his predecessors, who used to preach at some of them in their turnes.

That insteade of incouraging, he hath suspended, excommuni∣cated and otherwise vexed the sayd Lecturers; glorying in his so doing, and thanking God, that he had not a Lecture left in his Dio∣cesse; the very name whereof he sayd hee disliked, and affirmed unto Master Cunnant a minister who desired the continuance o•• a Lecture, that he would not leave one within his Diocesse; the Bishop alleadging, that though there was neede of preaching in the infancy of the Church in the Apostles time, yet now there was no such need; and thereupon required the said minister up∣on his Canonicall obedience, not to preach: and in like man∣ner he dealt with many other Godly Ministers within his Dio∣cesse. [unspec 2] And in particular hee suspended Master Devenish the Mi∣nister of Bridgewater, for preaching a Lecture in his owne Church on the market day there, (which Lecture had conti∣nued from Queene Elizabeths time till then;) and refused to ab∣solve him, till he had promised never to preach it more; upon

which promise, the said Bishop absolved him with this admoni∣tion of our Saviour, most prophanely applyed, * 4.2 Goe thy way, sin no more, l••st a worse thing happen to thee. And not content to put downe Lectures in his owne Diocesse, he hath endeavoured the suppression of them in others, by conventing some ministers of his Dioces••e before him (as namely one Master Cunnant and Mr. Strickla••d) and threat••ing to suspend them, for preaching their turnes at Lectures in other Diocesses neere them.

That in opposition to preaching, and the Spirit••all good o•• the peoples Soules, he hath in and about the years aforesaid most impiously, and against Law, put downe all afternoone Sermons on ••he Lords day, throughout his Diocesse, and charged the Mi∣nisters both publikely in his visitations, & privatly, † 4.3 no•• to preach at all on the Lords day on the afternoon, upon any occasion under paine of suspension:* 4.4 after which charge he suspended one Mr. Cornish a Mi∣nister, only for preaching a fun••rall Sermon on a Lords day E∣vening.

That divers godly Ministers of his Diocesse, being restrained from preaching, did thereupon take great paines, to Catechis•••• the people in the principles of Religion, on the Lords day in the afternoone, in larging themselves upon the questions and answers of the Catechisme in the Common prayer Booke, for the peoples better instruction, using some short prayers before or after that exercise: of which the sayd Bishop having intelli∣gence, in and about the yeares aforesayd, convented the sayd ministers before him, reproving them sharpely for the same, threatn••ng to punish them if they persisted in that way, which he sayd, was a Catechising Sermon-wise, and AS BAD as if they prea∣ched; charging them, that they should aske no questions, nor receive any other answeres from the people, but such as were contained in the Catechisme in the Service booke: which some not observing, were convented thereupon before th•• sayd Bish••p, and punished, as namely Master Barret Rector of Barmicke, who was enjoyned penanc•• for transgressing the Bishop•• sayd order•• and likewise Humphry Blake, Church-warden of Bridg••water, was enjoyned penance by the Bishop, for not presenting Master Devenish Mi∣nister there, for that he expounded upon the Church Catechisme on the Lords day in the afternoon••, and made a short prayer before he be∣gan

the same•• the Bishop alleaging, that it was against his order, and command, as is above sayd.

That he hath in the yeares aforesayd both by precept and example, most prophanely opposed the due sanctification of the Lords day, by approving and allowing of prophane Wakes, and Revels on that day, contrary to the Lawes and Statu••es of this Realme: for which purpose he * 4.5 Commanded afternoone-Service on the Lords day not to be long, that so the people might not be hindred from their Recreations; pressed and injoyned al the Ministers in his Dio∣cesse in their proper persons, to read the book of sports, in their severall Parish Churches, in the midst of divine Service at mor∣ning prayer on the Lords day, contrary to the words, and pur∣port of the sayd booke, which some ministers (as Master H••mphry Chambers, and Master Thomas) refusing to doe, he thereupon sus∣pended them both from their office and Benefice, and kept them excommunicated for divers yeares, notwithstanding the sayd booke was by the Bishops Order published in their Churches by others, he convented the minister of Beerecrockeham before him, for having two Sermons on the sayd Parish Revell day, alleaging * 4.6 that it was a hinderance to the sayd Revell, and to the utterance of the Church Ale, provided to be spent on that day. He convented and pu∣nished one Master Thomas Elford a Minister, for preaching at the Parish of Mountague, upon the Revell day, upon the Prophet Ioels exhortation, to f••sting, weeping, and mourning•• charging him, that not onely his Sermon, but his very Text was•• * 4.7 scandalous to the Revell, and gave offe••ce to the meeting. And for the same reason, the sayd Bishop commanded the Church-warde•••• of the Parish of Barecom••e, to blo•• out of the Church wall, this Text of Scrip∣ture therein written, taken out of Esay 58.13.14. * 4.8 If thou turne away thy ••oo•• from the Sabbath, from doing thy pleasure on my Holy day, and call the Sabbath a delight, the Holy of the Lord Honourable, and shal•• honour him, not doing thy owne wayes, nor finding thine own pleas••re•• nor speaking thine owne words, then shalt thou delight thy selfe in the Lord•• and I will ••ause thee to ride upon the high places of the earth, and feede th••e with the heritage of Jacob thy Father, for the m••••th of the Lord hath spoken it. And he likewise cau••ed this clause in Doctor Bisse his monument in that Church, formerly Pastor there, to be rased out; He was an enemy to heeathenish Revels. To conntenance which Revels, the sayd Bishop (in opposition ••o the orders of the Judges of Assi••e, and Justices of Peace of So∣merset-shire,

for the suppressing of Sports and Revels, and their Petition to the King, to that purpose) did call before him di∣vers Ministers of his Diocesse, and presented unto them a wri∣ting [unspec 4] in approbation and commendations of the sayd sports and Revells: whereunto many of the sayd Ministers subscribed their names, by the Bishops perswasions: which writing the sayd Bi∣shop sent up to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, who after the re∣ceipt thereof suppressed the Justices Petition. And shortly after the book for sports and Revels on the Lords day was published.

That he hath within the yeares forementioned both by his ex∣ample and command, contrary to the Lawes of the Land, intro∣duced into all or most Churches in his Diocesse sundry Innovati∣ons in the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church, and other new inventions of his owne, tending to Popery and Superstition: as namely, setting up of Altars, and injoyning the seates about them to be taken away, saying, * 4.9 none shall sit equall with or above God Almighty: bowing and cringing to the Altars, and reading the second and third service at the Altar) and enjoyned the strict ob∣servation of them under the heaviest Censures of the Church; in so much that the Communion Table of Stretton in his Diocesse, which he had caused to be rayled in Altarwise, being ••rought downe againe to its former place, and not turned to the East, thereupon no Communion was there permitted to the Parishio∣ners on Palme-Sunday and Easter day 1637. the Minister having received an Order from the sayd Bishop, *. 4.10 not to administer the Communion untill the Table was againe set up Altarwise: and caused divers to be punished for not standing up at the Gospell and Gloria Patri. And he hath likewise forced divers Parishes, as Taunton, Shepton Mallet, and others, to their intollerable cost, to set up † 4.11 Organs, where there were none at all, or not a long time before; causing the Church-wardens to levy money towards the buying of them, upon the Parishioners, against their wills, and punishing them in his Ecclesiasticall Court, that would not pay towards them, and that he hath put the Country of Sommerset to excessive expences, by reason of such Innovations as aforesayd.

That he hath within the time fore-specified contrary to Law vexed and molested in his Ecclesiasticall Courts divers of the Clergie and Laity of his Diocesse for triviall and small matters; excommunicated and vexed divers Church-wardens, for not [unspec 5,] rayling in the Communion Table, and placing it Altarwise a∣gainst

the East wall of the Chancell; and by name, the Church-wardens of Beckington; whom he not onely excommunicated, but likewise caused them and others to be unjustly indicted at the open Assizes held in the Country in Lent, 1636. as for a Ryot in hindring the removing of the Table in that Church, putting the sayd Parish to the expence of 180••. pounds or more, and not absolving the Churchwardens from their excommunication, till they had done such open and ignominious penance, as the sayd Bishop enjoyned them, in three eminen•• Parish Churches within his Diocesse, as likewise at the Market Crosse at Wells. The performance of which pennance wrought so farre upon Iames Wheeler one of the sayd Church-wardens, that thereupon he fell into a Consumption through griefe, and so dyed, saying often before his death, that the performance of the sayd penance being so ignominious, and against his Conscience, was the cause of his death; and by his vexatious suits in his Ecclesiasticall Courts, hee hath raised his Registers office, in former Bishops time not worth above ••0. pound per annum, to the value of 3. or 400. pounds or more by the yeare.

That the sayd Bishop hath within the forenamed yeares un∣duely [unspec 6] and against Law, pressed the Oathes Ex officio upon divers inhabitants of Wells without complaint or accusation, and like∣wise the Oath of Deanes Rurall, with other unlawfull Oathes, both upon the Clergy and Laity within his Diocesse, and other places; and suspended and excommunicated divers of them that refused to take the sayd Oathes: and that not onely in his Consistory Court, but in his owne private Chambe••, there be∣ing none but a Register with him.

That he hath in or about the times fore-recited for his owne [unspec 7] Lucre and gaine extorted divers summes of money against Law, as of one Fort, one of the Churchwardens of South-Pederton 20. pound. And also of one Mr. Franklyn the sum of 3. pound (be∣sides the sum of 10. pounds given in Fees, and rewards to the Bishops servants) for instituting him into the Parsonage of Stan∣derweeke. And hath likewise in the yeares aforesayd, and in the yeare 1639. exacted the sum of 6. shillings 8. pence or more, of divers Church-wardens and Parishes within his Diocesse, and namely of the Church-wardens of Dunkerton, onely for not ring∣ring the Bells when he passed through the bounds of their seve∣all Parishes, in his Visitation, though privately without giving

them any notice of his comming that way. One Long his Surro∣gate openly averring in Court, that by the 16. Decre••all, they might justly take 10. pound for this offence.

[unspec 8] That he hath within the years forenamed against Law de••erred and denyed Institutions upon presentations to Benefices, pra∣ctising in the interim under hand to conferre the same upon his Sonne, Servants or other dependants, and to deprive the Pa∣trons of their Rights; and hath even by force, against all Law and equity, con••erred some of the Benefices upon his Sonne, Servants and dependants, viz. upon his Sonne, the Parsonage of Buckland, and endeavoured by the like for••e to confer the Parsonage of Standerweeke upon his sayd son, and other Parsona∣ges upon his Servants and allyes, & did against Law and by force confer the Vica••idge of Hynstridge upon his servant Flamsteed.

[unspec 9] That he hath in or about the foresayd yeares tampered with witnesses examined by and before him upon Oath, to make them testifie untruths, and hath falsified their depositions, setting down his owne words and what he would have them depose, ins••eede of what they testified; as namely in the Case of the Church-war∣dens of Beckington, and in that of Mr. Ieanes Minister of Beer∣crocombe.

[unspec 10] That hee is a Common vexer, persecuter and molester of worthy and painefull Ministers, and a countenancer of those who are negligent, scandalous, and prophane, as namely he hath within the yeares fore-mentioned, vexed and persecuted Mr. Chambers, Mr. Thomas, Mr. Croake, Mr. Newton, Mr. Barnard, Mr. Cunnant, Mr. Roswell, with many other godly and painefull Mi∣nisters of the Diocesse, & countenanced his Chaplaine Mr. Egles∣field, ••awler, Mr. Long, with other very vitious Ministers, and Mr. Huish and others superstitiously affected.

[unspec 11] That the said Bishop contrary to Law did in the yeare 1640. severely exact, and impose upon divers of the Clergie within his Diocesse, the new Oath perscribed by the sixth Canon of the late pretended Synod, and caused and enforced them to take the sayd illegall Oath, himselfe kissing the Seale of the Commis∣sion which authorized him to exact the sayd Oath of his Cler∣gie, and kneeling downe upon his knees tooke the sayd Oath first, and then administred it to others; saying, that he was glad in his heart that this Oath was imposed upon all the Clergie of England, for now the true Children of the Church would bee knowne from the

spurious and bastards. And further hee hath de••yed to conferre Orders upon such who refused to take the said Oath, as namely, upon one Mr. Gibbon••. And hath enforced the sayd Oath upon divers he hath ordained Ministers since the making thereof.

That the sayd Bishop hath beene a great fomentor and incou∣rager [unspec 12] of the late divisions and wars betweene the Kingdomes of England and Scotland, conventing and urging the Clergie of his Diocesse in the yeares of our Lord 1638. & 1639. to contribute a liberall benevolence towards the maintenance of the sayd wars, using this speech as one motive to induce them to this contribu∣tion; that it was * 4.12 Bellum Episcopale, and saying, that what ever cause the King had expressed in hi•• Declaration, yet in truth this war was for Vs, meaning Vs the Bishops. And whereas some of the Clergie denyed the payment of so large a Benevolence ••s the sayd Bishop demanded, in regard of their poverty, and because they were still in their first fruites, when they were free from Subsidies, the sayd Bishop threatned by his power to put more Armes and horses upon them, saying, that if they would not serve the King with their purses, they should serve him with their Armes. And thereupon compelled them to pay the summes he demaunded of them a∣gainst all Law: as namely, Mr. Roswell, Mr. Ioanes, Mr. Abbot, and others. And not contented herewith, the sayd Bishop preten∣ding that there were divers poore Vicars and Ministers in his Diocesse that were no•• able to pay the Benevolence, ••o as hee could not raise the summe he expected, thereupon directed his Letters to divers of his wealthier Cle••gie causing some of them to pay a * 4.13 second contribution.

13. That the sayd Bishop not content with this first Bene∣volence, hath since that in the yeare of our Lord 1642. compel∣led divers of his Clergie to pay all or part of the sixe illegall sub∣sidies or Benevolences imposed by the late pretended Synod, without confirmation of Parliament, threatning to excommuni∣ca••e and deprive them ipso•• facto who fayled paymen•• of it at the dayes prefixed by the Synod, and sent out a processe to Master Newton Minister of Tau••ton (even whiles the sayd) Town•• was much visited by the Pestilence) long before the sayd Subsidy; or Benevolence was due, to enjoyne him to pay it punctually at the day, or else he would inflict on him the penalties prescribed by this Synod; and used these speeches, that if they did not pay the sayd Subsidie or Benevolence, they should be ground to powder.

And the sayd Commons by pro••esta••ion s••••ing to them∣selves the liberty of exhibiting at any time hereafter any other

accusation or impeachment against the sayd Bishop; And also of replying to the answeres that he the sayd Bishop shall make unto the sayd Articles, or to any of them, and of offering proofes also of the premisses or any of them, or any other impeachment or ac∣cusation that shall be exhibited by them (as the cause shall accor∣ding to the course of Parliaments require) doe pray that the sayd Bishop may be put to answere to all and every t••e premisses. And that such proceedings, examinations, tryalls, and judge∣ments may be upon every of them had and used, as is agreeable to Law and Justice.

By these Articles of impeachment you may easily discover what a prophane, impious, turbulent Prelate this Bishop is, even such a one, whom no age (I thinke) in many particulars is able to parallell; whose prodigiously prophane speeches and acti∣ons proclaime to all the world, that our present Prelates impie∣ties have made them fit for judgement; yea to be castout and tram∣pled under feere of men, as the very excrements and off-scouring of all things.

I have now runne through all our ancient Bishoprickes, with that of Chester lately revived, and given you a briefe account of the extravagant actions of some of those Lordly Prelates who possessed them; I shall now in the close of this Chapter give you but a touch of some of the late Bishops of Oxford, Bristoll, Peter∣borough and Glocester (which Bishopricks were erected out of dis∣solved Monasteries by King * 4.14 Henry the eight towards the end of his Reigne) and so conclude.

Oxford.

TO passe by the first Bishops of this See, none of the best, there have beene three successions of Bishops in Oxford, since I left the University; Houson, Corbet, and Bancroft; all of them Patriots of Innovations, Erronious, Popish, Arminian Doctrines, super∣stitious Ceremonies, prophane Sports, Revels, and Bacchanals on the Lords day, scandalous in their lives, notoriously given to the flesh, enemies to frequent preaching, and the true Practise of Piety. Of the two first of them I have given a touch in Durham, and Norwich, page 519. to which I shall referre you, and for the last of them, a Non-preaching Prelate, who (for ought I can learne) never preached above one or two Sermons (if so many) all his life time; he had a finger in the late Canons, Oath, lone, in pressing whereof he was not negligent; and had not death arre∣sted him (with the other two) I doubt not but the Parliament had bin troubled with many complaints against them all, which now being buryed together with them, I will not revive.

Bristoll.

THE Bishopricke of Bristoll was first possessed by Paul Bush, who was deprived in Queen Maries dayes for being married.* 4.15 Iohn Holy-man a Papist succeeded him, after whose death the See continued voyd some foure yeares, Anno 1562. Richard Cheyny Bishop of Glocester, and Iohn Bullingham his successor, held Bri∣stoll in Commendam, so as it stood void o•• a Bishop (otherwise than as it was held by Commendam•• one and thirty yeares. Richard Flet∣cher next enjoyed it till he was translated to Worcester, Anno. 1593. After which it stood vacant ten yeares to 1603. and then Iohn Thorneborough Bishop of Limbrick in Ireland and Commendatory Deane of York was translated to it. This Bishop and some of his successors had great contests with the Major, Aldermen, and Citizens of B••istoll, whom he would force to come every Lords day morning, and solemne Holiday, to the Cathedrall Sermon, to dance attendance, and doe their homage to their Lordships; which they for some yeares refused, till at last after sundry complaints to the King and Councel, the Bishops and they according, the Major and Citizens yeelded to come to the Colledge, now and then on solemne days, if the weather were faire, and sometimes in the Som∣mer season.

Robert Wright,* 4.16 one of the late Bishops of this See, had a great contestation with the Deane and Chapter of Bristoll, and Master George Salterne, Steward of the City, for opposing him in setting up Images in the Cathedrall and other Churches, which gave great offence to the people: he was a great Innovator and maintainer of Superstitious Ceremonies at Bristoll to humor Canterbury, by whose meanes he was translated to Coventry and Litchfield, where you may reade more of him.

Bishop Cooke who succeeded him,* 4.17 was a more moderate and in∣genuous man at first, but became too obsequious to Canterburies wayes and Innovations afterward.

Robert Skinner,* 4.18 the present Bp of this See, promoted to it by Can∣••••rburies meanes, (whose great creature he is) hath bin very violent in railing in, and turning Communion Tables Altar-wise, (himself with his owne hands, and his men turning some:) in magnifying the booke for sports on the Lords-day (which he hath * 4.19 used to give others good example) in bowing to Altars, to the † 4.20 bread and wine at the administration, and at the naming of Jesus; hee threatned to punish a Church-warden for perjury in not presen∣ting the Minister for Preaching twice on the Lords day, comman∣ding some able ministers to Preach but once a fortnight, and not to preach on holy-dayes. He affirmed in his last Visitation, That conceived prayers before and after Sermons were never used till Cart∣wright, that factious fire-brand brought them up. Hee hath beene a

great Patriot of Arminianisme, and stiled the Doctrine of the Saints ••inall perseverance in grace, A Doctrine of Devills; enjoyning a minister to recant it, else he would vexe him in the high Commis∣sion, and running violently at him, sayd, He would have no such Vipers preach such Doctrine in his Diocesse: upon which ground he prohibited a Schoolemaster to teach children Mr. Perkins his Chatechisme; and sayd of his booke entituled, A golden Chaine, that he might stile it as one had done, A chaine of damnation. Hee hath reviled divers ministers calling them Vipers, Dunces, Devils, Traytors, Dogges, Scottish-hearted-Raskals, and the like, for tea∣ching Orthodox Doctrine, and preaching out of their Cures in his owne Diocesse; and commanded the ministers of Bristoll not to suffer any strangers to preach in their Churches, unlesse they first asked his leave, and shewed him the Notes of their Sermons. Hee caused the Kings Armes to be taken down in a Church in Bristoll, onely because it stood over the Altar. He tooke the late &c. Oath at his Visitation upon his knees, and imposed it upon others, as∣suring them, that if they did not take it, the Church would not suffer her selfe to be at a losse. He hath forced ministers to pay in the Be∣nevolence money granted by the late pretended Synod, and con∣strain••d them to pay for their very acquitances. He caused a mini∣ster to be brought up by a Pursevant before the Councel Table, for omitting some words of the prayer against the Scots, and praying God to discover more & more the Kings enemies in this Kingdom; he hath excommunicated divers for denying to take an Ex Officio Oath; threatned to pul down a house built by a Tenant of the Dean and Chapter, neare his Palace, in such furious manner, that the Tenants wife soone after with the feare fell distracted and dyed: Neither will he permit another of their Tenants who hath an house at the West end of the Cathedrall to place a Tenant in it, saying, He will not suffer so great a Prophanation; threatning to put the Deane and Chapter into the High Commission, and there to fine them more than they had for the house, if they admitted of a Tenant; alleadging he could not looke the Arch-Bishop in the face as long as ••hat house stood: he was an active instrument in com∣piling the late Canons, Oath and Benevolence, for which hee now stands impeached by the Commons. He hath much disaffe∣cted, and censured late Parliaments,* 4.21 and after the dissolution of the last Parliament, was so confident we should never see another, as he openly said, We should go whoop when he saw another and should say the King was brought to a very low ebbe. He threatned to interdict a Faire kept in the Parish of S. Iames in Bristoll, if they would not set up a pair of de••ayed Organs in that Church. But of him enough.

Peterborough.

IOhn Chambers,* 4.22 a Doctor of Physicke, and last Abbot of Peter∣borough, became the first Bishop of it. It seemes the office was not then thought very spirituall,* 4.23 that a Doctor of Physicke and an Abbot could supply it.

* 4.24 David Poole,* 4.25 a Doctor of Law and Deane of the Arches, succeeded him, and was deprived the first yeare of Queene Eliza∣beth for Popery, and denying her Supremacy.

Will••am Pierce,* 4.26 one of the late Bishops of this Diocesse, was a very turbulent man both to Ministers and people, playing the same prankes there, as he hath since more plentifully exercised in his Diocesse of Bath and Wells, whither hee was translated; of his misdemeanors and impeachment for them by the Parliament, you have already heard.

Doctor Lyndsie,* 4.27 who succ••eded him (a great creature and servant of La••d and Neale) was an earnest promoter of the booke of pastimes on the Lords day, a great champion for the Armini∣ans, and all the late Innovations in doctrine, ceremony or wor∣ship introduced among us, a bitter enemy to preaching, Lectu∣rers, Lectures and godly people, whom he opposed all he might: Being translated to Hereford, hee would there needs visit the Ca∣thedrall, Deane and Chapter (being a donative) by his owne E∣piscopall power, and would turne the Communion Table there Altarwise; the Deane and Chapter in defence of their privi∣ledges with-stood him, and would neither turne their Table, nor suffer him to visite: whereupon he fell into such a raging choler and passion as presently put him into a fit of the stone, whereof he dyed within few dayes after.

Iohn the present Bishop of this S••e stands now impeached by the House of Commons,* 4.28 for the last Canons, Oath, and Bene∣volences made and granted in the late pretended Synode.

Glocester.

THe Bishoprick of * 4.29 Glocester erected in King Henry the eight his reigne, wa•• first possessed by Iohn Wakeman, Abbot of T••ukesbury, and by others since, some popish persecutors, as Iames Brookes in Queene Maries dayes, the Popes Commissioner who

passed sentence of condemnation against Cranmer, Ridley and La∣tymer at Oxford,* 4.30 and represented the Popes person there; in which regard these eminent M••rtyrs would neither bend their knees, nor once move their caps unto him, whereat he was much offen∣ded. Cranmer taxeth this Bishop, for being perjured both to the King and Pope, and violating his oath to both. The succeeding Bishops of this See, I shall wholly pretermit, and give you onely a short account of Godfrey Goodman,* 4.31 the present Bishop of this Diocesse.

This Prelate hath beene ever ••eputed a Papist in opinion, if not in practise. In his booke intituled, The fall of man, he maintaines some Popish Errors, and in Parliament ti••e 3. Ca••oli, broached no lesse then five severall points of flat Popery in one Sermon preached at White-••all before his Majesty, and that impertinently, neither of them falling within the compasse of his text: of which complaint being made in Parliament, the King enjoyned him publikely to recant those Errors in a Ser∣mon at White-hall; but he insteed of recanting, defended them a∣gaine; whereupon the King threatned to make him recant in another manner, and to turne him out of his Bishoprick: but the then Duke of Buckingham, and the other Prelates procured his peace, and translated him from Rochester (where he then sate Bishop) to Glocester. In which Diocesse proceeding in his for∣mer courses, he turned Communion Tables, rayled them Al∣tarwise, set up an Altar or two in his owne private Chappell with Tapers on them, (one of which Altars, many say, he de∣dicated to the Virgin Mary) besides he set up diverse Crucifixes and Images in the Cathedrall at Glocester and elsewhere; and af∣ter the Popish manner, consecrated diverse Altar-cloathes, pulpit Clothes, which other vestments for the Cathedrall, whereon Crucifixes were embroydred, to the great scandall of the people. And as if this were not sufficient to proclaime his Popery to the world; he hath bestowed much cost in repairing the High-crosse at Windsor, where he was a Prebend: On one side whereof there is a large statue of Christ in colours (after the Popish Garbs in forraigne parts•• hanging on the Crosse, with this Latine inscription over it, Iesus Nazarenus Rex Iu∣daeorum, in great guilded Letters; On the other side, the picture of Christ rising out of the Sepulcher, with his body halfe in, and halfe out of it. And to manifest that hee is not ashamed of this scandalous worke, it is thereupon ingraven, That this was

done at the cost of Godfry Bishop of Glocester, one of the P••••bends there. Besides he suspended one Master Ridler minister of Little Deane, some 8 miles from Glocester, upon the complaint of some Papists (whom he favou••s) of which there are many in that parish, for preaching, Th•••• a P••pist living and dying a papist in all points, could not be saved; enj••y••ing him to make a publike Recantation of this his scandalous and erroneous doctrine (as he termed it, though caught by all Orthodox Protestant Divines) in the Ca∣thedrall Church of Gl••cest••r in a Sermon there to be preached Febr. 2. 1636. which this minister not retracti••g in his Ser∣mon, according to the B••shops expectation, he thereupon dre•• up a Recantation himselfe, enjoyning Master Ridler to p••blish it in the open Ca••hed••••ll on Mat••hias day following•• which hee refusing, was thereupon suspended, and his suspension openly read in the Cathedrall, March the 5. 1636. This strange Re∣cantation was marked in the front w••th the Jesuits badge (••HS••) and began thus. In the name of God Amen. In which he stiles the Church of Rome, the Catholike Church: avers, that wee did separate from her only in point of policy (for which he cites a Sta••ute in King Henry the 8. his raigne, as if there had beene no further separation from her sin••e) not in point of D••ctrines, and in substance determines, that the Church of Rome and our Ch••rch are both one, for we have both the sam•• Hierarchy and governement, the same Liturgy, Holy dayes, Fasts, Ceremonies, Sacraments, &c. So as those who affi••m•• that Papists are damned, do but through the sides of the Church of Rome give a deadly blow to the Church of England, & de∣ny that we are saved. More such good Romish stuffe is expressed in this R••can••ation, over-tedio••s to recite. Since this, when the New Canons were compiled in the late pretended Synod, this Bishop at first ref••sed to subscribe them only (as most conceive) be∣cause some of them made literally against Popery, whereupon he was suspended from his Bishoprick for a season; Since this, some Citizens and a Minister of Glocester have exhibited a Pe∣tition against him in Parliament to prove him (among other things) to be a Papist or popishly affected, he hath beene a great encou••ager of Revells, M••ygames, Morrices, and daun∣cing meetings on the Lords day, both by his presence at, ex∣hortations to, and rewards for them, causing one Master Worke∣man, a Reverend minister of Glocester to be questioned, suspen∣ded and censured in the high Commission, only for preaching

against those prophane Sports, and Images, in the very words of our Homilies.* 4.32 He hath beene a great setter forwards of all late Popish Innovations and an open favourer of Papists; so that when the Petitions against him come to be fully heard, as they have beene in part, I doubt his name and person will but ill ac∣cord: However, if he prove himselfe a G••od man, at the best he will fall out to be like his brethren, an [Ill-B••shop:] I have now run cu••••orily over our Bishops disloyall seditions, extrava∣gant actions in particular, I shall give you but two instances more of their Acts in their Convoca••ion, in generall, in affront of our Parliaments and Lawes, the one ancient, the other mo∣derne, and so conclude with our English Prelates. The first is this.

In King * 4.33 Edward the second his reigne Hugh Spencer the Fa∣ther and Son, who seduced and abused the King & Kingdome, were banished the Realme by Act of Parliament for ever, as Traytors and enemies of the King, and of his Realme: the Bishops consenting & pe••swading the K. to condescend thereunto. Yet after this An. 1319. Hugh S••enc••r the Younger and his Father, Petitioned the King against the award in Parliament, whereby they were formerly banished and disinherited without consent of the Prelates, de∣siring it might be reversed; the King delivered this Petition to the then Archbyshop of Canterbury, (Walter Raynolds) and his Suf∣fragans, assembled in their Provinciall Councell, requi••ing to have their advise and opinion ••herein. The Prelates upon delibera∣tion had (to humour the King) declared; that in their opinion the said award as touching the disinheriting and ban••sh••ng ••he Spensers, Fa••h••r and Son, was erroneous, and not rightly decreed; and for them∣selves they deemed that they neither did or could think it reason to consent thereto (though Walsingham writes expressely, that they perswad••d the King to consent to this banishment) and the••efore they required, that it might be repealed: whereupon the King disanulled the same, which afterwards occasioned much bloodshed, civill warres, and cost Hugh Spencer the Elder his head, and the King his Crowne and Life, in Conclusion.

The later is yet F••esh in memory, to wit, the Canons, &c. Oath, and Subsidies lately made and granted by our Present Prelates An. 1640. in their pretended Synod, held and conti∣nued against Law, in affront of the Parliament then dissolved. What strange kind of me••••••ll these Canons and Oath &c. were

compounded of, appeares by the perusall of them in the prin∣ted Booke; and how culpable our Prelates were in casting, mounting, and discharging them upon the inferiour ministers and people in contempt of our Lawes and Liberties, their late impeachment at the Barre in the Lords house, by the house of Commons will best demonstrate, the true Copy whereof here ensueth.

August the 4. 1641. The Impeachment against the Bishops, sent up by Serjeant Wilde, & delivered at the Bar in the Lords house verbally, by Order of the House.

MY Lords, the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of the Commons house of Parliament, being sensible of the great Infelicities and Troubles which the Common-wealth h••th sustained by the exorbitant courses of the Bishops, and know∣ing well what the wiseman saith, Eccles. 8.11. Tha•• i•• sen••••nce be not speedily executed against ••n evill w••rke, the h••arts ••f the son••e of men are set upon further mischiefe:* 5.1 (••he timely r••dr••sse whe••eof doth better become the wisedome of Parliament•• then a too-late wofull r••pentance;) have commanded me to represent unto your Lordships, That

• Walter Bishop of Winchester,
• Robert Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield.
• Godfry Bishop of Glocester.
• Joseph Bishop of Ex••ester.
• John B••shop of Asaph.
• William Bishop of Bath and Wells.
• Geo••ge B••shop of Hereford.
• Matthew Bishop of Ely.
• William B••shop of Bangor.
• Robert Bishop of Bris••oll.
• John B••shop of Roch••ster.
• John Bish••p of Peterborough.
• Morgan Bishop of Landaffe.

Together with Willi••m Archbishop of Canterbury, and others of the Clergie of that Province, at a Convocation or Synod for the same Province begun at London, in the yeare 1640. did contrive, make, and promulg•• severall Constitutions and Ca∣nons Ecclesiasticall, containing in them divers matters contrary to the Kings Prerogative, to the fundamentall L••wes and Statutes of the Realme, to the Rights of Parliament, to the Propriety and Liberty of the Subjects, and matters tending to sedition, and of dangerous consequence.

And to adde the more weigh•• and efficacie to this their mon∣strous designe, They did at the same Synod under a specious and faire Title, grant a Ben••vol••nce or Contribution to his Maje∣sty, to be paid by the Clergy of that Province, contrary to Law: It rested not there, for though this had beene enough to have affrighted and terr••fied the Kings people with strange apprehen∣sions and feares, yet that these might not seem to be contrivan∣cies of their brain or Fancies o••ly•• they were put in Execution and were executed upon divers with animosity and rigour, to the great oppression of the Clergy of this Realme, and other his Majesties subjects, and in contempt of the King, and of the Law.

Whether these persons, my Lords, that are culpable of these Offences, shall be thought fit to have an Interest in the Legisla∣tive power, your Lordships Wisdome and Justice is able to judge.

But for these matters ••nd things, the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of the Commons House in Parliament, in the name of themselves, and of all the Commons of England, doe impeach the said Bishops before-named of the Crimes and Misdemeanors before expressed, and do therefore pray that they may bee forth∣with put to their Answers in the Presence of the Commons, and that such further Proceedings may bee had against them, as to Law and Justice shall appertaine.

Now that the world may take notice what Power the Clergy in their Con••ocation have to make Canons and Constitutions to bind the subjects, and of what validity their late Canons are; I shall avouch the Votes of the Commons House concerning them, as I find them printed at the end of this Impeachme••t of Bishops.

The Votes concerning the Bishops late Booke of Ca∣nons, in the House of Commons.

THat the Clergy of England convented in any Convocation or Synod, or otherwise, have no power to make any Consti∣tutions, Canons, or Acts whatsoever, in matter of doctrine, or otherwise, to binde the Clergy or Laity of this Land without the common consent of Parliament.

That the severall Constitutions and Canons Ecclesiasticall, treated upon by the Archbishops of Canturbury and Yorke, Pre∣sidents of the Convocation, for the respective Provinces of Can∣terbury and Yorke, and the rest of the Bishops and Clergy of these Provinces, and agreed upon by the Kings Majesties licence, in their ••everall Synods, begun at London and Yorke, 1640. doe not bind the Clergy or Laity of this Land, or either of them.

And thus I have don•• with our English Lordly Prelates, whose only study is and hath been to support their Lordly dignity, not true religion, devotion and piety•• I shall conclude with them in Saint * 6.1 Bernards words. Vides omnem Ecclesiasticum zelum fer∣vere sola pro dignita••e tuenda: Honori totum datur, sanctitati nihil, aut parum. Nisi quod sublime est, hoc salutare dicamus; & quod gloriam redolet, id justum. Ita omne humile probro ducitur inter Palatinatos. Et tunc potissimum volunt dominari, cum professi fuerint servitutem. Fi∣deles se spondent, ut opportunius fidentibus noceant. Ante omnia sapien∣tes sunt ut facia••t mala, b••num autem facere nesciunt. Hi invisi ter∣rae & coe••o, utrique injecêre manus; impii in Deum, temerarii in san∣cta, seditiosi in invicem, aemuli in vicinos, inhumani in extraneos, quos neminem amantes, amat nemo. Hi sunt, qui subesse non sustinent, prae∣esse non norunt, superioribus infideles, inferioribus importabiles. Docu∣erunt linguam suam grandia loqui, cum operentur exigua, Blandissimi adulatores, & mordacissimi detractores, simplicissimi dissimulatores, & malignissimi Proditores. O miserandam Sponsam talibus creditam Para∣nymphis, qui assignata cultui ejus, proprio retinere quaestui non verentur. Non amici profectò Sponsi, sed aemuli sunt. Erunt inquam hujusmodi ma∣ximo studio corrigendi, ne pereant; aut ne perimant, coercendi.

CHAP. VII. Containing the severall Treasons, Rebellions, Seditions, Schismes, Contumacies, Warres, and disloyalties of the Bishops of France, Normandy, Scotland, and Ireland, with reference unto the Kings of England.

HAving thus passed through the Treasons, Rebelli∣ons, Seditions, Warres, and disloyall practises of our English Lordly Prelates, I shall here in the next place give you a taste of the like crimes and practises of some French, Norman Prelates against our Kings, their Soveraignes, either here or in Normandy; and likewise of the Bishops of Scotland, and Ireland; which I thought meet to couple with our English Pre∣lates, these Kingdomes being now happily united under the Government of our gracious Soveraigne, and his deceased Fa∣ther.

French and Norman Bishops Acts of this kind.

I shall begin with Saint German Bishop of A••xerre in France,* 6.2 of whom it is storyed, * 6.3 that comming into England in King Vortigerns time, and repairing to his Court with his Compa∣nions in a cold frosty night, the King shut him out and would give him no lodging; which the Kings Herdsman seeing, taking pitty upon them, and commiserating their affliction, lodged them in his house, and killed a calfe, which they did eate at sup∣per: whose bones Saint German commanded to be brought to him when supper was ended, and putting them all into the Calves skin, he miraculously rais••d up the Cal••e againe from

the dead, (whereas Christ and his Apostles never raised any dead beast, but dead men onely) and put him to his damme, where he sell a eating hay. And on the next day by command from God (as some writers affirme) German deposed Vortigerne from his Kingdome, and made the Herdsman King in his place, to the great admiration of all men: and from thence forth the King•• of the Britaines descended from the race of this Herds∣man. But Gildas in his History saith, that this happened not to Vortigerne, but to King Powes, named Beuly, whose successors in t••at part of Wales issued from this Herdsmans race. Our lear∣ned Martyr* 6.4 Doctor Barnes reciting this story and Legend out of Petrus de Natalibus concludes thus. I thinke no man will binde me to prove this thing (of the Calfe) a lye, and yet it must be preached and taught in each Church, it must be writ∣ten in holy Saints lives, and he ••ust be a Saint that did it, and why? because hee deposed a King, and set in a Nea••es∣herd.

* 6.5Odo * 6.6 Bishop of Bayeux, was at first in great estimation with his Brother William the Conquerour, and bare great rule under him; till at last for envy that Lanfranke was preferred before him, he conspired against him: who understanding thereof com∣mitted him to Prison, where he remained, till the said Prince then lying on his death bed, released and restored him to his former liberty. When the King was dead, William Rufus took him backe into England, supposing no lesse than to have had a speciall friend, and a trusty Counsellour of him in all his af∣faires. But ere long after his comming thither, he fell againe into the same offence of ingratitude, whereof he became cul∣pable in the Conquerours dayes. For perceiving that Lanfranke Arch Bishop of Canterbury was so highly esteemed with the King, that he could beare no rule, and partly suspecting that Lanfrancke had beene chiefe cause of his former imprisonment, he suffered Duke Robert to bereave his Brother King William Rufus of the dominion of England all he might, and conspired with the rest, against his Nephew: and thereupon writ sundry Letters unto Duke Robert, counselling him to come over with an army in all h••ste, to take the rule upon him, which by his practise should easily be compassed; Duke Robert, thus anima∣ted, pawnes the County of Constance to his younger Brother Henry for a great summe of gold; and therewith returned an∣swer

to the said Bishop, that he should provide and looke for him upon the South coast of England, at a certa••ne ••ime appoin∣ted. Hereupon Odo fortified the Castle of Rochester, and began to make sore warres against ••he Kings friends in Kent, and pro∣cured his other complices also to doe the like in other parts of the Realme. And first on the West part of England, Geoffrey Bishop of Constans, with his Nephew Robert de Mowbray Earle of Northumberland, setting forth from Bristow, tooke and sack∣ed Bath and Be••kley, with a great part of Wiltshire, and brought the spoile to Bristow, where they fortified the Castle for their greater safety. Robert de Bygod over-rode and robbed all the Countries about Norwich, and Hugh de Grandwesuit spoyled and wasted all the Coun••ries abou•• Leicester; And Robert Mountgo∣mery Earle of Shrew••bury, with William Bishop of Durham, and others, wasted the Country with fire and sword, killing, and taking great numbers of people where they came. Afterwards comming to Worcester they assaulted the City, and burnt the Suburbs: But Bishop Wolstan being in the Towne, encouraged the Citizens to resist; who by his exhortation sallying out of the City, when the enemies waxed negligent, they slew and tooke above 5000. men of them in one day. Archbishop Lanfranke in the mean•• time, whilst the Realme was thus trou∣bled by Odoes meanes on each side, writeth to, and admonisheth all the Kings friends, to make themselves ready to defend their Prince. And when they were assembled with their forces, he counselled the King to march into the ••ield speedily with them, to represse his enemies The King following his counsell, com∣manding first all unjust Imposts, Taxes and Tallages to be laid downe, and promising to restore such favourable Lawes as the people should d••sire, to ingratiate himse••fe with h••s Subjects; marcheth with a mighty army into Kent, where the sedition be∣gan•• takes Tunbridge and Horne-Castle, and afterward b••seigeth Bishop Odo in the Castle of Pemsey•• which the B••shop had strong∣ly fortified. Robert landing with a great Army in England du∣ring this siege, Odo through want of victuall was glad to sub∣mit himselfe, and promised to cause the Castle of Rocheste••, to be delivered, but at his comming thi••her, they within the Ci∣ty suffred him to enter, and straightwayes laid him fast in P••••son. Some judge that this was done under a colour by his owne con∣sent. But the King besieging the City, they within were glad

••o deliver i•• up into his hand••. Thus lost B••shop Odo all his Livings and dignities in England, and so returned into Nor••an∣dy; where under Duke Robert, he had the chiefe government of the Country committed to him.

Anno * 6.7 Dom. 1196. Earle Iohn, King Richard the first his Brother, with his forces riding forth into the Country about Beauvois, made havocke in robbing and spoyling all a••ore him. Anon as Phillip the Bishop of Beauvois (a man more given to the Campe then to the Church) had knowledge hereof, think∣ing them to be a mee••e prize for him, with Sir William de Mer∣low and his Sonne, and a great number of other valiant men of warre, came forth into the fields, and encoun••ring with the enemies, fought very stoutly; But yet in the end the Bishop, the Arch-deacon and all the chiefe Captaines were taken, the residue slaine and chased; After this Earle Iohn and Marchades presented the two Prelates with great triumph unto King Ri∣chard earely in the morning,* 6.8 lying yet in his bed, as those that were knowne to be his great enemies, saying to him in French, Rise Richard, rise, we have gotten the great Chantor of Beauvois, and a good Quire man (as we take it) to answer him in the same note, and here we deliver them unto you to use at your discretion. The King seeing them smiled, and was very glad for the taking of this Bishop, for that he had ever found him his great adversary; And therefore being thus taken fighting in the field with armour on his backe, thought he might be bold in temporall wise to cha∣stise him, sith he (not regarding his calling) practised to mo∣lest him with temporall weapons. Whereupon he commit∣ted him to close Prison, all armed as he was. It chanced soone after, that two of his Chaplaines came unto the King to Roven where this Bishop was detained, beseeching the King of Li∣cense to attend upon their Master now in captivity; unto whom (as it is of some reported) the King made this answer: I am c••n∣tent to make you Iudge•• in the cause betwixt me and your Master; as for the evills which he hath either done, or else gone about to doe unto me, let the same be forgotten. This is true, that I being taken as I returned from my journey made into the holy Land, and delivered into the Emperours hands, was in respect of my Kingly state, used according thereunto very friendly, and honorably, till your Master comming thither (for what purpose he himselfe best knoweth) had long conference with the Emperour. After which, I for my part,

in the next morning tasted the fruite of their over-nights talke, being then loaden with as many Irons as a good Asse might not very easily have borne. Iudge you therefore what manner of imprisonment your Master deserved at my hands, that procured such ease for me at the Emperours hands. These two Chaplaines had their mouthes stopped with these words thus by the King uttered, and so departed their wayes. The Bishop being still detained in Pri∣son, procured suite to be made to the Pope for his deliverance, writing a Letter to the Pope against the King for this hard u∣sage, recorded by Hoveden; whereupon the Pope writ a Letter to the King in his behalfe, to importune his release. But the Pope being truely informed of the matter, and wisely conside∣ring, that the King had not taken the Bishop Preaching but figh∣ting, and kept him prisoner rather as a rough enemy, then as a peaceable Prelate, would not be earnest with the King for his deliverance, but rather reproved the Bishop, In that hee had preferred secular warfare before the spirituall, and had taken upon him the use of a Speare, insteed of a Crosier, an Helmet, insteed of a Miter, an Herbergean, instead of a white Rocket, a Targe•• for a Stoale, and an iron Sword, in lieu of the spirituall Sword; and therefore he re••used to use any Commandment to King Ric••ard for the setting o•• him at Liberty: But yet he promised to doe what he could, by way of intreating, that he might be released. It is reported by some Writers, that the Pope at first not un∣derstanding the truth of the whole circumstance, should send to King Richard, commanding him by force of the Canons of the Church, to deliver his Sonnes, the Bishop and Archdeacon, out of their captivity. To whom the King sent their Armour, with this message written in Latine, Vide an tunica filii tui si••, an non: that is, See whether these are the garments of thy Sonnes or not: al∣luding to the saying of those that carryed Iosephs coa••e to Iacob: Which when the Pope saw, he said, Nay by Saint Peter, it is neither the apparell of my Sonnes, nor yet of my Brethren, but rather they are the vestures of the children of Mars; and so he left them still to be ransomed at the Kings pleasure. The Bishop thus seeing no hope to be delivered without some agreement had betwixt the two Kings, became now, through irkesomnesse of his bonds an earnest mediator for peace, whereas he had beene before an extreame stirrer up of warre. Such a Schoolemaster, is impri∣sonment, and plucker downe of lofty courages. But not pre∣vailing,

he plots how to make an escape. When Queene Elio∣nor ••ing Richards Mother came to Rhoane, she sent for this Bi∣shops keep••rs, to permi the Bishop to c••me to her lodging to sp••ake with her; which although it were dangerous, yet they unwill••ng to resist the Queenes sui••e, pe••mit••ed him to goe out of the Towe ga••es fe••••e••ed, with themselves accompanying him: As they passed b•• a Church, the Bishop ran to the doore th••ugh 〈◊〉〈◊〉, as well as he cou••d, and laying hold on the Ring of the Chur••h•• cryed out with a loud vo••ce saying, I demand the peace of God and the Church. At which speech his Keepers much troubled, laid hands on him, pul••ed him from the Church doore, and brought him backe aga••ne to the Tower, where they kept him more stricktly then before. Which ••he King hearing of, sent him to Chine, to be kept close Prisoner. After this he offered King Richard 10000 markes for his enlarge∣ment, which he refused. But K••ng Iohn comming to the Crown, at the Popes request rel••ased h••m ••or 2000. He taking a so∣lemne Oath before the Cardinall and other Ecclesiastickes, that he would never all his life after, beare armes against Christians, as he had cause•• now no•• to doe.

* 6.9About the same time Walter, Arch bishop of Roven, at the in∣stigation of the French King, pu•• all the Country of Normandy un∣der sen••ence of in••erdiction, because King Richard had begun to sort ••he a Ca••••le at Lisse Dandely upon a peece of ground which the Archbishop c••aim••d to appertaine unto hi•• See. The Arch∣bishop would ••y no meane•• release the interdict, So as the bo∣dies ••f dead men lay unbu••yed through all the Villages and streetes of t••e C••ties of Normandy. Hereupon, the King much troubled at the A••chb••shops dealing, whom he had advanced and much imployed, s••nds ••o Rome to the Pope to heare the cause be∣tweene them; The matter being brought before the Pope, he perceiving the intent of King Richard, was not otherwise grounded upon an•• covetous purpose, to defraud the Church o•• her right, but one••y to bu••ld a fortresse in such place as was mo••t expedient for defence of the Country about, to preserve it from invasion of the enemies, counselled the Archbishop, no•• to s••and against the King in it, but to exchange with him for some other Lands, which was done, and the interdiction by the Pope released. This Archbishop was a great warriour, bore great sway in England, during King Richards absence and cap∣tivity,

and troubled the Realme very much with taxes and warres.

Before I come to the Prelates of Scotland, I shall insert one story of a Patriarch of Hierusalem, who affronted our King Henry the second to his face, in a shamefull manner. The story is this.

Heraclius * 6.10 Patriarch of Ierusalem came into England in the thir∣tyeth yeare of King Henry the second, and made busy request to him against the Saracens, proffering him the keyes of Ierusa∣lem, and of our Lords grave, with Letters of Pope Lucius the third, charging him, that he should take upon him the King∣dome of Ierusalem, with the royall Standard of the Kingdome as due unto him, and likewise make a royall voyage thither in proper person with an army for the security thereof, and to have minde of the Oath that he before time had made. The King deferred his answer, and Baldwin the Arch bishop Preached, and exhorted men to take the Crosse, by whose meanes many there were that avowed that journey. The King at last, by the advise of his whole Councell and Parliament, gave this answer, that he might not leave his Land without keeping, nor yet leave it to the prey and robbery of the French men; but he would give largely of his owne to such as would take upon them that voyage. With this answer Hera••lius was discontented, and said, we seeke a man and not money, well neere every Christian Re∣gion sendeth to us money, but no Land sendeth to us a Prince. But the King laid for him such excuses, that the Patriarch de∣parted from him discontented and comfortlesse. Whereof the King being advertised, entending somewhat to recomfort h••m with pleasant words followed him to the Sea side. But the more the King thought to satisfie him with his faire speech, the more the Patriarch was discontented, in so much, that at last he said unto him. Hitherto thou hast raigned gloriously, but here∣after thou shalt be forsaken of him that thou at this time forsa∣kest; thinke on him what he hath given to thee, and what thou hast yeelded to him againe; How first thou wert false to the King of France, and after slew Thomas Becket, and last of all, thou forsakest the Protection of Christs Faith. The King was mooved with these word•• and sayd unto the Patriarch. Though all the men of the Land were one body, and spake with one mouth, they durst not speake ••o me such words. No

wonder (said the Patriarch) for they love thine and not thee, That is to meane, they love thy goods temporall, and feare the losse of promotion, but they love not thy soule. And when he had so said, he offered his head to the King, saying; Doe by me right as thou didst by Thomas Becket, for I had rather be slaine of thee, then of the Sarasens, for thou art worse then any Sarasen, and they follow a prey and not a man. But the King kept his patience and said, I may not wend out of my Land, for my owne Sonnes will arise against me when I am absent. No wonder (said the Patriarch) for of the devill they came, and to the devill they shall, and so departed from the King in great ire. So rudely have Prelates dealt with the greatest Princes, as thus both in words and deeds, to revile and contemne them, as if they were their slaves to be at their command, though with the ha∣zard of their lives, Crownes and Kingdomes, upon every hu∣mour. I now passe on to the Scottish Prelates.

The Bishops of Scotlands acts in this kinde.

TO passe from Normandy to Scotland; before I enter into a Relation of any of the Scotish Prelates actions; I shall inform you what a 6.11 Holinshed writes of King Davids erection of Bisho∣prickes in Scotland, and his endowing of them with large tem∣porall possessions. This Church in the originall plantation of the Gospell having beene governed onely by Presbyters, and wanting Bishops for some hundred of yeares, following here∣in the custome of the Primitive Church, asb 6.12 Iohn Fordon,c 6.13 Iohn Major,d 6.14 Bishop Vsher, and * 6.15 Spelman testifie; David King of Scots erected foure Bishoprickes, within this Realme, Rosse, Brochin, Dunkeld and Dublaine, indowing them with rich Rents, faire Lands, and sundry right commodious possessions. Moreover, he translated the Bishops See of Murthlake unto Aberden, for sundry advised considerations, augmenting it with certaine re∣venues, as he thought expedient. He was admonished (as the report goeth) in his sleepe, that he should build an Abbey for a religious Order, to live in together;* 6.16 Whereupon he sent for workemen into France, and Flanders, and set them in hand to build this Abbey of Canons regular, as he was admonish∣ed, dedicating it in the honour of a Crosse (whereunto he bare speciall devotion) for that very strangely it slipped into his

hands on a time, as he was pursuing and following of a Hart in the Chase: But enough of these Monkish devises. Many prudent men blame greatly the unmeasurable liberality of King David;* 6.17 which he used towards the Church, in diminishing so hugely the revenues of the Crowne, being the cause that many Noble Princes his Successors, have come to their finall ends, for that they have beene constrained through want of treasure to maintaine their royall estates, to procure the fall of sundry great Houses, to possesse their Lands and livings; also, to raise payments and exactions of the Common people, to the utter impoverishment of the Realme. And sometime they have beene constrained to invade England by warres, as desperate men not caring what came of their lives. Other whiles they have beene enforced to stampe naughty money to the great prejudice of the Common wealth. All which mischiefes have followed since the time that the Church hath beene thus enrich∣ed, and the Crowne impoverished.* 6.18 Therefore King Iames the first, when he came to King Davids Sepulcher at Dunfirm∣ling, he said;* 6.19 that he was a sore Saint for the Crowne.* 6.20 Meaning that he left the Church over-rich, and the Crowne too poore. For he tooke from the Crowne (as Iohn Major writeth in his Chronicles) 60000. pound Scotish of yearely revenues;* 6.21 Where∣with he endowed those Abbyes. But if King David had consi∣dered how to nourish true Religion, he had neither endowed Churches with such riches, nor built them with such royalty, for the superfluous possessions of the Church (as they are now used) are not onely occasion to evill Prelates to live in most in∣solent pompe and corrupt life,* 6.22 but an assured Net to draw gold and silver out of Realmes. Thus Holinshed of the Bishops and Bishoprickes of Scotland in generall.

In a f 6.23 Convocation at Fairefax under King Gregory, Anno, 875. It was decreed by the Bishops of Scotland, that Ordina∣ries and Bishops should have authority to order all men, both pub∣like and private (yea Kings themselves) as well for the keeping of Faith given, as to constraine them to confirme the same, and to punish such as should be found in the contrary. This was a high straine of insolency and treachery against the Prerogative of the King and Nobles priviledges, whom these Prelates endeavoured to en∣thrall to their Lordly pleasures; and perchance it was in affront of King Davids Law who ordained Anno 860. (but 15. yeares

before) that Priests should attend their Cures, and not intermed∣dle with secular businesses, or keepe Horses, Haukes, or Hounds. A very good Law, had it beene as well executed.

Anno g 6.24 1294. the Scots conspiring together against their Soveraigne Lord and King, Iohn Bailiol, rose up in armes a∣gainst him, and inclosing him in a Castle, they elected to them∣selves twelve Peeres after the manner of France; whereof the foure first were Bishops, by whose will and direction all the af∣faires of the Kingdome should be managed. And this was done in despite to disgrace the King of England, who set the said Iohn over them against their wils. Whereupon the King of England brought an Army towards Scotland, in Lent following, to represse the rash arrogancy and presumption of the Scots•• against their owne Father and King; and miserably wasted the Country, over-running it quite, and making both them and their King whom he tooke Prisoner, to doe homage, and sweare feal••y, and give pledges to him as * 6.25 Walsingham reci••es more at large. Among these Bishops it seemes that the Bishop of ••lascow was one of the chiefe opposites against the King of Scotland and England, for Anno 1298. I finde this Bishop one of the chiefe Captaines of the Rebellious Scots, and leading an Army in the field; which being disbanded for feare of the Eng∣lish forces, upon promise of pardon, this Bishop Ne proditionis notam incurreret, lest he should incurre the brand of treason, rendred himselfe to Earle Warren sent into Scotland with an Army, who committed him prisoner to the Castle of Rok••burrow, for a Rebell, where he was detained.

* 6.26William of * 6.27 Neubery records; Tha•• David King of Scots was divinely chastised by one Wimundus, an English man of obscure parents, made Bishop of the Scottish Islands; who waxing proud of his Bishopricke, began to attempt great matters: Not con∣tent with the dignity of his Episcopall Office, he did now in his mind walke in great and wonderfull matters above himselfe, having a mouth speaking great things, with a most vaine heart. In conclusion, gathering together Poore and bold men, no•• fearing the judgement of verity, he gave out himselfe to be the Sonne of Count Murrey, spoyled of the inheritance of his Fa∣thers, by the King of Scots; that he had an intention no•• one∣ly to prosecute his right, but likewise ••o revenge his wrongs; that he desired to have them, the Consorts both of his danger

and fortune•• that i•• was a businesse verily of some labour and danger, but of great reputation, and much emolument. All of them therefore being animated by, and sworne to his words, he began cruelly to play Rex through the Neighbour Islands, and he was now like Nemroth, A mighty hunter before the Lord, dis∣daining according to the duty of his Episcopall Office, to be a Fisher of Men, like Peter, his Millitary troopes encreasing day∣ly, amongst whom, he being taller than the rest, almost by the head and shoulders, like a great Generall, inflamed the mindes of all the rest. He made excursions into the Provinces of Scot∣land, exterminating all things with rapines and murthers; and when as a royall Army was sent against him, retyring himselfe into remote Forrests, or ••lying backe into the Ocean, he elu∣ded all their warlike preparations; and the Army retyring, hee brake out againe out of his lurking places, to infest the Pro∣vinces. When therefore he prospered in all things, and be∣came now terrible, even to the King himselfe; a certaine Bishop a most simple man, mi••aculously repressed his violence for a time; to whom, when he denouncing warre, threatned utter devastation, unlesse he would pay him a tribute; He answe∣red, The will of the Lord be done, for by my example, never shall any Bishop be made the tributary to another Bishop. There∣fore, having exhorted his people, he meetes him comming with fury, onely greater than he in Faith, but farre unlike him in other things, and for the encouragement of his Souldiers, he himselfe giving the first stroke of the battle, casting a small Axe at him, by Gods good pleasure prostrated the enemy marching in the front: With whose fall the people being encouraged, rann•• violently upon the Robbers, and slaying a great part of them, compelled the most fierce captaine unmanfully to fly. This, hee himselfe was wont afterwards to relate among his friends with mirth, as glorying, That onely God could over come him by the Faith of a simple Bishop. After this, resuming his Forces, he wasted the I••lands and Provinces of Scotland, as at first: Whereupon the King was compelled to appease this Robber; to which end using better counsell than formerly, he ••esolved, to deale wisely with a proud and cra••ty enemy, with whom he could not deale valiantly: Therefore granting to him a certaine Province, with the monastery of Fornace, he suspen∣ded his excursions for a time. But when as he gloriously pas∣sed

through the subdued Province like a King, with a power∣full army, and became exceeding troublesome to the Mona∣stery it selfe of which he had beene a Monke; by the consent of the Nobles (who hated either his power, or his insolence) some Inhabitants of the said Province laid waite for him: and having gotten a convenient time, when as hee followed the multitude he had sent before him to his lodging, with a slow pace, and a small guard, they apprehending him, bound him and put out both his eyes, because both were wicked: and cutting off the cause of a virulent race, they gelt him (writes my Author) for the peace of the Kingdome of Scotland, not for the Kingdome of Heaven: This Bishop, thus emasculated, af∣terwards came to Belleland, and there continued quiet many yeares till his death; Yet he is reported then to have said, that if he had the eye but of a Sparrow, his Enemyes should no way insult off their Acts against him. So Neubrigens••s. If all our Lordly Bishops were gelt like this, for the peace of the Kingdome, both of Scotland and England, that we might be no more troubled with this their Lordly virulent generation in ••uture ages, I presume it would be as great a blessing, as could befall both Kingdomes and Churches.

* 6.28 About the yeare 1230.* 6.29 the men of Cathnes, sore offended with their Bishop, named Adam, for that upon refusall to pay their Tithes, he had accursed and excommunicated them, fel up∣on him within his owne house; And first scourging him with Rods, at length set fire upon him, and burnt him within his owne kitchin: Which Act being reported to the Sco••tish King Alexander, as then sojourning at Edenburgh, he hasted forth with all speed to punish the offenders,* 6.30 not ceasing till he had taken 400••. of them•• all which number he caused to be hang∣ed; and for that he would have no succession to come of such a wicked seed, he appointed all their Sons to lose their stones. The place where they were so gelded, is called even to this day the Stony-hill.* 6.31 The Ea••le of Cathnes, for that he neither suc∣coured the Bishop in time of need, nor yet sought to punish the offenders that did this cruell deed, was deprived of his Earledome,* 6.32 and the Lands belonging to the same. The Pope highly commended King Alexander,* 6.33 for this punishment taken of them that had so cruelly murthered their Bishop. Thus was one small cruelty occasioned by this Bishops covetousnesse, and

perversenesse, punished with a farre greater; yea, such a one as is hardly parralleld in story; and that by the instigation of the Prelates and Pope, who applauded this barbarous cruelty. Had all Lordly, Traytorly, Rebellious, and Seditious Prelates beene thus gelded, that no succession migh•• spring from their wicked seed, to infest both Chu••ch and State, it had beene a more profitable and commendable action, than the gelding of these poore Laymen.

King * 6.34 Iames the fourth,* 6.35 Anno 1504. when he had formerly ministred justice so amongst his Subjects, that they lived in great peace and quietnesse, William Elfinstone Bishop of Aberdene, one of his Counsell, devised wayes to win the King great profit and gaine, by calling his Barons, and all those that held any Lands within this Realme, to shew their evidences by way of recognition; and if they had not sufficient writings to shew, warrantabl•• by the antecedent Lawes of the Kingdome, the Lands should remaine at the Kings pleasure. But when the King perceived his people to grudge herewith, and not with∣out ca••se, as with a thing devised to disquiet his people and the whole Country; of his owne courteous nature he easily a∣greed with the possessors of such Lands: For the which he purchased great love amongst his people, and the Bishop, the deviser of this Ordinance, wanne passing great hatred and malice.* 6.36

Anno. 1521. * 6.37 A Parliament was summoned to be kept at E∣denburgh, the 26. of Ianuary, and a generall Sommons of for∣••eiture proclaimed at the Market Crosse in Edenburgh, wherein divers were sommoned to make their appearance in the said Parliament, to be tryed for sundry great offences by them com∣mitted: Whereupon Gawin Dowglasse Bishop of Dunkeld hea∣ring of this Proclamation (though not named in it) conscious to himselfe of great offences, fled into England, and remained a•• London in the Savoy, where he dyed.

Anno 1569. * 6.38 There was a great rebellion in the North by the Earles of Westmorland and Northumberland and others:* 6.39 Mur∣ray then Regent of Scotland, informed Queene Elizabeth, that the Bishop of Rosse, then in England was the Authour of that Rebellion, whereupon he was committed to the Bishop of Lon∣don, to remaine his Prisoner.

As the Archbishops of Canterbury Primates of all England,

have beene the greatest Traytors and Incendiaries of all other our Prelates; so have the Bishops and Archbishops of Saint Andrewes, Primates of all Scotland, beene the like in that Realme, of which I shall give you a taste.

* 6.40 In the yeare of our Lord 1180. Richard Bishop of Saint An∣drews deceasing, there arose a great Schisme about the election of a new Bishop; for the canons of the Church of S. Andrews, elected Iohn Scot for their Bishop, and William King of Scots, made choyce of Hugh his Chaplaine, and caused him to be consecra∣ted by the Bishops of his Kingdome, notwithstanding the said Iohns appeale to the Pope. Whereupon Pope Alexander sent Alexis a sub-Deacon of the Church of Rome into Scotland, to heare and determine the controversie betweene these two com∣petitors: Who after a long debate, finding, that the said Iohn was Canonically elected, and that Hugh after the ap∣peale to the Pope, was violently intruded by the King into the Bishopricke of Saint Andrewes, immediately deposed him from his Bishopricke, and by his authority imposed perpetuall si∣lence on him; confirmed the election of Iohn, and caused him to be consecrated Bishop of Saint Andrewes, by the Bishops of Scotland, the King neither prohibiting nor contradicting it, yea, permitting it by the Counsell of the Bishops of his Realme. But immediately after his consecration, the King prohibited him to stay within his kingdome: and Hugh carryed himselfe as Bishop, no lesse than he did before his deprivation; and taking with him the Episcopall Chaplet, Staffe, and Ring, with o∣ther things, he unlawfully detaining them, and beginning his journey towards Rome, departed. And because he would not restore the things he carryed away, Allexis excommunica∣ted him, interdicted his Bishopricke, and the Pope confirmed that sentence. Hereupon the Pope writes three Letters; one to the Bishops, Abbots, and Prelates of all Scotland, the Prior of Saint Andrewes, and the Clergy and people of that Diocesse, honourably to receive Iohn as their Bishop, within 8 dayes af∣ter the receipt of this Letter, and to submit unto him as their Bishop; and putting on the spirit of fortitude to labour wisely and manfully for the preservation of Ecclesiasticall Justice, and to endeavour to appease the Kings displeasure; But if the King were averse, or inclining to the Counsell of wicked men, then they ought to obey God and the holy Church of Rome more than

men; otherwise he must and would ratifie the sentence which Hugh Bishop of Durham had pronounced against the contuma∣cious and rebellious. Another Letter to all the Bishops and Prelates of Scotland, to denounce Hugh excommunicated, and to avoyd his company as an excommunicate Person, till he re∣stored to Iohn, the goods of the Church he had taken away, and given him competent satisfaction for the things he had destroy∣ed. Moreover, the Pope granted to Roger Arch-bishop of Yorke, a power Legatine in Scotland, and commanded him that he, together wi••h Hugh, Bishop of Durham, should denounce a ••entence of excommunication against the King of Scotland, and in∣terdict his Kingdome, unlesse he would permit the said Iohn to hold his Bishopricke in peace, and give security to him to keepe the peace; And the same Pope strictly commanded Iohn, by vertue of his canonicall obedience, that neither act of love, nor feare o•• any man, nor through any mans suggestion or will, he should rashly presume to relinquish the Church of Saint Andrewes, to which he was consecrated, and in which he was confirmed by Apostolicall authority, nor presume to receive another Bi∣shopricke; adding, that if he should attempt it, he would take away both Bishopricks from him without exception. After which, Pope Alexander writ a Letter to King William himselfe, enjoyning him thereby within twenty dayes after the receipt thereof, to give peace and security to the Bishop: and to receive him unto his favour, so that he ought not to doubt the Kings indignation; Alioquin noveritis, &c. Else he should know, that he had commanded Roger Archbishop of Yorke, Legate of the Apostolicke See in Scotland, to put his Kingdome under inter∣dict, and to excommunicate his person notwithstanding any appeale. And that he should know for certaine, that if he persisted in his violence, as he had formerly laboured that his kingdome might have liberty, so he would thenceforth doe his endea∣vour, Vt in pristinam subjectionem revertatur, that it should re∣vert unto its Priestine subjection: (He meant, I take it, not to himselfe but to England;) But the King obeying in nothing, his Apostolicall mandates, expelled Iohn, Bishop of Saint An∣drewes, and Matthew, Bishop of Aberden, his Uncle, o••t of his kingdome; Whereupon Roger Arch-bishop of Yorke, Hugh Bishop of Durham, and Alexis prosecuting the Popes command, Pronounced a Sentence of Excommunication against the Kings per∣son,

and a sentence of Interdict against his Kingdome. And Iohn on the other side, fulminated a sentence of excommunication against Richard de M••rtue Constable of Scotland, and other of the Kings familiars, who disturbed the peace betweene the King and him; And Roger of Yorke, and Hugh of Durham, like∣wise enjoyned the Prior of Saint Andrewes, and all Ecclesi∣asticall persons within the Diocesse, to come to Iohn their Bi∣shop, and yeeld due subjection to him; else they would pro∣nounce a sentence of suspention against them, as contumacious and rebellious. And when as certaine Ecclesiastickes of the Diocesse, for feare of the said suspension, came to the said Iohn, the King cast them all out of his kingdome, with their children and kindred, and with their very sucking children, yet lying in their swathing cloutes and hanging on their Mothers brests; Whose miserable proscription and exile, the foresaid Roger of Yorke, and Hugh of Durham beholding, Reiterated their former excommunication and interdiction; Commanding all Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and Ecclesiasticall persons, firmely, and unmoveably to observe the same, and very warily to shunne the King himselfe, as an excom∣municate Person. Not long after Roger of Yorke fell sicke and dyed, which the King of Scot•• hearing, rejoyced exceedingly thereat. And taking advise with the Bishops, Earles, and o∣ther wise men of his kingdome, he sent Ioceline Bishop of Gla∣scow, Arnulfe Abbot of Melros, and others to Pope Lucius to absolve him from the foresaid Excommunication and interdict; and if they might by any meanes, to procure Iohn to be depri∣ved: By whose solicitation the Pope released the Excommu∣nication and interdict, as appeares by his Letter to the King, recorded at large by Hoveden. After which the Pope sent one Rolland Elect Bishop of Dole into Scotland, to make peace be∣tweene the King and Iohn; who after long debate made this accord; that Hugh should abjure the Bishopricke of Saint An∣drewe••; and that Iohn should also release all his claimes there∣to, and in leiu thereof should have the Bishopricke of Dun∣kelden, and all the rents he had before the election, and the Chancery of the King, and forty markes rent out of the Bi∣shopricke of Saint Andrewes. But Hugh, when the King requi∣red him to renounce his Bishopricke, answered, That he would rather receive his judgement in the Court of Rome, than thus ab∣jure his Bishopricke, to which he had beene consecrated. And forth∣with

he reproved the Letters which Iohn had impetrated from Rome against him of falsehood, and appealed to the Pope: Whereupon Rolland not able to proceed, certified the Pope at large of the agreement and proceedings. After this Iohn and Hugh appearing before the Pope and Cardinals at Velletris, their cause was fully heard and debated in their audience; whereupon, by the common Counsell of his Brethren, he de∣prived both of them, and caused them to resigne the Bishoprick into his hands, freely and absolutely; And within ••ew dayes after, by the advise of all the Cardinalls, the Pope restored and confirmed the Bishopricke of Saint Andrewes to Hugh, and gave the Bishopricke of Dunkelden, with what ever the King formerly offered, to Iohn. Both the Bishops returning home, received these severall Bishoprickes; but because the King would not restore to Iohn the things taken from him; he questioned Hugh againe for the Bishopricke of Saint Andrewes: For which purpose he went to Rome, where he procured Hugh to be deposed, (though but newly setled there before) and brought with him five severall Letters from Pope Clement, tou∣ching this businesse: The first to Iocelin Bishop of Glascow, Matthew Bishop of Aberden, and others, declaring the deposi∣tion of Hugh, and absolving all within his Diocesse from his subjection and obedience; and enjoyning them to elect Iohn, and receive him for their Bishop: The second to William King of Scots, to receive Iohn into favour, to remove Hugh, and in∣vest Iohn in this Bishopricke: The third to Henry the second, King of England, beseeching, admonishing, and enjoyning him as he tendred the remission of his sinnes, and out of his reve∣rence of Saint Peter, and him, diligently to admonish and per∣swade the King of Scots, Et si necesse fuerit, districtione regali, qua ei praemines, & concessa tuae regiae celsitudini potestate com∣pellas, &c. And if need were, To compell him by his royall distresse, whereby he was above him, and by the power granted to his royall Highnesse, to lay aside all his rancor against this Bishop, conceived by the malice of some whisperers, and removing all excuses to pardon him, and to permit him quietly to enjoy the Diocesse of Saint Andrewes, without any further trouble or suite, seeing he was ready, and prepared to be obedient to the King in all things: The fourth to all the Clergy, and of the Diocesse of Saint Andrewes, enjoyning them humbly and devoutly to re∣ceive

Iohn as their proper Father and Pastor, and fromthence∣forth to give all due reverence and obedience to his wholesome admonitions, and mandates wi••hout any di••••imulation: decla∣ring all elections of any other to the Bishopricke, voyd, and threatning to put all the Diocesse under interdict, if they pre∣sumed to conspire against Iohn, untill they should acknowledge their offence, and submit unto him. The fifth to three Scot∣tish Bishops, and sundry Abbots, reciting how great persecu∣tions, calamities, and pressures the Church of Saint Andrewes had suffered under the shadow of the Kings indignation; and what great dangers and labours Iohn had sustained ••or the pre∣servation of the liberties of the Church committed to him, con∣firmed by two Popes his predecessours; and requiring them after the receipt of this Letter, to meete together like wise and provident men, and to goe to the Kings presence, and diligently to admonish, and induce him to remit the rancor of his indignation against the said Bishop, and not to contemne the Church of Rome herein, but without delay wholesomely to obey, and humbly to submit to her, and to their admonitions, as it was agreeable to his Kingly glory and salvation, and qui∣etly to permit the Bishop to enjoy the Bishopricke of Saint An∣drewes. And that i•• (which God forbid) he should resist these Apostolicall monitions to the perill of his owne salvation, then they should promulgate an i••terdict against his highnesse Kingdome, his Person, and all his Favorites and Abettors, within twenty dayes, notwithstanding any appeale, by his Apostolicall authority: And ••hould strike those with the like sentence, who were obedient to Hugh, and fomented him in his obstinacy (seeing the See Aposto∣licke had perpetually removed from Saint Andrewes, and excommu∣nicated him) and should publickely pronounce them to be excommu∣nicated as long as they did thus; and should be carefully avoyded by others, untill they should returne to the Churches obedience, and de∣maund the benefit of absolution from Iohn as their Bishop. En∣joyning them farther, to purifie and sanctifie according to the custome of the Church, all the Altars, and Chali∣ces, in which Hugh had celebrated, during his excommuni∣cation; and to suspend all the Clerkes of Saint Andrewes, both from their office and benefice, and knit them fast in the bond of excommunication, who should be contumacious and rebelli∣ous against Iohn, untill they submitted to him. The King

hearing these things, being at last overcome by the perswasion and intreaty of his friends, received Io••n into his favour; and granted him peaceably to enjoy the B••shopricke of Dunkelden, and all the Rents he formerly had before his consecration; up∣on condition, that Iohn should quite claime from all suite the Bishopricke of Saint Andrewes; which notwithstanding the Popes Letters wherewith he was furnished, he was content to doe, and to submit to the Kings mercy; knowing, That a mor∣sell of bread is better with joy, than an house full of sacrifice with con∣tention. Hugh being degraded from Saint Andrewes, and ex∣communicated goes to Rome, and giving caution to stand to the judgement of the Church, he was mercifully absolved by the Pope, and within few dayes after dyed at Rome of the plague with most of his family; Whereupon the King of Scotland gave the Bishoprick of Saint Andrews to Roger the Earle of Leicestors Sonne, then his Chancellour, Iohn being present, and not con∣tradicting it. The same * 6.41 yeare 1188. King William sent Mes∣sengers to Pope Clement, and obtained of him Letters of Pro∣tection in this forme, touching the exemption of the Churches of his Kingdome. Clemens Episcopus, servus servorum Dei, cha∣rissimo in Christo filio, Willielmo illustri Scotorum Regi, salu∣tem & Apostolicam benedictionem. Cum universi Christi jugo subjecti ad sedem Apostolicam patrocinium invenire debeant & favo∣rem, illos tamen specialius conv••nit munim••ne protectionis confove∣ri, quorum fidem ac devotionem in pluribus est experta, ut ad ip∣sius electionis favorem tanto amplius provocetur, & ejus reverentiae devotiori affectione subdantur, quanto benevolentiae ipsius & gratiae pignus se noverint certius assecutos. E•• propter (O charissime in Christo fili) reverentiam, ac devotionem, quam ad Romanam te habuisse a longis retro temporibus Ecclesiam novimus, attendentes, praesentis scripti pagina duximus statuendum, ut Scoticana Ec∣clesia Apostolicae sedi, cujus filia specialis existit, nullo mediante debeat subjacere. In qua hae sedes Episcopales esse noscuntur, Eccle∣siae videlicet, S. Andreae, Glascuensis, Dunkeldensis, Dum∣blinensis, Brehinensis, Aberdonensis, Moraviensis, Rosensen∣sis, Katinensis, & nemini liceat nisi Romano Pontifici, vel le∣gato ab ipsius latere destinato, in regnum Scotiae interdicti, vel ex∣communicationis sententiam promulgare, & si promulgata fuerit, de∣cernimus non valere, adjicimus, ut nulli de caetero, qui de regno Sco••iae non fuerit, nisi quem Apostolica sedes propter hoc de corpore

suo specialiter destinaverit, licitum sit in eo ligationis officium ex∣ercere. Prohibemus autem ut controversiae, quae fuerint in regno illo de possessionibus ejus exortae, ad examen extra regnum positorum ju∣dicum non trabantur, nisi ad Romanam Ecclesiam fuerit appellatum. Si qua vero scripta contra hujus libertatis statuta apparuerint im∣petrata, vel in posterum, istius concessionis mentione non habita, con∣tigerit impetrari, nullum tibi, vel ipsi regno circa hujus praerogati∣vae concessionem, praejudicium generetur•• praeterea libertates, & im∣munitates tibi, vel eidem regno, vel Ecclesiis in eo constitutis a prae∣decessoribus nostris Romanis pontificibus indultas, & hactenus ob∣servatas, ratas habemus, & illibatas futuris temporibus statuimus permanere. Nulli ergo hominum liceat paginam nostrae constitutio∣nis, & prohibitionis infringere, vel ei aliquatenus contraire. Si quis autem hoc attentare praesumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei, & beatorum Petri & Pauli Apostolorum ejus se noverit incursurum. Datum Laterani tertia Idus Martii pontificatus nostri anno primo. Not long after the same King procured the same Letter verba∣tim from Pope Coelestine,* 6.42 in the first yeare of his Papacy. But to returne to our Bishops of this See.

* 6.43In the yeare of Grace 1306. Robert de Bruse, invader of an∣others kingdome,* 6.44 and a paricide, like Adonias, caused himselfe to be Crowned King of Scotland, in the Abbey of Schone, after the manner of his Country, by the Bishops of Saint Andrewes, and Glascow, the Abbot of Schone, and other conspirators, contrary to the Oath they and he had taken to King Edward the first: Which was the occasion of a bloody warre, as you may read more at large in our Historians.

Anno 1445. The Earle of* 6.45 Dowglas who ruled wholly a∣bout King Iames the second, set the Earle of Crawford against the Bishop of Saint Andrewes called Iames Kenedy, Sisters sonne to King Iames the first, who tooke a great prey out of the Bi∣shops Lands in Fiffe. Whereupon the Earle of Crawford on the one part, and the Earle of Huntly with the Ogilinde on the other, met at Arbroth in set battle, where the Earle of Craw∣ford, and 600. more on both sides were slaine: King Iames the second, Anno 1454. by the advise of this Bishop, dispatch∣ed out of the way, such as he any wayes mistrusted, of which number was the Dowglasses, whose puissance and authority, not without cause, he evermore suspected; he turned the Earle of Angus, and divers of the Dowglasses blood that were of their fa∣ction

from them, and made them to revolt from the other confederates, so as in the end he had them all at his pleasure•• Anno 1462. All things at that season were ordered by the ad∣vice and Counsell of this Bishop, who governed the Realme of Scotland, as well during the minority of Iames the third, as also in the dayes of his Father, King Iames the second. And was the occasion of many tumults and warres therein.* 6.46

The * 6.47 Scots ••eeking meanes to rid th••mselves from subjecti∣on of the Bishop of Yorke, who was anciently the Metropoli∣tane of Scotland, did in the yeare of Christ 1474. obtaine of the Pope, that they might have a Metropolitane See within themselves, by reason of the continuall warres which were be∣tweene the two Nations,* 6.48 during which they could neither use appellations to their Metropolitane, nor have other Bishops consecra••ed. Whereupon the Pope erected the Church of Saint Andrewes into an Arch-Bishopricke in the time of King Iames the third, touching which, thus writeth Lesleus, li. 8. p. 317. Hoc anno (which was the yeare of Christ 1474) Patri∣cius Grahamus sedis Andreapolitanae Ecclesiae Episcopus crebris li∣teris ac nuntiis a Papa efflagitavit, ut Metropolitana potestas in divi Andreae civitate figeretur; iniquum esse enim contendit, ut Scoti ab Eboracensi Episcopo tanquam primate penderent, cum propter crebra bella (quibus se Scoti & Angli mutuo lacessunt) Scotis ad illum non pateretur tutus accessus, nec liberum jus, praesertim in ap∣pellationibus. Annuit summus Pontifex, ut Andreapolitano dein∣ceps Episcopo potestas Metropolitana incumbat; dies indulto Pontifici promulgandi mense Septembri dicta est, atque maxima populi no∣biliumque laetitia celebrata. Episcopi reliqui Grahami odio flagrantes illius authoritatem repudiant, Regisque animum ingenti pecunia (which was as other Authours say eleven thousand Markes) occupant, ne Grahami partibus studeret. Interea praesules Romam mittunt qui sui defensionem contra Grahamum suscipiunt. But in the end they did not prevaile. Graham was made Arch bi∣shop. Patricke Graham being Bishop of Saint Andrewes, and the first Archbishop of that See,* 6.49 was after his advancement to that title deprived in this sort. * 6.50 In the yeare of Christ 1477•• Pope Xistus, the fourth of that name, sent a Legate called Hus∣man, into Scotland, which should displace this Patricke the Archbishop of Saint Andrewes, condemned by the sentence of the Pope and the Cardinals, for an Heretique, Schismaticke,

Simonicke; Whereupon he was deprived of all Ecclesiasti∣call dignity, and commanded to perpetuall Prison. In whose place was William Schewes chosen, to whose custody and dis∣position this Patricke was committed, after which Graham be∣ing removed for his safe imprisonment first to Saint Colmes Isle, then to Dumfermling, and lastly to Lochelevine, there in the end he dyed, and was buryed in Saint Sarffis, or Servimanus Isle in Lochelevine, after that he had beene three yeares Arch Bi∣shop.

* 6.51William * 6.52 Schewes being created Archbishop of Saint An∣drewes, in the yeare of Christ, 1478. as some have, or 1479•• as others have it, in the Holy-Rood House in Edenburgh, in the presence of King Iames, and many of the Nobility received the Pall, as the ensigne of his Metropolitane power, being decla∣red Legate and Primate of Sco••land; at what time he was not withstood by any of the o••her Bishops, who being estranged from shewing any favour to Graham, did often in••ringe his au∣thority, and in the end expelled the same Graham from his Archiepiscopall See. After which in the yeare of Christ 1482. This Archbishop Schewes, fled into his owne Country, and after at the request of the King, resigned his Archbishopricke, contenting himselfe with the Bishopricke of Murry.

* 6.53Andrew* 6.54 Steward Uncle to King Iames the third, was up∣on the resignation of William Schews made Archbishop of Saint Andrewes; after which in the yeare of Christ 1484. the King sent this Archbishop Embassadour to Rome for the obtaining of certaine priviledges, which he brought to effect.

In the * 6.55 yeare of Christ 1491. in the time of King Iames the fourth, about the third yeare of his Raigne was great contenti∣on betweene the Archbishops of Saint Andrewes and Glascow touching both their Authorities•• Which when it had drawne many of the Nobility into divers factions, it was ceased by the King for a certaine time, untill all doubt thereof might be ta∣ken away by deciding the same by the Canon Law, before Ec∣clesiasticall Judges. Then in the yeare of Christ 1507. being about the nineteenth yeare of Iames the fourth, the Bishop of Saint Andrewes with the Earle of Arrane were sent Embassadors into France.

* 6.56Alexander * 6.57 Steward, Bastard Sonne to King Iames the fourth was made Archbishop of Saint Andrewes in the yeare of Christ

1510. About the 22. yeare of the Raigne of the same Iames the fourth. This man having long studyed with Erasmus in Germany, and in the Low Countries, was advanced to this See of the Arch bishopricke, when he was yet in Flaunders; who having intelligence thereof by his friends, came forthwith into Scotland, where he was joyfully received by the King, the No∣bility and his kindred: He was slaine together with his Fa∣ther King Iames the fourth, and a Scottish Bishop more, at Plo∣den field in the yeare of Christ 1513. * 6.58 The Cardinall of Scot∣land promised the Scots Heaven, for the destruction of England•• Perhaps they might obtaine it by their deaths, but they got no more English earth then would interre their slaine bodies. After which Iohn Hepburne Prior of Saint Andrewes strongly be∣sieged the Castle of Saint Andrewes, and forced the same to be yeelded unto him; the cause of whi••h besiege grew, that Hep∣burne being chosen Bishop of Saint Andrewes, by his Canons of that Church (whereunto the whole Nobility were helpers) was hindered to possesse that Archbishopricke by such stipen∣dary people of Gawine Dowglasse, as kept the Castle, * 6.59 where∣upon the Queene, and the Earle of Angus, after that they un∣derstood how the Castle was by force come into the hands of Hepburne, did take in evill part, that he who was so trouble∣some unto them, should ascend to so high a dignity, and that G••wine Dowglasse, so deerely to them beloved, and to whom they had given that Bishopricke, should be helplesse of the re∣covery thereof. Whereupon the Queene, and the Duke of Albany, diligently laboured by Embassadours sent to Rome, that a third person (sith Gawin Dowglasse could not obtaine it) might be advanced thereunto; which third man was Andrew Forman Bishop of Murry, further requiring therewithall; that he might be Abbot of Dumfermling and Aberbroth, which in the end with much intreaty they obtained of the Pope.

* 6.60 Andrew Forman Bishop of Murry,* 6.61 was at Edenburgh by the Popes Bulls on the eighth of the Kalends of Ianuary in the yeare of Christ 1515. being about the second yeare of the Raigne of Iames the fifth, declared Archbishop of Saint Andrewes, and Abbot of Dumfermeling, and Aberbroth. Whereupon the Pri∣or of Sain•• Andrewes before named, still contending that he was Archbishop, both in respect of the election of the Coven, and the consent of the Nobility, did labour all he could against For∣man,

appealing him to Rome; for which cause he with the Lord Hales and other his friends come to Edenburgh to defend the matter, at what time the Lord Hume Chamberlaine of Scotland, and such others as openly assisted Forman, did oppose them∣selves against the Prior; which Nobility because they were great in the Court, did the more molest and hinder Hepburne; shortly after by publike Edict, and Proclamation of the King, banishing the Prior and his followers, proclaiming them Re∣bels, and putting them to the home. Hepburne being stricken with the sharpenesse of that Precept, did privily depart the Towne, and the Prior went to Rome, hoping by the Popes au∣thority to wrest from Forman the Archbishopricke, which he could not obtaine by violence. But how he sped at Rome I doe not know, for I onely finde this, that in the yeare follow∣ing, being the yeare of Christ, 1516. about the third yeare of the same Iames the fifth, that the Governour perceiving, that all these contentions, hatreds and divisions of the Nobility did arise by these bralls, which were betweene Forman and Hep∣burne for the See of Saint Andrewes to the great di••quieting of the Realme, by such part-takings as chanced thereabouts among the Lords, desired to cure this grievous wound made in the Common-wealth. Wherefore he perswaded Andrew Forman, that he should resigne all his Ecclesiasticall Benefices into his hands in an open assembly at Edenburgh, for by that meanes, the Governour thought that he might pacifie the minds of the No∣bility, and utterly rout out those branches of dissention. Where∣upon there was a day appointed to the Nobility to assemble, at what time Andrew Forman freely resigned to the Governour the Duke of Albanie, all his Ecclesiasticall promotions to be disposed at the Dukes pleasure. In consideration thereof the Duke bestowed the Archbishopricke of Saint Andrewes, and the Abbey of Dumfermling upon the same Andrew Forman, and gave the Bishopricke of Murry to Iames Hepburne, (greatly fa∣voured of the Earle Bothwell, and the Competitor of Forman) being thereunto substitute by Iohn Hepburne P••ior of Saint An∣drewes in the place of the said Iohn, to whom moreover the Duke appointed a yeerely pension of 1000. markes to be paid by the same Forman out of the Abbey of Dumfermling; After which about sixe yeares or somewhat le••••e, this Forman departed this Life, being in the yeare of Christ 1522. and the ninth yeare

of King Iames the fifth, to whom succeeded Iames Beton.

Iames* 6.62 Beton Archbishop of Glascow,* 6.63 was Chancellor in the yeare of Christ, 1513. being the first yeare of King Iames the fifth. This man being of great wisedome was appointed a∣mongst others to assist the Queene in the government of the Realme, whereunto she was for a time advanced;* 6.64 but the wo∣man not induring to be directed by others, taking quarrell a∣gainst the Bishop, did immediately after the marriage perfor∣med, the sixth of August, in the yeare of Christ 1514. betweene her and Archibald Dowglasse Earle of Angus (which this Bishop incountred as much as he could) take the great Seal•• from the said Bishop of Glascow, at Saint Iohns Towne; whereupon the Bishop got him to Edenburgh, and assisted with many Lords, kept the Queene and her husband out of that Towne; where∣by great dissention and part-taking was raised amongst the No∣bility of the Realme. But as I gather, peace being made be∣tweene them, he was againe made Chancellor. After this, in the yeare of Christ, 1515. he commeth with the Earle of Arrane, who submitteth himselfe to the Governour; Shortly following, the Governour gave to this Archbishop of Glascow, the Abbey of Arbroth, assigning to the Earle of Murrey, a large pension out of the same; which Bishop being thus in favour with the Governour, was (in the yeare of Christ 1517. in May, when the Governour went into France) appointed amongst others, to have the Rule of the Realme, untill his returne. Two yeares after which, the Nobility being divided about the quar∣rell of the Earle of Angus and Arrane, this Bishop in the yeare of Christ 1519. being then also Chancellor, with other No∣blemen of the Realme, kept the Towne of Glascow; but after that, this Chancellour, who would not come to Edenburgh, the King of England and of France, their Embassadors came to Ster∣ling, where a peace was proclaimed amongst the Nobility. But what can long continue in one stay, or what peace will be long embraced amongst ambitious mindes, sith in the yeare following, being the yeare of Christ 1••20. the Noblemen ••ell againe to factions; For when divers of the Peeres were come to Edenburgh to aide the Earle of Angus against the Earle of Arrane (this Chancellor remaining then in the Towne) they pursued the Earle and Chancellour so hotly, that they were both constrained to forsake the Towne and to fly through the

North locke, about the thirteenth day of Aprill. But as the e∣vents of quarrels be doubtfull, now up, now downe, so this Archbishop, not long a••ter this disgrace, recovered breath, and in November following, did accompany the Regent come out of France to Edenburgh, where was a Parliament holden to sum∣mon the Earle of Angus to appeare; but he refusing, it was agreed, that the Earle should passe into England, there to re∣maine. The Bishop thus having the better of his enemies, An∣drew Forman Bishop of Saint Andrewes dyed in the yeare 1522 being about the ninth yeare of Iames the first, by occasion whereof this Chancellor Iames Beton Bishop of Glascow, was advanced to that See, and ••urther made Abbot of Dumfermling. Upon which new honour in the yeare of Christ 1524. He was appointed one of the Governours of the Realme by Parlia∣ment, but he not possessing this honour any long time, the Earle of Angus (who had gotten the King into his usurped government, and denyed the delivery of the King: being sent for by this Bishop, and the other Nobility) sent to the Chan∣cellor for the grea•• Seale, which was delivered to the Messen∣gers; upon which this Bishop not forgetting the same, hasten∣ed the sentence of divorce, sued before him between the Queen and the Earle of Angus. Whereof the Earle to revenge the same, did with the King, in the yeare of Christ 1526. seeke for the Queene and the Bishop of Saint Andrewes; but because they were kept secretly in their friends houses, so that they could not be heard of; He spoyled the Abbey of Dumferm∣ling, and the Castle of Saint Andrewes, taking away all that the Archbishop had. Notwithstanding which, the Archbishop keeping in favour with the old Queene, and the young King, did in the yeare of Christ 1529, and in the sixteenth yeare o•• James the fifth, Christen James the King•• Sonne bo••ne at Saint Andrewes, and not long after surrendred his Soule to God.

* 6.65Anno 1542. * 6.66 Immediately after the death of James the fif••h of Scotland, David Beton Cardinall, and Archbishop of Saint Andrewes, the speciall Minister and factor of the French causes to the advancement and continuance th••reof, ••orged a Will of the late King departed, in which, amongst other things, he established himselfe chiefe Regent. The Protestants to whom this Cardinall was ever a cruell enemy and sharp•• scourge, e∣spyed

forth his unjust dealing in this behalfe, and thereupon set the Earle of Arran against him, who by the helpe of his owne and ••heir friends he removed the Cardinall and his ad∣herents from their usurped roome and Authority; and there∣with was the said Earle proclaymed Protector and Governour of the Realme. The next yeare at a Convention of the Lords at Edenburgh,* 6.67 this Archbishop was put in ward in the Castle of Dalkish, lest he should goe about to perswade the Nobility, not to consent to the Governours desires, and the King of Englands match propounded to the Scottish Queene: Which match of Prince Edward, with Queene Mary of Scotland, though conclu∣ded on by a Parliament in Scotland, this Arch••ishop Beton hin∣dred, f••aring lest Scotland should change the Church Orders, and reforme Religion, as England had begun to doe. Where∣upon ensued divers Commotions in Scotland, and a bloody War••e, King Henry the eighth sending an Army into Scotland upon this breach and occasion on the one side, and the Pope and French King sending aide to this Cardinall Archbishop and his faction on the other side. After this, this Archbishop he was removed to his owne Castle of Saint Andrewes, with War∣ders about him, to see him safely kept.

Anno 1••44.* 6.68 The Patriarch of Hierusalem arriving in Scot∣land, he was honorably received by this Cardinall Arch Pre∣late, and the Bishops of Scotland, into the City of Glascow, during whose abode there, great contentions arose betweene this Arch Prelate, and the Archbishop of Glascow, who should in that City be of greatest authority and honour? Which in the end came to this issue, that both families fell together by the ••ares, which of them should goe before, with his Crosse borne upright. For the Cardinall Archbishop of Saint Andrewes, and Primate of the Kingdome, did affirme, that the Archbishop of Glascow should not have his Crosse borne in his owne Church so long as he was present: Which the servants of the Arch∣bishop of Glascow tooke so in disdaine, that they plucked downe the Cardinals Crosse, and threw it to the ground, Whereupon the Governour (understanding the whole matter, and that it was now come from words to swords) made haste to appease the factious commotion, and caused the Patriarch therewith to be brought to Edenburgh, accompanyed with the Clergy, and so appeased the controversie. That done; the

Patriarch, the Popes Legate comming to Rome, procured the ••egantine power to be granted to the Cardinall, which he long enjoyed not; For being greatly envyed by reason of these honours and some grievous facts, by meanes where∣of there fell continuall dissentions betweene the Nobili∣ty, which ended not till this Cardinall was slaine, who cor∣rupting his Keepers, whiles he was imprisoned in Saint An∣drewes Castle, he found meanes to escape thence; and in the yeare 1543. he came to the Coronation of the young Queene, and shortly after perswaded the Earle of Arrane the Governour to leave the part of ••he King of England, and wholly to be∣come French. At the Coronation, the Cardinall ordered all things, appointed every Officer, and growing into credit, did in like sort at other times dispose of the Common wealth, and Bishoprickes, as seemed best liking unto him. Where∣upon the Earle of Leneux, taking part with the English, oppo∣sed himselfe against the Cardinall, whereby ensued sharpe wars, the Cardinall still supporting and counselling the Governour. Which troubles somewhat abated, when the Earle of Leneux went into England. The Cardinall led the Governour to Saint Andrewes, to the end (if it were possible) to binde the Go∣vernour more firmely to him; During the time they were there, the Cardinall caused in the Lent season all the Bishops and Prelates of the Realme, to assemble at Saint Andrewes where a learned man named Master George Wisc••art,* 6.69 that had beene in the Schooles of Germany, was accused of Heresie, which he had (as was alledged against him) publikely Preached, and privately taught in Dundee, Brechin, and divers other parts of Scotland since his returne home. This matter was so urged a∣gainst him, that he was convict, and burnt there in the Towne of Saint Andrewes during the time of that convention or assem∣bly. When these things were thus done, the Cardinall, al∣though he greatly trusted to his riches, yet because he was not ignorant what were the mindes of men, and what speeches the Common people had of him, determined to increase his pow∣er with new devices; Wherefore he goeth into Angus, and marryeth his eldest Daughter (as saith Buc••anan) to the Earle of Crawfords Sonne; Which marriage was solemnized with great preparation, almost answerable to Kingly magnificence; During which time the Cardinall understanding by his Spies,

that the English did prepare to invade the Scottish borders on the Sea (and specially did threaten those of Fife therewith) returned to Saint Andrewes, and appointed a day to the Nobi∣lity, and such as dwelled about the Sea Coasts, to assemble to∣gether to provide in common for the defence thereof, and to prepare remedy for that hastened evill; for the easier and bet∣ter performance whereof he had determined, together with the Lords of that Country, to have sayled himselfe about the Coasts and to have defended such places as were most convenient: A∣mongst others, that came unto him, there was a noble young Gentleman called Norman Lesle, Sonne to the Earle of Rothseie. This man (after that he had many times imployed his valiant and faithfull diligence in the behalfe of the Cardinall) grew to some contention with the said Cardinall for a private cause, which for a time did estrange both their mindes the one from the other; this same contention did Norman (being thereto induced with many faire promises) afterwards let fall; But certaine monthes afterward when he returned to demand the performance of such liberall promises, they began to grow from common speech to bra••lings, and from thence to bitter ta••nts and reproaches, not fit to be used by any of them both; Whereupon they departed with the grieved mindes of every of them; for the Cardinall being intrea••ed more unreverently than he would or looked for; and the other threatning that being ove••taken by deceite, he would revenge it, they bo••h returned discontented to their owne people.

Whereupon Norman, declaring to his partakers the intol∣lerable arrogancy of the Cardinall, they easily agreed all to con∣spire his death•• wherefore to the end that the same might bee lesse suspected, they departed in sunder afterward. This No••∣man accompanied onely with five of his owne traine, entred the towne of Saint Andrewes, and went into his acc••stomed Inne and lodging, trusting that by such a small traine hee might cunningly dissemble the determination of the Cardinalls death; but there were in that towne, ten of those which had consen∣ted to his conspiracy, which closed in secret corners, som•• in one place, and some in another, did onely expect the signe which was to be given un••o them to execute this devise, with which small company this Norman fea••ed not to adventure the death of the Cardinall in the same towne, furnished in every

place with the servants and friends of the Cardinall. Whereup∣on the 13. of May the Cardinall being within his Castle of Saint Andrewes, certaine of his owne friends (as hee tooke them) that is to say, the sayd Norman, Lord Lesleie, William Kirkandie•• the young Lord of Grange, and Kirkmichell with sixteene cho∣sen men, entred the Castle very secretly in the morning, tooke the Porter and all the Cardinalls Servants, thrusting them out of the place by a Posterne gate, and that done passing to his Chamber where he lay in bed, as he got up, and was opening his Chamber doore, they slue him, and seized upon the Artille∣ry and Munition, where with that Fortresse was plentifully fur∣nished, and likewise with rich hangings, houshold-stuffe of all sorts, Apparell, Copes, Jewels, Ornaments of Churches, great store of gold and silver plate, besides no small quantity of trea∣sure in ready coyne. Sir Iames Leirmouth Provost of Saint An∣drewes assembled all the people of that Towne for the rescue of the Cardinall after he had heard that the Conspirators were en∣tred the Ca••••le; but they shewed the dead body of the Cardi∣nall over the walls as a spectacle to the people, and so they made no further attempt, sith they saw no meanes how to re∣medy or revenge the matter at that present. The cause that moved the Conspirators thus to kill the Cardinall, was thought to be partly in revenge of the burning of Mr. George Wischart, ••••aring to be served with the same sawce, and in the end to bee made to drinke of the same Cup. Partly it was thought they attempted it through counsell of some great men of the Realme that had conceived some deadly hatred against him. His body after he was slaine, was buried in the Castle in a dung-hill. The governour considering that his deere Coze•• the Cardinall was thus made away, assembled the great Lords of the Realme•• by whose advice he called a Parliament, and ••orfeited them who had slaine the Cardinall and kept the Castle of Saint Andrewes: And withall he beseiged those that murthered him in the sayd Castle three moneths space; but it was so strongly furnished with all manner of Artillery and Munition by the Cardinall in his life time, that they within cared little for all the inforce∣ments that their Adversaries without could enforce against them.

* 6.70After his death the Governour, Anno. 1546. promoted * 6.71 Iohn Hamilton the Abbot of Parslew his Brother to the Bi∣shopricke

of Saint Andrewe••, and gave the Abby of Arbroth (granted before to Iames Beton the slaine Cardinals Kinsman) to George Dowglasse bastard sonne to the Earle of Angus, which things were afterwards occasions of great troubles in the Realme. To appease which Anno 1550. the Queene by the advice of her Counsell to stop all occasion of publicke dissen∣tion, ended the controversies moved about the Archbisho∣prickes of Saint Andrewes and Glascow, and the Bishoprickes of Dunkeld and Brechine, by bestowing them upon Noblemens children, and upon such persons as worthily deserved them. This Arch-bishop 1543. comming out of France passed through England, and having other learned men in his com∣pany, did visite the King of England, of whom hee was most honourably and courteously received: from whence going into Scotland, he was made Treas••rer; which Office hee kept as long as his Brother was Governour, whom he did further in all good Counsells at home, and save and defend in the war••es abroade.

Anno 1598. * 6.72 In Iuly, August, and March, there was an as∣sembly of the Prelates and Clergie of Scotland held at Eden∣burgh, in which certaine men and women of Edenburgh, were accused of Heresie, and burned at the towne crosse with ••aggots on their backes, whereupon great tumults were raysed there: for appeasing whereof, the Lord Seton was made Governour of the Towne. In this Councell of all the Prelates and Clergie of Scotland, the Temporalty proponed divers Articles of re∣••ormation; as to have the Prayers, and administration of the Sa∣crament in the Scottish tongue, the Election of Bishops and all bene∣ficed men to passe by the voyces of the Temporall Lords and people and Parishes, &c. All which the Bishops refused to grant, where through there arose shortly af••er great troubles in Scotland. For they perswading the Queene Regent to sommon Master Iohn Knox and others to appeare before them at Striveling; for lacke of appearance they were denounced Rebels, and put to the home: Whereupon they and the Burgesses of Perth, with o∣thers, pulled downe the Images and Altars in all Churches, and suppressed the houses of Priors, and other Religious places and Abbies, both in Perth, S. Andrewes, Edenburgh, and other places: whereupon the Queene-Regent, with the Arch-bi∣shops of Saint Andrewes and Glascow, the Bishops of Dulken∣den,

Dublane, with many other chiefe of the Clergie, came to Perth, and raised an Army against the Reformers; who there∣upon gathered an Army to resist them; which being ready to mee••e on Couper More in battle, by the labour of some Noble men the battle was stayed, and Articles of agreement drawne betweene the Regent and the Lords of the reformed Religion, the contents whereof you may reade in * 6.73 Les••e, * 6.74 Buchanan, and * 6.75 Holinshed.

Anno 1559. A Parliament was holden, and a disputation appointed betweene the Protestant Divines, and Popish Pre∣lates, at what time the Roman Prelates behaved themselves so well, that they were commanded not to depart the Towne, but to be present at the Sermons of the Ministers. In the winter the Lords of the Counsell gave faculties of Benefices to divers of their friends, who put forth the Prelates and received the fruites; The Earle of Argile disposed Dunkeld and Dublane; The Earle of Arran had the ordering of the Bishoprickes of Saint Andrewes, and divers Abbies: the like was used by other Noblemen through all parts of the Kingdome. In the same yeare, being the 17. of Queene Mary, he was with the Queene beseiged in Leith.

Anno 1560. superintendents serving for the election of o∣ther Ministers were chosen at Edenburgh, whereof Iohn Spurs∣word was one, chosen by the suffrage of all the people.

* 6.76 Anno 1562. this Arch-bishop of Saint Andrewes, because after an Edict made thereof, hee did no•• abstaine from hearing and saying Masse, was commit••ed prisoner to Edenburgh Castle, This Arch-Bishop still following the Queenes part, he with others meeteth her in the yeare of Christ 1566. at Muskle∣burow, and so attendeth on her, who no•• long after in the yeare of Christ 1571. being about the fourth yeare of Iames the sixth, was taken in the Castle of Dunbritaine, and sent Prisoner into Sterling, where being examined by the Regent, Matthew Earle of Lenox, about the mur••her of Henry King of Scot••, sonne to the sayd Matthew,* 6.77 he was there drawne, hanged, and quarte∣red•• being the first Arch-bishop that I have yet heard of (writes Thin) that suffered so ignominous a death; the manner whereof Holinshed and Chytraeus doth thus more largely relate. * 6.78 The Regent comming to Striveling, caused the Arch-bishop of S. Andrewes, to be examined upon certaine Articles, as well ••ou∣ching

the murther of the la••e King Henry, as also for the death of the Earle of Murrey the late Regent, at what time there came in a Priest without compulsion of any, and before the Regent declared, that one Iohn Hamilton being in extreame sicknesse, under confession told him, that the Bishop did send him with three others to the murther of the King: and as touching the murther of the Earle of Murrey, the Bishops flat answere was, He might have letted it, if he would. Therewith the people that heard him cryed, Away with him, hang him: And so for these and other offences for the which he had been foresalted before that time, he was now executed on a Gibbet set up in the Market place of Striveling.

Patricke Adamson * 6.79 alias Constance next succeeded in the Archbishopricke of Saint Andrewes;* 6.80 in his time Anno 1573. there was a Parliament in Edenburgh, wherein divers were made, and Articles agreed upon touching Religion and against Popery: ••he third whereof was, That none of the adversaries and enemies of Gods truth, shall enjoy the patrimony of the Kirke. Afterwards Anno. 1578. the question touching the Bishops power was disputed in many assemblies, and a•• length, Anno. 1580. in an Assembly holden at Du••die, their office was found to be unlawfull, not grounded on Gods Word, but intro∣duced by the folly and corruptions of mens inventions, and thereupon una voce condemned, and abjured. Anno 1581. and 1582. there were many contentions betweene the Prelates and Presbyters of Scotland touching the Jurisdiction of Bishops,* 6.81 which the assembly condemned, and the setling and confirming of Religion, to the great disturbance of the Realme, which I pretermit for brevity sake. The next yeare 1583. the Presbytery (as they had many times done before) did excommunicate their Metropolitane the Archbishop of Saint Andrewes and the rest of the Bishops also, because they would not in all their actions support and confirme the Doctrine which the Presbytery had established, and maintaine the use of their Episcopacy, which they had ordered to be simply abjured and relinquished, as an office to which they were not called by God; which Excom∣munication the Presbytery did the more boldly pronounce, be∣cause they were supported by the assistance of Master Lindseie, a great enemy to this Patrick Adamson Bishop of Saint An∣drews. But the King in the beginning did assist him against them,

and the Arch-bishop did in like sort thunder an Excomunication against them, which division (writes Thin) not being meete to be in the Clergie, who ought to be as the Apostles were, Of one heart and of one minde, will in the end (as Christ saith) bring that Realme to confusion; for, Omne regnum in se divisum desolabitur. At last this Bishop excommunicated by the Assembly at E∣denburgh, was enforced to renounce his Archiepiscopall jurisdi∣ction, and to make this publike recantation (which quite sub∣verts the pretended Ius Divinum of the Prelacy) in the Synod of Fiffe, Aprill the 8. 1591. * 6.82 I confesse with a sincere minde without colour or fraud, that I have formerly erred in this, that I thought the government of the Church to be like the regiment of ter∣rene Kingdomes, expresly against the precept of Christ our Lord; and that the Monarchy whereby the Church is governed did not rest in the person of Christ our Saviour alone (as it doth in truth) but likewise in the Ministers, who yet are nothing else but vassalls and Clarks under Christ, Et aequales inter se, and equall among them∣selves, &c. Lastly, I confesse that the Office of a Bishop, (as now it is used and claimed) omni authoritate verbi Dei destituitur, & solo politico hominum commento fundatur, is destitute 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all authority from Gods Word, and founded onely upon the politicke de∣vice of men; out of which the Primacy of the Pope or Antichrist hath sprung. Et merito damnandum est, and it is deservedly to be con∣demned; because the assembly of the Presbytery, who have the power of Iurisdiction and Inspection, both in Visitations and in Ordinations performeth all these things with greater authority, piety, and zeale than any one Bishop, whose care for the most part is intent, not upon God, or their function, but the world, which he principally ordereth. Consider after what sort it hath beene usurped these 506. yeares last past,* 6.83 with how great cruelty and tyranny they have exercised it, and thou shalt finde, that it hath beene the Principall Originall of sup∣pressing the Word of God in every kingdome, which will evidently appeare to any one who shall survey the Ecclesiasticall History. This Arch-Prelate held correspondency with our English Bi∣shops from whom (asking leave of the generall Assembly to goe into England about his Civill affaires onely, as he preten∣ted) he received his consecration to this Arch-bishopricke in a secret manner, Anno. 1589. and then returned into Scotland where he durst nor exercise his Archiepiscopall authority o∣penly for a space. King Iames after he was made Archbishop

brought him from Saint Andrewes to Edenburgh, that he might preach there openly in the great Church; the King himselfe accompanying him with his Guard to secure him from the peo∣ple brought him into the Church, sending halfe of his Guard to convey the Bishop to the Pulpit doore, which Master Iohn Coo∣per (one of the ordinary Ministers of Edinburgh) had prepos∣sessed, who standing up to say prayer and preach assoone as he perceived the King in his seate, the King perceiving it sayd, Master Iohn Cooper, I will not have you preach this day, I command you to goe downe out of the Pulpit, and let the Bishop of Saint An∣drewes come up and preach to me: to the which the ordinary Minister replyed, Please your Majesty this is the day appointed to me to preach, and if it were your Majesties pleasure, I would faine supply the place my selfe. But the King replyed againe, I will not heare you at this time, I command you to goe downe, and let Master Patricke Adamson come up and Preach this day; and beside, the King had remembred that he should not have stiled him a Bi∣shop by reason there were so strait Acts against them; Then Master John Cooper sayd, I shall obey Sir, and came downe from the Pulpit, yet the rest of the Ministers that were there sitting with him at the entry of the Pulpit did not open the doore to the Bishop, while the King commanded him, and then so soone as the Bishop was entred into the Pulpit and began with low becke to doe reverence to the King and to other inferiour Magistrates, the whole people rose out of their places with a great out-cry and lamentation, and ranne out of the Church, especially the women, and when the Guard thought to have kept them in, they ran over the Guard, and Master Iohn Cooper going also out of the Church went to Mr. Robert Bruce his house, the women all going with him, and many men, and there heard his Sermon, which he should have Preached in the Church; the fearefull noyse yet continuing in the Church many running out of the Church and some comming in againe to see whereto the matter would returne, made the King to cry out and say, What a devill ayles the people that they may not heare a man Preach? but cry what he would cry for the space of a long time, not any audience could be given; so with what feare the Bishop Preacht that day, and with how little audience, they can best tell that considered the matter rightly: alwayes the King set the Bishop in the midst of the Guard, and so tooke

him downe to the Abbey with him; but so soone as he came to Saint Andrewes againe, the Presbytery entred in Proces against him, for taking upon him to be a Bishop, which they proved by many reasons; but chiefely for that the King called him so; and albeit they had many hinderances, and the King caused a great delay to be made, devising meanes to save him from excommu∣nication; yet in the end he was excommunicated by the Pro∣vinciall Assembly, albeit by the Kings earnest dealing his ex∣communication was not published in all Churches, as it should have beene, upon some promises which he made, and yet never performed them. This Arch-bishop by the instigation of our English Prelates writ and Preached in defence of Episcopacy, as he afterwards confessed in the Synod of Fiffe, where he retra∣cted this his Doctrine as erronious, and being put from his Bi∣shopricke, excommunicated and hated of the people, who put him to the horne for his debts, he fell into a great sicknesse, cal∣led a Dogges appetite, and wanting meate to satisfie his hunger he was in manner starved to death, confessing in his sickenesse, that his sentence of excommunication was justly pronounced, and desired the Assembly to release him from it for Christs sake; whereupon he was afterwards absolved, after his forementio∣ned recantation. After this the very calling of Bishops having beene condemned and abjured in the Assembly at Dundy as un∣lawfull, Anno. 1580. the Church of Scotland, upon this Adamsons death continued free from the government and tyran∣ny of Bishops till King Iames was possessed of the Crowne of England, and some yeares after: at which time some ambitious Scottish Ministers stealing secretly into England, procured them∣selves to be consecrated Bishops by our English Prelates, and by certaine insensible degrees, by the helpe of our English Bishops, by perjury, forgery, and other indirect meanes, with much difficulty and opposition, set up Episcopacy againe in the Church of Scotland, to the great disturbance of that Church and State: whereupon, after the assembly at Glascow An. 1610. (where Episcopacy was againe revived, by admitting Ministers to have Vote in Parliament, though with many a limitation, which they afterwards frustrated and eluded by degrees) one Gladstaine was ordained Arch-bishop of Saint Andrewes, who is credibly reported to have made a solemne recantation at his death for his acceptance of such an unlawfull office, which re∣cantation

was suppressed. After him one Sprotswood succeeded, a very vicious, false and crafty Machiavilian, who confederating with Laud, now Arch-bishop of Canterbury, by his meanes pro∣cured himselfe to be made Chancellor of Scotland, who by rea∣son of this great temporall office, was the better able to intro∣duce all Canterburies Innovations into that Church with more facility. This Arch-Prelate with the other Prelates of Scotland con••ederating with Canterbury, who had usurped a kinde of generall and Papall Superintendency over all his Majesties three Kingdomes, in the yeare 1636. framed a booke of Ca∣nons and Constitutions for the government of ••he Scotland, tending to the utter subversion of the established Discipline of that Church, and opening a doore for many doctrinall and disci∣plinary errours, and Innovations. And to prevent all obloquy against them, they enjoyne none to speake either against these Canons, or the booke of Common prayer which was to be set forth, under heavie censures. The next yeare following in Iune 1637. the sayd Arch-bishop and Bishops by Canterburies dire∣ction caused a New booke of Common prayer to be Prin••ed for the use of the Church of Scotland, which was appointed by his Majesties letters to be received as the onely forme of Gods Worship; whereunto all subjects of that Realme civill or Ec∣clesiasticall ought to conforme, and the contraveners to be con∣dignely punished. To set on this designe the better, every Mi∣nister was by Proclamation enjoyned, and some charged with letters of horning to buy two of the sayd Bookes for the use of the Parish; and to scare all men from opposing it, Canterbury in the very same month of June caused Doctor Bastwicke, Mr. Burton, and Mr. Prynne to be severely censured in the Starcham∣ber, for opposing his Innovations here in England, which hee then intended to introduce into the Church of Scotland, and to be set in the Pillory at Westminster, where all o•• them had their eares close cut off; one of them his cheekes ••eared; & this barba∣rous execution finished, even before their wounds were cured he then sent them away close Prisoners to three remote Castles, Dr. Bastwick to Lanceston Castle in Co••newall; Mr. Burton to Lancaster; and Mr. Prynne to Carnarvan Castle in North-Wales, where they were shut up close Prisoners, so that neither their Wives, Children, nor any of their friends, could have accesse to speake with them; nor they so much as enjoy the liberty

of Pen, Inke, or Paper to write for necessaries, or the liberty of any licensed Books, except the Bible, and some few other Bookes for private devotion. And not content herewith by an extrajudiciall order o•• the Lords, he soone after caused them to be conveyed close Prisoners into the Isle of Iersie, Garnsey, and Silly, there to be close imprisoned in three Castles, giving strict order that no man should be admitted to speake with them there; nor Dr. Bastwickes, and Mr. Burtons wives, permit∣ted so much as once to come into the Islands where they were, and that all letters to them should be intercepted, and no pen, inke, or Paper allowed them to write upon any occasion. This transcendent new kinde of Prelaticall tyranny wherewith Canterbury imagined to terrifie and appale the Scots, comming to their eares, wrought quite contrary effects, stirring them up with greater animosity to resist the Prelates encroachments both upon their consciences, Lawes, liberties, and established Discipline. Whereupon when the Bishop of Edenburgh accom∣panied with the two Arch-bishops and some other Prelates of Scotland, began the use of their new service booke in the chiefe Church of Edenburgh the 23. of Iuly next after this sentence and execution, the most part of the people (much discontented with such a great and sudden alteration, as imported a change, both of the externall forme and nature of the former publicke wor∣••hip) did at one instant rise and hinder the new Service, cal∣ling it superstitious and Idolatrous, and the same was also stop∣ped in another Church of Edenburgh, where it was to be reade by the Bishop of Arguile. This notwithstanding, the Prelates procured by Act of Councell, the paine of death without all fa∣vour or mercy to be denounced against all those who should any wayes rai••e or speake against the Bishops, or any of the in∣ferior Clergie, or against the service Booke. They discharged the ministers and Readers of Edenburgh (who refused the Book) their wonted service, and interdicted the publicke Evening and Morning Prayer, reading of Scriptures, singing of Psalmes, for a long time, still pressing the buying and practising of the sayd booke by all Ministers; which mooved the Ministers first to petition, and next many of the Nobility, Gentry, Burgesses, and Ministers to meete and to supplicate the Lords of the Privie Counsell against the sayd Bookes of Canons and Common Prayers, and the illegall way of introducing the same; till at last the Bi∣shops

violence and practises forced the whole kingdome into a combustion against them, and caused them in their generall as∣sembly at Ed••nburgh, Anno 1639. not onely to abjure, but to extirpate Episcopacy and banish all their Bishops as Incendia∣ries out of their Realme, except the Bishops of Dunkeld and of Orcanies, who recanted and abjured their Episcopacy. Canterbury and the Prelates of Scotland and England storming at these pro∣ceedings, take occasion from thence to raise up a civill warre betweene England, Ireland, and Scotland, thinking to restore Episcopacy againe in that Kingdome by force of Armes. And when as this warre was happily pacified and all differences fully accorded, Canterbury with his agents caused the former pacifica∣tion ••o be annulled, new Armes to be raised, and a fresh warre to be undertaken to the unsupportable expence and great dan∣ger of all his Majesties three Kingdomes, which by the Prelates practises are at this day still enforced to maintaine three Armies in the field; and had the Prelates bu•• their wish, we had long ere this embrued our hands deepely in one anothers blood, and made our Kingdomes so many Aceldamaes to maintaine their Antichristian pompe and Lordlinesse. But blessed and for ever honoured and praysed be our gracious God, who hath miracu∣lously continued and preserved our peace in the midst of war, and ••rustrated the designes of our blood-thirsty Prelates; turning their Bellum Episcopale (as themselves termed it) into a warre not for, but against themselves, to a probable extirpation of them for ever out of all three Kingdomes, which have a long time groaned under their tyranny; England, and Ireland now desiring and petitioning earnestly to the Parliament to be eased of their in••olerable yoake of bondage, as Scotland hath already exonerated themselves thereof.

Now to manifest that this present warre Originally sprung from the Scottish Prelates, and from Canterbury, (the very foun∣taine of all late mischiefes in all three Kingdomes) I shall neede no further evidence than the charge of the Scottish Commis∣sioners against Canterbury, presented to our present Parliament, the Coppie whereof (though already in Print) I shall here in∣sert as pertinent to my inten••••d Theame.

The Charge of the Scottish Commissioners against the Prelate of Canterbury.

NOvations in Religion, which are Universally acknow∣ledged to be the maine cause of commotions in King∣domes and states, and are knowne to be the true cause of our present troubles, were many and great, beside the bookes of Ordination, and Homili••s, 1. Some particular al∣terations in matters of Religion, pressed upon us without order and against Law, contrary to the forme established in our Kirk. 2. A new booke of Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall. 3. A Liturgie or booke of Common••prayer, which did also car∣ry with them many dangerous errours in matte••s of Doctrine. Of all which we challenge the ••relate of Canterbury, as the prime cause on earth.

And first, that this Prelate wes the Author and urger of some particular changes, which made great disturbance amongst us, we make manifest•• 1•• by fourteene letters subscribed, W. Cant. in the space of two yeares, to one of our pretended Bishops, Bannatine, wherein he often enjoyneth him, and other pretend∣ed Bishops, to appeare in the Chappell in their whi••es, conna∣ry to the custome of our Kirk, and to his promise made to the pretended Bishop of Edenburgh, at the Corona••••on, that none of them after that time, should be pressed to weare these gar∣ments, thereby moving him against his will to put them on for that time, wherein he directeth him to give order for saying the English Service in the Chappell twice a day, for his neglect shewing him that he wes disappointed o•• the Bishopricke o•• Edenburgh, promising him upon the greater care of these nova∣tions, advancement to a better Bishopricke, taxing him for his boldnesse in pr••aching the sound Doctrine of the reformed Kirkes, against Master Mitchell, who had taught the errours of Arminius in the point of the extent of the merit of Christ, bidding him send up a list of the names of Counsellours and Senatours of the Colledge of Justice, who did not communi∣cate in the Chappell in a forme which was not received in our Kirke, commending him when he found him obsequious to these his commands, telling him that he had moved the King the second time for the punishment of such as had not received

in the Chappell: and wherein he upbraideth him bitterly, that in his first Synod at Aberdein, he had onely disputed against our custome of Scotland, of fasting sometimes on the Lords day, and presumptuously censuring our Kirke, that in this we were opposite to Christianity it selfe; and that amongst us ••here were no Canons at all. More of this stuffe may be seene in the letters themselves.

Secondly, by two papers of memoirs and instructions from the pretended Bishop of Saint Androis, to the pretended Bi∣shop of Rosse, comming to this Prelate, for ordering the affaires of the Kirke and Kingdome of Scotland, as not onely to ob∣taine warrants, to order the Exchequer, the Privy Counsell, the great Commission of Surrenders, the matter of Balmerino's processe, as might please our Prelates, but warrants also for sitting of the High Commission Court once a weeke in Eden∣burgh, and to gaine from the Noblemen, for the benefit of Pre∣lates, and their adherents, the Abbacies of Kelso, Arbroith, S. Androis, and Lindors, and in the smallest matters to receive his commands, as for taking downe Galleries, and stone-walls, in the Kirkes of Edenburgh, and Saint Androis, for no other end but to make way for Altars, and adoration towards the East: which besides other evills, made no small noyse, and disturbance amongst the people, deprived hereby, of their ordinary accom∣modation for publique worship.

The second Novation which troubled our peace, wes a Book of Canons, and constitutions Ecclesiasticall, obtruded upon our Kirke, found by our generall Assembly to be devised ••or establishing a tyrannicall power, in the persons of our Pre∣lates, over the worship of God, over the consciences, liberties, and goods of the people, and for abolishing the whole disci∣pline and government of our Kirke, by generall and provinci∣all assemblies, Presbyteries, and Kirke sessions, which was setled by Law, and in continuall practise since the time of Re∣formation; that Canterbury wes Master of this Worke is ma∣nifest.

By a Booke of Canons sent to him, written upon the one side only, with the other side blank, for corrections, additions, & put∣ting all in better Order, at his pleasure, which accordingly wes done, as may appeare by interlinings, marginalls, and filling up of ••he blanke page with directions sent to our Prelates; and that it

wes done by no other than Canterbury, is evident by his Ma∣gisteriall way of prescribing, and by a new copy of these Ca∣nons, all written with Saint Androis owne hand, precisely to a Letter, according to the former castigations, sent backe for procuring the Kings warrant unto it, which accordingly wes obtained; but with an addition of some other Canons, and a Paper of some other corrections: According to which the Book of Canons ••hus composed, wes published in Print, the inspecti∣on of the Bookes, Instructions, and his Letters of joy, for the successe of the worke, and of others Letters of the Prelate of London, and the Lord Sterling, to the same purpose, all which we are ready to exhibite, will put the matter out of all de∣bate.

Besides this generall, there be some things more speciall wor∣thy to be adverted unto, for discovering his Spirit. 1. The fourth Canon of Cap. 8. forasmuch as no Reformation in Do∣ctrine or Discipline can be made perfect at once in any Church; therefore it shall, and may be lawfull for the Church of Scotland at any time to make remonstrance to his Majesty, or his successors, &c. Because this Canon holdeth the doore open to more In∣novations, he writeth to the Prelate of Rosse his privy Agent in all this Worke, of his great gladnesse, that this Canon did stand behind the Curtaine, and his great desire that this Canon may be Printed fully, as one that was to be most usefull. Secondly, the title prefixed to these Canons by our Prelates. Canons agreed upon to be proponed to the severall Synods of the Kirke of Scotland, is thus changed by Canterbury; Canons and Constitutions Ec∣clesiasticall, &c. Ordained to be observed by the Clergy. He will not have Canons come from the Authority of Synods, but from the power of Prelates, or from the Kings Prerogative. Thirdly, the formidable Canon, Cap. 1.3. threatning no lesse than Excommunication agai••st all such persons whosoever shall open their mouthes against any of these Bookes, procee∣ded not from our Prelates, nor is to be found in the Copy sent from them, but is a thunder-bolt forged in Canterburies owne fire. 4. Our Prelates in divers places witnesse their dislike of Papists. A Minister sall be deposed if he be found negligent to convert Papists. Chap. 18.15. The adoration ••f the bread is a superstition to be condemned, Cap. 6.6. They call the absolute necessity of Baptisme an errour of Popery. Cap. 6.2.

But in Canterburies Edition, the name of Papists and Popery is not so much as mentioned. 5. Our Prelates have not the boldnesse to trouble us in their Canons, with Altars, Fonts, Chancels, reading of a long Liturgy before Sermon, &c. But Canterbury is punctuall, and peremptory in all these. Although the words of the tenth Canon Cap. 3. be faire, yet the wicked intentions of Canterbury and Rosse, may be seene in the poynt of justification of a sinner before God, by comparing the Canon as it came from our Prelates, and as it wes returned from Can∣terbury, and Printed; our Prelates say thus; It is manifest that the superstition of former ages, hath turned into a great prophanenesse, and that people are growne cold for the most part in doing any good, thinking there is no place to good workes, because they are excluded from justification. Therefore shall all Ministers, as their Text gi∣veth occasion, urge the necessity of good workes, as they would be saved, and remember that they are Via Regni, the way to the king∣dome of Heaven, though not causa regnandi, howbeit they be not the cause of Salvation. Here Rosse giveth his judgement, That he would have this Canon simply commanding good workes to be ••reach∣ed, and no mention made what place they have or have not in justi∣fication. Upon this motion, so agreeable to Canterburies mind, the Canon is set downe as it standeth, without the distinction of via regni, or causa regnandi, or any word sounding that way, urging onely the necessi••y of good workes. 7. By comparing Can. 9. Cap. 18. As it was sent in writing from our Prelates, and as it is Printed at Canterburies command, may be also manifest, that he went about to establish auricular confession, and Po∣pish absolution. 8. Our Prelates were not acquainted with Canons for afflicting of arbitrary penalties: But in Canterburies Booke, wheresoever there is no penalty expresly set downe, it is provided that it shall be arbitrary, as the Ordinary shall thinke f••ttest. By these and many other the like, it is apparent, what tyrannicall power he went about to establish in the hands of our Prelates, over the worship, and the soules and goods of men, overturning from the foundation, the whole order of our Kirke, what seeds of Poperie he did sow in our Kirke, and how large an entry he did make for the grossest novations after∣ward, which hath beene a maine cause of all their combu∣stion.

The third and great novation wes the Booke of Common

Prayer, Administration of the Sacraments, and other parts of Divine Service, brought in without warrant from our Kirke, to be universally received as the onely forme of divine Service, under all highest paines both civill and Ecclesiasticall; which is found by our nationall assembly, besides the Popish frame, & formes in divine worship, to containe many Popish errors, & ce∣remonies, and ••he seeds of manifold and grosse superstitions, and idolatries and to be repugnant to the Doctrine, Discipline, and order of our Reformation, to the confession of Faith, consti∣tutions of generall Assemblies, and Acts of Parliament, esta∣blishing the true Religion: that this also wes Canterburies worke we make manifest.

By the memoirs, and instructions sent unto him from our Prelates; wherein they gave a speciall account of the diligence they had used, to doe all which herein they were enjoyned, by th•• approbation of the Service Booke sent to them; and of all the marginall corrections, wherein it varyeth from the English Booke, shewing their desire to have some few things changed in it, which notwithstanding wes not granted: This we finde written by Saint Androis owne hand, and subscribed by him, and nine other of our Prelates.

By Canterburies owne Letters, witnesses of his joy, when the Booke wes ready for the presse, of his prayers that God would speed the worke, of the hope to see that service set up in Scot∣land, of his diligence to send for the Printer, and di••ecting him to prepare a blacke letter, and to send it to his servants a•• Edenburgh, for Printing this booke. Of his approbation of his proofes sent from the Presse. Of his feare of delay, in bring∣ing the worke speedily to an end, for the great good, (not of that Church, but) of the Church. Of his encouraging Rosse, who wes entrusted with the Presse, to goe on in this peece of Service without feare of enemies. All which may be seene in the Autographs and by Letters sent from the Prelate of London, to Rosse, wherein, as he rejoyceth at the sight of the Scottish Canons; which although they should make some noyse at the beginning, yet they would be more for the good of the Kirke, than the Canons of Edenburgh, for the good of the Kingdome. So concerning the Leiturgy he sheweth, that Rosse had sent to him, to have an explanation from Canterbury, of some passage of the Service Booke, and that the Presse behoved to stand till

the explanation come to Edenburgh, which the••efore he had in haste obtained from his Grace, and sent the dispatch away by Canterburies owne conveyance.

But the Booke it selfe, as it standeth interlined, margined, and patcht up, is much more than all that is expressed in his Letters, and the change•• and supplements themselves, taken from the Masse Booke, and other Romish Ritualls, by which he maketh it to vary from the Booke of England, are more preg∣nant testimonies of his Popish spirit, and wicked inten••ions which he would have put in execution upon us, then can be denyed. The large declaration professeth, that all the varia∣tion of our Booke, from the Booke of England, that ever the King understood, wes in such things as the Scottish humour would better comply with, than with that which stood in the English service. These Popish innovations therefore have been surreptitiously inserted by him, without the Kings knowledge, and against his purpose. Our Scottish Prelates doe petition that something may be abated of the English ceremonies, as the Crosse in Baptisme, the Ring in marriage, and some other things. But Canterbury will not onely have these kept, but a great many more, and worse superadded, which wes nothing else, but the adding of ••ewell to the fire. To expresse and discover all, would require a whole booke, we sall onely touch some few in the matter of the Communion.

This Booke inverteth the order of the Communion in the Booke of England, as may be seene by the numbers, setting downe the orders of this new Communion, 1.5.2.6.7.3.4.8.9.10.15. Of the divers secret reasons of this change, we men∣tion one onely; In joyning the spirituall praise and thanksgi∣ving, which is in the Booke of England, pertinently after the Communion, with the Prayer of Consecration before the Com∣munion, and that under the name of Memoriall, or Oblation, for no other end, but that the memoriall and Sacrifice of Praise, mentioned in it, may be understood according to the Popish meaning. Bellar. de Missa, lib. 2. cap. 21. Not of the spirituall sacrifice, but of the oblation of the body of the Lord.

It seemeth to be no great matter, that without warrand of the Booke of England, the Presbyter going from the North end of the Table, shall stand during the time of consecration, at such a part of the Table, where he may with the more ease and de∣cency

use both hands; yet being ••ryed, it importeth much, as, that he must stand with his hinder parts to the People, repre∣senting (saith Durand) that which the Lord said of Moses, Tho•• shalt see my hinder parts. He must have the use of both his hands, not for any thing he hath to doe about the Bread and Wine, for that may be done at the North end of the Table, and be better seene of the people: but (as we are taught by the Rationalists) that he may be stretching forth his armes, to represent the ex∣tension of Christ on the Crosse, and that he may the more con∣veniently lift up the Bread and Wine above his head to be seen and adored of the people, who in the Rubricke of the gene∣rall Confession, a little before, are directed to kneele humbly on their knees, that the Priests elevation so magnified in the Masse, and the peoples adoration may goe together. That in this posture, speaking with a low voyce, and muttering (for sometimes he is commanded to speake with a loud voyce, and distinctly) he be no•• heard by th•• people, which is no lesse a mocking of God, and his people, then if the words were spo∣ken in an unknowne language. As there is no word of all this in the English Service; so doth the Booke in King Edwards time, give to every Presbyter his liberty of gesture, which yet gave such offence to Bucer, (the censurer of the Booke: and even in Cassanders owne judgement, a man of great moderation in matters of this kind) that he calleth them, Nunquam satis ex∣••••randos Miss•• gestus, and would have them to be abhorred, be∣cause they confirme to the simple and superstitious ter impiam & exitialem Missae fiduciam.

The corporall presence of Christs body in the Sacrament, is also to be found here: for the words of the Masse-booke ser∣ving to this purpose, which are sharpely censured by Bucer, in King Edwards Liturgy, and are not to be ••ound in the Booke of England, are taken in here; Almighty God is in called, that of his Almighty Goodnesse he may vouchsafe so to blesse and sanctifie with his Word and Spirit, these gifts of Bread and Wine, that they may bee unto us the body and blood of Christ.

The change here is made a worke of Gods Omnipotency: the words of the Masse, ut fiant nobis, are translated in King Ed∣wards Booke, That they be unto us, which are againe turned in∣to Latine by Alesius, Vt fiant nobis. On the other part, the ex∣pressions

of the Booke of England, at the delivery of the Ele∣ments of feeding on Christ by Faith, and of Eating and drinking in remembrance that Christ dyed for thee, are utterly deleated. Ma∣ny evidences there be in this part of the Communion, of the bodily Presence of Christ, very agreeable to the Doctrines taught by his Secretaries, which this paper cannot containe. They teach us that Christ is received in the Sacrament, Corpo∣rali••er, both objective and subjective. Corpus Christi est objectum quod recipitur, & corpus nostrum subjectum quo recipitur.

The Booke of England abolishe••h all that may import the oblation of any unbloody Sacrifice, but here we have besides the Preparatory oblation of the Elements, which is neither to be found in the Booke of England now, nor in King Edwards Booke of old, the oblation of the body and blood of Christ, which Bellarmine calleth, Sacrificium Laudis, quia Deus per il∣lud magnopere laudatur. This also agreeth well with their late doctrine. We are ready when it shall be judged convenient, and we shall be desired, to discover much more matters of this kinde, as grounds laid for missa sicca, or the halfe Messe, the private Messe without the people, of communicating in one kinde, of the consumption by the Priest, and consummation of the Sacrifice, of receiving the Sacrament in the mouth, and not in the hand, &c.

Our supplications were many against these Bookes, but Canterbury procured them to be answered with terrible Procla∣mations. We were constrained to use the remedy of Protesta∣tion; but for our Pro••estations, and other lawfull meanes, which we used for our deliverance, Canterbury procured us to be de∣clared Rebels and Traitors, in all the Parish Kirkes of England: when we were seeking to possesse our Religion in peace, against these devices, and novations, Canterbury kindleth warre against us. In all these it is knowne that he was, although not the sole, yet the principall Agent and adviser.

When by the Pacification at Berwicke, both Kingdomes loo∣ked for peace and quietnesse, he spared not openly in the hear∣ring of many, often before the King, and privately at the Coun∣sell-Table, and the privy Iointo, to speake of us as Rebels and Traitors, and to speake against the Pacification as dishonoura∣ble, and mee••e to be broken. Neither did his malignancy and bitter••e••••e ever suffer him to rest, till a new warre was entred

upon, and all things prepared for our destruction.

By him was it that our Covenant, approven by Nationall Assemblies, subscribed by his Majesties Commissioner, and by the Lords of his Majesties Counsell, and by them commanded to be subscribed by all the Subjects of the Kingdome, as a Testi∣mony of our duty to God, and the King, by him was it still cal∣led ungodly, damnable, Treasonable; by him were Oaths in∣vented, and pressed upon divers of our poore Countrey men, upon the paine of imprisonment, and many miseries, which were unwarrantable by Law, and contrary to their Nationall Oath.

When our Commissioners did appeare to render the reasons of our demands, he spared not in the presence of the King, and Committee, to raile against our Nationall Assembly, as not da∣ring to appeare before the World, and Kirkes abroad; where himselfe and his Actions were able to endure tryall, and against our just and necessary defence, as the most malicious and Trea∣sonable Contempt of Monarchicall Government that any by∣gone age hath heard of: His hand also was at the Warrant for the restraint and imprisonment of our Commissioners, sent from the Parliament, warranted by the King, and seeking the peace of the Kingdomes.

When we had by our Declarations, Remonstrances, and Representations, manifested the truth of our inten••ions, and lawfulnesse of our Actions, to all the good subjects of the King∣dome of England, when the late Parliament could not be mo∣ved to ass••st, or enter in warre against us, maintaining our Re∣ligion, and Liberties, Canterbury did not onely advise the breaking up of that high and honourable Court, to the grea•• grie••e and hazard of the Kingdome, but (which is without example) did sit still in the Convocation, and make Canons and constitutions against us, and our just and necessary defence, ordaining under all highest paines, that hereafter the Clergy shall Preach foure times in the yeare, such doctrine as is contra∣ry not onely to our proceedings, but to the doctrine and pro∣ceedings of other Reformed Kirkes, to the judgement of all sound Divines, and politiques, and tending to the utter sla∣very and ruining of all Estates and Kingdomes, and to the di∣shonour of Kings and Monarches. And as if this had not been sufficient, he procured sixe Subsidies to be lifted of the Clergy,

under paine of deprivation to all that should refuse. And which is yet worse, and above which Malice it selfe cannot ascend, by his meanes a Prayer is framed, Printed, and sent through all the Paroches of England, to be said in all Churches in time of Divine Service, next after the Prayer for the Queene, and Royall Progeny, against our Nation by name of Trayterous Subjects, having cast off all obedience to our annoynted So∣veraigne, and comming in a rebellious manner to invade Eng∣land, that shame may cover our faces, as Enemies to God and the King.

Whosoever shall impartially examine what hath proceeded from himselfe, in these two Bookes of Canons and Common Prayer, what Doctrine hath beene published and Printed these yeares by-past in England, by his Disciples and Emissaries, what grosse Popery in the most materiall points we have found, and are ready to shew in the posthume writings of the Prelate of Edenburgh, and Dumblane, his owne creatures, his neerest familiars, and most willing instruments to advance his coun∣sels, and projects, ••all perceive that his intentions were deepe and large against all the reformed Kirkes, and Reformation of Religion, which in his Majesties dominions wes panting, and by this time had rendred up the Ghost, if God had not in a won∣derfull way of mercy prevented us; And that if the Pope him∣selfe had beene in his place, he could not have beene more Popish, nor could he more zealously have negotiated for Rome, against the Reformed Kirkes, to reduce them to the Heresies in Doctrine; the Superstitions and Idolatry in worship, and the Tyranny in Government, wh••ch are in that See, and for which the Reformed Kirkes did separate from it, and come furth of Babell. From him certainely hath issued all this deluge, which almost ha••h overturned all. We are therefore confident that your Lordships will by your meanes deale effectually wi••h the Parliament, that this great firebrand be presently removed from his Majesties presence, and that he may be put to tryall, and put to his deserved censure, according to the Lawes of the Kingdome; which fall be good service to God, honour to the King and Parliament, terrour to the wicked, and comfort to all good men, and to us in speciall, who by his meanes prin∣cipally have beene put to so many and grievous afflictions, wherein we had perished, if God had not beene with us.

We doe indeed confesse that the Prelates of England have beene of very different humours, some of them of a more hot, and others of them, men of a more moderate temper, some of them more, and some of them lesse inclinable to Popery, yet what knowne truth, and constant experience hath made un∣denyable, we must at this opportunity professe, that from the first time of Reformation of the Kirke of Scotland, not onely after the comming of King Iames of happy memory into Eng∣land, but before, the Prelates of England have beene by all meanes uncessantly working the overthrow of our discipline and government. And it hath come to passe of late, that the Prelates of England having prevailed, and brought us to sub∣jection in the point of Governement, and finding their long waited for opportunity, and a rare congruity of many spirits and powers, ready to cooperate for their ends, have made a strong assault upon the whole externall worship, and doctrine of our Kirke. By which their doing they did not aime to make us conforme to England, but to make Scotland first (whose weak••nesse in r••sisting they had before experienced, in the No∣vations of government, and of some poynts of Worship) and thereafter England conforme to Rome, even in these matters, wherein England had separated from Rome, ever since the time of Reformation. And evill therefore which hath issued, not so much from the personall disposition of the Prelates themselves, as from the innate quality and nature of their office, and Prela∣ticall Hierarchy, which did bring furth the Pope in ancient times, and never ceaseth till it bringeth furth Popish Doctrine and worship, where it is once roo••ed, and the Principles there∣of fomented and constantly followed. And from that antipa∣thy and inconsistency of the two formes of Ecclesiasticall Go∣vernment, which they conceived, and not without cause, that one Island united also under one head, and Monarch, wes no•• able to beare: the one being the same in all the parts and powers, which it wes in the times of Popery, and now is in the Roman Church: The other being the forme of Govern∣ment, received, maintained, and practised by all the Refor∣med Kirks, wherein by their owne testimonies, and confessi∣ons, the Kirke of Scotland had amongst them no small eminen∣cy. This also we represent to your Lordships most serious consideration, that not onely the firebrands may be removed,

but that the fire may be provided against, that there be no more combustion after this.

I shall close up all touching the Prelates of Scotland, with the late Act of their generall Assembly at Edenburgh, for their utter extirpation out of that Church; and the Recantation, and abjuration of two of their late Bishops, to wit, the Bishop of Dunkelden, and of the Orcanies.

The Generall Act for abolishing of Episcopacy, and all Innovation•• lately intended in the Church of Scotland.

THe Kings Majesty having graciously declared, that it is his Royall will and pleasure that all questions about Religion, and matters Ecclesiasticall, be determined by Assemblies of the Kirke, having also by publique Proclamation indicted this fr••e National Assembly, for setling the present distraction of this Kirke; and for establishing a perfect peace against such divi∣sions and disorders as hath beene sore displeasing to his Maje∣sty, and grievous to all his good Subjects; and now his Maje∣s••ies Commissioner Iohn, Earle of Traquaire, instructed and au∣thorized with a full Commission, being present, and sitting in this Assembly, now fully conveened and orderly constitute in all the members thereof, according to the Order of this Kirke, having at large declared his Majesties good will to the reformed Religion, and his Royall care and tender affection to this Kirke where his Majesty had both his birth and Baptisme, his great displeasure at the manifold distractions and division of this Kirk and Kingdome, and his desires to have all our wounds per∣fectly cured with a free and fatherly hand: And although in the way approved by the Kirke tryall hath beene taken in former assemblies before, from the Kirke Registers to our full satis∣faction, yet the Commissioners grace making particular en∣quiry from the members of the Assembly, now solemnely con∣veened, concerning the reall, and true causes of so many and great evills at this time past, had so fore troubled the peace of this Kirke and Kingdome, it was presented to his Majesties Commissioner by this Assembly, that beside many other, the maine and most materiall causes was:

• [unspec 1] First, the pressing of this Kirke by the Prelates with a Ser∣vice Booke, or Booke of Common Prayer, without direction or warrant from the Kirke, and containing (beside the Popish forme thereof) diverse Popish errours and Ceremonies, and the s••eds of manifold grosse superstitions and Idolatry, with a Booke of Canons without warrant or direction from the Ge∣nerall Assembly, establishing a Tyrannicall power over the Kirke in the person of Bishops, and overthrowing the whole discipline and Acts of our Kirke; And with the High-Commi∣on erected without the consent of the Kirke, subverting the jurisdiction and Ordinary Judicatories of this Kirke, and gi∣ving to persons meerely Ecclesiasticall power of both swords, and to persons meerely Civill, the power of the keyes and Kirke censures.
• [unspec 2] A Second cause was the Articles of Perth, viz. Observa∣tion of festivall dayes, kneeling at the Communion, Confir∣mation, Administration of the Sacraments in private places, which was brought in by a Civill Assembly, and are contrary to the confession of Faith, as it was meant and subscribed An∣no. 1580. And diverse times since to the order and constitu∣tion of this Kirke.
• [unspec 3] Thirdly, the change of the government of the Kirke, from the Assembly of the Kirke, to the persons of some Kirkemen u∣surping the priority and power over their Brethren, by the way and under the name of Episcopall government against the Con∣fession of Faith 1580. Against the Order set downe in the booke of Policy, and against the intentions and Constitutions of this Kirke from the beginning.
• [unspec 4] Fourthly, the Civill places and power of Kirkemen, their sitting and voycing in Parliament, and their sitting on the Bench as Justices of Peace, which according to the constitu∣ons of this Kirke, are incompatible with their spirituall functi∣ons, lifting them up above the Brethren in worldly Pompe, tending to the hinderance of the Ministery.
• [unspec 5] Fifthly, the keeping and authorizing of corrupt assemblies at Linlithgrow, 1606. and 1608. and at Glascow. 1610. at Aber∣din 1616 at Saint Andrewes. 1617. at Perth, ••618. which are null and unlawfull, as being called and constitu••e quite contra∣ry to the Order and constitutions of this kirke, received and

• practized ever since the reformation o•• Religion, and withall labouring to introduce Novation within this Ki••ke against the Order and Religion established.
• A sixth cause is the want of the lawfull and free generall As∣semblies [unspec 6] rightly constitute, of Pastors, Doctors, and Elders, yeare∣ly or oftner pro re nata, according to the liberty of this Kirke, expressed in the Booke of Policy, and acknowledged in the Act of Parliament, 1592. After which his Majesties Commissi∣oner having heard patiently and examined particularly, and all objections to the contrary, being answered to the full: The whole Assembly with expresse consent of his Majesties Com∣missioner in one heart and voyce did declare, that these and such other, proceeding from the neglect and breach of the Na∣tionall Covenant of this Kirke and kingdome, made in Anno 1588. have beene indeed the true and maine Cause of all our evils and distractions. And therefore ordaines, according to the Constitutions of generall A••semblies of this Kirke, and upon the grounds respective above specified, That the foresaid Service Booke, Bookes of Canon and Ord••nation, and the High-Commission be still rejected. That the Articles of Perth, be no more practised. That Episcopall government, and the Civill places and power of Kirkemen, be holden still as unlaw∣••ull in this Kirke. That the above named pretended Assem∣blies at Linlithgrow, 1606. and 1608. at Glascow, 1610. at Aber∣dene, 1616. at Saint Andrewes, 1617, at Perth 1618. be here∣after accounted of, as null, and of none effect. And that for preservation of Religion, and preven••••ng of all such evils in time comming, Generall Assemblies rightly Constitute, as the perfit and competent Judge of all matters Ecclesiasticall, hereafter be kept yearely, and oftner, as occasion and necessity shall require. The necessity being first remonstrate to his Majesty by humble supplication, as also of these occasionall Assemblies. That Kirke Sessions, Presbyteries, and Synodall Assemblies be constitute, and observed according to the Booke of Policy, and Order o•• this Kirke.

The Bishop of Dunkell his Recantation.

BE it knowne to all men, me Master Alexander Lindsay, Mini∣ster of Sinadois; for so much as I, by my missive Letter sent

by me to the Generall Assembly of the Kirke of Scotland, hol∣den at Glascow the 21. of November last past, did freely submit my selfe, demit and lay downe at the foot of the Assembly, my pretended Office of Episcopacy, as pretended Bishop of Dun∣kell, and by my Letter promised to subscribe what ample forme of Commission, there anent the said Assembly should prescribe, and now the said reverent Assembly hath found, and declared the said office of Episcopacy, as it hath beene te••med and used within the said Kirke of Scotland, to be abjured by the comes∣sion of Faith, 1580. and 1581, and 1590. And therefore hath decerner the said Office to be removed out of the said Kirke of Scotland, as also seeing the said reverent Assembly hath decer∣net me according to my said Letter, to subscribe a more ample forme of demission, of the said pretended office in presence of Sir Iohn Montcrieff, of that Ilke Knight Baronet, Master Robert Murrey, Minister at Methuen, Master Iohn Roberton, Minister at Perth, Master Alexander Petrie, Minister at Rinde, and Thomas Durham, Burgesse of Perth, Commissioners appointed by them for that effect. Therefore, and for performance of my said Let∣ter, and in obedience to the Ordinance of the said reverent. As∣sembly; Wit ye me to have demitted quite, claim'd and sim∣pliciter overgeven, like as I now in presence of the said Com∣missioners, freely demits, quite claimes and simpliciter overgists the ••oresaid pretended Office of Episcopacy of Dunkell, with the whole Title, stile, name, and dignity thereof, power of Or∣dination, Jurisdiction thereof, voyce in Parliament, and all u∣surpation of the same in time comming, and faithfully promises, and by these presents binds and obliges me never to exercise nor use the said pretended Office in the said kirke of Scotland, nor no power of Ordination, Jurisdiction, voyce in Parliament, neither any other power Ecclesiasticall belonging, usurped, and acclaimed to belong to the said pretended Office, like as according to the Act of the said reverent Assembly, I acknow∣ledge the said Office of Episcopacy to be abjured in the fore∣said confession of Faith, and therefore most justly ought to be removed out of this said kirke of Scotland, and the whole pre∣mises, I heartily acknowledge, as I will answer to God: in te∣stimony hereof, I have subscribed these presents with my hand. Like as for further security hereof, I am content, and consent, that these presents be insert and Registrate in the generall

Bookes of Assembly, therein to remaine Ad futuram rei memori∣am. And to that effect constitute—my lawfull procutors, promittendo de rato. In witnesse whereof, written by Robert Readhench serviteur to Patricke Rosse, Notaire in Perth. I have subscribed the same with my hand, as said is, at Saint Andrewes, the 24. of Ianuary, 1639. before these witnesses, Master Iohn Paterson, Master Alexander Dundie, Student in Perth, and George Boswell serviteur to the said Sir George Mont••rieff.

The Bishop of Orkneyes Recantation.

TO all and sundry whom it concernes, to whose knowledge these presents shall come, especially to the Reverent and Honorable Members of the future Assembly, to be holden at Edenburgh, the 12. day of August, 1639. I Master George Gryame, sometime pretended Bishop of Orkney, being sorry, and grieved at my heart, that I should ever for my worldly respect imbraced the Order of Episcopacy, the same having no warrant from the Word of God, and being such an Order as hath had sensi∣bly many fearefull and evill consequences in many parts of Christendome, and particularly, within the Kirke of Scotland, (as by dolefull and deplorable experience this day is manifest) to have disclaimed, like as I by the tenour hereof, doe altoge∣ther disclaime and abjure all Episcopall power and Jurisdiction with the whole corruptions thereof, condemned by lawfull As∣semblies, within the said Kirke of Scotland, in regard the same is such an Order, as is also abjured within the said Kirke, by vertue of that Nationall Oath, which was made in the yeare 1580, and 1581. Promising, and swearing by the great name of the Lord our God, that I shall never while I live, directly, nor undirectly exercise any such power within the Kirke, nei∣ther yet shall I ever approve or allow the same, not so much as in my private or publike discourse. But on the contrary shall stand and adhere to all the Acts and Constitutions of the late Assembly holden at Glascow, the 21. of November, last by-past in Anno 1638; And shall concurre to the uttermost of my power sincerely, and faithfully, as occasion shall offer, in executing the said Acts, and in advancing the worke of Reformation with∣in this Land to the glory of God, the peace of the Country, and the comfort and contentment of all good Christians, as God

shall be my helpe. In testimony of the which premises, I have subscribed these presents with my hand, in Bricknes in Straines, the second of February, Anno Dom. 1639. Before these wit∣nesses: Master ••••••ter Stewart, Minister at Sou•• randsley, Master Iames Cheynie Minister at Buckwall. Master Robert Pee••sone, Minister at Firs••, and Master Patricke Gryame Minister a•• Holme My Sonne.

Before I passe to the Irish Prelates, I shall close up this of the Scottish Prelates, with this merry story out of the Booke of Martyrs.

* 6.84 Not long after the burning of David Stratton, and Master Gurlay, in the dayes of David Beaton, Bishop, and Cardinall of Saint Andrewes, and George Tre••chton, Bishop of Dunkelden, a Canon of Sain•• Colmes Inche, and Vicar of Delene, called Deane Thomas Forret, Preached every Sunday to his Parishioners out of the Epistle or Gospell, as it fell for the time, which then was a great novelty in Scotland, to see any man Preach, except a blacke Fryer, or a gray Fryer; and therefo••e ••he Fryers envyed him, and accused him to the Bishop of Dunkelden, (in whose Diocesse he remained) as an Heretique, and one that shewed the mysteries of the Scriptu••es to ••he vulgar people in English, to make the Clergy detestable in the sight of the people. The Bishop of Dunkelden, moved by the Fryers instigation, called the said Deane T••omas, and said to him. My Joy Deane Thomas, I love you well, (and ••herefore I must give you my counsell, how you shall rule and guide your selfe. To whom Thomas said, I thanke your Lordship heartily. Then the Bishop be∣gan his Counsell on this manner. My Joy Deane Thomas, I am enformed that you Preach ••he Epistle or Gospell every Sunday to your Parishioners, and that you take not the Cow, nor the uppermost cloath from your Parishioners, which thing is very prejudiciall to the Church men, and therefore my Joy Deane Thomas, I would you tooke your Cow, and your uppermost cloath, as other Church men doe, or else it is too much to Preach every Sunday; for in so doing you may make the peo∣ple thinke that we should Preach likewise. But it is enough for you, when you find any good Epistle, or any good Gospel, that setteth forth the Liberty of the holy Church, to Preach that, and let the rest be. Thomas answered, my Lord, I thinke that none of my Parishioners will complaine that I take not the

Cow, nor the uppermost cloath, but will gladly give me the same, together with any other thing that they have, and I will give and communicate with them any thing that I have, and so my Lord we agree right well, and there is no discord among us. And where your Lordship saith, It is too much to preach every Sunday; indeede I thinke it is too little, and also would wish that your lordship did the like. Nay, nay, Dean Thomas (saith my Lord) let that be, for we are not ordained to preach. Then sayd Thomas, where your Lordship biddeth me preach, when I finde any good Epistle, or any good Gospell, truely my Lord I have read the New Testament and the old, and all the Epi∣stles and Gospells, and among them all I could never finde any evill Epistle, or any evill Gospell, but if your Lordship will shew me the good Epistle, and the good Gospell, and the evill Epistle, and the evill Gospell, then I shall preach the good, and omit the evill. Then spake my Lord stoutly and sayd, I thanke God that I never knew what the old and New Testament was, (and of these words rose a Proverbe which is common in Scotland, ye are like the Bishop of Dunkelden•• that knew nei∣ther new nor old Law) therefore Deane Thomas, I will know nothing but my Portuise and my Pontificall. Goe your way, and let be all these fantasies, for if you persevere in thes•• erro∣nious opinions ye will repe••t it, when you may not mend it•• Thomas sayd, I trust my cause be just in the presence of God, and therefore I passe not much what doth follow thereupon: and so my Lord and he departed at that time. And soone after a Summons was directed from the Cardinall of Saint Andrewes, and the sayd Bishop of Dunkelden upon the sayd Deane Thomas Forret, upon two blacke Fryers, called Fryer Iohn Kelow, and another called Benarage, and upon one Priest of Striveling cal∣led Duncane Sympson, and one Gentleman called Robert Foster in Striveling, with other three or foure with them of the towne of Striveling, who at the day of their appearance after their summoning were condemned to the death, without any place for recantation, because (as was alleadged) they were Heresi∣arches, or chiefe Heretiques and reachers of heresies, and espe∣cially because many of them were at the bridall and marriage of a Priest, who was Vicar of Twybody beside St••iveling, and did eate flesh in Lent at the sayd Bridall, and so they were all to∣gether burnt upon the Castle hill at Edenburgh, where they

that were first bound to the stake, godly and marvellously did comfort them which came behind. This Bishop of Dunkeld and David Beton Arch-bishop of Saint Andrewes, were very great persecutors of the true professors of the Gospell whom they burnt and put to death; the story of whose persecutions he that list may reade in Master Fox his Act•• and Monuments, Edit. ult. vol. 2. p. 605. to 626. to which I shall referre the Reader.

And thus much briefely touching the disloyall, seditio••s and Schismaticall acts of the Scottish Prelates, I now proceed to those of Ireland, in whom I shall be briefe.

The Irish Bishops.

* 6.85IN the yeare of Grace 1197. * 6.86 Hamo de Wa••is, with the other Gardians of Ireland, and Earle Iohns men, offered some inju∣ry to Iohn Cumin, Arch-bishop of Dublin, whereupon the Arch∣bishop willing rather to be banished, then to suffer such great injuries to himselfe and his Church to goe unpunished, ex∣communicated the foresayd presumers and passed a sentence of interdict against his Arch-bishopricke and departed, comman∣ding the Crosses and images of the Cathed••all Church to bee taken downe and hedged about with thornes, that so those ma∣lefactors might be terrified, and recalled from their will of prey∣ing upon the goods of the Church. But they still persisting in their maligne purpose, there happened a miracle not hea••d of in our times. There was a Crucifix in the Cathedrall Church of Dublin, wherein the image of Christ was more exactly carved, than in all others in Ireland or elsewhere, which they had in most veneration.* 6.87 This Image being layd prostrate on the ground and hedged about with thornes, on the sixt weeke fell into a trance, and his face (I doubt if true by the Arch-bishops or Priests Legerdemaine) appeared overspread with a vehe∣ment rednesse, as if it had beene in a fiery furnace, and a great sweate issued out of its face, and little drops fell down from its eyes, as if it wept, and on the sixth houre of that day blood and water issued out of its left side, and on the right side of its brest, which the ministers of that Church diligently gathering up, sent an Ambassie after their Arch-bishop Iohn C••min comman∣ding him to certifie the Pope the event hereof, under the Te∣stimony

and Seales of venerable men. Yet the other Bishops of Ireland albeit they had often read

En tua res agitur paries cum proximus arde••,

notwithstanding passed by the dammages and injuries which the servants of Iohn Earle of Morton had done to their fellow Bi∣shop, with closed eyes, and become like rammes not having hornes, they retired from the face of the pursuer. But Iohn Bi∣shop of Dublin, being in Exile came to Richard the first, King of England, and Iohn Earle of Morton his brother, but could have no justice, nor restitution of the things taken from him. It seemes his cause therefore was not good. After which hee continued long in England, leaving both his Chur••h and Dio∣cesse still under interdiction, and the others under the sentence of Excommunication. O what impiety and malice is there in Prelates who for a meere supposed injury from one or two, will interdict an whole Kingdome or Dioces••e, and wil rob God of his publicke service (as they account it) and me••s soules of all spirituall food and exercises of Religion, to wrecke their malice upon an enemie or two? But this hath beene their com∣mon Atheisticall practise: God and men m••st suffer in the high∣est degree, rather than they lose their wills or the smallest pun∣ctilio of their usurped Antichristian honour.

Anno. 1212. this Arch-bishop dying, Henry Condies succee∣ded him,* 6.88 who was called * 6.89 Scorch Villeyn, by occasion of a cer∣taine treacherous act of his; for one day calling his Tenants be∣fore him to answere by what tenure they held of him, those Te∣nants shewing him their Deedes and Charters, he commanded their Deedes and Charters to be burned (of purpose to dis∣inherit them of their rights) for which most unjust act, the Free∣holders ever called him Henry Scorch-Villein: he was Justice of Ireland, and built Dublin Castle, bu•• of his preaching to build men up in grace, I finde not one syllable.

Anno 1313. * 6.90 Fryer Roland Ioce Primate of Armach arrived at the Isle of Houth the morrow after the Annunciation of the ble••sed Virgin Mary,* 6.91 and rising in the night by stealth, tooke up his Crosier, and advanced it as ••arre as the Priory of G••ace Dieu; whom there encountred certaine of the Arch bishop of Dublins servants (Iohn Leekes was then Arch-bishop of this See) debasing and putting downe that Crosier; and the Primate himselfe o•• Armach they chased with disgrace and confusion out of Lem••ter.

Anno. 1324. Alexander de Bickner, Arch-bishop of Dublin being in England, joyned with th•• Arch-bishops and Bishops of England in * 6.92 rescuing Adam de Arlton Bishop of Hereford even when he was openly arraigned for high Treason against King Edward the second at the Parliament barre: the highest affront that ever I read offered to publicke Justice; the story whereof is formerly recited at large, p. 54.55. & Anno•• 1326. he * 6.93 sided with the Queene and other Prelates against King Edward the second his Soveraigne, to his deposall and destruction, in which he was very active. Anno. 1331. on the * 6.94 vigill of Saint Marke the Evangelist, the O-Tothely came to Tavelagh, and rob∣bed this Alexander Arch-bishop of Dublin,* 6.95 tooke away three hundred sheepe, and slew Bichard White, and other men of his company, the retinue of the Lord Archbishop of Dublin, were by a traine or ambush slaine by David O-Tothill in Culiagh.

* 6.96Anno. 1337. whiles Iohn Charlton was Lord Justice and held a Parliament at Dublin,* 6.97 Doctor David O-Hirraghey Arch-bishop of Armach being called to the Parliament made his provision for house-keeping in the Monastery of Saint Ma∣ry neere unto Dublin; but because he would have had his Cro∣sier carried before him, he was impeached by Alexander Arch-bishop of Dublin and his Clerkes, and permit him they would not.

* 6.98Anno. 1379. The * 6.99 Arch-bishop of Cassel•• in Ireland, came from Rome, sent thither for certaine urgent causes, bringing backe with him a great power of binding and loosing from the Pope; when he came to London, preaching to the People, he denounced the King of Franc••, and as many as adhered to the Anti-Pope, to be involved in the sentence of Excommunica∣tion, affirming that even now it would be an acceptable time to England, as well in the cause of the King of England as of the Pope, to invade the Kingdome of France, especially since it was probable, that a King Excommunicated would not have any confidence of resisting. Thus this Messenger of Peace proves a publicke Herald to proclaime warre. The King of France on the other side, makes Proclamation through all his Kingdome, that none should obey Pope Vrban, and if any did ••ee should be beheaded, and all his goods should be confiscated to the Kings use: after which the confederates of Pope Clement and Vrban, meeting in the field, above 5000. were slaine on Cle∣ments

part in one battle, with Bernard Decksale their Generall, and many more afterwards.

Anno. 1420. there was a Parliament, held at Dublin, at which time * 6.100 Richard O-Hedian* 6.101 Bishop of Cassell was accused by Iohn Gese Bishop of Lismore and Waterford, upon 30. Ar∣ticles layd to his charge. After all that, he charged him that he made very much of the Irish, and loved none of the English; that he bestowed no benefice upon any English man, and gave order likewise unto other Bishops that they should not conferre the least living tha•• was ••pon them. That he counterfeited the King of Englands seale, and the Kings Letters Patents, that he went about to make himselfe king of Mounster; also that he tooke a Ring away from the Image of Saint Patricke, which the Earle of Desmund had offered, and bestowed it upon an Harlot of his, beside many other enormities, which he exhibi∣ted in writing: And the Lords and Commons were much trou∣bled betweene these twaine. Now in the same Parliament there was debate betweene Adam Pay Bishop of Clon, and another Prelate, ••or that he sayd Adam went about to unite the others Church unto his, but the other would not; and so they were ••ent and referred unto the Court of Rome, and this Parliament lasted 18. dayes.

Anno•• 1532. Iohn Allen Arch-bishop of Dublin,* 6.102 Chaplaine to Cardinal Wolsie and his Creature, put the Earle of * 6.103 Kildare to great trouble wrongfully, to take away his life, and that out of affection to his Lord and Master the Cardinall. This Arch-bishop, Anno. 22. H. 8•• was specially and by name excepted out of the Kings generall pardon of the Premunire and other offences, granted to all the Clergie that yeare, as appeares by the Act it sel••e. 22. H. 8. c. 15. No doubt it was because the King tooke speciall notice of some great injuries and mis-de∣meanors by him committed, which he meant to question him for. After this, meaning to sayle into England, Anno. 1534. and that secretly lurking•• as Tartajus, Thomas Fitzgerald and others apprehended and haled him out of his Bed, brought him naked in his ••hirt, bare footed and bare headed to their Cap∣taine, whom when the Archbishop espied, incontinently hee kneeled, and with a pitifull countenance and lamentable voyce he besought him for the love of God, not to remember former injuries, but to weigh his present calamity, and what malice so

ever he bare his person, yet to respect his calling and voca∣tion, in that his enemy was a Christian, and he among Christi∣ans an Arch-bishop. As he spake thus, bequeathing his soule to God, his body to his enemies merc••, Thomas Stibon with∣out compassion, and withall inflamed wi••h desire of revenge, turned his horse aside, saying in Irish, Away with the Churle, mea∣ning the Arch-bishop should be detained as Prisoner•• But the Caitifes present, mis••onstring his words, murthered the Arch-bishop without further delay, brained and hackt him in gob∣bets, his blood withall crying to God for revenge; the place ever since hath beene hedged and imbarred on every side, un∣growne and unfrequented for the de••estation of the fact; rough and ••igorous Justice, deadly hatred of the Giraldins for his Masters Wolsies sake, and his owne, as he had much crossed and bridled them in their governments, promoted their accusati∣ons, and forged a Letter against them to their prejudice and danger as was likely, was the cause of his ruine.

Anno. 1567. Marice a runne gate Priest going to Rome was consecrated Arch-bishop of Cashell by the Pope:* 6.104 arriving in Ireland, he made challenge to the same See; which being deny∣ed to him by the Arch-bishop placed there by the Queene, the sayd supposed Bishop sudainely with an Irish scaine, wounded the Bishop, and put him in danger of his life.

* 6.105 Anno•• 1579. The Lord chiefe Justice of Ireland upon suspition of Treason, committed the Chauncellor of Liviricke to Prison, for which he was indicted and found guilty; and the Bishop likewise upon the same su••pition was committed Prisoner to his owne hou••e.

Anno. 1600. * 6.106 The Rebells of Mounster by their Agents, a certaine Spaniard elect Arch-bishop of Dublin, the Bishop of Clonfort, the Bishop of Killaloe, and Archer a Jesuite, had ob∣tained at leng••h with praying, intreating and earnest beseech∣ing at the King of Spaines hands, that succour should be sent in∣to Mounster to the Rebels, under the conduct of Don Iohn D' Aquila, upon assured hope conceived, that all Mounster would shortly revolt, and the titular Earle of Desmond, and Floren•• Mac-Carti joyne great aydes unto them; but Sir George Carew the Lord President of Mounster, had providently before inter∣cepted them, and sent them over into England. Whereupon D' Aquila arrived at Kinsale in Mounster with two thousand

Spaniards, old Souldiers, and certaine Irish Fugitives, the last day of October, and straight wayes having published a writing wherein he gloriously stiled himselfe with this Title (Master Generall and Captaine of the Catholike King in the warre of God, for holding and keeping the faith in Ireland) endeavoureth to make the world beleeve, that Queene Elizabeth by the definitive sentences of the Pope, was deprived of her Kingdomes, and her Subjects absolved and freed from their Oath of Allegiance, and that he and his men were come to deliver them out of the Devills clawes and the English tyranny. And verily with th•• goodly pretence, he drew a number of lewd and wicked persons to band and side with him through these Prelates meanes.

I have now given a short account of some of ••he Irish Pre∣lates disloyall and seditious Actions in ••ormer ages; which I shall close up with the accusations and proceedings against some of them within the limits of this last yeare.

On the fourth of March last the whole house of Commons in Ireland, sent up these Articles of High Treason against Iohn Bramham Bishop of Derry and others, to the Upper House of Parliament there, which I finde Printed with Captaine Aud••ey Mermin his speech, who presented them, at the time of their transmission.

Articles of the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses in the Parliament Assembled, against Sir Richard Bolton Knight, Lord Chan∣cellour of Ireland, Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry, and Sir Gerard Lowther Knight, Lord Chiefe Iustice of the Common Pleas, and Sir George Ratcliffe Knight in maintenance of the accusation, whereby they and every of them stand charged with High Trea∣son.

FIrst, that they the sayd Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry, &c. in∣tending the destruction of the Common-wealth of this Realme, have trayterously confederated and conspired toge∣ther, to subvert the fundamentall Laws and government of this Kingdome, and in pursuance thereof, they and every of them, have trayterously contrived, introduced, and exercised an ar∣bitrary and tyrannicall government against Law, throughout this Kingdome by the countenance and assistance of T••omas

Earle of Strafford, then chiefe Governour of this King∣dome.

[unspec 2] That they and every of them, the sayd Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry, &c. have trayterously assumed to themselves, and every of them regall power over the goods, persons, Lands, and li∣berties of his Majesties subjects of this Realme, and likewise have maliciously, perfidiously and trayterously given, de∣clared, pronounced, and published many false, unjust, and erronious opinions, Judgements, Sen••ences, and Decrees, in extra judiciall manner against Law, and have perpetrated, pra∣ctised, and done many other trayterous and unlawfull acts and things, whereby as well divers mutinies, seditions and rebel∣lions have beene raised, as also many thousands of his Maje∣sties Liege people of this Kingdome, have beene ruined in their goods, Lands, Liberties, and Lives, and many of them being of good quality and reputation have beene utterly defamed by Pillory, mutilation of members and other infamous punish∣ments: By meanes whereof his Majesty and the Kingdome have beene deprived of their service in Juries, and other pub∣lique imployments, and the generall trade and traffique of this Island for the most part destroyed, and his Majesty highly dam∣nified in his customes and other Revenues.

That they the sayd Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry, &c. and eve∣ry [unspec 3] of them the better to preserve themselves, and the sayd Earle of Strafford, in these and other trayterous courses, have laboured to subvort the rights of Parliament and the ancient course of Parliamentary proceedings: all which offences were contrived, committed, perpetrated, and done at such time as the sayd Sir Richard Bolton, Sir Gerard Lowther, and Sir George Radcliffe Knights, were Privie Counsellours of State within this Kingdome, and against their and every of their Oathes of the same, at such times as the sayd Sir Richard Bolton Knight, was Lord Chancellour of Ireland, or chiefe Baron of his Ma∣jesties Exchequer within this kingdome, and Sir Gerard Low∣ther Knight, was Lord chiefe Justice of the sayd Court of Common Pleas, and against their Oathes of the same, and at ••uch time as the sayd Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry, was actuall Bi∣shop of Derry within this Kingdome, and were done and spe∣ciated contrary to their and every of their allegiance, severall and respective Oathes taken in that behalfe.

For which the sayd Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses doe impeach ••he sa••d Iohn Lord Bishop of Der••y, &c. and every of them of high Treason again••t our Soveraigne Lord the King his Crowne and dignity••

What proceedings will insue upon this accusation against this Prela••e, time will discover.

Not to mention ••he lewd, beastly, Sodomiticall life and most detestable Actions of Aderton Bishop of Wa••e••ford ••n Ireland, for which he was lately a••••aigned, condemned and hanged as a Bishop without any preceding degradation, to the great dis∣honour of his Rochet; I shall close up this Historicall Epitome of the Irish Bishops, with a Petition and Remonstrance of ma∣ny thousand Protestan•• Inhabitants in severall Counties of Ire∣land, against Episcopacy, presented lately to the High Court of Parliament here in England; whe••ein the evill ••ruites, and se∣ditious, oppressive ungodly practises of the present Irish Pre∣lates, are fully anatomized.

To the Honourable Assembly of Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, in this present Parliament.

The Humble Petition of some of the Protestant Inha∣bitants of the Counties of Antrim, Downe, Tyrone, &c. part of the Province of Ulster, in the Kingdome of Ireland;

Humbly

REpresenteth unto your grave Wisedomes, and judi∣cious considerations, That your Petitioners having translated themselves out of the severall parts of his Majesties Kingdomes of England and Scotland to promote the Infant Plantation of Ireland, wherein your Petitioners by their great labour and industry so much contributed to the settle∣ment of that Kingdome, as they were in a most hopefull way of a comfortable abode, and when they expected to reape the ••••uite of their great and long labour, partly by the cruell seve∣rity

and a••bit••ary proceedings of the Civill Magistrate, but principally through th•• ••nblest way of the Prelacy with their faction, ou•• Soules are starved, our estates undone, out fami∣l••es impoverished, and many lives among us, cut off and de∣stro••ed.

T••e Prelates (whose pretended Authority, though by some pub••••shed to be by divin•• Right, as we humbly conceive is directly against the same) have by their Canons of late, their Fines, Fees, and imprisonments at their pleasure, their silen∣cing, suspending, banishing and excommunicating of our learned and conscionable Ministers, their obtruding upon us ignorant, erronious and prophane persons to be our teachers, their censuring of many hundreds even to excommunication, for matters acknowledged by all, to be indifferent, and not necessary, their favouring Popery, (in this Kingdome a double ••ault) their persecuting purity, and indeavouring to bring all to a livelesse formality, divers of them being notorious in∣cendiaries of the unquietnesse and unsetled estate betweene these Kingdomes with many the like too tedious to relate, as more fully in our ensuing grievances doth appeare. These our cruell Taske-masters have made of us who were once a people, to become as it were no people, an astonishment to our selves, the object of piety and amazement to others, and hopelesse of remedy, unlesse hee with whom are bowels of compassion, worke in you an heart to interpose for your Peti∣tioners reliefe.

They therefore most humbly pray that this unlawfull Hie∣rarchicall government with all their appendices may be utterly extirpated, such course layd downe, as to your great wisedomes shall ••eeme meete for reparation in some measure of our un-utterable dammages, ••ustained by the parties thus injuriously grieved, your Petitioners setled in a way whereby their persecuted Ministers may have leave to returne from exile, and be freed from the unjust censures imposed on them, ••••d an open doore continued unto us for provision of a powerfull and able ministry, the onely best way to promote Plantation, and settle the Kingdome in the profession and practise of true Religion. Which as it is the earnest expectation, so it shall be the

dayly prayer of many thousands besides your Petitioners who will ever ent••eate the Lord for your direction herein, and in all other your waighty, and important affaires, as becommeth your poore Petitioners, &c.

A Particular of manifold evills and heavie pressures, caused and occasioned by the Prelacy, and their depen∣dants.

BEfore they had so much as a pretended Canon for their [unspec 1] warrant the Prelates urged their Ceremonies with such vehemency, that divers of our most learned and paine∣full Ministers for not obeying them were s••lenced, and many of us for the like oppressed in their Courts.

In the yeare ••634. they made such Canons and Constituti∣ons [unspec 2] Ecclesiasticall as enjoyned many corruptions in the worship of God and government of the Church, which exceedingly re∣tarded the worke of reformation, animated Papists, and made way for divers Popish Superstitions.

Our most painefull, godly and learned Ministers were by the [unspec 3] Bishops and their Commissaries, silenced and deprived, for not subscribing and conforming to the sayd unlaw••ull Canons, yea through the hotnesse of their persecution ••orced to flee the Land, and afterward excommunicated, to the danger of all, and losse of some of their lives.

In their places others were obtruded, not onely ignorant [unspec 4] lazie, and lukewarme, but many of them unsound in doctrine, prophane in life, and cruell in persecution.

Many, though sufficiently furnished, were not admitted to the [unspec 5] Ministry, onely for not swallowing downe their groundlesse In∣novations, yea some though conforme, yet for appearing strict in Life, were likewise kept out.

Good and painefull Ministers are not suffered to exercise [unspec 6] the function which God hath called them unto, nor suffe••ed to enjoy any living, whereas the Bishop, doe hold by Commen∣dam many livings, besides those proper to their Bisho••rickes, and doe confer••e livings upon ••••••ir Child••en 〈…〉〈…〉 studendi gratia (as is pre••ended) and diver•• 〈…〉〈…〉 five, sixe, or more upon their Favorites.

[unspec 7] Hence the care of soules are committed to Hirelings, who ••eceive 5.6.8••10. l. by yeare for their cures, divers of which are put together, to the charge of some illiterate Curate, by which meanes the people perish for want of food, though the Parson or Vicar through connivence of the Bishop, is utterly non-resident, and by each one of the many benefices he enjoy∣eth and hath a competent allowance for a moderate minded man to maintaine himselfe and family upon.

[unspec 8] Whereas the Bishops should give all good example by pain∣full preaching and holy conversation, ••hey preach very rarely themselves, and like those in the Gospell who will neither en∣ter ••hemselves nor suffer others to enter, they have supprest divers others from preaching both on the afternoone on the Lords day, and in many places where weekely Lectures were maintained either by the free will of the M••nister, or cost of the people, they have utterly forbidden the same, and showne all manner of discountenan••e to those who were forward therein, so that a Lecturing Minister appeared before them un∣der more prejudice rhan a Popish Priest or undermining Je∣suite.

[unspec 9] Lest those who could not be admitted into the Ministry, undertaking to teach Schoole should there lay impressions of Piety and good learning, they urge on the very Schoole-ma∣sters a Subscription beyond what is injoyned by their owne Canon, and punish by Excommunication and otherwise the refusers thereof: So as the Schooles formerly much frequen∣ted, are now utterly desolate, to the spoyle of youth and pro∣moting of prophanenesse and ignorance.

[unspec 10] Thus whiles they proceede so severely and unjustly in pu∣nishing the refusers to their unlawfull Commands, though other∣wise never so honest and able men, they favour Popery, to the continuance and great increase thereof. Hence,

Titular Bishops are by them winked at, in the exercise of [unspec 11] jurisdiction from forraigne power, Masse Priests are frequent, and pretend a title to every Parish in the Kingdome, Masses publiquely celebrated without controlement to the great griefe of Gods people, and increase of Idolatry and Super∣stition.

[unspec 12] They permit Fryeries and Nunneries to be within their Dio∣cesses, whereby they continue and increase of late in many

places, yea divers of them suffered to remaine in the very places where some of the Bishops have their speciall resi∣dence.

In many places of the Land where Protestants are forbidden [unspec 13] and restrained, Papists are permitted to keepe Schooles, unto some whereof such multitudes of Children and young men doe resort, that they may be esteemed rather Universities, teaching therein not onely the tongues, but likewise the liberall Arts and Sciences.

They set forth and suffer to be published wicked Libells [unspec 14] and ungodly Pamphlets, tending to Sedition faction and dis∣union of the Brittish Inhabitants, such as Examen conjurationis Scoticae, Lysimachus Nicanor, &c. And in their Sermons, prayer and ordinary Table talke, divers of the Bishops, in matters quite besides their calling have not desisted to rayle, curse and most bitterly inveigh against the Kingdome of Scotland, and all their proceedings, labouring to make them odious, thereby proving themselves fire-brands of Sedition, betweene the two Nations, yea proclaiming their prophanity by drinking healths to the confusion of that Nation.

The most learned and seemingly moderate and pious of the [unspec 15] Prelates publiquely in Sermons at Dublin, exclaimed against, and condemned the Scottish Covenant, and Religion profest in that Kingdome with most invective termes. And in the Starchamber in Dublin, at the censure of Henry Stewa••d Esquire, his Wife and two Daughters, and Iames G••ay, for refusing to take an Oath, for which there was no other ground than the Earle of Straffords command, which was against the Covenant of Scotland, uttered these words, viz. These people with Cora•• Dathan and Abiram doe withstand the Ordinance of God; and therefore I leave them to the judgement of Corah, Dathan and Abi∣ram, and agree to their censure though deeper.

They have frequently made Symonicall pactions and bar∣gaines [unspec 16] in the conferring of benefices, and ordinarily permit Ministers to exchange their livings, thereby to nullifie Leases of Tythes, which the former incumbent Ministers have set at certaine rates.

The Prelates have usually appointed such men to be their [unspec 17] Commissaries, officialls and Registers, who altogether negle∣cting the punishment of Vices cognizable in their Courts,

looke onely to their owne game. Hence,

[unspec 18] Though they pretend themselves the advancers of vertue and punishers of Vice, yet they usually without further satis∣faction absolve the most scandalous persons for a summe of money, and often question not at all, such from whom they privately before-hand receive such a summe, which is a cause that many wickednesse doe more and more abound.

[unspec 19] If any be presented by their Apparitors (who are usually Papists) if it be but for non-payment of the Clerkes groate, or not observing some one of their frivolous injunctions, yea though the party presented be not found culpable, yet they require most excessive and unjust Fees. And if their demands be not satisfied (though never so great poverty might plead for mercy) they presently proceed to the Censure of Excom∣munication, thus vainely and blasphemously abusing the High Ordinance of God, so many hundred of us, remaine under that censure, and multitudes constrained to runne out of the Land, to the undoing of them and thers.

[unspec 20] The Prelates, that they might mannage Peters sword as well as his Keyes, have some of them procured that most unlaw∣full writ of Assistance, whereby his Majesties Officers and Ministers, are required to yeeld assistance unto the Bishop, his Officiall, or any deputed by him; which Writ is by their Officers most notoriously abused, and many times put into the hands of their Apparitors, who under colour thereof, apprehend honest men and women, casting them into prison, untill they be forced to free themselves by an heavie compo∣sition.

[unspec 21] They charge Church-Wardens with Articles farre beyond their understanding to every particular whereof, if they re∣fuse to answere or present, then are they bound to answere for it at Councell Table, or High Commission Court, or both: and though there acquitted, yet no remedy left them for their great dammages.

[unspec 22] They force Church-Wardens to attend all their Visitations and circular Courts; and there, for their Articles, Oathes, Ad∣missions and Discharges, they make them pay most excessive and undue Fees, never before practised or required.

[unspec 23] The Commutations for Penance, which either should not be at all, or if exacted, then set apart for the poore, and

other pious uses, commeth either to the Prelates Kitchin, the Commissaries purse, or both.

The Prelates and their faction as they inherit the Supersti∣tion [unspec 24] of the Papacy, so of late they exact with all severity the absolute customes of Saint Mary-Gallons, Mortuaries, Portions, &c. which as they were given by Superstition and used to Ido∣latry, so now they are taken by oppression, and applyed to riotousnesse.

They have also constantly practised and suffered, the buy∣ing [unspec 25] and selling of the Sacraments, which is an heavie burden. And where the poore have not to pay the Minister and Clerks Fees, they will not marry them, nor suffer their dead to be bu∣ried.

In the High Commission Court, against all Law and equity [unspec 26] they sit as Judges in their owne cause, and take cognizance of the highest and smallest matters, going therein without con∣troll. Hence,

In the sayd Court they usurpe with an high hand the judi∣cature [unspec 27] of Civill causes, impose Fines beyond all bounds, and imprison at their pleasure; whereby many have beene utterly undone.

They proceede in the sayd Court by way of most cruell and [unspec 28] lawlesse inquisition, not onely into mens actions and words, but reaching even to their very thoughts, in imposing the most unlawfull Oath Ex Officio, to force to accuse not onely others, but likewise their owne selves, contrary to Law, and the very Maximes of Nature. And if any refuse to take this Oath, then are they imprisoned and fined beyond measure, to the ruine of all that fall under the waight of their indignation.

Divers of the Prelates did joyntly frame and wickedly [unspec 29] contrive with the Earle of Strafford, that most Lawlesse and scandalous Oath, imposed upon the Scottish-Brittish among us who were Protestants, for receiving all commands indefinitely. And some of the Prelates were the occasion, that women and maides should be forced thereunto. Hence, Commissions issu∣ing to all places, for the exacting of it, they were prosecuted with so much rigour, that very many, as if they had beene Tray∣tors in the highest degree, were searched for, apprehended, examined, reviled, threatned, imprisoned, fettered by threes and foures in Iron yoakes, some in chaines carried up to Dublin

in Starchamber fined in thousands beyond ability, and condem∣ned to perpetuall imprisonment, divers poore women but two dayes before delivery of Children were apprehended threatned and terrified, others of them 2. or 3. dayes af••er Child-birth, so narrowly searched ••or, that they were faine to fly out of all harbour into Wood••, Mountaines, Caves, and Cornefields, and man•• da••es and nights together absent them∣selves to the impairing of the heal••h of very many, and death of divers, and losse of their goods, which the enemie at their pleasure made havocke of. These with many more unexpres∣sible, have beene the woefull effects of the Oath drawne up by advice of the Prelates, and so unjustly prest by authority of the Earle of Strafford.

[unspec 30] The Prelates with their Faction have been injurious not onely to the Spirituall, but also to the temporall estates of most men, for under colour of Church-lands, they have injuri∣ously seized into their hands, much of the best Lands in every County, so that there is scarce a gentleman of any worth, whom they have not bereaved of some part of his inhe••itance, fewdaring to oppose their unjust demands, and if any did, none were able to maintaine their just Titles against their power and oppression.

[unspec 31] By these wayes have they ruinated and undone many fami∣lies, destroyed and cast away thousands of Soules, and moreover in their owne persons have beene a scandall to the Gospell and a stumbling blocke even unto the Common enemy, by their sweating, cursing, drunkennesse, Sabbath-breaking, &c. having such servants usually in their families as are the most prophane in the Kingdome, ••ew others countenanced by them but such. And if any seeme to be of an holy life, he is scorned and per∣secuted by them.

Thus they publishing and proclaiming themselves children of Ishmael and Esau, we most humbly beseech you as the true sons of Israel, to take order with them, as God shall direct, whom we shall ever pray to be ayding, and assisting unto you, in this great and glorious worke of Reformation.

And thus much in briefe for the Norman, Scottish, and Irish Prelates, which I thought convenient to annex to our English, being all Birds of the same feather, that I say not Wolves of the same litter.

CHAP. VIII. Containing certaine Conclusions deduced from the Premises; with the judgements and resolutions of divers of our ancient Writers and Martyrs, and some of our learnedst Bishops and Authors in Queen Elizabeths raigne, touching the pretended divine Iurisdiction of Bishops, their Treasons, Rebellions, Temporalities, large possessions; and the uselesnesse, unprofitablenesse, and mischeivousnesse of Lorldy Bishops, and their government in our Church.

YOu have now seen a large black Catalogue of the Treasons, Rebellions, Conspiracies, seditions, contumacies, State-schismes, Wars, Vproares, and Antimonarchicall practises of our Prelates against their Soveraignes, with their severall stratagems to undermine the Lawes and liberties of the Subjects, and worke the ru••ine and disturbance of our State in all ages; give me leave now in the close of this Relation, to draw some usefull undeniable con••lusions from the premises, worthy his Majesties, and the Parliaments most serious considera∣tions.

The first is this, That our lordly Prelates in all ages since [unspec 1] they became such, have been the greatest Rebels, Traytors, Conspirators and Opposites to our Princes; the chiefest Incendiaries and firebrands of all Warres, Seditions, State-schismes, and disturbance•• which have infested our Realm••; and the archest tyrants, oppressors of the people, and in∣vaders of our Lawes and Liberties, of all other Callings and Professions of men, severally or joyntly considered.

Secondly, That the Prelates Lordly jurisdiction over [unspec]

their fellow-brethren, contrary to Christs institution: the greatnesse of their wealth and temporall possessions; their admission to temporall Offices of greatest authority and trust: their sitting as Peeres in Parliament, and Judges in some tempo••all Courts; their residence in or about the Court, and advancement to be Counsellors of State; their neare relation to•• and privy intelligence with the Pope, whose sworne vassals they were of old: the Antichristiani∣ty of their calling, which depends wholly upon the selfe∣same grounds and principles as the Romish Heirarchy doth; and the secret curse of God upon those Princes and King∣domes who have erected, supported, and countenanced these Antichristian Lords, and imployed them in the grea∣test State-offices, against the expresse inhibition of Christ; wi••h the pride, avarice, malice and ambition, which inse∣p••rably accompany their Lordly Chaires of pestilence, are the cheife grounds of our Prelates forementioned Trea∣sons and extravagances; and that as long as they and these grounds continue, we must ever expect the selfesame ex∣amples, fruits and effects from this generation of Vi∣pers, what politick courses soever shall be excogitated to prevent them.

[unspec 3] Thirdly, That our English Lordly Prelacy, stands in di∣rect opposition to Regall Monarchy and civill Vnity; and that our Prelates Maxime, No Bishop, no King, is a false and idle Paradox, refuted by the premised histories, and the ex∣perience of all ages.

[unspec 4] Fourthly, That the calling of Lordly Prelates is neither Divine nor Apostolicall; but rather Antichristian and Di∣abolicall, as these fruits thereof demonstrate. And to speak ingenuously; the first thing that caused me to suspect our Prelates calling, not to be divine, (and thereupon induced me to search into the bottome of it, as farre as my poore a∣bilities and leasure would permit, till I found it to be so i••deed;) was the pravity of their actions, and enormities of their lives: In which if I have erred, it is in following my Saviours infallible rule, Matth. 7.15. to 20. Beware of false Prophets which come to you in sheeps cloathing, but in∣wardly they are ravening wolves; ye shall know them by their ••ruits. A good tree cannot bring forth evill fruit, neither can

a corrupt tr••e bring forth good fruit: wherefore by their fruits ye shall know them.

Fifthly, That it can neither be safe for King nor State, [unspec 5] to tolerate Lordly Prelates, or to admit them to manage the chiefe Offices, Councels, and affaires of the Kingdome, to which th••ir consultations and imployments for the most part, have ••v••r proved pernicious, as ancient and present experience abundantly testifie. And that the readiest way to provide for our Kingdoms and Churches future security and tranquillity, will be utterly to suppresse and remove them from all such offices and consultations.

Sixthly, That those who have beene so perfidious and [unspec 6] rebellious to our Kings and Kingdome, will hardly prove faithfull and trusty in matters of Religion, in which they have extraordinarily prevaricated in all ages; and not a little of late yeares, as is too manifest by sundry evidences and complaints in Parliament. And here give me leave to recommend ••n•• serious consideration to you, how dange∣rous it is to intrust our Religion in the Prelates hands, grounded upon these words of our famous * 6.107 Occham Who writing against the Pop••s Monarchy, alleadgeth this rea∣son among others against it; that there is greater danger of poysoning ••he people and whole Church by one supreame head, then by many. We know all the Bishops of England are to be consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury for the time being, and are subject to him, as Primate and Metropolitan of all E••gland, taking an * 6.108 Oath of Canonicall obedience to him; so as they all, in a manner, depend on him: Againe, we know that no Minister can be ordained, or admitted to Preach, or instituted to any living as an Incumbent, or Curate, but by these Bishops; who take upon them to visit•• silence and suspend them at their pleasure; yea, and to dispose of most Patrons benefices to whom they please: as we see by late wofull experience. Suppose then (which I trust shall never happen) that any to whom the Crowne of England shall descend should be ill affected to our Re∣ligion; if he should make choice of such an Archbishop (and he of other inferiour Prelates) sutable to his disaffecti••on, who must ordaine all other Bishops, Ministers, and may suspend and silence them, or deny to admit those that

are Orthodox at his pleasure; how easily might our Church and Religion by one over-potent Arch-bishop, or Pre∣late, backed by his Soveraigne, be undermined, suppressed, and eradicated in a short space? Whereas if this jurisdicti∣on were devested from the Bishops, (which are but 26. and depend on one Arch-Prelate) and setled in the Mi∣nisters which are many, and more independent on the Prince then they, our Religion would be farre more se∣cure, and the Ministers and people lesse subject to be infect∣ed with Romish Innovations, which one Archbishop of Canterbury is now able sodainly to poyson our Church and people with.

[unspec 8] Seventhly, That these Bishops were the chiefe instru∣ments to introduce, advance and support the Popes Anti∣christian authority, usurped jurisdiction, and erronious do∣ctrines among us;* 6.109 and to revive them again, when diminish∣ed or extinguished; the Pope and popery still raigning a∣mong us, till the Prelates attainted by King Henry the eight in a Praemunire, were inforced, sore against their wils, to re∣nounce the Popes authority, to acknowledg him the supreame head on earth of our English Church; and by speciall Letters patents and* 6.110 Acts of Parliament, to confesse all their Episco∣pall jurisdiction to be derived not from God, or the Pope, but ONELY from, by and under him their Soveraigne. And I dare further averre (for ratification of this Conclusion) that the Prelates of Italy, Germany, France, Spaine, Hun∣gary, and Poland, are the maine pillars, which support the Popes Monarchy, false Doctrines, Ceremonies, and Superstitions in those Countries and Kingdomes; which would soone turne Protestants, were but the Bishops suppressed, and their great temporall revenues taken a∣way; the enjoyment of which Antichristian dignities and possessions, engageth them to maintaine and uphold the Pope, and popery against their consciences. The truth of which will appeare by most of the transmarine refor∣med Churches, who could never utterly abandon the Pope with his Doctrines and superstitions, till they had extirpa∣ted their Lordly Bishops.

••. That as long as our Lordly Prelates continue, there will not onely be a possibility, but a probability of bringing

in popery and the Pope againe among us; since their Lordly Hierarchy is supported onely by popish Doctrines, Canons, Ceremonies, and Principles, which they are en∣gaged to maintaine, to preserve their tottering thrones from ruine. How farre the Pope his Doctrines and Super∣stitions had of late in a little time serued themselves into our Church, almost to the utter ruine of our Religion, and of the Ministers and professors of it (persecuted and driven out into forraine Countryes,) and that onely by the Bishops and their instruments machinations, is so well knowne to all, and so abundantly discovered to and by this present Parliament, that I need not relate it•• Onely this I dare say, that if ever they get head and life among us againe (as they did in Queene Maries dayes, and that prin∣cipally by the Prelates meanes) it will be by our Lordly Bishops activity; who if once totally suppressed, both Pope and papists would utterly despaire of ever reducing England to their vassallage.

Eighthly, That Bishops have done a world of mischiefe [unspec] to our Kings and Kingdomes, as appeares by all the premi∣ses, but little or no good that I can read off; And as for the diligent preaching of Gods word, and publishing Christs true Religion, the chiefe and almost onely duty of Bishops; from Augustine, the first Archbishop of Canterbury (and first introducer of the Popes authority, errours and super∣stitions among us••) till Cranmers time, which is above 800 yeares, I thinke there was not one Archbishop guilty of it; The like I may say of other Seas; and I presume I may justi∣fie, that some two poor Country Curats or Lecturers in our dayes, have converted more soules to God by their diligent zealous preaching, then all the Archb••shops of Canterbury put together, most of whom I read to have been Rebels, Tray∣tors, State-officers, & persecutors of Religion; but very few of them soule-converting Preachers. Why then should ••hese * 6.111 Popes of another World (as the Pope of Rome once stiled them) be still tolerated, when they have done so much mischiefe, and so little good to our State and Church?

Ninthly, That the endowing of the Prelates, with great [unspec 9] Temporall revenews, was the very bane and poyson of Religion, and one principall cause of the Bishops rebellions,

Treasons, and exorbitances forementioned; And therefore they may both with good conscience and reason be substract∣ed from them and put to better us••s; and they like other Ministers, be confined to one comp••tent living with cure, there con••••antly to reside and instruct the people, like Bi∣shops in the primitive times.

[unspec 10] Tenthly, That our Lor••ly Prelates will be still undermi∣ning the Lawes•• and lib••r••ies of ••he Subjects, his Majesties royall p••erog••tive, his Eccle••••asticall and temporall juris∣diction, and vexing his Subject•• in their Courts, till both their usurp••d Authorities•• and Consistories be better regu∣lated, or totally abolished.

[unspec 11] Eleventhly, That the very Spirit of insolency, contuma∣cy, t••eachery, sedition, rebellion, ambition, pride, covetous∣nesse, vaineglory, malice, hypocrisie, tyranny, and op∣pression is almost inseparably united to the Chaires of Lord∣ly Prelates, since they infect almost all who once sit in them; and either infuse these vices into them, or augment them in them; none growing better men, but most farre worse by their Sees.

[unspec 12] Twelfthly, that the government of our Church in com∣mon, by a Presbytery or Synod of Ministers•• or any other way used in the primitive Church and other refo••med Churches can no way be so pernicious or inconvenient to our Kings and Kingdomes as the Government by Lordly Prelates is and hath been. Our Prelates chiefe objection in point of Monarchy, against a Presbyteriall or Synodall government, is, * 6.112 that if this forme should be introduced, the King and No∣bles must submit ther••to, and be liable to their excommunica∣tions. But this is a foolish Bugbear, which recoyles and lights heavily on their owne heads. For the Archbishops and Bishops of England (and those of forraine Countrys too) have many times, not onely excommunicated their Sove∣raignes, but also interdicted their Kingdomes, enjoyned hard penances to them, absolved their Subjects from their allegiance, and oathes, armed their people and strangers a∣gainst them, and deprived them of their Crownes; offering them more and greater affronts, and requiring more sub∣mission from them, then all other their Subjects whatsoe∣ver. Did ever any Presbytery doe the like, or take so much

upon them? or did they ever deal so with their Princes, as our Prelates did with King Iohn, or with Edward, and Rich∣ard the second? If yea, then prove it: If no, then this is no solid objection, but a malicious suggestion against the Pres∣byteriall and Synodall Government. In a word, I would demand this question of the Objectors, whether Kings, and great men, when they scandalously offend, be subject to the censures of Excommunication by the law of God? If so, then why may not the Presbytery and Synode of Ministers anathematize them, as well as Lord Bishops and Popes? If not, then there is no feare of such a censure, to which they are not liable by Gods Law or mans.

These twelve conclusions are sufficiently warranted by the premises; yet for the Readers better satisfaction, I shall back them with some passages and Authorities of our owne approved ancient and Moderne Writers, Martyrs, Prelates, and Authors of speciall note, and so conclude.

Caelius Sedulius Scotus,1 6.113 one of the ancientest of our owne Writers, flourishing about the yeare of our Lord 390. de∣termines thus of the parity of Bishops and Presbyters by divine right, against our Lordly Prelates doctrine in these dayes, in his Exposition on Titus, Chap. 1. For a B••shop must be blamelesse, &c. He calleth him a Bishop, whom before he na∣med a Presbyter. Before by the Devils instinct parties were made in Religion, and it was said among the people, I am of Paul, but I am of Apollo, and I am of Cephas, the Churches were governed with the common Councel of the Presbyters: But after that every one thought those whom he baptised to be hi•••• not Christs, it was decreed throughout the World, that one chosen 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Presbyters should be set over the rest, to whom all the care of the Church should appertaine, and that the seeds of schismes should be taken away. In the Acts of the Apostl••s it is written,* 6.114 tha•• when the Apostle Paul•• came to Miletus, he sent to Ephesus and called the Elders of that Church, unto whom among other things he spake thus: Take heed to your selves, and to all the flocke over which the Holy Ghost hath made you Bishops, to feed the Church of God which he hath purchased with his owne blood. And here observe more diligently, how that he calling the Elders of but one City Ephesus, doth afterwards stile them Bishops; These

things I have alleadged that we m••ght shew how that among the Anc••••••ts, fuisse Presbyteros quos Episcopos, Pr••sbyters to h••ve been THE SAME THAT BISHOPS WERE: But by little and little, that the seeds of dissention might be ut∣terly extïrpated, the whole cure was tra••sferred to one. And on the 1 Timothy 5.••••. It is demanded (writes he) why Paul here makes no mention of Presbyters, but onely of Bi∣shops and Deacons? Sed etiam ipsos in Episcoporum no∣mine comprehendit: But truely he also compreh••ndeth th••m in ••he name of Bishops.

2 6.115To him I might annex our famous Gildas, in his Acris Correptio Cleri Angliae; our Venerable * 6.116 Beda, in Acta A∣postolorum, cap. 20. Tom. 5. Col. 657. and Alcuinus, de D••vinis Officijs cap. 35.36, Epistola. 108. ad Sparatum: and Comment. in Evang. Ioannis, l. 5. to. 25. Col. 547, 548, 549. Who maintaine the selfe same Doctrine of the Parity of Bishops and Presbyters, declaime much against the pride, Lordlin••sse, ambition, domineering power, and other vices of Prelates; and conclude, that a Bi••hopricke is Nomen O∣peris, non honoris; A name of Labour, not of honour; A worke, not a dignity; A toyle, not a del••ght. But I rather passe to Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury, a man without exception, and the greatest Scholler in his age; who neare 600 yeares since, in his Enarration on the Epistle to the Phillippians. cap. 1. vers. 1. resolves thus. With the Bishops, that is, with the Presbyters and Deac••ns: for he hath put Bishops for Elders, after his custome. For there were not ma∣ny B••shops in one City, neither would he intermit Presbyters, that he m••ght desc••nd to Deacons: But he declares the dignity and excellency of the Presbyters, whil••s he manifests the same men who are Presbyters to be Bishops. But that AFTER∣WARD one was elected, who might be preferred before the rest, it was done to prevent schisme, le••t every one drawing to himselfe the Gospell of Christ, should divide it: Constat ergo Apostolica institutione omnes Presbyteros esse Episcopos. It is therefore MANIFEST BY APOSTOLICALL INSTITVTION, THAT ALL PRESBYTERS ARE BISHOPS, albeit NOW those greater ones have obtained that Title. For a B••shop is called an Overseer; and every Presbyter ought to attend the cure over the flock com∣mitted

to him. In his Commentary on the first Chapter of Ti∣tus v. 5, 7. he hath the selfesame words that Hierom and Sedulius used before him, concluding from Acts 20.17, 28. and Phil. 1.1. Apud veteres cosdem fuisse Presbyteros quos Episcopos. That AMONG THE ANCIENTS PRESBYTERS WERE THE VERY SAME THAT BISHOPS WERE; and that the Churches were then governed by a common Councell of the Presbyters. As therefore Presbyters know, that they out of the custome of the Church, are subject to him who shall be set over them; so Bishops must know; SE MAGIS CONSV∣ETVDINE, Quàm DISPOSITIONIS DO∣MINICAE VERITATE PRESBYTERIS ESSE MAJORES, ET IN COMMVNE DE∣BERE ECCLESIAM REGERE: that they by CVSTOME, rather then by truth of Divine Disposition are greater then Presbyters, and * 6.117 OVGHT TO RVLE THE CHVRCH IN COMMON with them. From which pregnant Authority, even of an old Archbi∣shop of Canterbury. I observe:

• First, That by Apostolicall institution, Bishops and Pres∣byters are both one and the same; and originally continued so for a season.
• Secondly, That the imparity now between them ••s onely by custome, not by divine institution, and crept in by little and little by degrees, after the Apostles time.
• Thirdly, That every Presbyter is still truely and properly a Bishop over his owne flock.
• Fourthly, That the Church of God at first was governed onely by a common Councell or Synode of Presbyters, not by Bishops.
• Fifthly, That Presbyters even at this day not onely may, but ought to governe the Church in common with the Bi∣shops; as they did both in * 6.118 Ignatius, b 6.119 Tertullians, c 6.120 Cypri∣ans, and d 6.121 Irenaeus time, as others have proved at large. See the Answer to Bishop Hals Remonstrance. Sect. 8, 9.
• Sixthly, That Bishops were first e 6.122 elected, created, and instituted by the Presbyters;* 6.123 therefore by their owne max∣ime, (Ordinans est major ordinato) are greater and better then Bishops; the rather, because Presbyters Quatenus

• such are of Divin••, and Bishops quatenus Bishops but of humane institution: and Presbyters as such, by Anselmes owne resolution in his Commentary on 1 Tim. 4.14. may of right ordaine Elders, as well as Bishops.

Neither is Anselme singular in his opinion, in avouching the parity and identity of Presbyters and Bishops, since Atha∣nasius, * 6.124 Ambrose, Hierome, Chrysostome, Theodoret, Pri∣masius, Remigius, Rabanus Maurus, Haym••, Theophylact, Bruno, in their Commentaries on Phil. 1.1. Acts 20.17, 28. 1 Tim. 3. Tit. 1.5, 7. and on Ephes. 4.11, 12. with sundry * 6.125other Fathers delivered the same opinion in their writings before his time. A truth so cleare, that learned * 6.126 Cassander, though a Papist, confesseth, Convenit autem inter OMNES, olim Apostolicorum aetate, INTER EPISCOPOS ET PRESBYTEROS, DISCRIMEN NVL∣LVM FVISSE, SED POSTMODVM ordinis servandi, & sch••smatis vitandi causa Episcopum Presbyteris fuisse praepositum, cui soli Chyrotomi••, id est, ordinandi po∣testas servata sit. That then this truth which is granted on all hands by ALL (both Theologues and Canonists) a∣mong the Papists, should now be questioned, nay contra∣dicted and and damned for Heresie by our Prelates, seemes strange and monstrous unto me. But to proceed on in our owne Writers.

3 6.127In the * 6.128 Canons of Aelfrick to Wulfinus a Bishop, about the yeare of Christ, 990. Sect. 17.

There is no more difference between a Masse-priest, and a Bishop, then that a Bishop is constituted to confer Orders, and to visit, or oversee, and to take care of those things which belong to God, which should be committed to too great a multitude, if every Presbyter should doe it. For both VNVM TE∣NENT EVNDEMQVE ORDINEM have one and the selfesame Order; although that part of the Bishop be the worthier. And in certaine old Saxon Chapters of incertaine Edition about the same time. Know that your degree is next to ours, & penè CONIVNCTVM esse, and to be almost the same or conjoyned to it. For as Bi∣shops supply the place of Apostles in the Church, so doe Presbyters of the other Disciples of the Lord: whence we ought to be mindfull of so great a dignity.

John Salisbury our famous Country-man flourishing a∣bout the yeare of Christ,4 6.129 1140. De Nugis Curialium. li. 8. c. 17. and 23. writes thus of the pride and sedition of Bishops.

Thou must admire to see the various houshold-stuffe and riches, as they say, of Croesus among them that preach poore Christ: They live of the Gospell without preach∣ing the Gospell, and it is well if they live onely, so, as they doe not also ryot. They so gape after gaine, that they contemne the things that are Jesus Christs; and are neither worthy the honour nor name either of a Pastor or hireling. They d•••• that which makes them to be feared of all, to bee beloved of none; they preac•• peace, yet make division; they shew and counterfeit humi∣lity, that they may challenge pride. In fulnesse they dispute of fastings; and what they build up with words, they pull downe with deeds. The workes they doe, beare witnesse of them; you may know them by their fruits. It is not sufficient for them to sheare and devoure the flocke by liberty of a divine Law, unlesse they also implore the ayde of secular Lawes: and being made Officers to Prince••, they feare not to commit those things, which any other Publican would easily be ashamed of. In the meane time they are servants to pleasure or avarice; and those who have chosen and admitted them to their custody, they spoyle and oppresse; and desire the death of those whom they ought to foster both in flesh and spirit: Truly they beare in mind ••hat of the Prophet. Behold I have set thee over the Nations and over Kingdomes, to pull up and to destroy, to pull downe and to scatter, &c. Nor they doe not onely contend but fight for a Bishoprick. The Ancients heretofore were dragged against their wils to a Bishoprick, and went willingly to Martyrdome: they feared the chiefe Chaire, worse then a prison or crosse. But now the Prelates sp••••ke quite contrary; we will not, say they, be Martyrs, but the glory of our Sees we will not give to another. Yet there is something in which they seeme to imitate the constancy of Martyrs, to wit, if they are to contest for a Bishoprick. It is reported by some, and it is true, that ambitious men have sometimes, yea often contended for the Bishopricke of Rome, and not

without brotherly blood, hath the High Priest entred in∣to the holy of holies. This verily is to succeed Romulus in paricide, not Peter in feeding the flock committed to him. More then civill Warres are againe stirred up be∣tweene Caesar and Pompey, and whatsoever was presum∣ed, wha••ever was impiously done at Philippi, Lucade, Murina, in Aegypt, or in Spaine, a prelaticall Warre accomplisheth. Doe they therefore procure the effusion of Christian blood, that it may be lawfull for them above other men, according to their pastorall duty, to lay down their lives for the Flock? Doe they therefore pull down the Churches, prophane holy things, that there may be some thing for them to build up and sanctifie? Per∣chance they dash Nations one against another, disquiet Kingdomes, violently take away the goods of Churches, that they may make matter of promeriting to themselves; that they may compose al things, that other things concu••∣ring they may lay hold on a necessity of commiserating and providing for the poore. But if they doe it, that they may safely doe any thing without punishment, that they may collect mony; that they may foster, dilate, and corrupt flesh and blood; trouble their Family, or seek their owne glory, domineering over the Lords heritage, and not being exanimo, an example to the flock, although with their lips and in simulation of office they put on a Pastor, yet they are more like to Tyrants then Princes. Philo∣phers say, nothing is more pernicious to man then man; and among men a secular, or Ecclesiasticall Tyrant is most pernicious, Yet verily in both kinds the Ecclesiasti∣call is worse then the secular. For if Salt hath lost its savour, it is good for nothing, but to be cast out and troden under feet of men. So he long since determi∣ned.

* 6.130Petrus Blesensis, Archdeacon of Bath, flourishing about the yeare of our Lord 1160. writes thus to the Bishop of Bangor, concerning the wealth and State of Bishops:

* 6.131The Title of poverty is glorious with Christ; and that which hath becomed the Sonne of God, ought not to misbeseeme you: The Prince of the Apostles and Prelates saith. * 6.132 Gold and Silver have I none. Yea, that great fa∣mous

* 6.133 Augustine (Bishop of Hippo) therefore made no will, because the poore servant of Christ had nothing at all, whereof to make any bequest. It is your duty to live of the Gospell, as the Lord hath appointed, not to goe pompously in the ornament of Cloathes, in the pride of Horses, in the multitude of Attendants. It becomes you as a professour of Priestly and Episcopall holynesse, to ••ut of all footsteps of your ancient conversation:* 6.134 And in his Treatise of the Institution of a Bishop, dedicated to John Bishop of Worcester, He thus declaimes against the Lordlinesse, Cour••ship, and secular imployments of Bishops, especially those, which concerne the Exchequer. Certaine Bishops abusively, call the liberty and almes of ancient Kings bestowed on them, Baronies and Royalties, and themselves Barons, it being an occasion of most sham••••full servitude. I am afraid, least the Lord complaine of them and say, * 6.135 They have raigned, but not by me, they have made themselves Princes, but I knew it not. Thou must know, that thou hast taken upon thee the Office of a Shepheard, not of a Baron: Certainely * 6.136 Ios••ph being in Aegypt, instructed his Father and Brethren to say to Pharaoh, We are Shepheards: He would rather have them professe the office of a Shepheard, then of a Prince or Baron. Christ saith, * 6.137 I am the good Shepheard: But thou art made by him a shepheard or a steward: a stewardship is committed to thee; and know, that thou must give an accoun•• of thy stewardship. The husbandry of God is committed to thee, thou hast need of a Weeding-hooke, as an Husbandman; of a sta••••e as a Shepheard; of a Weeding-hooke, that as the Sonne of a Prophet, * 6.138 thou mayst pull up and destroy, build up and plant; use thy staffe by driving the Wolves from the sheep-fold, by sustaining the weake sheep, by raising up those ••ha•• are fallen, by reducing those that have st••ayed. But among the fruits of thy Episcopall office, let eternall things be ever pre∣ferred before temporall. Let another guide and dispatch thy temporall cares and affaires for thee; but doe thou diligently attend the salvation of soules. The mind con∣secrated to the discharge of Divine service, ought to be free from worldly imployments. Thou art addicted to

great things, be not taken up with the smallest. These things what ever they are, which ••end to the gaine of the World, and pertaine not to the gaining of soules, are small and vile. * 6.139 If you shall have secular businesse, saith the A∣postle, appoint those who are most contemptible among you to be Iudges. Thou therefore, O good Prelate, set all things after the salvation of soules; for soules are as far more worthy then bodyes, and all things else that humane ambition causeth, as Heaven it selfe excels Earth in dig∣nitie. Yet at this day, with many, Episcopall authority consists onely in this, that their plowlands are fatted with chalke and dung, that th••ir Fishponds bee multiplyed, that their Parkes and the Ground of their possessions be inlarged; In building Palaces, Mils and Ovens. All the care of Prelates is in increasing their rents: What? is it the voice of our Saviour to the Prince of the Apostles and Prelates, if thou lovest me, till thy Lands, build high Houses; we read that he said to Peter: * 6.140 If thou lovest me, feed my sheep. Thou art the heire and Vicar of Peter, feed my sheep by Preaching; doe the worke of an Evange∣list and Shepheard: thou must not be ashamed of the Gospell; if thou beleevest, thou oughtest not to be a∣shamed of thy Pastorall office. * 6.141 Be instant therefore in season, out of season, fulfill thy Ministry: Thy ministry hath more burthen, then honour. If thou affectest the honour of it, thou art an hireling; if thou imbracest the burthen of it, the Lord is able to increase his grace, that thou maist receive gaine out of gaine, and profit out of profit.* 6.142 If thou shalt drowne thy selfe in the Labyrinthes of Court affaires, especially of the Exchequer, thou shalt suffer great losses of spirituall exercise. * 6.143 No man can serve two Masters, God and Mammon. Let it not slip out of thy mind, how in the tonsure of thy head, when as thou wast elected into the Lords portion, how thou hast renoun∣ced, the ignominy of Lay-imployments. Yea, in the day of thy consecration, thou hast made solemne vowes to renounce all secular things and imployments (as our* 6.144 Bi∣shops and Ministers yet doe in the presence of God, and the whole Congregation) which have bound up thy lips; thou art obliged with the words of thy owne mouth, when

upon the interrogation of him that consecrated thee, thou hast published without any exception, that from hence forth thou wouldst wholly discharge and sequester thy selfe from all worldly businesses, and dishonest gaines, and wouldst alwayes bend thy whole study and care upon divine affaires. What hast thou to doe with the reven∣nues of the Exchequer, that thou shouldest neglect the cure of soules, but ••or one short houre?* 6.145 What, hath Christ elected thee to the receipt of custome? Matthew being once taken from thence, never returned thither againe. Be not therfore in the number of those, who prefer world∣ly imployments before spirituall, swallowing a Camell, and straining at a Gnat. We read that in the dayes of * 6.146 Constantine, there were certaine Bishops, flattering the Prince, who gave greater reverence and heed to royall Edicts, then to Evangelicall precepts. And there are some Bishops now a dayes, to whom the dispensation of Gods word is committed, who are silent from good things, dumbe dogges, neither able, nor yet willing to barke; they are turned into an evill bow, giving themselves up as weapons of iniquity unto sinne. This exasperates Gods wrath, and accumulates the danger of eternall damnation on many, that certaine of the chiefe Priests and Eld••rs of the people, although they pronounce not judgement in cases of blood, yet they handle the same things by dis∣puting and debating of them, and thinke themselves there∣fore free from blame, that in decreeing judgement of death, or * 6.147 truncation of members (which some of them of late have judicially given sentence of) they absent them∣selves onely from the pronunciation and execution of this penall sentence. But what is more pernicious then this dissimulation? Is it lawfull to discuss•• and determine that, which it is not lawfull to pronounce? Verily Saul did ma∣ny wayes handle and plot the death of David, and that he might palliate his malice under the shadow of inno∣cency, he said, * 6.148 Let not my hand be upon him; but the hand of the Philistims be upon him. Truely as much as this dissimulation did excuse him with men, so much did it the more damnably accuse him with God. We have an expresse forme of similitude in that Consistorie wherein

Christ was condemned to death: the Scribes and Pha∣risees said, * 6.149 It is n••t lawfull for us to put any man to death; And yet when they cryed, saying, Crucifie him; they pronounced a sentence of death against him with bloody malignity, whom they slew with the sword of the tongue, they protested it was not lawfull for them to slay, and their iniquity was in this very thing so much the more detestable, because that they might escape the censure of men, they covered it with a simulation of innocency. Thou art set over the soules of men, not over their bodies; The Prelate hath nothing that is common with Pilate. Thou art Christs Steward and the Vicar of Peter, neither oughtest thou to give an account of the jurisdiction com∣mitted to thee, to Caesar, but to Christ: yet some Bishops by usurped offices and administrations of the world, make themselves obnoxious to the bent of the Court, and as if they had renounced the priviledge of their dignity, ex∣pect the sentence of an harder event. He adds this more against the Lordlinesse and Dominion of Prelates in the same Treatise. There are some who repute honours, Vertues and ascribe the glory of their eminency to their merits, which peradventure they have obtained in Gods wrath. The assumption of honour, becomes a temptation, and an occasion of subvertion unto many. Therefore thou must so preside, as thou mayst profit. Woe to those who rule over men, if God set not president over them. Paul glories not of his Dominion, but of his Ministration. * 6.150 In labours more abundant, in prisons more frequent, in stripes above measure, in deaths often. In these things a forme of glorying is prefixed thee, not in precious aray, not in much houshold-stuffe, not in heaping up money, not in Edefices or Cultures, not in enlarging possessions, not in multitudes of Horses, not in pompous rayment, not in a numerous traine: For after all these things doe the Gentiles seeke: But as the Doctor of the Gentiles glories, in * 6.151 the Crosse of our Lord Jesus Christ, whereby the World was crucified to him, and he unto the World. Repute thy selfe an humble and abject Servant: Let not humility be a disgrace to thee, which adorned the Sonne of God. Of Prelacy thou mayest have glory, but not with

God, but if thou gloriest of humility, thou shalt not be unwise. * 6.152 The Kings of th•• Gentiles exercise Lordship over them; but ye shall not doe so•• Therefore thou mayst not make thy selfe a Lord, but a Servant. The Apostle Peter saith; * 6.153 Not Lording over the Clergie, but being ex∣amples to the people. It is pernicious to a Prelate, gladly to heare of himselfe, above that he discernes to be within him. It is frequent to find one among the Bishops who may chance to dedicate the first yeare of his promotion to sanctity; and when in his novelty he became a Lamb, inveterated for some dayes, he is made a most ravenous Wolfe. The same Author in his 15.18.22, 23.25. & 64. ••pistles hath sundry notable Passages against the Lordli∣nesse, Pride, and o••her vices of the Prelates in his age, and of the danger of Episcopacy. A Lord Prelate (writes h••e there) Observes not the face, but hand of him who re∣paires to him, as being alwayes ready to receive gifts: * 6.154 he is of a shamelesse brow in demanding, ingratefull when hee hath received, inhumane if he receive not something; he is unmercifull to the afflicted; meeke to the most cruell; unstable, untractable; tolerable to none, hatefull to all, an enemy of peace, a contemner of faith, an adversary of unity; unfaithfull in his coun∣cels, negligent in his actions, furious in anger, remisse in mercy, dissolute in words, gluttonous in banquets, haugh∣ty in prosperity, fearefull in adversity. He doth nothing according to reason, but all things according to will; and as if he were degenerated into a beastiall sense, casting away from him the counsell and judgement of reason, he followes his owne appetite. For man being in honour understandeth not, but is compared unto the brute beasts, and became like to them: His ascent is pleasing neither to God nor man: his whole study, whole honour, whole glory, is the whole and sol•• authority of his usurped Epis∣copall dignity, the stretching out of his breast; elevation of his necke, statelinesse of his going, distorsion of his eyes, Vultuosity, and thundring of his threatning coun∣tenance; and that I may include many things in few words, t••tum datur elationi, nibil sanctitati, &c. All is addicted to pride, nothing to sanctity, nothing to chastity••

nothing to amity; and finally, nothing at all is left to h••∣nesty. Behold him speaking, behold him walking Quas gerit ••re min••s? quanto premit omnia fas••u? What threatnings beares he in his mouth, with how Great pride treads he upon all things below? O curas hominum! O quantum est in rebus i••ane! O cares of men! O how much emptinesse And vanity Lord Prelates Mindes possesse? O vaine glory! O bloody ambition! O the unsatiable desire of terrene honour! O the canker of hearts, the subversion of soules, the desire of dignities! Whence hath this plagu•• crept up? Whence hath this execrable presumption prevailed; that unworthy men, should co∣vet dignities? and by how much the lesse they deserve to ascend to honours, by so much the more importunately they thrust themselves into them. At this day by right and wrong, at this day to the hazard of soule and body unhappy men runne to the Pastorall chaire: and doe not consider that it is a * 6.155Chaire of pestilence to them, whiles they are the cause of ruine to themselves and others. In flocks and heards, witnesse Hierome, the Ramme and Bull which excels in corpulency and animosity, goeth before the rest. But a man more beastiall then all bea••ts, presumes so much more indiscreetly and audaciously to be above his betters, by how mnch lesse he confides to the titles of vertues, or sincerity of conscience; he who hath learned nothing is made the teacher of others, and like sounding brasse and a ••inkling Cymball, usurpes the office of Preaching, when as he is an unprofitable ••tock, and a dumbe Idoll. This is it which Ecclesiastes deplo∣ringly complaines of;* 6.156 I have seene (saith he) an evill under the Sunne, a foole placed in high dignity, and wise men sitting in low places. An illiterate Bishop is a dumbe preacher. It is a Prelates duty to instruct the people un∣der him, to render a people acceptable to God, by open∣ing the mystery of the Scriptures. But at this day, such as the people are, such is the Priest; as hi•• darknes is, so also is

light. Blush O Sidon at the Sea; a Prela••e may blush and grieve, to rule over people, not to profit them; to have taken upon him the office of a Teacher, and to be mute in instructing the people. It is the word of the la∣menting Prophet: * 6.157 My people is become a lost flock; their Pastors have seduced them, they are dumb•• dogges not able to barke•• They ought to drive the Wolves from the flocks, but they themselves are wolves to their owne; taking care neither of their owne nor theirs salvation, they preci∣••itate the••selves with their flocks, into the pit of eternall death. Thus and much more he.

Not to mention * 6.158 Grostheads booke de Ignavia Praelatorum; Or Halredus de Praelatorum moribus; Nigellus Wireker de Abusu rerum Ecclesiae. Gualther Mapes his Com∣plaint against the Pr••l••tes; Ad mal••s Pastores, & ad ••mpios Praelatos•• Robert Baston, de sacerdotum Luxu∣riis, or ••ohn Purvey de obliquo cleri statu, all declaim∣ing against the Lordlinesse, pompe, pride, wealth, and v••••es of Prelates; the most of which bookes the Prelates have sup∣pressed, their titles onely being left upon record: Nor yet to mention the passages of Robert Holkot our famous Clerke, In lib. Sapientiae. lect. 77.163. and lect. 1. in Proverbia Solomonis, to like purpose.

Richardus Armachanus Archbishop of Armagh,* 6.159 flourish∣i••g in the beginning of Wicklif•• time, about the yeare of Christ 1350. De Questionibus Armenorum. l. 11. ••. 1. deter∣mines thus.* 6.160

That neither the Dominion nor Ministry of temporall things belongs to Ecclesiasticall dignity, but rather de∣minishes i••. For the Lord prohibited the Dominion of temporall things to his Apostles and Disciples, saying; Possesse neither gold nor moneys in your purses; Mat. 10.19. If thou wilt be perfect, go•• and sell all thou hast; & give to the poore. Now it cannot bee of Ecclesiasticall dignity, which the Head of the Church hath prohibited to his members: or at least would not have them to po••sess•••• Whence it appeares, that the dominion or possession of temporall things doth in no wise essentially appertaine to Ecclesiasticall dignity, but rather diminisheth it. In the second Chapter he averres, that these states and degrees of

Patri••rch, Archbishop, Bishop, &c. were invented one∣ly out of the devotion of men, not instituted by Christ and his Apostles. That no Prelate of the Church, how great soever; hath any greater degree of the power of order, then a simple Priest. In the fourth Chapter, hee proves, that the power of confirmation and imposition of hands that the Holy Ghost may be given thereby, ap∣pertains to the jurisdiction of th•• Presbytery, Which he ma∣nifesteth by Acts 7. & 14. 1 Tim. 4. and by the practice of the Primitive Church after the Apostles time. In the fourth and fifth Chapters he demonstrates, That Priests are called Bishops by the Apostle. Phil. 1.1. 1 Tim. 3. Titus 1. and Acts 20.28. Et quod ordine succedant Apostolis, and that they succeed the Apostles in order. In the sixth Chapter he proves, That all Priests and Bishops are equall as to the power of Order: And in the fourth Chapter he punctu∣ally determines, That there is no distinction found in the Evangelicall, or Apostolicall Scriptures, betweene Bi∣shops and simple Priests called Presbyters; Whence it follow••s, Quod in omnibus est una potestas & aequalis ex ordin••; that in all of them there is one and equall power by reason of Order: And that for ought he can find, the Apostle Paul doth not in any of his Epistles distinguish between the Order of Presbyters (that is) of Apostles, and Bishops. That every one who hath the cure of others, is a Bishop. Which the name of a Bishop importeth and manifesteth. For a Bishop is nothing else, but a superin∣tendent, or watchman: From whence it is evident•• that besides the power of Order, hee hath nothing but a Cure.

* 6.161Our famous English Apostle John VVicklife, (as Master Fox oft stiles him) delivers the selfesame doctrine of the Identity of Presbyters and Bishops, Dialogorum. l. 4. c. 14. De Sacramento ordinis. f. 124, 125.

Some men (saith he) multiply the character in Orders: But I consider whe∣ther their foundation or fruit be in the Scripture. But one thing I confidently averre; That in the Primitive Church and in Pauls time, two Orders sufficed: The Presbyter, and the Deacon. Likewise I say, that in Pauls time a Presbyter and Bishop suit idem, was the same.

This appeares by the first of Timothy, chap 3. and T••∣tus chap. 1.

And herein that profound Divine Hierome justifies the same, as appeares Distinct. 74. Cap. Olim.

For then was not invented that distinction of Pope and Cardinalls, Patriarchs and Archbishops, Bishops, Archdeacons, Offi∣cials, and Deanes, with other Officers and private Re∣ligions, of which there is neither number nor Order. Concerning the contentions about these things, that eve∣ry one of these is an Order, and that in the reception thereof, the grace of God and a character is imprinted, with other difficulties, which ours babble about, it seeme•• good to me to be silent, because they neither establish, nor prove what they affirme But out of the faith of Scrip∣ture, it seeme••h to me to suffice, if there be Presbyters, and Deacons, keeping the sta••e and office which Christ hath imposed on them. * 6.162 Because it seemes certaine, that Caesarian Pride invented these other degrees and Orders. For if they had been necessary to the Church, Christ and his Apostles had not been silent in the expression of them, and description of their office, as those blaspheme who magnifie the Popes Laws above Christ. But a Catholicke ought to receive the office of these Clergy-men out of the Scriptures authority, out of the Epistles to Timothy and Titus; Neither ought he under paine of sinne to ad∣mit these new Caesarian inventions. Thomas Waldensis, Wickliffes professed Antagonist. Tom. 1. l. 3. Artic. 3. c. 29.30.31, 32. Tom. 2. c. 117, 118. and Tom. 3. c. 60.61, 62, 63. brings in Wickliff••, proving by many arguments, That Bi∣shops and Presbyters are all one and the same by divine institution and Gods Law. That the Ordination of Pres∣byters belongs not onely to Bishops, sed etiam ad simplic••m Sacerdotem, But even to a meere Priest as well as to them; That one ordained a Minister, by a meere Priest alone, ought not to doubt of his Priesthood, or to seeke Ordi∣nation elsewhere, if he rightly discharge his ministeriall office; That a bare Priest may supply the place of a Bi∣shop in conferring Orders, &c. And * 6.163Thomas Walsing∣h••m with others testifie: That in his time one Lollard, that was a Priest, did commonly ordaine and create ano∣ther.

And o••••er that every Priest had as great power to conferre the Sacraments of the Church, as the Bi∣shops had. In a word, Wickliffe affirmed, * 6.164That there were twelve Disciples of Antichrist which plot against the Church of Christ; to wit, Popes, Cardinal••, Patriarchs•• Archbishops, Bishops, Archdeacons, Officials, Deanes, Monks, Canons, Friers, Pardoners: All these twelve (writes he) Et specialiter Praelagi Caesarij, and specially Caesarean Prelates, are the mani••est Disciples of Ant••christ, Because they take away the liberty of Chri••t, and bur∣then and hinder the holy Church, that the Law of the Gospell should not have free passage as in former times it had, So that he d••emed the calling of Bishops, Anti∣christian: And as for their Temporalties and s••cular offices, He posit••vely maintained, * 6.165 That Popes, Cardinals, Bi∣shops, and other Priests, might not civiliter dominari, rule like Temporall Lords, or beare any civill office, without mortall sinne; That it is a sinne to endow them with temporall possessions: That no Prelates ought to have any Prison to punish or restraine offendors, nor yet to purchase large temporall possessions or riches: And that no King ought to impose any secular office upon any Bishop or Curate: For then both the King and Clerke should be, Proditor Iesu Christi; a betray∣er of Jesus Christ. Which he manifests at large. Dialog. l. 4. c. 15, 16, 17, 18.26, 27. Where he proves, That the temporall Lords, have grievously sinned in endowing the Bishops and Church with large temporall possessions; That warres and contention have risen thence: that this endowment hath reversed Christs Ordination and pro∣created Antichrist, to the manifold deturbation of Christs Spouse. Whence Chronicles note, that in the dotation of the Church, an Angels voyce was then heard in the ayre, This day is poyson powred into the whole Church of God. And from Constantines time, who thus endowed the Churches, the Roman Empire and secular Dominion in it hath still decreased. Therefore if Kings would pre∣serve their Dominions intire, and not have them diabo∣lically torne; if they would reforme and preserve the peace of the Church, and keepe their Subjects ••oyall, and

not have them Rebels, Let them study to reforme the Church according to Christs Ordinance•• under whose government it will be most prosperously regulated, an•• all warres, symony, with other misch••ifes will cease. Con∣cluding, that it is not onely lawfull for them to take away these temporalities from the Church which abuseth them, but that they ought to doe it under paine of eternall dam∣nation in Hell, seeing they ought to repent of this their folly, and to satisfie for the same, wherewith they have defiled the Church of Christ. Finally, * 6.166 hee stiles the Bishops, lesser Antichrists, who following the great An∣tichrist, forsake and banish the office of Preaching which Christ hath designed to them, and bring in th•• office of spoyling those that are under them, feeding upon the sheep of Christ.

William Swinderby,* 6.167 a Martyr under Richard the s••cond, had thi•• Article obje••••ed to him, that hee held. * 6.168

That all Priests are of like power in all ••hings, notwithstanding that some of them in this World are of higher and greater honour, degree, or preheminence. And concerning the wealth, possessions, and Lordships of Prelates he thus affir∣med before the Bishops who convented and examined him. As anen••t the taking away of temporalities, I say that it is lawfull for Kings, Princes, Dukes and Lords of the World to ta•••• away from Popes, Cardinals, fro Bishops and Prelates possessions of the Church, their temporali∣ties, and their almes they have given them, upon condi∣tion they should serve God the better, when they verily seen, that their giving and their taking, beene contrary to the Law of God, to Christs living and his Apostles; and namely in that they take upon them (that shoulden be next followers of Christ and his Apostles in poorenesse and meeknesse) to be secular Lords, against t••e teaching of Christ and Saint Peter, Luke 22 Reges gentium: Et 1. Pet. 5. Neque Dominantes in Cle••••; and namely when such temporalities makes ••hem the more proud both in heart and array, then they shoulden been else, more in strife and debate against peace and charity, and in ••vill ensample to the world, more to be occupied in worldly businesse; Omnem solicitudinem pro ijcient••s in ••um: and

drawes them from the service of God, from edifying of Christs Church, in impoverishing and in making lesse the state and power of Kings, Princes, Dukes, and Lords that God hath set them in, in wrongfull oppression of Commons for unmightfulnesse of Realmes. For Paul saith to men of the Church (whose lore Prelates shoulden so••veraignely follow.) Habentes victum & vestitum hii•• con∣tenti simus. If men speaken of wordly power and Lord∣ships, and worships, with other vices that raigne therein, what Priest that insues and has most hereof (in what de∣gree so he be) he is most Antichrist of all the Priests that been in earth. This hee thus ••urther backes and seconds. Truely me seemeth that all Christian men, and namely Priests, shoulden take keepe, that their doing were accor∣ding with the Law of God, either the old Law, either the new. The Priests of the old Law weren forbidden to have Lordships among their Brethren; for God said, that he would be their part and their heritage. And Christ that was the highest Priest of the new Testament forsook worldly Lordship, and was here in forme of a servant, and forbade his Priests such Lordships, and said, Reges g••ntium dominantur eorum, &c. Vos autem non sic, that is, The Kings of the Heathen beare dominion and rule, &c. But you ••hall not doe so. And as Saint Peter saith, Neque dominantes in clero, &c. Not bearing rule and dominion of the clergy, &c. So it seemeth me, that it is against both Lawes of God, that they have such Lordships, and that their title to such Lordships is not full good. And so it seemeth me, that if they have been thereto of evill li∣ving, it is no gre•••• perill to take away from them such Lordships, but rather needfull, if the taking away were in charity, and not for singular covetousnesse ne wrath•• And I suppose that if Friers, that been bound to their founders to live in poverty, would breake their rule, and take worldly Lordships, might not men lawfully take from them such Lordships, and make them to live in p••∣verty as their rule would? And forsooth it seeme••h me, that Priests oughten all so well to keep Christs rule, as Friers owen to keepe the rul•• of their founder. Ieremy witnesseth how God commendeth Rechabs Children,* 6.169 for that

they would not break their Faders bidding in drinking of Wine; And yet Ieremy proffered them wine to drink. And so I trow, that God would commend his Priests if they woulden forsake worldly Lordships, and holden them a∣payd with lifelot, and with cloathing, and busie them fast about their heritage of Heaven. And God saith, Numer. 18. That is, You shall have no inheritance in their Land, nor have no part amongst th••m; I will be your part and inheritance amongst the children of Israel, Deut. 18. The Priests and Levites, and all that be of the same Tribe, shall have no part nor inheritance with the rest of Israel, because they shall eate the Sacrifices of the Lord and his oblations, and they shall take nothing of the possession of their Brethren: The Lord himselfe ••s their possession, as he spake unto them. And the four∣teenth chap••er of Luke: Even so every one of you which forsaketh not all that he possesseth, cannot be my Disciple. And Ierome in his 14 Epistle. hath the like words: And Bernard in his 20 Booke to Eugenius the Pope. And a••so Hu∣go in his booke De Sacramentis, the second part of his se∣cond booke the 7 chapter. And also in the 12. q. first chapter, Duo sunt. and in the chapter Clericus. And againe, Bernard in sermone de Apostolis upon this place; Ecce nos reliqui∣mus omnia; Behold we leave all, &c. Chrysostome upon the Gospell of Saint Matthew, &c.

* 6.170Walter Brute, this Swinderbyes Disciple, was * 6.171 Articled against before the Prelates, for maintaining the same positions his Master did; namely,

That all Priests are of like power in all points, notwithstanding that some of them are in this world of higher dignity, degree, or preheminence. And touching the wealth and Temporalties of Prelates and Clergy men, and the taking away of tbem; he thus concludes in his Examination before the Bishop of Hereford. As touch∣ing the taking away of temporall goods from those that are Ecclesiasticall persons offending habitualiter, by such as ••re temporall Lords, I will not affirme any thi••g to be lawfull in this matter (as in other matters before) that is not agreeable to charity; And that because it is a hard matter for a man to take another mans goods from him without breaking of charity; because peradventure hee

that taketh away is the more moved to such manner of taking away, by reason of the desire he hath to those goods, which he endureth to take away; or else because of some displeasure or hatred to the person from whom he goeth about to take away those goods, more then that he from whom those goods be tak••n ••••ould be amended. There∣fore unl••sse he that taketh away be onely moved of cha∣rity to the taking away of such goods, •• dare not affirme that such taking is lawfull: And if such taking away pro∣ceed of charity, I dare not judge it unlawfull; because that the Bishop of Rome which received his temporall do∣minion of the Empe••our, when the Emperour rebelled and was not obedient unto him, deprived him from his t••mporall jurisdiction: How much more then may tem∣porall Lords doe the same, which have bestowed upon them many temporall Dominions and Lordships, onely to the intent that they might the better intend to serve God and ke••p•• his Command••ments? Now if they per∣ceive, that they be against the Lawes of God, and that they be ove•• busily occupied about wordly matters, I can∣not see but that they may well enough take from them those temporall goods which to a good purpose they gav•• them. But if in time to come after this, those that be•• temporall Lords shall take from Ecclesiasticall persons such temporalties, let him that desireth to understand this, read the Prophet Ez••kiel, in the chapter of the shep∣heards of Israel, which fed themselves in stead of their flock; and so let him read the Apocalyps of the fall of Babylon: Let him also read the Popes Decretal•• against Hereticks; and in those he shall find, that the taking a∣way of the temporalties from the Clergy shall come to pas••e for the multitude of their sinnes. This opinion, That the temporall Lords might t••ke away the temporall goods from Church••••, offending habitually; w••s likewise main∣tained about the same time by * 6.172 Nicholas Hereford, Philip R••••••ington, John As••••on, and generally by all the Wick∣livists of that age; and that without any danger at all of sa∣criledge or sinne, with Walter Brute his limitations; which opinion the Lordly Prelates of England 〈◊〉〈◊〉 very importu∣nate to cause them to recant by force, and flattery.

William Thorpe a Martyr in Henry the fourth his raigne:* 6.173 averred: * 6.174

That the covetousnesse of Priests and pride, and the boast that they have and make of their dignity and power, destroyeth no•• onely the vertues of Priesthood in Priests themselves, but also over this, it stirreth God to take great vengeance both upon the Lords, and upon the Commons which suffer these Priests charitably. Where∣upon Arundel the Archbishop said to him; Thou judgest every Priest proud that will not goe arayed as thou doest, * 6.175 by God I deeme him to be more meek that goeth every day in a Scarlet gowne, then thou in thy thredbare blew gowne: Whereby knowest thou a proud man? And hee said, Sir, a proud Priest may be knowne when he denyeth to follow Christ and his Apostles in wilfull poverty and other vertues, and cove••eth worldly worship, and taketh it gladly, and gathereth together with pleading, menacing or with flattering, or with Simony any-worldly goods, and most, if a Priest ••usy him not cheifly in himselfe, and af∣ter in all other men and women after his cunning and power to withstand sinne. And finally he adds, that the viciousnesse of these foresaid named Priests and Prelates hath been long time, and yet is, and shall be cause of wars both within the Realme and without; and in the same wise these unable Priests have been, and yet are, and shall ••e chiefe cause of pestilence of men, and murren of beasts, and the barrennesse of the earth, and of all other mis∣chiefes, to the time that Lords and Commons able them through grace to know and to keep the Commandements of God, inforcing them then faithfully and charitably by one assent, to redresse and make one this foresaid Priest∣hood, to the wilfull, poore, meeke, and innocent living and teaching, specially of Christ and his Apostles.

So hee.

Iohn Purvey a Martyr about the same time,* 6.176 in a Treatise of his declared,

how the King, the Lords,* 6.177 and Commons may without any charge at all keepe fifteene Garrisons, and find 15900 Souldiers (having sufficient Lands and revenues to live upon) out of the temporalties gotten into the hand•• of the Clergy, and ••ained religious men, which never doe tha•• which pertaineth to the office of

Curats to doe, nor yet to secular Lords. And moreover the King may have every yeare 20000 pound to come freely into his coffers and above; also he may finde or sustaine fifteene Colledges more, and 15000. Priests and Clarks with sufficient living, and an hundred Hos∣pitals for the sick, and every house to have a hundred Markes in Lands: And all this may they take of the foresaid temporalities, without any charge to the Realm•• whereunto the King, the Lords, and th•• Commons are to be invited. For otherwise there seemeth to hang over our heads a great and marvellous alteration of this Relme, unlesse the same be put in execution: And if the secular Priests and fained religious, which be Simo∣niacks and Hereticks, which faine themselves to say Masse, and yet say none at all according to the Canons, which to their purpose they bring and alledge, 1. q. 3. Audivimus, & Cap. Pudenda, & Cap. Schisma: by which Chapter such Priests and religious doe not make the Sa∣crament of the Altar, that then all Christians, especially all the founders of such Abbies, and endowers of Bishop∣ricks, Priories, and Chaunte••ies, ought to amend this fault and treason committed against their Predecessors, by taking from them such secular dominions which are the maintenance of all their sinnes. And also that Chri∣stian Lords and Princes are bound to take away from the Clergy such secular Dominion as nous••eth and nourish∣eth them in Here••ies, and ought to reduce them unto the simple and poore life of Christ Jesus and his Apostles. And further that all Christian Princes (if they will a∣mend the malediction and blasphemy of the name of God) ought to take away their temporalities from that shaven generation which most of all doth nourish them in such malediction. And so in like wise the fat tithes from Churches appropriate to rich Monks, and other re∣ligious, fained by manifest lying and other unlawfull meanes, likewise ought to debarre their gold to the proud Priest of Rome which doth poyson all Christendome with Simony and Heresie. Further, that it is a great ab∣homination, that Bishops, Monks, and other Prelates be so great Lords in this World, whereas Christ with his

Apostles and Disciples never tooke upon them secular dominion, neither did they appropriate unto them Chur∣ches, as these men doe, but lead a poore life, and gave a good testimony of their Priesthood. And therefore all Christians ought to the uttermost of their power and strength, to sweare that they will reduce such shavelings to the humility and poverty of Christ and his Apostles; and whosoever doth not thus, consenteth to their He∣resie. Also that these two Chapters of the immunity of Churches are to be condemned, that is, Cap. Non minus. & Cap. Adversus. Because they doe decree, that tem∣porall Lords may neither require tallages nor tenths by any ecclesiasticall persons.

He writes much more to the same effect.

The noble Martyr, Sir * 6.178 Iohn Old Castle, Lord Cobham professed,* 6.179

That the will of God is, That Priests being se∣cluded from all worldlinesse, should conforme themselves utterly to the examples of Christ and his Apostles, be evermore occupied in Preaching and teaching the Scrip∣tures purely, and giving wholesome examples of good living to others; being more modest, loving, gentle, and lowly in spirit then any other sorts of people. Where doe ye finde (said hee to the Prelates) in all Gods Law, that ye should thus sit in judgement of any Chri∣stian man, or yet give sentence of any other man unto death, as ye doe her•• dayly? No ground have ye in all the Scriptures, so Lordly to take it upon you, but in Annas and Caiphas, which sate thus upon Christ, and upon his Apostles after his ascension: Of them onely hav•• y•• taken it to judge Christs members as ye doe, and neither of Peter nor Iohn: Since the venom•• of Iu••as was shed into the Church, Yee never followed Christ, nor yet stood in the perfection of Gods Law: ••y venome, I meane your possessions and Lordships: For then cryed an Angell in the ayre (as your owne Chronicles mention) Woe, woe, woe, This day is ve∣nome shed into the Church of God: Before that time all the Bishops of Rome were Martyrs in a manner: and since that time we reade of very few: But indeed one hath put downe another, one hath cursed another, ••n••

hath poysoned another, one hath slaine another, and done much more mischiefe besides, as all Chronicles tell. And let all men consider this well, that Christ was meeke and mercifull; the Pope (and his Prelates) is proud and a Tyrant: Christ was poore and forgave; the Pope is rich and a malicious manslayer, as his dayly acts do prove him. Rome is the very nest of Antichrist, and out of that nest cometh all the Disciples of him; of whom Archbishops, Bishop••, Prelates, Priests, and Monks be the body, members; and these pild Friers the tayle. Though Priests and De••cons for preaching Gods word, ministring the Sacraments, with provision for the poore, be grounded on Gods Law, yet have these Sects no man∣ner of ground thereof. Hee that followeth Peter most nighest in pure living, is next unto him in succession. But your Lordly Order esteemed not greatly the be∣haviour of poore Peter, what ever ye prate of him.

* 6.180Pierce Plowman, * 6.181 an anci••nt ••nglish Poet writes to the same effect.

If Knighthood and kinduite and commons by con∣science, Together love lelly, leeveth it well ye Bishops, The Lordship of Lands for ever ••all ye lese And live as Levitici, as our Lord ye teacheth.

Deut. 8. Numb. 5. per primitias & Decimas, &c.

And the Author of the same Treatise, in his * 6.182Plowmans complaint of the abuses of the World: writes thus a∣gainst the Lordlinesse and wealth of B••shops and Priests.

Lord thou saydst Kings of the Heathen men be Lords ••ver their subjects, ••nd they that usen their power be clepen well doers. But Lord thou saydst, it should not bee so among thy servants, but he that were most, should be as a servant. And Lord thy Priests in the old Law had no Lordship among their brethren, but houses and pastures for their beasts: but Lord our Priests now have great Lordships, ••nd put their brethr••n in greater thraldome, than Lewd∣men that be Lords: Thus in meeknesse forsaken. The deed sh••weth well of th••se Masters, that they desiren more maistery for their owne worship, then for profit of the p••ople. For wh••n they be Masters, they n•• pre••che••

not so often as they did before. And gif they preachen, commonly it is before rich men, there as they mowen beare worship and also profit of their preaching. But b••fore poore men they preachen but seldome when they b•• Masters: and so by their workes we may seene that they are but false glossers. O Lord deliver the sheepe out of the ward of these Shepheards, and these hired men, that stond••n more to keep their riches that they robben of thy sheep, than they stonden in keeping of thy sheep. And Lord geve our King and his Lords heart to defenden thy true shepheards and sheep from out of the Wolves mouthes, and grace to know thee that art the true Christ, the Sonne of the heavenly Father, from the Antichrist, that is, the Son of perdition, &c.

Sir Geoffry * 6.183 Chaucer our renowned Poet, writ••s much the same effect.

The Emperour ga••e the Poet sometime, So high Lordship him about, That at last the sely Kyme, The proud Pope put him out; So of his Realme is in doubt: But Lords b••ware and them defend For now these folk been wondrous stout. Moses Law forbade i•• th••, That Priests should no Lordships weld: Christs Gospell biddeth also That they sho••ld no Lordship•• held, Ne Christs Apostles were never so bold No such Lordships to them embrace, But ••••neren her ••••eep and keep her fold: God amend hem for his grace, &c.

This Booke of Chaucer was authorised to be printed by Act of Parliament, in the 34. and 3••. Hen. 8. C. 2. When the Prelates by the same Act prohibited both the printing and reading of the Bible in English, such was their piety.

About the same time there was a device or counterfeit letter fained under the n••••e of Lu••ifer Prince of dark∣nesse,* 6.184 written to the pers••cuting Pr••l••tes of England in

those times, and transcribed by Master Fox out of the Re∣gister of the Bishop of Hereford and written (as some thinke) by William Swinderby or some other Lollard; The coppy whereof I shall here insert, because it lively sets sorth the use and benefit that the Devill makes of our Lord∣ly Prelates, and the ill effects of their great wealth and pow∣er, to the great prejudice both of our Church and State.

* 6.185I LVCIFER Prince of Darknesse and profound heavinesse, Emperour of the high Misteries of the King of Acharo••t, Captaine of the Dungeon, King of Hell, and controuler of the infernall fire; To all our children of pride, and companions of our Kingdome, and especially to our Princes of the Church of this la∣ter age and time (of which our adversary Jesus Christ, according to the Prophet saith, I hate the Church or Con∣gregation of the wicked) send greeting, and wish prospe∣rity to all that obey our commandements, as also to all those that be obedient to the Lawes of Satan already e∣nacted, and are diligent observers of our behests and the precepts of our decree. Know ye that in times past cer∣taine Vicars or Vicegerents of Christ, following his steps in miracles and virtues, living and continuing in a beg∣garly life, converted in a manner the whole World from the yoake of our tyranny unto their Doctrine and man∣ner of life, to the great derision and contempt of our Prison-house and kingdome, and also to the no little prejudice and hurt of our jurisdiction and authority, not fearing to hurt our fortified power, and to offend the Majesty of our estate: For then received we no tribute of the World, neither did the miserable sort of common people rush at the gates of our deepe dungeon as they were wont to do with continual pealing and rapping, but then the easie, pleasant, and broad way which leadeth to death, lay still without great noyse of trampling travel∣lers, neither yet was trod with feet of miserable men: And when all our Courts were without Suitors, Hell then began to howle: And thus continuing in great heavinesse and anguish, was robbed and spoyled. Which thing considered, the impatient rage of our stomack could

no longer suffer, neither the ugly rechlesse negligence of our great Captain•• generall could any longer en∣dure it. But we se••king remedy for the time that should come after, have provided us of a very trim shift; For in stead of these Apostles and other their adherents which draw by the same line of theirs, as well in man∣ners as doctrine, and are odious enemies to us;* 6.186 Wee have caused you to be their Successors, and put you in their place, which be Prelates of the Church in these later times by our great might and subtilty,* 6.187 as Christ hath said of you; They have raigned but not by me. Once we promised unto him all the Kingdomes of the World, if he would fall downe and worship us; but he would not, saying, My Kingdome is not of this World; and went his way when the multitude would have made him a temporall King. But to you truely which are fallen from the state of grace, and that serve us in the earth, is that my promise fulfilled, and all terrene things by our meanes which wee bestowed upon you, are under go∣vernment. For he hath said of us ye know, The Prince of this World cometh, &c. And hath made us to raigne o∣ver all children of unbeleife. Therefore our adversa∣ries before recited did patiently submit themselves unto the Princes of the World, and did teach, that men should doe so; saying, Be ye subject to every creature for Gods cause, whether it be to the King as most chiefest. And a∣gaine. Obey ye them that are made rulers over you, &••. For so their Master commanded them; saying, The K••ngs of the Heathen have dominion over them, &c. But I thinke it long till we have powred our poyson upon the earth, and therefore fill your selves full. And now be ye not unlike those Fathers, but also contrary unto them in your life and conditions, and extoll your selves above all other men:* 6.188 Neither doe ye give unto God that which belongeth to him, nor yet to Caesar that which is his;* 6.189 but exercise you the power of both the Swords•• according to our decrees, making your selves doers in worldly matters, fight••ng in our quarrell, in∣tangled with secular labours and businesse: And clime ye by little and little from the miserable state of poverty unto the highest Seats of all Honours, and the most

Princely places of dignity by your devised practises, and false and deceitfull wiles and subtilty, that is,* 6.190 by Hypo∣crisie, Flattery, Lying, Perjury, Treasons, Decei••s, Simony, and other grea••er wickednesse, then which our internall furies may devise. For after that ye have been by us advanced thither where ye would be, yet that doth not suffice you, but as greedy starvelings more hungry then ye were before, ye suppresse the poore, scratch and rake together all that comes to hand, per∣verting and turning every thing topsie ••urvey; so swolne, that ready ye are to burst for pride, living like Lechers in all corporall delicatenesse, and by fraud directing all your doings.* 6.191 You challenge to your selves names of honour in the earth, calling your selves Lords, Holy, yea, and most holy Fathers. Thus, either by violence ye raven, or else by ambition, subtilly ye pilfer away and wrongfully wrest, and by false title possesse those goods which for the sustentation of the poore members of Christ (whom from our first fall we have hated) were bestow∣ed and given, consuming them as ye your selves list, and wherewith ye cherish and maintaine an innumerable sort of Whores, Strumpets, and Bawdes,* 6.192 with whom ye ride pompously like mighty Princes, farre otherwise going, then those poore beggarly Priests of the primi∣tive Church. For I would ye should build your selves rich and gorgeous Palaces; Ye fare like Princes, eating and drinking the most daintiest meates, and pleasantest wines that may be gotten; Ye hoard and heape together an infinite deale of treasure, not like to him that said, Gold and silver have I none; Ye serve and fight for us according to your wages. O most acceptable society or fellowship, promised unto us of the Prophet, and of those Fathers long agoe reproved; Whilest that Christ called thee the Synagogue of Satan, and likened thee to the mighty Whore,* 6.193 which committed fornication with the Kings of the earth, the adulterous Spouse of Christ, and of a chast person, made a Strumpet. Thou hast left thy first Love and cleaved unto us, O our beloved Ba∣bylon, O our Citizens, which from the transmigration of Hierusalem come hither; We love you for your de∣serts,

we rejoyce over you, which contemn•• the Lawes of Simon Peter, and imbrace the Lawes of Simon M••gus our friend,* 6.194 and have them at your fingers ends, and ex∣ercise the same publickly, buying and selling spirituall things in the Church of God, and against the Com∣mandement of God: Ye give Benefices and Honours by Petition, or else for money, for favour, or else for filthy service:* 6.195 And refusing to admit those that be worthy, to E••clesiasticall dignity; you call unto the inheritance of Gods Sanctuary, Bauds, Liers, Flatterers, your Ne∣phews, and your owne Children; and to a childish Boy ye give many Prebends, the least whereof ye d••ny to bestow upon a poore good man: Ye esteeme the person of a man and receive gifts; Ye regard money, and have no regard of Soules. Ye have made the house of God a denne of Theeves. All abuse, extortion,* 6.196 is more exer∣cised an hundred fold in your judgement seats then with any secular Tyrant.* 6.197 Ye make Lawes and keepe not the same, and dispence with your dispensations, as it pleaseth you,* 6.198 you justifie the wicked for reward, and take away the just mans desert from him. And briefely,* 6.199 yee perpetrate or commit all kinde of mis∣chiefe, even as it is our will yee should. And ye take much paines for Lucres sake in our Service,* 6.200 and especially to destroy the Christian faith.* 6.201 For now the Lay people are almost in doubt what they may believe, because if yee preach any such to them, at sometimes (although it be but seldome seene, and that negligently enough, even as we would have it (yet notwithstanding they believe you not, because they see manifestly, that ye do clean contrary to that yee say; Whereupon the co••mon people d••ing as yee doe which have the government of them and should be an example unto them of well doing;* 6.202 now ma∣ny of them lea••••ing to your rules, doe runne headlong into a whole s••a of vices, and continually a very great ••ulti∣tude flocketh at the strong and well fenced gates of our dungeon. And doubtlesse•• yee send us so many day by day of every sort and kinde of people, that we should not be able to entertaine them, but that our insatiable Ch••os with her thousand ravening jawes, is sufficient to devoure

an infinite numbe•• of soules. And thus the soveraignty of our Empire by you hath beene reformed, and out intole∣rable losse restored.* 6.203 Wherefore, most specially we com∣mend you and give most hearty thankes, exhorting all you, that in any wise yee persevere and continue as hitherto yee have done; neither that you slacke hence∣forward your enterprise. For why? by ••our helps wee purpose to bring the whole world under our power and dominion. Over and besides this, we commit unto you no small authority to supply our places in the betraying of your brethren; and we make and ordaine you our Vicars, and the Ministers of Antichrist our Sonne,* 6.204 now hard at hand; for whom ye have made a very trim way & passage. Furthermore, we counsell you which occupy the highest roomes of all other, that you worke subtilly, and that yee faignedly procure peace betweene the Princes of the world,* 6.205 and that yee cherish and procure secret causes of discord. And like as craftily yee have destroyed and sub∣verted the Roman Empire, so suffer yee no kingome to be overmuch enlarged or enriched by tranquillity and peace, lest perhaps, in so great tranquillity (all desire of peace set aside) they dispose themselves to view and consider your most wicked workes, suppressing on every side your estate; and from your treasures take away such s••bstance as we have caused to be reserved and kept in your hands, untill the comming of our welbeloved sonne Antichrist. We would you should doe our commendati∣ons to our entirly beloved daughters, Pride, Deceit, Wrath, Avarice, Belli-cheere and Lechery, and to all other my daughters, and especially to Lady Simony,* 6.206 which hath made you men, and enriched you, and hath given you suck with her owne breasts, and weaned you; and therefore in no wise-see that yee call her sinne. And also be yee lofty and proud, because that the most high dignity of your estate doth require suck magnificence. And also be yee covetous; for whatsover yee get and gather into your fardell, it is for Saint Peter, for the peace of the Church, and for the defence of your patrimony and the Crucifix; and therefore yee may lawfully doe it;* 6.207 you may promote Cardinalls to the highest seat of dignities without any ••et

in the world, in stopping the mouth of our adversary Jesus Christ, and a••leaging againe, that he preferred his kins∣folkes (being but of poore and base degree) unto the Apostle••hip; but doe not you so, but rather call as yee doe, those that live in arrogancy, in haughtinesse of mind, and fil••hy lechery, unto the sta••e of wealthy riches and pride; and those rewa••ds and promotions which the fol∣lowers of Christ forsooke, do yee distribute unto your friends. Therefore, as you shall have better understan∣ding, prepare yee vices cloaked under the similitude of vertues; alleage for your selves the glosses of the holy Scripture,* 6.208 and wrest them directly for to serve for your purpose. And if any man preach or teach otherwise than yee will, oppresse yee them violently; with the sentence of excommunication, and by your censures heaped one upon another by the consent of your brethren, let him be condemnned as an heretique, and let him be kept in most strait prison, and there tormented till he die,* 6.209 for a ter∣rible example to all such as confesse Christ. And setting all favour apart, cast him out of your Temple, lest per∣adventure the ingrafted word may save your soules, which word I abhorr•• as I doe the soules of other faithfull men. And doe your endeavour, that yee may deserve to have the place which we have prepared for you, under the most wicked foundation of our dwelling place: fare yee well with such felicity, as we desire and intend finally to re∣ward and recompence you with. Given at the Center of the earth in that darke place where all the rablement of Devills were present, specially for this purpose ca••∣led unto our most dolorous Consistory, un∣der the Character of our terrible Seale, for the confirmation of the premises.

Divers other writings of like argument (saith Ma∣ster Fox) both before and since, have beene devised:* 6.210 As one bearing the Title, Luciferi ad malos principes Ecclesiasticos; ••mprinted first at Paris in Latine; And under the writing thereof, bearing this date, Anno á P••∣latij nostri fractione, consortiumque nostrorum substract∣ione, 1351. Which if ye count from the Passion of the Lord, reacheth well to the time of Wickliffe, 1385. which was above six yeares before the examination of this Walter Brute. There is also another Epistle of Lu∣ci••er Prince o•• darknesse, ad Praelatos, mentioned in the Epistle of the Schoole of Prague to the Vniversity of Oxford, set forth by Huldericus Huttenus, about the yeare of our Lord (as is there dated) 1370. Which seemeth to be written before this Epistle. Also Vincen∣tius in Speculo, H••stor. lib. 25. Cap. 89. inferreth like mention of a Letter of the Fiends infernall to the Cler∣gymen, as in a vision represented, before foure Hun∣dred yeares. In which the Devils gave thankes to the spirituall men, for that by their silence and not preach∣ing the Gospell, they send infinite soules to Hell, &c. Divers other Letters also of like device have been writ∣ten, and also recorded in Authors. Whereunto may be added, that one Iacobus Carthusiensis, writing to the Bi∣shop of W••rmac••, alleageth out of the Prophecy of Hil∣degard••••, in these words; Therefore, saith he, the De∣vill may say of you Priests in himselfe; The meates of ban∣queting dishes, and feasts of all kind of pleasure, I finde in these men: Yea also mine eyes, mine eares, my belly, and all my ••••ines be full of their frothing, and my breasts be full stuffed with their riches, &c. Furthermor••, saith he, they labour every day to rise up higher with Lucifer, but every day they f••ll with him more deep••ly.

Hereunto also appertaineth a story, written, and com∣monly found in many old written Bookes:

In the yeare of our Lord, 1228. at Paris in a Synod of the Cler∣gy, there was one appointed to make a Sermon; Who being much carefull in his minde and solicitous what to say, the Devill came to him, and asking him why he was so carefull for his matter what he should Preach

to the Clergy; Say thus (quoth he) The Princes of Hell salute you (O yee Princes of the Church) and gladly give you thanks, because through your default and negligence it commeth to passe, that all soules goe downe to Hell. Adding moreover, that he was also enforced by the Commandement of God to declare the same: Yea, and that a certaine token moreover was given to the said Clarke for a signe, whereby the Synod might evidently see that he did not lye.

Ex Catal. Illyr. Fol. 546.

A••exander Fabritius a Popish English writer,* 6.211 flourish∣ing about the yeare, 1420. in his Destructorium vit••∣rum, part 6. cap. 79. prosecutes the same argument thus,

Who are more horribly inthralled to the Devils servi∣tude then those who are constituted in the sublimity of honour? Ecclesiasticall men ought to be the light of the Wo••ld, yet where is more abundant darknesse of vices, where more abundant gaping after earthly things then in moderne Prelates who are fatted in both powers, as well temporall as spirituall? where is greater Pompe in all appendicles? Yea, and that so much, that having left the poverty of the Primitive Church, they are now ra∣ther to be tearmed Princes of Provinces, then Pastors of Soules: In part 5. ••. 4. hee addes, These negligent Prelates, though they be remisse in correcting delin∣quents against God, yet about their owne proper and personall injury, or derogation of their proper honour, they are found most sharpe and rigid, and wil∣ling to remit nothing unpunished; but if any thing be done touching injury offered to God, or touching the diminution of divine honour, there are they most re∣misse, and take no care at all. Chrysostome speakes well against these. A Bishop (saith he) if he receive not due honour from a Presbyter, is angry and troubled. But if a Bishop behold a Presbyter, negligent of his duty to the Church, or finning in any other wise, against God, he is neither angry nor heares it; because all are soli∣citous of their owne honour, but have no care at all of Gods honour. And part 6. cap. 26. A Bishopricke is a Title of Worke, not of Honour; whence a Bishop is

called as it were an Overseer, and one taking the care of his flocke, and seeing such intention is a good worke, it appeares the Apostles words speaking thus are true, Hee that desires a Bishoprick, desires a good worke.* 6.212 But from hence it followeth not, that this desire, or the worke of the desire is good, as ambitious men common∣ly object, desiring to be pompously exalted in worldly dignity, and it rather followeth, the thiefe who would steale a good Cap desires a good thing, therefore his desire unto this is good; but the contrary rather fol∣loweth, for he who desires the state of a Pastorall of∣fice ambitiously, by this disables himselfe to take it, wit∣nesse Saint Gregory: And it is found in Cap. 8. qu. 1. As the place of government, saith he, is to be denyed to those who desire it, so it is to be offered to those who flie from it. Many Bishops enter not into the sheepfold by the doore which is Christ; but by the Devill who is a lyer: and if man placed by God in Paradice could not there stand long by himselfe, but fell grievously; what wonder is it if our moderne Pastors placed in the Church not by God, but Symoniacally by the Devill, fall horri∣bly.

So this English Author though a Papist.

* 6.213 About the yeare 1457. Reynold Peacocke Bishop of Chichester Preached at Pauls Crosse,* 6.214

That the Office of a Christian Prelate cheifly above all other things, is to preach the word of God: That the riches of Bishops by inheritance are the goods of the poore: That spiritu∣all persons by Gods Law ought to have no temporall possessions. And moreover hee writ a Booke, DE MI∣NISTRORVM AEQVALITATE, wherein he maintained Wickliffs opinion of the Equality of Mini∣sters and Bishops: For which and other Articles he was accused and convicted of Heresie, forced to abjure at Pauls Crosse, had his Bookes burnt by his brethren the Prelates, and was then imprisoned in his owne house during life. So dangerous is it even for Bishops themselves to write or preach any thing against the wealth, pompe, pride and jurisdiction of their ambitious Lordly brethren.

Anno 1537. Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury,* 6.215 Ed∣ward Archbishop of Yorke, Iohn bishop of London, Cuthbert bishop of Durham, Stephen bishop of Winche∣ster, Robert bishop of Carleile, Iohn bishop of Exeter, Iohn bishop of Lincolne, Iohn bishop of Bath, Rowland bishop of Coventry and Lichfeild, Thomas bishop of Ely, Nicholas bishop of Salisbury, Iohn bishop of Bangor, Edward bishop of Hereford, Hugh bishop of Worcester, Iohn bishop of Rochester, Richard bishop of Chichester, William bishop of Norwich, William bishop of St. Davids, Robert bishop of Assaph, Robert bishop of Landaffe, Ri∣chard Wolman Archdeacon of Sudbury, William Knight Arch-Deacon of Richmond, Iohn Bell, Arch-Deacon of Glocester, Edmond Bonner Arch-Deacon of Leicester, Wil∣liam Skip Arch-Deacon of Dorcet, Nicholas Heath Arch-Deacon of Stafford, Cuthbert Marshall Arch-Deacon of Nottingham, Richard Curren Arch Deacon of Oxford, Wil∣liam Cliffe, Geoffry Dowes, Robert Oking, Ralph Bradford, Richard Smith, Simon Mathew, Iohn Pryn, William Buck∣master, William May, Nicholas Wotton, Richard Cox, Iohn Edmunds, Thomas Robertson, Iohn Baker, Tho∣mas Barret, Iohn Hase, Iohn Tyson, Doctors and Pro∣fessors in Divinity, and of the civill and Canon Law, with the whole Convocation House and Clergy of En∣land in their Booke intituled, The Institution of a Chri∣stian man, dedicated by them to King Henry the eight; Printed Cum Privilegio, subscribed with all their names, and ratified by the Statute of 32. Henry the eight, cap. 26. chap. Of the Sacrament of Order. fol. 48. &c. And King Henry 8. himselfe, in his Booke inscribed, A necessary e∣rudition for any Christian man, published with the advise and approbation of all the Prelates & Clergy of England in their Convocation, and of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall, and nether House of Parliament; with the Kings owne royall Epistle to all his loving Subjects be∣fore it, Anno 1545. by vertue of the Satute of 32 Henry the eight. c. 26. Chap. of the Sacrament of Order: Doe all thus joyntly determine of the calling, jurisdiction, Lord∣linesse, and secular imployments of Bishops. The truth is, that in the New Testament, there is no mention made of any degrees or distinctions in Orders, but onely of Dea∣cons

and Ministers, and of Priests or Bishop••. And of these two Orders onely, that is to say, Priests and Dea∣cons, Scripture maketh expresse mention, and how they were conferred of the Apostles by Prayer and imposition of their hands: And to these two the Primitive Church did add and conjoyne certaine other inferior and lower degrees. And as concerning the office and duty of the said Ecclesiasticall Ministers, the same consisteth in true preaching and teaching the word of God unto the people i•• dispensing and ministring the Sacraments of Christ, in consecrating•• and offering the blessed body and blood of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar, in loosing and as∣soyling from sinne such persons as be sorry and truely penitent for the same, and excommunicating such as b•• guilty in manifest crimes, and will not be reformed o∣therwise; and finally in praying for the whole Church of Christ•• and specially for the flocke committed unto them: And although the office and ministry of Priests and Bishops stand c••iefly in these things before rehearsed ye•• neither they, nor any of them may exercise and exe∣cute any of the same offices, but with such sort and such limitation as the Ordinances and Lawes of every Chri∣stian Realme doe permit and ••uffer. It is out of all doubt that there is no mention made neither in Scripture, nei∣ther in the writings of any authentical Doct••r or Author of the Church, being within the time of the ••postles, that Christ did ever make or institute any distinction or difference to be in the preheminence of power, order, or jurisdiction between the Apostle•• themselves, or be∣tween the Bishops themselves, but that they were all ••∣quall in power, author••ty, and jurisd••ct••on. And that there is now and since the time of the Apostles any such diversity or difference among the Bishops. It was devised by the ancient Fathers of the Primitive Church for the conservation of good order and unity of the Catholique Church, and that either by the consent and authority, or else at least, by the perm••ssion and suff••rance of the Pr••nces and civill powers, for the time ruling: For the said Fa∣thers considering the great and infinite multitude of Christian men, so l••rgely encreased through the world,

and taking examples of the Old Testam••nt, thought it expedient to make an order of degrees to be among Bi∣shops, and spirituall Governours of the Church, and so ordained some to be Patriarks, some to be Metropolitans•• some to be Archbishops, some to be Bishops; and to them did limit severally, not on••ly their certaine Diocesse and Provinces, wherein they should exercise their power, and not exceed the same; but also certaine bounds and limits of their jurisdiction and power, &c. And lest peradven∣ture it might be thought to some persons, that such autho∣rities, powers and jurisdictions, as Patriarks, Primates, Archbishops and Metropolitans, now have or heretofore at any time have had justy and lawfully over any other Bishops, were given them by God in holy Scripture; We think it expedient and necessary that all men should be advertised and taught, that all such lawfull powers and authority of one Bishop over another, were and be given to them by the consent, ordinance & positive lawes of men only, and not by any ordinance of God in holy Scripture:* 6.216 and all other power and authority which any Bishop hath used or exercised over another which hath not been given to him by such consent and ordinance of men (as is a∣foresaid) is in very deed no lawful power, but plaine usur∣pation and tyranny. And therefore whereas the Bishop of Rome hath heretofore claimed and usurped to be head and governour over all Priests and Bishops of the holy catholique Church of Christ by the lawes of God; It is evident that the same power is utterly fained and un∣true. VVee thinke it convenient, that all Bishops and Pastors shall instruct and teach the people committed to their spirituall charge; that Christ did by expresse words prohibit, that none of his Apostles, nor any of their successors should under the pretence of authority of the sword, that is to say, the authority of Kings, or any civill power in this world, yea, or any authority to make Lawes or Ordinances in causes appertaining ••••to civill powers: If any Bishop of what estate or dignity so••ver he be, be he Bishop of Rome, or of any other City, Province or Diocesse, doe presume to take upon him au∣thority or jurisdiction in causes of matters which apper∣taine

unto Kings and the civill pow••rs and ••heir Courts, and will maintaine or thinke that he may so doe by the authority of Christ and his Gospel, although the Kings and Princes would not permit and suffer him so to doe, no doubt, that Bishop is not worthy to be called a Bishop, but rather a Tyrant, and a usurper of other mens rights, contrary to the Lawes of God, and is worthy to be repu∣ted none otherwise than he that goeth about to subvert the Kingdome of Christ; for the Kingdome of Christ in his Church is spirituall, and not a carnall kingdome of the world, that is to say, the very Kingdome that Christ by himselfe, or by his Apostles and Disciples, sought here in this world, was to bring all Nations from the carnall kingdome of the Prince of darknesse unto the light of his spirituall Kingdome, and so himselfe raigne in the hearts of the people by grace, faith, hope and charity: And therefore, sith Christ did never seeke nor exercise any worldly kingdome or dominion in this world, but rather refusing and flying the same, did leave the said worldly governance of kingdomes, Realmes and Nations to be governed by Princes and Potentates (in like manner as he did finde them) and commanded also his Apostles and Disciples to doe the semblance, whatsoever Priest or Bishop will arrogate or presume upon him any such au∣thority, and will pretend the authority of the Gospel for his defen••e therein; he doth nothing else (but as in a manner as you would say) crowne Christ againe with a crowne of thornes, and traduceth and bringeth him forth againe with his Mantle of Purple upon his back, to be mocked and scorned of the World, as the Jewes did to their owne damnation, &c. The truth is, that God constituted and ordained the authority of Christi∣an Kings and Princes, to be the most high and supreame above all other powers a••d Officers in this World, in the regiment and government of their people, &c. But specially and principally to defend the faith of Christ and his Religion, to conserve and maintaine the true Doctrine of Christ, and all such as be true Preachers and setters forth thereof, and to abolish abuses, heresies and Idolatries, and to punish with corporall payne••

such as of malice be the occasion of the fame: And finally, to over-see and cause that the said Bishops and Priests doe execut•• their Pastorall office truly and faith∣fully, and specially in those points which by Christ and his Apostles was given and committed unto them; and in case they shall be negligent in any part thereof, or would not diligently execute the same, or cause them to redouble and supply their lacke; and if they obstinately withstand their Princes kind motion, and will not amend their faults, then and in such case, to put others in their roomes and places. And God hath also commanded the said Bishops and Priests, to obey with all humble∣nesse and reverence, both Kings and Princes, and Go∣vernours, and all their Lawes, not b••ing contrary to the Lawes of God whatsoever they be, and that not onely Propter iram, but also Propter conscientiam, that is to say; not onely for feare of punishment, but also for discharge of conscience. Whereby it appeareth well, that this pre∣tended Monarchy of the Bishop of Rome, is not founded upon the Gospell, but it is repugnant thereto. And there∣fore it appertaineth to Christian Kings and Princes for the discharge of their office and duty toward God, to endeavour themselves to reforme and reduce the same againe unto the old limits and pristine estate of that power which was given to them by Christ, and used in the Primitive Church. For it is out of doubt, that Christs faith was then most firme and pure, and the Scriptures were then best understood,* 6.217 and vertue did then most abound and excell; and thererefore it must needs follow, that the customes and ordinances then used and made, be more conforme and agreeable ••nto the true doctrine of Christ, and more conducing unto the edifying and be∣nefit of the Church of Christ, than any custome or lawes used and made by the Bishop of Rome, or any other addic••ed to that See and usurped power sith that time. Thus all the Prelates, Clergie, King and Parliament in king Henry the eighth his dayes.

Cuthbert Tonstall Bishop of Duresme, and Iohn Stokerley Bishop of London,* 6.218 in a certaine letter sent unto Reginald Poole Cardinall, then being at Rome, concer••ing the supe∣riority

of Bishops over other Min••sters, * 6.219 resolve thus:

Saint Cyprian saith, undoubtedly all the rest of the Apostles were the same that Peter was, indued with like equality of of honour and power. And Saint Ierome saith thus All the Apostles received the keyes o•• the kingdome of Heaven, and upon them as indifferently and equally is the strength of the Church grounded and established. Which Saint Ierome also as well in his Comentaries upon the Epistle unto Titus, as in his Epistle to Evagrius, sheweth, that these primacies long a••ter Christs assention, were made by the device of men, where before, by the common agreement of the Clergie, every one of the Churches were governed, yea, the Patriarchall Churches. The words of Saint Ierome be these: Let the Bishops understand, that they be greater than other Priests, rather of custome, than by the vertue and verity of the Lords Ordinances. And in his Epistle to Evagrius, hee hath like sentence, and addeth thereunto: Whereso••ver a Bi∣shop either at Rome or at Eugubinis, or at Constantinople, &c. Hee is of all one worthinesse, and o•• all one Priesthood; And that one was elected which should be pr••ferred before other, it was devised to the redresse of Schismes, left any one challenging too much to themselves should rent the Church of Christ. These words onely of Saint Ierome be sufficient to prove, that Christ by none of these three Texts which be all that you and other doe alleage for your opinion (the three texts are these, Thou art Peter; and upon this Rocke I will build my Church. Peter, I have prayed for thee, that ••hy faith should not faile: And thou being once converted, confirme thy brothers, feed my Sheepe) Gave not to Peter any such superiority, as the bishop of Rome by them usurpeth; and that Peter, nor no other of ths chiefe Apostles did vind••cate or challenge such pri∣macy or superiority, but utterly refused it. So these two popish Prelates. Why then shoulld our Bishops challenge any such primary or superiority over their fellow Ministers?

* 6.220There is a notable Dialogue intituled A disputation be∣tweene a Clerke and a Knight (or a Souldier) concerning the

power committed to the Prela••es of the Church and to the Princes of the Earth; Written by our famous Schoole∣man Wil••i••m Ocham about the yeare of our Lord, 1330. as * 6.221 Iohn Bale records; printed at London in Latin by Thomas B••rthlet, Cum Privileg••o, in King Henry the eight h••s raigne.

Wherein the Clerk complaining, that the Church which in his age was had in great honour with Kings, Princes, and all Nobles, was now on the contrary made a prey to them a••l: many things being exacted f••om them, many things given by them; and that if they gave not their goods (by way of subsi∣die or supply to the••r Princes) they were violently t••ken from them; that the••r Lawes were trampled und••r feet, their Liberties infringed, &c. The Knight proves first; that Clergy men can make no Lawes nor Canons touch∣ing temporall things, but Princes onely, because they have no Dominion of temporall things: and that the Pope is chiefe Vicar, not to those things which Christ now doth in glory, but to imitate those things which Christ did in his state of humility here on earth, be∣cause those things are necessary to us. That he com∣mitted to his Vicar that power which he exercised on Earth as a mortall man, not that hee received being glorified•• For Christ said to Pilate, that his K••ngdome was not of th••s World; and that he came not to be mini∣stred to, but to minister: This testimony is so mani∣fest, that it may confound the man who resisteth it, and make the stiffest ••ecke to submit. And when one of the multitude spake thus to Christ, Master, command my brother to divide the inheritance with me: he said, unto him, O man, who made me a divider or judge over you? Luke 12. You heare therefore manifestly, that Christ was made neither a Judge nor a divider in tem∣porall things. Th••refore in that state of his received dispensation, he neither had a temporall Kingd••me, nor yet affected it; Yea, Hee fled from ••t, when multiplyin the ••read, the people would have made him a K••ng. And in the Commission g••ven to Peter, hee delivered him, not the keyes of the kingdome of earth, but the keyes of the kingdome of Heaven•• And it is

apparant, that the High Priest of the Hebrewes were sub∣ject to their Kings, and deposed by them (which be farre from you) And that thou mayst know that Christs Vicar is assumed to a spirituall regiment, not to a tem∣porall dominion, receive from Paul himselfe no lesse cleare a testimony. For he saith thus, Every High Priest assumed from among men, is ordained for men in those things which appertaine unto God;* 6.222 not to governe a terrene Dominion, but to offer gifts and sacrifices for sinnes. Thou seest therefore, that the high Priest is set over those things, which appertaine to God; whence Panl writes to Timothy. No man that goeth a warfare to God, intangleth h••mselfe in the affaires of this world. It is ma∣nifest then, that Christ exercised no earthly Kingdome, nor committed any such to Peter, For Peter himselfe saith. Acts 6. It is not meet for us to leave the Word of God, and to serve Tables, that is, to dispense temporall things. And although some temporall things may bee dispensed by high Priests themselves; yet it appeares sufficiently, that they ought not to be occupied in go∣verning earthly Kingdomes and Principalities, and in managing secular affaires. After which hee proves at large; That Clergy-men are lyable to pay tribute to Princes; and that Princes may take away their Lands and possessions when they abuse them to luxury, pomp, and their owne private ends, and imploy them for the defence and peace of their Realmee, which he proves by severall testimonies of Scripture. First, by the ex∣ample of King Ioas, 1 Kings 12. Who prohibited the Priests to take mony of the people, and converted the money which they were to receive from the people towards their maintenance, to the repairing of the Temple. Which act of his God himselfe commends, that he might shew, he was not offended thereat, because he did it not out of cove∣tousnesse, but piety, not out of ambition but Religion. Secondly, By the example of the same Ioas, 2 Kings 12.13. Who tooke all the hallowed things that Iehosaphat, and Iehoram, and Azariah his Fathers, Kings of Iudah, had dedicated, and his owne hallowed things, and all the gold that was found in the treasures of the house of

the Lord and in the kings house, and sent it to Haza••el king of Assyria, to divert him from Ierusalem. Third∣ly, By the like example of king Hezikiah, 2 Kings 18.15, 16. who to preserve his people from the king of Assyria his invasion, gave him all the Silver that was found in the house of the Lord and in the treasures of the Kings house; And at that time did Hezechiah cut off the gold from the doores of the Temple of the Lord and from the Pillars which Hezekiah king of Iudah had over-layd, and gave it to the king of Assyria. Now if any say, Hezechiah did ill in this; he answers, that it is said in the 2 Chron. 32. That Hezekiah was blame∣lesse in all things but onely in the Embassy of the Prin∣ces of Babylon. Fourthly, of David, who in case of ne∣cessity, did eate the Priests Shew-bread, which was lawfull for th••m onely to eate, and yet offended not therein. 1 Sam. 21.6, 7. Matth. 12.4. Then he addes, that all the Revenews of Clergy men, but that which is sufficient to provide them food and rayment, with which they ought to be content, as Paul saith, ought to be spent in pious uses, and in feeding the poore, Which if they be not imployed in this sort, kings ought to take care of them, Ne animas mortuorum salut emque vivorum defraud••tis: And he concl••des thus, Nee est parcendum materiali templo, ne•• his quae dedicata sun•• templo, ut salus reddatur, & pax periclitanti populo Chri∣stiano. Nec est blandiendum Ecclesiarum superfluitati, imò succurrendum ••anta•• gentis necess••••ati. Hoc non est, quae Deo data sunt revocare, sed illis usibus (q••••bus fu∣erunt data) applicare. Quae enim sunt De•• data ea ip∣sa sunt piis usibus dedicata•• Quid enim pot••rit sanctius esse quàm Christiani populi sal••s? Es qiud prec••••••lus Do∣mino, quàm hostes, rapto••es, & intersect••res arce••e à popul•• Christiano? Et p••cem subjecti•• & fidelibus eme∣re? Cum ergo in his bona. Ecclesiae expendanur, veris u∣sibus (quibus suerunt dedicat••) redduntur. Thus and much more Oc••am against the secular Jurisdiction, em∣ployment, and great•• temporall revenues of Prelates, which he thought might lawfully be taken away, and put to other good publik•• uses without any danger of sacri∣ledge.

What this our learned Ockam thought of the parity of Bishops and Presbyters, you may easily guesse by this his determination. Quod Sacerdotes oma••s, &c. That all Priests of whatsoever degree they be, are of EQVAL AV∣THORITY, POWER AND IVRISDIC∣TION BY CHRISTS INSTITVTION; but that the Pope is superiour by the Emperours in∣stitution, who may likewise revoke this. Which opi∣nion was about the same time justified for truth by Michael Ceenas, Petrus de Corbaria, Ioannes d•• Castilione, Franciscus de Arcatara and others; some whereof were excommunicated, others slaine and burnt by the Pope for this verity, as * 6.223 Master Fox and others relate. But what Ockam thought of this position; of the power and errability of the Pope, of the temporall posses∣sions of Clergy men, and of the incompatibility of se∣cular jurisdiction with Bishops and spirituall men; the learned may reade at large in his owne Compendium Errorum Ioannis. 22. In his Opus 90, Dierum, & Super potestate summi Pontificis octo quaestionum Decisiones, Printed by Iohn Treschsel in Civitate Lugdunen: Anno, 1496. to which I shall referre you, for brevities sake. Onely I shall observe this memorable passage out of his Opus. 90. Dierum Cap. 12••.

We reade in Chronicles that since the Church of Rome was endowed with temporall riches, about twenty seven called Bishops of Rome have beene insnared in most great, publike and notorious wickednesses, after they were assumed to the Papacy, or in the very assumption to the Papacy; as the crime of Heresie, Idolatry, intru••ion, fostering of hereticall pravity, blasphemy, fornication: and in ma∣ny other crimes and enormities have they beene in∣volved. These were the fruits of their Lordly power, great possessions, and temporall riches heretofore.

I reade in our rare Historian * 6.224 Matthew Paris, Thomas Walsingham Ypodigma Neustriae, Anno 1166. pag. 36. And Iohn Bale, Centur. 2. Script. Britan. Sect. 96.97. pag. 206.207. That in the yeare of our Lord, 1166. certaine sowers abroad of wicked Do∣ctrine at Oxford, were brought into judgement before

the King and the Bishops of the kingdome, who be∣ing devious from the catholique Faith, and overcome in tryall: Facies cauteriata notabiles cunctis exposuit, qui expulsi sunt aregno; they were stigmatized in the face which made them notable to all, and then banished out of the kingdome: VVhat this pravum dogma, or wicked opinion was for which these men were thus stig∣matized and exiled, I finde not specified in Paris and Walsingham; but Iohn Bale out of Gu••do Perpin••anus de Haeresibus, relates, that those men were certaine Wal∣denses who taught; That the Church of Rome was the whore of Babylon, and the barren Fig-tree whom Christ himselfe had long agoe accursed; and moreover said, Non obediendum esse Pap•• ET EPISCOPIS. Or∣dinesque Characteres esse magnae bestiae; That men are not to obey the Pope AND BISHOPS, and that Orders (to wit, Popish Orders) are the characters of the great beast. Had these Waldenses lived in our dayes, they should not have beene branded onely in the face by our Lordly Prelates procurement, but set ••n the Pillory, and had both their eares cut off, then banish∣ed into forraigne Islands, and there been shut up close prisoners so strictly, that neither their wives, children, friends should have any accesse unto them, nor they enjoy so much as the use of bookes, Pen, Inke, or Pa∣per, onely for opposing Episcopacy, as we know some others have lately been for this very cause. Expertus loquor. So dangerous, so fatall is it for any to oppose our Lordly Prelacy, as these men did in their generation, though ••hey smarted for it: Yet this could not deterre our most learned •• Gualter Mapes Archdeacon of Ox∣ford, flourishing in king Iohns raigne, about the yeare of our Lord, 1210. from following their footsteps; who in his Satyrs, doubted not to stile Prelates, Animalia bruta & stercora, Bruit beasts and dung: and in his books Ad impios Praelat••s, and Ad malos Pastores, complaines; that Alegis doctoribus Lex evacuatur, Dilatatur impii re∣gnum Pharaonis; comparing the Bishops to wicked Pharaoh for their tyranny and oppression. But of him before.

This Doctrine of his and other our Martyrs, was

this seconded by Sir Iohn Borthwike knight,* 6.225 martyred in Scotland, Anno, 1540. as appeares by his answers in the sixth and seventh Articles objected against him by the Prelates.

* 6.226The sixth Article.

Agreeable to the ancient Errors of Iohn Wickliffe and Iohn Hus, Arch-Heretiques, condemned in the Councell of Constance, hee hath affirmed and preach∣ed; That the Clergy ought not to possesse or have any temporall possessions, neither to have any juris∣diction or authoritie in temporalties, even over their owne subjects, but that all things ought to bee taken from them, as it is at this present in England.

Borthwicke.

The Lord in the eighteenth Chapter of the Booke of Numbers said thus unto Aaron, Thou shalt possesse nothing in their Land, neither shalt thou have any por∣tion amongst them, I am thy portion and inheritance a∣mongst the Children of Israel: for unto the sonnes of Le∣vi I have given all the Tithes of Israel, that they should possesse them for their Ministry which they doe execute in the Tabernacle of the Congregation. Albeit I doe not doubt, but that the Order of the Levites and of the Clergy is farre different and variable. For the admi∣nistration of their sacred and holy things, after their death, passed unto their posterity, as it were by right of inheritance, which happeneth not unto the posterity of our Clergy in these dayes.

Furthermore, if any heritage be provided or gotten for them, I doe not gain••-say, but that they shall pos∣sesse it, but still I doe affirme, That all temporall ju∣risdiction should be taken from them: For when as twice there arose a contention amongst the Disciples, which of them should be thought the greatest, Christ answered, The kings of Nations have dominion over them,* 6.227 and such which have power over them are cal∣led

beneficiall; you shall not doe so, for hee which is greatest amongst you, shall be made equall unto the youngest or least, and hee which is the Prince, or Ruler amongst you, shall be made equall unto him that doth minister; minding thereby, and willing ut∣terly to debarre the Ministers of his Word from all terrene and civill dominion and Empire: For by these points he doth not onely declare, that the office of a Pastor is distinct, and divided from the office of a Prince and Ruler; but they are in effect, so much different and separate, that they cannot agree or ioyne together in one man. Neither is it to be thought that Christ did set or ordaine an harder Law then hee himselfe did take upon him: For so much as in the twelfth of Luke, certaine of the company said un∣to him, Master, command my brother that he divide his inheritance with mee. Hee answered, Man, who made me a Judge, or a divider amongst you? Wee see therefore, that Christ even simply did reiect and refuse the office of a Judge,* 6.228 the which thing hee would not have done, if it had beene agreeable un∣to his office or duty. The like thing also hee did in the eighth Chapter of Iohn, when as hee refused to give iudgement upon the woman taken in adultery, which was brought before him•• Whereas they doe al∣leage ••hat Moses did supply both offices at once.* 6.229 I an∣swer, that it was done by a rare miracle. Further∣more, that it continued but for a time, untill things were brought unto a better state; besides that, there was a certaine forme and rule prescribed him of the Lord, then tooke hee upon him the civill governance, and the Priesthood, he was commanded to resigne un∣to his b••other; and that not without good cause, for it is against nature, that one man should suffice both charges, wherefore it was diligently fore-seene and pro∣vided for in all ages. Neither was there any Bishop so long as any true face or shew of the Church did con∣tinue, who once thought to usurpe the right and title of the sword: whereupon in the time of Saint Ambrose, this proverbe tooke his originall, That Emperours did

rather wish or desire the office of Priesthood, then Priests any Empire. For it was all mens opinions at that time, that sumptuous palaces did pertaine unto Empe∣rours, and Churches unto Priests. Saint Bernard also writeth many things which are agreeable unto this our opinion, as is this his saying, Peter could not give that which hee had not,* 6.230 but hee gave unto his succes••ours that which hee had, that is to say, carefulnesse over the Congregation; for when as the Lord and Master saith, That he is not constituted or ordained Judge be∣tweene two, the servant or Disciple ought not to take it scornfully, if that he may not judge all men. And lest that hee might seeme in that place to speake of the spirituall judgement, hee straightway annexeth, there∣fore, saith hee, your power and authority shall be in offence and transgression, not in possessions. For this purpose, and not for the other, have you received the keyes of the kingdome of Heaven, why then doe you invade other mens bounds or borders? The rest I will passe over for brevities cause.

The seventh Article.

* 6.231Falsly and against the Honour, State, and reverence of the sacred Majesty of the King of Scots, hee hath said, holden, and affirmed, that our most noble King of Scots, defender of the Christian faith, would ap∣propriate unto himselfe all the possessions, lands and rents of the Church, given and granted by his pre∣decessors, and also by himselfe, and convert them un∣to his owne private use. And for this end, and purpose, as hee hath many times written unto him, so hath he with his whole endeavour perswaded our said noble Lord and King thereunto.

* 6.232It is no marvell though these mad dogs doe so barke against mee, whom they thinke to have counselled the Kings Majesty (I would to God I had also through∣ly perswaded him) that hee should take away from these unjust sacrilegious possessors, the riches where∣with all they are fatted and ••ngreased like Swine. For

this is the nature of dogs; if any man goe about to take away the bone out of their mouth, by and by to snatch at him, and teare him with their teeth. It is out of all controversie, unto such as have any wit at all, that such men were very childish, that is to say, ignorant of all learning and judgement, which did so fat and feed with their possessions, these belly beasts; For who would not judge it more then childish, to bestow the Kings victuals or meate upon the bellies of the prophets of Baal and Iesabel? But all they which at this present doe endowe such filthy sinks (I will not call them dens of thieves) with such revenues, they doe follow the steps of Iesabel; for what other thing doe they, when as daily they are bleating and lowing before their Ima∣ges, burning of Incense, and fall flat downe before their Altars, but that which in times past the prophets of Baal did, when as they transported the worship of God unto an Idoll? Wherefore, if Daniel and Elias were spotted with heresie, when they would have de∣stroyed the Priests of Baal, I grant that I also must bee an Heretique. But for so much as then hee did nothing but which was commanded him of the Lord, that was able to kill the prophet which had allured the people to follow strange gods, he could not truly and justly be accused of heresie; so neither can my ad∣versaries spot mee therewithall, except, peradventure, they will condemne me, that (whereas Elias dealt more rigorously with the prophets of Baal, for he cast them into the brooke Kidron) I required or desired no more, but that the riches which was wickedly bestowed upon them, and their possessions might be taken from them.

The ninth Article.

He hath openly holden, said, and affirmed, preach∣ed, and taught, that the Lawes of the Church, that is to say, the sacred Canons, approved and allowed by the holy Catholique and Apostolique Church, are of no force, strength, or effect; alleadging therefore and affirming, that they are made and intended contrary to the Law of God.

God forbid that I should say, that those things which are approved by the holy Catholike Church, should be of no effect or value. For well I know, that the holy Apostolique Church hath never been allowed, ordained or taught any thing which shee hath not learned of the Lord: the Apostles are witnesses therof, Peter and Paul, whereof the one of them dared not freely utter or speake of any of those things which Christ hath not wrought by himselfe for the obedience of the Gentiles.

The other exhorteth, That if any man speake, he should speake the praises of God: but I condemne those lawes which the Bishops of Rome have made according to their owne will and mind, and say that they are spirituall, per∣taining unto the salvation of the soule, and necessarie unto everlasting life; for so much as the writings of the Apostles doe evidently declare, that there was no autho∣rity knowne amongst them to make or ordaine any ordi∣nances or lawes.

Furthermore, the Scriptures doe manife••tly shew the same, how oftentimes, even by the Lords owne mouth, this foresaid authority is taken from the Ministers of the Church, so that no excuse for them remaineth, but that they be plaine rebels against the Word of God, how many soever doe presume or take upon them to appoint or set any new lawes upon the people of God. Which thing is more manifest and evident, than the light it selfe, in ma∣ny places of the Scripture. For in the three and twentieth chapter of Ioshua, it is written; You shall observe and doe all that is written in the Law of Moses, neither shall you swarve from that, either to the right hand or to the left hand. But that which is written in the ••welfth chap∣ter of Deuteronomy ought to move them somewhat the more. What soever I command, saith the Lord, that shall you observe and doe; thereunto you shall adde nothing, neither shall you take any thing from it, &c. This point hee there excellently prosecutes at large; where yo•• may read more at your leisure.

M. William Tyndall, our famous Martyr,* 6.233 in his obedience of a Christian man, Printed C••m Privilegio at London, 1573. p. 98. writes thus of Bishops and their practises. God promised David a Kingdome••* 6.234 and immediately stirred up King Saul against him, to persecute him, to hunt him as men do Hares with Greyhounds, and to ferret him out of every hole, and that for the space of many yeares to tame him, to meere his lusts, to make him feele other mens diseases, to make him mercifull, to make him understand, that hee was made King, to minister, and to serve his brethren, and that he should not thinke that his Subjects were made to minister unto his Lusts, and that it were lawfull for him to take away from them life and goods at hi•• pleasure.

Oh that our Kings were so nurtured nowadayes,* 6.235 which our holy Bishops teach of a farre other manner, saying; your Grace shall take your pleasure; yea, take what pleasure you list, spare nothing: wee shall dispense with you, wee have power, wee are Gods Vicars, and let us alone with the Realme, wee shall take paine for them, and see that nothing be well: your Grace shall but defend the faith onely.

After which he proceeded thus * 6.236: Kings were ordained then, as I before said, and the sword put in their hands to take venge∣ance of evill doers, that others might feare, and were not ordei∣ned to fight one against another, or to rise against the Empe∣rour to defend the false authority of the Pope that very Anti∣christ: Bishops they onely can minister the temporall sword; their office, the preaching of Gods Word laid apart, which they will neither do, nor suffer any man to do, but slay with the tem∣porall sword (which they have gotten out of the hand of all Princes) them that would. The preaching of Gods Word is hatefull and contrary ••nto them: why? for it is impossible to preach Christ except they preach against Antichrist, that is to say, them which with their false doctrine and violence of sword enforce to quench the true doctrine of Christ. And as thou canst heale no disease except thou begin at the roote: even so canst thou preach against no mischiefe except thou begin at the Bishops. Kings they are but shadowes,* 6.237 vaine names, and things idle, having nothing to do in the world, but when our holy Fa∣ther needeth their helpe. The Pope contrary to all conscience, and against all the Doctrine of Christ, which saith, My King∣dome

is not of this world (Ioh. 18.) hath usurped the right of the Emperour. And by policy of the Bishops of Almany,* 6.238 and with corrupting the electours or choosers of the Emperour with mony, bringeth to passe, that such a one is ever chosen Empe∣rour that is not able to make his party good with the Pope. To stop the Emperour that hee come not at Rome, he br••ngeth the French King up to Milane,* 6.239 & on the other side, bringeth he the Venetians. If the Venetians come too nigh, the Bishop of France must bring the French King.* 6.240 And the Socheners (that is, the Swit∣zers) are called and sent for to come & succour. And for their la∣bor he giveth to some a Rose, to another a Cap of Maintenance.* 6.241 One is called most Christian King, another, Defender of the Faith, another, The eldest sonne of the most holy Seate.* 6.242 He blazeth als•• the armes of other, and putteth in the holy crosse, the Crown•• of thornes, or the nayles and so forth. If the French King goe too high, and creep up either to ••ononie or Naples, then must our English Bishops bring in our King.* 6.243 The craft of the Bi∣shops is to entitle one King with anothers Realme. He is called King of Denmarke, and of England:* 6.244 hee, King of England, and of France. Then to blind the Lords, and the Commons, the King must challenge his right. Then must the Land be taxed, and every man pay, and the Treasure borne out of the Realme, and the Land begger'd. How many a thousand mens lives hath it cost? And how many an hundred thousand pounds hath it car∣ried out of the Realme in our remembrance? Besides, how abominable an example of gathering was there?* 6.245 such verily as never tyrant since the world began did, yea such as was ne∣ver before heard or thought on, neither among Jewes, Sara∣cens, Turkes or Heathen, since God created the sunne to shine; that a * 6.246 beast should breake up into the Temple of God, that is to say, into the heart and consciences of men, and compell them to swear every man what he was worth, to lend that should never be paid againe. How many tho••sands * 6.247 ••orsware themselves? How many thousands set themselves above their abilities, partly for feare lest they should be forsworne, and partly to save their credit? When the Pope hath his purpose, then is peace made, no man wo••teth how, and our most enemy is our most friend. Now because the Emperour is able to obtaine his right, French, English, Venetians, and all must upon him•• O great whore of Babylon,* 6.248 how abuseth shee the Princes of the world? How

drunke hath shee made them with her wine? Hee further addes, p. 124. They that are sworne to ••e true unto Cardinalls and Bishops, that is to say, false unto God, the King, and the Realme, may breake their oathes lawfully without grudge of conscience by the authority of Gods word. In making them they sinned, but in repenting and breaking them they please God highly, and receive forgivenesse in Christ. Let Kings take their duty of their Subjects, and ••hat is necessary unto the de∣fence of the Realme. Let them rule their Realme, themselves, with the helpe of Lay men that are sage, wise, learned, and ex∣pert. Is it not a shame above all shame••, and a monstrous thing, that no man should be found able to governe a worldly King∣dome save Bishops and Prelates, that have forsaken the world, and are taken our of the World, and appointed to preach the Kingdome of God? Christ saith, that his Kingdome is not of this world, Ioh. 18. and Luke 12. unto the young man that desired him to bid his brother to give him part of the inheritance,* 6.249 Hee answered, Who made thee a Iudge, or a divider among you? No man that layeth his hand to the plough and looketh backe, is apt for the Kingdome of heaven. Luk. 9. No man can serve two masters, but he must despise the one. Mat. 6. To preach Gods word is too much for halfe a man.* 6.250 And to minister a temporall Kingdome is too much for halfe a man also. Either other requi••eth an whole man. One therefore ca••••ot well do bot••. He that avengeth himself•• on every 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is not mee•• to preach the patience of Christ,* 6.251 how that a man ought to forgive and to suffer all things. He that is overwhelmed with all manner riches, and doth but seeke more daily, is not meere to preach poverty. Hee that will obey no man, is not meete to preach, how we ought to obey all men. Pe••e•• saith, Act. •• It is not mee••e that we should leave the Word of God and serve at the Table. Paul saith in the 9. Chapter of the ••••rst Corinth; W•••• i•• m•••• if I preach not: a ••errible saying verily, for Popes, Cardinals, and Bishop••. If he had said,* 6.252 Woe be unto mee, i•• I fight no••, ••nd move•• Princes unto warre, or if I increase nor Saint Pe••ers Pa••rimony (as they call it) it had beene a more 〈◊〉〈◊〉 saying for them,* 6.253 Christ forbiddeth his Disciples, and that oft (as thou mayst 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Matth. 1 & and also 20. Marke 9. and also 10. Luk. 9. and also •••••• even at his last Supper) no•• onely to clime above ••ords, Kings, and Em∣perours in worldly rule, but also to exalt themselves one above ••nother in the Kingdom•• of God: B••t in vaine, for the Pope, would

not heare it, though he had commanded it ten thousand times. Gods Word should rule onely, and not Bishops decrees,* 6.254 or the Popes pleasure. That ought they to preach purely and spi∣ritually, and to fashion their lives after, and with all ensample of godly living and long suffering, to draw all to Christ, and not to expound the Scriptures carnally and worldly, saying, God spake this to Peter, and I am his successor, therefore this autho∣rity is mine onely: and then bring in the tyranny of their flesh∣ly wisedome, in Praesentia majoris, cessat potestas m••noris, that is, in the presence of the greater, the lesse hath no power. There is no brotherhood where such Philosophy is taught.

After which, speaking of Kings, the Prelates Canon Law, and the Bishops treacheries, he proceedes thus. pag. 137.138, Alas, Kings be Captives to the Prelates ere ever they be Kings,* 6.255 yea, almost ere they be borne. No man may be suffered about him but flatterers, and such as are first sworne t••ue unto our most holy Fathers the Bishops, that is to say, false to God and man. If any of the Nobles of the Re••lme be true to the King, and so bold that hee dare counsell him, that which should be to his honour, and for the wealth of the Realme; They will wait a season for him (as men say) they will pro∣vide a ghostly Father for him. God bring this wickednesse to light. There is no mischiefe whereof they are not the roote, nor bloodshed, but thorough their cause, either by their counsell, or in that they preach not true obedience, and teach not the people to feare God.* 6.256 If any faithfull servant be in all the Court, hee shall have twenty spies waiting upon him; hee shall ••e cast out of the Court, or, (as the saying is) conveyed to Calice, and made a Captaine, or an Ambassador, hee shall be kept farre enough from the Kings presence. The Kings ought, I say, to remember, that they are in Gods stead, and ordained of God, nor for themselves, but for the wealth of their Subjects. Let them remember that their Sub∣jects are their brethren, their flesh and blood, members of their owne body and even their owne selves in Christ. Therefore ought they to pity them,,* 6.257 and to rid them from such wily ty∣ranny, which encreaseth more and more daily. And though that the Kings by the falsehood of the Bishops and Abbots be sworne to defend such liberties: yet ought they not to keepe their Oathes, but to breake them; For as much as they are un∣right, and cleane against Gods Ordinance, and even, but cruell

oppression, contrary unto brotherly love and charity. Moreover the spirituall Officer ought to punish no sinne,* 6.258 but if any sinne breake out, the King is ordained to punish it, and they not, but to Preach and exhort them to feare God, and that they sinne not. And let the Kings put downe some of their tyranny, and ••urne some unto a Common wealth. If the tenth part of such tyranny were given the King yearely, and layd up in the shire townes against the Realme had neede, what would it grow to in certaine yeares?

Moreover, One King, one Law; is Gods Ordinance in every Realme.* 6.259 Therefore ought not the King to suffer them to have a severall Law by themselves, and to draw his subjects thither. It is not meete will they say, that a spirituall man should bee judged of a worldly or a temporall man: O abomination! the King is in the roome of God, and his Law is Gods Law,* 6.260 and no∣thing but the Law of nature and naturall equity, which God graved in the hearts of men; Yet Antichrist is too good to be judged by the Law of God, he must have a new of his owne ma∣king. It were meete verily that they went to no Law at all. No more needed they, if they would study to Preach Gods Word truely, and be contented with sufficient, and to be like one of their Brethren. Moreover when the spirituall officers have ex∣communicate any man, or have condemned any opinion for he∣resie, let not the King nor temporall officers punish and slay by and by at their Commandement;* 6.261 but let them looke on Gods Word, and compare their judgement unto the Scripture, and see whether it be right or no, and not beleeve them at the first chop, whatsoever they say, namely in things that per∣taine unto their owne authorities and power. For no man is a right judge in his owne cause. The Emperour and Kings are nothing now adayes but even hangmen unto the Pope and Bishops,* 6.262 to kill whatsoever they condemne, without any more adoe, as Pilate was unto the Scribes and Pharisees and the High Bishop, to Hang Christ. For as those Prelates answered Pilate (when he asked what he had done) If he were not an evill doer we would not have brought him unto thee. As who should say, we are too holy to doe any thing amiss•••• thou mayst beleeve us well enough: yea and his blood on our heads sayd they, kill him hardily, we will beare the charge, our Soules for thine; we have also a Law by which hee ought to dye, for he calleth himselfe Gods Sonne. Even so say our Prelates,

he ought to dye by our Lawes, he speaketh against the Church. And your Grace is sworne to defend the Liberties and Ordinances of t••e Church, and to maintaine our most holy Fathers Authority•• our soules for yours, ye shall do•• a meritorious deede therein. Neverthelesse a•• Pilate escaped not the judgement of God, even so is it to be feared lest our Temporall powers shall not. Wherefore be learned ye that judge the Earth,* 6.263 lest the Lord be angry with you, and ye perish from the right way. Who slew the Prophets?* 6.264 Who slew Christ? Who slew his Apostles? who the Martyrs, and all the righte∣ous that ever were slaine? The Kings and the Temporall sword at the request of the false Prophets. Page. 140. He goes on thus. Behold the monsters how they are disguised with Miters, Croses, and Hats, with Crosses, Pillars and Pollaxes, and with three Crownes? What names have they?* 6.265 My Lord Prior, my Lord Abb••t, my Lord Bishop, my Lord Arch-Bishop, Cardin••ll and Legate: if it please your Father-hood, if it pleas your lordship, if it please your Grace, if it please your Holinesse, and innumerable such like•• Behold how they are e∣steemed,* 6.266 & how high they be crept up above al, not into world∣ly seates onely, but into the seate of God, the hearts of men, where they sit above God himselfe. For both they and what∣soever they make of their owne heads is more feared and dread than God and his Commandements. In them and th••ir deser∣vings put we more trust than in Christ and his merits. To their promises give we more ••aith, than to the promises which God hath sworne in Christs blood. The Hypocrites say unto the Kings and Lords,* 6.267 These Heretickes would have us downe first, and then you, to make of all Common. Nay, ye Hypocrites and right heretickes approved by open Scripture, the Kings and Lords are down•• already, and that so low that they cannot goe lower, ye tread them under your feete, and lead them cap∣tive, and have made them your bond Servants to waite on your filthy Lusts,* 6.268 and to avenge your malice on every man, contrary unto the right of Gods Word; ye have not onely robbed them o•• their land, authority, honour, and due obedience, which ye owe unto them, but also of their wits, so that they are not without understanding in Gods Word onely, but even in worldly mat∣ters that pertaine unto thei•• offices, they are more than Chil∣dren; ye beare them in hand what ye will, and have brought them even in case like unto them, which when they dance na∣ked in nets, beleeve they are invisible. We would have them

up againe, and restored unto the room•• and authority which God hath given them, and whereof ye have robbed th••m. And your inward falshood we doe but utter onely wi••h the Light of God•• Word, that your hypocrisie might be seene. Be lear∣ned therefore ye that Judge the world, lest God be angry with you, and ye perish from the right way, Page. 141. He proceeds thus? When all men lose their Lands, they remaine alwayes sure and in safety,* 6.269 and ever win somewhat For whosoever con∣quereth other mens Lands unrightfully, ever giveth them part with them: To them is all things Lawfull•• In all Councels and Par∣liaments are they the chiefe, without them may no King be Crowned,* 6.270 neither untill he be sworne to their Liberties. All secrets know they, even the very thoughts of mens hearts. By them all things are mini∣stred. No King nor Realme may thorough their falshood live in peace. To beleeve they teach not in Christ, but in them and their dis∣guised hypocrisie And of them compell they all men to buy, redemption and forgiven••sse of sinnes. The peoples sinne, they eate, and thereof wax fat. The more wicked the people are, the more prosperous is their common wealth. If Kings and great men doe amisse, they must build Abbies and Col∣ledges, meane men build Chauntries, poore finde Trentalls and Brotherhoods and begging Fryers. Their owne heires doe men dis-herit to endote them. All Kings are compelled to submit themselves to them. Read the Story of King Iohn, and of other Kings. They will have their causes avenged, though whole Realmes should therefore perish. Page 142.143. He Addes. What signifieth that the Prelates are so bloody, and cloathed in Red?* 6.271 that they may be ready every houre to suffer Martyr∣dome for the testimony of Gods Word. Is that also not a false signe? when no man dare for them once to open his mouth to aske a question of Gods Word, because they are ready to burne him. What signifieth the Pollaxes that are borne before high Legates A Latere?* 6.272 whatsoever false signe they make of them, I care not•• but of this I am sure, that as the old hypocrites when they had slaine Christ, ••et Pollaxes to keepe him in his Sepulcher, that he should not rise againe: even so have our hy∣pocrites buried the Testament that God made unto us in Christs blood, and to keepe it downe, that it rise not againe, is all their study, whereof these Pollaxes are the very signe. Is not that Shepheards hooke the Bishops crosse, a false signe? Is

not that White Rotchet that the Bishop and Channons weare so like a Nunne, and so effeminately, a false signe? what other things are their Sandals, Gloves, Miters, and all the whole pompe of their disguising, then false signes, in which Paul pro∣phesied that they should come? And as Christ warned us, to beware of Wolves in Lambes skins, and bad us, looke rather unto their fruites and deedes,* 6.273 than to wonder at their disguisings; Runne throughout all our holy religious, and thou shalt finde them likewise all cloathed in falsehood.

Againe, Page 145. He writes thus; But Christ saith, Mat. 7. By their fruites shalt thou know them, that is by their filthy cove∣tousnesse and shamelesse ambition, and drunken desire of ho∣nour, contrary unto the example and doctrine of Christ and of his Apostles.* 6.274 Christ sayd to Peter, the last chapter of Iohn, Feede my sheepe, and not sheare thy flocke. And Peter saith, 1 Pet. 5. Not being Lords over the Parishes, but these sheare, and are become Lords. Paul saith, 2 Cor. 2. Not that we be Lords over your faith: but these will be Lords and compell us to beleeve whatsoever they lust, without any witnesse of Scripture, yea cleane con••ra∣ry to the Scripture, when the open text rebuketh it. And Page 146. (saith he) as for that solemne doubt, as they call it, whe∣ther Iudas was a Priest or no:* 6.275 I care not what he was then, but of this I am sure, that he is now not onely Priest, but also Bishop Cardinall and Pope. Page 155. he addes. Confession is there held, thereby know they all secrets, thereby mocke they all men, and all mens wives, and beguile Knights and Esquires, Lord and King, and betray all Realmes. The Bishops with the Pope have a ce••taine conspiration and secret Treason against the whole world.* 6.276 And by Confession know they what Kings and Emperours thinke. If ought be against them, doe they ne∣ver so evill, then move they their Captives to warre and to fight, and give them pardons to s••ay whom they will have taken out of the way. They have with falsehood taken from all Kings and Emperours their right and duties, which now they call their Freedomes, Liberties, and priviledges, and have pe••verted the Ordinances that God left in the world, and have made every King sweare to defend their falsehood against their own selves.* 6.277 So that now if any man preach Gods Word truely, and shew the freedome and Liberty of the Soule which we have in Christ, or entend to restore the kings againe unto their duties and right,

and to the roome and authority which they have of God, and of shadowes to make them Kings indeed, and to put the world in his order againe, then the Kings deliver their swords and au∣thority unto the Hypocrite•• to slay him. So drunken are they with the wine of the whore.

Page 180.181.182.183. He there thus farther proceedes. On the other side I have also uttered the w••ckednesse of the Spiritualty, the falsehood of the Bishops an•• juggling of the Pope, and how they have disguised them••elves, borrowing some of their pompe of the Jewes, and some of the Gentiles, and have with subtile wiles turned the obedience that should be given to Gods Ordinance unto themselves. And how they have put our Gods Testament and Gods truth, and set up their owne traditions and lyes, in which they have taught the people to beleeve, and thereby sit in their Consciences as God, and have by that meanes robbed the world of Lands and goods,* 6.278 of peace and unity, and of all temporall authority, and have brought the people into the ignorance of God, and have heaped the wrath of God upon all Realmes, and namely upon the Kings, whom they have robbed (I speake not of worldly things one∣ly) but ••ven of their very naturall wits. They make them be∣leeve that they are most Christian, when they live most abo∣minably, and will suffer no man in their Realmes that beleeveth on Christ, and that they are defenders of the ••aith, when they burne the Gospell and promises of God, out of which all faith springeth•• I ••••••wed how they have ministred Christ, King and Emperour ou•• of their roomes, and how they have made them a severall kingdome, which they got at the first in deceiving of Princes, and now pervert the whole Scripture to prove that they have such authority of God. And l••st the L••y-men should see how falsely they alleadge the places of the ••••ripture, is the greatest, c••use of this per••ec••t••on. They have 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Con∣fession for the same p••••pose to ••••••••blish t••eir Kingdome with∣all.* 6.279 All secrets know they thereby•• The Bishop knoweth the Confession of whom he ••usteth throughout all his Diocesse. Yea, and his C••••ncellour comm••••deth the Ghostly Father to deliver it writt•••••• The Pop••, his Ca••dinal•• ••nd Bishop•• know the confession 〈…〉〈…〉 Kings, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all Lords,* 6.280 a••d by confession ••hey know all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cap••••••e••. ••f ••ny ••••leeve in Chri••t by co••f••ssion, ••hey know him. 〈…〉〈…〉 where

thou wilt: Wh••ther at Sion, Charter-house or at the Observants, thy con••ession is knowne well enough. And thou, if thou be∣leeve in Christ, art waited upon. Wonderfull are the things that thereby are wrought.* 6.281 The wife is fear••d and compelled to utter not her owne onely, but also the Secrets of her husband, and the Servant the Secrets of his Master. Besides that, through con∣fession they quench the faith of all the promises of God, and take away the effect and vertue of all the Sacraments of Christ. They have also corrupted the Saints lives, with lyes and fained miracles, and have put many things out of the sentence or great curse, as raising of Rents and Fines, and hiring men out of their hou••es, and whatsoever wickednesse they themselves doe; and have put a grea•• part of the stories and Chronic••es out of the way, lest their falshood should be seene. For there is no mischiefes or disorder, whether it be in the temporall regiment,* 6.282 or else in the Spirituall, whereof they are not the chiefe causes, and even the very Fountain•• ••nd Springs, and as we say, the Well head so that it is impossible to Preach against any mischief except thou begin at them, or to set any reformation in the world, except thou reforme them first. Now are they indurate and tough as Pharaoh, and will not bow unto any right way or order. And therefore persecute they Gods Word and the Prea∣chers thereof; and on the other side, lye awaite unto all Princes, and stirre up all mischiefe in the world, and send them to war, and occupy their mindes therewith or with other voluptuous∣nesse, lest they should have leisure to heare the Word of God, and to set an order in their Realmes. By them is all things mini∣stred, and by them are all Kings ruled: (marke that which ••olloweth) yea in every Kings Conscience ••it they ere he be King, and perswade every King what they lust, and make them both to beleeve what they will, and to doe what they will. Nei∣ther c•••• any King or any Realme have ••est for their businesses. Behold King Hen••y th•• 5. whom they sen•• ou••, for such a pur∣pose, as they sent ••ur King that now i••. See how the Realme is inhabited. A••ke where the goodly Townes, and their walls, and the people that was wont to be in them a•••• become, and where the blood Royall of the Realme is become also. Turne thine eyes whither thou wilt, and thou shalt see nothing pro∣••perous but their subtle polling, with th•••• it is flowing water, yea and I trust it wil•• be shortly a full Sea. In all their doings,

though they pretend outwardly the honour of God or the Common wealth,* 6.283 their int••nt and secret Counsell is onely to bring all under their power, and to take out of the way whosoever letteth them, or is too mighty for them. As when they send their Princes to Ierusalem to conquer the Holy Land, and to fight against the Turkes, whatsoever they pretend outwardly, their secret intent is, while the Princes there Conquer them more Bishopricke••, to conquer their Land in the meane season with their false Hypocrisie, and to bring all under them; Which, thou mayst easily perceive by that they will not let us know the faith of Christ. And when they are once on high, then are they tyrants above all tyrants, whether they be Turk•• or Saracens. How minister they proving of Testaments? How causes of Wedlocke? or if any man dye intestate? If a poore man dye and leave halfe a dozen young children, and but one Cow to finde them, that they will have for a mercilesse Mort••••ry, let come of wi••e and children what will. Yea, let any thing bee done against their pleasure, and they will interdict the whole Realme, sparing no person. Read the Chronicles of England [out of which yet they have put a great part of their wickednesse] and thou shalt finde them alwayes both Rebellious and disobedient to the Kings,* 6.284 and also Churlish and unthankefull, so that when all the Realme gave the King somewhat to maintaine him in his right, they would not give a mi••e. Consider the story of King Iohn, where I doubt not but they have put the best and fairest for themselves, and the worst for King Iohn. For I suppose they make the Chronicles themselves. Compare the doings of their holy Church (as they ever call it) unt•• the learning o•• Christ and of his Apostles. Did not the Legate of Rome assoyle all the Lords of the Realme of their due obedience, which they ought to their king by the Ordinance of God? would he not have cursed the king with his solemne pompe, because he would have done that office which God commandeth every king to doe, and wherefore Go•• hath put the sword in every kings han•••• that is to wit, becau••e king Iohn would have p••••ished a wicked Clarke that had coy∣ned false money. The Lay men that had not done halfe so great faults must dye, but the Clarke must goe & escape free. Sent not the Pope also unto the king of France remission of his sinnes to goe and Conquer king Iohns Re••lme? So ••ow ••emission of sinnes commeth not by faith in the Testament that God hath made in Christs blood, but by fighting and murmering for the Popes

pleasure. Last of all, was not king Iohn faine to deliver his Crowne unto the Legate, and to yeeld up his Realme unto the Pope, wherefore we pay Peter-Pence? They might be called the Polling-Pence of false Prophets well enough. They care not by what mischiefe they come by their purpose•• Warre and conquering of Lands is their harvest. The wickeder the people are, the more they have the Hypocrites in Reverence,* 6.285 the more they feare them, and the more they beleeve in them. And they that conquer other mens Lands, when they dye, make them their heires, to be prayed for, for ever. Let there come one conque••t more in the Realme, and thou shalt see them get yet as much more as they have [if they can keepe downe Gods Word,* 6.286 that their jugling come not to light.] Yea, thou shalt see them take the Realme whole into their hands, and Crowne one of themselves King thereof. And verily I see no other likelihood, but that the Land shall be shortly conquered. The Starres of the Scripture promise us none other fortune, in as much as we deny Christ with the wicked Jewes, and will not have him raigne over us: but will be still children of darkenesse under Antichrist, and Antichrists possession, burning the Gospell of Christ, and defending a faith that may not stand with his holy Testament. If any man shed blood in the Church, it shall be interdicted, till he have payd for the hallowing. If he be not able, the Parish must pay, or else shall it stand alwayes, interdicted. They will be avenged on them that never offended. Full well prophesied of them Paul in the second Epistle to Timothy 3. Some men will say, wouldst thou that men should fight in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 unpunished? Nay, but let the King ordaine a punish•••••••• ••or them, as he doth for them that fight in his Palace, and le•• not all the Parish bee troubled for ones fault. And as for ••heir hallowing, it is the juggling of Antichrist. A christian man is the Temple of God and of the Holy-Ghost, and hallowed in Christs blo••d. A Christian man is holy in himselfe by reason of the Spirit that dwelleth in him, and the place wherein he is, is holy by reason of him, whether he be in the field or towne. A Christian hus∣band sanctifieth an unchristian wife, and a Christian wife an unchri∣stian husband, [as concerning the use of Matrimony] saith Paul to the Corinthians. I•• now while we seeke to be hallowed in Christ, we are found unholy and must be hallowed by the ground, or place, or walls, then dyed Christ in vaine. Howbeit

Antichrist must have wher••with to fit in m••ns Consciences, and to make them feare where there is no ••eare, and to rob them of their faith, and to make them trust in that that cannot helpe them, and to seeke holinesse of that which is not holy in it selfe. After that the old King of France was brought downe out of Italy, marke what pageants have ••e••ne played, and what are yet a playing to seperate us from the Emp••rour, (least by the helpe or ayde o•• us he should be able to recover his right of the Pope) and to couple us to the French men, whose might the Pope ever abuseth to keep the Emperour from Italy. What prevaileth it for any King to marry his daughter or his Sonne, or to make any peace or good ordinance for the wealth o•• his Realme? For it shall no longer l••st than it is profitable to them: Their Treason is so secret that the world cannot perceive it. Th••y dis∣simule those things which they are onely cause of, and simule discord among themselves when they are most agr••ed. One shall hold this, and another shall dispute the contrary: but the conclusion shall be that most maintaineth their falshood, though Gods Word be never so con∣trary. What have th••y wrought in our dayes, yea and what worke they yet to the perpetuall dishonour of the King, and rebuke of the Realme, and shame of all the nation in whatso∣ever Realmes they goe? I uttered unto you partly the malici∣ous blindnesse of the Bishop of Rochester,* 6.287 his juggling, his con∣veying, his Fox wilenesse, his ••opeepe, his wresting, renting and shamfull abusing of the Scripture, his Oratory and alleadging of Heretickes, and how he would make the Apostles Authors of blind Ceremonies without signification, cont••ary to their owne doctrine, and have set him for an ensample to judge all other by. The cause why Laymen cannot rule Temporall Offices, is the falshood of the Bishops. Their polling i•• like a consumption wherein a man complaineth of fe••••l••ne••se and of faintnesse, and worteth not whence his disease commeth it is like a pocke that fretteth inward and consumeth the very marrow of the bones. There seest thou the cause why it is impossible for Kings to come to the knowledge of the truth.* 6.288 For these spirits lay awaite for them, and serve their appetites at all points, and through con∣••ession buy and sell and betray both them and all their true friends, and lay ••aites for them and never leave them till they have blinded them with their sophistry and have brought them into their nets. And then when the King is captive, they compell all the rest

with violence of his sword. For if any man will not obey, be it right or wrong, they cite him, suspend him, and curse or excommunicate him: if he then obey not, they deliver him to ••ilate, that is to say, un∣to the temporall Officers to destroy him. All this and much more he ••ully proves and more largely prosecutes in his Booke inti∣tuled The Practise of Popish Prelates. Concerning Bishops in∣term••dling with temporall matters he thus writes. Our Saviour Jesus Christ answered Pilate, Ioh. 18. that his Kingdome was not of this world. And Mat. 10. he saith: The Disciple is not grea∣ter than his Master•• but it ought to suffice the Disciple that he be a•• his Master is. Wherefore if Christs Kingdome be not of this world, nor any of his Disciples may be otherwise than hee was, then Christs Vicars which minister his Kingdome here in his bodily absence,* 6.289 and h••ve the over-sight o•• his flocke may be none Emperours, Kings, Dukes, Lords, Knight••, Temporall Iudges, or any temporall Officer, or under false names have any such Dominion, or minister any such Office as requireth violence. And Mat. 6. No man can serve two Masters;* 6.290 where Christ concludeth saying, Yee cannot serve God and Mammon; that is, riches, cove••ousne••se, am∣bition and temporall dignities. And Christ called his Disciples un∣to him, and sayd••* 6.291 Ye know that the Lords of the Heathen people have dominion over them, & they that be great do exercise power over them: Howbeit, it shal not be so among you, but whosoever wil be great among you, shall be your minister, and he that will be chiefe, shall be your ser∣vant; even as the Son of man came not that men should minister unto him, but for to minister and give his life for the redemption of many: Wherefore the Officers in Christ•• Kingdome may have no temporall dominion or jurisdiction, no•• execute any temporall authori••y or Law of violence, nor may have any like manner among them.* 6.292 But cleane contrary they must cast themselves downe under all and become servants unto all, suffer o•• all, and beare the burthen of every mans infirmities, and goe before them, and ••ight for them a∣gainst the world with the ••word of Gods Word, even unto the death, after the example of Christ. And Mat. 18. when the Disciples asked,* 6.293 Who should be greatest in the Kingdome of heaven, Christ called a young Child unto him, and set him in the midst a∣mong them, saying: Except ye turne backe and become as children ye shall not enter into the Kingdome of heaven. Now young chil∣dren beare no rule one over another, but all is fellowship among them; and he sayd moreover, Whosoever humbleth him∣s••lfe,

after the ensample of this Child, he is greatest in the King∣dome of heaven, that is, to be (as concerning ambition and worldly desire) so childish that thou couldst not heave thy selfe above thy Brother, is the very bearing of rule, and to be great in Christs Kingdome. And to describe the very fashion of the greatnesse of his Kingdome, he sayd: He that receiveth one such child in my name receiveth me. What is that to receive a childe in Christs name?* 6.294 verily to submit, to meeke and to humble thy selfe under all men, and to consider all mens infirmities and weakenesses, and to helpe to heale their diseases with ••he word of tru••h, and to live purely, ••hat they see no contrary ensample in thee to whatsoever tho•• teachest them in Christ, that tho•• put no stumbling blocke before them to make them ••aile while they be yet young and weake in the faith: But that thou ab∣staine as Paul teacheth, 1 Thes. 5.* 6.295 Ab omni specie mala, from all t••at might seeme evill, or whereof a man might ••urmise amisse; and that thou so love them, that whatsoever gift of God in them is, thou thinke the same theirs, and their food, and for their sakes given unto thee, as the ••ruth is; and that all their infirmit••es be thine, and that thou feele them, and that with all thy power to helpe to amend them, and cease not to cry to God for them nei∣ther day nor night: and that thou let nothing be found in thee that any man may rebuke, but whatsoever thou teachest them, that be thou; and that thou be not a Wolfe in a Lambes skin, as our Holy Father the Pope is, which commeth unto us in a name of hypocrisie, and in the Title of cursed Cham o•• Ham, calling himselfe Serv••s servo••um, the Servant of all ••ervants,* 6.296 and is yet found tyrannus ••yrannorum, of all tyrants the most cru∣ell. This is to receive young Children in Christs name, and to receive young Children in Christs name is to beare rule in the Kingdome of Christ. Thu•• ye see that Christs Kingdome is al∣together spirituall, and the bearing of rule in it is cleare contra∣ry unto the bearing of rule temporally: Wherefore none that be••∣reth rul•• in it may have any temp••rall jurisdiction, or minister any temporall Office that requireth violence to compell withall. Thus and ••arre more Mr. Tyndall. All whose passages are very remark∣able, and worthy serious consideration.

Iohn Fri••h our learned English Martyr,* 6.297 in his * 6.298 Answere to the Prefac•• of Mr. Moores Book. pag. 116 writes thus of Bi∣shops an•• their great possessions; This Canker then began to

spread in the Congregation, and did full sore annoy the body, insomuch that within foure hundred yeares, there were very many Sects scattered in every coast. Notwithstanding there were faithfull Fathers that diligently subdued them with the sword of Gods Word. But surely since Silvester received such posses∣sions,* 6.299 hath the Canker so crept in the Church, that it hath al∣most left never a sound member. And as Cistercensis writeth in the eighth booke, that day that hee received revenues was a voyce heard in the ayre, crying over the Court, which sayd, This day is venome shed into the Church of God.* 6.300 Before that time there was no Bishop greedy to take a Cure. For it is no ho∣nour and profit as it is now, but onely a carefull charge which was like to cost him his life at one time or other.* 6.301 And there∣fore no man would take it, but he that bare such a love and zeale to God and his ••locke, that hee could be content to shed his blood for them. But after that it was made so honourable and profitable, they that were worst both in learning and living, most laboured for it. For they that were vertuous would not entangle themselves with the vaine pride of this world, and weare three Crownes of gold, where Christ did weare one of thorne.* 6.302 And in conclusion it came so farre••* 6.303 that whosoever would give most money for it,* 6.304 or best could flatter the Prince (which he knew well all good men to abhorre) had the prehe∣minence and got the best Bishopricke, and then instead of Gods Word, they published their owne Commandements, and made Lawes to have all under them, and made men beleeve they could not erre whatsoever they did or sayd, and even as in the Roomes & stead of Moses, Aaron, Eliazer, Iosue, Caleb, and other Faithful folk, came Herod, Annas, Caiphas, Pilate and Iudas, which put Christ to death••* 6.305 So now in the stead of Christ, Peter, Paul, Iames, and Iohn and the faithfull followers of Christ, we have the Pope, Cardinalls, Arch-Bishops, Bishops, and proud Prelates with their Proctors•• the malicious Ministers of their Master the Devill, which notwithstanding transform•••• them∣selves into a likenesse,* 6.306 as though they were the Ministers of righteousnesse, whose end shall bee according to their workes. So that the body is cankered long agone, and now are left but certaine small members which God of his puissant power hath rese••ved uncorrupted••* 6.307 and because they see that they cannot be cankered as their owne ••lesh is, for pure anger they bu••••e them••

lest if they continued there might seeme some deformity in their owne cankered carkasses, by the comparing of these whole members to their scabbed body.

Our godly Martyr, D. Barnes,* 6.308 in his Articles, pag. 210, 211, 212, 213. writes thus of Bishops; I will never beleeve, nor yet I can never beleeve that one man may be by the Law of God a Bishop of two or three Cities, yea of an whole Country:* 6.309 for it is contrary to Saint Paul, which saith, I have left thee behind, to set in every City a Bishop.* 6.310 And if you find in one place of Scrip∣ture, that they be called Episcopi, you shall find in divers other places, that they be called Presbyteri. I was brought before my Lord Cardinall into his Gallery,* 6.311 and there he read all my Articles till he came to this, and there he stopped, and said, that this touched him, and therefore he asked mee if I thought it wrong, that one Bishop should have so many Citties underneath him? unto whom I answered, that I could no farther goe, than to Saint Pauls text, which set in every City a Bishop. Then asked hee mee,* 6.312 if I thought it now unright (seeing the Ordinance of the Church) that one Bishop should have so many Cities? I answered, that I knew none Ordinance of the Church (as con∣cerning this thing) but Saint Pauls saying onely: neverthe∣lesse I did see a contrary custome and practice in the world, but I know not the Originall thereof. Then said hee, that in the Apostles ••ime there were divers Citie••, some seven miles,* 6.313 some sixe mile•• long, and over them was there set but one Bishop, and of their Suburbes also. So likewise now, •• bishop hath but one City to his Cathedrall Church, and the country about, is as Suburbs unto it. Mee thought this was farre fetched, but I durst not deny it, because it was great Authority, and of so ho∣ly a Father, and of so great a Divine.* 6.314 But this date I say, tha•• his Hollinesse could never prove it by Scripture, nor yet by any authority of Doctors, not yet by any practice of the Apostles, and yet it must be tr••e, because a pillar of the Church hath spoken it•• But let us see what the Doctors say to my Article: Athanasius doth declare this text of the Apostle. I have left thee behind; &c.* 6.315 Hee would not commit unto one Bishop a whole Isle, but hee did enjoyne, th••t every City•• should have his proper Pastor, supposing that by this meanes they should more diligently oversee the people, and also that the labour should be more easie to beare, &c.* 6.316 Also Chrysostome on that

same text. Hee would not that a whole Country should be per∣mitted unto one man, but hee enjoyned unto every man his Cure; by that meanes hee knew, that the labour should be more easie, and the subjects should be with more diligence governed, if the teachers were not distracted with the governing of many Churches, but had cure and charge of one Church onely, &c. Mee thinketh these be plaine words, and able to move a man ••o speake as much as I did. But grant that you may have all these C••••ies, yet can you make it no heresie. For my Lord Car∣dinall granted, that it was but against him, and against you, who be no gods.* 6.317 But I poore man must be an heretique, there is no remedy, you will have it so, and who is able to say nay? Not all Scripture, no•• yet God himselfe. Sure I am, that they cannot by the Law of God have any jurisdiction secular, and yet they challenge both powers, which if they have why do ••hey not put them both in use? for they must say, as the Jewes said, Wee may kill no man. This is the Article that did bite you: for you cannot be content with the office of a Bishop, but you will be also Kings. How that standeth with Gods Law, and with your Oat••, I have declared it to our Noble Prince. I doubt not, but he will put you to the tryall of it.* 6.318 Have you not this many yeares condemned many a poore man, and then delivered him to the Temporal power to be put to death, which knew nothing of his cause? And if he would, that yee should put him to dea••h your selves, ••hen answered yee, how you might kill no man. So that they were always your hangmen. They say they b•• ••he Suc∣cessors of Christ and of his Apostles,* 6.319 but I can see them follow none but Iudas. For they beare the purse, and have all the money. And if they had not so great possessions, I am sure an hundred would speake against them, where now dare not one, for losse of promotion. And for this Article, I will overcome you with the witnesse of all the world, you may well condemne it for here••ie, but it is as true as your Pa••er Noster, Iudas sold our Master but once, and you ••ell him as often as he•• commeth in your hands. But I would it were that yee could prove mee a lye••, and that you followed ••ny of the Apostles ••aving Iudas onely, yet I would that yee were in certaine points as good ••s Iudas was.* 6.320 These ordinary Bishops and Prelates do follow that ••••lse Prophet Ba∣••a••m, For they would curse the people, but by the provision of Go•• they were compelled to blesse them, that is to say, to ••each

them to live well, though they themselves live most mischie∣vously. And so the Asses which they ride upon, that is, the common people, have their lives in abominat••on. This is the hainous here••ie. For it speaketh against the holy Fathers, which be almost as holy as Balaams Asse, that did once speake the Word of God to a good purpose. And so do they never. But I grant that I did offend in calling you Ordinary Bishops, for I should have called you inordinate butchers. And as ••or that that I compared you to Balaam, it is your owne Law. 2. quest: 7. Secuti sunt. And cap. Nos si.* 6.321 And as for your living, all the world knoweth it. I could tell here many holy points of Bishops living, as keeping of mens wives, and daughters, but I will not, for I should be reckoned uncharitable. But you may do them breaking not your holy charity. So he.

The namelesse Author of a Supplication to King Henry the eight,* 6.322 printed 1544. writes thus of Bishops, their calling, practi∣ses, and great revenues; How cruelly do the Bishops punish all them which pretend to have learning, and especially in Gods Word? such ••hey call heretiques, and persecute with putting them to open shame, with imprisonment, and in conclusion with death most fea••efull and painfull. All this they do to dis∣courage all men from the study of Gods word, fearing lest that by such studious braines which learne Gods Word and publish the same, their iniquity should be made manifest. What study and pains do they take to keep the light from the people•• But no man which knoweth the Scriptures will marvell of ••his their po∣licie and cruelty. For Saint Iohn declareth their practice plainly,* 6.323 saying. Hee that doth evill hateth the light, and why? bec••use his workes which be evill should not be reproved by the light. And for as much as our Bishops coun••enance of living their great possessi∣ons, and Lordly Dominions in them agreeth with Gods Word, ••s death with life, God with the Devill, light with darknesse, there∣fore they hate the light which declareth the same, and study 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••up∣presse the same by all ••ra••t and poli••y. Also they be enemies 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all men which can and doe preach Gods Word sincerely and truly, because they live ••ontrary to the same. And ••his i•• the originall ground, and ca••se of the ab••ndance of ••nd i••cr••••se of darkenes, and of sinne, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••lso of the long contin••••nce o•• Po∣pish blindnesse, which hath ••aigned in this Realme so l••••g. After which he proceeds thus, Most dread Soveraigne Lord, I see

two foule deformities•• and great lamentable mischiefes annexed to the vocation and office of Bishops, which not reformed will poyson and utterly corrupt the godly vocation and election of the said Bishops. The onely infection, and pestilent poyson is their great Lordships and dominions with the yearly provents of the same, which hath so fashioned them in proud countenances, and worldly be∣haviour, that now they be most like the Heathen Princes, and most un∣like unto Christ, although they would be esteemed of all men to be his true successours: yet poore Christ saith, The f••xes have holes, the birds have nests, but the Sonne of man hath not wherein to lay his head. But our Bishops have gorgeous and sumptuous builded houses, mannors, and castles pleasantly set about with Parkes well replenished with Deare, warrens swarming full of conyes, and pooles well stored with divers kinds of fishes. And not onely these commodities and pleasures, but also divers other pleasures. How doth this Lordly and worldly Bishoplike estate agree with Christs words? I thinke a man cannot reasonably conjecture or imagine by their countenance and living that they be Christs true Disciples. The other mischiefe, and evill is, that they have too many worldly cares and businesses. For to these Man∣nors and Lordships belong many Tenants, for whose leases to be made fines and haryots to be appointed and taken, amercia∣ments to be assessed, taxed and also forgiven and dispensed, there be no few suits made to my Lord Bishop: also the hearing of Testamentary causes, divorces, causes of Matrimony, cau∣ses of slanders, of lechery, adultery and punishment o•• baw∣dery, and such other bumme Court matters (whereof not one belong to his office and vocation appointed by Gods Word) My Lord Bishop is so occupyed and unquieted, that he hath no lea∣sure to study, nor to preach Gods word. But such affaires and worldly businesses, nothing pertaining to his vocation, be very great hinderance and let to my Lord Bishop that hee can not apply him to exercise his owne office.* 6.324 For no man can serve two masters, saith Christ. The Apostles thought it not just and equall to provide for the necessary living of the poore,* 6.325 leaving Gods word untaught. But my Lord Bi∣shop doing these things nothing pertaining to his office thinketh that he hath exactly done his office. From these great Mannors commeth yearly great rents, pleasures, and profits, which although they be the good creatures ••f God, yet the abundance of them (being where they be more impediment than helpe) be a great occasion of corrupti∣on in the user of them. And peradventure they would allure and

intice a Bishops heart to trust in them, and so corrupt him, as the Scripture saith: Blessed is the rich which is found without blemish, hath not gone after gold nor hoped in mony and treasures; Where is ••here such a one, and wee shall commend him and call him blessed, for great things doth hee among his people. And if my Lord Bishop should give the superfluity of his goods to the poore (whose goods justly they be) as the Proph••t Esay saith;* 6.326 then my Lord should lacke them to furnish his Lord∣ly countenance, and so my Lord should lose his Lordly honour and prayse of the world. Wherefore as these superfluous possessions be annexed to estates of Bishops by mans vaine fantasie, and not by Gods word, so my Lord Bishop will either keepe them to make him more friends (remembring that ri∣ches maketh many friends;* 6.327 but the poore is forsaken of his neighbour,) or devise the expence of them contrary to Gods Word, either to make sure friends in the Court about the King to obtaine more promotions and benefices, or in curious building, sumptuous and delicate fare, well apparelled ser∣vants, trimme decked horses to ride pompeously like a Lord. Although there were no authority to prove this, yet the Lord∣ly countenance, and fashion of Bishops, yea their common exer∣cise, and practise can well prove and testifie this plainely before the face of all men, which knoweth the Lordlinesse of Bishops, as the Prophet Esay saith.* 6.328 The changing of their countenance bewrayeth them; yea they declare their owne sinnes themselves at Sodomites, and hide them not. Do no•• these things faintly agree with the saying of their predecessour Paul the Apostle, which saith, When wee have food and rayment, wee must be contented.* 6.329 Is not this Lordly honour directly against Christs words, which saith,* 6.330 The Kings of Nations raigne over them, and they that have authority over them are called gracious Lords: but you shall n••t be so. Also Peter speaketh to his true successors, saying,* 6.331 Feed you Christs flocke as much as lyeth in you, taking the oversight of them, not as compelled thereunto, but willingly after a good sort, nor for the desire of filthy lucre, but of a good mind, not as though you were Lords over the parishes, but that you be an example to the flocke and that with good will. But our Lordly Bishops estate and proud countenance of living (as it is now used) is contrary to Gods Word, as it appeareth by these words, But you shall not be so. And also by these sayings.

Not at though you were Lords over the Parishes. And Christ saith, Hee that is not with mee is against mee. Wherefore so long as they raigne so Lordly in the Clergie contrary to Gods Word, so long be they against God and so long as they be against God, they be not sent from God, and then can they not preach truly and si••cerely his Word: For, how can they Preach except they be sent?* 6.332 saith Paul. Christ was s••nt to preach, as it appeareth, Mar. 1. Luk. 4. and Isay 61. And Christ saith to all his true Disciples.* 6.333 As my Father sent mee, so do I send you. And comman∣deth also all his Apostles and true Successors of the Apostles, to preach the Gospel to the whole world, and not Lordly to raigne in the Clergie. Whom Paul teacheth to be as Ministers, saying•• Let a man this wise esteeme us even as the Ministers of Christ, and the stewards of the secrets of God.* 6.334 To preach the Gospel there∣fore (most gratious and prudent Lord) is the true vocation and office of all godly Bishops, Parsons, Vicars and of other Shep∣heards, and not to be Ambassadors to Princes, not to be judges to heare matters of contention, Testamentary causes, divorces, slanders, baudery, and such other. Your Grace hath of your Lay see sufficient both in Learning and wisedome, and of good conscience to heare, and judge such causes and variances, re∣mitting Bishops to attend their office and vocation by God (and not by man) appointed. And therefore they should not exercise any other office than God hath appointed to them: for no man can serve two masters.* 6.335 And if Bishops and other Pastors would diligently execute their vocation & office, much ••ewer of those matters of contention shall be in ure, & experience either to be heard or judged. Seeing the Scriptures commandeth so earnestly every man to walke as hee is called. Many Christian men marvell greatly why the Bishops desire and procure so gree∣dily to exercise the office pertaining to another vocation, and to leave their vocation and office (appointed by God to them, to be exercised) not executed, nor performed and done:* 6.336 Veri∣ly because they love the glory of men, more than the glory of God. And surely, even as Caiphas and Annas being Bishops and exercising the office of secular and temporall Judges did judge Christ to be crucified, so our Bishops so long as they contrary to their cal∣ling, do exercise the office of temporall judges, so long shall they persecute Christ and his members, and study to suppresse his Word, and not to preach the same. Have not they busi∣nesse

sufficient wherewith to occupie them in their owne office? If they would looke well thereunto, do not they see on every side detestable sinne to raigne throughout all this your Realme? Detestable vices raigne in this your Realme, against the which our Bishops and other Pastours should continually cry out, as the Prophet saith;* 6.337 Cry now as loud as thou canst, leave not off, lift up thy voyce like a trumpet, and shew my people their offences, & the ••ouse of Iacob their sins. But alas they be become both blind and dumbe, as the Prophet saith.* 6.338 His watchmen are all blinde, they have altogether no understanding, they are all dumbe dogges, not able to barke, they ••re s••••epy, foolish are they, and lye snor••ing, they are shamelesse dogges that ••e never satisfied. The shepheards also in like manner h••ve no u••derstanding ••ut every man turneth to his owne way, every out after his owne covetousnesse withall his power. What is the cause that they do not execute this their office? O∣ther beca••se they cannot, or because they have so much world∣ly businesse, that they will not apply ••hemselves to performe both. Or else they be afraid to spe••ke the truth lest they should displease men, whom Paul reproveth saying:* 6.339 If I should please men, I should not be the servant of Christ. Also the Prophet saith,* 6.340 God breaketh the bones of them which study to please men•• they be con∣founded because the Lord 〈◊〉〈◊〉 th••m. Our Bishops love so well their great dominions•• whereby they maintaine their Lordly honour, th••t they will ••ot disple••se men with pre••ching the ••ruth lest they should ••h••n loose their great po••••essions, and con∣sequently their Lordly glory. But surely, as long as they pos∣sesse their great Dominions, so long they will continue and maintaine their pride: And so long as they continue in pride, so long they shall not receive the holy Ghost, which shall reach them to speake the truth. For upon whom shall my spirit rest (saith the Prophet Esay) but upon the m••••ke and lowly, and upon him which feareth my sayings?* 6.341 Also the Prophet saith, God res••steth the proud, and unto the m••••ke and lowly h••e giv••th ••is grace. Wherefore so long as the Bishops conti••••e in this worldly wealth and honour, so long will they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their du••y and office, but ra••her pers••cute the word of Go••, which declareth and sheweth what is their office ••nd their duty. And so long as they do not e••ercise their off••••e ••nd voc••••ion, but ••o pe••secu••e ••he Word, and such as sinc••••ely p••each the same so long shall sinne incr••ase. For if the eye be wicked, all the body shall be

••ull of darknesse. For even as at such time, when the Bishop of Rome was first endowed with great possessions, a voice was heard, saying, Now venome and poyson is cast and shed forth into the Church of God. In like wise no doubt, most godly Governour, semblable voyce and saying may be verified in, and upon all the Church of England, sith your Bishops were endowed with so great possessions and Lordly Dominions.* 6.342 No doubt, gracious Lord, so long as great Lordly Dominions, worldly honours, and wealth be annexed and knit to the vocation and offices of Bishops and other pastours, these mischiefes and inconveniences shall ever ensue and follow. First the most proud and ambiti∣ous, the most covetous and wicked which other by mony, friend∣ships, or flattery can obtaine the benefice, will labour with all studie and policie to get the benefice, onely for the worldly ho∣nour, and not for the zeale and love which he should have to instruct and teach the people committed to his cure and charge. And for the Profit which belongeth and appertaineth to the same benefice, they will dissemble humility, and despection, of all worldly profits and pleasures so colourably and subtilly, that it shall be very hard for your Majesty, or any other having autho∣rity to give benefices to perceive them. And when they have obtained the benefice, then every Christian man shall well per∣ceive, that he hath not entred in by the doore; that is, for the zeale and love to do and execute the office, but hath climed up and ascended by another way, that is, for the lucre and honour annexed to the office. And then certainly, whosoever ascendeth and entereth in by another way, cannot be but a theefe by day, and by night, whose study and labour must be to steale, kill and destroy, as Christ (whose words must ever be true) saith.* 6.343 The theefe commeth not but to steale, to kill, and to destroy. So that so long as so much worldly profit and honour belongeth to the benefice, so long will hee that for want and lacke of learning cannot doe the office, and also the most covetous and proud will labour to have th•• ••••fice, whereby the people committed to his cure shall not on•••• be untaught, and not learned in Gods Word, but also all they which can preach and teach Gods Word, and love the same, by such a worldly wolfe shall be ex∣tremely persecnted and tormented. For hee cannot but steale, kill, and destroy, and utterly abhorre and hate the godly, as Christ saith,* 6.344 If you were of the world, the world would love his

owne. But because you be not of the world, but I have chosen you from the world, therefore the world doth hate you. No doubt a man shall much rather upon thornes gather grapes, and upon bram∣bles, and bryers gather figges than of such greedy theeves to have any Christian religion, either set forth, preached, or sta∣blished. Wherefore (most redoubted Prince) seeing that their great possessions, riches, wordly offices, cures and businesse be the impediment, and let that they do not execute their voca∣tion and office, which is so godly, profitable & necessary for this your Commonwealth; You, being our Soveraigne Lord and King (whom God hath called to governe this your Realme, and to redresse the enormities, and abuses of the same) by all justice, and equity are bounden to take away from Bishops, and other spirituall shepheards such superfluity of possessions and riches, and other secular cures, businesse, and worldly offices which be the cause of much sinne in them, and no lesse occasion where∣by they be letted to execute their office to the great losse and hindrance of much faith, vertue, and goodnesse, which might be administred to your subjects through the true preaching of Gods Word. And that done, then circumspectly to take heed that none be admitted to be Pastours, but such as can preach and have preached sincerely Gods Word: And all such as will not, to remove them from their cures. This godly order observed in the election of spirituall Pastours, & the pestilent poyson removed, and taken away from their vocation; faith shall increase, and sinne shall decrease, true obedience shall be observed, with all humility to your Majesty, and to the higher powers by your grace appointed in office: civill quietnesse, rest, and peace shall be established. God shall be feared, honoured, and loved, which is the effect of all Christian living.

O Lord, save our most Soveraigne Lord King Henry the eight, and grant that hee may once throughly feele and perceive what miserable calamity sorrow and wretchednesse we suffer now in these dayes abroad in the Country by these unlearned, Popish, and most cruell tyrants, even the very enemies of Christs Crosse, whose paine shall be without end, when wee shall live in joy for ever: Grant yet once againe, I say, good Lord, and most mercifull Father, through thy Sonne Jesus Christ, that when his Grace shall know and perceive (by thy gift and goodnesse) their most detestable wayes in misusing thy heritage, that hee

will earnestly go about to see a redresse among them, and to the penitent and contrite in heart, to shew his accustomed good∣nesse, and to the other his justice according to Saint Pauls Do∣ctrine, and his Graces Lawes. And most dread Soveraigne (with all humility, and humblenesse of heart) I beseech your grace (according to your accustomed goodnesse) to take this my rude Supplication to the best as a fruit of my obedience, wherein I have not dissembled, but have opened fully unto your Grace the ground and very bottome of my heart, not of any grudge, evill will or malice that I beare to any spirituall Shepheard (God I take to record) but onely for the glory of God, the honour of your Grace, and the wealth and profit of your most naturall and loving subjects. Thus this namelesse Supplicant.

Our learned Martyr * 6.345 Iohn Lambert, alias, Nicholson, Anno 1538. in his answer to his 9. and 22. Articles, thus determins of the parity and identity of Bishops and Ministers. As touching Priesthood in the Primitive Church,* 6.346 when vertue bare (as anci∣ent Doctors do deeme, and Scripture in mine opinion recordeth the same) most roome, there were no more officers in the Church of God than Bishops and Deacons: that is to say, Ministers, as witnesseth, besides Scripture, full apertly Ierome in his Com∣mentaries upon the Epistles of Paul, whereas he saith, That those whom we call Priests,* 6.347 were all one and none other but Bishops, and the Bishops none other but Priests; men ancient both in age and learning so neere as could be chosen. Neither were they institu∣ted and chosen as they be now adayes, with small regard of a Bishop, or his officer onely, opposing them if they can con∣strue a Collect; but they were chosen not onely by the Bishop, but also with the consent of the people among whom they should have their living, as sheweth Saint Cyprian. And the people (as hee saith) ought to have power to chuse Priests, that bee men of good lear∣ning, of good and honest report.* 6.348 But, alacke for pity, such electi∣ons are now banished, and new fashions brought in; which if wee should conferre with the forme of the election shewed of Christ by his Apostle Paul, wee should find no small diversity, but all turned upside downe.

In the 2••. where you demand, Whether I beleeve that it is lawfull for all Priests freely to preach the Word of God or no: and that in all places, at all seasons, and to all persons to whom they shall please, although they be not sent? I say, that Priests are called in

Scripture by two distinct words, that is to wit, Presbyteri and Sa∣cerdotes. The first is to say, ancient men, Seniors and Elders: and by that word or vocable are the secular Judges, or such like head officers sometimes also signified; as wee read in Daniel, of these that defamed and wrongfully accused Susanna; but this is seldome, and nothing so customeablely, as those be called Presbyteri, which are set to be Prelates in the Church, to guide the same by the word of God and his blessed Doctrine, that is the rod of direction, and the foundation of Christs faith. And Priests thus called Presbyteri in the Primitive Church (what time we••e but few traditions and ordinances to let us from the straight trade or institution made by Christ, and his Apostles) WERE THE SAME AND NONE OTHER BUT BISHOPS, as I have shewed you in the first part of mine answer, by autho∣rity of Saint Hierome, and Paul recordeth the same right evident∣ly, and Tit. 1. in this forme. I left thee Titus (said blessed Paul) behind mee in Crete, that thou shouldest correct, or set in a due order such things as lacke, or be not else perfectly framed, and that thou shouldest set Priests in every Towne, like as I did appoint thee, such as are without reproach or blamelesse, the husband of one wife, ha∣ving faithfull children, not subject to the vice of riot, or that hee be not unruly: for so ought a Bishop to be, &c. These are not my words, but of Saint Paul in the Epistle to Titus; where you may see, that a Priest called Presbyter, should be that same that a Bishop, whom he requireth a little after, to be able by wholsome Doctrine of Gods Scripture to exhort the good to follow the same do∣ctrine; and those that shall speake against it, to reprove them thereby. And marke you how hee would have a Bishop, otherwise called an ancient man, and a Priest, to make exhortation by holy Scripture, and thereby to reprove them that shall speake against the truth, & not to condemne them by might or authority only, or else by traditions of men made in generall Councels. And as many as are these wise Priests which are called commonly Pres∣byteri, otherwise Bishops, such as in the Church are set to take cure of soules, and to be spirituall Pastors, ought to Preach freely the Word of God, in all places and times convenient, and to whomsoever it shall please them, if they suppose, and see that their preaching should edifie and profit. And whereas you adde this particle, though they were not sent. I say, that all such are chosen to be Preachers, and therefore sent, for of this spea∣keth

S. Gregory in his Pastorals, in this wise•• Praedicationis, quippe officium suscepit, quisquis ad sacerdotium accedit, &c. So hee, who much condemned Ex Officio Oathes and proceedings; the Canon Law; and inequality of Bishops and Ministers, as con∣trary to Christs institution, who made all his Apostles of equall authority, in his answers to the 29.30.41. and 43. Articles, too large and too common to transcribe.

* 6.349The booke intituled: The Image of a very Christian Bishop, and of a counterfeit Bishop, (written & printed cum privilegio re∣gali, in Henry the eight his raigne, though by the Bishops pra∣ctice called in by this * 6.350Kings injunctions, An. 1539. with sundry other orthodoxe bookes,) determins thus both of the Bishops callings, and practices in those times. The booke being very rare, I shall transcribe more of it than otherwise I would doe.

* 6.351Over and besides this, the Ministers of the Word of God are principally bound hereunto, that they shall more sharpely re∣buke the Bishops and the Primates of the Church, than the worldly Princes and Rulers, and that for many causes; first, because that Ecclesiasticall highnesse and dignity, as it is now, is not of God; for God doth not acknowledge, not elect this disguised, and painted de∣ceitfull people, and these childish, and in a manner counterfeit, and Nicholaicall Bishops, forasmuch as they do neither teach, no•• yet do execute any point belonging to the office of a Bishop. Secondly,* 6.352 these shadows of Bishops have not beene constituted by men, but they have exalted their owne selves, and they have catch∣ed unto themselves Empire, Dominion, and Lordships, against both God and men, against reason, common sense or judgement; after the nature and property of Tyrants, which doe rule onely by the wrath, and great indignation of God. The Temporall, or Worldly Gover∣nours, and Officers are constituted by the gracious favour, and mercifull ordinance of God, to the chastisement, and punish∣ment of evill men, and to the protection, defence, and mainte∣nance of good men.* 6.353 Besides this, the worldly Governours, al∣though they do injury and wrong never so much, and do un∣justly and wickedly,* 6.354 yet for all that, they doe but onely hurt the temporall goods, and the body. But these great estates, and Prelates of the Church, if they be not good and vertuous, and do not promote, and ••e•• forwards the course of the word of God unfainedly, and with their hearts, they are meere wolves, and most cruell murderers of soules. And it is much like in evill and

wicked Bishops as if Satan having a Miter on his head, and rings on his fingers, did ••i•• in a chaire and did rule the people. Where∣fore even the Bishops also which doe not teach the pure Word of God, are no lesse to be eschewed than the Devill himselfe. For wheresoever the Word of God is not,* 6.355 there without doubt is nothing else but humane errour, meere doctrine of Devills, and butchery and slaughter of soules; for the consciences or soules without the Word of God can neither live no•• bee delivered from the Devill.

But here I know well enough they will object and say;* 6.356 that it is jeopardy, lest sedition might be raysed up against those Bishops and Prelates of the Church.

Loe I make answer,* 6.357 Shall the Word of God (I beseech you) for this your fained objection be neglected, and shall therefore the whole people perish? And is it (I pray you) right and con∣venient, that all soules should perpetually perish and be slaine,* 6.358 that the temporall and most vaine pompe of such men might be preserved and maintained, and might endure and continue in her peace and quietnesse? Nay, it were better (for spirituall harmes are most to be weighed) that sixe hundred times all the Bishops should perish for ever in their pride and dignity, and that all the Churches collegiate, and al Monasteries were plucked up by the rootes, were overthrowne and utterly destroyed, (so it were done by the authority of the higher powers) th••n that one soule should perish: Because I will not in the meane season say, that infinite soules; yea, that all soules shall perish for any thing that such as they doe. I pray you tell me, what profit com∣meth of many of the Bishops that now are, or wherefore serve they, but onely to live in voluptuousnesse and pleasures, and to play the rioters and wantons of other mens labour and sweat, and in the meane season with much grievo••s threatnings, and with dreadfull feares to condemne, to hisse out, to cast out and to warre against the Word of God? Good men, they take ex∣ceeding great thought and care for themselves,* 6.359 and with mar∣vellous great unquietnesse of minde, feare and dread seditions in the temporall common-wealth; but as for the death of soules, being thereof all carelesse and without any manner of fea••e, or unquietnesse of minde, they doe neglect and passe nothing up∣on it, I beseech thee good Reader, are not these goodly, wise and exceeding bold and manly heardsmen of the Church? If

they did receive the Word of God and of truth, and did prin∣cipally search for the life and safeguard of soules, then the God•• (as the Apostle saith) of patience and of Comfort and hope would be with them,* 6.360 that they should not neede to feare any seditions or ri∣sings of the people, which is but their crafty cloaked excuse to blind the eyes of the Princes;* 6.361 But in as much as they like deafe Serpents stopping their eares will not heare the Word of God, but (such is their fury and madnesse) doe rage against it with excommu∣nications, cursings, imprisonments, with the sword, and finally with fire; I beseech you what other thing doe they, as concer∣ning their part, with this their extreame woodnesse, then (which God defend) even willingly provoke that there should rise up a very great sedition, and that some certaine tempest and storme should violently and suddenly come upon them which should rid them at once out of the world: And surely if any such thing did chance unto them, yet were they nought else but to be laughed and scorned, as Wisedome saith in Proverbs 1. Because I have called and you have refused to come, I have stretched forth my hand and there was none of you that would looke to me, and you have despised all my counsell, and have set at nought my rebukings, I also will laugh in your destruction, and I will mocke and scorne when that thing which you did feare shall be chanced and come unto you.

* 6.362The Word of God doth not stirre or raise up seditions and strifes, but the stubborne aud obstinate disobedience of them which doe rage against it, is the cause that trouble and sedition is stirred up among the people, and that then by such seditions that thing should happen unto them which they had deserved through their owne unbeleefe and frowardnesse and wicked blindnesse; for whosoever receiveth the Word of God, that man raiseth up no manner of seditions at all, albeit that he doth no longer feare those vaine ••ugges, neither doth worship those Episcopall Puppets, now since that he doth know the Word of God, and because that men doe not feare and reverence their vaine imaginations, as heretofore they have done, that same is the thing (if I be not beguiled) which they doe call seditions;* 6.363 and this is the thing that those persons doe so greatly feare, which have hitherto suffered themselves to be worshipped and feared like Gods, as though they had beene true Bishops or true Hear••smen of the Church. After which he addes; S. Pe••er saith of these, The Lord knoweth how to keepe the unrighteous persons un∣to

to the day of judgement for to be punished; Namely, such as following the flesh, doe walke in the concupiscence and lust of uncleannesse, and doe despise the Governors, and Rulers; being presump••uous, stubborne, and which doe no•• feare to raise and speake evill words on them which are in high authority. Our delicate Bishops doe ••ot beleeve that this was spoken of them. But I beseech thee good Read••r marke here, how well the words of Peter doe agree with Paul, when he describeth their filthy and uncleane life: For where he saith presumptious, stubborne; there are scantly any men to whom those words doe sooner agree. For it is they which of all men doe most set by themselves, insomuch that they doe despise all worldly Rulers and Officers, and whatsoever other person is of high dignity and authority in the world in comparison of themselves, and doe also rayle upon them and speake opprobrious words against them: For the Pope hath many yeares agoe taken this monstrous ty∣rannie unto himselfe,* 6.364 that hee hath not beene afraid to tread Kings and Princes under his feete, to depose them, to excom∣municate them, to curse them unto the 4.5. and 6. Generation, and after their owne pleasure to exercise all things which any manner of way whatsoever it may belong and helpe unto ex∣treame and wonderfull tyranny, none otherwise than if the Princes and Governours were Swine or else Dogges, notwith∣standing that the Scripture willeth all men, to ••e subject and obe∣dient unto the Princes and Governours of the publicke peace and tranquillity of this life•• Namely, forasmuch a•• they 〈…〉〈…〉 and ordained to serve the divine Ordinance as Ministers of the sword: And yet neverthelesse there are found some Kings and Princes so faint-hearted, and of so little manfulnesse, and courage, that they doe feare these harmelesse thunders, and vain•• curs••••g, and doe humbly beseech and obtaine the ex••reame and ••••termost foolishnesse and insen••ibility, that they may be blessed againe (for so they call it) of the Pope I wo•• n••t with what charmes or conjurations and words appointed for the same purpose onely, that is to wit, to the end that that cruell p••••sumption, and that wonderfull tyranny of his (a•• though he were not m••d enough of his owne Swing) might by the reason hereof the sooner gather power and strength, and with those most vaine decei••es of cursings might deceive all the whole world.

Besides this, the Bishops d••e stoutly and man••••lly helpe the Pope, and so all the great L••rds belonging to the Pope, and

they be in very deede the dispisers of all Rulers and Potestates which will in no wise be subject to any manner of high power, neither in body nor in goods, but onely they being presump∣tuous and stubborne and more than Wood doe on every side make businesse, and rage to excommunicate and curse all Kings and Princes and others which are in authority. Tell me I be∣seech you, hath not our Peter here largely and plainely touched our most delicate and tender Bishops? I pray you of what o∣ther persons may these words be understood, that they are not subject nor obedient unto the Rulers, that they speake evill of Kings and Princes; briefely, that being presumptuous and stubborne they doe feare no man?* 6.365 Is it not knowne openly to the world who they be that commit these lewd deedes? Why then should I be affraid to touch and rebuke these coloured and painted Bishops, which by the tyranny of the Pope, by the favours of men, and by holy gold have invaded Bishoprickes, without the Commandment either of God or men? But for as much as these delicate and tender Bishops have foreheads of Iron, and neckes of brasse, as it is sayd in the Prophets, and will not feare, they cannot be perswaded, and they runne forth on according to their owne madnesse, their owne course, and their owne swing; and whereas they ought to spend their blood and their life (I meane not in any worldly fight) for the main∣tenance of the Word of God against the doctrines of men; They sleepe all carelesse, and give their mindes altogether to pleasures and to fare well, and the soules of which they boast themselves to be the Pastours and feeders, they doe most sloathfully neg∣lect, and nothing care for. But such is their negligence: they doe onely thinke and study how they may bring in the dread∣full wrath of God upon men, and draw soules unto the deepe pit of hell, and that they may at the last carry the Conscien∣ces of men cleane overthwart from the Word of God into lyes and devillish Errours, and the doctrines of men; wherefore wee ought here so much the more diligently to take good heede and to looke well about, that we may shew and utter unto the world these so cruell and so bloody wolves, which doe lye hid under forked Miters, set with pearles and precious ••tones: I doe there∣fore exhort all Christian men in our Lord, that they will here con••ider and ponder the wrath of God. And therefore like∣wise as you would doe with a visible Idoll, even so do now with

the Bulls of these Romish Balaam, the tormentor and slayer o•• soules. Consider, how pleasant a thing you shall doe unto God, if you doe breake and dash in peeces (with the Word of God, and not with the sword) these Idolls, and doe sanctifie his glorious name, and doe deliver it from the filthy abomination of Idolatry. After which he addes, That a Bishop ought to abhorre and to be farre a way from filthy Lucre, but the Bishop of Rome and his Clients, and other Bishops of their complexion, have infinite crafts, and most shamefull meanes of getting money. And here it is not unknowne to me what they doe object.* 6.366

I•• i•• not enough, not sufficient for a Prince (say they) to have meate, drinke, and cloathing, except he have also suffici∣ently whereof he may keepe and maintaine a guard, or band of men, according to the condition and estate of a Prince?

What Princes doe in this place object and alleadge for them∣selves of the Princely state,* 6.367 and of Princes Courts advise them, the Apostle speaketh not of Princes, but of Bishops, As for these Princely Bishops and Bishoply Princes he utterly knoweth no∣thing of, which doe beguile the world with the name of Bishop, and with the most vaine colours of Ceremonies and gloves and Miters. But therefore Paul and the Spirit of God which spake in him, shall not change their words, neither attemper themselves un••o these Princes, but these Princelike Bishops shall be faine to at∣temper and apply themselves in their living according to the minde of S. Paul, and his word•••• or else they shall not be Bi∣shops, nor Pastours, but meere puppets and v••surs. I cannot here refraine (although I list not now greatly to bourd in the rehearsall of these things) but I must rehearse a pleasant and merry History. It happened upon a time that a certaine Princely Bishop, (of Colen in Germany,* 6.368) did ride with a Royall Pompe and goodly company of horsemen (as commonly such Bishops are wont to shew themselves set forth gayly and gorge∣ously,* 6.369 even above any worldly or temporall Princes) through the fields that lay neere unto a certaine Village, whom when a certaine shepheard had haply espied, as he rode over the fields, he left his flocke, and did run unto him, and staring and gazing upon him, as it had beene one amazed, he marvelled greatly at the riches, pompe, and gorgeousnesse which he saw about him. The Bishop seeing him so gazing, sayd unto him; What dost thou see here, that thou dost marvell so greatly? Then he, as he

was an homely rusticall fellow, made to him this plaine answer. I mervaile (said he) whether* 6.370 S. Martin did use this same Pomp or like gorgeousnesse and superfluity. To whom the Bishop said, Forsooth, thou art a starke foole, and takest thy marke amisse, for S. Martin was scarcely one of the vile and rascall people: but I am also a Prince of high and Noble birth. Then sayd the shep∣heard againe, I beseech you my Lord, will you give me leave to speake a word? yea marry sayd the Bishop•• I give thee good leave, demand what thou wilt. Then said the Shepheard, what if the Devill should take and beare away the Prince shall there remaine any thing of the Bishop? At these words that good Princely Bishop being confounded and ashamed, depar∣••ed from the man, and rode his way. So the Apostle Paul in comparison of those Dukes and Nimrods, was a plaine simple craftsman, living by the worke of his owne hands. And there∣fore he went sometime on his feete and preached the Gospell all abroad, he could play the Apostle; but such a poore and lewd person as he was, could never have played the royall and Princely Bishop after this fashion. Let no man thinke it is to be sayd or done against the heads and governours of Christs Church: whatsoever is sayd or done against these sloathfull, idle and sluggish beasts, given all to the belly. For they are not Bishops, but plaine Idols and dumbe Images, idle Puppets, visurs, blockes, shadowes, disguised game players, which doe not so much as know what this word Episcopus, that is to say, Bishop doth signifie: so farre off they be from knowing what is the Office or duty of a Bishop. Wilt thou•• that I tell thee at one word what they are?* 6.371 Wolves they are, tyrants, traytors, manquellers, monsters of the world, burdens of the earth, the Apo∣stles of Antichrist, graven and made to corrupt and destroy the Gospell. And to utter at once what I thinke. Loe I will here play the Bedell or common Cryer. Be it knowne to all men, that the Bishops of Rome with their clients Bishops, which doe now ex∣ercise tyranny upon so many Cities in most ample and large domini∣on, are not Bishops by the Ordination of God, but by Errour and by ••he seduction of the Devill, and by the traditions of men, wherefore without doubt they are the messengers and Vicars of Satan. If I doe not shew and prove this, by so evident testimonies, that mine enemies shall be constrained to confesse this verity, and that even themselves (so that they doe meanely repent and waxe

wise) cannot deny it, then let them be Bishops, then let me be thought to doe injury unto them. First, Paul writeth unto * 6.372 Titus, That he should constitute and ordaine Presbyters in every Towne. Here I suppose that no man can deny, that all one thing is signified by this word Preshyter,* 6.373 and by this word Epi∣scopus, in Saint Pauls writings; for as much as he doth bid Titus, that he should in every City constitute Presbyters. And because a Bishop ought to be unreproveable, therefore he calleth him Presbyterum. It is evident therefore what Paul doth signifie and meane by this word Episcopus,* 6.374 Bishop; that is to say, A man excel∣lently good and vertuous, of ripe age, which also hath a chaste wife and children, obedient in the feare of the Lord. And the Apostle will that he should have the oversight and government of the Congregation, in the Ministery of the Word and the Admini∣stration of the Sacraments. All men whosoever they be, which by all honest and lawfull meanes, doe spend and bestow their goods, honour, blood and life, to the end that these Bisho∣prickes so pompous and Courtly, so farre unlike and contrary to all the office and duty of an Apostle, namely to the mini∣stration of the Word, and that all this devillish Kingdome of the Bishop of Rome may be overthrowne and destroyed, or if they cannot in very deede destroy it•• doe cry against it, doe dispraise and condemne it, and doe avoyde it as abhomination•• all those persons that so doe, are the sonnes of God, and true Christian men fighting and helping the Faith of the Gospell in spirituall barraile against the gates of Hell; Contrariwise who∣soever doe favour the Kingdome of the Popes Bishops so wic∣ked, and that so tyrannous and devillish cruelty, and doe wil∣lingly and gladly submit themselves and obey unto it, those persons are the ministers of the Devill, fighting as enemies against the Words, the Lawes, and Ordinances of God. This sentence of mine, nay rather of Gods Judgement, I prove with strong effectuall arguments in this wise. The Apostle Paul com∣mandeth Titus,* 6.375 That he should Ordaine and constitute a Bishop in every City, such one as was the husband of one wife, a man vertuous and unreproveable, &c. This is the Word, this is the will and sentence of God. Against this sayd Will of God these men doe now strive, which have taken quite away all true Bishops ou•• of all Cities, and insteed of true Bishops have constituted shops or worke-houses of most cold Ceremonies, Monasteries

and Churches Collegiate, and have brought in themselves in their steed, that by this meanes they might be made Bishops or Over-seers of many Cities, and also of many Provinces. Now the sentence of Paul, or rather the Words of the Holy Ghost doth continue firme, stable, and not able to be moved or stirred of the gates of hell, and doth stand as stiffe as a bra∣sen wall, which saith plainely and evidently, That in every City there ought to be constituted and Ordained one Bishop, and these then shal be every one of them of equal power with the other. For Paul speaketh plainly of every City, & he giveth to every Bishop full power & authority in his own City. Go to therforenow ye world¦ly Bishops. Why doe ye not here rise? Why do ye not boldly & manfully resist? Why do ye not break forth all of you together? Here you have to doe not with me, but with the Apostle Paul. Here you resist (that I may say with the holy Martyr Stephen) not me,* 6.376 but the Holy Ghost, which likewise againe of his part doth mightily resist you. ••oe to then, what will you say here, I beseech you? Will you all hold your peace, and say nothing at all? Loe your sentence is given and pronounced against you, you have the matter judged, that is to wit, that unto all Chri∣stian men it belongeth of their part (with the Word of God) againe to destroy, to plucke up by the rootes, and utterly to ex∣tinct both you and your Kingdome, which you doe tyrannou∣sly exercise, to extinct and destroy the Gospell; you have heard now that they be in the indignation of God, whosoever favoureth you, and on the otherside that they are in the favour of God, whosoever overthroweth and destroyeth you. But I will not in any wise these words which I doe speake of the de∣struction and utter subversion of the Kingdome of false Bishops, so to be understood or taken, as though it ought to be done with the hand, or with sword, or with violence, or bodily in∣vasion of them, for with this destruction of the men, we shall be nothing further in this so great a matter,* 6.377 that is to wit, Gods cause or businesse: But as Daniel prophecied in the 8. chapter, The Kingdome of Antichrist is to be broken all to peeces without any hand of man. Saint Peters words, you are a regall Priesthood and a Priestly Kingdome, are meant of Spirituall Bishops, who are all the Preachers of the Word of God in Cities, Townes, and Villages, although they doe neither buy Pall nor Gowne, nor yet any other Garment of those bawdes the Romanists: the Cor∣porall

Bishops are you which bearing ••orked Miters on your heads under the apparell of Aaron, doe in very deede play the very Tyrants, and are fellowes unto Nero and Caligula, riding upon fat and well fed Pal••ries and sleeke Mules, and afterwards with your rings onely, and your Gloves, and your silver Sheep∣hooke (if God be pleased) you doe play the Bishops. And here againe I guesse what they will object.* 6.378 For all that (say they) oftentimes many Saints have beene Bishops, not onely of one City, but of many Cities. I make answere,* 6.379 As many as have beene ••oly Bishops in very deede, and called Pastours by the calling of God, all those for the most part were the Bishops of one City alone, as Cyprian,* 6.380 Hilary, Ambrose, Augustine, Ireneus, and these ob∣served the tradition of the Apostles; it is found in deede in Hi∣s••oriographers, that there have beene certaine (such was holy Boniface,* 6.381 and such also Tite* 6.382 unto Paul) which did after their own judgement constitute other Bishops in the Cities, as Titus did, but yet w••re they not therefore the Bishops of many Cities;* 6.383 and al∣beit that such manner of example could be shewed of the Saints,* 6.384 shall the examples of holy men be prejudiciall to the Word of God? Is not God greater than all Saints? how oftentimes doe we finde that holy men have sinned & erred?* 6.385 God saved Daniel in a Dungeon of Lyons,* 6.386 and he saved Ananias, Azarias and Misael in the flaming Furnance of Babylon. Is the hand or power of God now shortned and minished? Is it any doubt but that be might preserve and keepe his elect and chosen persons, if it should happen them by any meanes to be seduced, and led out of the right way (as Christ prophecied) even in the middest of mens Ordinations and traditions, and of the errours of the Devill?* 6.387 we ought not to put confidence in any ensample, deed, or word of Saints, but our Consciences ought to leane, and to be groun∣ded onely upon the Word of God, which onely is he (as Paul saith) that cannot lye. But let us furthermore heare Paul, what he saith of this Ordinance of God, for in this wise Luke writeth of him in the 20. Chap. of the Acts, And sending messengers from Miletum to Ephesus, he sent for Priests of the Church, which when they were come to him, he sayd unto them, Take heede to your selves and to all the flocke in which the holy Ghost hath set or ordained you Bishops to governe the Church of God, which he hath purchased and gotten with his owne blood. Goe to now, is here any new thing? Is Paul a foole, and doth he not know what he doth? Ephesus

was but one City alone, and Paul calleth openly all the Priests or Elders by one common name Episcopos, Bishops. But per∣adventure Paul had not read those bookes, and those Apologies wretchedly patched together of Papists, nor the holy Decretals. For how would he have bin bold else to make many Bishops o∣verseers to one City, & to call al the Priests of one City Bishops,* 6.388 in as much as they were not all Princes, neither kept a gard of men, and goodly Palfries, but were certaine rascall persons, and of the most abject and vile sort of men, after the worldly estima∣tion. For Paul peradventure was ignorant of that, which is growne in use now in our time, that no man can be a great Bi∣shop in very deed, unlesse he doe (as the Poet saith) keepe an hundred Horses in goodly stables, unlesse he have a gorgeous house full of royall Pompe, unlesse he have many royall titles of Lordships. For this alone is sufficient now in our time, to that that Knights and Princes (be they never so much unlearned and foolish, yea and though their minds other whiles doe stand nothing towards it) may by the commendations of their pa∣rents and kinsfolkes, and otherwhiles by gifts and rewards be suddainely made Bishops. But in good sadnesse thou seest plain∣ly that the Apostle Paul doth call these onely Bishops, which doe Preach the Gospell unto the people, and doe minister unto them the Sacraments, as now in our time be the Parish Priests and the Preachers.* 6.389 Wherefore I doe not doubt but these, al∣though they doe Preach the Gospell, but to very little Villa∣ges and Granges, and if they be the faithfull and true ministers of the Word: I doe not doubt (I say) that they have by good right the Title and name of a Bishop. Contrariwise, those vali∣ant horsemen a••d tyrannous Bishops have no point of the Of∣fice of a Bishop, saving onely those bare goodly titles, and cer∣taine disguised apparell, in like manner as those Bishops which are painted on a Wall, have indeed the shape and likenesse of Bishops, but they are without life and speech: For even such dead and idle stockes and blockes are the Popes Bishops in eve∣ry point: albeit that then they are evermore strong and quick when they doe exercise tyrannous cruelty against the very Pa∣stours, which doe busily governe Cities in the ministration of the Word of God, and by more than devillish tyranny doe forbid them holy Wedlocke, and to the open slander of the Church doe winke at the keeping of Whores, doe blaspheme

the Gospell, doe extinct the Word of God, and under the pre∣tence and colour of vertue and godlinesse, doe with incredible woodnesse exercise continually extreame tyranny upon the silly poore people. By the reason whereof we doe see in the Courts and Palaces of some Bishops, likewise as in the foun∣taine of all vice and mischiefe in the Court of Rome,* 6.390 not so much as one crum, not so much as the least shadow to bee found of Christian manners: we see also all the Cities of Priests, and namely those Noble ••eates of Priests to be nothing else but schooles of uncleanelinesse and bodily plesures, Ware-houses of vices, so much that in comparison of their houses the Courts of their secular Princes may be accounted Monasteries and holy schooles of vertue and godlinesse, yea and Sodome and Gomorrah in comparison of them, may seeme temperate, measurable and thrifty.* 6.391 For out of their Courts or houses commeth forth nei∣ther the Gospell, nor any other holy Doctrine, but onely Cita∣tions, Excommunications, Exactions, Interdictions, Citations (I say) in very deed peremptory, that is to say, slayers both of goods and of soules. For such as the Bishops are themselves, such also is their Doctrin.* 6.392 And though thou do never so much cloath an Asse with a Lyons skin, yet he continueth still an Asse; and an Ape is still an Ape although he be clad in purple. Besides this, S. Paul writeth to the Philippians in this wise:* 6.393 Paul and Timothy the Ser∣vants of Iesus Christ, to all the Saints in Christ Iesu which are in the City of Philippi, and to the Bishops also and the Deacons, &c. Lo•• Philippi was but onely one City, and yet S. Paul saluteth all them that beleeveth, together with the Bishops•• undoub∣tedly the Bishops whom he meaneth there, were the Priests, likewise as he was wont to constitute and ordaine in all the o∣ther Cities. This is now the third place of Paul, in which wee doe see, what God and the holy Ghost hath constituted and or∣dained, that is to wit, that they onely are called Bishops in ve∣ry deede, and by right, which doe take and beare the charge of the people in the Administration of Gods Word, in caring for the poore ••locke in the Administration of the Sacraments; as are now in our dayes the Christian Cu••ates or Parish Priests,* 6.394 if they might be suffered for those Mi••red Horsemen. And that this belongeth to the Office of a Bishop, the very Word it selfe doth very well declare; for this Word Episcopu••••,* 6.395 is derived of two Gre••ke words, Epi, and Scopin, which signifie, to give at∣tendance,

to Oversee, to give diligence, to play the Keeper or watchmen over the people, in like manner as watchmen doe keepe watch upon the walls of a Citie, or as Shepheards doe keepe watch upon their sheepe. And Episcopos in Greeke doth properly signifie in English an Overseer, and in the Hebrew it signifieth a Visi••our, that is to say, one which visiteth men at their owne house, and doth diligently enquire and search the con∣dition of them, and the state of their life, being readily and in∣differently to helpe and comfort all men. So Christ saith in the nineteenth Chapter of Matthew, Because thou hast not knowne the time of thy visitation. That which is there called time of Visita∣tion, we call the time of thy Bishopricke. But ou•• Papisticall Bi∣shops have found and devised a certaine new proofe and decla∣ration of that Episcopall Office, seemely for such as they are, that is, to set themselves a high in a chaire guilded, clad in purple, with Cushions of cloath of ••issue under their buttockes and their el∣••owes, having abundance and plenty of all manner of delights and pleasures, as much as any King can have, and in the meane season to offer and set forth the men belonging to their governance, to be pilled, tormented and slaine of their officials, to whom they make their flockes subjects; men for the most part wicked, ungodly, and which doe thinke that there is no God,* 6.396 which then may also with their Commandements at their owne pleasure by com∣pulsion cause to appeare at those ••heir holy Consistories, persons that dwell very farre off, not without dammage and hurt both in goods, and in their soules, and may exercise and use all manner of extreame tyranny upon them. For as much then as now it is evident & open of these three places of the Apo∣stle, that those Bishops, which are so far away from ministration of Gods Word, and be negligent about their duety, are not onely no true Bishops, but rather the people of malediction be∣fore God, as the men which have setled their minds against the Statutes and Ordinances of God to extinct the gospell, and doe exalt themselves to destroy soules. It is every Christian mans duty by all lawfull a••d honest meanes that he may, to procure that their tyrannous and sinfull traditions may once be utterly contemned and come to confusion: It belongeth (I say) to eve∣ry Christian mans duty manfully, and with great confidence, and boldnesse, where charity will suffer, without offending the weake, to endeavour himselfe to doe all things which are con∣trary to their traditions, none otherwise than he would doe

against the Devill himselfe. And also to treade under the feete and utterly despise the obedience of them by which they desire to have their owne traditions greatly regarded and observed, the Word of God neglected and nothing set by, even as they would tread under their feete the very Devill himselfe.* 6.397 All we therefore (if it be so that we have pitty of so many soules which doe perish for ever; if we be earnestly moved and stirred with the Word of God) owe (pray ma••ke this passage well) with our uttermost diligence to goe about and with very great contentation and strayning of our selves to labour about this, that there may againe according to the institution of the Apostle, very Bishops and Shepheards be constituted eve∣ry where in Cities, which be men pure and vertuous, and well learned in holy Scripture, and in spirituall things, which have chaste wives, and children obedient (as the Apostle saith) in the feare of the Lord. Wherefore seeing that the Bishops and Pastours eve∣ry where in the Cities, which are now adayes, have hitherto ra∣ther obeyed the Devill than God,* 6.398 banded themselves against the Scripture, to this wicked vow of living single, or sole, (if there be any point of Christian breast or minde in us) we ought to give diligence and bestow labours, for a reformation of the same to be had by the King our onely supreame head of the Church, in whom onely the reformation lyeth, so that once such a reformation had, the poore captive soules may boldly, to contempt of the Devill and his Papisticall ••••aditions, revoke those vowes, as being through errour made with the Devill, and with the very gates of hell, and that they may according to the Word of God wed wives, or rather to be willing (according to the institution of S. Paul) to be good married men in the sight of God, then for the pleasure of those bauds the Romanists to be Adulterers and whore-keepers. Fo•• the very time it selfe doth now in so great revelation of the Gospell require that once at the last the holy ordination of the Spirit of God, which can••not be but very good, should be restored and set up against those prophane and abominable traditions of men.* 6.399 Loe this is my decree against those proud puffed Bulls of the Devill, and of the Devillish Romanists and their factors. Neither doe they heare and obey me, but they heare and obey God, and the Spirit of God, whosoever doe heare and obey this. And there∣fore I can also in very deede promise both everlasting life, and

also the favour of God to all those, whatsoever they be, that doe in faith observe and keepe it. And because this shall not bee judged the ordination of Paul alone (for it is reported that the Deane and Canons of a certaine Cathedrall Church, did say after a blasphemous manner and fashion, openly to a Prea∣cher, whom they did expulse for the Gospell sake, What of Paul, what of Paul? The Pope hath received more power of Christ than ever Paul did: and for the pleasure of those so swee••e and gentle men, and excellently devillish Priests, let us see what Peter and what Christ himselfe did say concerning this matter. In the fifth Chapter of ••he first Epistle of Peter it is thus written,* 6.400 The Priests that are among you I beseech (which am also my selfe a Priest, and a record of the afflictions of Christ, and also a parta∣ker of the glory, which shall be shewed) feede, as much as lyeth in you to doe, the flocke of Christ, taking the charge and oversight of them not by compulsion, but willingly, not for the desire of filthy lucre, but of a good favourable and loving mind, neither as men exercising domini∣on in their inheritances, but that you may be your selves ensamples to the flocke, and when the head shepheard shall appeare, you shall re∣ceive an incorruptible crowne of glory. Here thou seest that Peter even likewise as Paul did, doth use these two words Presbyter and Episcopus, both for one thing, that is to wit, that they are Episcopi, which doe teach the people, and doe preach the Word of God•• and he maketh them all of equall power one with another, and he fo••biddeth them to behave themselves so, as if they were Lo••ds or had dominions over those whom they have charge of. He calleth himselfe a fellow Priest, (that I may so say) by these words evidently declaring and proving, that all Parish Priests and Bishops of Cities are of equall power among themselves;* 6.401 and as touching the Authority of a Bishop, that one is nothing superiour to another, and that he himselfe also is fel∣low Priest with them, and hath no more power & authority in his own City, then have the other or every one of them in their owne Congregation•• Loe Peter maketh himselfe equall and not superiour to the Bishops, what I beseech you will those beasts alleadge here against these things, which doe not cease nor onely to be Lords and have dominion, but also to exercise most cruell tyranny upon our soules and our goods; which also doe never cease with exceeding mad brawlings and suites to contend and strive among themselves about the difference, and

degrees of power and authority. And that I may once make an end, Christ himselfe in the 22. chapter Luke saith, The Princes of the Paynims are Lords over them, and they which have power and authority over them, are called beneficiall and gracious;* 6.402 but it shall not be so among you, but he that is eldest among you, let him be made as youngest. Hereunto hearken and give good atten∣dance you pompous and Lordly Bishops; Loe all the holy Chri∣stian people require of you a reason and cause of your dominati∣on and Lordship, which you have hitherto with so many titles, and also with so many tyrannous deedes taken, violently usur∣ped, and challenged unto your selves: Loe, I say, the Christian world requireth a cause of this your doing, for this you cannot deny which is so open and evident afore the eyes of all men, that your Kingdome is an outward and a worldly Kingdome, yea and that more worldly, than the Kingdome of any worldly Prince. For you play the Lords openly both upon the bodies, and also the minds, and that not by the Word of God, but by exteriour pompe, by exteriour and worldly tyranny, as other Princes and Rulers of the heathen people doe: I say, goe to therefore now and tell me, how those Words of Christ, vos au∣tem non sic, that is,* 6.403 but so shal not you doe, how do t••ey agree with that your Kingdome? Goe to now, because you shall not (as you are very slippery) slip from me, let us ensearch and ponder well the signification of the words. What is the meaning of these words: But you not so? for here undoubtedly is rebuked your Kingdome•• & your condition & state, for this ought not to be such a one as it is, if it were a Christian state. Now let it be whatsoever manner one you will, yet for all that Christ speaking of the domination of those worldly Princes saith plainely unto you (for you will seeme to be Bishops) But ye shall not doe so. Which words hee largely prosecutes, and afterwards proceedes thus. You doe ••eede and nourish your selves most delicately and ••enderly in riot and pleasures with the blood and sweate of poore men•• besides impoverishing and beggering the world with your gu••••es and deceipts; you doe with your Excommunications and In∣terdictions vex and tosse all things up and downe,* 6.404 afflicting and tormenting poore men both in soule, in body, and in their goods; you doe extinct and destroy the Gospell, and not onely your selves doe no manner of worke belonging to the Office of a Bishop, but also you will not suffer any other men to preach the Word of God; you doe pursue the Preachers from City to

City, as it was prophesied in Matth. 24. and you do expulse them as knaves, and vild wretches out of all your dominions, and yet in the meane season your selves are nothing else in comparison, but vipers, whom as unprofitable burthens of the earth the world can no longer beare nor suffer, unlesse you do waxe wise and a∣mend. Wherefore here labour and apply your selves lustily and stoutly, that you do not please the people overmuch, increase your benefits and good deeds, give diligence lustily, that there may not neede any great businesse to destroy your tyranny, whiles you do shake out your owne selves, and do your owne selves wilfully runne forth to your owne confusion ••nd dest••••ction•• I verily (to give you good and faithfull counsell) would advertise you, that you should purchase and get unto your selves the favour and love of the people with mildnesse, with mercifulnesse, with softnesse, with patience and Apostolicall sincerity, that is to wit, with those vertues, with those holy means, which S Paul did use; goe forth and hold on as you have begun, this is even the right and next way to undoubted destruction, whereunto you do so greatly make haste; for even so did your Fathers the Iewes, into whose hypocrisie you are succeeded, who when they had slaine the Lord and author of life Jesu•• Christ, and had by degrees promulged, and published the Gospell to be for bidden, yet could they not rest untill they had provoked the Romans, and so had sought their owne un∣doubted mischiefe, which said Romans at the last setting vio∣lently upon them, slew them, and utterly destroyed them; for how could you better observe and fulfill that which becommeth your personages to do, than if you do goe about and endea∣vour to prove, and shew your selves the very right and true sonnes and heires of such manner of Parents; But here (I see) they will put upon them all the whole Episcopall armour, that is to say, a purple pall, and a forked Miter upon their heads, their gloves and their rings with precious stones to fence both their hands withall, they s••all also have their feet shod, not with the preparation of the Gospel of peace, but of the sandall of vanity, and a silver Crosse, hanging downe to the midst of their breast, and if I be not deceived, a Roman Pall also covering their shoulders, and a shepheards staffe to measure their pace, and so then having this armour upon them, with a stately and solemne gate, they shall come forth, &c. Who hath commanded that Bishops should so play the gallants, and use such pompe and gorgeousnesse of the Court? Christ did openly forbid them

to be as the Kings and Princes of the Gentiles, where ••ee dot•• by expresse and open words separate and divide t••em from Princes of the World, a••d saith, The Kings and R••lers of the Gentiles are Lords over them, but you shall not do soe: These words, that Prince of Princes, and King of Kings, and that Lord of Majesty will not revoke; hee will not abolish them, nor suffer them to be thrust out of place and made void for thy peevish excuses wherewith thou dost in thy conscience coldly and faintly com∣••ort thy selfe, Why dost thou not rather forsake thy Lordly Port be it never so pleasant? if thou ca••st not e••ecute and fulfill the offi••e of a Bishop, why dost thou for transitory and most vild honour forget thine owne health and salvation? yea moreover witting∣ly, and willingly dost cast away thine owne soule for the most deceit∣full pleasure of this life? Why dost thou (I say) wittingly a••d wil∣fully perish? Even those men are scantly saved at the last, which with couragious faith continually wrestling and fighting with their flesh and the Devill do live in a good and a vertuous kind of life: why dost thou then hope in vaine, ••hat thou shalt be saved among so many je••pardies, among so many voluptuous plaasures? What doth it pro∣fit (saith Christ himselfe) if hee do possesse all the World, and all the Kingdomes, and do cast away his owne soule?

But whereof, or which way (will some say) should Kings,* 6.405 Princes, Earles, Barons, Knights, briefely all the Nobles of the world provide for their younger children, if these Bishopricks, if those Cathedrall and Collegiate Churches were not?

And therein first we may openly see the exceedinge foolish∣nesse and blindnesse of all Christendome,* 6.406 which hitherto have bought commonly of the Romanists, the Benefices and Pre∣bends founded by themselves with the blood of their Children. Loe here I doe speake unto thee whosoever thou art, who dost wittingly so cast away thy children, If any Ploughman or Smith did wound or kill thy Sonne or did defile thy daughter, or thy Sister, thou wouldst for anger goe about to doe the utter∣most mischiefe that thou couldst to overthrow and destroy even whole Cities, whole Provinces, for the revenging thereof would seeme but a small matter unto thee, thou wouldst thinke in thy minde it to be so high and so hainous an offence that was done unto thee:* 6.407 but I beseech thee here open the eyes of thy minde, and looke whether there can be a more sure Homicide and murtherer of thy children, any more grievous and more

cruell enemie unto them than thou art thine owne selfe, advan∣cing and promoting them to a Bishopricke, or thrusting them downe into such a Church (as they doe call it) for thou makest thy sonne a Bishop,* 6.408 which state, as it is now far away from the mini∣stration of the word and from all godlinesse, thou knowest undoubted∣ly to be a devillish state, in which thy sonne can in no wise be saved. Sith it is so, that thou dost know this, tell me I beseech thee whether thou dost not more sore rage and use more cruelty against him than if thou cut him into gobbets and didst throw his flesh unto dogs to be devoured; if thy sonne through his owne mis-understanding, ignorance or error had stumbled, and falne into such a certaine kind and manner of living, thou oughtst with all diligence, and with all thy power to labour and goe about (if there were any wisedome, or any point of a Christian mind in thee) to rid him out of it, although thou hadst but onely one loafe of bread to live on thy selfe, whereof thou shouldst be faine to give him the one halfe: but here I beseech thee looke upon thy selfe somewhat more neere, and more narrowly, whosoever thou art which dost cast downe thy children headlong into these kindes and manners of living, and consider what manner of father thou art, onely to keepe thy Dominion, and thy riches upright, and from decay, onely lest thy gold and silver should be diminished if it were divided among many heires: thou dost thrust downe, & willingly cast headlong thy Sons, and kinsmen into the deep dungeon of hell; neither doth it move or stirre thee any whit to see thine owne blood supped and swallowed up in the throate of the Devill, and perpetually to perish, so that thou be not compelled to diminish or debate any thing of thy superfluity, or any parcell of thy pompe and royalty. Lo this most ungraci∣ous opinion, this custome is crept in and used in many places, that as oftentimes as any great mans Sonne, being meete rather for any other thing than for a Bishopricke, is chosen and ••lected Bishop, or is brought into the Temple; then with solemne pompe, and a solemne company set in their array, are madde cries and loud shouts, as it were in a triumph; then all the Halls and Courts doe sound and ring with the noise of trumps, with trumpets, with ••••bre••s•• then are in every place lighted tapers and torches; then that solemne Song, Te Dewn laudamus is thundered out, so that these triumphs do plainly represent unto us the image of those foolish Kings of Israel

which did burne up their sonnes and daugh••ers for a Sacrifice in the honour of the Idol Molo••••, and with the divers loud sounds of trumps did bring to passe, that the lamentable crying ou•• and wayling of them, that were in the midst of the fire, could not be heard. The author of this booke hath many such like pas∣sages against Bishops. And as for Cathedrall Churches, hee stiles them: Stewes, and the Gates of hell, a certaine unsatiable bottom∣lesse whirle poole which swallowes up the riches of Kings, of Princes, of Dukes, of Earles, of the Common people, and of all the world. But I passe from this old Treatise.

About the same time there was a Treatise expressing the cau∣ses of the Divisions betweene the Spiritualty,* 6.409 and the Tempo∣ralty. Printed, Londini in aedibus Thom•• Bartheleti, prope aqua∣gium sitis sub intersignio Lucretiae Romanae, excus. Cum Privilegio. I shall transcribe no passages out of this Treatise, but onely the Table of the Chapters at the end thereof, wherein the causes of the division betweene the Spiritualty and the Temporalty are sum∣marily expressed.

• Chap. 1. That the Division among spirituall men themselves, hath beene one cause of the Division that is now betweene the spiritu∣alty and temporalty in this Realme.
• Chap. 2. That the omitting of divers good lawes, with certain de∣falts & disorders in men of the Church, which among others be recited, and declared by John Gerson, have been another occasion of this divi∣sion. Among these he numbers the neglect of these two Canons. That Bishops should have poore apparell, lodging, and table, and should not strive for transitory things: And the Clerkes shall not take upon them the acts or procurations of spirituall men.
• Chap. 3. That certaine Lawes made by the Church, wherein it is recited, Quod Laici sunt Clericis infesti: That is to say, That Lay men be cruell to Clerkes, hath beene another cause of this division.
• Chap. 4. That the extreme Lawes made by the Church for laying violent hands upon Clerkes have beene another cause of this Division.
• Chap. 5. That the disordering of the generall sentence of excom∣munication, hath beene another occasion of the said division; which (saith hee) will never be appe••sed, till the heads spirituall will re∣forme themselves, and shew a fatherly affection to the people, and not extend the sentence o•• the Church upon so light causes, and upon such partiality, as they have done in times past.
• ...

• Chap. 6. That another occasion of this division hath partly ri∣sen by temporall men through disordering of their Chaplaines and Chauntry Priests.
• Chap. 7. That suits taken in the Spirituall Courts (Ex officio) have beene another occasion of this Division: which suits together with Oathes Ex officio, whereby a man shall be condemned, and not know the names of them that be causes thereof; he termes a sore law, and much declaimes against them.
• Chap. 8. Though after the determination of Doctors, a man is not an hereticke, for that onely that hee erreth, but for that hee opi∣natively defendeth his errour: and that neverthelesse the spiritualty as a common voyce goeth among the people, have in time past punished many for heresie upon light causes and offences, whereupon many people have grudged, and that grudge hath beene another occasion of this Division.
• Chap. 9. That the partiality that hath beene shewed upon suits taken in the Spirituall Court by spirituall men, hath beene another cause of this Division.
• Chap. 10. That the extreme and covetous demeanour of some Curates with their Parishioners, hath beene another cause of this Division.
• Chap. 11. That the granting of pardons for money, as it were to some Charitable use, that hath not after followed, hath raised ano∣ther grudge among the people, which hath beene another occasion of this Division.
• Chap. 12. That making of Lawes by the Church which they had no authority to make, hath beene another occasion of this Divisi∣on. In which Chapter he cites divers Lawes made by the Cler∣gie, and executed contrary to the Lawes of the Realme, touching Tythes of wood, exemption of Clerkes from secular jurisdiction, and the like: which lawes while spirituall men, sticke fast to, and stifly maintaine, temporall men by reason of common use and custome that they have seene to the contrary, have resisted them, whereupon have risen great strife, and variances, and expences in the spirituall Law.
• Chap. 13. The lacke of good visitations hath beene another oc∣casion of this Division: wherein hee shewes that Bishops keepe their visitations onely to gaine money, and procurations, not to re∣fraine vices.
• Chap. 14. That the great multitude of Licenses, and dispensa∣tions

• ... made by the spiritualty for money, upon light suggestions, hath beene another cause of this division.
• Chap. 15. That the great laxenesse and worldly pleasures of religious persons, whereby the people hath beene greatly offended, hath beene another occasion of this Division.
• Chap. 16. Then for a conclusion of this Treatise, it is somewhat touched, how good it is to have a zeale of Soules, and how perilous it is to do any thing whereby they might be hurt: And that if zeale of Soules, pitty, good doctrine, and devout prayer were abundantly in this world, mist specially in Prelates and spirituall Rulers, that then a new light of grace, and tractability would shortly shew and shine among the people.

The summe of the whole Treatise is to prove; that the Bi∣shops and Prelates, are the authors of much division, trouble and dissention both in Church and State, and that by their Episco∣pall practises and unjust usurpations, lawes and proceedings.

William Wraughton,* 6.410 who wrote about the same time, In his Re∣scuing of the Romish Fox, Dedicated to King Henry the 8. writes thus: Wee have put downe some of your orders of the world, there remaine yet two orders of the world in England: That is, the order of pompous and Popish bishops: and Gray Fryers. Which if they were put downe as well as the other put downe before, I reckon that there should be no Kingdome wherein Christ should more raigne than in England. And there hee proves at large, the Canon Law to be the Popes law, and that as long as the Bishops maintaine it in England, they main∣taine the Pope in his soveraignty and Legislative power in Eng∣land, and that the reading of this Law makes men papists.

Roderick•• ••ors,* 6.411 sometimes a Gray Fryer, in his Complaint to the Parliament house of England, about the 37. yeare of King Henry the eight Chap. 23, 24. writes thus of our Prelates. No doubt one Bishop, one Deane, one Colledge, or House of Canons, hath ever done more mischiefe against Gods Word, and sought more the hinderance of the same, than tenne houses of Monkes, Fryers, Canons, or Nunnes. The Kings Grace began well to weed the Garden of England: but yet hath he lest stan∣ding (the more pitty) the most fowlest, and stinking weedes, which had most need to be first plucked up by the rootes, that is to say, the pricking thistles, and stinging nettles; which still standing, what helpeth the deposing of the petty members of

the Pope, and to leave his whole body behind, which are the pompous Bishops, Canons o•• Colledges, Deanes, and such o∣ther? Surely it helpeth as much as to say, I will goe kill all the Foxes in Saint Iohns wood, because I would have no more Foxes breed in England Which well pondered, wee may say and lye not, that the Pope remaineth wholly still in England, save onely that his name is banished. For why his body (which be Bishops and o••her shavellings) do••h not onely remaine, but also his tayle, which be his fil••hy Traditions, wicked Lawes, and beggerly ceremonies (as Saint Paul calleth them) yea and the whole body of his pestiferous Canon Law, according to which judgement is given throughout the Realme•• So that we be still in Eg••pt, and remain in cap••ivity, most grievously laden by ob∣serving and walking in his most ••ilhy drosse aforesaid, which is a mistie and endlesse maze. And so long as yee walke in those wicked lawes of Antichrist the Pope, and maintaine his Knights the Bishops in such inordinate riches, and unlawfull authority: so long say I, * 6.412 yee shall never bani•••• that monstrous beast the Pope out of England•• yea and it shall be a meanes, in pro∣cesse of time to bring us into temporall bondage also againe, to have him raigne as he hat•• done, like a God, and that know our forked caps right well, which thing maketh ••hem so boldly, and shamelesly to right in their gods quarrell against Christ and his Word, &c. The Bishops by their subtil••es, and most crafty wiles make the people to abhor••e the name of the Pope of Rome for a face, and compell them to walke in all his wicked lawes; and the Word of God which wee say we have received, is not, nor cannot be suffered to be preached a•••• ••aught pure∣ly and sincerely, without mixing it with their inv••nted traditi∣ons and service. Wherefore to open the conclusion o•• this little lamentation: ••f ••ee will banish for ever the Antichrist, the Pope out of this Realme; yee must fell downe to the ground those rotten poasts the Bishops, which be clouds withou•• moy∣sture•• and utterly abandon all and every of his ungodly Lawes, traditions and ceremonies. Now will I speake no further a∣gainst the particular Pope, for as much as every Bishop is now a Pope, and yee may plainly see by all the premises, that the proud Prelates (the Bishops I meane) be very Antichrists, as is their Father of Rome. So he, and much more.

* 6.413Henry Stalbridge, in his Exho••tatory Epistle to his deerly belo∣ved

Country of England, against the pompous Popish Bishops thereof, as yet the true members of their filthy Father the great Antichrist of Rome. Printed at Basill in King Henry the eighth his dayes, thus seconds him. I say yet once againe, and that in the seale of the Lord, as hee is my Judge, I wish (if his gracious pleasure so were) that first the Kings Majesty, and so forth all those to whom God hath given power and authority upon earth under him, may throughly see and perceive•• how that no•• onely the bloody Beare-Wolfe of Rome, but also the most part of the o∣ther Bishops, and stout sturdy Canons of Cathedrall Churches•• with other petty pronlers and prestigious Priests of Baal•• his malignant members, in all Realmes of Christendome (especial∣le here in England) doth yet roare abroad like hungry Lyons•• fre•• like angry Beares, and bite as they dare like cruell wolves, clustering together in corners, like a swarme of Adders in a dung∣hill, or most wily subtill serpents; to uphold and preserve their filthy Father of Rome, the head of their bawdy brood•• if it may be. No lesse do I iudge it, than a bounden duty of all faith∣full ministers to manifest their mischiefes to the universall world•• eve••y man according to his Talent given of God, some with pen, and some with tongue; so bringing them out of their old estimation, lest they should still raigne in the peoples conscien∣ces to their soules destruction: An evident example have they of Christ thus to do, which openly rebuked their filthy forefa∣thers, the Scribes, Lawyers, Phari••ees, Doctors, Priests, Bishops, and Hypocrites, for making Gods commandements of no effec•••• to support their owne traditions. Mark•• 8. Luk. 12. Paul also admonisheth us, that after his departure should enter in among us such ravenuing wolves as should no•• spare the flocke. These spirituall manhunters are the very off-spring of Cain, children of Caiphas•• and successors of Simon Magus, as their doctrine ••nd living declareth, needing no f••rther probation: most cruell enemies have they beene in a lages to the verity of God, ever since the Law was first given, and most fierce persecutours of Christ and his Church (which hee there proves at large by se∣verall examples••)•• No where could the verity be taught, but these glorious gluttons were ever at hand to resist it. Marvell not yee Bishop•• and Prelates, th••ugh I thus in the zeale of He∣lias and P••ineas stomacke against your ••••urdie stormes of stub∣bornenesse, for never was any tyranny ministred upon Christ••

and his mysticall members, but by your procurements, and now in our dayes, where are any of the Lords true Servants burned, or otherwise murthered for true preaching, writing, glossing, or interpretting the Gospell, but it is by your cruell calling upon &c. If you be not most wicked workers against God and his verity, and most spitefull Traytors to the King, and his Realme, I cannot thinke there be any living upon the earth. Be this onely spoken to you that maintaine such mysteries of madnesse; never sent Christ such bloody Apostles, nor two hor∣ned warriours, but the Devils Vicar Antichrist, which is the deadly destroyer of faithfull Beleevers. What Christian blood hath been shed betweene Empire and Empire, Kingdome and Kingdome, as between Constantinople and Almaine, England and France, Italy and Spaine ••or the Bishops of Rome? and how many cruell watres of their Priests calling on, were too much either to write, or to speake: Alwayes have they beene working mischiefe in their idle Generation to obscure the veri∣ty of God. I say yet once againe, that it were very necessary for the Kings worthy Majestie with earnest eyes to marke how God hath gratiously vouchsa••ed to deliver both him and his people from your troublesome Termagaunt of Rome, which afore made all Christian Kings his common slaves, and to be∣ware of you hollow hearted Traytors, his spirituall promoters, considering that your proud predecessours have alwayes so wic∣kedly used his Graces noble Progenitors, the worthy Kings of this Realme, since the Conquest, and a••ore. Who overthrew King Herald, subduing all his land to the Normans? Who procured the death of King William Rufus, and caused King Stephen to be throwne in prison? Who troubled King Henry the First, and most cruelly vexed King Henry the second? Who subdued and poysoned Kings Iohn? Who murthered King Ed∣ward the second, and famished King Richard the second most unseemingly? Besides that hath been wrought against the other Kings also To him that shall read, and throughly marke the religious acts of Robert the Archbishop of Canterbury of old, Egelwinus, Anselmus, Randolfe of Durham, Ralfe of Chichester, Alexander of Lincolne, Nigelus of Ely, Roger of Salisbury, Tho∣mas Becket, Stephen Langhton, Walter Stapleton, Robert Baldocke, Richard Scrope, Henry Spencer, Thomas Arundell, and a great sort more of your anointed Antecessors, Pontificiall Prelates, mit••ed mummers, mad mastry workers, ringed ru••••lers, rocheted rut∣ters,

shorne sawcy swilbols, it will evidently appeare, that your wicked generation hath done all that, and many other mischiefes more. By these your filthy ••orefathers, and such o••her, hath this Realme beene alwayes in most miserable captivity, either of the Romans or Danes, Saxons or Normans, and now last of all, under the most blasphemous Behemoth, your Romish Pop••, the great Antichrist of Europe, and most mighty main∣tainer of Sodome and Gomorrah: How unchristianly your said Predecessors have used the Rulers of all other Christian Realms, it were too long to write. I reckon it therefore high time for all those Christian Princes, which pretend to receive the Gospell of salvation, and accordingly after that to live in mutuall peace and tranquillity, for ever to cast you out of their privy councels, and utterly to seclude you from all administrations, till such time as they find you no longer wolves, but faithfull feeders; no destroyers, but gentle teachers. For as Saint Peter doth say, 1 Pet. 5. Yee ought to be no Lords over the people of your Diocesse, but examples of Christian meeknesse. Who seeth not that in these daies your bloody Bishops of England, Italy, Cycell, France, Spaine, Portugall, Scotland, and Ireland,* 6.414 be the ground and originall foundation of all controversies, schismes, variances & wars be∣twixt Realme and Realme at this present &c. Consider your be∣ginning•• never came yee in with your Miters, Robes, and Rings by the doore, as did the poore Apostles, but by the window unrequired, like Robbers, Theeves, and manquellers, with Si∣mon Magus, Marcion, and Menander, never was your proud Pon∣tificall power of the heavenly Fathers planting, and therefore it must at the last up by the rootes, yee must in the end be de∣stroyed without hands Dan. 8. &c. * 6.415 I thinke ••he devils in hell are not of a more perverse mind, nor seek no more wayes to the soules destruction than you. Yee play Pharaoh, Caiphas, Nero, Trajanus, with all tyrants parts besides: Oh abominable scorners and theeves, which practise nothing else but the utter destruction of soules. If any thing under the Heavens hath need of Reformation, let them thinke this to be one which minded any godlinesse for never did cruell Pharaoh hold the people of Israel in so wicked captivity, as doth ••his superstitious sort idle Sodomites, the most deerly redeemed heritage of the Lord. If they be no spirituall theeves, soule murtherers, heretickes of and schismatickes•• Church-robbers, rebels, and traytors to God,

and to man, where are any to be looked for in all the world? Another thing yet there is, which causeth mee sore to lament, the inconveniences thereupon considered: And that is this, although the Scriptures, Chronicles, Canons, Constitutions, Councels, and private hystories, with your manifest acts in our time,* 6.416 doth declare your Fore••athers, and you such Heretickes, Thee••es, and Traytors to the Christian Commonwealth, as hath not beene upon the earth, but you, yet you are still taken into the privy councels both of Emperour and King.

But what a plague it is, or miserable yoke to that Christian Realme, whereas yee beare the swinge, I thinke it truly un∣speakable, though it be not seene.

O eternall Fa••her, for thy infinite mercie sake graunt thy most faithfull servant the Kings Majestie, our most worthy So∣veraigne Lord and Governour under thee, cleerly to cast out of his privie Coun••ell House these ••echerous Locusts of Egypt, and daily upholders of Sodome and Gomorrah, the Popes cruell cattle, tokened with his owne proper marke, to the universall health of his people, as thou hast now constituted him an whole compleate King, and the first since the Conquest. For never shall hee have of them, but deceitfull workemen, and hollow hearted Gentlemen, and not onely that (good Lord) but also deprive them of their usurped authority and power, restoring againe hereunto his temporall Majestra••es, whom their proud Pope hath hitherto most tyrannously thereof deprived. Finally, to take from them their inordinate pompe and * 6.417 riches, and more godly to bestow them, that is to say, to the aide of his po∣ve••ty, as for an example the noble the noble Germans have gra∣ciously done before him. After a farre other sort defended the Apostles, the spirituall Kingdome of Christ then they: their ar∣mour was righteousnesse, poverty, patience, m••eknesse, tribula∣tion, contempt of the world and continuall suffering of wrongs; their strong shield was faith; and their sword the Word o•• God, Eph. 6. Wi••h the Gospell preaching drove they down all super∣stitions, as you by your Lordlinesse have raised up againe in the glorious Church of Antichrist. The Kingdome that hee ••or∣looke Ioh. 6. and the Lord••hip, that hee so straitly forbad you, Luke 22. have ••ou received of the devill, with that ambi∣tious raigne of covetousnesse which hee left behind him on the high Mountaine, Matth. 4. What ruinous deca••es hath chan∣ced

to all Christian Region••, and their Babylonish b••ood, it we••e much to write•• It shall be therefore necessary for our most wor••h•• King to looke upon in time, and both to diminish you authority and riches, lest yee hereafter put all his godly enter∣p••ises in hazard. For nothing else can yee doe of your spiritu∣al na••ure, but worke da••ly mischiefe. As well may yee be spa∣red in the Commonwealth, as may Kites, Crowes, and Buz∣zards, P••l••ats, Wesels, and Rats, O••ters, Wolves, and Foxes, Bodilice, Fleas, and Fleshflies, with other devouring and noy∣some verm••ne; for a•• unprofitable are yee unto it as they, and as li••••le have yee in the word of God to uphold you in these vaine offices of Papistry as they. This uncommodious commodity hath En••land had of you alwayes, when yee have beene of the Kings privie Councell, and I thinke hath now at this pre∣sent hower, that whatsoever godly enterprize is there in doing, be ••hey never so privily handled, yet shall the Popish Prelates of I••aly, Spaine, France, Flanders, and Scotland have sure knowledgde thereof by your secret Messengers, and you againe their crafty compassings to deface it if may be. * 6.418 Neither shall th••se ••ealmes con••inue long after without wa••••e, special••y if an earnest reformation of your s••••ainefull abuses be sought there, and never shall the originall grounds of that warre be known but other causes shall be laid to ••olour it with; as that the King seekes his rig••••, his Princely honour, the maintenance of his titles, or the Realmes Commonwealth, ••e••••g nothing lesse in the end, but an upholding of you in your mischiefes. So long as you beare rule in Parliament Ho••se, ••••e Gospell shall be kept under, and Christ persecuted in his ••aith••ull members. So that no godly Acts shall come out from ••hen••e to the glory o•• God, and Christian Commonwealth, but you will so sawce them with your Romish Sorceries; that they be ready to serve your turne. Although the Kings Majestie ha••h pe••mitted us the Scriptures, yet must the true Ministers thereof at your most cruell appointment either suffer most tyrannous death, or else with open mouth deny Christs veri••y, which is worse than death Thus give ye strength to his lawe••, & nourish up his King∣dome, whom ye say with your lips yee have refused, your pesti∣lent Pope of Rome. Ye play altogether Hick-s••o••ne•• under the figure of Ironia. That yee say, yee hate, yee lov••, and that yee say, yee love, yee hate. Late all faithfull men beware of such double

day dreamers, and hollow hearted Traytors, and thinke, where∣as they beare the rule, nothing shall come rightly forward ei∣ther in faith or Commonwealth. What other workes can come from the Devills working tooles than commeth from the hands of his owne malignant mischiefe? who can deny the Bishops to be the instruments of satan, understanding the Scrip∣tures, and beholding their daily doings? Thinke yee ••here can be a greater plague to a Christian Realme than to have such Ghostly Fathers of the Kings Privie councell? If wise men do judge it any other than a just plague for our sinnes, and a yoke laid upon us for our unreverent receiving of that heaven∣ly treasure, the eternall Testament of Christ, to have such hy∣pocrites, theeves, and traytors to raigne over us, truly they judge not aright. If wee would earnestly therefore repent of our former being, and un••ainedly turne to our everliving God, as wee find in the Testament, I would not doubt it, to jeo∣pard both my body and soule, that wee should in short space bee delivered of this Popish vermine rising out of this bottom∣lesse pit; Apoc. 9. which eateth up all that is greene upon earth, or hath taken any strength of the living word of the Lord: for the heart of a King is alwayes in the hands of God, and at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his pleasure hee may evermore turne it, Prov. 21. Take mee not here that I condemne any Bishop or Priest that is godly, doing those holy offices that the Scripture hath commanded them, as preaching the Gospell, providing for the poore, and ministring the Sacraments right; but against the bloody but∣chers, that murther up Gods People, a••d daily make havocke of Christs congregation to maintaine the Jewes Ceremonies, and the Pagans Superstititions in the Christian Church. Those are not Bishops, but Bite-sheepes, Tyrants, Tormenters, Terma∣gaunts, and the Devils slaughter men. Christ left no such Disciples behind him to sit with cruell Caiphas at the Sessions upon life and death, of his innocent members, but such as in poverty preached the Gospell, rebuking the wicked world for Idolatry, hypocri••ie, and false doctrine. Episcopus is as much to say, as an overseer, or Superintendent, whose office was in the Primitive Church, purely to instruct the multitude in the wayes of God, and to see that they were not beastly ignorant in the holy Scripture, as the most part of them are now adayes. Presbyter is as much to say, as a Senior or Elder, whose office

was also in godly Doctrine and examples of living to guide the Christian Congregation, and to suffer no manner of superstition of Jew nor Gentile to raigne among them. And these two offices were alone in those dayes, and commonly executed of one severall person. They which were thus appointed to these spirituall offices did * 6.419 nothing else but preach and teach the Gospell, having assistants unto them, inferiour officers cal∣led Deacons, Act. 6. 1 Cor. 1. Rom. 3. No godly man can de∣spise these offices, neither yet condemne those that truly exe∣cute them: not onely are they worthy to have a competent li∣ving, 1 Cor. 9. but also double honour after the doctrine of Saint Paul, 1 Tim. 5. * 6.420 But from inordinate excesse of riches, ought they of all men to be sequestred, considering that the most wicked nature of Mammon is alwayes to corrupt, yea the very Elect, if God were not the more mercifull, Matth. 6. which might be an admonition to our Lordly Bishops when they be in their worldly pompe, that they are not Gods servants belee∣ved they his sayings, as they do nothing lesse.

Master Fish•••• in his Supplication of Beggers,* 6.421 thus complaines to King Henry the Eight of the inconveniency of the Prelates greatnesse and sway* 6.422 both to himselfe, and his subjects, worthy his Majesties most serious consideration; Oh the grievous ship∣w••acke of the Common-wealth, which in ancient time before the comming of these ravenous wolves, were so prosperous, &c. What remedy? Make Lawes against them? I am in doubt whe∣ther yee be able. Are they not stronger in your owne Parlia∣ment house than your selfe, what a number of Bishops, Abbots, and Priors, are Lords of your Parliament?* 6.423 Are not all the lear∣ned men of your Realme in see with them, to speake in the Parliament house for them, against your Crowne, dignity and Common-wealth of your Realme, a few of your owne learned Counsell onely excepted? What Law can be made against them that they may be availeable? Who is hee (though hee be grieved never so sore) that for the murther of his ancester, ravishment of his wife, of his daughter, robbery, trespasse, maihme, debt, or any other offence, dare lay it to their charge by way of Action? and if hee doe, then is he by and by, by their * 6.424 wilinesse accused of heresie, yea they will so handle him ere hee passe, that except he will beare a faggot at their pleasure, he shall be excommunicated, and then be all his

Actions dashed. So captive are your Lawes unto them, that no man whom they list to excommunicate may be admitted to sue any action in any of your Courts. If any man in your Sessi∣ons dare be so hardy to indite a Priest of any such crime, hee hath ere the yeare goe about such a yoake of heresie layd in his necke, that it mak••th him wish he had not done it. Your Grace may see what a worke there is in London, how the B••shop rageth for indi••ing certaine Curates of extortion, and incontinency the last yeare in the Ward-mote Quest. Had not Richard Hunne Commenced action of Premunire against a Priest, hee had yet beene alive•• and no hereticke a•• all, but an honest man.* 6.425 And ••his is by reason that the chiefe instrument of your Law, yea the chiefe of your Counsell, and hee which hath your sword in his hand, to whom also all the other instruments are obedient, is alwaies a spirituall man, which hath ever such an inordinate love unto his owne kingdome, that hee will maintaine that, though all the temporall Kingdomes and Common-wealths of the world should therefore utterly be undone: After which he s••••wes the intolerable exacti••ns of the Prelates on the people, and how much wealth and money they extort from their po∣st••rity.

You have heard now the opinion of our Martyrs, Prelates, and godly Writers touching Episcopacie, Lordly Prelates, their trayterly practises, T••mporalties, and perniciousnesse to our Church and State both before and in K. Henry the eighth his raigne, in the very in••ancie of reformation, many then desiring and earnestly writing for their utter exterpation, as most perni∣cious instruments of mischiefe both to King, Church and Kingdome: I shall now proceed to give you some briefe account, what hath beene ••hough of these particulars by our Writers, and Martyrs in King Edward the sixth, Queene Maries, and Queene Elizabeths subsequent raignes.

* 6.426Learned Martyn Bucer, Professor of Divinity in the Universi∣ty o•• Cambridge, in King Edward the sixth his raigne•• in his booke * 6.427 De Regno Christi (dedicated to this King) and Devi & usu sancti Ministerii, determines thus of Lordly Prelates, and their tem∣porall offices: First, I doubt not, Most noble King, that your Majesty discernes, that this reformation of Christs Kingdome which wee require, yea which the salvation o•• us all requires, Ab Episcopis nullo modo expectandum, is by no meanes to be ex∣spected

from the Bishops, since there are so few among them (even in this Kings raigne when they were best, which is worthy no∣ting) which do clearly know the power of this Kingdome, and the proper offices thereof; yea, most of them by all meanes they may and dare, do either oppugne it, deferre or hinder it: and thereupon hee adviseth the King not to make use of Do∣ctors Bishops, who had the greatest Titles, and largest revenues in this reformation, but of other godly Ministers, and Lay-men, wherein the knowledge and zeale of God did most abound; & to choose them for his Counsellours in this great worke who b•• knew the power of Christ Kingdome, and desired with all their hearts that it might prevaile and raign first in themselves, & then in all others. And because (writes he) it is the duty of Bi∣shop to govern the Churches, not by their owne sole pleasure, but with ••he counsell of Presbiters, and Ministry of Dea∣cons, there will be a nececessity, as al the offices of Churches are now dissipated, and perverted, to adjoyne to every one of the Bishops, though never so approved, a councell of Presby∣ters, and ministry of Deacons, who also ought to be most holi∣ly examined and tryed, whether they have received of the Lord, both ability and will to be assistant to their Bishop in the administration and procuration of the Churches: the Presby∣ters in councell, and assistance, the Deacons in observance, and ministration, &c. But now there are some of the Bishops, whose service your sacred Majesty useth in the administration of the Kingdome. But sith nothing in this world is commended to the care of men by the most high; which ought more solici∣tously & religiously to be looked to and managed, then the pro∣curation of religion, that is, of the eternall salvation o•• the elect of God; summum est nefas, it is the highest impiety to preferre any other Businesse before this care, or for any cause whatsoever to hinder them, so as their ministeries be lesse ••ully adhibited to their Churches. Moses was most amply endued with the spirit of God, and excelled with incredible wisedome, and he altoge∣ther burned with a most ardent study of planting and preserving the true religion; yet seeing hee ought to governe the whole Common-wealth of I••rael, hee by Gods command set Aaron his brother with his sonnes over matters of religion, that they might WHOLY bestow themselves in them. The Maccabees truly joyned the Civill administration to the Ecclesiasti∣call,

but with what successe their histories testifie, wherefore it is to be wished that Bishops according to Gods Law, religionibu•• solis vacent procurandis, should onely addict themselves to mat∣ters of Religion, and lay aside all other businesses from them, though beneficiall to mankind, and leave them to those who should wholly bestow themselves on them, being chosen thereto by God. There is no office that requires more study and care ••han the procuration of soules. * 6.428 Satan knowing this very well, hath brought to passe, that Bishops and chiefe Ecclesiasticall Prelates should be sent for by Kings & Emperours unto their Courts to manage publike affaires, both of warre and pe••ce. Hence these mischiefes have ensued; first, a neglect of the whole sacred ministry, the corruption of doctrine, the destruction of discipline. After as soone as Prelates began to usurpe the place of Lords, they challenged their luxury & pomp to themselves to which end since the wealth of Princ••s was requisite, that which they ought to bestow out of their Ecclesiasticall revenues, upon the faithfull Ministers of Churches, upon Schooles, upon the poore of Christ, all these things being taken from them by hor∣rible sacriledge, they spent them upon riot, and princely pompe. And when as the goods of the Church were not sufficient to maintaine this luxury and pompe, they flattered away, and beg∣ged, and by various frauds tooke from Kings goodly rich po••sessions, and great Lordships:* 6.429 by which accessions their luxury and pride was thenceforth not onely fostered and su∣stained, but likewise infinitely increased: which afterwards so farre prevailed, that the spoyles of single Churches would not suffice each of them, but they brought the matter to this passe, that one at this day may fleece or spoyle three or foure Bishop∣rickes, Abbies, and other Prelacies, and such a multitude of pa∣rish Churches as is horrible to name; for they say there is one lately dead in this Kingdome who fleaed above 20. Parishes. So Bucer,* 6.430 who held Bishops & Ministers to be all one, and that the power of ordination (resting originally in Christ, derivatively in the whole Church, and ministerially onely in Bishops, and Presbyters as servants to the Church) belonged as well to Pres∣byters as to Bishops; with whom Peter Martyr his fellow Re∣gius professor of Divinity in the University of Oxford fully con∣cur••es, in his Commonplaces, printed at London cum privilegio: Ann. 1576. Class. 4. Loc. 1. Sect. 23. p. 849. to which I shall re∣ferre you for brevity sake.

To these I might adde; The image of both Pastors, written by Huldricke Zwinglius,* 6.431 translated into English by Iohn Veron, de∣dicated to the Duke of Somerset, Lord Protector, and Printed at London, Cum privilegio, An. 1550. Wherein he proves the parity and identity of Bishops and Presbyters: condemnes the Lordly and sec••lar dominion, Wealth, Pompe, Pride, Tyranny, Nonpreach, and rare preaching of Prelates; and manifests Lord Bishops, as then they stood (and now) to be false Pastors, and meer papall and antichristian officers, not warranted by Gods word; but because Zwinglius was a forraigner, I shall passe it by without transcribing any passage thereof.

Mr. Iohn Hooper,* 6.432 both a Bishop, and martyr of our Church, a great * 6.433 opposer of Ceremonies, Episcopall Rochets, and Vestments in which hee would not b•• consecrated,* 6.434 writes thus of the secular imployments, wealth, and calling of Bishops. For the space of 400. yeares after Christ, the Bishops applyed all their wit on∣ly to their owne vocation, to the glory of God, and the honour of the Realmes they dwelt in: though they had not so much upon their heads as our Bishops have, yet had they more within their heads, as the Scripture and Histories testifie. For they ap∣plyed all the wit they had unto the vocation, and ministry of the Church, whereunto they were called. But our Bishops have so much wit that they can rule and serve (as they say) in both States, in the Church, and also in the Civill policie, when one of them is more then any man is able to satisfie, let him doe al∣wayes his best diligence. If hee be so necessary for the Court, that in Civill causes he cannot be spared, let him use that vo∣cation, and spare the other: It is not possible hee should doe both well. * 6.435 It is a great oversight in Princes thus to charge them with two burthens: the Primitive Church had no such Bishops as wee, they had such Bishops, as did preach many godly Sermons in lesse time, than our Bishops horses be a bridling. Their house was a Schoole, or treasure house of Gods Ministers, if it be so now let every man judge. The Magistrates that suffer the abuse of these goods be culpable of the ••ault; if the fourth part of the Bishopricke remained to the Bishop, it were sufficient; the third part to Schoolemasters:* 6.436 the second to poore, and souldiers were better bestowed; If any be offended with me for this my saying, he loveth not his owne soules health nor Gods Laws, nor mans; out of which I am alwayes ready to

prove the thing I have said to be true. Further, I speake of love, not of hatred. And in his Apologie hee saith, It is both against Gods Laws & mans, that Bishops and clergie men should be judges over any subjects within this Realme, for it is no part of their office, they can do no more but preach Gods Word, and minister Gods Sacraments, and excommunicate such as God•• Lawes do pronounce to be excommunicated; who would put a sword into a madmans hand? And in his exposition on Psal. 23.1580. f. 40. Although Bishops (saith hee) in the raigne of Constantine the Great obtained, that among Bishops some should be called Archbishops, and Metropolitans, &c. Yet this prehemi∣nencie was at the pleasure & discretion of Princes, & not alwaies tyed to one sor•• of Prelates, as the impiety of our time belee∣veth, as we may see in the Councell of Calcedon & Africke. So that it is manifest, that this Superior preheminency is not of Divine, but of humane right, instituted out of civill policie. So Hooper.

The Booke of ordination of Ministers,* 6.437 and Consecraation of Bi∣shops, compiled by the Bishops in King Edwards dayes, ratified by * 6.438 two Acts of Parliament, and subscribed to by all our * 6.439 Mini∣sters, hath this notable passage, and charge against the Lordli∣nesse, and secular imployments of Prelates and Ministers, pre∣scribing all Bishops, when they ordaine Ministers, Archbishops, or Bishops, to use this exhortation to them. Have alwayes prin∣ted in your remembrance, how great a treasure is committed to your charge, for they be the sheepe of Christ which hee bought with his death, and for whom he shed his blood•• the Church and Congregation, whom you must serve, is his spouse and body; And if it shall chance the same Church, or any member thereof to take any hurt or hinderance by reason of your negligence, yee know the greatnesse of the fault, and also of the horrible punish∣ment which will ensue. Where••ore consider with your selves the end of your Ministry towards the children of God, towards the spouse and body of Christ; and see that you never cease your labour, your care, and diligence, untill you have done all that lyeth in you, according to your bounden duty to bring all such as are or shall be committed to your charge, unto ••hat ripenesse or perfectnesse of age in Christ, that there be no place left among them either for errour in religion, or for vitiousnesse of life. (And what Prelate or Minister hath done this?) And for this selfe same cause, yee see how yee ought to forsake, and se••

aside (as much as you may) all worldly cares and studies. Wee have good hope, that you have well weighed, and pondered these things with your selves long before this time, and that you have cleerly determined by Gods grace to give your selves whol∣ly to this vocation, whereunto it hath pleased God to call you; see ••hat (as much as lyeth in you) you apply your selves who••ly to this one thing, and draw all your care and study this way, & to this end; And that you will continually pray for the heaven∣ly assistance of the Holy Ghost, that by daily reading and weigh∣ing of the Scriptures, you may so waxe riper, and stronger in your Ministry. And ••hat this your promise shall more move you to doe your d••ties, yee shall answer plainly to these things which we in the name of the Congregation shall demand of you touching the same.

Will you give your faithfull diligence alwayes to ••inister the Doctrine and Sacraments,* 6.440 and the Discipline of Christ, as the Lord hath commanded, and as this Realme hath received the same, according to the Commandements of God; so that yo•• may teach the people committed to your cure and charge, with all diligence to keepe, and observe the same?

I will so doe by the helpe of God.* 6.441

Will you be diligent in Prayers,* 6.442 and in reading of the holy Scriptures, and in such studies as helpe to the knowledge of the same, laying aside the study of the World, and the Flesh?

I will endeavour my selfe so to doe,* 6.443 the Lord being my hel∣per. And at the consecration of every Archbishop and Bishop, this charge by the direction of the said booke is given to him.

Bee thou to thy flocke a sheepheard, not a wolfe; feed them, but devoure them not. And it is worthy observation, that the same Chapters and Epistles are read at the ordination of Ministers, and consecration of Bishops; which proves their office and function both one and the same by divine institution.

The third part of the Homily, of the perill of Idolatry, ratified by the 35. Article of our Church; subscribed unto by all our Prelates and Ministers,* 6.444 published in King Edward ••he 6. his dayes, and reprinted by King Iames his speciall command. deter∣mines thus against the Courtship, and secular imployment of Prelates. That Bishops in the Primitive Church did most diligently, and sincerely teach and preach, for they were then preaching Bishops, and more often seene in Pulpits than in Princes Palaces; more often

occupied in his Legacie, who said, Goe yee unto the whole world and preach the Gospell unto all men; than in Ambassages and af∣faires of Princes of this world. And in the 5. and 6. part of the Homily against wilfull rebellion, and the second part of the Ho∣mily for Whitsunday, notably paints forth at large the treasons, conspiracies, practises, aud rebellions of Popes, and our Pre∣lates against the Emperours and our Kings in former ages, which hee that will may there read at his leasure, being too common and large to recite.

* 6.445M. Hugh Latimer (who gave over his Bishopricke out of con∣science, in K. Hen••y the 8. his raigne, and never resumed it againe; skipping for joy, h••e was rid of that heavie burthen,) In his * 6.446 Sermon of the Plough preached thus, God saith by the Pro∣phet Ieremy, Maledictus qui facit opus Dei fraudulenter, guilefully, and deceitfully: some bookes have, negligenter, negligently, or slackly. How many such Prelates, how many such Bishops (Lord for thy mercy) are there now in England? And what shall wee in this case do? shall wee company with them? O Lord, for thy mercy shall we not company with them? O Lord, whither shall wee flee from them? But cursed be hee that doth the worke of the Lord negligently or guilefully: A sore word for them that are negligent in discharging their office ill; Yee that be Prelates looke well to your office: for right Prelating is busie labouring, and not Lording, therefore preach and teach, and let your plough be doing. Ye Lords (I say) that live like loy∣terers, looke well to your office, the Plough is your office and charge; if yee live idle, and loyter, you doe not your duty, &c. They have to say for themselves long customes, ceremonies, and authority, placing in Parliament, & many things more And I fear mee this Land is not ripe to be ploughed, for as the saying is, it lacketh withering. This Land lacketh withering, at least it is not for mee to plough. For what shall I looke for among thornes, but pricking and scratching? What among stones, but stumbling?* 6.447 what (I had almost said) among Scorpions, but stinging? But thus much I dare say, that since Lording, and loy∣tering hath come up, preaching hath gone downe, contrary to the Apostles times; for they preached and Lorded not, and now they Lord and preach not; for they that bee Lords will ill goe to the Plough, it is no meete o••fice to them, it is not see∣ming for their estate: Thus came up Lording loyterers: thus

crept up unpreaching P••elates: for how many unlearned Pre∣lates have wee now at this day? And no marvell, for if the ploughmen that now be, were made Lords, they would cleane give over ploughing,* 6.448 they would leave their labour and fall to Lording outright, and let the plough stand; & then both ploughs not walking, nothing should be in the Common-wealth but hunger: For ever since the Prelates were made Lords and No∣bles, their plough standeth, there is no worke done, the people starve: they hawke, they hunt, they card, they dice, they pa∣stime in their Prelacies with gallant Gentlemen, with their dauncing Minions, and with their fresh companions, so that ploughing is set aside, and by their Lording, and loytering, preaching and ploughing is cleane gone. And thus if the plough∣men in the Country were as negligent in their office, as Pre∣lates be, wee should not long live for lacke of sustenance. And as it is neces••ary to have this ploughing for the sustenta••ion of the body, so must wee have also the other for the ••atisfaction of the soule, or else we cannot live long ghostly: for as the body wasteth and consumeth away for lacke of bodily meate, so doth the soule pine away for want of ghostly meate; And as diligent∣ly as the Husband man plougheth for the sustentation of the Body, so diligently must the Prelates and Ministers labour for the feeding of the soule: Both the Ploughs must still be going, as most necessary for man: they have great labours and therefore they ought to have good livings, that they may commodiously feed their flocke; for the preaching of the Word of God is called meate: Scripture calleth it meate, not strawburies that come but once a yeare: and tarry not long, but are soone gone: but it is meate, it is no dainties: the people must have meate that must be familiar, and continuall and daily given unto them to feed on, &c. And wherefore are Magistrates ordained, but that the tranquillity of the Common-wealth may be confir∣med, limiting both Ploughes? But now for the fault of unprea∣ching Prelates, mee thinkes I could guesse what might be said for excusing of them: they are so troubled with Lordly living; they be so placed in Palaces, couched in Courts, ruffling in their rents, dauncing in their Dominions, burthened with Em∣bassages, pampering of their paunches like a Monke that ma∣keth his Iubilee, mounching in their maungers, and moyling in their gay Mannors and Mansions, and so troubled with loyte∣ring

in their Lordships, that they cannot attend it: they are o∣the••wise occupied, some in Kings matters, some are Em∣bassadours, some of the Privie Counsell, some furnish the Court, some are * 6.449 Lords of Parliament, some aree Presi∣dents, and controllers of Mints. Well, well, Is this their duty? is this their calling? is this a meere office for a Priest, to be controllers of Mints? is this a meete office for a Priest that hath cure of soules? is this his charge? I would here aske a question, Who controlleth the Divell at home at his Parish whiles hee controlleth the Mint? If the Apostles might not leave the office of preaching to be Deacons, shall one leave it for minting? I cannot tell you; the saying is, that since Priests have beene Minters, money hath beene worse than it was before. And they say, that the evilnesse of money hath made all things deere. And in this behalfe I must speake to England: Heare my Country England, as Saint Paul said in 1 Cor. 6. (for Paul was no sitting Bishop, but a wal∣king and a preaching Bishop) Is there (saith hee) utterly a∣mong you, no wise man to be an arbitrator in matters of judgement? What? not one of all that can judge betweene brother and brother, but one brother goeth to Law with another, and that under Heathen Iudges•• Appoint those judges that are most abject and vile in the Congregation•• Which hee speaketh in rebuking them, ••or saith hee, ad e••ube∣scentiam vestram dico; I speake it to your shame. So England I speake it to thy shame, is there never a Nobleman to be a Lord President, but it must be a Prelate? Is there never a wise man in the Realm to be a Controller of the Mint? I speake it to your shame, I speake it to your shame: If there be never a wise man, make a water-bearer, a tinker, a cobler, a slave, a page controller of the Mint: Make a meane Gentleman, a Groome, a Yeoman, make a poore Begger Lord President. Thus I speake, not that I would have it so; but to your shame. Is there never a Gentleman meete nor able to be Lord President? For why are no•• the Noble men, and young Gentlemen of England so brought up in the knowledge of God, and in learning, that they be able to execute offices in the Common-wealth? the King hath a great many Wards,* 6.450 and I heare there is a Court of Wards; Why is there not a Schoole of Wards, as well as there is a Court for their Lands? Why are they not set to the Schooles where they may learne? or why are they not sent to Universities,

that they may be able to serve the King when they come to age? The onely cause why Noble men be not made Lord Presidents is, because they have not beene brought up in learning, yet there be already Noblemen enough, though not so many as I could wish, able to be Lord Presidents; and wise men enough for the Mint: and as unmeet a thing it is for Bishops to be Lord Presidents, or Priests to be minters, as it was for the Corinthians to plead matters of variance before hea••hen Judges: It is also a slaunder to the Noblemen, as though they lacked wisedome, and learning to be able for such offices: A prelate hath a charge and cure otherwise, and therefore he cannot discharge his duty•• and be a Lord President too, for a Presidentship requireth a whole man, and a Bishop cannot be two men; A Bishoop hath his office; a flocke to teach, to looke unto, and therefore he can∣••ot meddle with another office which requireth an whole man•• hee should therefore give it over to whom it is meete, and la∣bour in his owne businesse, as Paul writeth to the Thessalonians, Let every man doe his owne businesse, and follow his calling: Let the Priest preach, and the Noblemen handle Temporall matters. Well, I would all men would looke to their duty as God hath called them, and then wee should have a flourishing Christian Commonweale, &c. You may read all the Sermon to this pur∣pose. In the close whereof he proves the devill to be the best Bishop in England, because hee alwaies followes his plough night and day, is never a Non-resident: and manifests our Bi∣shops, even in King Edward•• dayes when they were best, to be as bad or worse than the Devill, and chargeth the King in many of his Sermons to out with them, and make them all Quon∣dam••.

In his fift Sermon before King Edward, f. 61, 62. he thus prosecutes the same argument. Though, I say, that I would wish more Lord Presidents, I meane not, that I would have Prelates Lord Presidents, no•• that Lord Bishops should be Lord Presidents. As touching that, I said my mind and cons••ience the last yeare. And although it is said, Praesint, it is not meant that they should be Lord Presidents, the office of a President••hip is a Civill office, and it cannot be that one man shall discharge both well, &c. In his Sermon at Stanford. p. 96. Christ was not the Emperours Treasurer, therefore he meddled not with that point, but left it to the Treasurer to define and determine. Hee went

about another vocation to preach unto the people their duty, and to obey their Princes, Kings, Emperours, and Magistrates, and to bid them give that the King requireth of them, not to ap∣point a King, what hee shall require of them. It is meete for every man to keepe his owne vocation, and diligently walke in it, and with faithfulnesse to study to be occupied in that God hath called him unto, and not to be busie in that God hath not called him unto, &c. In his Sermon on S. Iohn Evangelists day. f. 284. But it is a thing to be lamented that the Prelates and other spirituall persons will not attend upon their Offices, they will not be amongst their flockes, but rather will run hither, and thither, here, and there, where they are not called, and in the meane season leave them at adventure of whom they take their living; yea and further∣more, some will rather be Clerkes of Kitchins, or take other offices upon them, besides that which they have already: but with what con∣science these same doe so I cannot tell,* 6.451 I feare they shall not be able to make answe••e at the last day for their follies, as concerning that mat∣ter: for this office is such a heavie and mighty office that it requireth a whole man, yea and let every Curate or Parson keepe his Cure to w••ich God hath appointed him, and let him doe the ••est that he can, yet I tell you he cannot chuse but the Devill will have some, for he sleepeth not, he goeth about day & night to seek whom he may devoure. Therfor•• it is neede for every Godly Minister, to abide by his sheepe, seeing that the Wolfe is so neere, and to keepe them, and wit••stand the Wolfe. In∣deed there be some ministers here in England which doe no good at al, and therefore it were better for them to leave their benefices, and give roome unto others. Finally, in his Sermon Preached before the Convo∣cation Iune 9. in the 28. of Henry 8. he thus speaketh to the Cler∣gie of England,* 6.452 and Lordly Prelates touching the utilitie of their Councels and assemblies for the Churches good: The end of your Convocation shall shew what ye have done, the fruite that shall come of your consultation, shal shew what generation ye be of. For what have ye done hitherto I pray you these 7. yeares & more? What have ye engendred? What have yee brought ••orth? What fruite is come of your long and great assembly? what one thing that the people of England hath beene the bet∣ter of an haire? Or you your selves, either accepted before God, or better discharged toward the people, committed unto your cure? Or that the people is better learned and taught now, then they were in time past, to whether of these ought

we to attribute it, to your industry, or to the providence of God, and the foreseeing of the Kings Grace? Ought we to thanke you, or the Kings highnesse? whether stirred other first, you the King that ye might preach, or he you by his Letters, that ye should preach oftner? Is it unknowne thinke you, how both ye and your Curates were in manner by violence enforced to let bookes to be made not by you, but by prophane and lay persons, to let them I say, be sold abroad and read for the in∣struction of the people? I am bold with you, but I speake La∣tine and not English to the Clergie, no•• to the Laity: I speake to you being pre••ent and not behind your backes. God is my witnesse, I speake whatsoever is spoken of the good will that I beare you, God is my witnesse which knoweth my heart, and compelle••h me to say, that I say. Now I pray you in God his name what did you, so great Fathers, so many, so long a season, so oft assembled together? what went you about? what would ye have brought to passe? two things taken away, the one, that ye (which I heard) burned a dead man: the other, that ye (which I le••t) went about to burne one being alive. Him because he did, I cannot tell how, in his Testament withstand your profit, in other points, as I have heard, a very good man reported to ••e of an honest life, while he lived, full of good workes, both good to the Clergie, and also to the Laity; this other, which truely never hurt any of you, ye would have ••aked in the Coales, because he would not subs••ribe to cer••aine Articles, that tooke away the Supremacie of the King. Take away these two Noble Acts, and there is nothing else left, that ye went about, that I know, saving that I now remember, that somewhat ye attempted against Erasmus, albeit as yet nothing is come to light. Ye have oft sit in consultation, but what have ye done? ye have had many things in deliberation, but what one put forth, whereby either Christ is more glorified, or else Christs people made more holy? I appeale to your owne conscience. How chanceth this? How came this thus? Because there were no Children of light, no Children of God among you, which setting the world at nought, would studie to illustrate the glory of God, and thereby shew themselves Children of light. So this godly Martyr, who hath sundry such like passage in his Sermons.

In the Conference,* 6.453 Anno. 1555. betweene our Religious Martyr Iohn Bradford and Doctor Harpesfield Arch Deacon of

London. Master Bradford complaines, that the Pillars of the Church were persecuters of the Church, and tells him you shall no•• ••••nde in all the Scripture this your essentiall part of succession of Bi∣shops: whereupon Harpesfield sayd, Tell me, were not the Apostles Bishops? To which Bradford replyed: No, except you will make a new definition of a Bishop, that is, give him no certaine place. Harpesfield, Indeede the Apostles Office, was not the Bishops office: for it was universall, but yet Christ instituted Bishops in his Church as Paul saith: he hath given Pastors, Prophets, &c. So that I trow it be proved by the Scriptures the succession of Bishops to be an essentiall point. Brad. The Ministry of Gods Word and Ministers be an essentiall point. But to translate this to the Bishops and their succession is a plaine subtilty. And therefore, that it may be plaine I will aske you a question; Tell me, WHETHER THAT THE SCRIPTVRE KNEW ANY DIFFERENCE BETWEENE BISHOPS AND MINISTERS, which ye called Priests? Harps. No. (So that by the joynt confession of Papists and Pro∣testants in Queene Maries time Bishops and Ministers by the Scripture are both one.) Brad. Well, then goe on forwards, and let us see what ye shall get now by the succession of Bishops, that is of Ministers, which can be understood of such Bishops as minister not, but Lord it.* 6.454 Lord Bishops than are none of Christs institution, nor of the Apostles succession. Master Fox his Acts and Monuments of our Martyrs Lond. 1610. p. 1796. I finde this Dialogue betweene Dr. Iohn Baker, Collins his Chaplaine, and Edmund Allin a Martyr. Baker, I heard say, that you spake against Priests and Bishops. Allin, I speake for them, for now they have so much living and especially Bishops, Arch-deacons, and Deanes, that they neither can nor will teach Gods Word. If they had a hundred pounds a peece,* 6.455 then would they apply their stu∣dy, now they cannot for other affaires. Collins, who will then set his children to schoole? Allin, Where there is now one set to schoole for that end, there would be 40. because that one Bishops living divi∣ded into 30. or 40, parts, would finde so many as well learned men as the Bishops be now, who have all this living; neithe•• had Peter nor Paul any such revenue.* 6.456 Baker, Let us dispatch him, he will mar all. Collins, If every man had a hundred pounds, as he saith, it would make more learned men. Baker, But our Bishops would be an∣gry if that they knew it. Allin. It were for a Commonwealth to have such Bishoprickes divided, for the further increase of learning.

Infinite are the declamations and complaints of our godly

Martyrs in Queene Maries and King Henry ••he 8. his raigne a∣gainst the Antichristian calling, Wealth, Temporalties, Tyranny, Pride, Pompe, Lordlinesse, and secular imployments of our Prelates•• which because they are ordinary, and every man may reade them in Master F••x his Acts and Monuments, I shall therefore passe them by in silence, and proce••de to some other Authorities.

Our learned Io••n Bale* 6.457 determins thus of our Lordly Bishops.* 6.458 The Bishops compasse every where about with tyran∣ny and malice possible, the holds, the dwelling houses and pla∣ces of resort pe••taining to the ••aith••ull brethren: they vexe their bodies on every side with rebukes, sco••nes, blasphemies, lyes, scourgings, imprisonments, open shames of the world, and all manner of kindes of death: seldome escape any from the terrible hands of the Prelates and Priests, that sincerely ••avour the truth: every where have they their spies, their Judasses, their false accusers, their Sommoners, their Bayliffes, and their pick-thankes, with o••her Officers to bring th••m in. In all pla∣ces are they diligently watched, fiercely examined when they are taken, and cruelly enforced to accuse so many as they know of that beleefe. Every where have they spirituall prisons and Bishops Dungeons, with plenty of ropes, stockes, and irons, and as little charity else as the Devill hath in hell. This hath beene their order from the time of Satans Liberty, and this have they taken for an high point of Christian Religion. For this is the houre that Christ prophecied of, wherein men should thinke to doe God great service when they put one of his unto death. None other caused Herod and Pilate to put Christ to death, but Ann••s & Caiaphas. None other moved Felix the President of Iu∣ry to imprison Paul, but the puffed up Prelate Ananias. Trajanus the Emperour would never so extreamely have persecuted the Christian Church, nor yet o••her cruell tyrants ever since, had they not beene propped forward by such pampred Palfryes of the Devill, the beastly Bishops. Whose calling and trayterly Practises he much declaimes against both there, and in his Cen∣turies, to which I shall referre you.

Matthew ••ar••er Archbishop of Canterbury in the life of Hu∣bert his predecessor,* 6.459 writes thus of Bishops intermedling with secular offices and affaires:* 6.460 that about the yeare of our Lord ••197. there was nothing ••ound and sincere in the Christian republike, that the whole Clergie under a feigned and counter∣feit

shew of Religion, did wallow without punishment in wic∣kednesse, in bribes, in honours and rapinesse, neglecting utterly the preaching of Gods Word. The Originall (saith he) of this evill sprung from this, that the Clergie did too much intermed∣dle with worldly affaires, contrary to the Decrees of the Or∣thodox Fathers. For at that time the Deane of Pauls was made Lord Treasurer; who carrying that Office, quickly hourded up a great treasure; at last falling into a deadly disease past recove∣ry, he was exhorted by the Bishops and great men to receive the Sacrament of Christs body and blood, which he trembling at refused to doe: whereupon the King admonished and com∣manded him to doe it,* 6.461 he promised him thereupon to doe it the next day: being admonished to make his Will, he commanded all to voyd the roome but one Scribe. Who beginning to write his Will in the accustomed forme; In the Name of the Father, of the Sonne, &c. The Deane perceiving it, commanded him in a rage to blot it out, and these words onely to be written; * 6.462 I be∣queath all my goods to my Lord the King, my body to the grave, and my soule to the Devill; which being uttered, he gave up the Ghost. The king hereupon commanded his carcasse to be car∣ried in a cart, and drowned in the River. This kinde of exam∣ples (writes he) are therefore to be produced, that Clergie men may be de••erred from being Lord Treasurers,* 6.463 Collectors of the kings customes, and from civill and publicke imployments. In Huberts time all secular offices almost were in Clergie mens hands, for some of them were Chauncellours, some Justices, some Treasurers of the kingdome, others had other O••fices in all the kings Courts and Pluralities of many great livings be∣sides: which wealth, honours, offices, and dignities, as it made them like to kings in State and magnificence, so it puffed them up with such pride and arrogance, that in the 36. yeare of king Henry the third, they were removed from all Civill Offices and honours, at the instant request and desire of the greatest Noblemen to whom the same Offices were committed. Hence some of all orders in our present times have most * 6.464 sharpely re∣prehended the Clergie for this very thing, that being advanced to the degree of Divinity, than which nothing in humane life ought to be deemed more holy, they should bee hindred there-from with secular businesses, as with servile workes, and being with••drawne from divine things, should give themselves

to pecuniary and Exchequer affaires which are most estranged from the dignity of their life, by which some (as appeares by the example of that Deane of Pauls) have made shipwracke both of Conscience and soule to. Willielmus Nubrigensis spea∣king of Hugh Bishop of Duresine, for intermedling with the pro∣curation of temporall affaires, hath these words. That Office (to wit of Lord Chauncellor or chiefe Justice) was committed by the King to the Bishop of Duresine, who did not so much as refuse, but cheerefully imbrace it, who verily contenting himselfe with his proper office, had much more decently beene a minister of Gods Law, than of mans; since no man can serve both, as hee ought. And that saying of our Lord to the Apostles, Ye cannot serve God and Mammon, did principally respect the Apostles Successors. For if a Bishop that he may please both the heavenly and earthly king, at once wil devide him∣self to both Offices; Verily the heavenly King, who wils that men should serve him with all the heart, with all the soule, and with all the strength, doth neither approve, nor love, nor accept his divine mini∣stry. What then will he doe, if a Bishop doth not give peradventure not so much as halfe of himselfe, to execute the things which are of God, and become a Bishop, but commits his cures to unworthy and remisse Executioners, that he may wholly serve an earthly Court or Palace? For no halfe man can sufficiently administer the Offices of an earthly Prince. By which sentences and examples we verily are admonished, that assiduous care and study of Clergie men, in worldly and Civill affaires, which makes them prove slow and unfit to divine things, is by all meanes to be reproved, and that the complaint of those is very unjust, who taxe them for not intermeddling with temporall affaires, and studie to call them backe from divine things, to which they ought with all their might to apply themselves. He further addes out of Roger Hoveden and others,* 6.465 that the Pope enjoyned Hubert Archbi∣shop of Canterbury, without delay to lay downe all his Tempo∣rall Offices, as being contrary to the Canons ••o enjoy them, and against his honour and dignity; and further diligently ad∣monished King Richard the 1. with a ••atherly admonition, that as he tendred the Salvation of his soule, he should not per∣mit the sayd Arch-bishop any longer to enjoy his secular office under him, and that he would neither admit him nor any other Bishop or Clerke to any other secular administration: and hee likewise commanded all Prelates of Churches, by vertue of their

Canonicall Obedience; Ne ipsi ausu temerario seculares admini∣strationes susciperent; that they should not rashly attempt the ma∣naging of any worldly imployments; because being intang∣led in secular affaires, they could nor sufficiently attend their Ecclesiasticall cures, seeing the wise man saith,

Pluribus intentus, minor est ad singula sensus.

And hence * 6.466 Roger de Hoveden, thus exclaimes against Huber•• for resuming his temporall offices againe, after he had seemingl•• informed the King that he would give them over; seeing ••h•• charge of his Church (as he sayd) was worke enough ••or one man, whereunto onely he would gladly dedicate himselfe. O in∣••••licem Praesulem! licet saepius legisset, Neminem posse doubus De∣minis se ruire, aut enim umun odio habebit, & alterum diliget, au•• unumsustinebit, & alterum contemnet; praeelegit tamen officium sa∣cerdotale postp••nere, quam regi terreno non adhaerere: & si•• accepta regn•• regiminis potestate officii administrationem ecclesias••ici, cui professionis voto ast rictus fuerat, parvi pendens, pro castris Regis An∣gliae stare non recusavit. So this Historian. Thus this Bishop.

* 6.467Thomas Beacon a Prebend of Canterbury and a fugitive ••or Re∣ligion in Queene Maries dayes in his Catechisme in the first vo∣lume of his workes Printed at London, Cum privilegio, Anno, 1560. Dedicated to both Archbishops and all the Bishops of England, F••••. 499.500 And in his Supplication (written in Queene Maries time) Vol. 3. fol. 14.•••• 23. resolves thus of the parity of Bishops and Ministers, and the Antichristianity, cruelty, wealth, and secular imployments of our Lordly Pre∣lates.

Father. What difference is there betweene a Bishop and Spirituall Minister, or Presbyter?

Sonne. None at all, their Office is the same, their authority and po∣wer is One; therefore S. Paul calls Spirituall Ministers sometimes Bishops, sometimes Presbyters, sometimes Pastors, sometimes Doctors, &c.

Father. What is a Bishop in English?

Sonne. A Watchman, or superintendent, as Paul saith to the Presbyters or Bishops of Ephesus, Acts 20.28. &c. Then hee addes that the first and principall point of a Bishops Spirituall Ministers Office is to teach and preach the Word of God. And concludes, that such a Bishop as either doth not, or cannot preach, is a Nicholas Bishop & an Idoll, and indeed no better than

a painted Bishop on a Wall: yea, he is as the Prophet saith,* 6.468 a dumbe dogge, and as our Saviour Christ saith, unsavory salt, worth nothing but to be cast out,* 6.469 and to be trodden under foote of men. Woe be to such Rulers that set such Idols and white daubed walls over the ••••ocke of Christ, whom hee hath purchased with his precious blood. Horrible and great is their great damnation. Our Saviour Christ saith to his Disciples, As my Father sent me, so send I you.* 6.470 Now who knoweth not, that Christ was sent of his Father to preach the Gospell? If they preach not (the case of many of our Lord Prelates) it is an evident token that Christ sent them no••, but Antichrist and the Devill. After which he thus proceedes in his supplication; Thou callest thy selfe a jealous God, why then dost thou suffer thy people, thy Con∣gregation, thy flocke, thine heritage, to be thus seduced and led away from thee unto all kinde of spirituall fornication and abominable whoredome by that Antichrist of Rome, that great Baal, that stout Nemroth, that false Prophet, that beast, that whore of Babylon, that sonne of perdition, and by his ab∣hominable adherents, Cardinalls, Arch-bishops, Bishops, Suf∣fragans, Arch-deacons, Deanes, Provosts, Prebendaries, Com∣missaries, Parsons, Vicars, Purgatorie-rakers, Priests, Monkes, Fryers, Channons, Nunnes, Anckers, Anc••eresses, Pardoners Proctors, Scribes, Officialls, Somners, &c. with all the ••able of beastly hypocrites that have received the beasts Marke, which doe nothing else than seeke how they may establish their An∣••ichristian Kingdome by suppressing thy holy Word, and lea∣ding the people into all kinde of blindnesse, errours and lyes, &c. But now the Shepheards,* 6.471 yea rather the Wolves, which are burst into thy sheepefold; and with violence have unjustly thrust out the faithfull and fatherly Pastors out of their cures, are Lordly, cruell, bloodthirsty, malicious and spitefull against thy sheepe. They are such Wolves as spare not the flocke, but scatter and destroy the flocke. They are theeves, robbers, murtherers and soule slayers. They feede themselves with the fattest, and cloath themselves with the finest wooll, but thy flocke they nourish not. The foode wherewith they Pasture thy sheepe, is the drowsie dreames and idle imaginati∣ons of Antichrist. In steede of the preaching of thy lively Word, they feede thy flocke with Latine mumblings, with dumbe Images, with Heathenish Ceremonies, with vaine sightes,

and such other apish ••oyes. In steede of the ministration of the holy and blessed Communion, they feede thy sheepe with vile stincking, abominable, devillish, blasphemous and Idolatrous Masses. And unto these unwholesome, pestilent, and poyson∣full Pasturs, they drive the sheepe will they, nill they; and if any of thy flocke refuse to come and to taste of those their pestilent poysons, and poysons full of Pestilences, him they accite to ap∣peare before the great Wolfe,* 6.472 whose face is like unto the face of a she Beare that is robbed of her young ones, whose eyes con∣tinually burne with the unquenchable flames of the deadly Cockatrice, whose teeth are like to the venemous tushes of the ramping Lyon, whose mouth is full of cursed speaking and bitternes, whose tongue speaketh extreame blasphemies against thee and thy holy Anoynted, whose lippes are full of deadly poyson, whose throate is an open Sepulcher, whose breath foa∣meth and bloweth out threatning and slaughter against the Di∣sciples of the Lord, whose heart without ceasing imagineth wickednesse, whose hands have a delight to be embrued with the blood of the Saints, whose feete are swift to shed blood, whose whole man both body and soule goe alwayes up and downe musing of mischiefe. This Wolfe O Lord is so arrogant, haughty, and proud, seeing the government of the whole Realme is com∣mitted unto him, that he hath cast away all feare of thee. He ma∣keth boast of his owne wit, learning, and policy; his wayes are alway filthy, thy judgements are farre out of his sight, hee defieth all his enemies. For he saith in his heart, Tush, I shall ne∣••er be cast downe, there shall no harme happen unto me. He sitteth lurking like a Lyon in his den; that he may privily murther the in∣nocent and sucke his blood. When such, O Lord God, as will not obey their Popish and devillish proceedings, are brought before that grievous Wolfe, they are miserably taunted, mocked, scorned, blasphemed, as thy deerely beloved sonne was in Bi∣shop Caiphas house, and afterward cruelly committed to prison, to the Tower, to the Fleete, to the Marshalseys, to the Kings Bench, to the Counters, to Lollardes Tower, to Newgate, &c. where they are kept as sheepe in a pinfold appointed to be slaine. And as this cruell and bloody Wolfe dealeth with the poore Lambes, even so doe the residue of that lecherous litter. He with all other of that Wolvish kind, hunger and thirst no∣thing so greatly as the devouring of the bodies, and the sucking of the blood of thy poore and innocent Lambes. Ah Lord

God, under that most wicked Queene Iezabel,* 6.473 were not the Prophets, more cruelly handled, than thy faithfull Ministers be now? for as in the days of the wicked Queen Iezabel the Priests of Baal were had in great honour, & were chiefest and of highest au∣thority about the Queen, none bearing so much rule in the Court as they, none having so much reverence done unto them, as they had; even so now is it with the idolatrous Priests of Eng∣land;* 6.474 they alone be chiefest and of much estimation with the Queene. They alone ••uffle and raigne; they alone beare the swing in the Court; they alone have all things going forward as they desire; they alone be capped, kneeled, and crowched to; they alone have the keyes of the English Kingdome hanging at their girdles: whatsoever they binde or loose, whispering and trayterously conspiring among themselves, that same is both bound and loosed in the starre Chamber, in Westminster-Hall, in the Parliament house, yea in the Queenes privie Chamber, and throughout the Realme of England. The very Nobility of Eng∣land are in a manner brought to such slavery,* 6.475 that they dare not displease the least of these spitefull spirituall limmes of Anti∣christ. It is writ, that certaine men gave their judgements, what thing was most mighty and strongest upon earth. The first sayd wine is a strong thing. The second sayd the King is strongest. The third sayd, women yet have more strength, but above all things the truth beareth away the victory. But we may now say (unto such an height is the tyranny of the Spirituall Sorce∣rers growne) that Priests in England are mightier, than either Wine, King, Queene, Lords, Women, and all that is there besides. But how agreeth this with the example of Christ, which fled away, when the people would have made him a King or a temporall governour? Christ refused to meddle with any worldly matters, as the History of dividing the inheritance betweene the two brethren doth declare. Christ willed his Di∣sciples to refuse all worldly dominion and temporall rule. When they strove among them, who of them should be taken for the greatest: Christ sayd unto them, The Kings of the Gentiles reigne over them, and they that beare rule over them are called gra∣cious Lords, but ye shall not be so, for he that is greatest among you, shall be as the least, and he that is chiefe, shall be as the minister. Christ sent not his Disciples to be Lords of the Councell, Lords of the Parliament, Lord President, Lord Chauncellour, Lord Bishop, Lord Suffragan, Lord Deane, Master Queenes

Amner, Mr. Comptroller, Mr. Steward, Mr. Receiver, Sr. Iohn Massemonger, &c. but to be Ministers and disposers of the My∣steries of God, to be Preachers of the Gospell, to bee labourers in the Lords harvest, to be Pastors and feeders of the Lords flock, to be the salt of the earth, and the light of the world, to be an example to the faithfull in word and conversation, in love, in spirit, in faith and in purenesse, to feede Christs flocke so much as lyeth in their power, taking the oversight of them, not as though they were compelled, but willingly, not for the desire of filthy lucre, but of a good minde, not as though they were Lord•• over the Parishes, but that they be an ensample to the flocke, that when the chiefe shepheard shall appeare they may receive an uncorruptible crowne of glory.* 6.476 But these things O Lord, have they all forgotten. These ambitious Antichrists are so drowned in vaine glory, and in the desire of filthy lucre and worldly promotions, that they neither regard God, nor the higher powers, that they neither esteeme their office, nor any one point of godlinesse & honesty, that they neither think up∣on the dreadfull day of judgement, nor yet remember them∣selves to be mortall. Their whole study in the time of this their Lucifer•• like pride is nothing else but to suppresse thy holy truth, and to advance and set up their Antichristan Kingdome, that they as Gods may sit alone in the Consciences of men. But O Lord God, though thou sufferest these Priests of Baal for our unthankefulnesse a while to prosper, to raigne, to rule•• to ruffle, to flourish, to triumph, and to tread downe thy holy Word under their ••eete, yet are we certaine, that thou wilt at the last arise, defend thine owne cause against these Antichrists, bring thine enemies unto confusion, and set thy people (after they have unfainedly repented) in a quiet and blessed State. So he, and blessed be God that he after, and we now, live to see this verified in part.

Miles Coverdale once Bishop of Exeter in King Edward the sixth his reigne,* 6.477 being deprived of it in Queene Maries, would * 6.478 not returne thereto againe in the beginning of Queene Eliza∣beths raigne, but led a private life in London, where he writ a booke intituled an Apologie in defence of the Church of Eng∣land Printed at London 1564. wherein he writes thus of Bishops intermedling with secular affaires, and of their Treasons against

our Kings, by the Popes instigation. The Old Canons of the Apostles command that Bishop to be removed from his Office, which will both supply the place of a civill Magistrate, and al∣so of an Ecclesiasticall person. These men for all that both doe and will needes serve both places; Nay rather the one office which they ought chiefely to execute, they once touch not, and yet no body commandeth them to be displaced, &c. And as ••o••u••, we of all others most justly have left him. For our Kings, yea even they which with greatest reverence did follow and obey the authority and faith of the Bishops of Rome, have long since found and felt well enough the yoake and tyranny of the Popes Kingdome. For the Bishops of Rome took the Crowne off from the head of our King Henry the second, and compelled him to put aside all Majesty, and like a meere private man to come un∣to their Legate with great submission and humility, so as all his Subjects might laugh him to scorne: more than this, they cau∣sed Bishops and Monkes and some part of the Nobility to be in the field against our King Iohn, and set all the People at li∣berty from their Oath whereby they owed allegiance to their King, and at last wickedly and most abominably they bereaved the King not onely of his Kingdome, but also of his life. Besides this, they excommunicated and cursed King Henry the eight the most famous Prince, and stirred up against him sometime the Emperour, sometime the French King, and as much as in them was, put in adventure our Realme to have beene a very prey and spoyle, yet were they but ••ooles and mad, to thinke that either so mighty a Prince could be scared with bugges and rat∣tles, or else that so Noble and great a Kingdome, might so easily even at one morsell be devoured and swallowed up. And yet as though all this were too little, they would needes make all the Realme tributary to them, and exacted thence yearely most unjust and wrongfull taxes. So deere cost us the friendship of the City of Rome.

Iohn Ponet sometimes Bishop of Winchester,* 6.479 which hee after∣wards deserted, in his Apologie against Doctor Martin, in de∣fence of Priests marriage, c. 4.5. p. 44.52.53.54. expressely rec∣kons up Popes, Cardinals, Bishops, Priests, Monkes, Cannons, Fryers, &c. to be the Orders of Antichrist, taxing them like∣wise severely, and comparing them with the Eustathian he••e∣tickes for refusing to weare usuall garments, and putting upon

them garments of strange fashions, to vary from the Common sort of people in apparell: likewise of the name Bishop and Su∣perintendent. And ••urther whereas it pleaseth Martin not one∣ly in this place, but also hereafter to jest at the name of Super∣intendent, he sheweth himselfe bent to condemne all things that be good, though in so doing he cannot avoyde his open shame. Who knoweth no•• that the name Bishop hath so beene abu∣sed, that when it was spoken, the people understood nothing else but a great Lord, that went in a white Rotche••, with a wide shaven crowne, and that carrieth an Oyle box with him, wh•••••• he used once in 7. yeares riding about to confirme children, &c. Now to bring the people from this abuse, what better meanes can be devised than to teach the people their errour by another word out of the Scriptures of the same signification? which thing by the terme Superintendent would in time have beene well brought to passe. For the ordinary paines of such as were called Superintendents, ••hould have taught the people to understand the duty of their Bishop, which your Papist•• would faine have hidden from them. And the word Superin∣tendent being a very Latine word made English by use; should in time have taught the people by the very Etymologie and proper signification, what things were meant, when they heard that name which by this terme Bishop, could not so well bee done, by reason that Bishops in the time of Popery were Over-seers in name, but not indeed. So that their doings could not ••each the people their names, neither what they should looke for at their Bishops hands. For the name Bishop, spoken a∣mongst the unlearned, signified to them nothing lesse than a preacher of Gods Word, because there was not, nor is any thing more rare in any order of Ecclesiasticall persons, than to see a Bishop preach, whereof the doings of the Popish Bishops of England can this day witnesse; but the name Superintendent should make him ashamed of his negligence, and afraid of his idlenesse, knowing that S. Paul doth call upon him, to attend to himselfe and to his whole flocke: of the which sentence our Bishops marke the first peece right well, that is, to take heede to themselves, but they be so deafe, they cannot hearken to the second, that is, to looke to their flocke. I deny not but that the name Bishop may be well taken; but because the evil∣nesse of the abuse hath marred the goodnesse of the word, it

cannot be denied, but that it was not amisse to joyne for a time another word with it in his place, whereby to restore that abu∣sed word to his right signification. And the name Superinten∣dent is such a name, that the Papists themselves (saving such as lacke both learning and wit) cannot finde fault withall. For Peresius the Spaniard and an Arch-papist (out of whom Martin hath stollen a great part of his booke) speaking of a Bishop saith; Primum Episcopi munus nomen ipsum prae se fert, quod est su∣perintendere, Episcopus enim Superintendens interpretant, visitans aut supervidens, &c. that is to say: the chiefe Office of a Bi∣shop by interpretation signifieth a Superintendent, a visitor, or an Over-seer. Why did not Martin as well steale this peece out of Peresius, as he did steale all the Common places that he hath for the proofe of the Canons of the Apostles, and of traditions in his second and third Chapters? Martin in the 88. leafe is not ashamed in his booke to divide the significations of the termes (Bishop and Super-intendent) as though the one were not sig∣nified by the other. But it may be that Martin, as the rest of the Popish Sect, would not have the name of (Superintendent) or minister used, least that name which did put the people in remē∣brance of Sacrificing and blood sapping, should be forgotten. Thus, and much more he.

Walter Haddon,* 6.480 Vice-Chancellour of the University of Cam∣bridge for sundry yeares in King Edward the 6. and Deane of the Arches in Queene Elizabeth raigne, in his Booke against Hierome Osorius, l. 3. fol. 251, writes short but sharpe, of the Treasons of our English Prelates against our Kings. There have beene few Princes in this our Britaine for the space of 5 hundred yeares to whom most sordid Monkes, but especially those who have possessed the See of Canterbury, have not procured some troubles. Anselme, how insolently opposed he himselfe to Wil∣liam Rufus and Henry the first? Theobald how proud was hee a∣gainst King Stephen? how great Tragedies did Thomas of Can∣terbury, whom you have canonized for a Saint for Sedition, raise up against Henry the second? William of Ely, and also Thomas Arundell of Canterbury, a nefarious Traytor, what wonderfull troubles procured he, not onely to King Richard the second, but to all estates of the Kingdome? What King Iohn suffered from Langton and other Bishops, (who procured him to be judicially deprived of his Crowne and Kingdome by the

Pope) is unknowne to none: neither was Edmund of Canterbury lesse opposite to King Henry the third: Edward the first succee∣ded Henry his Father in the government, whom Iohn Peckham of Canterbury resisted with incredible boldnesse, leaving Win∣chelsie his Successor, who nothing degenerating from his foot∣steps, had wonderfull contentions with the King: Both of them an Archbishop, each of them an arch-contemner of Maje∣sty. What shall I say of Arch-bishop Walter, to whom it was not sufficient by force to rescue Adrian (or Alton) Bishop of Hereford in despite of King and Parliament from his legall tryall in open Court, and to send him away uncondemned, unlesse he likewise conspired with Queene Izabel against King Richard the second. That I may in the interim omit the furies and bitter concertations of others with their Princes. So he.

* 6.481Wil. Alley Bishop of Exeter in his poore mans library: par. 1. Mi∣scellanea. Praelect. 3. p. 95.96. Printed Cum Privilegio. Iames Pil∣kington Bishop of Durham, in his Treatise of burning of the Pauls Church: and in his exposition on Agge. ch. 1. v. 1.2.3.4.9••12.13. c. 2. v. 1.2.3.4.9.10. and on Abdyas. v. 7.8. and Mr. Alexander Nowel Deane of Pauls in his Reproofe of Dormans proofe Lon∣don. 1565. f 43.44.45. Conclude, that Bishops and Presbyters by Gods Word, are one and the same, citing S. Hieromes words on Titus, 1. and to Euagrius, and declaime much against the Pompe, wealth, and secular imployments of Bishops: their words for brevity I shall pretermit.

* 6.482Mr. Elmer, afterwards Bishop of London, in his Harborow for faithfull subjects, Printed at Strasborough, writes thus against Bishops Civill Authority, Lordlinesse, and wealth. Christ saith Luke 12. Who made me a Iudge betweene you? as though hee would say, it belongeth not to my Office to determine matters of Policy and inheritance, that belongeth to the Civill Magistrate. If he had thought it had beene within the Compasse of his fun∣ction, why and with what Conscience refused he to set them at one, who were at strife, and to put that out of doubt which was in suite? If he might doe it, and would not, he lacked Charity, and did not his duety. If it belonged not to him, how belon∣geth it to any of his Disciples or Successours? had he not as large a Commission as he gave? or could he give that he had not? But he knowing his Office, as the Prophet Esay had foretold; to preach the Gospell, would doe nothing without warrant.

And therefore being asked if he were a King, answered simply and by a plaine negative, My Kingdome is not of this world. If his Kingdome was not here, neither the ordering of Policies; yea when they would have taken him up to have made him a King, as one that refused that belonged not to him,* 6.483 he conveyed himselfe from among them. If imperiall jurisdiction belon∣ged to him, why refused he his calling? If it did not, where had Paul, Peter, or any other, any authority to meddle with that which he refused: seeing he saith, As my Father sent me, so send I you. In another place, Christ knowing the bounds of his cal∣ling, would not meddle with externe policy. Hence Bishops me thinkes by his example, should not give themselves too much the bridle, and too large a scope to meddle too farre with matters of policy. If these two Offices, I meane Ecclesiasticall and Civill be so jumbled in both functions, there can be no quiet or well ordered Common-wealth. Christ saith to his Di∣sciples: Princes of the Nations doe beare rule like Lords, it shall not be so with you. It falleth not into an Apostles or Church-mans Office, to meddle with such matters. For none going to warre, intangleth himselfe with the affaires of this life, it is enough for them to attend upon one Office; to attend as sole Priests nor as errant Bayliffes. (And elsewhere in that Booke he proceeds thus.) Come off ye Bishops, away with your superfluities, yeeld up your thousands, be content with hun∣dreds, as they be in other reformed Churches, where there be as great learned men as you are. LET YOUR PORTION BE PRIEST-LIKE, NOT PRINCE-LIKE. Let the Queene have the rest of your temporalties, to maintaine warres, and to build Schooles throughout the Realme, that every Parish Church may have its Preacher, every City her su∣perintendent to live not pompously, which will never be un∣lesse your Lands be disposed and bestowed upon many, which now feede and fat but one. Remember that Abimelech, when David in his banishment would have dined with him, kept such Hospitality, that he had no bread to give him but the Shew∣bread. Where was all his Superfluity to keepe your preten∣ded hospitality? for that is the cause that you alleadge, you must have thousand thousands; as though you were comman∣ded to keepe Hospitality, rather with a thousand than with an hundred: Remember the Apostles were so poore, that

when the lame man who lay at the Temple gate called beautiful••* 6.484 asked an Almes of Peter and Iohn as they went about to goe, into the Temple; Peter answered him in this manner, Silver and gold have I none; and Paul was so far from having Lordships, that his owne hands ministred oft times to his necessities. If the Apostles of our Saviour had so small possessions and revenues,* 6.485 why should our Prelats, who boast themselves to be their proper Successours enjoy or covet so great: when as Paul, enjoynes them, if they have but food and rayment,* 6.486 therewith to be content, godlinesse alone with contentment being great gaine, and a sufficient portion.

Nicholas Bullingham after Bishop of Lincolne,* 6.487 in his Printed Letter to Master Bull Decemb. 5. 1564. writes thus from Emb∣den, where he arrived after many stormes: Would God Master Bull, that all the Prelates of England had beene with me, when we fell to cutting of Cables, & riding at Anchor in the raging Seas. There would have beene tearing of square Caps, ren∣ting of Rotchets, defying of Bishoprickes, despising of pompe, promising of new life; crying for mercy; O what a Tragedy would there have beene! Well, well, though now they walke dry shod in their Palaces, there is a God that will try them and all his people by fire or by water, unlesse we heartily repent. Grace to repent, grant us, O Lord, without delay, Amen, Amen.

Iohn Bridges Deane of Salisbury afterwards Bishop of Oxford and a great stickler for Episcopacy,* 6.488 in his Booke entituled, The Supremacy of Christian Princes, ••ver all persons throughout their Dominions, in all cases so well Ecclesiasticall at Temporall. Prin∣ted at London, 1573. p. 359. to 364•• writes thus of the parity and identity of Bishops and Presbyters, and of clearing Aeriaus from Heresie in this point•• First, that Aerius said, there was no dif∣ference betweene a Priest & Bishop,* 6.489 and ye aske (Mr. Stapleton) how say we to him. Whatsoever we say to him, we have first to say to you, that saving the reverence of your Priesthood, there is no difference betweene you and a lyer, to object Aerius herein to us, whereas (ye know well enough) our Church doth acknow∣ledge in the ministry, a differen••e of Deacon and Elder, from a Bishop, although not according to your Popish Orders: For as neither Epiphanius, nor yet Augustine (quoted by you) speaketh there of any sacrificing Priest, so he never knew any such Pon∣tificall Prelates as your Popish Church breedeth; and yet of

those that were even then in Epiphanius time, and of their dif∣ference from the Elders or Priests, if yee know not how it came, * 6.490 Hierome that lived in the same age will tell you; or if ye have not read him, your owne Canons will tell ye what he saith. Idem est ergo Presbyter qui Episcopus, & antequam Diaboli studia, &c. An Elder or Priest therefore is the same that a Bi∣shop, and before that the studies of the Devill were made in Religion, and that the people sayd, I hold of Paul; I of Apollo, I of Cephas, the Churches were governed by the Common Councell of the Elders; but after that every one did account those to be his, and not to be Christs, whom hee had baptized, in all the world, it was decreed, that one of the Elders being chosen, should be placed above the rest: to whom all the care or charge of the Churches should belong, and the seede of Schismes be taken away. And a little after, Sicut ergo Pres∣byteri, as therefore the Elders know that they by the custome of the Church are subject to him, that is set over them: so let the Bishops know, that they more by custome, than by the truth of the Lords dispensation, are greater than the Elders. This was the judgement of the ancient Fathers, and yet were they no Arians nor Aerians therefore. Yea Pe••er Lombard the master of the sentences, citing also Isidorus to witnesse, saith.* 6.491 Apud veteres idem Episcopi & Presbyteri fuerunt. Among the the Ancient Fa∣thers, Bishops and Elders were all one. And againe alleadging the Apostle S. Paul, he saith, Qualis autem, &c. But what manner an El••er ought to be chosen, the Apostle writing to Timothy declareth where by the name of Bishop he signifieth an Elder,* 6.492 and a non after; Cumque omnes, and when all of them (he meaneth his false seven orders) are spirituall and holy, yet the Canons account onely two Or∣ders to be excelling holy, that is to say Deaconship and Eldership. Because the primitive Church is read to have these alone, and we have the Apostles Commandement of these alone, for the Apostles in every City ordained Bishop and Elders. Neither the Master onely wri∣teth thus; but almost all your Schoolemen, yea though they be themselves of the contrary opinion, yet they write this was the ancient opinion. And so Durandus, though he make a difference betweene the power of Jurisdiction, and the power of order, yet he sheweth that both the Scripture, and S. Hierome maketh no difference, but onely the custome and institution of the Church. The Apostle (saith he) writing to the Philippians cap. 1. saith, with

the Bishops and the Deacons, by them understanding the Elders, sith in one City as in Philippos, many Bishops oug••t not to be. Againe, Act. 2. he saith, Looke to your selves and to all the flocke in which the Holy ••host hath placed you to be Bishops. And he spoke unto them of the onely City of Ephesus. But this appeareth more expressely to Titus the 1. Where he saith, For this cause I have left thee at Crete, that thou shouldst correct those things that want, and ordaine Elders throughout the Cities, even as I have appointed to thee, if any be blame∣lesse, the husband of one wife. And straight he setteth under it, a Bi∣shop must me blamelesse: and whom before he named an Elder hee calleth now a Bishop: and in the 4. of the 1. to Timothy, Despise not (saith he) the grace of God which is given to thee through the impo∣sition of the hands of an Elder, that is to say of a Bishop. S. Paul called himselfe an Elder, when he was the Bishop that ordained him. Thus farre and more at large Durandus, concluding at length Sic Ergo, Thus therefore saith S. Hierome, that a Bishop and an Elder, olim fuerunt synonyma, &c. were in the old time diverse names betokening one thing indifferently, and also of one administration; be∣cause the Churches were ruled by the Commune Counsell of the Priests. But for the remedy of a Schisme, lest each one d••awing the Church after him, should breake her, it was ordained that one should be above the rest, Et quoad nomen, &c. And so farre forth as stretcheth to the name, that he onely should be called Bishop, and that so farre as stretcheth to the administration of some Sacraments & Sacramentals, they should be reserved to him by the custome and constitution of the Church: And this would Hierome, expressely 93. Dist. cap. legi∣mus, in Esa & super Epistolam ad Tit. & recitatur. Dist. 93. cap. Olim Presbyteri, &c. Consuetudo aut institutio Ecclesiae potest dare Iurisdictionem, sed non potestatem ordinis aut consecrationis, quare &c. He therefore that counteth this erronious or perrilous let him impute this to Hierome, out of whose saying in the fore al∣leadged Chapter Legimus in Esa, the foresayd authorities are taken. Where also he putteth an example. That is of a Bishop in respect of Priests, as of an Arch-Deacon in respect of Dea∣cons: unlesse the Deacons chuse one among themselves whom they call Arch-deacon, &c. In the end, Durandus reconciling Hierome, saith, and the authorities alleadged by Hierome withstand it not, because according to the name and the truth of the thing, every Bishop is an Elder, and on the other part, so farre as stretcheth to the name, every Elder having cure, may be called a Bishop, as Super∣attendent

on other, although the consecration of a Bishop, or the chiefe Priest, be larger than of a simple Priest or Elder, but peradven∣ture in the Primitive Church, they made not such force in the diffe∣rence of names as they do now; And therefore they called a Bishop every ••ne that had a cure. Thus writeth Durandus of the anci∣ent Fathers opinions. And will you count him or them Aerian•• too? And this also doth your * 6.493 Institution in Colonie Councell confesse: Non est tamen putandum. Wee must not for all this t••inke, that hee ordained Bishops another order from Priests, for in the primitive Church Bishops and Priests were all one. The which the Epistles of Peter and Paul the Apostles; Saint Hierome also and almost all the ancient Ecclesiasticall Writers do witnesse. And chiefly that place of the first Epistle of Saint Peter the fift Chapter, is evident to declare this: For when Peter had said, the Elders that are among you, I also an Elder with you beseech, which am also a witnesse of the passions of Christ, and partaker of the Glory to come that shall be revealed: He joyned under it, feed or guide the flocke of Christ that is among you, and oversee it, not by compulsion, but wil∣lingly, according to God, wherein it is spoken more expressly in the Greeke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is to say, Super-attendent, from whence also the name of Bishop is drawne. Wherefore Priesthood is esteemed the highest order in the Church. In the meane time, no body is ignorant, that this order is distinguished againe, by a certaine or∣der of offices, and dignities. Thus do your Scholemen, and Divines wi••nesse.

• First, that in the substance, order or character as they terme [unspec 1] it, there is no difference betweene a Priest and a Bishop.
• Secondly, that the difference is but of Accidents, and Cir∣cumstances, [unspec 2] as degrees of dignity, jurisdiction, honour, &c.
• Thirdly, that in the Primitive Church this difference was [unspec 3] not knowne, but they were meerely all one and the same.
• Fourthly, that this difference was taken up by custome, con∣sent [unspec 4] and ordinance of the universall Church, when it once be∣gan to be dispersed in all the World.
• Fifthly, that it was done for the avoiding of factions and sects, [unspec 5] that grew in the time of the Ministers equality, even anon after the Primitive Church. And some of them in the Apostles time But quite con••rary, to this judgment of your Divines are all your Canonists, your Divines make seven orders; Et in hoc, saith, * 6.494 An∣gelus de Clavisio, concordam communiter Theol. On this the Divines

• agree commonly, but the Canonists hold that there are nine or∣ders, according to nine Hierarchies, that is to wit, the first notch or Psalmist, and the order of a Bishop, & that the first notch is an order, the text is in C. cu•• contingit & ibi do. Anto. & Canonistae de aeta. & quali or similiter quod Episcopatus est ordo, & quod im∣primatur character judicio meo, facit inconvincibiliter, te••t. in C. i. de ordinatis ab Episcopo, &c. And so according to the Canonists there shall be nine Orders.* 6.495 Great adoe your Schoolemen & Ca∣nonists make about this, insomuch that Aerius heresie will draw very neere to one of you, light on which side it shall. But your selfe may hold on both sides M. Stapleton, being both a Batche∣lor in the one, and a student in the other. But as for your Popish Clergy, there is indeed little difference in this point or none, which barrell is better herring, Bishop o•• Priest; both starke nought, or rather, neither of them, either true Priest or Bishop by Saint Pauls description.

* 6.496Af••er this, p. 926.929. He writes thus concerning Bishops in∣termedling with temporall affaires. You say M. Sanders, the temporall Kingdome and the heavenly did indeed once ja••••e, but now they agree, the heavenly and the earthly Kingdome•• are conjoyned together. Agreement is a good hearing M. San∣ders, but what meane you by this conjunction that the one is become the other, and not still distinguished from it? or that your Pope may be King, and his Bishops Princes of both? nay M. Sanders, you finde not that agreement and conjunction. For Christ hath put such a barre between them, that his spiritual Mi∣nisters cannot have earthly Kingdomes, nor that earthly Kings should in the estate of their earthly Kingdomes, become subject in such wise to his spirituall Ministers, otherwise than to yeeld their obedience to their spirituall ministry, representing the power and mercy of God unto them, &c. The objection you made was this.* 6.497 Whether Bishops and Pastors of the sheepe of Christ may rule temporall Kingdomes? you answer, properly and of it selfe in no wise: but as those Kingdomes do subject themselves to the Christian faith. This is a proper elusion, M. Sanders, thinke you to escape thus? is it all one to subject their Kingdomes to the Christian faith, and to subject their Kingdomes to the Bishops? Good right it is that the faith should beare the chiefe rule? But the objection was, Whether the Bishops should or no? and therefore this distinction serveth

not. For Christ simply without this or that respect debarreth all his spiritual ministers from ruling of temporall Kingdomes. Who knoweth not that properly, and of their owne nature tempo∣rall Kingdomes should not be ruled of spirituall Pastors, but of Temporall Kings? None is so simple to move such a fond objection: but the objection is, Whether the one be coincident to the other? whether a Bishop,* 6.498 to whom properly by his Bishop∣ly office a Kingdome belongeth nor, may take upon him the go∣vernment of a Kingdome, that properly by his Kingly office be∣longeth to a King? this is the question. And you say properly he cannot, I say much lesse unproperly, but properly or unproper∣ly, Christ hath cleane debarred it ••vos autem non sic: But you shall not do so. These words strick dead, M Sanders, & therefore your ••nproper distinctions may goe pike him. Page 931•• he writes that the deposings of Princes have not come so much by the vio∣lence of their unnaturall Subjects: as by the practises of the Po∣pish Bishops,* 6.499 as the ensamples of King Iohn in England, of Childericke in France, the Henries, and other in Germany, and in other Countries, do testifie, yet were these dealings of those Bishops not allowable, but detestable: yea though it were gran∣ted that those Princes had deserved them; and broken their faith and prom••se, which (if it were a good faith, and promise) was no doubt an evill breach of it, and God will take the venge∣ance of it, it belongeth not to the people, nor to the Bishops Ven∣geance is mine, saith God, and I will render it He saith not my Bi∣shop shall, but I will render it.* 6.500 He addes p. 980, 981.1026 Christs Kingdome is spirituall and not earthly, and his Ministers may not exercise in secular causes, an earthly Kings authority. M. Saunders pretendeth this is to promote the Church of Christ,* 6.501 but such promotion confounds devotion, and hath poysoned the Church of God, as they say, a voyce was heard what time Constantine (although falsely) is supposed to have endowed the Church with such royall honour, Hodie venenum intravit in Ec∣clesiam, This day entred poyson into the Church. But Christ hath flatly forbidden it,* 6.502 and told his Disciples when they asked such promotion, that they knew not what they asked. But af∣terward, they knew and found the saying of Christ to be true, that their promotion lay in their affliction, and not in their King∣ly honour, &c.* 6.503 And this your owne glosse out of your owne Pope Gregory might have taught you. Sicut ••isit me Pater, id

est, ad passiones, &c. As my Father sent mee, that is to say, to troubles and afflictions, so send I you to suffer persecution, not to raigne like Kings, and rule Kingdomes. And therefore sith this sentence of Christ is true, that he sent them as hee was sent, and he was not sent in his humane nature to depose Kings, nor to dispose of their Kingdomes, nor to governe them. Therefore his Disciples were not sent thereto. But the Pope saith he was sent thereto, and takes it upon him, therefore he is neither mi∣nister of Christ, nor successor of his Disciples; but his Disciple that hath offered him worldly Kingdomes, if hee would fall downe and worship him•• as he hath done, and s•• hath gotten his Kingdomes &c. Hofmeister one of your stoutest Champions hath these words:* 6.504 Truly those things that have beene spoken and heard from the beginning of this Gospell do enough declare the Kingdome of Christ, not to be of this world, neither that hee would raigne temporally in the world, sith hee taketh not souldiers that can oppugne others, but Fishermen, readier to suffer than to strike. And so in this place, with most manifest words Christ decla••eth, that hee came not for this purpose, to take upon him the office of a Magistrate,* 6.505 but rather, that hee might raigne in our hearts, so that it might be our hap to come to the ••ternall goods, whatsoever happened of our temporall goods. Therefore when hee was interrupted of a certaine Jew, that hee would helpe him in recovering his inheritance, hee answered, Man, who hath made mee a judge or divider over you? As though he should say, hath not this world Judges that may decide so base controversies? it is not appointed unto mee, that this or that man should waxe rich by inheritance, but that all men should come to the inheritance of life immortall. But in these words, Christ would be token many things, to wit, that he which hath an Apostolicall office, ought not to be wrapped with prophane and filthy affaires: for so the Apostle saith otherwhere, No man going warfare under God entangleth him∣selfe with worldly businesse. And the Apostles say all at once, It is not meete for us to leave the Word of God and attend on the Tables. Christ also by this reproving, would declare that this doctrine taketh not away the Magistrates offices, but rather confirmeth them. Whereupon hee saith also elsewhere, Ren∣der to Cesar that that is Cesars. And when his Disciples strived for preheminencie, he said, The Kings of the Nations governe them,

and so forth. Whereby he declared, that neither hee himselfe, nor his, ought (as they call them) to be secular Judges: neither did hee by this refusing abolish the order of the Magistrate, but much more (as we have said) confirme it.* 6.506 Thus farre your owne Doctor, Hofmeister against you, that the intent of Christ refusing to be a Judge herein was chiefely against such usurpa∣tion of worldly Magistracie, as the Pope and his Prelates too, exercise. Pag. 1095. he concludes, that a Bishop may in some cases lawfully excommunicate a wicked Prince. But who de∣nieth this (M. Sanders) that a godly Bishop may upon great and urgent occasion, if it shall be necessary to edifie Gods Church, and there be no other remedy, to flee to this last censure of ex∣communication against a wicked King. The Bishops need not therefore calumniate Presbyteries, upon pretence, that they hold it lawfull to excommunicate Kings, since they themselves averre, that Bishops may lawfully doe it, and de facto, have sun∣dry times put it in practise, both at home and abroad. So Bi∣shop Bridges.

Our laborious Historian M. Iohn Fox* 6.507 in his Acts and Monu∣ments (highly applauded by the whole Convocation in their Canons, 1571. and enjoyned to be had in every Cathedrall and Collegiate Church, and in every Archbishops, Bishops, Deanes, Arch-Deacons and Canons residentiaries house for their servants, and strangers to read in) doth every where disco••er con∣demne the Treasons, Conspiracies, Seditions, Warres, Wealth, pride, calling, and secular imployments of our Bishops: of which hee writes thus in particular. p. 1381. This hath bin one great abuse in England these many yeares: that such offices as beene of most importance and weight have commonly beene committed to Bishops and other spirituall men: whereby three devilli••h mischiefes, and inconveniences have hapned in this Realme, to the great dishonour of God, and utter neglecting of the flocke of Christ, the which three be these: First, they have had small leasure to attend to their pastorall cures, which here∣by have beene utterly neglected and left undone. Secondly, it hath also puft up many Bishops, and other spirituall persons into such haughtinesse, and pride, that they have thought no Noble man of the Realme worthy to be their equall or fellow. Thirdly, where they by this meanes knew the very secrets of Princes, they being in such high offices, have caused the same to

be knowne in Rome afore the King could accomplish, and bring his intents to passe in England. By ••his meanes hath the Papacy b••ene so maintained, and things ordered after thei•• wills and pleasures, that much mischiefe ha••h happened in this Realme, and others, sometimes to the destruction of Princes; and some∣times to the utter undoing of many Common-wealths. So he. Who page 216.358.359.360.414.430.432.434.439.517, 518.599.625.961.972.1009.1016.1463.1856. of the said Acts and Monuments. London, 1610. writes often in the magent, That Bishops and Presbyters are all one and the same, and that there was no difference betweene them in the Primitive times, which was the common received opinion of our Martyrs: yea of our learned D. Humfrey Regius professor of Divinity in the University of Oxford Puritanopap. Confut. ad Rat. 3. p. 262.265. and of D. William Fulke against Bristow Motive. 40. against Gre∣gory Martyn, p 172. and confuration of the Rhemish Testament Notes on Titus 1. sect. 2. and on Philip. I. sect. 1.

* 6.508Iohn Iuell the incomparable Bishop of Salisbury, in his de∣fence of the Apology of the Church of England Part. 2. cap. 3. disp. 5. p. 98, 99, 100, 101. writes thus of the equality of Bishops and Ministers.* 6.509 Saint Ierome saith, All Bishops wheresoever they be, be they at Rome, be they at Eugubiu••, be they at Constantinople, be they at Rhegium, be all of like preheminence, and of like Priest∣hood. And as * 6.510 Cyprian saith, There is but one Bishopricke, and a peece thereof is perfectly & wholly holden of every particular Bishop. What Saint Ierome meant hereby; Erasmus, a man of great learning, and judgement expoundeth thus. Ierome seemeth to match all Bishops together,* 6.511 as if they were all equally the Apostles successors, and hee thinketh not any Bishop to be lesse than other for that hee is poorer, or greater than other, for that hee is richer: for hee makes the Bishop of Eugubium (a poore towne) equall with the Bishop of Rome. And farther hee thinketh that a Bishop is no better than any Priest, saving that the Bishop hath authority to order Ministers. Hereto M. Harding answereth thus.* 6.512 Erasmus saith within five lines following, that the Me••ropolitan hath a certaine dignity, and jurisdiction above other Bishops; take the one (saith hee) with the other; I am contented M. Harding: Erasmus saith, The Metropolitan had a dignity above other Bishops; but hee saith no••, the Bishop of Rome had jurisdiction over all Bishops throughout the World. In Saint Hieromes time there were Me∣••ropolitans,

Archbishops, Archdeacons and others. But Christ appointed not these distinctions of orders from the beginning. These names are not found in all the Scriptures.* 6.513 This is the thing that we de••end. S. Ierome saith, Let Bishops understand (where∣unto wee adde further, Let the Bishops of Rome themselves undestand) that they are in authority over Priests more by custome than by order of Gods truth. These be Hieromes words truly translated: what he meant thereby I leave to the judgement of the Reader. Erasmus likewise saith in the selfe same place above alleaged,* 6.514 Whereas Saint Ierome yeeldeth lesse dignity and authority unto Bishops, than nowadayes they seeme to have, wee must understand he spake of that time wherein he lived. If hee had seene our Bishops that now bee, hee would have said otherwise. For now the Pope claimeth a power above all the powers in heaven and earth, as it is written in the Councell of Lateran. Againe, ••rasmus in another place speaking hereof, saith thus.* 6.515 This holy man Saint Ierome saith plainly and freely, and as hee thinketh, that the Bishop of Rome is above other Bishops, not by Bishopricke•• but onely by riches. By riches onely, M. Harding, Erasmus saith, the Pope is above other Bishops. By riches onely (hee saith) not by right of Gods word, not by ver∣tue, not by learning, not by diligence in preaching, but onely by riches. Now it may please you to follow your owne rule, and to lay the one saying to the other. But Saint Ieromes words are plaine of themselves, and have no need of other expositor. Thus he writeth. * 6.516 What doth a Bishop saving onely the ordering of Ministers, but a Priest may do the same? Neither may wee thinke that the Chu••ch of Rome is one•• and the Church of all the world be∣side is another, France, England, Affrica, Persia, Levante, India, and all barbarous Nations worship one Christ, and keepe one rule of the truth. If wee seeke for Authority, the whole world is greater than the City of Rome. Wheresoever there be a Bishop, be it at Eugu∣••ium, be it at Rome, be it at Constantinople, be it at Rhegium, Be it at Alexandria, be it at Tanais, they are all of one worthinesse, they are all of one Bishopricke; The power of riches, and the basenesse of po∣verty maketh not a Bishop either higher or lower, for they are all the Apostles successors: What bring you mee the custome of Rome, being but one City? Here M. Harding findeth great fault, for that I have translated these words, Of one Bishopricke, and not as hee would have it, Of one Priesthood. God wo••, a very simple quarrell. Let him take whether he liketh best, if either other of these words

shall serve his turne. Erasmus saith, * 6.517 Bishop, P••iest, and Presby∣ter, at that time were all t••ree all one. But M•• Harding saith, The Primates had Authority over other in••eriour Bishops: I graunt they had so. Howbeit, they had it by agreement and custome, but neither by Christ, nor by Peter, nor Paul, nor by any right of Gods Word. Saint•• Ierome saith, * 6.518 Let Bishops understand that they are above Priests, rather of Custome than of any truth or right of Christs institution, and that they ought to rule the Church altogether. And againe, * 6.519 Therefore a Priest and a Bishop are both one thing, and before that by the inflaming of the Devill, parts were taken in Religion, and these words were uttered among the people, I hold of Paul, I hold of Apollo, I hold of Peter, the Chur∣ches were governed by the common advice of the Priests. Saint Augu∣stine saith, * 6.520 The office of a Bi••hop is above the office of a Priest, (not by the authority of the Scrip••ures, but) after the names of honour, which the custome of the Church hath now obtained.

So part. 2. cap. 9. Divis. 1. p. 196 He brings in M. Harding the Papist writing thus. Even so they which denyed the distinction of a Bishop and a Priest, were condemned of heresie as we, find in Saint Augustine, in the Booke and Chapter aforesaid. And in Epiphanius Lib. 3. cap. 75. In the Councell of Constance, the same is to be found. To whom he answers in the Margent. Vnt••uth; for hereby both Saint Paul, and Saint Ierome, and other good men are condemned of Heresie. And p. 202. He gives this further answer. But what meant M. Harding here to come in with the difference betweene Priests and Bishops, thinkes hee that Priests and Bishops hold onely by Tradition? or is it so horrible an heresie as hee ma∣keth it, to say, that by the Scriptures of God a Bishop and a Priest are all one? or knoweth hee how farre, and unto whom, he reacheth the name of an Hereticke? Verily Chrysostome saith, * 6.521 Betweene a Bishop and a Priest, in a manner there is no difference. Saint Hierome saith somewhat in rougher sort: I heare say, there is one become so peevish, that hee setteth Deacons before Priests, that is to say, before Bishops: Whereas the Apostle plainly teacheth us, that Priests and Bishops he all one. Saint Augustine saith:* 6.522 What is a Bishop but the first Priest, that is to say, the highest Priest? So saith Saint Ambrose.* 6.523 There is but one cons••cration of a Priest and Bi∣shop; for both of them are Priests, but the Bishop is the first.

In his Sermon upon Haggai 1 p. 176. he writes thus, against the temporall possessions and secular Offices of Clergy men:

When Constantinus the Emperour endowed the Church with lands and possessions, * 6.524 they say there was a voyce of Angels heard in the ayre saying: This day poyson is powred into the Church. If there were poyson powred into Church then; I doubt there was nover Treacle powred into it since. This wee see, that from that time shee hath done worse and worse. Augu∣stine findeth fault with the multitude of Ceremonies, and saith, the Church in ••his time was in worse case by mans devises, than was the Church of the Iewes. Bernard said, There is no part sound in the Clergie. And againe, They which chuse t••e first places in the Church, are chiefest in persecuting Christ. And againe, they be not Tea∣chers, but deceivers; they are not feeders but beguilers; they be not Prelates, but Pilates. Which hee thus further prosecutes in his Sermon on Matthew 9. p. 198. And what shall I speake of Bi∣shops? Their cloven Miter signifieth perfect knowledge of the new Testament, and the old; their Crosiers Staffe signifieth diligence in attending the flocke of Christ; their purple Bootes and Sandals signifie that they should ever be booted and ready to goe abroad through thicke and thinne to teach the Gospell; and thereto they applyed the words of the Prophet, How beauti∣full are the feete of them which bring glad tydings of peace, which bring glad tydings of good things? But alas, in what kind of things do they beare themselves for Bishops? These mysticall titles and shewes are not enough to ••e••ch in the Lords Harvest; they are garments more meete ••or Players, than for good Labourers. Saint Bernard writes thus to Eugenius the Bishop of Rome, who sometime had beene his Scholler. * 6.525 Thou which art the shepheard ••ettest up and downe shining in gold, and gorgeously attired: but what get thy sheepe? If I durst speake it, these things are not the fodder for Christs sheepe, but for devils. Whatsoever apparell they have upon them, unlesse they will fall to worke, Christ will not know them for labourers. How then can the Bishop of Rome be taken for the chiefe Pastor of Christ, which these 900. yeares hath not opened his mouth to feed the flocke? These 900. yeares I say? since Gregory the first of that name, it can hardly be found, that ever any Bishop of Rome was seene in a Pulpit. One of themselves Adrianus the fourth a Bishop of Rome was wont to say, Wee succeed not Peter in teaching but Romulus in murthering. And in the Canon of ••he Apostles it is decreed, That the Bishop that teacheth not his flocke, sh••uld be deposed: To which purpose

they alleage * 6.526 Saint Augustine: A Bishops office i•• a name of la∣bour, not a name of honour: that hee which coveteth the place of pre∣eminence, and hath not a desire to do good, may know hee is not a Bi∣shop. Thus saith Origen; Thus saith Chrysostome: thus say di∣vers others of the old Fathers, whom it were long and needlesse to rehearse. * 6.527 There be many Priests, and few Priests, (saith Chry∣sostome) Many that beare the name, but few that be Priests indeed. Thus the Harvest is great and plentious, but the Labourers are but few. The labourers are but few, but the destroyers and wasters are exceeding many; Yea, such as should be the harvest men, most of all destroy the corne. I will not here report that I am well able, that your eyes have seene, and that many of you have felt; the state of our time hath beene such. Saint Bernard saw it in his time, and therefore saith, * 6.528 All are ••riends, and all are enemies; all are helpers, and all are adversaries and hinderers. A∣gaine, * 6.529 Alas, alas, O Lord God, they are the chiefest in persecuting thee, that seeme to love the highest roomes, and to beare rule in thy Church, (he cites their Latin, which I omi••.) And in his De∣fence of the Apologie ••f the Church of England, part. 6. c. 9. Div. 3. p. 667, 568. hee writes thus of Bishops intanglement in worldly affaires, and bravery in apparell. Our Princes never tooke upon them the office of Bishops, but your Bishops have taken upon them the office of Princes. Of your Bishops it is written in your owne * 6.530 Councels, Behold there is now in a manner no worldly affaire, but Priests and Bishops have it in hand. Such Bishops be they of whom Saint Chrysostome writeth thus, They that neither beleeve, nor feare the judgement of God, abusing their Ecclesiasticall dignity in se∣cular sort, turne the same into secular dignity. Such Bishops they be of whom Saint Hierome saith thus, They themselves be to them∣selves both Laymen and Bishops too. And againe, * 6.531 They worship the Lord and Melchom both together, thinking that they may serve both the World and the Lord, and satisfie two masters at once, God & Mammon; who fighting under Christ, bend themselves to worldly af∣faires, and offer up one image, Both to God and Cesar. And there∣fore Cardinall Cu••am•••• saith, * 6.532 Hereof groweth a great deformity, that Bishops are bent only to worldly cares. Marke these words M. Harding, hee saith,* 6.533 Your Bishops are bent onely to worldly cares. If yee will beleeve none of these,* 6.534 yet your Popes owne Le∣gates, in your late Chapter at Trident, speaking of your Priestlike apparell say thus: * 6.535 Our Priests differ nothing from Laymen, saving only in apparel, nay indeed they differ not so much from

them, as in apparell. Yee say your Bishops be gay and gallant, attended and guarded with Princelike routs both behind and before: And therefore yee make no small account, specially in respect of our estate, which you call beggerly. In such dis∣daine the Heathen sometimes said, * 6.536 That Christ was the beg∣gerliest and poorest of all the Gods that were in heaven. Howbeit our Bishoprickes saving that certaine of your Fathers have shamefully spoyled them, are now even as they were before•• Certainly the poorest Bishopricke in England, as it is reported, is better in revenues than three of your Popes Italian Bi∣shoprickes in the Kingdome of Naples: Howbeit the Gospell of Christ standeth not by riches, but by truth: in comparison of the one, wee make small reckoning of the other. Neverthe∣lesse the wise and godly have evermore sound fault with the Ecclesiasticall bravery of your Roman Clergy. * 6.537 Saint Bernard saith, Therehence commeth their whorelike finenesse, their players weed, their Princely apparell: therehence commeth their gold in their bridles, in their Saddles, and in their spurres. Againe hee saith, * 6.538 They goe trimly and finely in their colours, as if a spouse should come from her chamber: if thou shouldst suddenly see one of them jetting a farre off, wouldst thou not rather thinke it were a spouse, than the keeper of the spouse? * 6.539 Laurentius Valla, although bit∣terly, yet not unpleasantly thus expresseth your Lordly brave∣y.* 6.540 I thinke if the Devill in the ayre have any games among them to make sport withall, they are most busily occupied in counterfeiting the apparell and tire, and pride and riot of Priests, and have greatest pastime. Pope Bonefacius the 8. in a great Iubilee; and in a solemne procession, went apparelled in the Empe••ours Robes, and had the Crowne Imperiall on his head, and the sword of majestie borne be∣fore him as an Emperour. This spirituall jolity M. Harding liketh you well. Notwithstanding Saint Bernard saith, * 6.541 These be pa∣stures for Devils, not for sheepe; no doubt even thus did Peter. Euen such pastime plaid Saint Paul. Yee tell us further: though they teach not, though they say no••, though they do not, though they live not as becommeth Bishops, nor as becommeth a Christian man, yet be they Bishops notwithstanding. Hereat wee will not greatly strive: for so the Wolfe, if hee once get a sheep-hooke, and a cloke, may be a shepheard: and a blind man, if hee get once into the watch-tower, may be a spie; But miserable are the poore sheepe that so are fed: miserable is

that poore Castle that so is watched. Saint Augustine saith(a) 6.542 A Bishops office is a name of labour, and not of honour, that who so loveth to rule, and not to profit, may understand himse••fe to be no Bi∣shop. Againe hee saith of such a one, (b) 6.543 Hee ought rather to be called a shamelesse dogge than a B••shop. As for that yee say, Your Bishops be duly ordinated and consecrated. Saint Augustine re∣plieth; (c) 6.544 Touching the outward consecration of a Bishop, many give it to wolves, and be wolves themselves. Saint Bernard spea∣king of your Priests and Bishops saith, (d) 6.545 In their apparell they are Souldiers, in their gaines they are Priests and Bishops: But in effect and in deed they are neither of both: for neither do they fight in the field as do Souldiers, nor do they preach as Priests and Bishops. Of whether order therefore be they? Whereas they would be of both Orders,* 6.546 they forsake both, and confound both. Saint Paul saith, eve∣ry man shall rise againe in his owne order: but in what order shall these rise? whether forasmuch as they have sinned without order, shall they perish without order? I feare me they shall be ordered none other∣where, but whereas is no Order, but disorder, and horror everlasting.

Againe, in his Defence of the Apologie of the Church of England, Par. 6. chap. 2. Divis. 1. he writes thus concerning Bishops vo∣ting, and authority in Parliament in settling matters in Religi∣on. Where yee would seeme to say, that the Parliament holden in the first yeare of the Queenes Majesties Raigne was no Par∣liament: for that your Bishops refused wilfully to agree unto the godly Lawes there concluded, yee seeme therein to bewray in your selfe some want of skill: the wise and learned could soone have told you, that in the Parliaments of England, mat∣ters have evermore used to passe not of necessity, by the speci∣all consent of the Archbishops and Bishops, as if without them no Statute might lawfully be enacted, but onely by the more part of the voyces, yea alt••ough all the Archbishops and Bishops were never so earnestly bent against it. And Statutes so passing in Parliament onely by the voyces of the Lords temporall, without the consent and agreement of the Lords Spiri••uall, have neverthelesse alwayes bin con∣firmed, and ratified by the reall assent of the Prince, & have bin ena∣cted & published under the names of the Lords spirituall & Temporall. Read the Statutes of King Edward the first; There shall yee finde that in a Parliament solemnly ho••tlen by him at S. Edmundbury, the Archbishops and Bishops were quite shut forth: and yet the Parliament held on; and good and wholsome lawes were there enacted,

the departing, or abs••nce, or malice of the Lords Spirituall not∣withstanding. In the records thereof it is written thus (e) 6.547 The King keeping the Parliament wi••h his Barons, the Clergy (that is to say, the Archbishops and Bishops) being shut forth, it was enacted, &c. Likewise (f) 6.548 In provisione de Martona in the time of King Henry the third. Whereas matter was moved of Bastardy, touching the Legitimation of Bastards, borne before Marriage; The Statute past wholly with the Lords Temporall, whether the Lords Spirituall would or no: yea, and that contrary to the ex∣presse Decrees and Canons of the Church of Rome. The like hereof (as I am informed) may be found,(g) 6.549 Rich. 2. An. 11. c. 3. How∣beit in these cases (I must confesse) I walke somewhat without my compasse. Touching the judgement hereof, I re••erre my selfe wholly unto the Learned. Further, whereas yee call the Doctrine of Christ, that now by Gods great mercy, and to your great griefe is universally and freely preached, a Parliament Re∣ligion, and a Parliament Gospell (for such sobriety becommeth you well, and may stand you in stead when learning fayleth) yee might have remembred that Christ himselfe at the beginning wa•• universally received, and honoured through this Realm by assent of Parliament; and further, that without Parliament your Pope himselfe was never received, no not in the late time of Queene Ma••y. Yea and even then his holinesse was clogged with Parlia∣ment conditions, that whatsoever had beene determined in Parlia∣ment, and was not repealed, were it never so contrary to his will and Canons, should remaine still inviolable and stand in force. Other∣wise his holinesse had gone home againe. Such, M. Harding, is the authority of a Parliament: Verily if Parliaments of Realmes be no Parliaments, then will your Pope be no Pope. Therefore as you now call the truth of God, that wee professe a Parliament Religion, and a Parliament Gospell, even so with like sobriety and gravity of speech yee might have said, Our Fathers in old times had a Parliamen•• Christ. And your late Fathers and Bre∣thren had of late, in the time of Queene Mary, a Parliament Faith, a Parliament Masse, & a Parliament Pope. Neither is it so strange a matter to see Ecclesiasticall causes debated in Parliament. Read ••he Lawes of K. Inas, K. Elfred, K. Edward, K. Ethelstane, K. Edmund, K. Edgar, K. Canute; and yee shall find that our godly fore-fathers, the Princes and Peeres of this Realme, never vouchsafed to intr••at of matters of Peace, or Warre, or otherwise touching the Common

State, before all controversie•• of Religion, and causes E••clesia∣sticall had beene concluded King, (h) 6.550 Canut•• in his Parliament holden at Winchester upon Christmas day, after sundry Lawes and Orders made touching the Faith, the keeping of H••ly-dayes, Publik•• prayers, learning of the Lords Prayer, receiving of the Communion thrice in the yeare, the manner and ••orme of Bap∣tisme, Fasting, and other like matters of Religion, in the end thereof saith thus: Iam sequitur institutio Legum Secularium: Now followeth an order of Temporall Lawes. In a Parliament hol∣den by King William the Conquerour, it is written thus. Rex, quia Vicarius Summi Regis est, ad hoc constituitur, ut Regnum & popu∣lum Domini, & super omnia sanctam Ecclesiam regat & defendat &c. The King for as much as hee is the Vicar of the Highest King, is thererefore appointed to this purpose, that hee should rule and de∣fend the Kingdome and people of the Lord, and above all things the holy Church, &c. Hereby it appeareth that Kings and Princes are specially and of purpose appointed by God, not onely to defend, but also to Governe and Rule the Holy Church. Thus farre Bishop Iewell, who here clearly affirmes, that Parliaments may be kept, and matters of Religion there determined without Bishops. Neither is this any strange doctrine, for not onely M••. Richard Crompton in his Iurisdiction of Courts. fol. 19, 20. (who cites this passage of Bishop Iewell) is of the same opinion; but in the famous (i) 6.551 case of Doctor Standish in the 7. yeare of King Henry the eight, at a meeting at Blacke Fryers before the King himselfe, the whole Temporall Councell, and a Committee of both Houses of Parliament, it was resolved by all the Judges, (k) 6.552 That our Lord the King may very well hold his Parliament by himselfe, his Temporall Lords, and by his Commons, altogether without the Spirituall Lords, for the spiri••uall Lords have no place in the Parliament Chamber of reason of their spirituality but only by reason of their Temporall possessions or Baronies.

And if this be not sufficient evidence•• Bishop Latimer in his fourth Sermon of the Plough, p. 19, 20. complaines against Bi∣shops placing in, & being Lords of the Parliament; & makes this one chiefe cause, that they be unpreaching Prelates, lazie loyterers, and idle Ministers. Yea, Thomas Bilson Bishop of Winchester, a great Patriot of Episcopacie, resolves and proves as much in his Booke intituled, The true difference betweene Christian Subjecti∣on and unchristian Rebellion part. 3. p. 540, 541, 542. If her Ma∣jes••y

receiv••d and ••stablished nothing but the truth of Christ in her Pa••liament,* 6.553 in vaine do you barke against God and the Ma∣gistrate for lacke of competent Courts, Ecclesiasticall Judges, and legall meanes to debate and decide matters of Religion. Wh••n God commandeth, all humane barres and Lawes do cease: If they joyne with God; they may be used, if they impugne the truth, they must be despised. And yet in our case the Scepter united and adjoyned it selfe to the word of God, and therefore if Princes may command for truth in their owne dominions, as I have largely proved they may; why should not the Prince having the full consent of her Nobles and Commons restore and settle the truth of God within her Realme?

Phil.

Lay men may not pronounce of Faith.

Theo.

But Laymen may choose what faith they will professe,* 6.554 and Princes may dispose of their Kingdomes, though Priests and Bishops would say nay.

Phi.

Religion they may not dispose without a Councell.

Theo.

Not if God command.

Phi.

How shall they know what God com∣mandeth unlesse they have a Councell.

Theo.

This is childish wrangling, I aske, if God command, whether the Prince shall re∣fuse to obey till the Clergy confirme the same?

Phi.

You may be sure a wise and sober Clergy will not dissent from Gods pre∣cepts.

Theo.

What they will doe, is out of our matter. But in case they doe; to which shall the Prince hearken, to God or those that beare themselves for Priests.

Phi.

In case they doe so, you need not doubt, but God must be regarded and not men.

Theo.

And hath the Prince sufficient authority to put that in ••re which God commandeth,* 6.555 though the Priests continue their wilfulnes?

Phi.

There is no Councell nor consent of men good against God.

Theo.

Hold you there; Then when Ch••istian Prin∣ces are instructed and resolved by learned and faithfull teachers what God requireth at their hands, what need they care for the backward disposition of such false Prophets as are turned from the truth and preach lyes?

Phi.

In England when her Majesty came to the Crowne, it was not so. The Bishops that dissented were grave, vertuous and honourable Pastors, standing in de∣fence of the Catholicke and ancient Faith of their Fathers.

Theo.

You say so, wee say no.

Phi.

Those be but words.

Theo.

You say very right; and therefore the more to blame you, that in both your bookes doe play on that string with your Rheto∣ricall and Thrasonicall fluence, and never enter any point or

proofe, that my profi•• your Reader: you presume your selves to have such apparent right and rule over the Faith, over the Church,* 6.556 over Christian Princes, and Realmes, that without your consent they shall neither conclude, nor consult what religi∣on they will professe. Their acts shall be disorders, their Lawes injuries, their correction tyranny, if you mislike them. This dominion and jurisdiction over all Kingdomes and Countries, if your holy Father and you may have for the speaking; you were not wise if you would not claime it, but before we beleeve you, you must bring some better ground of your Title then such mag∣nificall and majesticall florishes. The Prince and the parliament, you say, had no power to determine, or deliberate of those mat∣ters•• And why so? you (to wit Bishops) did dissent. May not the Prince command for truth within her Realme,* 6.557 except your consents be first required and had? May not her Highnesse serve Christ in making Lawes for Christ, without your liking? Claime you that interest and prerogative, that without you no∣thing shall be done in matters of Religion, by the Lawes of God, or by the liberties of this Realme? By the Lawes of the Land you have no such priviledge. Parliaments have beene kept by the King and his Barons, the Clergy wholly excluded, & yet their Acts and Statutes good. And when the Bishops were present, their voyces from the Conquest to this day were never negative. By Gods Law you have nothing to do with making Lawes for Kingdomes and common••wealths: you may teach, you may not command. Perswasion is your part, compulsion is the Princes. If Princes imbrace the truth, you must obey them. If they pursue truth, you must abide them. By what authority then claime you this Dominion over Princes,* 6.558 that their Lawes for Religion shall be void unlesse you consent?

Phi.

They be no Judges of faith.

Theo.

No more are you. It is lawfull for any Christian to re∣ject your doctrine, if he perceive it to be false, though you teach it in your Churches, & pronounce it in your Councels, to be ne∣ver so true.

Phi.

That proveth not every private mans opinion to be true.

Theo.

Not yet to be false, the greater number is not ever a sure warrant for truth. And Judges of faith, though Princes be not,* 6.559 yet are they maintainers, establishers and up∣holders of faith with publike power, and positive Lawes, which is the point you now withstand.

Phil.

That they may do when a Councell is precedent to guide them

Theo.

What Councell••

had * 6.560 Asa the King of Judah when he commanded his peopl•• to do according to the Law, and the Commandment, and made a cov••nant, that whosoever would not seeke the Lord God of Israel should be slaine?

Phi.

He had Azariah the prophet.

Theo.

One man is no Councell, and he did but encourage and com∣mend the King, and that long after hee had established Religion in his Realme. What councell had * 6.561 Ezechiah to lead him, when he restored the true worship of God throughout his land, and was faine to send for the Priests and Levites, and to put them in mind of their duties? What Councell had Iosiah, when ten yeares after his comming to the Crowne he was forced to send for direction to Huldath the Prophetesse, not finding a man in Iudah that did or could undertake the charge?* 6.562

Phi.

These were Kings of the Old Testament, and they had the Law of God to guide them.

Theo.

Then since Christian Princes have the same Scriptures which they had, and also the Gospell of Christ, and Apostolike writings to guide them, which they had not, why should they not in their Kingdomes retaine the same power,* 6.563 which you see the Kings of Judah had and used to their immor∣••all praise and joy?

Phi.

The Christian Emperours ever called Councells, before they would attempt any thing in Ecclesiasti∣call matters.

Theo.

What Councell had * 6.564 Constantine, when with his Princely power he publikely received and settled Chri∣stian religion throughout the World, twenty yeares before the Fathers met at Nice? What councels had Iustinian for all those Ecclesiasticall constitutions and orders,* 6.565 which hee decreed•• and I have often repeated? What Councels had Charles for the Church Lawes and Chapters which he proposed and enjoyned as well to the Pastors as to the people of his Empire?

Phi.

They had instruction by some godly Bishops that were about them.

Theo.

Conference with some Bishops, such as they liked, they might have, but councells for these causes they had none. In 480. years after Christian Religion was established by Christian Laws, I mean from Constantine the first, to Constantine the seventh, there were very neere forty Christian Emperours, whose Lawes and Acts for Ecclesiasticall affaires were infinite; and yet in all that time they never called but sixe generall Councels,* 6.566 and those for the Godhead of the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost, and for the two distinct natures and wills in Christ. All other points of Christian Doctrine and Discipline they received, established,

and maintained without ••ecumenicall Councels, upon the pri∣vate instruction of such Bishops and clerkes as they favored or trusted. * 6.567 Theodosius, as I shewed before, made his owne choyce what faith he would follow, & had no man, nor meanes to direct him unto truth, but his owne prayers unto God, and private rea∣ding of those sundry confessions that were offered him, &c. Pag. 543. he thus proceeds, Had you beene in the Primitive Church of Christ, you would have gallantly disdained these & other exam∣ples of Christian Kings and Countries converted and instructed by Merchants, somtimes by women,* 6.568 most times by the single per∣swasion of one man without all legall meanes or judiciall pro∣ceeding••: the poore soules of very zeale imbracing the Word of life when it was first offered them, and neglecting your number of voyces, consent of Priest••, and competent Courts, as frivilous exc••ptions against God, and dangerous lets to their Salvation•• † 6.569 Frumentius a Christian Child, taken prisoner in India the farther,* 6.570 and brought at length by Gods good Provi∣dence to beare some sway in the Realme in the non-age of the King, carefully sought for such as were Christians among the Roman Merchants, and gave them most free power to have as∣semblies in every place, yeelding them whatsoever was requi∣site, and exhorting them in sundry places to use the Christian prayers. And within short time he built a Church and brought it to passe, that some of the Indians were instructed in the faith and joyned with them. The † 6.571 King of Iberia neere Pontus,* 6.572 when he saw his wi••e restored to health by the prayers of a Christian Captive, and himselfe delivered out of the suddaine danger that he was in, onely by thinking and calling on Christ, whom the Captive woman named so often to his wife, sent for the woman, and desired to learne the manner of her Religion, and promised after that never to worship any other God but Christ:* 6.573 The Captive woman taught him as much as a woman might, and admonished him to build a Church and described the forme (how it must be done;) whereupon the King calling the people of the whole Nation together, told what had befallen the Queene and him, and taught them the faith, and became as it were the Apostle of this Nation, though he were not yet baptized. The examples of England, France, and other Countries, are innumerable, where Kings and Com∣mon wealths, at the preaching of one man, have submitted

themselves to the faith of Christ, without Councels or any Sy∣nodall or judiciall proceedings. And therefore each Prince and people without these meanes have lawfull power to serve God and Christ his Sonne,* 6.574 notwithstanding twenty Bishops as in our case, or if you will, twenty thousand Bishops, should take exceptions to the Gospell of truth, which is nothing else but to waxe mad against God, by pretence of humane reason and order. By all which it is evident that Parliaments may not onely be held and determine Secular matters, but likewise Ec∣clesiasticall and Religious, without the presence of Bishops which is no wayes necessary, if expedient.

Touching the parity of Bishops & Presbyters by Divine institu∣tion & their difference only by custom, he determins thus, * 6.575 The title and authorithy of Arch-Bishops and Patriarkes was not or∣dained by the Commandment of Christ or his Apostles,* 6.576 but the Bishops long after, when the Church began to be troubled with dissentions, were content to lincke themselves together, and in every Province to suffer one (whom they preferred for the worthines of his City and called their Metropolitane, that is, Bishop of the chiefe or mother City) to have this prerogative in all doubts of Doctrine and Discipline to assemble the rest of his brethren or consult them absent by Letters, and see that obser∣ved, which the most part of them determined. * 6.577 Before there began Schismes in Religion the Churches, saith S. Hierome, were governed by the Common Councill of the Seniors. And therefore let the Bishops understand that they be greater than (Ministers or) Elders rather by custome, than by any truth of the Lords appoint∣ment, and that they ought to governe the Church in Common: and in his Epistle to Evagrius having fully proved by the Scriptures that the Apostles called themselves but Presbyters, Elders or Seniors, he addeth. * 6.578 That after their times, one was chosen in eve∣ry Church and preferred before the rest to have the dignity of a Bishop, this was provided for a remedie against Schismes, lest every man drawing some unto him should rent the Church of Christ in pee∣ces. For what doth a Bishop, except ordering of others,* 6.579 which an Elder may not doe? And lest you should thinke he speaketh not as well of the chiefe as of the meaner Bishops, he compa∣reth three of the greatest Patriarkes with three of the poorest Bishops he could name. * 6.580 A Bishop of what place soever he be, either of Rome, or of Eugubium, or of Constantinople, or of Rhegium, or of Alexandria, or of Tajus hath the same

merit and the same (function or) Priesthood, abundance of riches or basenesse of po••erty doth not make a Bishop higher or lower, for they all be successours to the Apostles. So that the Bishop of Rome by Commission from Christ and succession from the Apostles is no higher than the meanest Bishop in world.* 6.581 The Superiority which he and others had as Metropolitanes in their owne Pro∣vinces came by custome, as the great Councell of † 6.582 Nice wit∣nesseth, not by Christs institution. Let the old use continue in Egypt, Lybia and Pentapolis, that the Bishop of Alexandria be chiefe over all those places, for so much as the Bishop of Rome hath the like cu∣stome. Likewise at Antioch, and in other Provinces, let the Chur∣ches keepe theer Prerogatives. The generall Councell of Ephesus confesseth the same. † 6.583 It seemeth good to this sacred and Oecumeni∣call Synod to conserve to every Province, their right priviledges whole and untouched, which they have had of old according to the custome that now long hath prevailed. Next their authority was subject not onely to the discretion and moderation of their brethren assembled in Councell,* 6.584 but also to the Lawes and Edicts of Christian Princes, to be granted, extended, limited and ordered as they say cause. For example, the first Councell of Con∣stantinople advanced the Bishop of that City to be the next Pa∣triarch to the Bishop of Rome, which before he was not. And the Councell of* 6.585 Chalcedon made him equall in Ecclesiasticall ho∣nours with the Bishop of Rome, and assigned him a larger Pro∣vince than before he had. So Iustinian gave to the City in Afri∣ca, that he called after his owne name the See of an Arch∣bishop.

Touching Bishops secular Jurisdiction, imprisonment, and temporall affaires he writes thus,* 6.586 Bishops be no governours of Countries,* 6.587 Princes be, that is, Bishops beare not the sword to reward and revenge, Princes doe: Bishops have no power to command and punish, Princes have. This appeareth by the Words of our Saviour, expressely forbidding his Apostles to be Rulers of Nations, and leaving it to Princes. * 6.588 The Kings of Nations rule over (their people) and they that be great ones, exercise authority; with you it shall not be so, that is, you shall neither beare rule,* 6.589 nor exercise authority over your brethren. Phi. the Word is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they over-rule their Subjects with injustice and violence, you shall not doe so. Theo. So your new Translation over-ruleth the Word, howbeit Christ in that

place doth not traduce the power of Princes, as unjust or outra∣gious, but distinguisheth the calling of his Apostles frō the man∣ner of regiment which God hath allowed the magistrate. Christ saith not, Princes be Tyrants, you shall deale more curteously than they doe, but he saith,* 6.590 Princes be Lords and Rulers over their people, by Gods Ordinance, you shall not be so. Againe the Word which Saint Luke hath is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, without any composition. They be Lords and Masters, and S. Paul confesseth of himselfe and other Apostles, Not that we be Lords or Masters of your faith: yea the compound 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is with power and force to rule men whether they will or no, not with wrong and injury to oppresse them, and therefore the conclusion is inevitable, that Princes may lawfully compell and punish their Subjects which Bishops may not.* 6.591 This distinction betweene them is evident by their severall commissions which God hath signed: The Prince, not the Priest, * 6.592 beareth the sword, Ergo the Prince not the Priest is Gods Minister to revenge malefactors. Peter him∣selfe was sharpely rebuked by Christ for using the sword, and in Peter all Pastors and Bishops are straitely charged not to meddle with it. All that take the sword shall perish with the sword. And of all men a Bishop must be no striker, for if he that should feed his Masters Houshold fall to striking, he shall have his portion with hypocrites. The servants of God must be gentle towards all, instructing those that resist with mildnesse,* 6.593 not compelling any with sharpenesse. Their function is limited to the preaching of the Word, and dispensing the Sacraments, which have no kinde of compulsion in them, but invite men onely by sober perswa∣sions to beleeve and imbrace the promises of God. To conclude, Pastors may teach, exhort, and reprove, not force, command or revenge, onely Princes be governours, that is, publicke Magi∣strates to prescribe by their Lawes, and punish with the sword such as resist them within their dominions, which Bishops may not doe: which he thus further prosecutes. * 6.594 The watch-men and Shepheards that serve Christ in his Church, have their kinde of regiment distinct from the temporall power and State, but that regiment of theirs is by counsell and perswasion, not by terrour or compulsion, and reacheth neither to the goods nor the bodies of any men, much lesse to the crownes and lives of Princes, &c.* 6.595 Princes may force their Subjects, by the tempo∣rall sword which they beare, Bishops may not force their flock

with any corporall or externall violence. * 6.596 Chrysostome largely debateth and fully concludeth this matter with us. If any sheepe, saith he, goe out of the right way, and leaving the plentifull Pa∣stures graze on barren and steepe places, the Sheepeheard somewhat exalteth his voyce to reduce the dispersed stragling sheepe, and to com∣pell them to the ••locke. But if any man wander from the right path of the Christian faith, the Pastour must use great paines, care and patience.* 6.597 Neque enim vis illi inferenda, neque terrore ille cogendus, ••erum suadendus tantum, ut de integro ad veritatem redeat. For hee may not be forced, nor constrained with terrour, but onely perswaded to returne to the truth. And againe, A Bishop cannot ••ure men with such authority, as a sheepheard doth his sheepe, for a sheepeheard ••ath his choyce: to binde his sheepe, to dyet them, to seare them and cut them•• but in the other case the facility of the cure consisteth not in him that giveth but onely in him that taketh the medicine. This that admirable teacher perceiving sayd to the Corinthians; not that we have any domi∣nion over you under the name of Faith, but that we are helpers of your joy: For of all men Christian (Bishops) may least correct the faults of men by force.* 6.598 Iudges that are without (the Church) when they take any transgressing the Lawes, they shew themselves to be endued with great authority and power, and compell them in spite of their hearts to change their manners. But here (in the Church) we may not off••r any violence, but onely perswade. We have not so great authority gi∣ven us by the Lawes, as to represse offendours, and if it were lawfull for us so to doe,* 6.599 we have no use of any such violent power, for that Christ crowneth them which abstaine from sinne, not of a forced, but of a willing minde and purpose. Hilary teacheth the same Lesson:† 6.600 If this violence were used for the true faith, the Doctrine of Bishops would be against it. God needeth no forced service, he requireth no con••trained confession, I cannot receive any man, but him that is wil∣ling, I cannot give ••are but to him that intreateth, I cannot signe any but him that (gladly) professeth.* 6.601 Origen agreeth with them both. See the wisedome of the holy Ghost; because that other faults are judg∣ed by the Lawes of Princes, and it seemed superfluous now to prohi∣bite those things by Gods Law, which are sufficiently revenged by mans, he repeateth those and none else as fit for religion, of which mans Law saith nothing; whereby it appeareth that the Iudges of this world doe meddle with the greatest part of Gods Law. For al the crimes which God would have revenged, he would have them revenged not by the ••pp. & R••lers of the Church, but by the Iudges of the world, and that Paul knowing, rightly calleth (the Prince) Gods minister and judge of him

that doth evill. Phi. Bishops may not offer force with their owne hands, but they may command others to doe it for them. Theoph. A grosse shift. As though Temporall Princes or Judges did execute malefactours with their owne hands. Bishops by vertue of their vocation cannot claime the sword,* 6.602 and conse∣quently they cannot command, or authorize any man to take the goods or touch the bodies of Christians o•• Infidels, which being a cleere conclusion it is most evident they can much lesse licence you to take the Crownes and take the lives of Princes, to whom * 6.603 God hath delivered the sword to judge the earth, and made them servants onely to himselfe, since all other soules must be subject to them by the tenor of his owne prescription and their first erection as the Scripture witnesseth. And touch∣ing Bishops having Conusans in their courts of Tythes, &c. he writes thus. † 6.604 For Tythes, Testame••ts, Administrations, Ser∣vitude, Legitimations, and such like, you went beyond your bounds, when you restrained them to your Courts, and with∣ou•• Caesar, made Lawes for things that belonged unto Caesar. The goods, Lands, Livings, States and Families of Lay men and Clerkes are Caesars charge,* 6.605 not yours, and therefore your decrees, judgements and executions in those cases, if you claime them from Christ as things spirit••all, not from Caesar as matters committed of trust to you by Christian Princes, are nothing else but open and wif••ull invasions of other mens rights, you changing the names, and calling those things Spirituall and Ec∣••lesiasticall, which indeede be civill and temporall, and shoul∣dering Pri••ces from their cushins, who first suffered Bishops to sir judges in those causes, of Honour to their Persons and favour to their sunctions, which on your part is but a bad requitall of their Princely graces and benefits; He addes. † 6.606 S. Paul expresse∣ly writeth of the Prince that He beareth the sword not without cause, and is Gods minister to revenge him that doth evill: And our Saviour severely forbiddeth Pe••er and the rest of the Apostles to meddle with the sword.* 6.607 All that take the sword shall perish by the sword,* 6.608 and to them all, you know that Kings of Nations raigne ••ver them•• and they that be great exercise authority, with you it shall not be so. The sword is but the signe of publicke and Princely power,* 6.609 and where the thing is not lawfull the signe is unlawfull. Since then the Lord interdicteth his Apostles and messengers all Princely power, it is evident, the sword which is ••ut a signe th••reof is likewise interdicted them. Thus much Bernard

sticketh not to tell Pope * 6.610 Eugenius to his face, It is the Lords voice in the Gospell, Kings of Nations are Lords over them, and they that have power over them are called gratious, and the Lord inferreth, you shall not be so. It is a cleare case, the Apostles are for∣bidden dominion. G•• thou then, saith Bernard to the Pope, and usurpe if thou d••re, either an Apostleship, if thou be a Prince, or do∣minion if thou be Apostolike.* 6.611 Thou art expresly forbidden one of them. If thou wilt have both, thou shalt lose both. The patterne of an Apo∣stle is this, Dominion is interdicted, service is enjoyned, Gird thy selfe with thy sword, the sword of the spirit, which is the Word of God. And this Pope * 6.612 Nicholas fairely confesseth, The Church of God hath no sword but the spirituall, wherewith she quickneth, shee kil∣leth not. Your owne Law saith, * 6.613 It is easily proved of Bishops and other Clergy m••n whatsoever, that they may not either by their owne authority, or by the authority of the Bishop of Rom••, take weapon in hand (and excercise the materiall sword:) and addeth his reason, For every man besides him, and his authority which hath lawfull ••••∣wer, and which, as the Apostle saith, beareth the sword not without cause,* 6.614 to whom every soule ought to be subject, every man I say, that without his authority taketh the sword, shall perish with the sword. He that beareth the sword may lawfully put malefactors to death, and wage warre with his enemies, when need so re∣quireth, which Bishops may not doe. (a) 6.615 The weapons of our warfare are not carnall, saith Saint Paul. (b) 6.616 Quid Episcopis cum bello? what have Bishops to doe with battle, saith Athanasius: and (c) 6.617 A••brose, Pugn••re non deb••o, I ought not to fight. If they may not fight, much lesse kill, if they may do neither, they cannot beare the sword, which is appointed by God, and received of men to do both. The words of our Saviour are cleare with us for the negative, My Kingdome, saith hee, is not of this World: if then your Priests, Prelates, and Popes will be the servants of Christ,* 6.618 they must challenge no worldly Kingdome as from him, or in his name. (d) 6.619 The servant is not above his Master. If the ma∣ster with his owne mouth have denyed it, the servants may not affirme it, or usurpe it. The souldiers of Christ must not (e) 6.620 intan∣gle themselves with secular affaires, much lesse make themselves Lords,(f) 6.621 and Judge; of ear••hly matters, which office properly belongeth to the sword, and must be sustained of all those that beare the sword. The Popes themselves be••ore their power and pride grew so great, were of this opinion with us. Thus,

and much more Bishop Bilson to the same effect.

Not to trouble you with more quotations of this nature, which are infinite, I shall conclude onely with two more au••ho∣rities of men of greatest eminence, and learning in our Church, in Queene Elizabeths later dayes.

The first of them, is Dr. Whitakers,* 6.622 Regius Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridge; he, in his Booke Contra Du••eum. l. 6. sect. 19. & Controvers. 4. De Ecclesiae regimine. Quest. 1. c. 1. sect. 1. 2. c. 2. sect. 16. Quest. 4. c. 3. sect. 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31. De notis Ecclesiae, qu. 5. c. 6. p 509 and Contr. 2. Concil. qu. 3. c. 2. p. 586, 587. reciting Saint Ieromes words at large on Titus 1. and to Euagrius, concludes with him; That in former times Bishops and Presbyters were all one and the same: that every where a Presbyter was the same that a Bishop is: that ALL Chur∣ches were not under the Government of one man, but were governed by the Common Counsell of their Presbyters; Ecclesiae, inquit Jeronymus, gubernabantur, &c. id est, VBIQVE OMNES, fuit hi•• MOS Ecclesiarum gubernandarum. That this custome was not changed by the Apostles, sed POST, Ecclesie judicto. That Bishops are greater now than Ministers not by divine institution, but custome, and that humano, non divino jure totum ••oc discrimen constat: the whole difference betweene them is by humane, not by divine Law, or right. That by ancient, and divine right a Presbyter was lesse than a Bishop NIHILO, in nothing: After which he proceeds thus. If the Apostles had changed that order (as Sanders pretendeth) what had it profited Hierome with so great diligence to have colle∣cted testimonies out of the Apostles, whereby to shew, that they were sometimes the same? It might easily come into his memo∣ry, that this order was changed by the Apostles themselves, after the Church was disturbed and torne with discords. But wherfore then saith Hierom: Before it was said, I am of Paul, &c. the Church was Governed by the Common Councell of Presbyters, &c. I answer, this might deceive Sanders. Hierome onely alluded to the place of the Apostle, that hee might shew, that schismes were the cause of changing this order, as hee saith elsewhere, that this was done to remedy schismes. But this remedy was almost worse than the disease.* 6.623 For as at first one Presbyter was set above the rest, and made a Bishop, so afterwards, one Bishop was preferred before the rest: and so this custome brought forth the Pope with his Monarchy by little and little,

and brought it into the Church. Ierome so openly oppugneth the Pontificall Hierarchy, that the Papists know not what to deter∣mine or answere concerning Hierome. † 6.624 Michael Medina doubts not to affirme, that Ierome was an Hereticke in this kinde, and that he held the very same opinion that Aerius did: verily Hie∣rome was of the same opinion with Aerius; whereby we may the lesse regard that Aerius is so often objected to us, AB IN∣SULSIS HOMINIBUS, by foolish men. If Aerius was an He∣reticke in this thing, he had Ierome a companion of his Heresie: and not onely him but also many other Ancient Fathers both Greeke and Latine, as Medina confesseth. † 6.625 Alphonsus de Castro saith, that the Church was sarre enough off from the minde of Hierome; and a certaine man hath written in the Margin, that Ieromes opinion is to be dissembled, not to be urged. * 6.626 Pighius writes that Ierome is involved in such difficulties, out of which he could not winde himselfe, and that he fell into perplexed absurdities, no wayes cohearing and fighting among them∣selves. It is no wonder if they speake evill of us, who thus petulantly insult over Ierome:* 6.627 Marianus Victorius endeavours to excuse Ierome, and writes, that he speakes not of Bishops and Presbyters, but o•• Bishops onely; and that verily all these are equall, and that many did ill interpret Hierome otherwise. But Ierome most manifestly compares Presbyters with Bishops, and that Marianus had most easily seene unlesse he had beene mise∣rably blinde; yet at length by the opinion of Marianus, all Bi∣shops are equall.† 6.628 Turrianus otherwise and more acutely an∣swers: Hieronymum non dicere Presbyterum idem, sed eundem esse cum Episcopo; What knots doth this Jesui••e here seeke in a Rush? If a Presbyter be the same that a Bishop is, and the Bi∣shop the same that a Presbyter is, what at last good Jesuite canst thou thinke to be between a Presbyter and a Bishop? Thus verily our adversaries (yea Bpp) finde not how they may defend themselves from this sentence of Hierome; and truely all of them sticke in the same mire, albei•• some of them are more foulely plunged than others. The matter now returnes to * 6.629 Bellarmine as to the Triary, he most confidently pronounceth, that Ierome differeth as much from Aerius, as a Catholick from an Hereticke. I most firmely averre the contrary, that their opini∣ons concer••ing this thing can by no meanes be disjoyned nor di∣stinguished. Aerius thought, that a Presbyter differed not

••rom a Bishop by Divine right and authority: Hierome contends this very thing, and defends it by the same testimonies of Scriptures as Aerius doth. Now quam inepte & pueriliter, how foolishly and childishly * 6.630 Epiphanius answereth to those testi∣monies, all may perceive. For he saith, that the Apostle was wont to write thus, because that at that time, there were not any Presbyters in many C••urches by reason of the paucity of Presbyters. I admire so great a Theologue, who tooke upon him to refute all Heretickes, saw not how shamefully he was mistaken. For what? was the•••• at that time greater plenty of Bishops than of Presbyters, that whereas there were many Bishops in one City, yet there were no presbyters there. The notable absurdi••y of this an∣••were Bellarmine himselfe acknowledged. And yet this is that Epiphanius who first of all proscribed Aerius as an Hereticke, absque Synodi aut Ecclesiae judicio, without the judgement of a Synod or of the Church. But what saith Bellarmine? he pro∣poundeth a double difference betweene Aerius and Hierom. The first is that Ierom writes everywhere, That a Bishop is grea∣ter than a Presbyter as to the power of Order. I answere, that it is most false; Hierome never writ so, neither doth he by any meanes acknowledg a Bishop to be greater than a Pre••byter, un∣lesse it be by custome, which he distinguisheth from divine dispo∣sition. And if there were so great a difference, wherefore doth Ie∣rome, that he may revok Deacons to modesty, & reduce them into order, affirme that Presbyters are Bishops? Whence doth he ad∣monish that this contention taken up against Presbyters, belongs to B^ps themselves, seeing Presbyters by the first institution of this order and Ministry are B^ps? Now if there were the greatest difference between these in the power of order, had not Ierome bin very sottish in his argument? Now whereas, he saith, * 6.631What doth a B^p except ordination, which a Presbyter may not do? He speaks of the custome of those times; that not even the when by the custome of the Church, a Bishop was greater then a Presbyter, could a Bishop doe more then a Presbyter in any thing, ex∣cept in ordination: yea elsewhere Hierom himselfe attributes ordination to Presbyters: (And indeed so he doth, for in Zoph. 1. 2. Tom. 5. pag. 218. D. he writes thus; Sacerdotes, &c That Priests who baptize and consecrate the Lords Supper, which is the greater; MANVS IMPONVNT, LEVITAS ET ALIOS CON∣STITVVNT SACERDOTES; lay on hands, ordaine Levites and other Priests, which is in truth but the lesse:) The second is, that

although Ierome doth not acknowledge any difference jure di∣vino betweene the jurisdiction of a Bishop and Presbyter, yet he grants that this was lawfully introduced by the Apostles, and that necessarily to avoyd Schismes. I answere first, that Bellar∣min hath resolved out of the opinion of Ierome, that there is no difference in the Jurisdiction of a Bishop and Presbyter: whence it is manifest, what Ierome thought of the Jurisdiction and Pri∣macy of the Pope. For seeing the Primacy of the Pope con∣sists in Jurisdiction, & Ierome thinks that Iure Divino the Jurisdi∣ction of a Bishop is not greater than that of a Presbyter, it fol∣lowes from Ieromes opinion, that the Papacy (and Prelacy) Divino mullo ju•••• nitatur, rests upon no divine Law. Secondly, ••••llarmine fights with himselfe, and makes Ierome to speake contradictions. For if Ierome thought that jurisdiction of a Bi∣shop not to be Iuris Divini, how the•• was that difference in∣troduced by the Apostles? or how could Ierome prove out of the Apostles writings, that there was not any difference be∣tweene them? Certainely, that which the Apostles instituted and introduced, hath the force of divine right: Finally, this profound Doctor, in his Respons. ad ••0. * 6.632 Rationem Campiani. p. 51. concludes thus of Aerius ••is opinion. And ••ruely, if to condemne prayers for the dead•• Et Episcopo Presbyteros aequare sit h••••reticum, NIHIL CATHOLICVM ESSE POTEST; and ••o equall Presbyters to a Bishop he Hereti••all, nothing can be Catho∣like: Thus this great Doctor, William Whitaker; with whom his Coaetaneans Doctor Willet, in his Synopsi•• Papismi, Contro∣versie Generall. 5. part. 2. in the Appendix. p. 272. to 284. in the last Edition; and Master William Perkins in his Reformed Catholicke. Cont. 18. c. 21. concurre. I wonder therefore with what impudency and shamelesse brow * 6.633 Bishop Hall and others dare condemne the defenders of the identity and Parity of Presbyters and Bishops by Divine right for Aerian Heretickes, Schismatickes, Novillers, and oppugners of the received Do∣ctrine of the Church of England; when as the learnedest Pre∣lates, Martyrs and writers of our Church (as appeares by the premises) have pro••essedly justified this opinon as Apostolicall, Orthodox, Ancient, and Catholike, warranted by the unani∣mous consent both of Scriptures and Fathers; ••s will further appear•• by the next Authority, with which I shall con∣clude.

And that is our incomparably learned Doctor Iohn Rainolds once professor of Divinity in the University of Oxford;* 6.634 who in his Letter to sir Francis Knoles, Sept. 19. 1598. (concerning some passages in Doctor Bancrof••s Sermon at Pauls Crosse) Prin∣ted in King Iames his time, and now reprinted, writes thus, both touching the pretended heresie of Aerius, and the Divine right of Episcopacy. * 6.635 It appeareth, by the aforesayd words of Doctor Bancroft, that he avoucheth the Superiority which Bi∣shops have over the Clergie to be of Gods owne Ordinance, for he improveth the impugners of it, as holding with Aerius, that there is no difference by the Word of God, betwixt a Priest and a Bishop, which he could not doe with reason, unlesse he himselfe proved the Bishops superiority, as established by Gods Word; and he addeth, that their opinion who gainsay it is Heresie, whereof it ensueth he thinketh it contrary to Gods Word, sith Heresie is an errour repugnant to the truth of the Word of God, as (according to the (a) 6.636Scriptures) our owne Church (b) 6.637 doth teach us. Now the arguments which he brin∣geth to prove it an Heresie, are partly over-weake, and partly untrue. Overweake, that he (c) 6.638 beginneth with, out of Epi∣phanius: U••true, that he adjoyneth of the Generall consent of the Church. For though Epiphanius doe say, that Aerius his as∣sertion is full of folly, yet he disproveth not the reason which Aerius stood on, out of the Scriptures; nay he dealeth so in see∣king to disprove it, that Bellarmine the Jesui••e, (d) 6.639 though de∣sirous to make the best of Epiphanius, whose opinion herein he maintaineth against the Protestants, yet is forced to confesse, that Epiphanius his answere is not all of the wisest, nor any way can fit the text. As for the generall consent of the whole Church which Doctor Bancrof•• saith, condemned that opinion of Aerius for an Heresie & himself for an Here••ick, because he persisted in it, that is a large speech, but what proofe hath he, that the whole Church did so? It appeareth he saith in * 6.640 Epiphanius. It doth not, & the contrary appeareth by * 6.641 S. Ierome & sundry others, who lived some in the same time, some after Epiphanius, even Saint Augustine himselfe, though Doctor Bancroft cite him, as bearing witnesse thereof; likewise I grant Saint Augustine in his booke of (g) 6.642 Heresies, ascribeth this to Aerius, for one; that he sayd Pres••yterum ab Episcopo nulla differentia deberi discerni; but it is one thing to say, there ought to be no difference betweene them,

(which Aerius saying condemned the Churches order, yea made a Schisme therein) and so is censured by S. Austin, counting it an heresie as Epiphanius from whom he tooke it recorded, him∣selfe, as he (h) 6.643 witnesseth; not knowing how farre the name of He∣resie should be stretched, another thing to say, that by the Word of God there is no difference betwixt them, but by the order and custome of the Church: which S. Austin saith in effect himselfe; so farre was he from witnessing this to be Heresie by the generall con∣sent of the whole Church:(i) 6.644 which untruth how wrongfully it is fathered on him, and on Epiphanius (who yet are all the witnes∣ses, that Doctor Bancroft hath produced for the proo••e hereof, or can for ought that I know) it may appeare by this that our learned Country man of godly memory, (k) 6.645 Bishop Iuel, when Harding to convince the same opinion of heresie, alleadged the same witnesses, citing to the contrary Chrysostome, Ierome, Au∣stin and Ambrose, knit up his answere with these words: All these, and other Holy Fathers, together with the Apostle S. Paul, for thus saying, by Hardings advice must be held for Heretickes. And (l) 6.646 Michael Medina, a man of great account in the Councell of Trent, more ingenuous herein than many other Papists, affirmeth not onely the former ancient writers alleadged by Bishop Iuel, but also that another Ierome, Theodoret, Primasius, Sedulius, and Theophylact, were of the same mind touching this matter with Aerius: with whom agree likewise (m) 6.647 Oecumenius, and (n) 6.648 An∣selmus Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and an other (o) 6.649 Anselmus, and (p) 6.650 Gregory, and (q) 6.651 Gratian, and after them how many•• It being once inrolled in the Canon Law for sound and Ca∣tholike Doctrine, and thereupon publickely taught by learned (r) 6.652 men. All which doe beare witnesse against Doctor Bancroft of the point in question, that it was not condemned for an Heresie by the generall consent of the whole Church. (And the rather which is observable, because Isiodor Hispalensis, Originum lib. 8. c. 5. and Gratian himselfe Caus. 24. qu. 3. reciting the he∣resie of Aerius, omits his equalizing of Bishops and Presbyters, out of the li•••• of his errours, because an Orthodox truth, approved by themselves and other Fathers; which is worthy observation.) If he should reply, that these latter witnesses, did live a 1000. yeares after Christ, and therefore touch not him, who sayd, * 6.653 it was condemned so in the time of S. Austin,(t) 6.654 and of Epi∣phanius, the most flourishing time of the Church that ever hap∣ned since the Apostles dayes, either in respect of learning or of

zeale. First, they whom I named, though living in a latter time, yet are witnesses of the f••rmer. Oecumenius the Greeke Scholiast treading in the steps of the old Greeke Fathers, and the two Anselmes, with Gregory and Gratian, expressing S. Ieromes sentence word by word. Besides that, perhaps it is not very likely that Anselme of Canterbu••y, should have bin Canonized by the Pope of Rome, & Worshipped for a S^t, that the other Anselme & Gregory ••hould have such place in the Popes Library, and be esteemed of as they are; that Gratians workes should be allowed so long time, by so many Popes for the golden foundation of the Canon Law, if they had taught that for Catholike, and sound, which by the generall consent of the whole Church, in the most flourishing time that ever happened since the Apostles dayes, was condemned for Heresie, chiefely in a matter of such waight and moment, to the Popes supremacy•• which as they doe claime over all Bishops by the Ordinance of God, so must they allow to Bishops over Priests by the same Ordinance, as they saw at length, and therefore have not onely decreed it now in the (v) 6.655 Councell of Trent, but also in the (x) 6.656 new edition of their Canon Law, have set downe this note; that one Hughs Glosse allowed by the Arch-deacon (saying, that Bishops have differed from Priests alwayes as they doe now in Government, and Prelateship, and Offices, and Sacraments, but not in the name and Title of Bishop, which was common to them both) must be held hereaf∣ter for S. Jeromes meaning; at least, for the meaning of the Canon taken out of S. Ierome, though his words be flat & plaine against this Glosse, as (y) 6.657 Bellarmine himselfe confesseth. Where∣to may be added, that they also who have laboured about the reformation of the Church these 500. yeares, have taught that all Pastours be they entituled Bishops or Priests, have equall authority and power by Gods Word. First the (z) 6.658 Waldenses, next (a) 6.659 Marsi∣lius Patavinus: then (b) 6.660 Wickliffe and his Scholars; afterwards (c) 6.661 Husse, and Hussites; last of all (d) 6.662 Luther, (e) 6.663 Calvin, (f) 6.664 Bren∣tius, (g) 6.665 Bullinger, (h) 6.666 Musculus and other, who might be rec••koned particularly in great number, sith as here with us, both (r) 6.667 Bishops, and the Queenes (s) 6.668 pro••essors of Divinity in our Universities, and (t) 6.669 other learned men doe consent therein:

so in ••orraigne Nations, all whom I have read treating of this matter, and many more (no doubt) whom I have not read. The si••ting & examining of the Trent Councell, hath beene undertaken by onely two, which I have seene; the one a Divine, the other a Lawyer * 6.670 Kemnisius, and (x) 6.671 Gentilletus: they both condemne the contrary doctrine thereunto, as a Trent errour, the one by Scriptures, and Fathers; the others, by the Canon Law. But what doe I further speake of severall persons? It is the com∣mon judgement of the reformed Churches of Helvetia, Savoy, France, Scotland, Germany, Hungary, Po••on, the Low Countries, and our owne, witnesse the Harmony of Confessions. Wherefore si••h Doctor Bancroft, I assure my selfe, will not say that all these have approved that as sound and Christian Doctrine, which by the generall consent of the whole Church in a most flourishing time, was condemned for Heresie: I hope he will acknow∣ledge, that he was overseene, in that he avouched the Superiority which Bishops have among us over the Clergie to be of Gods owne Ordinance. Thus Doctor Rainold••: of whom you may reade more to this purpose, in his Conference with Hart, Aug. 1584. London. 1609. p. 12••.123.185.218.4••1.540.541.

I could recite many more of our owne writers and records to the same effect, but because I have published, A Catalogue of them, and of such Testimonies in all ages, as plainely evidence Bishops and Presbyters to be both one and the same in Iurisdiction, O••••••ce, Dig∣nity, Order, and Degree, by Divine Law and Institution, and their Disparity to be a meere humane Ordinance long after the Apo∣stles times, &c. and because I have at large manifested this tr••th, in my Vnbishoping of Timothy and Titus; and in my Breviate of the Prelates intolerable Vsurpations, both upon the Kings Prero∣gative Royall and the Subjects Liberties, I shall for brevity sake referre you to them; and proceede to answere some principall Objections in defence and maintenance of Episcopacy, and then cast Anchor.

CHAP. IX. Comprising an Answer to the Principall Objections al∣leadged by the Prelates in defence of the Divine pre∣tended Institution, and for the continuance of their Episcopacy in our Church.

HAving thus given you a taste what our owne Au∣thors ancient and Mode••ne, Protestants and Pa∣pists, Martyrs, and Prelates have formerly writ∣ten touching the pretended Divine Jurisdiction, the Treasons, Conspiracies, Seditions, Antimo∣narchicall practises, Lordlinesse, secular imploy∣ments, courtship, and great Temporall possessions of our pre∣lates, I shall onely Answere two A••guments, or rather bare Alle∣gation•• now principally insisted on, for the maintenance of Epis∣copall Superiority by a Divine right, with three more Objecti∣ons for the continuance of Episcopacy still in our Church, and so conclude.

The first Allegation for Episcopacies Divine institution;* 6.672 is ta∣ken [unspec 1] ••rom the Angel of the Church of Ephesus, whom (a) 6.673 B••shop Hall, (b) 6.674 Bishop Vsher (c) 6.675 and * 6.676 others will ne••d••s have ••o be a Bishop Superiour in Authority and Jurisdiction to other Ministers, because he writes onely in the singular number to the Angel, not to the Angels of that Church, which say ••hey implies a Sup••riority of one speciall Minister in that Church, to whom this Epistle is principally directed, over the other Presbyters not once mentioned in this Epistle.

To which I answere: First, that ••his word Angel is but a metaphoricall Title, proper onely to the heavenly Spirits in

strictnesse of speech, and in a large sense, as it signifies a * 6.677 Mes∣senger, or Servant, it may as aptly deno••e a Minister or Presbyter, as a Bishop. The Ti••le therefore of it selfe, as it is used by S. Iohn, makes nothing ••or Episcopacy, since ordinary Presbyters are in Scripture sometimes stiled * 6.678 Angels, but Bishops (distinct ••rom Presbyters) are never so named there.

Secondly, our Bishops themselves if not the whole Church of England with our late famous King Iames, in the Contents an∣nexed by them to the Bibles of the last Translation, now onely used & permitted in our Churches, in expresse Termes, expound the Angels of ••he 7. Churches to be the Ministers of them, the Contents of the second Chap. of the Revelation running thus. What is commanded to be written to the ANGELS, that is, The Mi∣nisters of the Churches of Ephesus, Smyrna, Pergamus, Thiatyra, &c. had these Angels beene such as you now call Bishops, you would have rendred the Contents thus, What is written to the Angels, that is, to the Bishops of Ephesus, &c. But since you ex∣pound Angels thus, to be the Ministers of these Churches, who in vulgar appellation and acception are distinct from Bishops, and as you hold inferiour to them; you must now either re∣nounce your owne and our Churches exposition, or your Epi∣scopacy: For if the Angels of these Churches be the most emi∣nent persons and rulers in them, as you argue; and these, as the Contents testifie, be not Bishops, but Minister••, it followes in∣fallibly, that Ordinary Ministers and Presbyters, are superiour to Bishops, not Bishops to them. And that these Angels were the Ministers of these Chur••hes, is evident by the expresse re∣solution of our owne learned Iames Pilkington, late Bishop of Durham, in his Exposition upon the Prophet Aggeus. cap. 1. v. 13. London. 1562. where he writes thus: That more worshipfull names are given to the Preaching Minister, than to any sort of men. This name Angell, is given to the Preachers for the heaven¦ly comfort that they bring to man from God, whose Messengers they be. In the Revel. of S. Iohn, he writes to the 7. Angels, ••. to the 7. Ministers (not Bishops) of the 7. Congregations or Chur∣ches in Asia. By this Bishops resolution then, and by * 6.679 Pope Gregory the firsts too, these seven Angels are seven Preaching Mi∣nisters, not Lordly Non-Preaching Prelates. And Master Fox in his Meditations on Apoc. c. 2, p. 27.28. concurres with them; averri••g, That by the seven Angels, is meant either the Mini∣sters

of the seven Churches, or the Churches themselves; which exposition is as ancient as (f) 6.680Aretas, (g) 6.681 Primasius, and(h) 6.682 Am∣brosius Ansbertus, who in their Commentaries on Apocalypsis, write thus. Septem stellae Angeli sunt septem Ecclesiarum. Nec pu∣tandum est quod hoc loco Angeli singuli singulis deputentur hominibus, quod incongrue ab aliquibus aestimatur, sed potius Angeli Eccles. hic intelligendi sunt rectores populi, qui singulis Ecclesiis praesidentes, verbum vitae cunctis annunciant. Nam & Angeli nomen, nuncius in∣terpretatum dicitur. Et Angelo Ecclesiae Ephesi scribe. Darivo hic casu Angelo posuit, non genitivo. Ac si diceret, Scribe Angelo huic Ecclesiae, ut non tam Angelum & Ecclesiam separatim videatur dix∣isse, quam quis Angelus exponere voluisset, unam videlicet faciens Angeli Ecclesiaeque personam. Quamvi•• enim Sacramenti dispensa∣tione praeponatur, compaginis tamen unitate connectitur. Nam hanc regulam a principio servans, non septem Angelis, sed Septem Ecclesiis scripsisset; Iohannes, inquiens, Septem Ecclesiis quae sunt in Asia, & dominus quem vidit; Scribe, inquit, in libro quae vidisti, & mitte septem Ecclesiis. Postea tamen Angelis jubet scribi, ut ostenderet, unum esse. Sed etiam siqua singulis partiliter Ecclesiis praedicat, uni∣versam generaliter conven••re docetur Ecclesiam. Neque enim dicit, Quid spiritus dicat Ecclesiae, sed Ecclesiis. Angelum ergo Ecclesiam significans, duas in eo partes ostendit, dum & laudat & increpat. In consequentibus autem manifestatur non eandem increpare, quam lau∣dat, sic ut Dominus in Evanglio omne praepositorum corpus, * 6.683 unum servum dixit beatum & nequam, quem veniens Dominus ipse dividet, & non tantum servum sed partem, inquit, ejus cum hypocritis ponet: Yea, Ludovicus ab Alcasar a late Iesuite, in his Commentary on the Apocalyps. * 6.684 Antu. 1614. Proem. in c. 2. K 3. Notatio. 1. p. 250.251. writes, That Andreas, Aretas, Ansbertus, Anselmus, Pererius, Victo∣rinus, Ticinius, Ambrosius, Haymo & Beda are of this opinion. Augelarum & stellarum nomine designari Ecclesias ipsas; That by the name of Angels the C••urches themselves are signified; not the Lordly Prelates in them, not one ancient Commentator on this that I finde, and few moderne expounding these Angels to bee Bishops, as our Prelates against all sense will make them: yea, Andreas Cesariensis, Comment. in Ioan•• Apoc. c. 3. p. 8. writes, Probabile fit per 7. Angelos totius universi gubernationem, quae in dextera Christi, sicut omnes qu••que terrae fines, sita est, hoc loco significari. Since ••hen by Angels is here meant either the Mini∣sters of the Church of Ephesus, or the whole Church it selfe, or

Christs government over the Universe, as these Authors a v••••re; this Text makes nothing at all for our Prelates Hi••rarchy.

[unspec 3] Thirdly, it is observable that Saint Iohn neither in his Gospel nor Epistle, nor in his Booke of ••he Revelation, doth so much as once use the name or word Bishop, but the name of Elder, or Presbyter very often, both in his Epistle, and in the Apocalyps. I then appeale to any reasonable Creature, whether it is not more probable, that Saint Iohn by this word Angell, should ra∣ther meane the Elders or Presbyters of those Churches; (a Title which he gives himselfe, 2 Iohn 1. 3 Iohn 1.) and which Title and Office he so (c) 6.685 frequently mentions in the 4. and 5. and 7. (k) 6.686 Chapters of the Apocalyps next ensuing, rather than the Lord∣ly Bishops of those Churches superiour to Presbyters, whose office (for ought appeares) he never knew, and whose Title he never useth in his writings?

[unspec 4] Fourthly, it is rem••••ke••ble, that S. Iohn doth ••ever place the 24. Elders, sitting on so many seates, next unto the throne of Christ himselfe; and the Angels standing further off from the Throne without the Elders. If then by the Elders (as is gene∣rally agreed by all) be meant the Presbyters or Ministers of the Church, and by Angels as you pretend, be meant Bishops; then the Presbyters must needes be more honourable by di∣vine institution than Bishops, because they are next to the Throne of Christ, and (l) 6.687 sit on seates or chaires whiles the An∣gels (m) 6.688 stand about them. Adde to this, that these Elders are still introduced by S. Iohn in this booke, (n) 6.689 Worshipping and adoring God and Christ, and giving thankes, honour, praise, and glo∣ry unto them: That they onely are sayd to have * 6.690 Crownes of gold upon their heads (the badge of Soveraignty and Superiori∣ority) and (p) 6.691 harpes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Golden Vials in their hands, full of Odours, which are the prayers of Saints: That they (q) 6.692 sing the new Song; And among other passages prayse Christ for this in speciall manner. Rev. 5.10. And hast made VS (not Bishops) unto our God KINGS and PRIESTS, and we shall raigne on the Earth. There••ore Presbyters doubtlesse are the chiefe and prin∣cipall Ministers and Priests in the Church of Christ by divine in∣stitution; and being thus made Kings and Priests, and adorned with Crownes, to the end that they may raigne upon the Earth; no Prelates or Lord Bishops ought to rule over them, or climbe Paramount them, as they doe. Besides, these Elders no•• Bishops

informed S. Iohn himselfe and instructed him in the things hee doubted of Revel. 5.4.5. c. 7.13.14.15.16. Therefore these Elders must certainely be the better, the most emin••nt Scient men, and so Paramount the Angel-Bishops.

Fifthly, though the Angel be here put in the singular num∣ber, [unspec 5] yet the Elders are still mentioned in the Plurall. And as for the Church of Ephesus in those dayes, it is most certaine by Acts 20.17.28. 1 Tim. 5.17. That there were divers Elders, of equall authority ••uling in it, whom the holy Ghost expressely not onely calleth, but made Bishops and Overseers of that Church, both to Rule and Feede it. To make therefore one speciall Bishop and Superintendent in this Church, superiour to all the rest, and he onely graced by the name of an Angel, is but a crazie conceipt of a proud Episcopall braine, contrary to apparent Texts.

Sixthly, This Angel is not sayd to have any Jurisdiction or [unspec 6] Superiority over other Ministers or Presbyters in the Church of Ephesus, nor to be the supreame or generall Superintendent Prelate of that Church, neither is there any thing spoken of him with reference to any other Minister of Ephesus: What then can this poore title make for Episcopall priority and Jurisdi∣ction? The Spirit writes to the Angell of the Church of Ephesus: Ergo this Angell was a Bishop, and sup••riour to all other Mi∣nisters of Ephesus, is a strange non sequitur, and yet this is all this ••ext affords you.

Seventhly, Bishop Hall and other contenders for Episcopa∣cy, grant that there were divers particular Churches & Congre∣gations [unspec 7] in and about Ephesus, every one of which had its seve∣rall Minister or Presbyter to instruct them; else they could prove no Episcopacy or Diocaesan superintendency from one particu∣lar Congregation. This being granted by him and his party: Let them then tell me seriously, whether this Angell, (which they will not have taken collectively and Plurally, for the whole Presbytery and Ministery of that Church as many anci∣ent and moderne Commentators expound it, but individually for one particular person) should not rather be one particular Pastor of one of the Churches of Ephesus onely, who had lost his first love, and therefore was worthily reprehended, then a Diocaesan Bishop or Arch-bishop of that Church to whose Jurisdiction all other Presbyters and Bishops of that Nationall

Church were subordinate; for which there is no ground in Scripture.

[unspec 8] Eighthly, our * 6.693 Prelates all plead very hard, That Timothy was ordained the first Bishop of Ephesus, and dyed Bishop of that See: which if I admit (though I thinke untrue) then it is cleare that this Angel of Ephesus, who lost his first love, was famous and zealous, Timothy not dead when this Epistle was written, as (r) 6.694 Pererius and (s) 6.695 Alcazar both Jesuites, with Lyra, Ribera, (t) 6.696 P. Halloix, and others confesse. And who dare be so pre∣sumptuous as to thinke Timothy a man so eminent, famous, zea∣lous, and so much applauded in Scripture, would prove an Apostate or backeslider; and lose his first love? Either therefore you must deny Timothy, or this Angell to be the Bishop of this Church.

[unspec 9] Ninthly, grant this Angell to be a Bishop, yet it was onely such a Bishop as was all one and the same with Presbyters,(u) 6.697 and of which there were many in one Church (no•• one over many Churches) according to the holy Ghosts and the Apostles owne institution as appeares by Act. 20.17.28. Phil. 1.1. Tit. 1.5.7. compared with the 1 Pet. 5.2.3. Iam. 5.14. Act. 14.23. 1 Tim. 5.17. which maketh nothing for, but directly against that Episcopacy, you contend for.

[unspec 10] Tenthly, and finally, grant him such a Bishop as you would make him; yet at the best he was an Apostate, who had fallen from, and lost his first love, by being made a Lord Bp: And it will be but little credit for our Prelates, to found their Hierarchy up∣on an Apostate: And if I conjecture not amisse, this may bee one probable reason, why so many Ministers prove turne-coates, and Apostates, losing their first love and zeale to God when they are made Lord Bishops, because they have an Apo∣state Angel, both for their foundation, and imitation; Happy man be their dole; let them make the best of this Apostate; I will not hinder but rather pitty them in this folly.

[unspec 2] The second Allegation for the divine right of Episcopacy is,* 6.698 that Timothy and Titus were Bishops (such as our Lordly Pre∣lates now are, the one of Ephesus, the other of Crete) which (v) 6.699 Bi∣shop White, and others endevour to prove, especially by the Post-script of the second Epistle to Timothy. The second Epistle unto Timotheus, ordained the first Bishop of the Church of the Ephe∣sians was written from Rome, when Paul was brought before Nero

the second time: And by this Postscript to the Epistle to Titus: It was wri••ten to Titus, ordained the first Bishop of the Church of the Cretians, f••om Nicopolis of Macedonia; which Post-scripts they say are very ancient, if not Canonicall and irrefra∣gable.

I shall not here enter into a large discourse to prove Timothy neither a Bishop••* 6.700 nor first, nor sole, nor any Bishop at all of Ephesus (who as some say preached the Gospell in our Island of Britaine, whiles our Prelates would crea••e him the Apost••ate Angel residing in the Church of Ephesus to whom Christ writ an Epistle by S. Iohn Rev. 2.1.2.) or to disprove Titus to be Lord Bi∣shop, or rather Lord Arch-bishop of Crete,* 6.701 which had an hun∣dred Cities in it in Homers dayes, and no lesse than 4. Arch-bishops, and 21. Bishops in former times; since I have sufficient∣ly manifested this long since, in The Vnbishopping of Timothy and Titus, not hitherto answered. And indeede were there no other Arguments but two,

• First, that though Paul in his Epistles, mentions Timothy [unspec 1] and Titus more frequently than any other persons; yet we never finde him so much as once stiling them Bishops, no not in the Epistles to them.
• Secondly, that Paul doth never write to them in the Ordina∣ry [unspec 2] stile of our Lordly Prelates (which it seemes he was not then acquainted with, and so not with their Office) viz. To the Right Reverend Father in God, Timothy, Lord Bishop of Ephesus: To the Most Reverend Father in God Titus, Lord Arch-bishop of Crete his Grace, Primate and Metropolitan of all that Island; which doubtlesse he would have done had they beene such Bishops as ours are, and this stile had beene due or fitting for them; but onely: To Timothy my owne sonne, or dearely beloved sonne in the faith. To Titus mine owne sonne after ••he common ••aith, &c. these were sufficient to satisfie any indifferent man, that neither of them was a Bishop or Arch-bishop of these pla∣ces; or at least, that they were no such Lordly Prelates as ours now are, who may well be ashamed of these pompous swelling Titles, which no Apostle nor Apostolicall Bishop ever usurped. But the onely thing I shall here insist on, shall be to take away ••he grounds of this false Allegation, to wit, the pretended Au∣thority and Antiquity of these two Post-scripts, wi••h which the world hath beene much abused.

[unspec 1] For their Authority, It is confessed by all: First, that they are no part of the Text or Canonicall Scripture.

Secondly, that they are not of infallible truth, many of [unspec 2] them being dubious, others directly false as Baronius, the Rhe∣mists, Estius, Mr. Beza, Mr. Perkins, and sundry others prove.

[unspec 3] Thirdly, that they were not added to the Epistles Paul b•• himself, when he writ the Epistles, as some have dreamed, but by some third pe••son since, as the whole frame of the words, running on••ly in the third person imports. For their Antiquity, when, and by whom they were first added? will be the sole question. To cleare this doubt, I shall have recourse to the Post-script of the first Epistle to Timothy, which runnes thus: The first to Timo∣thy, was written from Laodicea, which is the chiefe City of Phrygia Pacatiana. This Post-script of the first Epistle, no doubt was written either before, or at the same time when the Post-script of the Second Epistle was penned, and that must needes be af∣ter Phrygia was commonly stiled Pacatiana, since it is thus named in this Post-script. Now we shall not finde Phrygia so stiled in any Authors, till about 340. yeares after Christ, in the reigne of Constantine the great, at which time it begun to be called Pa∣catiana, and that as some conjecture from Pacatianus, who (as the Code of Theodosius,* 6.702 M. Cambden and Speede affirme) was Vice∣gerent of Brittaine some 330. yeares a••ter Christ. Who it was who first annexed these Post-scripts to Pauls Epistles onely [••or the other Apostles Epistles have none] will be the grea∣test question. For resolution whereof, I take it somewhat cleare, that Theodoret was the man, who flourished about the y••are of our Lord .430. For I finde these Post-scripts added to his Commentarie upon Pauls Epistles, and in no other Com∣mentator before nor in any after him till Oecumenius, his Ape, and transcriber, who lived about the yeare 1050. Theodoret then being the first in whom Post-scripts are extant, and Oecumenius his follower,* 6.703 the next, it is probable that he was the first Author of them. And that which puts it out of doubt is this, that Theo∣doret in his Preface to his Commentaries on Pauls Epistles, is the first who doth modestly undertake (with scriptum esse existimo onely) to shew both the time when, and the place from whence Paul writ his severall Epistles, which Preface fully accords with the Post-scripts placed, not after the text it selfe, but after the end of his Commentaries on every Epi∣stle.

Since then this Preface and Post-scripts both accord: and see••ng there are no Post-scripts in any Ancient Latine Au∣thors or Coppies of the new Testament, nor in any Greeke ones, but those who followed Theodoret, and no Post-scripts added to any but Pauls Epistles on which hee onely Commen∣ted, not to Peters or Iohns which he interpreted not, I presume I may safely conclude, that Theodore•• was the Originall Author of these Post-scripts. But then I pray take notice of these mate∣riall observations.

• First, that these Post-sc••ipts were added to Pauls Epistles at [unspec 1] least 430. yeares after Christ and not before.
• Secondly, that they are extant onely in Theodore••, and not [unspec 2] found in any Commentator or ancient Coppy of the new Testa∣ment succeeding him till Oecumenius time, Anno. 1050.
• Thirdly, that these Post-scripts both in him, and Oecumenius [unspec 3] are placed, not immediately after the Originall text, as now they are in our Bibles, and some late Commentators; but after the end of their Commentaries, as a part thereof, and no part or appurtenance of the text it selfe.
• Fourthly, that these clauses (ordained the first Bishop of the [unspec 4] Ephesians, and ordained the first Bishop of the Cretians) where∣on our Prelates found the Episcopacy of Timothy and Titu••, and their owne Hierarchy too, are not extant in Theodorets Post-scrips to the Epistles of Timothy and Titus: which runne onely thus, The second to Timothy was written from Rome, when Paul was brought before Nero the Roman Emperour the second time. The E∣pistle to Titus was written from Nicopolis:* 6.704 his Post-scripts there∣fore will no wayes ayde but confound their cause, since I may well argue, neither Paul in his Epistles, nor Theodoret in his Post-scripts terme Timothy or Titus Bishops of Ephesus or Crete, there∣fore they were no Bishops of these places, un••••sse better proofe than these Epistles and Post-scripts be produced to evidence it. The rare Ancient Manuscript Parchment Coppy of the Greeke Bible, sent to his Majesty by Cyrillus late Patriarch of Constanti∣nople, remaining in his Majesties Library at Saint Iames, suppo∣sed by some to be as Ancient as Tecla: but undoubtedly one of the ancientest Copies this day extant; hath no other Post-script to the first Epistle to Timothy, but this; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: No other to the second to Timothy, but this; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 B. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: not from Rome:

• And no other Post-script to Titus but, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (all written in Capitals) with which the Syriac Cop∣pies accord. So that all the residue is but a late spurious ad∣dition. The first man I finde these additionall clauses (ordained first Bishop of th•• Ephesians, and ordained the first Bishop of the Church of the Cretians) extant in, is Oecumenius, who flou∣rished not till the yeare 1050. being a patcher together onely of other mens Commentaries and none of the Orthodoxest wri∣t••rs. And withall, this is observable,
  • [unspec 1] First, that Oecumenius placeth these Postscripts after his Com∣mentaries, as a part of them, not immediately after the Text as a Part, or appendant thereof.
  • [unspec 2] Secondly, that he first cites his owne additions to these Post-scripts after his Commentaries in one distinct line, and then placeth Theodorets Post-script in another different line some good distance under it, in this manner,

    〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

  • Thirdly, from Oecumenius till about 450. yeares after that those [unspec 3] Additionall clauses are not extant in any Commentators or Translations of the Epistles into any other Language, and but in few greeke Coppies, and those taken out of Oecumenius. Therefore doubtlesse he was the first Author of them. And so they are of no great Antiquity or credit.

Now that you may more clearely discerne what a sandy foundation these Post-scripts are to build the weighty Hierar∣chy of our Lordly Prelates on, give me leave to informe you of some observable particulars touching these Post-scripts upon mine owne search and observation.

• [unspec 1] First, that Athanasius, Ambrose, Ierome, Sedullus, Chrysostome,

• Primasius, Remig••us, Beda, Raba••us Maurus, Haymo, Hugo Car∣dinalis, Bruno, Aquinas, Nicholaus de Lyra, Ghorran, Dionysius Carthusianus, Iohn Salesbury, Anselme, and Peter Lombard, the ancientest Commentators on the Epistles of Paul, have no post∣scripts at all extant in them, neither after the text, nor after their Commentaries; no nor yet Erasmus, Melancton, Zuinglius, Zanchius, Alfonsus Salmeron, Benedictus Iustinianus, Ambrosius Caterinus, Cornelius a Lapide, Claudius Espencaeus, Antonius Scay∣nus, Estius, Hemingius, Ioannis Arboreus, Sotto Major, nor any other Commentator almost, whether Protestant or Papist.
• Secondly, That in sundry ancient English and Latine Manu∣scripts, [unspec 2] New Testaments and Bibles which I have seene; in the Printed New Testament, set forth in Greeke and Latine by Francis∣cus Xemenez, in Academia Complutensi; in the Bible of Isiodor Clarius Venetiis, 1557. in all the Latine vulgar Bibles, attributed to Saint Ierome; In the New Testament, set forth by Erasmus; in the Latine Bible Printed at Rome by command of Pope Sixtus the fifth, Anno 1592. In the New Testament, comprising the La∣tine vulgar translation, that of Guido Fabricius out of the Syri∣acke, that of Arias Montanus and Erasmus, set forth altogether by Laurentius Bierlinke An••werpiae, 1616. In the New Testa∣ment set forth by Miles Coverdale in Latine and English, Anno. 1536. in Master Tyndalls English Bible, and in the English Tran∣slation, which Doctor Fulke followes in his answer to the Rhe∣mish Testament, and in many ancient Greeke Coppies, there is no Postscript at all to be found.
• Thirdly, That in the Latine Bible, set forth and Printed by [unspec 3] Robert Stephen, Parisiis 1532. And in the Latine Bible of Io∣annis Benedictus, Parisiis 1558, the Postscripts are thrust out and put into the Margin, as nor worthy to stand under the Text, and being of small or no account.
• Fourthly, That in the Latine Bible set forth by Robert Stephen [unspec 4] Parisiis 1532. In the Latine and Greeke Bibles of Philip Melanc∣tons Edition Tiguri 1543. and Basileae 1545. In Sebastian Casta∣lio his Edition of the Bible, Basileae. 1551. In the Translations of the New Testament out of the Syriacke both by Guido Fabri∣tius, and Emanuell Tremelius, in the Dutch Bible set forth by David Walderus, Hamburgae 1596. In the Frenc•• Bible set out by the Doctors of Louvaine a Paris 1616. In the Latine Bible of Io∣annis Benedictus, Parisiis, 1558. In the Bible translated into Eng∣lish

• by Thomas Matthew. Anno. 1537. In ••he English Bible set forth by diverse excellent Learned men, Printed Cum privilegio, by Thomas Petit and Robert Redman. London 1540. In the English Bible appointed to be read in Churches, Printed at London, 1568•• And in sundry other Bibles and New Testaments which I have seene, these clauses (Ordained the first Bishop of the Church of the Ephesians, and ordained the first Bishop of the Church of the Cretians) are not to be found in the Postscripts to the Epistles to Timothy and Titus; And indeed, you shall sel∣dome finde them in any but Master Beza, and in those that fol∣low his Edition, (as Master Calvin and some few others doe in their Commentaries) whereas both he and they are professed Enemies to Episcopacy, and disclaime those Postscripts as false and spurious.
• [unspec 5] Fi••thly, Master Beza, and the ••et••ers forth of the Greeke Bible, Printed by the Heires of Andrew, Francofurti. 1597. passe this sentence upon these Postscripts: and this clause, Ordained the first Bishops of Ephesus, or, of the Church of the Ephesians. Non exta•• in quibusdam vetustis Codi••ibus, & sane supposttum fuisse pu••o. And Guilielmus Estius, a famous Roman Doctor, in his Commen∣tary on 2 Tim. 1.4. writes thus of the Postscript to it. Grae••a subscriptio post finem Epistolae sic habet; Scriptae Roma ad Timo∣theum secunda, cum Paulus iterum sisteretur Caesari Neroni, (where he omits this addition Ephesiorum Ecclesiae primus Episcopus) and then passeth this verdict upon it, Sed hujusmodi Graecae sub∣scriptiones, ut incerti sunt authoris, ITA NON Magnae authori∣tatis. And Thom••s de vio Cajetanus, Andreas Hyperius, Estius with others, de•••• the subscription to Titus; That this Epistle was written from Nicopolis of Macedonia; and the * 6.705 Century writers with others, that the Second to Timothy was written from Rome a•• Pauls second appearing before Nero, a meere falshood and mistake: All which considered, I wonder our great learned Prelates, B••∣shop Downeham, Bishop White, and Bishop Hall, and especially our great Antiquary, * 6.706 Bishop Vsher, should so much insist up∣on these spurious false postscripts, and draw a maine Argument from, to prove their Episcopacy of Divine Institution; when Bellarmine and those Papists, who write most eagerly for the Prelates Hierarchy, are ashamed to produce such a false and impotent proofe for their groundlesse Episcopall jurisdicti∣on. If these Answers satisfy not this Objection from these Post∣scripts,

• you may receive more full satisfaction and further An∣swers to it in my Vnbishoping of Timothy and Titus. p. 52. to 58.* 6.707 To which I shall remit the Reader.

From these two Arguments for the pretended Divine right of Episcopacy, I shall next proceed to answer the most consi∣derable reasons produced for the continuing of Lordly Prelates in our Church.

The first, for order and moment, is the Antiquity of Lordly Bishops in our Church, who (if we credit a 6.708 Bishop Hall, and b 6.709 others) are not onely of Divine institution, but their Episcopall Government hath continued in this our Island, ever since the first plantation of the Gospell, without contradiction: Therefore, it will be neither decent, nor expedient, but dangerous and incon∣venient to remove them now.

To this I answer; first, that though Bishops have been ve∣ry ancient in our Church,* 6.710 yet how ancient, and what kinde of Bishops these were, will be the question. c 6.711 Metraphrastes writes, that Saint Peter continued long in Britaine, constituted Churches, and ordained Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons, and then returned to Rome, the 12 yeare of Nero Caesar. But as this Authour is very fabulous in other things, so without doubt he is false and sin∣gular i•• this, as I could easily manifest, did not Bishop d 6.712 Vshers, siquidem Symeoni Metaphrastae credimus; and e 6.713 Baronius his sicut in aliis multis ibi a se positis errare Metaphrastum certum est, ita in his hallucinatum esse constat,f 6.714 Iohn Speed his, For a dreame we leave it, &c. and Francis Godwin Bishop of Landaffe, in his Dis∣course of the first conversion of this Island of Britaine unto Christi∣an Religion, p. 3, 4, 5, 6. (where he largely and professedly proves against this Impostor, That Peter was never in Britaine) ease me of this Labour, and sufficiently refute the vaine confi∣dence of g 6.715 those, who have lately produced this branded Au∣thority to derive the Antiquity of our Lordly Prelates from the Apostles themselves, as if they had first planted them in our Church.

That which is likewise alledged out of the Greeke Martyro∣loge and Dorotheus his Synopsis, h 6.716 That Aristobulus was ordained Bishop of the Britaines by Paul, and by him sent Bishop into Eng∣land; seemes to be of the same stampe with the former in i 6.717 Bi∣shop Godwins judgement, who rejects it as fabulous, because none of our owne Authors or Histories so much as once mention his so me∣morable

labour and martyrdome among us. But grant it true, ye•• since the word Bishop, is here used onely for an ordinary Mini∣ster or Preacher of the Gospell, and Aristobulus (sent onely to convert our Nation being Pagans) had no Bishopricke or Diocesse here, nor any Inferiour Presbyters under him for ought ap∣peares, over whom to play the Lord, as our Lordly Prelates have, this Authority will stand those in small steed, who with more confidence then judgement have objected it in defence of our Lordly Bishops, which by the common consent of all our Writers, began not till King Lucius his raigne, about the yeare of Christ 179. So that from the Preaching of the Gospell in our Island k 6.718 by Iacobus Zebedeus, Anno Christi 41. of Simon Zelotes, Anno 47. of Ioseph of Ara••at••aea, Anno 48. of Saint Paul Anno 60. of Philip the Apostle and his twelve associates. Anno 63. till Lucius erected Bishops and Bishoprickes; to wit, for the space of about one hundred and forty yeares after the first Preaching of the Gospell here, our Church of Britaine had no Bishops at all to governe it, but onely Presbyters, for ought app••ares by any credible Authour, the Christian faith all this while continuing un-extinguished among us at Glastenbury, and in some other places; as our Antiquaries manifest. If then that rule of Tertullian be infallible, l 6.719 That is best and truest which is first: and that of m 6.720 Hierome most certaine: That the Church of God, immediately after the Apostles times, before the erection of Lord Bishops, was governed by a common Councell of Presbyters, not by Bishops; and our Church, as is probable, and the Church of Scotland (as n 6.721 some Authors write for certaine) was gover∣ned in this manner by Presbyters, for above an hundred yeares, together; it will rather follow, that our Lord Bishops should now be totally suppressed, and a Presbyteriall government re-erected in our Church, because it is ancienter than that of Bi∣shops, and planted among us by the Apostles when our Island first received the Gospell; then that the government of our Lordly Prelates should be perpetua••ed among us, because an∣cient onely, yet not so old as that of Presbyters, by above one hundred yeares.

* 6.722Touching the first erection of Arch-bishops, Bishops, and Bishoprickes among us, there is great variance, obscurity and incertaine••y in Writers; yet this is the generall verdict, both of our owne and forraigne Authours; That in King Lucius his

time, before the conversion of our Island to Christianity, there were in it 28 * 6.723 Flamines and three Arch Flamines, to whom the other Iudges of manners and Priests were subject; that upon the conversion of King Lucius and his people to the Christian Faith, by Fagan and De••wan, they by command from Pope Eleutherius, with the Kings consent, placed Bishops where there were Flamines, and three Arch∣bishops where there were Arch Flamines, turning the three Arch••flamines Sees in the three chiefe Cities, into Arch-bishoprickes, and the 28. Flamines Sees into 28 Bishoprickes. This is punctually averred for Truth by Geofry Monmoth: Histor. Brit. l. 2. c. 1. Edit. Ascent, & l. 4. c. 19. Edit. Heidelb. by Gild••s in his Booke, De victoria Aurelii Ambrosii, by Gervasius Tilburiensis, de Otiis Im∣perialibus ad Othonem Imperatorem, Historiolae Wintoniensis Eccle∣siae, Alphredus Beuer lacensis, Radulphus de Diceto, Bartholomaeus de Cotton, Gerardus Cornubiensis Ranulphus Cestrensis, the Au∣thors of the History of Rochester, of the Chronicles of Hales, and Dunstaple, of the Booke of Abingdon, of the Geneologicall Chro∣nicle of the Monastery of Hales, and of the Abbreviated Chroni∣cle of the Britaines, Thomas Rudburne, Thomas Stubs, Thomas Har∣field, Ponticus Virunnius, Polydor Virgil, Martinus Polonus, P••o∣lomaeus Lucensis Tuscus, cited by Ioannis Leydensis in Chronico Belgico, l. 2. c. 1. Ioannis B••ptista Platina, in vita Eleutherii, Ia∣cobus Philippus Bergomiensis. Suppl. Chron. l. 8. Nauclerus. vol. 1. Chronograph. gen. 30. & Vol. 2. Gen. 6. Tritemius com∣pend. l. 1. Pope Leo the ninth Epist. 4. Guilielmus Durandus, Ra∣tionale•• l. 2. c. 1. n. 21, 22. Polydorus Virgilius, de Jnvent•• re∣rum•• l. 4. c. 11. All quoted to my hand by that excellent lear∣ned Antiquary, Bishop Vsher. De Britannicarum Ecclesiarum pri∣mordiis. c. 5. p. 56, 57, 58, 59.99.100. To whom I might adde Matthew Parker his Antiquitates. Ecclesiae, Brit. p. 7. Iohn F••x his Acts and Monuments: Edit ult. Vol. 1. p. 138, 139. Iohn Speed in his History of Great Britaine, p. 132. Richard Grafton in his Chronicle, part 7. p. 83. William Harrison in his Description of England. l. 2. c. 1, 2. With many more of our owne Writers, and generally all the Canonists and Glossers on Gratian, Dictinctio 80. and the Schoolemen on Peter Lombard, sent. l. 4. distinct. 24, who concu••re in this opinion. For in Gra∣tian distinct. 80. f. 130. I find these two decrees cited; the one of Pope Lucinus with this Rubricke prefixed. In what places Primates and Patriarches ought to be ordained. The Cities and places

wherein Primates ought to preside, were not ordained by moderne times, but long before the comming of Christ, to whose Primates even the Gentiles did appeale for their greater businesses; In those ve∣ry Cities after the comming of Christ, the Apostles and their Suc∣cessors placed Patriarches and Primates to whom the businesses of Bishops (yet saving the Apostolicall authority in all things) and the greater causes after the Apostolike See are to be referred. On which Iohn Thierry and others make this glosse. Primates are constituted there, where heretofore the proto-Flamines of the Gen∣tiles were placed, Arch-Bishops, where there were Arch-Fla∣mines, Bishops where their Flamines were, and this for the most part (if wee may credite them) was done by Saint Peters appointment. The second is this Decree of Pope Clemens, which warrants this glosse. In those Cities wherein heretofore among the Ethnickes, their chiefe Flamines and prime Doctors of the Law were placed, Saint Peter commanded (but God knowes when and where) Primates or Patriarches of Bishops to be placed, who should agitate the causes of the rest of the Bishops, and the grea∣ter businesses in Faith. But in those Cities in which in times past among the foresaid Ethnickes, their arch-Flamines were, whom yet they held to be lesse than their foresaid Primates, he commanded Arch-bishops to be iustituted; but in every other particular City•• he commanded one sole Bishop and not many to be ordained, who should onely ••btaine the name of Bishops, because among the Apostles themselves, there was the like institution, sed unus praefuit omnibus, but one had authority over the rest, (which is most false:) On which the glosse thus descants. The Gentiles had three Orders of Priests: to wit proto-Flamines, arch-Flamines, and Flamines. In the place of the proto-Flamines, Peter commanded Patriarches to be placed, who should take conusance of the greater causes of other Bi∣shops; in the place of arch-Flamines, Arch-bishops, in the place of Flamines, Bishops, of whom there ought to be but one in every City. Which Grai••an himselfe thus backes in his 21 Distinction. There is a certaine distinction observed among Priests, whence others are called simply Priests, others arch-Priests, others chorall Bishops, others Bishops, oth••rs Arch-bishops or Metropolitanes, others Pri∣mates, others chiefe Priests; Horum discretio a Gentibus maxi∣me introducta est; The distinction of these was principally int••o∣duced by the Gentiles, who called their Flamines, some simply Fla∣mines, others Arch-flamines, others Proto-flamines. All which Pe∣ter

Lombard the Father of the Schoolemen affirming after Gra∣tian in his lib. 4. Senten••iarum Dist. 24. made this to passe as an undubitable verity among all the Canonists and Schoolemen. There is onely one thing needs explanation in these Popes d••∣crees, and that is what is meant by Saint Peter, who is made the Author of this Institution? For this we need resort no further then to the Decree of Pope Nicholas recorded by the same Gra∣tian: Distinct, 22. c. Omnes f. 33. Omnes sive Patriarchae cujusli∣bet apicem, sive Metropoleon primatus, Episcopatuum cathedras, vel Ecclesiarum, sive cujuscunque ordinis dignitatem instituit Romana Ecclesia. By which it is evident, that by Saint Peter, is meant the Church and Popes of Rome, who stile themselves oft times Peter, in their bulls and writings, as well as his successors. By all these Authorities compared together, it is evident, that our Arch-bishops and Bishops had their Originall Institution from the Church and Popes of Rome, and that not out of their imi∣tation of any divine patterne, or forme of government prescri∣bed by Christ in Scripture, and setled in those primitive Chur∣ches of the Gen••iles, which the Apostles planted, and to whom they directed their Epistles, but out of an apish imi∣tation of the Heathenish Hierarchicall government of the Ido∣latrous Proto-Flamines, Arch Flamines, and Flamines used among the Pagan Gentiles, and Britaines before their conversion to the Christian Faith, in whose very places, Sees, and forme of government they succeeded; Eleuther••us instituting and ordai∣ning, that all, or the most part of the Arch-Flamines, which is to meane Arch-bishops, and Bishops of the Pagan Law, which at that day were in number, three Arch Flamines, and 28 Flamines should be made Arch bishops and Bishops of the Church of Christ, as o 6.724 Graf••on and others write in positive termes: which if it be true, (as this cloud of witnesses averre) it will thence necessarily follow, that our Arch••bishops and Bishops are not of divine and Apostoli∣call, but rather of Papall and E••hnicall institution, and a meere continuance of the Diabolicall, heathenish Hierarchy, exerci∣sed among the Idolatrous Priests in times of Paganisme, within our I••land; and so by necessary consequence they and their go∣vernment, are rather to be utterly extirpated then perpetuated in our Christian reformed Church, which ought p 6.725 wholly to aban∣don all Reliques of Idolatry, and to have no fellowship nor commu∣nion with Infidels and unbeleavers in their discipline or Church go∣vernment.

Wherefore to avoid this dangerous rocke and ne∣cessary consequence, some of our Prelates (as q 6.726 Bishop Iuell, Bishop r 6.727 Godwin, s 6.728 Bishop Vsher, together with Doctor t 6.729 Sutcliffe, and that learned Knight, Sir v 6.730 Henry Spelman, reject this originall of our Archbishops, Bishops, and Bishoprickes as false and fa∣bulous, informing us:

First, that Roger de Wendover, Matthew Paris, Matthew West∣min. William of Mal••esbury, the Poet under the name of Gildas, Giraldus Cambrensis and Radulphus Niger (to whom I may adde William Caxton in his Chronicle. part. 4. in the life of King Lucie) omit this figment of the Arch Flamines and Flamines, (which they say, was first invented wi••hout any ground by Galfridus Monu••etensis••) and relate onely that Lucius erected 28 Bishops and three Arch bishops among us, but record not that it was done in imitation of the Arch Flamines or Flamines, or that they were substituted in their places, and enjoyed their Lands, and Sees, as the former Historians write. But this is no ar∣gument to disprove the premised Authours, farre more in num∣ber, since these few Historians silence of what sundry others re∣cord expressely, is no conviction of their falshood, seeing one may relate, what another pretermits, either out of brevity, ig∣norance, or negligence.

Wherefore in the Second place x 6.731 Bishop Godwin affirmes; that there is nothing more absurd in this History, then the imagina∣tion of ••itting the Sees of Bishops and Arch bishops, according to the place and number of Flamines for sooth, and arch Flamines of the Pa∣gans. A devise (writes he) so childish and ridiculous as I cannot but wonder, that any man of learning and judgement should approve it, and yet I perceive not (saith he) any that have gainsaid it before Ma∣ster Sutcliffe, but contrariwise dive••s, both ancient and learned are to be found, that have partly broached and partly applauded the same; among whom he reckons up two, especially; Fenestella de Sacrif. Rom. c. 5. and Gratian Distinct. 21. & 80. To confute whose mistakes he produceth these two Reasons.

• [unspec 1] First, That not so much as the name of proto Flamin, or Arch Fla∣mine is to be found in any authour or monument of credit, before Gra∣tians time.
• [unspec 2] Secondly, that it is manifest, that divers Cities had many Colled∣ges of Priests and consequently many Flamines, which he proves at large. Therefore it is not possible that there should be any man∣ner

• of proportion at all, betweene our Bishops and their Fla∣mines, they having divers Flamines to almost every towne, and we one Bishop not so much as for every whole shire. To which Sir (y) 6.732 Henry Spelman addes in the third place: That the Fla∣mines were no other but ordinary Priests among the Romanes, so called, a filo, quasi Filamines, or a pilo, quasi Pilamines: that every one of them received his name from the God hee served, as Flamen Dialis, Flamen Martialis, Flamen Quirinalis, Vulcana∣lis, Floralis, Volturnalis, Pomalis, Furinalis, Falacer, Caesaris Flamen, and the like. That none of these had any Priestly Ju∣risdiction over any certaine Province, or did solely administer in any one cure, but that every cure or Parish had two Flamines at least set over it. Neither were these subject to any superiour Flamin who from thence might be called an Arch-Flamin or Proto-Flamin, (whose names are no where to bee found among the ancients unlesse it be in Fenestella, which Author he proves to be spurious) Sed toti Pontificum Collegio, but to the whole Colledge of Pontifs, and to the chiefe Priest that governed it, not to an Arch-Flamin: and though some Flamines were called greater, others lesser, yet this (writes he) was not from their po∣wer, but from their Antiquity, the three first being instituted by Numa and the Senators, the others afterwards by the people. Admit then these their reasons true, that the Flamines were but ordinary Priests among the Pagans, and not in nature of Arch-bishops or Bishops: that they were all of equall authority and had no Jurisdiction one over another: that there were many of them in every City, and not one of them set over an whole City, much lesse a Diocesse; and that they were subject onely to the whole Colledge of Priests, and not to any Arch-Flamin, or Proto-Flamin: I•• our Arch-bishops and Bishops bee derived from them, and successors to them in our Island, as the first recited Authors affirme; this quite overturnes their Archiepis∣copall and Episcopall, pretended Jurisdiction over other Mini∣sters, and their sole Episcopacy and Jurisdiction in or over one City and Province; since the Flamines were all equall, and ma∣ny in each Parish and City; and directly proves, that there ought to be a parity betweene Arch-bishops, Bishops and our Ministers now, and no disparity, because there was none a∣mong the Flamines, & that no Ministers ought to be subject to our Arch-bishops and Bishops but onely to the whole Synod or Convocation of Presbyters, because the Flamines were so:

• and that there ought to be not one sole, but many Bishops of e∣quall Authority in every City, because it was so among the Fla∣mines their Predecessor••, yea in the first Christian Churches, (plan∣ted by the Apostles) as appeares by Act. 14.23. c. 20.17.28. Phil. 1.1. Tit. 1.5.7. 1 Tim. 5.17, Jam. 5.14. with other Texts. If they be not these Arch-Flamines and Flamines Successors, as these last Authors testifie, then I feare our Prelates can hardly derive their pedegree as high as King Lucius, nor yet certainely define at what time, or by whom Arch-bishops and Bishops were first erected in our Island: For * 6.733 Bishop Godwin, (who rejects the conceipt of King Lucius his erecting of Arch-bishops and Bishops in steede of Arch-Flamines and Flamines) gives these three very probable Reasons against his erecting of three Arch-bishoprickes, and 28. Bishoprickes in this Isle, or any Bishoprickes at all.

[unspec 1] First, because he saith and proves by Histories, that Lucius was never King of all Britaine, but rather some petty King, or King happily of some principall part thereof; therefore hee could not erect Archbishoprickes and Bishoprickes through∣out the Island, as the recited Authors Fable.

[unspec 2] Secondly, because the multitude of Bishops and Bisho∣prickes sayd to be ordained at that time, seemeth unlikely, and that they had any fixed Sees: For in the Councell of Arles in the yeare 325. mention is made of one Restitutus a British Bi∣shop, not intituled to any certaine See, but onely called Bri∣••anniarum Episcopus; and even so likewise after him Fastidius, is mentioned by Gennadius by the same stile, which being consi∣dered (saith he) together with the rare and seldome mention that we finde of Brittish Bishops, whose Antiquities I have hun∣••ed a••ter with all diligence, I cannot but rest perswaded, that our Brittaines had very few Bishops untill the comming over of Germanus and Lupus to suppresse the Pelagian Heresie; which after they had rooted out, the History of Landaff saith, they Consecrated Bishops in many places of Brittaine, and over all the Brittaines dwelling on the right side of Brittaine, they consecrated for Arch-bishop, Saint Dubritius who was chosen for the Supreame Doctor by the King and all the Diocesse: which dignity being be∣stowed upon him by Germanus and Lupus, they with the con∣sent of Maurice the King, the Nobility, Clergie and people, appoin∣ted his See to be at the manner of Lantani, and founded his See

there•• This was about the yeare of Christ 430. about which time also, or somewhat later, Palladius, did first appoint Bi∣shops and ordaine Bishoprickes in Scotland, as Buchanan hath delivered. Upon these testimonies, I reason thus: If before these times we had so many Bishops, and Bishoprickes, how com∣meth it to passe, that in no Monument whatsoever, wee finde any name or mention of any Bishop of this Land, saving some few that (as we say) had their See at London? and if so many Sees had beene furnished before, what occasion had Germanus and Lupus to consecrate so many Bishops (and erect new Bi∣shoprickes too) as is before mentioned in the History of Lan∣daff? Thus Bishop Godwin argues, against the pretended first erection of our Bishoprickes and Arch-bishoprickes, most of which now extant, (London onely excepted) were erected long after King Lucius reigne, (a) 6.734 above 600. yeares after Christ, and five of them in King Henry the 8. his raigne; so that William of Malmesbury one of our most juditious writers, and the most di∣ligent searcher out of the Antiquities of our Bishops Sees, who writ the History of our Bishop•• and their Sees above 500. yeares since could finde no Arch-bishops See in our Island an∣cienter than Canterbury (erected (b) 6.735 about the the yeare of Christ 600. or 602.) and determines positively (c) 6.736 Ibi Prima sedes Archiepiscopi habteur, qui est totius Angliae Primas & Patriarcha. Caeterum ubi fuerit Archi-Episcopa••us (if there were any such) tempore Britonum, cognitio l••hat, quia vetustas consumpsit nostri se∣culi memoriam; Whence our most diligent Antiquary (d) 6.737 Sir Henry Spelman concludes thus, concerning the Originall of our Arch-bishops and Bishops, (the certaine time of whose Primi∣tive institution among us he cannot determine) Sufficit quidem, &c. Truely it is sufficient that we had many Bishops here, and some Metropolitans; either under Lucius himselfe, or soone after his age, licet de ipsorum sedibus a••que numero lucide satis non consti∣terir; although their Sees and number doe not plainely enough appeare. So that upon the whole matter, when all things are throughly scanned, we can finde no undoubted Bishops at all in our British Church till Restitutus his time, who was present at the Councell of Arles about the yeare of Christ 325. and hee a Bishop without any particular See or Diocesse knowne onely by the name of Britanniarum Episcopus, as Godwin writes (though (e) 6.738 others stile him Civitate Londinensi Restitutus Episcopus)

who for ought we finde had no Presbyters at all under his Jurisdiction, and was no more than an ordinary Minister as the Bishops in the Apostles time were. Act. 20.17.28. Phi. 1.1. Tit. 1.5.7. And so by this computation, our Church after the first preaching of the Gospell among us continued without Lord Bishops and Archbishops, about 280. yeares or more. And if she remained and flourished without Bishops for so many yeares then, why may she not without any great Soloecisme or prejudice remove, and flourish without them now? yea, why should she not (by the Objecters owne argument from antiqui∣ty) now quite abandon them, and set up a Presbyteriall govern∣ment without any scruple, since Presbyters by some hundred•• of yeares, are the ancientest, and those by which our Church, and the Church of Scotland were first governed, for so long a space before any Lord Bishops were instituted in them?

* 6.739Secondly, grant our Bishops as ancient as King Lucius, yet these ancient Bishops, no doubt, were farre different from ours.

[unspec 1] For first, I conceive it cannot be proved, that they had any Diocesse, Parishes or Presbyters under them: for there was no division of Parishes made in England (f) 6.740 till Archbishop Theodo∣res time, who first divided the Province of Canterbury into Pa∣rishes about the yeare of Christ 670. And for ought appeares they were no more than ordinary Presbyters.

[unspec 2] Secondly, they had no great but very small revenues, as appeares by three of the British Bishops present at the Councell of Ariminum, under Constantius, Anno 379. who were so poore (g) 6.741 that they were maintained at the Emperours cost, inopia proprii publico usi sunt, cum collatam a caeteris collationem respuissent, san∣ctius putantes fiscum gravare, quam singulos. By the Bishopricke of Rochester,(h) 6.742 Putta and Quichelmus the 6. and 7. Bishops of this See, being forced to leave it through want and poverty; and by other [unspec 3] of our ancientest Bishops, who lived commonly upon Almes, or contribution, and had no temporall Lands or possessions.

Thirdly, they had no stately Palaces and Cathedralls, as is evident by the first Bishops of Yorke and Lindisfarne, who lived in i 6.743 poore Cottages, and had either no Cathedralls a•• all, or some built onely of wattle or boords, and covered over with reede; stately stone Churches being not in use among the Britaines, Scots, or Irish, for many hundred yeares, as (k) 6.744 Bi∣shop

Vsher proves out of Beda, Eccles. Hist l. 3 cap. 4.5. and S. Bernard in the life of Malachy. Therefore stone Altars (no doubt) were not then in use, when as the very walls of their [unspec 4] Churches were but wattle or Timber.

Fourthly, they had no stately Coaches and Palfryes as our Lord Bishops have, neither were they unpreaching, or rare-preaching Prelates, but they went about the Country on foote from place to place (as (l) 6.745 Christ and his Apostles did at first) and Preached the Gospell to the people day by day: Witnesse Aidan the first Bishop of Lindisfarne (now Durham and a Count Palatine) who purposely avoyding the Pompe and frequency of Yorke chose the little Island of Lindisfarne for his See, and for 15. yeares space together travelled up and downe the Country 〈◊〉〈◊〉, even (m) 6.746 on foote, to preach the Gospell to the people, not seeking nor ha∣ving any thing in this world, and giving whatsoever he could get unto the poore: So (n) 6.747 Paulinus, the first Arch-Bishop of Yorke for 36. dayes together never rested one moment, but either instructed the people by preaching that flocked continually about him, or else imparted Christ unto them in Baptisme, and that in the open field•• and Rivers, there being then no Churches built.

Fifthly, they intermedled not with any secular affaires; and when some began to tamper with them they made this Canon [unspec 5] in the (o) 6.748 Councell of Cloueshow under Cuthbert Anno. 747. That Bishops should follow their pastorall cure with their uttermost indeavour, and instruct the people with wholesome doctrine, and not addict themselves to secular affaires more than to Gods s••rvice, as most of our Lordly Prelates doe now.

Sixthly, Bishops in those dayes were not reputed very ne∣cessary [unspec 6] nor usefull in the Church: for after the death of (p) 6.749 Paulinus the first Bishop of Yorke, that See continued voyd of a Bishop 30. yeares. So after the translation of Mellitus to Canterbury, Anno. 617. that See continued voyd neere 40 yeares: and how these and other Bishoprickes have continued voyd in severall ages, 2.3.4.6.10.15.20. and 30. yeares to∣gether without any prejudice, I have (q) 6.750 elsewhere manifested more at large. If then our Bishoprickes may want Bishops for so many yeares space without any inconvenience to our Church (when as no Parish Church by our (r) 6.751 Common, and the Ca∣non Lawes, ought to be voyd above sixe moneths at most) I presume by the selfe-same reason, our Church may well subsist without

for all future times, especially now when there are so many complaints and petitions against them, and so many Bisho∣prickes voyde of Prelates already.

Finally, in those primitive times, Bishops were not so great but that some of them, were subject unto Presbyters: For our venerable (s) 6.752 Beda informes us of an Island in Ireland, which in those dayes had an Abbot Presbyter for its governour, to whose jurisdi∣ction the whole Province, Et etiam Episcopi sunt subjecti, and even Bishops themselves were subject, according to the example of the first Teacher thereof, who was no Bishop, but a Presbyter and a Monke. So the Abbot of * 6.753 Glastonbury exempt from all Episcopall Juris∣diction, had a kinde of superiority above the Bishop of Bath and Wells, which Bishop by the Charter of King Ina, was bound with his Clerkes at Wells every yeare, Ipsam matrem suam Glasto∣niensem Ecclesiam feria secunda post ascensionem Domini cum Lita∣nia recognoscere, to doe his homage to his mother Church of Glastonbury with a Letany; quod si superbia inflatus distulerit, and if he refused to doe it out of pride, then hee was to forfeite two houses which this King gave him. And in the (t) 6.754 Excerptions of Egbert Archbishop of Yorke, Anno. 750. I finde these Ca∣nons of the fourth Councell of Carthage revived here among us, as Ecclesiasticall Lawes, That Bishops and Presbyters should have Hospitiolum, a little Cottage (not a Lordly Palace) neare the Church. That the Bishop in the Church by the consent of the Presby∣ters should set somewhat above them, but within the house, Collegam Presbyterorum se esse cognoscat, should know himselfe to be the Colleague (or Companion) of the Presbyters. That a Bishop should not ordaine Clerkes without a Councell of his Presbyters. That a Bishop should heare no mans cause without the presence of his Clerkes, except the cause of confession, because a decree cannot be firme which shall not seeme to have the consent of many. All which considered, it is evident, that our Bishops in those dayes had no Lordly Juris∣diction over other Ministers, no such sole power of Ordination and judicature as our present Lord Bishops now claime and exercise as their peculiar right. Therefore their Antiquity and Episcopacy, can be no warrant at all for the lawfulnesse or con∣tinuance of our Lordly Prelacy.

Thirdly, admit our Bishops as ancient as King Lucius dayes, or there abouts, yet this is no good Plea for their continuance.

First, because our Abbots, Priors, Monkes could make as

good if not a better prescription for themselves as our Lordly Prelates, who can alleadge nothing for their continuance but what these either did or might have done when they were sup∣pressed. [unspec 1]

For first our Monkes, Abbots, Priors and their Abbeyes were every way as ancient, if not elder then our Lordly Bishops and Bishoprickes, the Monkes and Abbey of (v) 6.755 Glastonbury de∣riving their pedegree from Ioseph of Aramathea (which Church and Abbey our writers call, Prima Ecclesia; fons & Origo totius Religionis, &c. the first Church, the fountaine and Originall of all our Religion.) And many other of our other Abbies [as that of Winchester, S. Albans, Westminster with others] being anci∣enter than all or most of our Bishoprickes. [unspec 2]

Secondly, Most of them were confirmed by more Acts of Parlia∣ment,* 6.756 Bulls of Popes, and Charters of our Kings, endowed with grea∣ter priviledges than any of our Bishoprickes whatsoever, as is evi∣dent by the (x) 6.757 Charters, Bulls, and exemptions, granted to Glaston∣bury, Saint Albans, Berry, Redding, Westminster, Saint Augustine, [unspec 3] of Canterbury, Abingdon and W••••••••••••ster.

Thirdly, many of our Abbots and Priors, (sometimes above an hundred) were mitred, had Episcopall Iurisdiction, and sate in (y) 6.758 Parliament as Barons and Peers of the Realme as well as Bishops; yet notwithstanding they were all (z) 6.759 suppressed by Acts of Parliament even in time of Popery, though double in number to our Bishops; therefore our Bishops and Bishoprickes being now found by long experience not onely unprofitable, but pernitious to our Kings and State, as here I have manifested, and to our Church, our Religion, as our Booke of Martyrs largely demonstrates, may lawfully be extirpated, notwithstan∣ding this Plea of Antiquity, as well as they.

Fourthly, the Bishops in other reformed Churches, could and did plead as large Antiquity and prescription for their con∣tinuance, [unspec 4] as our Prelates doe: yet that could not secure them from dissolution, but these Churches wholly suppressed them: therefore it is no good Plea for us to continue our Prelates; yea, in my weake judgement it is an argument not for, but a∣gainst our Bishops continuance, that they have beene tolerated so long, since evils and grievances [as our Lordly Prelates have ever beene to our Church and Kingdome] are so much the more speedily and carefully to be suppressed, by how much the more

inveterate and lasting they have beene. In a word, the govern∣ment of our Church by a Presbytery hath beene more ancient, more profitable, and lesse prejudiciall to our State, Kings, Church, than the Government of our Lordly Prelacy: there∣fore it is most reasonable that it should be revived, reestablished, and the Prelacy suppressed. All which I hope, may suffice in Answere to the first part of this grand objection, which hath stumbled many.

To the second branch of it, touching the danger and incon∣venience of this change in suppressing Episcopacy.* 6.760

I answer: First, that there can bee no danger or inconveni∣ence [unspec 1] at all therein, because the people generally most earnestly desire, pray for, expect it, and have preferred many Petitions to the High Court of Parliament to effect it.

[unspec 2] Secondly, because all things are now prepared for this al∣teration, the wickednesse, misdemeanors, prophanenesse, su∣perstition, oppression of our present Prelates, with the great troubles and combustions they have raised in our Church, our State, to their intolerable charge and molestation, deserve and call for this alteration; the present constitution of our Church, State, people: yea our correspondency with Scotland, with other reformed Churches requires it: the divisions and distra∣ctions in our Church (which in many wise mens apprehensi∣ons cannot be reconciled, nor any unity or uniformity in Gods worship established among us without it;) call for it Episcopacy being now growne such a roote of bitternesse, and wall of partition, as there is little hope of any unity, peace, or harmony in our Church if it continue.

[unspec 3] Thirdly, admit some petty inconveniences may arise by such an alteration and extirpation of Episcopacy, yet these are nothing comparable for weight or number to those mis∣chiefes which will certainely accrue by its continuance: Since therefore of two evils the lesse is ever to be elected, it will bee farre more expedient to our Church and State totally and fi∣nally to suppresse, then to support our Lordly Prelacy. And thus much for this Capitall Objection.* 6.761

The second Allegation for the continuance of Episcopacy is this, (a) 6.762 that if Bishops be taken away, we shall have nothing but Sects, Schismes, and divisions in our Church, and almost as many Religions as men.

To this I answere.* 6.763 First; that the tyranny, Lordlinesse, pro∣phanenesse, Superstition and Innovations of our Prelates both in Ceremones, Doctrine, Worship, have beene the Originall, Principall, if not onely cause of all those Sects, divisions, and Separations lately sprung up in our Church; for proofe of which I appeale onely to every mans conscience and experi∣ence, it being a most knowne undubitable truth: the removing therefore of our Bishops (the (b) 6.764 cause of all our Schismes and devisions) must needes be a meanes of future peace and unity, not cause of Schismes, or divisions in Religion, as is vainely suggested.

Secondly, Episcopacy it selfe is now a (c) 6.765 maine ground of [unspec 2] Separation from our Church, the great stumbling blocke which causeth many dayly to fall off from us, and hinders others from closing with us; all other grounds of Separation and division depending on, or arising from Episcopacy. And unlesse this be removed, in my poore apprehension, there can be no hopes at all of any reconciliation of those who are fallen off from us, or keeping others from separation, but the rent will still grow greater, what ever course else be taken to effect a Union. There∣fore questionlesse the abolishing of Episcopacy cannot be a meanes of increasing Schismes or divisions, but the best, and rea∣diest way to remedy and prevent them.

Thirdly, Saint (d) 6.766 Ierome and others informe us, that Epis∣copacy [unspec 3] was first instituted to prevent and extirpate Schismes; but it hath beene so farre from effecting this, that it hath on the con∣trary occasioned all or most of those (e) 6.767 Schismes and divisions that ever happened in the Church of God since its first institution, both at home and abroad, as is evident by all Ecclesiasticall Histories, by the severall Schismes of the Popes and other Pre∣lates in forraigne parts; of Canterbury, Yorke, and other Lordly Prelates at home, which if God send life and opportunity, I shall irrefragably manifest in a peculiar Treatise of that Sub∣ject, if there be occasion. It cannot be then, but that their suppression should rather remedy than procure Sects and Schismes.

Fourthly, in the reformed Churches of France, and Geneva, [unspec 4] where there are no Bishops, there are no Sects, or Schismes at all, or at least not so many as where there are Bishops. And though im Germany and the Netherlands there bee many Sects,

yet this is not through want of Bishops, but by reason of the con∣nivance of the temporall Magistrates who permit them, and wil neither suppresse them themselves, nor suffer their Presbyteries to doe it, out of I know not what State policy, permitting all Religions and Sects.

[unspec 5] Fifthly, our Bishops ever since the Reformation, and before, have beene the greatest opposers and hinderers of the refor∣mation of those abuses and fooleries, the introducers and main∣tainers of those Ceremonies and Superstitions which have beene the grand occasions of Schismes and Separation. How often have Pluralities, Non-residence, abuses of Excommu∣nication, Ex Officio Oathes and proceedings, Visitation, Fees and extortions, abuses of Ecclesiasticall Courts and processes, Sel∣ling of Orders, of licenses to preach, keepe Schoole, and the like, commutations of penance, admission of prophane and scandalous persons to the Sacrament, toleration of scan∣dalous, superstitious, lasie, non-preaching, rare-preaching and insufficient Ministers, Altars, Images, Tapers, Cathedrall chaunting and musicke, bowing at Altars, and to the name Jesus, with those Superfluous Ceremonies of the Crosse, Ring, Surplesse, and kneeling at the Sacrament, which scanda∣lize many, and may be better omitted than retained, beene complained against from time to time in Parliament and else∣where, without any the least redresse or reformation; and all by reason of our Prelates obstinacy, who peremptorily main∣taine, and will not suffer them to be either amended or remo∣ved to the glory of God, the honour of our Religion, the sa∣tisfying of tender Consciences, the peace of our Church and State; and doe they not now in this present Parliament, which threatens ruine to their Lordly chaires, oppose with all their might•• the reformation of all or most of those corruptions which are the occasions of our Schismes and distractions? Yea did they not in their late new Canons, in affront of the whole Parliament and Kingdome, not onely justifie, but establish as much as in them lay, and that for perpetuity, all those Innova∣tions, extravagances and grievances which were chiefe occa∣sions of our late unhappy divisions, and of many thousands se∣parations from our Church? This being then an experimentall knowne ••ruth, the removing of these incorrigible Prelates, who will neither refo••me themselves, nor suffer any abuses in our

Church to be redressed, must of necessity be the onely cure of our ren••s and divisions for the present, and the best meanes to prevent them for the future.

Sixthly, I appeale to all indifferent men, whether Schismes [unspec 6] and diversities in matters of Religion may not be better pre∣vented, suppressed by good Lawes, by godly Magistrates and Ministers, specially authorized to suppresse them, than by a company of corrupt Prelates and their Officers, who for their owne private Lucre (as experience manifests) will bee content to tolerate, and connive at any erronious doctrines, Sects and Schismes (especially Papists and Arminians, the chiefe patriots and supporters of their Hierarchy) but those who directly op∣pose their Prelacy and corruptions, as ••hose they nickename Puritanes doe, who shall be sure to smart and feele the Bishops severity to the uttermost, how ever others scape. If so; then I hope there is no neede at all to continue our Lordly Prelates to suppresse these mischiefes, which may be better reformed, and suppressed by others, than by our Bishops and their Of∣ficers. I shall conclude this point with the words of learned * 6.768 Antonie Sadeel, in his answere to Turrian the Jesuite, who made the same objection for the defence and continuance of Bishops, as our Prelates doe here. I answere in few words, That this superiour degree of Bishops is an ancien••, but yet ONELY a humane Institution, whereby the pious Ancients intended to pre∣vent Schismes. And although perchance considering those times, this remedy was not unusefull, yet experience hath taught us, that these good Fathers while they desired to shun•• Charybdis, fell into Scylla. For the ambition of Prelates which followed soone after, was no lesse pernicious to the Church than those Schismes. And to speake truely: THIS WAS THE MOST PERNICIOVS SCHISME OF ALL OTHERS, when a Divorce was made from the parity and true doctrine of the Gospell, and the Spirituall Discipline of the Church changed into a kinde of Regall Authori∣ty, and terrene power. This I hope will abundantly answere this second Objection for Episcopacy.

The last Objection is this.* 6.769 That by the Statute of 16. R. 2. cap. 5. (f) 6.770 Bishops are declared to be profitable and necessary to our Lord the King and to all his Realme, and that by the removall of them the Realme should be destitute of Counsell. That they are (g) 6.771 one of the greatest States of the Land•• setled by many Acts

of Parliament, which cannot well be held without them. That the removall of them will breede a great confusion both in the Common and Statute Law; and that the King is sworne to defend and pro∣tect them to his power: Therefore it must needes be dangerous and inconvenient to remove them.

* 6.772This Objection consists of severall heads, to all which I shall give a particular answer, with as much brevity as may bee.

• [unspec 1] First, for the words of the Statute of Richard the 2^d. I doubt not but they were inserted into that Act by the Bishops them∣selves, or by their procurement, who ought not to be Trumpe∣ters of their owne prayses, nor witnesses in their owne cause.
• [unspec 2] Secondly, I hope the premised Histories of their Treasons, Rebellions, Oppressions, and desperate Counsells in all times, will manifestly declare the contrary to this Act, That Bishops are neither necessary, nor profitable to the King, nor to all his Realme, but pernicious to both, and that the Kingdome will be no wayes de∣stitute of Counsell if they should ••e removed, especially in our dayes when there are so many learned Lords, Lawyers, and Gentlemen of all sorts, to Counsell and advise his Majestie in all State affaires.
• [unspec 3] Thirdly, The Prelates in this very King Ricard the second his time, were so farre from being profitable and necessary to him, as their Lord and King, and to all his Realme, that some of them were the chiefe men that miscounselled him, as appeares by the Statut•• of 11. R. 2. c. 1••5.6. which recites; that for cause of great and horrible mischiefes and perills, which were fallen by evill Governance which was about the Kings person by all his time before, by Alexander late Arch-Bishop of Yorke, Thomas Bi∣shop of Chichester and other their adhaerents, thereby the King and all his Realme were very nigh to have beene wholly undone and destroyed, for which cause these Prelates were attainted, removed from the King, and their lands confiscated by this Act. And the residue of them were the principle agents that opposed, depri∣ved, and thrust him (as they did King Edward the second be∣fore him) from his Crowne and royall dignity, as appeares by the premises. Now if this were to be profitable and necessary to our Soveraigne Lord the King, let all men judge. How necessa∣ry they were to all the Kingdome in his time, let the Histories of this Kings life, and the Treasons of Arch-Bishop Arundell, fore related declare. How well they used the people and their

• tenants, you may see by a Commission granted about this time, to enquire of ••he Bishop of Winchesters oppressions and abuses of the Kings people, recorded in the Register of Writs,* 6.773 part. 2 f. 125. b. * 6.774 Rex Vicecomiti salutem. Ex clamosis quer••mo∣n••is diversorum hominum de comitatu tuo ad nostium saepius per∣venit auditum, quod A Episcopus Wintoniensis, nec no•• ballivi, c••n∣stabulari•• & alii ministri & servientes ipsius Episcopi, plu••imas & diversas oppressiones, extortiones, duritias, damna, excessus, & gravamina intolerabilia, dictis ••ominibus in diversis partibus Comita••us praedicti, tam infra liber••ates quam extra multiplici∣ter & diversimode intulerunt, & de die in diem inferre non de∣sistunt, plures de dictis hominibus vi & armis multotiens verbe∣rando, vulnerando, eosque capiendo, imprisonando, & in prisona forti & dura super terram nudam & absque alimento, fame, frigore, & nuditate fere ad mortem cruciando, & eos in prisona ••ujusmodi, donec fines & redemptiones ad voluntatem suam fecerint, null•• modo deliberari permittendo, nec non domos quorundam hominum hu∣jusmodi vi armata, & bona & catalla sua capiendo & asportando, eosdemque uxores & servientes suos verberando, vulnerando, & male trac••ando, & hominibus super hujusmodi duri••iis conqueri vo∣lentibus in tantum comminando, quod iidem homines in hundredis & aliis curiis dicti Episcopi vel alibi negocia sua inde prosequi metu mortis non sunt ausi, & alia hujusmodi mala, damna, & excessus in∣humaniter indies perpetrando, in nostri dedecus & contemptum, & populi nostri partium praedictarum destructionem & depressionem manifestam, unde plurimum conturbamur, Nos oppressiones, dur••••ias damna & excessus ac gravamina praedicta, si perpetrata fuerint no∣lente•• relinquere impunita, volentesque salvationi & quieti dicti populi nostri in hac parte prospicere ut tenemur, assignavimus dilectis & fidelibus nostris, &c. sciri poterit, de oppressionibus, exto••tio∣nibus, duritiis, damnis & gravaminibus praedictis, per dictos episco∣pum, ballivos, constabularios, ministros & servientes suos & alios quoscunque de confederatione sua in hac parte existentes qualitercun∣que perpetratis, & de praemissis omnibus & singulis plenius verita∣tem, & ad querelas omnium & singulorum pro nobis vel prose ipsi•• inde conqueri & prosequi volentium, nec non ad praemissa omnia & singula tam ad sectam nostram quam aliorum quorumcunque audien∣dum & terminandum secundum legem & consuetudinem regni no∣stri Angliae, Et ideo ti••i praecipimus quod ad certos &c. quos, &c. tibi scire facias, venire facias coram, &c. tot & tales probos &

• legales homines de balliva tua tam infra libertates quam extra, per quos rei ver••tas in praemissis melius sciri poterit & inquiri, Et ha∣beas, &c. For their profitablenesse and necessary use in our Church in that Kings raigne, let the Statute of 5. R. 2. c. 5. * 6.775 surreptitiously procured by t••e Prelates, and complained a∣gainst by the Commons the next Parliament, and with severall bloody persecutions of the true Christians•• in that age under the name of Lollards by William Caurtney, Thomas Arundell and other our Prelates (related at large by Master Fox in his Acts and Monuments) testifie to the world. For mine owne part I could never yet finde any good at all that our Lordly Prelates ever did in our Church or State, quatenus Prelates. If any o•• them have done any good by their preaching and writing (as some of them have, which is rare,) I answere, that the most of them who have done any good in this kind, did it not as, or whiles they were P••elates, but as, or whiles they were Private men, their Episcopacy making none of them to preach, or write more than otherwise they would have done, but lesse, as expe∣rience manifests. So that their Bishoprickes made them not to doe more good, but rather hindred them to doe so much good as they would have done, had they still continued private Mi∣nisters onely.

[unspec 2] For the second, that they are one of the greatest States of the Land, setled by many Acts of Parliament, and necessary members of the Parliament, which cannot well be held with∣out them.

* 6.776I answere, first, that our Lord Abbots and Priors might and did pleade this as well as Bishops, yet this was held no Plea at all, no not in times of Popery, and shall we allow it now in times of clearer light?

[unspec 2] Secondly, the wohle body of Popery it selfe, toge∣ther with the Pope, his Popish Clergie, Orders and Ceremonies were all setled among us by sundry Acts of Parliament, and the Statutes of Magna Charta, c. 1. with all (g) 6.777 other Acts of Parliament since, enacting, that holy Church, (or the Church of England) Bishops and Churchmen shall en∣joy•• all their ••ranchises, Rights, Liberties, Priviledges, &c•• are meant onely of our Popish Prelates, Abbots, Priors, Monks Nunnes, Masse-Priests; and of exemption from secular Jurisdi∣ction, Sanctuaries, with other Anti-Monarchicall priviledges

granted to them by Kings, Popes, or Parliaments in times of Popery? shall then our Popish Recusants or any other argue thence, therefore it is fit that Popery, with all Popish orders, Bishops, Sanctuaries, and exemptions should be now revived and perpetuated among us, because established by so many Lawes? If this be no argument for the continuance of Popery, or Popish Prelates, who were principally established by these objected Lawes, then certainely it can be no good Plea for the continuance of such of our Prelates who are true Protestants, whom most of these Acts never established, nor intended to continue.

Thirdly, It is a rule in Philosophy and Law, Eodem modo [unspec 3] quo quid constituitur, dissolvitur: Since therefore our Lordly Bi∣shops were first erected and constituted such Bishops and States of the Land by Acts of Parliament onely, not by any divine in∣stitution, which prohibits them all such secular Lordly Sove∣raignty, and dominion, as I have largely manifested in the pre∣mises, They may lawfully without any injury or inconveni∣ence, by an Act of Parliament, be unbishopped, unlorded a∣gaine, and thrust out of our Church as well as the Pope, Abbots, Priors, Monkes and Masse-Priests were, upon the reformation of Religion, both at home and in forraine parts. As for our Prelates necessity of sitting in Parliament; I answer.

• First, that though they have beene anciently admitted to ••it in Parliament, yet there is no necessity of their sitting there, [unspec 1] seeing it hath beene long since resolved, and Bishop Iuell, with Bishop Bilson, confesse and prove at large, that a Parliament may be, and some Parliaments have beene kept without Bishops, as I have h 6.778 formerly demonstrated.
• Secondly, many ••imes all, some, or a great part of our Bishops have beene secluded the Parliament, and yet this hath beene [unspec 2] no impeachment to the proceedings there. In the Parliament 〈◊〉〈◊〉 i 6.779 Saint Edmonds-bury, Anno 1296. all the Bishops were brought in a Premunire, and secluded the House. In King Edward the sixt his time, k 6.780 Stephen Gardner Bishop of Winchester, and Bonner Bishop of London were sequestred and kept out of the House: In the first yeare of Q••eene Mary all the Married Pro∣testant Bishops; and in the first of Queene Elizabeth, many of the Popish Prelates were secluded and thrust out of the Parliament. yea, many Parliaments have beene held when one, or both the

• Arch-Bishoprickes, with many other Bi••hoprickes have beene voyd, and no Proxies admitted to supply their places: All which proves, that there is no necessity of their Session there, and that all of them may be excluded thence at all times as well [unspec 3] as all of them at sotimes, and most of them at others.
• Thirdly, our Bishops sit not in the Parliament, quatenus Bi∣shops•• but as they a••e (l) 6.781 Barons, and hold by Barony, as is cleere both by our Histories, Law Bookes, and their owne confessi∣ons: Now most of them at this day are no Barons, nor hold of the King by Barony; therefore they have no legall Right to sit there, being no Peers of the Realme nor yet to be tryed by their Peers in case of Treason or Felony, but onely by an Or∣dinary Jury, as hath been adjudged in our Law Bookes, & pra∣ctised in point of experience.
• Fourthly, (m) 6.782 Abbots and Priors who were spirituall Lords [unspec 4] of Parliament as well as Bishops, and more than treble in num∣ber to them, have beene long since suppressed and cast out of the house without any prejudice: Therefore Bishops by the same reason may be suppressed and put out of Parliament without any inconvenience, being sewer in number ••han they.
• Fifthly, In cases of(n) 6.783 Felony and Treason, the Bishops by their owne Lawes and practise neither are nor ought to be present in the [unspec 5] House, nor to give any vote at all but onely the Temporall Lords; And in cases of Lands and possessions, or in passing of Lawes for the Civill Government of the Realme, they have no judiciary nor Legislative power at all, as Bishop Bilson and others(o) 6.784 fore∣cited prove at large; therefore their Session in Parliament is not necessary nor expedient by way of vote.
• [unspec 6] Sixthly, the Temporall Lords and Prelates make but one house,* 6.785 and if all the Bishops be dead or absent, or if present, if all the Temporall Lords vote one way, and the Bishops, the lesser number, another: the vote is good. Therefore their pre∣sence and votes in Parliament are nor simply necessary, and may be spared withou•• any mischiefe or inconvenience.
• [unspec 7] Seventhly, if reason might determine this con••roversie, I suppose every man will grant, that it is farre more necessary, reasonable, and expedient, that the Judges, Sergeants, and Kings Councell, learned in the Lawes of the Realme, and best able to descide all legall controversies, and to make good Lawes to redresse all mischiefes, should have votes in Parlia∣ment

• than Bishops; yet we know they have no votes at all by way of descition, because no Barons nor Peers of the Realm, but onely by way of direction and advice, when their Judge∣ments are demanded. Why then our Bishops (especially those who are no Barons, as few or none of them are) should not now be ranked in equipage with the Judges, and have no o∣ther but a directive, not voting, descitive or Legislative voyce in Parliament, I thinke no reason can be given; and indeede many thinke there is little reason why they should have any votes at all, since ancient, that I say not present, experience ma∣nifests, that they crosse or oppose all, or most good Bills, and motions, for the advancement of religion and reformation of Ecclesiasticall abuses; and for the most part vote with the Po∣pish Lords, or worser side against the better; and so by Pope (p) 6.786 Gregory his owne rule, approved by (q) 6.787 Bishop Iewel, ought to lose their priviledge of voting: Quia Privilegium meretur amittere, qui abutitur potestate.

Now whereas some Object that if the Bishops were put out of the Upper House of Parliament,* 6.788 the Clergie could not grant subsidies to the King.

I answere,* 6.789 it is a most grosse mistake, for the Clergie ever grant their subsidies in the Convocation, not in the Lords house, and if the Major part of the Clerkes in Convocation grant subsi∣dies without the Bishops, and then send their Bill by which they grant them, to the Commons and Lords House to be con∣firmed, (as they usually doe) if the Commons and Temporall Lords, without the Bishops passe it, this, with the Kings Roy∣all assent, will binde all the Clergie and Bishops too. So as their presence and votes in Parliament is no wayes necessary for the granting of Subsidies. Wherefore they may be thence exclu∣ded without any prejudice to the King or Subject, if not with great benefit unto both.

For the third clause of the Objection; that the removall of them will breede a great confusion in the Common and Statute [unspec 3] Law.

I answere, first, that the same Objection might have beene [unspec 1] made for the continuance of the Pope, and Popery; yea a∣gainst the severall Statutes for Creating estate Tayles, levying of Fines, Vses, Devises, Ioyntures, and the like, which bred greater alterations in the Common and former Statute Lawes, than

the removing of Bishops can doe.

[unspec 2] Secondly, that one Act of Parliament, ••nabling certaine Commissioners to execute all those Legall Acts which Bishops usually did, will prevent all this pretended confusion; so that this part of the Objection is scarce worthy answere.

[unspec 4] For the fourth clause, that the King by his Coronation Oath, is sworne to preserve to the Bishops and their Churches all their Canonicall priviledges, and to protect and defend to his power the Bishops and Churches under his government.

[unspec 1] I answere, First, that this Oath was at first cunningly devi∣sed and imposed on our Kings by our Bishops themselves, out of a policy to engage our Princes to maintaine them in their usurped authority; possessions, and Jurisdictions, which had no foundation in the Scripture, and to captivate our Kings to their pleasures, as the Popes by such a kind of Oath enthralled the Emperours to their Vassallage.

[unspec 2] Secondly, that this Oath was first invented by Popish Prelates, and meant onely of them and their Popish Church and Priviledges, and so cannot properly extend to our Prelates if Protestants.

[unspec 3] Thirdly, this Oath doth no way engage the King to defend and maintaine our Bishops, if the Parliament see good cause to extirpate them. For as the King and Judges who are obliged by their Oathes to maintaine and execute all the Lawes of the Realme, are not bound by their Oath to continue former in∣convenient Lawes from alteration, or repeale, or to execute them when repealed, for then all ill Lawes should be unaltera∣ble and irrepealeable: So the King by this his Oath, is no wayes obleiged to defend, protect, and preserve the Bishops, if there be good cause in point of piety and policy to sup∣presse them, especially when any of them prove delinquents: For as Bishops and other Subjects by their misdemeanours may (r) 6.790 put themselves out of the Kings Protection, and forfeite both their goods, lives, and estates, notwithstanding this Co∣ronation Oath; So by the same reason when Bishops (and Bishoprickes, by their misdemeanours) prove intolerable grie∣vances both to Church and State (as now they have done) they have thereby deprived themselves of the Kings Prote∣ction and de••ence specified in this Oath•• and thereupon may be justly suppressed by the King and State, without the least

violation of this most solemne Oath, as Abbots, Monkes, and Sanctuaries were. Having thus removed all the principall Ob∣jections for the continuance of our Lordly Prelates; I shall in the last place answere one Evasion* 6.791 whereby our present Lord Bishops thinke to shift off this Antipathy from themselves, as ha∣ving no relation at all to them; They (s) 6.792 say, that those Prelates whose Treasons, Rebellions, Seditions, Oppressions, and Antimonar∣chicall practises, I have here collected, were Popish Bishops, Limbes of that body whose head they all abjure; the fault of their wicked∣nesse was in the Popery, not in the Episcopacy, in the men, not the cal∣ling; and so utterly unconcerneth them, and haveth no reflection at all on them, who are generally taxed for being excessive royalists, and siding too much with the King and Court.

To this I answere,* 6.793 first, that most of all the premised rebelli∣ous, disloyall, seditious, extravagant actions of our Bishops have proceeded from them onely as Lordly, not Popish Pre∣lates, and issued from their Episcopacy, not their Popery, their Prelaticall functions, not personall corruptions, as the Histories themselves sufficiently demonstrate.

Secondly, I answer, that some of the recited Bishops were [unspec 2] no Papists but Protestants, who were no limbes of that body of Rome, whose head our Bishops say they have abjured therefore it is evident, that their Episcopall function, not their Religion, was the ground both of their disloyalties and extravagancies.

Thirdly, I suppose our Prelates will not renounce Arch-Bishop [unspec 3] Laud, Bishop Wren, Peirce, Mountague, and other of their fellow Bishops yet alive, or lately dead, as Popish Prelates, and members of the Church of Rome, as some account them: yet their impious, seditious, oppressive, prophane, not trayterly Actions, equall or exceede many of our Popish Arch-Bishops and Bishops, as he that will but compare them may easily dis∣cerne. It is not then the leaven of Popery, but of the Lordly Prelacy it selfe which infected our Bishops, and made them so treacherous and impious in all ages. It is true indeed, that Popery (some of whose (t) 6.794 positions are treasonable; and sedi∣tious) and dependency upon the Pope, hath made some of our Bishops more disloyall and Rebellious than otherwise they would have beene, as is evident by the first proceeding of Stephen Langhton and his confederates against King Iohn;(v) 6.795 but yet afterward when the Pope sided with King Iohn and Henry

the third, against Langton, and the other Bishops, who stirred up the Barons Warres, these Bishops continued as trayterous and rebellious to these Kings as ever they were before whiles they adhered to the Pope, and the Pope to them; therefore their Hierarchy (the cause of all these stirs) not their Popery was the ground worke of their Treachery and enormities. Now be∣cause our present Prelates boast so much of their loyalty to his Majestie, whose absolute Civill Royall prerogative, they have lately overmuch courted and endeavored to extend be∣yond due limits to the impeachment of the Lawes and Sub∣jects hereditary liberties, not out of any zeale to his Majesties service, but onely to advance their owne Episcopall power and Jurisdiction, and to usurpe a more than Royall or Papall authority over all his Majesties Subjects for the present, and over himselfe at last; I shall make bold to present them with some particular instances, whereby I shall demonstrate, that all or most of our present Lordly Bishops have beene more se∣ditious, contumacious, disloyall and injurious to his Majesties royall prerogative, more oppressive to his Loyall Subjects, and more destructive to the fundamentall Lawes of the Realme, and liberties of the Subject, than all other professions of men what∣soever.

[unspec 1] For first, they have presumed to keepe Consistories, Visita∣tions, Synods, and exercise all manner of Episcopall Jurisdi∣ction in their Diocesse without his Majesties speciall Letters Patents, or Commissions under the great Seale of England, au∣thorizing them to doe it, contrary to the Statutes of 26. Hen. 8. c. 1.37. Hen. 8. c. 17. 1 Ed. 6. c. 2. 1. Eliz. c. 1.5 Eliz. c. 1. and 8. Eliz. c. 1.

[unspec 2] Secondly, they have dared to make out all their Processes, Ci∣tations, Excommunications, Suspensions, Sentences, Pro∣bates of Wills, Letters of Administation, Writs of Iure Pa∣tronatus, accounts of Executors, and the like in their owne names and Stiles, and under their owne Seales alone, not the Kings, as if they were the onely Kings, the Supreame Ecclesia∣sticall heads and Governours of the Church of England, not his Majesty, contrary to the Statutes of 37. H. 8. c. 17. 1 Ed. 6. c. 2. 1 Eliz. c. 1. 1 Jac. c. 25.

Thirdly, they have presumed in (x) 6.796 Printed Bookes to justi∣fie [unspec 3] these proceedings to be Lawfull; and not content herewith,

they have most audaciously caused all the Judges of England to resolve, and moved his Majestie to d••clare and proclaime these their disloyall unjust usurpations on his Crowne to be just and legall; when as I dare make good the contrary, against all the Prela••es and Lawyers of England, and have done it in part, in my Breviate of the Prelates intolerable incroachments upon the Kings Prerogative royall and the Subjects Liberties. This resolu∣tion of ••he Judges against the Kings Prerogative the Prelates have caused to be (y) 6.797 ••nrolled both in the High Commission at Lambeth and Yorke and in all their Ecclesiasticall Courts throughout England in perpetuam rei memoriam, the Arch-bishop of Canterbury keeping the Originall certificate of the Judges among the records of his Court, as a good evidence against his Majesty and his successors.

Fourthly, they have pillored, stigmatized, banished, close [unspec 4] imprisoned, and cut off the eares of those who have opposed these their encroachments upon his Majesties Prerogative Royall, according to their Oath and duty, to deterre all others from defending his Majesties Title.

Fifthly, they have taken upon them to make, Print and pub∣lish [unspec 5] in their owne names, by their owne authorities, without his Majesties or the Parliaments speciall License, new Visita∣tion Oathes, Articles, Injunctions, Canons, Ordinances, Rites, and Ceremonies; enforced them on Ministers, Church Wardens, Sidemen and others, and excommunicated, suspended, silenced, f••ned, imprisoned and persecuted his Majesties faithfull, and loyalest Subjects for not submitting to them, contrary to the Sta∣tutes of 25. H. 8. c. 19.21.27. H. 8. c. 15.3 Ed. 6. c. 10.11. 1 Eliz. c. 2.13 Eliz. c. 12. Magna Charta, c. 29. and the Petition of Right.

Sixthly, they have presumed to grant Licenses to marry [unspec 6] without banes, and to eate flesh on fasting dayes in their owne names; a Prerogative peculiar to the King alone; who onely can dispense with penall Lawes, and the booke of Common Prayer, which (z) 6.798 enjoyne no marriages to be solemnized, unlesse the Banes be first thrice asked in the Church.

Seventhly, they have adventured to hold plea of divers cases in their Consistories of which the Conusance belongs onely [unspec 7] to the Kings temporall Courts; which the formes of Pro••ibiti∣ons, and Ad Iura Regia in the (a) 6.799 Register, determine, to be a

dis-inheriting of the Kings Crowne and Royall dignity, a contempt, derogation, and grievous prejudice to his Royall authority, and in∣tolerable rebellion, affront, disloyalty and contu••acy to his Soveraigne Iurisdiction.

[unspec 8] Eighthly, they have stopped the current of the Kings owne Prohibitions to their Ecclesiasticall spitefull Courts, in cases where they have beene usually granted in former ages, even in times of Popery, and of the most domineering Prelates; and oft questioned, threatned, convented the Kings Judge•• before the King and Lords of the Councell for granting them. An in∣solency and affront to Soveraigne Justice, which no former ages can Parallell.

[unspec 9] Ninthly, they have disobeyed his Majesties Prohibitions, proceeded in contempt and despite of them; yea they have committed divers to prison who have sued for, and delivered Prohibitions in a faire dutifull manner in the High Commission Court, and Articled against one Mr. Iohn Clobery in the High Commission, onely for suing out of a Prohibition to that Court, as if it were a Capitall o••fence. For which contum••cy and Re∣bellion their temporalities might bee justly seised into the Kings hands, and themselves attainted in a Pre••unire Adde to this, that the now Archbishop of Canterbury hath many times openly protested in Court; that he would breake both the necke and backe of Prohibitions.(b) 6.800 And Matthew Wren whilst Bishop of Norwich, in the 14. yeare of his M••jesties reigne, procured his Majestie to declare under his Highnesse great Seale of England, his royall pleasure; That if any person within the sayd City of Nor∣which should refuse to pay according to the rate of two shillings the pound in lieu of the Tithes of Houses, unto the Minister of any Parish within the sayd City, that the same should be heard in the Court of Chancery, or in the Consistory of the Bishop of Norwich. And that in such Case no Prohibition should be granted against the said Bishop of Norwich their Chancellors, or Commissaries in the sayd Courts of Consistory.

[unspec 10] Tenthly, they h••ve disobeyed and contemned his Majesties just and lawfull-commands, in a most p••remptory and insolent manner, of which I shall give onely one memorable instance. His Majesty about the yeare of our Lord 1629. taking notice of the Bishops Non-residence from their Bishoprickes, and how they lived for the most part idlely in London, hunting after

new prefe••ments, to the ill example of the in••erior Cl••rgi••, the delapidation and ruine of their mansion houses, the decay of Hospitality, the impairing of their woods and temporalties, the increase of Popery and decrease of Religion; was pleased to send a letter to Doctor Abbot, then Arch-Bishop of Canterbury for the redresse of the sayd inconveniences, commanding him in his Royall name, to enjoyne every Bishop then residing about Lon∣don, upon his Canonicall Obedience, under paine of his Majesties dis∣pleasure forthwith to repaire to his Bishopricke, and no longer to abide about London. The Arch-Bishop hereupon, sends his Secretary with this his Majesties Letter, to the Bishops then in London and Westminster; charging them upon their Canonical Obedience, ac∣cording to this Letter, presently to depart to their several Bisho∣prickes. His Secretary repaired with this Letter and the Arch-bishops instructions to Dr Howson, the Bp of Durham lodging on Snowhill, neare Sepulchers Church, and required him in the Arch-bishops name by vertue of his Canonicall obedience, to repaire to his Bishoprick according to his Majesties command. He here∣upon in a great rage giving the Secretary some harsh words, told him plainly, that he neither would nor could obey this mandate, for he had many great suits in Law with Sr Henry Martyn, and others, of w^ch be would ••ee an end ere he departed London; besides he had not as yet furnished his house at Durham, for his entertainment, that it was a great way to Durham, the wayes somewhat foule, the weather cold, and ••imself aged; wherefore he neither would nor could goe out of Towne till the next Summer, if then, come what would: and bid him returne this answere to the Arch-bishop. Neither could the Secretary (who perswaded him to send a milder answere, and to sue to his Majestie for License to abide in Towne) obtaine any other resolution from this Cholericke Prelate. From him he repaired to Doctor Buckeridge, Bishop of Ely, at Ely house in Holburne, acquainting him with this his Majesties Letter, and comman∣ding him by his Majesties Order upon his Canonicall obedi∣ence, to repaire forthwith to his Bishopricke, according to his Majesties command. But this dutifull Prelategrew more Cholericke than the former, answering him to this effect: Let who would obey this Command, yet he would not: what, sayd he, have I lately bestowed almost 500. l. in repairing and furnishing my house, here in London, to make it fit for my habitation, and must I now be Commanded to depart from it, and sent into the cold wa••••y

rotten fens of Ely, to impaire my health and kill me up quite? I will not be so served nor abused. And therefore tell your Lord from me, that I take it ill ••e should send me such a Command, and that I will not goe from my house to Ely for his or any other mans pleasure. The Se∣cretary thereupon desired his Lordship to take notice, that it was his Majesties pleasure he should depart to his Bishopricke, as well as the Arch-bishops, who did no more than he was en∣joyned by the King, whose mandate hee hoped his Lordship would obey, however he neglected or disobeyed the Arch-bi∣shops Command, which yet was not to be slighted, being his Metropolitan. In conclusion, the Bishop told him plainely, he would obey neither the one nor other, and that he would not stirre out of London all the winter till the spring, if then. The Secretary wondring at these two Bishops strange disobedience, and con∣tumacy both in words and deeds, departes from them to Bi∣shop Harsnet, and Bishop Field, with his Letter and instructi∣ons, who gave him the like answers in effect, though in calmer Termes, not one of them stirring from London, either upon the Kings Letter, or Arch-bishops Command, for all their Oath of Allegiance to the King, and of Canonicall obedience to the Arch-Bishop. If then these late Prelates have beene so Rebelli∣ous, so contumacious, both against his Majesties and their Me∣tropolitanes commands, when they required them onely to reside on their Bishoprickes, as the Law of God, the Statutes of the Realme, the Canons of the Church in all ages, yea the very Canon Law it selfe, enjoyne them to doe, under paine of mortall sinne; What Rebels, and disobedient Varlets would they have proved, thinke you, in matters and commands lesse reasonable?

[unspec 11] Eleventhly, our Prelates have beene strangely Rebellious, contumacious, and disloyall above all other Subjects, in sligh∣ting, vilifying, affronting the Kings owne Letters Patents, and frustrating his Subjects of the benefit of them. Thus Doctor Young Deane of Winchester was put by the Mastership of Saint Crosses, though granted him by Patent, that Doctor Lewis, who left his Provostship in Oriel Colledge in Oxford with other pre∣ferment, and fled into France for buggery as was reported; might be thrust in. So Doctor Manwering, publickely censured in Parliament for a Seditious Sermon, and made unca∣pable of any preferment, by the sentence of the House, was

immediately after the Parliament ended, thrust into a living of three hundred pound per annum, by our Prelates; and hee who had the grant of the next advowson by Patent put by. Thus divers others have beene thrust by such places as the King himselfe hath granted them by Patent by our Omnipo∣tent Prelates, to advance those of their own saction, yea one of them hath not stucke to say, that had the King himselfe granted a Patent for the Execution of Writs of Capias Excommunicatum to some who had long sued for it, that he would make the King recall it, or in case he would not, he would withstand and not obey it. Nay, we know, that though the Lord Majors of London, by Patent, and prescription time out of minde, as the Kings Leiutenants and Vicegerents, have used to carry up their swords before them in Pauls Church-yard and Church, yet a proud ambitious Pre∣late, not long since•• questioned him for doing it before the Lords of the Privie Councell, as if the Kings sword of Iustice, had nothing to doe within that Precinct but onely the Bishops Cro∣sier. Neither hath the City of Yorke scaped Scotfree: for the Bishops and Pre••ends of that City have contested with the Citizens of Yorke, even in his Majesties presence, about those Liberties which both his Majestie himselfe but five yeares be∣fore, and his royall Ancestors had anciently granted to them, by severall Charters in expresse words; endeavouring to nul∣lifie and repeale their Patent, and caused the Major of Yorke not to beare his sword within the close, as he and his predeces∣sors had usually done, (and that by speciall Charter) from Ri∣chard the seconds time, till of late. Since that the now Arch-bishop of Canterbury hath had contests with the University of Cambridge touching their Charters and Priviledges which must all stop to adore his greatnesse, contesting even before the King and Lords with that Universitie and Oxford too, whether he as Arch-bishop, or his Majestie as King, should be their Vi∣sitor. Now what greater affront almost can there be to royall Majestie, than thus publikely to nullifie, oppose and spurne under feete the Kings owne Charters and Patents, as things of no value or moment.

Twelfthly, they have most contemptuously affron••ed his [unspec 12] Majesties owne late royall Declarations to all his Loyall Subjects, both before the 39. Articles of Religion, & concerning the disso∣lution of the last Parliament, in the very highest degree, and that,

• [unspec 1] First, in their Court Sermons before his Majesties face.
• [unspec 2] Secondly, In bookes lately written, or publickely authori∣zed by them and their Chaplaines for the Presse.
• [unspec 3] Thirdly, By their Visitation Oathes and Articles.
• [unspec 4] Fourthly, by their late Injunctions, Censures, Orders and instructions, by, and in all which they have notoriously op∣pugned, innovated, altered both the established Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England sundry wayes, caused an apparent back••liding to Arminianisme, Popery, Superstition, Schisme, oppressed and grieved his Majesties good Subjects, and deprived many of them both of their livings, liberties, and freedome of their Consciences, contrary to the expresse Pro∣vision, Letter and purport of these his Majesties Royall Decla∣••ions, as hath beene lately manifested in sundry new Printed bookes, and voted by the Present Parliament.

[unspec 13] Thi••teenthly, They have caused some grand Juries, and the Judge himselfe as well as the prosecutor, to be Pursevanred in∣to the High Commission, onely for finding a verdict upon an Indictment for the King•• against Innovating Clergie men, as they were bound to doe both in Law and Conscience. Wit∣nesse the Case of Master Aske, late Recorder of Colchester, Mr. Burroughs, and the grand Jury of that Towne, who were thus vexed for finding an Indictment against Par••on Newcoman, for refusing to deliver the Sacrament to those who came not up to his new raile. And no doubt the Bishops secret Commands and Instructions, were the Originall cause that moved Sir * 6.801 Robert Berkely Knight, one of the Judges of the Kings Bench at the Generall Sessions at Har••ford in Ianuary 7. 1638. to fine Mr. Henry Browne, one of the grand Jury men at that Sessions, and lay him in Irons one night, onely for finding an Indict∣ment for rayling in the Communion Table at Hartford Altar∣wise, which indictment he caused the said Brown openly to teare & trample under his feete, and one tha•• stayed other indictments of this nature, in high affront bo••h o•• Law and Justice, onely to please the Prela••es, whose commands, threates, and persecu∣tions, have beene the Originall causes of most of the Judges irregular proceedings.

Fourteenthly, They have not onely cited, but censured some of his Majesties Officers in the High-Commission, for executing his Lawes according to their Oath and duty, as the

Major of Arundell for punishing a drumken Minister: and likewise ci••ed Mr. Staple a Justice of peace in Sussex into the High-Co••mission for giving in charge at the quarter Sessions his 〈…〉〈…〉 against Innovations, and deaucht Clergie men.

Fift••••n••hly•• ••hey have most unjustly caused some Posters to be ••••opped af••••r ••••••dicts ••ound for the plaintiffes and damma∣ges [unspec 15] given by ••he Jury upon ••ul•• hearing, for Actions justly bro••ght agai••s•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of ••h••ir Officers, for dafamations, and o∣ther 〈…〉〈…〉, so that the Plaintiffes could never get judgement•• w••••nesse ••he case of Master Bayton, against Doctor Martyn Com••••ssary of Tomes and others.

Sixtee••••hly, they haue caused some Solliciters, Atturnies [unspec 16] and Pla••n••iffes to be imprisoned, untill they gave over such just actions as they had commenced and prosecuted against their Office••s, for Extortions, Opressions, and unjust Excommuni∣••ations, witnesse the case of Ferdinando Adams, whose Attur∣ny Master Letchford was committed to the Kings Bench, by Judge Iones and some other Judges, only for bringing an Acti∣on of the Case, against Dade the the Bishop of Norwich, Com∣missary at Ipswich for Excommunicating him maliciously and unjustly, because he re••used to blot out this Text of Scripture written over the Commissaries Court in Saint Maries Church in Ipswich,* 6.802 It is written, My house shall be called an house of Prayer of all Nations, but ye have made it a den of theeves: detaining him in prison till he gave over the prosecution and discontinued the suite: sundry others having since beene served in this kinde, by the Prelates sollicitation.

Seventeenthly, They have beene the Originall occasions of [unspec 17] the late unhappy warre and differences betweene Scotland and England, which they stiled Bellum Episcopale, the Bishops warre, to which they liberally contributed themselves, and enforced others to do the like, when these differences were comprimised, and this warre happily concluded in peace, they were the chiefe Authors of the breach of the pacifica••ion formerly made, and of a second warre, to the great danger, trouble, and unsup∣portable charge o•• his Majesties three kingdomes.

Eighteenthly, they have beene the prime causes of all, or [unspec 18] most of the grievances, pressures, distractions, Schismes in our Church and Common-weale, and chiefe instruments of the 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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unhappy breaches of our former Parliaments, to the infinite prejudice both of King and Subject.

[unspec 19] Ninteenthly, when as they had caused the last Parliament but this to be dissolved, to manifest their omnipotency, disloy∣alty and tyranny, they caused a new Convocation to be imme∣diately assembled without a Parliament, wherein they compi∣led and prescribed New Canons, with an &c. Oath, tending highly to the derogation of his Majesties prerogative royall in Ecclesiasticall matters, the subversion of the ••undamentall Lawes of the Realme and Liberties of the Subject, the affront of Parliaments, the suppression of all faithfull ministers, and ayming onely at the perpetuating of their owne Episcopall Lordly power, and Popish Innovations. And as if this were not sufficient, they tooke upon them to grant sundry subsidies without a Parliament, for the maintenance of a new war against the Scots, and enjoyned all Ministers to pay these Subsidies peremptorily at the dayes assigned by them, under paine of present deprivation for the first default, Omni Appellatione se∣mota, without any benefit of appeale, one of the highest straines of tyranny and injustice, that ever I have met with. For which Canons Oath, and Subsidies, they now stand impeached by the whole house of Commons, as delinquents in a high nature, and are like ere long to receive condigne punishment.

Twentiethly, it is very suspicious, that they or some of them, [unspec 20] had a hand in the late dangerous Treason and Conspiracie, since the * 6.803 first clause of the Oath of Se••recy administred to the Conspirators was, To maintaine the Bishops in their functions, and votes in Parliament, and the Clergie would at their owne charge (as Serjant Major Wallis confesseth in his examination) maintaine a thousand horse to promote this Trayterous designe, and have now (as some report) an hundred thousand pound ready for such a service.

In the twentieth one place, they have oppressed and ruined divers of his Majesties Loyall Subjects, Ministers and others, [unspec 21] both in their bodies, estates, credits, families; caused many thousands of them to forsake the Realme, and to transport their families into forraine parts, to the great decay of trade, and impoverishing of the Realme. In which they have done his Majestie great dis-service, whose Honour and safety consists in the multitude and wealth of his people,* 6.804 and his destruction in want of people.

In the twenty second ranke, they have most undutifully and [unspec 22] disloyally cast the odium of all their late Innovations in Religi∣on, their new Canons and tyrannicall exorbitant proceedings, on his Majestie, proclaiming it openly to the people, that all they did, was onely by his Majesties speciall direction and command, of purpose to alienate the hearts of the people from his Majestie, as much as in them lay.

In the twenty third place, they and their Officers have [unspec 23] sorely fleeced and impoverished his Majesties Subjects in such sort by exacted Fees, and vexatio••s suites in their Visitations, High-Commissions, and other Ecclesiasticall Courts, and by putting them to unnecessary costs for raising and rayling in Comm••nion Tables, and new adorning their Churches, that they are unable to supply his Majesties and the Kingdomes necessi∣ties in that liberall proportion as they have formerly done; the late Subsidies scarce amounting to halfe that summe, as they did in former times.

Finally, in their last High-Commission Pa••ent they obtained [unspec 24] this strange Non-obstante (which robs the King of his Supre∣macy, and the Subjects of their Lawes and Liberties) namely, That their Lordships in all Ecclesiasticall causes specified in that Commission might proceede in a meere arbitrary manner, as they list themselves, Notwithstanding any Appellation, provocation, privi∣ledge, or exemption, in that behalfe to be had, made, pretended or al∣leadged, by ANY PERSON OR PERSONS (therefore by Lords and Peeres as well as others) resident or dwelling in any place or places, exempt or not exempt within the Realmes of England and Ireland and Principality of Wales (for no les••er circuite would content them) and all Lawes, Statutes, Proclamations, or other grants Priviledges, or Ordinances, which be or may seeme contrary to the premises notwithstanding. What * 6.805 Matthew Paris writes of the Popes Non-obstantees in his Bulls, which first begar them, Per illud verbum & adjectionem detestabilem Non Obstante, omnem ••xtinguit justitiam praehabitam: I may more truely affirme of this, that it extinguisheth all Iustice; yea his Majesties Suprema∣cy, our fundamentall Lawes, Statutes, and the Subjects Liber∣ties, since it robs the King of the Regall right of * 6.806 receiving appeales as supreame head of the Church of England, for releese of his oppressed Subjects, and of the honour of his Royall Lawes, Proclamations, grants, exemptions, which must all stoope to

the Prelates pleasures; and strips the Subjects naked of the be∣nefit and protection of all Lawes, Statutes, Proclamations, and o∣ther grants, priviledges, Ordinances or exemptions whatsoever, which might shelter them from the Prelates tyranny and oppressions. So that you have here the very height of Treason, Conspiracy, and Contumacy, against his Majestie, the Lawes of the Realme and hereditary liberties of the people.

In all these respects (to omit other particulars) our Prelates if they be not direct Traytors to his Majestie and the Realme, so farre as to incurre a Capitall Censure, as is more than proba∣ble, or at least a Praemunire, of which there is no question; yet I dare averre they are the most notorious Rebels, the ob∣stinatest contemners, enemies and oppugners of his Majesties Royall Prerogative, the Fundamentall Lawes of the Realme, and just Liberties of the Subject, this day breathing; inferiour to none of their predecessors in contumacy and disobedience to their Soveraigne and our Lawes (what ever they prete••d) and exceeding them in many particulars.

Having thus I hope sufficiently answered all our Prelates Ar∣guments for the supportation, and continuance of their Lord∣ly Prelacy in our Church, and their Evasions to shift off this Antipathy as no way pertinent unto them; give me leave onely to observe these sixe remarkeable Circumstances in our Prelats premised Treason, Conspiracies and Rebellions, which high∣ly aggravate their offences, and make them farre more execrable Traytors, Rebels, and delinquents, than all other rankes of men; and then I shall conclude.

• [unspec 1] First, they have presumed to justifie their Treasons and Re∣bellions, against their Soveraignes, as pious, religious, holy and commendable actions, and to Canonize these Episcopall Arch-Traytors and Rebells, not onely for chiefe pillars, patri∣ots and defenders of the Churches Liberties, but even for holy Saints and Martyrs, as appeares by the examples of * 6.807 Dunstan, Anselme, Becket, Edmund of Canterbury, Hugh of Lincolne, S. Ger∣main 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Richard Scroope of Yorke, with others: no Laymen having yet beene so happy, as for their Treasons and Rebellions onel••, or especially, to bee Sainted and adored, as many Bishops and Clergie men have beene. Hence Doctor Barnes in his Supplication to King Henry the 8. p. 190. writes thus, I would not speake how damnable it is to institute Masses, for a

• willing Traytor, and murtherer, there was never no learning that could allow this. But there is no remedy, he that dyes against his King, and for the maintaining of your Treason, must needes be a Saint, if Masses, blessings, and miracles will helpe; for all these bee at your Commandment, to give where your list. So that we poore men, must be accused of insurrection and Treason, and we must beare all the blame, we must be driven out of the Realme, we must be bur∣ned for it, when as God knowes there is no people under heaven, that more abhorreth and with earnester ••eart resisteth, and more dili∣gently doth preach against disobedience than we doe: yea, I dare say boldly, let all your bookes be searched, tha•• were written this 500. yeares, and all they shall not declare the authority of a Prince, and the true obedience toward him, as one of our little bookes shall doe, that be condemned by you for heresie, and all this will not helpe us. But as for you, you may preach, you may write, you may doe, you may sweare against your Princes, and also assoile all other men of their obedience towards their Princes, you may compell Princes to be sworne to you, and yet are you children of obedience and good Christi∣an men. And if ye dye for this doctrine then is there no remedy, but you must be Saints, and rather than faile ye shall doe miracles: which he proves by the example of Thomas Becket & of Germane formerly cited, who was made a Saint for deposing King Vorti∣ger, and making his Neat-heard King in his steed. These shame∣full and abominable things doe ye prayse and allow, and in the meane time condemne us for heretickes and Traytors.
• Secondly, in interceding for, saving, rescuing, protecting, [unspec 2] rewarding Trayterous and Rebellious Bishops, after their Treasons and Rebellions committed, and warding off the sword of Justice from their Mitred Pates (though worthy of ten thousand deaths) when as all others Peeres or Commons whom they have drawne into their Treasons, Rebellions, and Conspiracies have beene sure to suffer the rigor of Justice, without any mitigation or pardon; this most of the premised in∣stances witnesse, especially that of Adam de Tarlton, Part. 1. p 54.55.56.57.265.266.
• Thirdly, in mincing, extenuating, excusing, and patroni∣zing [unspec 3] the Treasons, Conspiracies and Rebellions of Prelates, and referring them to the Pope or their owne Ecclesiastical-Tribunalls, that so they might scape unpunished•• a priviledge and tricke of Episcopall Leger-de-maine, that no Layman

• was capable of, but onely Bishops and Clerkes.
• [unspec 4] Fourthly, in slandering, reviling, censuring, excommunica∣ting their Princes, together with ••heir Judges and Officers, for the execution of Justice on Bishops, who have beene Arch-Rebells, Traytors and Conspirators; as appeares by the exam∣ples of * 6.808 Richard Scroope and others: which story of Scroope Doctor Barnes thus descants on in his Supplication to King Hen∣ry the 8. p. 188.189. Doe you not remember, how that in the dayes of Henry the fourth, a captaine of your Church, called Richard Scroope Archbishop of York, did gather an Host of men, and waged battle against his King? but God the Defendor of his Ruler, gave the King the victory, which caused the Traytor to be beheaded. And then your fore-fathers with their devil∣lish cra••t, made the people beleeve by their false Chronicle, that at every stroke that was given at the Bishops necke, the King received another of God in his necke. And whereas the King was afterward stricken with a sickenesse, you made him and all his Subjects beleeve, that it was Gods punishment, be∣cause he had killed the Bishop: and not thus content, but you fained after his death, that he did miracles. Is not this too much, both to be Traytors to your King, and also to faine God to be displeased with your King for punishing of Treason? Finally, to make him a Saint, and also that God had done mi∣racles to the defending of his Treason? How is it possible to invent a more pestilent Doctrine than this is? Here is Gods Ruler despised, and hereby is open Treason maintained: Thinke you that God will shew miracles to fortifie these things? But no doubt the Proverbe is true, Such lippes, such Lettuce, such Saints, such miracles.
• [unspec 5] Fifthly, in persisting most peremptorily in Treasons, Rebel∣lions, contests and Conspiracies against their Princes, without yeelding or intermission till they had obtained their demaunds and desires of them insteed of craving pardon of them, all which the premises evidence to the full in Anselme, Becket, Langton, Stafford and others.
• [unspec 6] Sixthly, in enforcing their Soveraignes against whom they conspired, rebelled, and practised divers horrid Treasons and Contumacies, to submit, nay seeke to them for pardon, and to undergoe such sharpe censures, such ••orbid, infamous, harsh pu∣nishments, covenants and conditions, as are inconsistent with

• Monarchy, honour, Soveraignty, as in the case of Henry the se••cond, King Iohn and others. In these sixe respects, our Lordly Bishops have transcended all other Traytors, Rebels, Conspi∣rators, and Seditious persons whatsoever; as also in Censuring Loyalty * 6.809 for Heresie, true Subjects to their Princes for Heretickes; and Canonizing High Treason, Rebellion against Emperours, Kings, Princes, for Orthodox faith; notorious Traytors and Rebels, for good Christians and true beleevers; as appeares in the Case of Hilde∣brand and his Hellish crew of Bishops, who branded Henry the Emperour and those who sided with him, for Heretickes, and their Loyalty for Heresie, in the Case of Henry the second and King Iohn in their difference with Anselme, Becket, and Langh∣ton. In imitation of whom our present Prelates now slander those who oppugne a••d withstand their encroachments upon the Kings prerogative Royall, with odious termes of Puritans, Novellers, Seditious persons, Schismatickes, Rebels, and brand Loyalty, and true allegiance to the King, with the termes of Fa∣ction, Schisme, Sedition, Novelty, and Rebellion.

You have seene now a large Anatomy of our Lordly Pre∣lates desperate Treasons, Conspiracies, Rebellions, Contu∣macies, Warres, disloyall oppressive practises in all ages a∣gainst our Kings, Kingdomes, Lawes, Liberties: which duly pondered, we may easily conclude, there is little cause any longer to tolerate them in our Church or State, but great ground eternally to extirpate them out of both. It is storyed of the people of* 6.810 Biscany in Spaine, That they have such a natu∣rall enmity against Bishops, that they will admit no Bishops to come among them, and that when Fe••dinand the Catholicke came in Progresse into Biscany, accompanyed with the Bishop of Pampilone, the people rose up in Armes, drove backe the Bishop out of their Coast, and gathering up all the dust they thought he or his Mule had trod on, threw it into the Sea with curses and imprecations. I dare not say, that our people should rise up in Armes like these Biscaners, and drive out our Bishops, God forbid any such Tumultuous, or Seditious pra∣ctise: but this I dare confidently averre, that his Majestie and our High Court of Parliament, have farre greater reason to drive, and extirpate them out of our Realme and Church, even with curses and execrations, and to subvert their Sees in an orderly, just, and legall way, than these Biscaners had to

repulse this Bishop, who entered thus into their Country, one∣ly to accompany Ferdinand in his progresse, not to play the Lord Bishop among them.

I shall close up all with the words of Musculus, a Lear∣ned forraigne Protestant Divine; who after he had large∣ly proved by Scriptures and Fathers, That Bishops and Presbyters by Divine right are both one, and of equall au∣thority, and that the difference betweene them was onely a humane institution to prevent Schismes, concludes thus. * 6.811 Whether o•• no this Counsell hath profited the Church of God, whereby such Bishops who should be greater than Pres∣byters were introduced, rather our of Custome (that I may use the words of Hierome) than out of the truth of the Lords institution, is better declared in after ages, than when this custome was first brought in; to which we owe all that insolency, opulency and tyranny of Princely and Lordly Bishops; imo omnem corruptionem Ecclesiarum Christi; yea all the corruption of the Churches of Christ; which if Hierome should now perceive, without doubt he would acknowledge this, not to be the Counsell of the Holy-Ghost, to take away Schismes, as was pretended; but of the * 6.812 Devill himselfe, to waste and destroy the ancient Offices of feeding the Lords ••locke; by which it comes to passe, that the Church hath not true Pastors, Doctors, Elders, and Bi••hops, but Idle bellies, and magnificent Princes under the vizors of these names, who not onely neglect to feede the people of the Lord in proper person with wholesome and Apostolicall doctrine, but also by most wicked violence take speciall care, that no man else may doe it. This verily was done by the * 6.813 Counsell of Satan, that the Church in stead of Bishops should have powerfull Lords and P••inces, elected for the greatest part out of the Order of the Nobles and Princes of the world, (as they are in Germany) who under-propped with their owne and their kindreds power, may domineer over the flocke of Christ at their pleas••re. And with the complaint of the Emperour Lewis the fourth, and the German Princes against the Italian and German Lordly Prelates, which I may justly accomodate to ours. * 6.814 Flamines isti Babyloniae soli regnare cupiunt; ferre pa∣rem n••n possunt; non desistent, donec omnia pedibus suis concul∣caverint, atque in Templo Dei s••deant, ext••llanturque supra omne

id quod colitur. Sub Pontificis titulo, pastoris pelle, lupum saevis∣simum, nisi caeci sumus, sentimus. Cum nostri servi sint, ipsi do∣minari contra jus gentium, adversus leges, auspicia & Oracula di∣vina, Dominos, sibi servire volunt. Caesarem Italia, Roma, Chri∣stum terris exclusere: illi coelum quidem permittunt, inferos atque terras sibi asseruere.

Bernard Epist. 158.

Quid spirituali gladio, quid censurae Ecclesiasticae, quid Chri∣stianae legi & Disciplinae, quid denique divino timori relinquitur, si metu potentiae secularis nullus mu••ire jam audeat contra insolenti∣am Praelatorum?

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Godwin Cat. p. 200 Holinshed. p. 36. Rog••re de Hoveden Anna••lium pars prior p. 472. Matth. Paris Hist. Ang. p. 61. Matth. West. An. 1109. p 26. Eadmerus. Hist. Novorum. l. 4. p. 95.96. & Iohannes Se••∣deni spici••egium, ibid. p. 209. ••o 213•• & 165•• to 169.
• 1 1.2

  HERVAEVS.
• * 1.3

  NIG••LLVS••
• * 1.4

  Godwin. Ca••. p. 201.
• * 1.5

  Matth West. Anno. 1139. p. 36.
• * 1.6

  Hist. Ang. p. 74.
• * 1.7

  Matth. Paris Hist. Ang p. ••47. Godwin. ca•• p. 202.
• 3 1.8

  GEOFFRY RYDEL.
• * 1.9

  WILLIAM LON••CHAMP.
• * 1.10

  H••veden. Annal. pars ••este∣rior p. 687.700 to 708.718.719 720.735.663 680. &c. Nubrigen. Hist. l. 4 c. 14.15.16 17.18. Matth. Paris Hist. Ma∣jor. p. 151.155.156.157.160•• 161 Fox Acts and Monum••n••••. p: 114: 2••3.224. Godw. Cat p. 247. to 261 Holinshed. p. 21.129.130.131.132. Speed. p. 531: &c.
• * 1.11

  The fruit of Clergy mens, ha∣ving both tem∣porall and spi∣rituall jurisdi∣ction.
• * 1.12

  It was treason then to resist this proud Prelates will.
• * 1.13

  Note the m••s∣chiefe of Pre∣lates temporall and secular Iu∣risd••ction com∣bined.
• * 1.14

  Matth. West. An. 1191 p. 6••.
• * 1.15

  This is the com∣mon fate of ill Officers wh••n in disgrace.
• * 1.16

  See Fox, vol. 1. p. 319.320.321.
• * 1.17

  Hoveden, Annal pars p••∣stirior. p. 735••
• 5 1.18

  EVSTACHI∣VS.
• * 1.19

  Matth West. Anno. 1208. p. 86. Matth. Paris Anno. 1208. p. 217.318. God. ••at. p. 261. Holinsh p. 171 172. &c.
• * 1.20

  Matth•• Paris Hist. Aug. pag. 969.906.921. Godw. Cat. p. 209.
• 6 1.21

  HVGH BALSAM.
• * 1.22

  Matth. Paris p. 600.
• * 1.23

  Matth. Paris p. 921.
• 7 1.24

  THOMAS LILDE.
• * 1.25

  Godw•• Cat p. 269.270.271.272.
• * 1.26

  William Hari∣son Hist. l. 2. c. 1. p. 143.144. Godw. Cat. p. 269.270.271.272. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 271.272.273.274. Holinsh. p. 391.392. ••hom. Walsing••. Anno. 1358. Hist. A••gl. p. 165. Ypodigma Ne••∣••triae. p. 125.
• 8 1.27

  IOHN HORDHAM
• * 1.28

  Th••mas Wa••si. Hist. ••ngl. p. 365. Ypodigma. N••ustriae, p. 142
• 9 1.29

  NICHOLAS WEST. God. p. 284.
• 10 1.30

  THOMAS THIRLBY.
• * 1.31

  Godwin. p. 225.226. Martius Hist. p. 453.
• 1 1.32

  WALTER BRONES∣COME.
• * 1.33

  Godw ••at. p. 325.327. Ho∣linsh. p. 1303.1304.
• 2 1.34

  PETER QVIVILL.
• * 1.35

  Godwin. p. 327.328.329.
• * 1.36

  Holinshed p. 338.1305. Fabian part. 7. p. 181.182. Walsingh. Hist. Ang p 104.105 Godwin. p: 330••
• * 1.37

  WALTER STAPLETON.
• 4 1.38

  IOHN GRANDISON
• * 1.39

  Antiquit. Ec∣cles. Brit p. 231.235. Walsing∣ham Hist Angl. p. 313. Godw. Cat. p. 333. Ho∣linsh p 1306.
• * 1.40

  Iohannes Exoniensis cum mi••itari, ••anu prohibu••s; cum{que} Archie••is••opus armis ••um Exo∣niensi cong••edi Statuit, re regi nunciata literis regiis revocatus, infectovisitatio∣n••s negotio ••x illa diocaesi turpiter & ignominiose recessit.
• 5 1.41

  THOMAS BRENTING∣HAM.
• * 1.42

  Godw. p. 334. Ant. Eccles Brit. p. 301.302. Walsingham. Hi. Angl. p. 373.374.
• 6 1.43

  EDMVND LACY.
• * 1.44

  Godw. Cat. p. 335. Holinshed p 637.
• 7 1.45

  GEORGE NEVILL.
• * 1.46

  Grafton 38. H. 7. p. 641. God••. p. 335.
• * 1.47

  Speeds Histo. p. 1111. Godw. Cat. p. ••37. Holinshed. p. 1306.
• 8 1.48

  IOHN VOYSEI.
• 6 1.49

  IAMES TVRBEVILL.
• * 1.50

  Martyns Hist p. 453.454. Godw p 339.
• 10 1.51

  WILLIAM COTT••N.
• * 1.52

  Sermo 77. in Cant Ad Cle∣rum conci•• in Concil•• Rhe∣mensi.
• 11 1.53

  Bishop. HALL.
• * 1.54

  See Smectym∣nius; and a vindica∣tion to the An∣swer to the hum∣ble Remon∣strance.
• * 1.55

  Godw. Cat. p. 322.
• 1 1.56

  DVNSTAN.
• * 1.57

  Holinshed. Hist. of England l. 6. c. 24. p. 436••
• * 1.58

  Acts and Mo∣numents vol. 1. p. 201.202.
• * 1.59

  Ex chronic•• Sax••nico Ec∣clesiae Wigorni∣ensis.
• * 1.60

  Ex Orb••rno in vita Dunst••n.
• * 1.61

  Dunstan refu∣seth to take the King by the hand.
• * 1.62

  The words of Dunstan to King Edgar.
• * 1.63

  Penance enjoy∣ned to King Ed∣gar to Dunstan.
• * 1.64

  King Edward reigned but three yeares crowned King.
• * 1.65

  ••lfled proved a Nun, and Ed∣ward her sonne proved a bastard,
• 2 1.66

  LIVING.
• * 1.67

  Matth West. Anno 1040. Malmesbury de Gestis Regum Angl. l. 2. c 12. p•• 77 Godw p. 436.
• 3 1.68

  ALFRED.
• * 1.69

  Speeds Hist. p. 405.411. Holinshed. l 7. c. 15. p. 1851.
• 4 1.70

  WVLSTAN
• * 1.71

  God p. 358.359.360. Malms. de Gest. Pontif. Angl. l. 4. p. 279.280.281••
• * 1.72

  Matth. West. Anno. 1066 p. 431.
• * 1.73

  Note this Speech.
• 5 1.74

  MAVGERE.
• * 1.75

  Matth•• West•• Anno. 1208•• Godw. p. 362. Matth. Paris Hist. Ang. p. 217.232. Walsing Ypodig. Neust. Anno. 1208. p. 53. Pag. 222. Matth West. Anno. 1211. 1212. p. 90.91.
• 6 1.76

  WALTER de CANTELV∣PO.
• * 1.77

  G••dw. Cat p. 363.364. Mat∣thew Paris p. 961.962.963. Holinshed. p. 265.271.
• * 1.78

  Pag•• 965.
• 11 1.79

  LEOVEGAR
• * 1.80

  Matth. Westm. Ann. 1056. p. 423. Godw. Cat p. 371.
• 2 1.81

  WALTER. 2.
• * 1.82

  Godw. Cat. p. 371.372. Mal. de G••stis Pont•• l. 4. p. 286. Po∣lychron. l. 7. c. 2. ••. 263 An. 1071
• 5 1.83

  RAYNEL∣MVS.
• * 1.84

  Malmbs. de Ge••stis Ponti••. l 4. p. 287 Godw•• p•• 373.
• 4 1.85

  GYLES de BRVSE.
• * 1.86

  Matth. Westm. Anno. 1208. 1215 Godw. p. 375.
• 5 1.87

  PETER de Egueblancke.
• * 1.88

  Matth. Paris•• p 881.882.885.886.887.903,: 907.916 917.924.934.960.961. Godw p 375. Holinsh. p. 251.252. Ann 1255 1256.
• * 1.89

  Hist. p. Angl. p. 924.934••
• 6 1.90

  ADAM de ORLETON.
• * 1.91

  Walsingh. Hist Angl. p: 98.99 101.104. Holinshed. p. 329.339.340.1245. Camd. Brit p. 375.
• 7 1.92

  IOHN BRVTON.
• * 1.93

  Harrison•• l. 2 c. 2. p•• 142.
• * 1.94

  Godw. p. 376. Sir Edwards Cookes Epistle to the 8. Report.
• 8 1.95

  IOHN ••REVENANT.
• * 1.96

  Walsing. Hist. Angl. Henricus 4th. Anno 1439. p. 401. Holinsh. p. 503.504 505.506.507.508. Speed Hist. p. 763. Godw. p. 378.
• 9 1.97

  CHARLES BOOTH.
• 20 1.98

  GEORGE COOKE.
• * 1.99

  Wigorniensis, Matth•• Westm. Matth. Paris Malmes. Hun∣tindon and Ho∣veden. Anno. 1070. Godw. p. 383.
• 1 1.100

  AGELRICK.
• 2 1.101

  RALPH.
• * 1.102

  Malmes. de Gestis Pontifi∣cum. l. 2. p. 257.25••. Eadmerus Hist. Nov••rum. l. 1.2, 3, 4. Godw. p. 384.385.
• * 1.103

  See Summa Angelica. Tit. Visita••io.
• 3 1.104

  HILARY:
• * 1.105

  Godw. p. 385.
• * 1.106

  In his excel∣lent Booke called Archaionomia p••r totum
• * 1.107

  In ••is Analect. Anglo-Brit l. 2. c. 3.6.7.
• ¶ 1.108

  History of Cambria p. 59. Howell. Dsha.
• * 1.109

  Theophra••t. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.110

  In M S. Chron. Abbatiae de Bell••••
• * 1.111

  Claus. 19. H 3 memb. 22.
• * 1.112

  M. Seldens Review of Tiths p. 491.
• * 1.113

  Videsis 3••. H. •• a••••d Matth. Paris Hist M••∣jori. an 12••5.
• * 1.114

  Selden Ibid. p. 489
• * 1.115

  G. Mal••es Hist. Novell. l. 2. p. 103 b.
• * 1.116

  De Nugis ••u∣rialium. l. 8. c. 21.
• 4 1.117

  STEPHEN BERKSTEED.
• * 1.118

  Matth. Paris p, 970. Godw p. 387. Holinsh. p. 271.
• 5 1.119

  IOHN de LANGHTON.
• * 1.120

  Godw. p. 387.
• * 1.121

  Walsing Hist. Ang••. ••n. 1388•• p. 365. Grafton 11 R. 2 ••. 37••. Godw. p. 388.
• 6 1.122

  THOMAS RVSHOCK.
• * 1.123

  11 R 2 c 6••
• 7 1.124

  ADAM MOLINS.
• * 1.125

  Godw••n. p. 389.
• * 1.126

  Holinsh. p. 951.
• 8 1.127

  RICHARD SAMPSON.
• 9 1.128

  GEORGE DAY.
• * 1.129

  Godw•• p 390.
• * 1.130

  Godw p 390. Martyns Hist. p. 452, 453, 454.
• 10 1.131

  IOHN CHRISTO∣PH••RSON.
• 11 1.132

  RICHARD MOVNTAGVE.
• * 1.133

  S••e the De∣claration for the Dissolution of the Parlia∣m••nt. p 20.21.
• * 1.134

  WALTER MALCLERKE••
• * 1.135

  Godw. p. 538.539. Matth West. An. 1233. p. 134.
• 2 1.136

  Sylvester de Everdon.
• * 1.137

  Matth. Westm. Anno. 1246. 1247. p 216. Godw. p. 539.
• 3 1.138

  THOMAS MERKES.
• * 1.139

  Godw. p. 540••541.542. Walsing. Hist. Ang. An 1490. p. 404. Gra••ton. Chron. p. 407.408.409. Speeds Histo. p. 764.765.766. Halls Chron. 1. H. 4.. F. 11. to 15. Holinsh. p 514.516.512
• 4 1.140

  OWEN OGLETHORP
• * 1.141

  Godw. p. 543. Martyns Hist. p. 452.453.454.
• 1 1.142

  IOHN de GRAY.
• * 1.143

  Hist. Angl. p. 221.222.
• * 1.144

  See Matthew Paris Hist. Angl. p. 204. to 278. Matth. West An. 1207. to 1224: Fox Acts and Monu. p 2••6 to 234.
• 2 1.145

  PANDVL∣PHVS.
• 3 1.146

  ROGER de SKERWYNG.
• * 1.147

  Matth. Paris Hist. Angl•• p. 976.977. Matth. West•• Anno. 1271. p. 351. Holish p. 275.276. God∣win p. 346.347.
• * 1.148

  ANTHONY de BECK.
• * 1.149

  Godw. p. 348.
• 5 1.150

  WILLIAM BATEMAN.
• * 1.151

  Godw. p. 349.
• 6 1.152

  HENRY SPENCER.
• * 1.153

  Walsingh. Hist. Angl p. 278.279.315.316 319. to 334.348. Speed. Hist. p. 735.537 Polichro. l. 7 c 5. f 320. Antiquit. Eccl. Brit p. 298. Holinsh p. 442.443.444.445. Godw. p. 350.351.352.
• * 1.154

  Matth Paris Hist. Angl. p. 970.971.
• * 1.155

  Fox Acts, and Monuments, vol. 1. p 613.
• * 1.156

  Ibid. Fox. vol. 1. p•• 633.
• * 1.157

  Walsing. Hist. Angliae p 312.313.314. &c.
• * 1.158

  Note this.
• * 1.159

  Note this.
• * 1.160

  Bulls.
• * 1.161

  Wal••ing. Hist. Anglicae p 278.279.
• 7 1.162

  ALEXAN∣DER.
• * 1.163

  Godw. p 35••.
• 8 1.164

  RICHARD NYX.
• * 1.165

  Godw p. 354. See a Briefe of the Prelates Incr••c••ments. &c. p. 246.247.
• 9 1.166

  IOHN HOPTON.
• * 1.167

  Godw. p. 355.
• 9 1.168

  SAMVEL HARSNET.
• 10 1.169

  D. WHITE.
• 11 1.170

  Dr. COR∣BET.
• * 1.171

  Plin. Nat. Hist. l. 7 c. 2. Herodotus l. 2.
• 2 1.172

  MATTHEW WREN.
• * 3.1

  26. H. 3 Wast. ••28.
• * 3.2

  Godw. Cata p. 256.
• 1 3.3

  HVGH NOVANT.
• * 3.4

  In his Cata. p. 256.
• * 3.5

  Roger Hoved. Annal. pars poste p. 734.737.752.776. Speed Hist•• l 9. p. 541. Matth. Paris Hist p 185•• Matth. West. Anno 1198. p. 73. Holi••sh. p. 142.147. Godw. Cat. p. 356.256.
• * 3.6

  ••alaeus Cent. 13. c 31. p•• 134••
• * 3.7

  Matthew Pa∣ris Hist. Angl. Anno. 1234. p. 381.382.383. Speeds Hist. ••. 609.610. Godw. Cat. Edit. 2. p. 321.
• 2 3.8

  ALEXAN••DER de SA∣VENSBY.
• * 3.9

  Holins••. p. 313. G••dw. p. 260. 261 Matth. West. Anno. 1301. p. 419. Walsingh. Hist. Angl. p. 68. Speeds Hist. l. 9. p. 667.
• 3 3.10

  WALTER de LANGTON
• * 3.11

  Godwin. p. 545.
• 4 3.12

  IOHN BIRD.
• * 3.13

  See Godw. Catalog. p. 545.
• 5 3.14

  CVTBERT SCOT.
• * 3.15

  Godw. Cat. p. 545.
• 6 3.16

  IOHN BRIDGMAN.
• * 3.17

  See a new Dis∣covery of the Prelates Tyrany, p. 93. to. 109.218•• to 226.
• * 3.18

  P. 93. to 109.••18. to 226.
• 1 3.19

  ROGER de CLINTON.
• * 3.20

  Godw. p. 255.
• 2 3.21

  RICHARD P••CHE.
• * 3.22

  Godw. p. 255.
• * 3.23

  Itiner. l. 2. c. 13.
• 3 3.24

  GEOFFRY BLITHE.
• * 3.25

  Godw. p. 265.
• 4 3.26

  ROBERT WRIGHT.
• 1 3.27

  Putta.
• * 3.28

  Godw. p. 392.393. Malmesbur. de Gestis Pontif. Angliae. c. 1. p. 231.
• * 3.29

  Matth. Westm. Ann. 983. pag. 379. Speed. pag. 414. Antiq. Ec∣cles. Brit. ••1. Malmesb. de Ge∣stis Regum Angl. l. 2. c. 10. p. 62. Godwin. p. 394.
• 2 3.30

  Godwin.
• 3 3.31

  Gilbert de Glanuyll.
• * 3.32

  Godwin. Cat. p. 397.398.
• 4 3.33

  Laurentius de Sancto Martino.
• * 3.34

  Matth. Pa••••••. Hist. Angl. pag. 893.917. God∣win. pag. 399.
• 5 3.35

  Iohn Fisher.
• * 3.36

  Hol••nsh. p. 936.937. Hall. An. 25. H. 8. F. 218. b. Speed p. 1029.1046. Godwin. p. 402. Bal•••••• Cent. 8. c. 68.100. Fox Acts and Mo••u∣ments Edit. 1610. p. 975.976••
• 6 3.37

  Dr. ••ol••.
• * 3.38

  See Godwins Catalogue. p. 416
• * 3.39

  Guido de Mo∣na.
• * 3.40

  Walsingham Hist. Angl. p. 419. Ypodig∣ma Neustriae. An. 1407. p: 172. Godw. p. 512.
• 1 3.41

  Oudotius.
• * 3.42

  Spelm. Concil. Tom. 1. p. 62. See Godwins. Catalogue Edit. 2. p. 517.518.519.
• * 3.43

  Spelm. ••oncil. Tom. 1•• p. 63.
• * 3.44

  Spaelmann•• Concil. Tom. 1. p. 63.64. Godwins Catalogue. Edit. 2. p. 521.
• * 3.45

  Catalogue Edit. 2. p. 517.518.519.520
• 2 3.46

  Gurcan.
• * 3.47

  Godwins Cata∣logue Edit. 2 p. 320. Spelman∣ni Concil. Tom. 1. p, 381.382.
• * 3.48

  Berthgwin. Sp••lmann•• Con. Tom. 1. p. 382.383.
• * 3.49

  Spelman. Ibid. & Godwins C••t. Edit. 2. p. 521.
• * 3.50

  Godwin. Edit. 2. p. 523. Spelmanni Con. Tom. 1. p. 383.384.
• 4 3.51

  Cercenhir
• 5 3.52

  Gulfridus.
• * 3.53

  Godwin. Edit. 2. p. 523. Spel∣manni Concil. p. 385.
• 6 3.54

  Nudde.
• * 3.55

  Godwin. Edit. 2. p. 523.
• 7 3.56

  Civeilliauc.
• * 3.57

  Spel. Concil. Tom. 1. p. 385.386.
• 8 3.58

  Pater.
• * 3.59

  Godwin. Edit. 2. p. 524.525.
• 9 3.60

  Joseph.
• * 3.61

  Godwin. Edit. 2. pag. 527.
• 10 3.62

  Herewald.
• * 3.63

  Spelmanni Concil. Tom. 1. pag. 625.626. Godwin. Edit. 2. pag. 528.
• 11 3.64

  Edmund de Bromfeild.
• * 3.65

  Godwin. Edit. 2. p. 539.
• 1 3.66

  Mauritius.
• * 3.67

  Godwin. Edit. 2. p. 536.
• 2 3.68

  Robert Shrewsbury.
• * 3.69

  Godw. Edit. 2. pag. 536.
• 3 3.70

  Richard.
• * 3.71

  Matth. Paris. p. 551.715. Godwin. Edit. 2. p. 537.547.
• * 3.72

  Godwin. Edit. 2. pag. 538.539.
• 4 3.73

  Richard Young.
• 5 3.74

  Lewis.
• * 3.75

  Walsingham. Hist. Angl. Ann. 1408. pag. 419. Ypodigma Neust. Anno 1408. p. 172. Godw. Edit. 2. p. 539. Holinsh. pag. 1408.
• 6 3.76

  Arthur Bulkly.
• * 3.77

  Trinity. 36. H. 8. R••t. 9. Godwin. Edit. 2. p. 540.
• * 3.78

  ••ohn Trevaur.
• * 3.79

  Wals. Hist. Angl. Anno 1399. 1404. p. 398.399.412.413. Ypodig. Neustriae Anno. 1404. p. 164. Godwin. Edit 2•• pag. 554. Speed. Hist. pag. 758.763. Holinsh. p. 503.504.505.506.507.508.
• * 3.80

  Holinshed. pag. 508.
• 1 3.81

  Giso.
• * 3.82

  Godwin. Edit. pag. 360, 361.
• * 3.83

  Math. Paris, pag. 217. Matth. West. Anno 1208. Godwi••. Edit. 2. pag. 107.366.
• 2 3.84

  Joceline.
• * 3.85

  Anno 1208. pag. 86, 87.
• 3 3.86

  Robert Stil∣lington.
• * 3.87

  Speeds Hist. pag. 933. H••lls Chron. 2. R. 3. fol. 25. Godwin. Edit. 2. pag. 377, 378.
• * 3.88

  Balaeus de vi∣tis Pontificum. Leo 10. Godwin. Edit 2. pag. 381, 382.
• 4 3.89

  Hadrian de Castello.
• 5 3.90

  William Barlow.
• 6 3.91

  Guilbert Bourne.
• * 3.92

  Godwins Cata∣logue, pag. 311. Martins History, pag. 452, &c.
• 7 3.93

  William Pierce.
• * 4.1

  Among these he hath suppres∣sed the Ancient weekely Lecture at the City of Bath, whither many Nobles, & other strangers resort, especially, in the spring and fall, who by rea∣son of their sick∣nesse, both desire and neede prea∣ching for the consolation and instruction of their soules, of which now they are there de••ti∣tute, to their great discomfort.
• * 4.2

  Joh. 5.14. I dare say no Com∣mentator what∣soever, ever made so ill an applica∣tion of this Text.
• † 4.3

  It appeares by Act. 20.20.31. Act. 2.46. c. 3. & 4•• & 5. Luk. 21.37.38. Joh. 8.22.19.47. 2 Tim. 4.2. by Basil. Magnus. Hexaemeron. Hom. 2.7.8.9. & Hom. in Psal. 114. by S. Chrysost. Hom. 10.22. and 34. in Gen. ad Pop. Antioch. Hom. 19.13. & 5. De sacerdotio. l. 6. Hom. de La∣zaro. by Augu∣stine Concio. 2 in Psal. 68. Tract. 16.18. & 21. in Joan. and other Fa∣thers, that Christ, his Apo∣stles and the Fa∣thers preached every day, and forenoone and afternoone on the Lords day•• how dare then this Prelate thus to affront their practise?
• * 4.4

  O Prophane impiety and injustice, to punish Ministers for preaching, Catechising, and doing that which God injoynes them!
• * 4.5

  An Impiety & prophanenesse, which no age can patterne, many Ministers have beene suspended and censured for shortning the Service, that they might preach the longer, and yet they are comman∣ded to curtall it by this Bishop, that the people might have more time to play in Gods owne day.
• * 4.6

  A pious Epis∣copall reason, fit∣ter for an Ale∣wife, than a Bi∣shop; an Athest than a Prelate.
• * 4.7

  O blasphemy! why was not the Revell rather scandalous to the text?
• * 4.8

  O the desperate impie••y and pro∣phanenesse of this Bishop, who might as well obliterate this Scripture out of the Bible, as out of the Church Wall!
• * 4.9

  This speech he borrowed from Canterbury; who might doe well to prove, that God Almighty sits actually on the Lords Table, & that as well when there is no Communion there, as when there is.
• *. 4.10

  O monstrous superstition, Sa∣criledge, and impiety, to de∣prive the people of the Sacra∣ment, because the Table stood not after his new fancy! No age I am certaine yeelds such a president.
• † 4.11

  It seemes his Lordship deligh∣ted more in pi∣ping than prea¦ching, and will have men goe merrily dancing not mourning to heaven.
• * 4.12

  Bishop Hall labours to ex∣cuse it, in his Answer to the Vindication. p. 14.15. as if the Bishop meant it only in a lesse evill constructi∣on, as referring to the Northerne rise of that quar∣rell, not to our prosecution, when as it is most clear•• by the words and ••ircumstances, that he meant quite contrary.
• * 4.13

  Which some of the County conceive hee hath pursed up or discharged his owne share in this contri∣bution there∣with.
• * 4.14

  See 31. H. 8. c. 8.34. and 35. H. 8. c. 7. Godwins Ca∣talogue, p. 403. to 413.
• * 4.15

  Godwin. Cat. p. 411.412••
• * 4.16

  Robert Wright.
• * 4.17

  Cooke.
• * 4.18

  Robert Skin∣ner.
• * 4.19

  See a Loo∣king glasse for all Lordly Pre∣lates, p. 23, 24.
• † 4.20

  Of w^ch ••o shed any on•• ••rum or drop, he holds is damnable and Sacrilegious.
• * 4.21

  See the Bistoll mens Petition to the Parliament against him, where much more is expres∣sed.
• * 4.22

  John Cham∣bers.
• * 4.23

  Godw. Cat. Edit. 2. pag. 499.
• * 4.24

  Godw. ibid.
• * 4.25

  David Poole.
• * 4.26

  William P••erce••
• * 4.27

  Lyndsey.
• * 4.28

  John.
• * 4.29

  Godwin. Cat. E∣dit. 2. pag. 495, 496.
• * 4.30

  See Fox Acts and Monu∣ments. vol. 3. p. 649. to 663.
• * 4.31

  Godfry Goodman.
• * 4.32

  Lords-day.
• * 4.33

  1 Ed. 3. c. 1. Holins. p. 328.338. to 340. Walsingham. Hist. Angl. p. 91.92.95.106. Speed. p. 674.
• * 5.1

  Eccles. 8 11.
• * 6.1

  De consider. ad Eugenium, lib. 4.
• * 6.2

  St. GERMAN.
• * 6.3

  Poly••h••••••. l. 5. c. 1. Ribaden••ira l••s fl••urs des vie•• des Saints. part 2 p. 71.72. Vincen∣tii speculum hist. l. 20. c. 11. Ant••∣ni••i chron. Tit. 11. c. 18. sect. 3. f. 51. b. See part 1. before p. 224.
• * 6.4

  See his suppli∣cation to King Henry the 8. p. 190.
• * 6.5

  ODO Bishop of Bayeux.
• * 6.6

  W••llie••mus Malmesb. De Gestis Regum Angl. l. 4. p, 120 121. Holinsherd. p. 17, 18, Henry Huntindon Hist. l. 7. p, 372, 373, &c.
• * 6.7

  Roger•••• de H••∣veden Annal. pars posterior, p. 768. to 778.795 Holinshed p. 150, 151. Neubrig. hist. l. 5. c. 22. Antiqu. ••ccles. Bri. p. 140. Mat. Westm. An. 1196 p. 71.
• * 6.8

  The Bishop of Beau••••is ••aken Prisoner••
• * 6.9

  Walter Archbi∣shop of Rhoan Normandy inter∣dicted by the Ar••hbishop of R••ven An Reg. 8. Hoveden Annal. pars. posterio, ••. 765; 76••. Mat∣thew Paris, An. 1196. p. 175. Matthew Westm, An. 1196. p. 70, 71.
• * 6.10

  Fabian•• Chron. part 7. p. 353, 354. c. 239. Po∣lychron l. 7. c. 24. Matth••w Paris, Hist. Ang. p. 137 Hoved. fol. 358. Speeds H••••t. p. 52••. sect. 88.
• a 6.11

  Holinshed his History of Scot∣land. p. 183.
• b 6.12

  Scot. chron. l. 3, c. 8.
• c 6.13

  De Gestis Scot. l. 2. c. 3.
• d 6.14

  De Brit. Eccle. primordiis p. 800
• * 6.15

  Concil p. 342.
• * 6.16

  Holyrood house builded.
• * 6.17

  Liberality in King David to∣ward the Church repro∣ved.
• * 6.18

  The Church en∣riched, and the Crowne impove∣rished.
• * 6.19

  The saying of King Iames the first.
• * 6.20

  A sore Saint. Iohn Major.
• * 6.21

  60000. pound in Lands given to the Church.
• * 6.22

  Superfluous pos∣sessions of the Church.
• f 6.23

  Will. Harinson descrip. Eng. l. 2. c. 2. p. 140.
• g 6.24

  Walsi••gham hist. Angl. p. 28. Annals of Ire∣land in Master Cambden. p. 160, 161.
• * 6.25

  Hist. Anglic p. 31, 32, 33, 34, 36
• * 6.26

  Wimundus Bi∣shop of the Iles
• * 6.27

  Hist. l. 1. c. 23, 24.
• * 6.28

  Holinshed Hist. of Scot. p. 196. Adam Bishop of Cathnes slaine by the people of ••hat Country.
• * 6.29

  Adam Bishop of Cathnes.
• * 6.30

  Streight execu∣tion.
• * 6.31

  The Stony-hill.
• * 6.32

  The Earle of Cathnes looseth his Lands.
• * 6.33

  King Alexander commended of the Pop••••
• * 6.34

  Holinsh. Histo∣ry of Scotland, p. 291.
• * 6.35

  Will. Elfing••tone Bishop of Aberdin••.
• * 6.36

  Gawin Bishop of Dunkeld.
• * 6.37

  Holish. History of Scotland, p. 307.
• * 6.38

  Martyns Hi∣story, p. 552.
• * 6.39

  Bishop of Rosse.
• * 6.40

  Iohn Scot. Roger de Hoveden Annalium pars posterior, p. 597, ••98, 599•• 614, to 617, 621.646, to 649.
• * 6.41

  H••••ed••n Annalium pars posteri••••, p. 6512 714.
• * 6.42

  H••veden ibid. p. 714.
• * 6.43

  Robert de Bruse.
• * 6.44

  Math. Westm. An. 1306. p. 456, &c.
• * 6.45

  H••linshed Hist. of Scot. p. 271.276, 277, 279. Iames K••••edie.
• * 6.46

  Graham.
• * 6.47

  Francis Thi••. his continuation of H••linsheds hi∣story of Scot∣land, p. 454, 455
• * 6.48

  H••linsh. Histo∣ry of Scotland, London, 1585. p. 282. Mr. Cambdens Scotia. p. 32, 33.
• * 6.49

  Thin. ibidem.
• * 6.50

  H••lin. History of Scotland, p. 282, 283. Le••••••us lib. 8. p. 3.18.
• * 6.51

  William Schewes
• * 6.52

  Francis Thin. Ibid.
• * 6.53

  Andrew Steward.
• * 6.54

  Francis Thin. Ibid.
• * 6.55

  Holinshed Hi••story of Scot∣land, p. 288.
• * 6.56

  Alexa. Steward,
• * 6.57

  Francis•• Thin. ibid.
• * 6.58

  Speeds history•• p. 1002. Hall•• chron. 36, H. 8. f. 255.
• * 6.59

  Less. pag. 375. Holinsh. history of Scot. p. 303, 304.
• * 6.60

  Fran. Thin Ibid.
• * 6.61

  Andr. Formam••
• * 6.62

  Francis Thin his continuation o•• Holin. history of Scot. p. 451.
• * 6.63

  Iames Beton.
• * 6.64

  Holinshed Hi••story of Scot∣land, p. 302.308
• * 6.65

  David B••t••n.
• * 6.66

  Holinsheds hi∣story of Scot∣land, p. 330. to 340. Francis Thin his continuation of th•• History of Scotland p. 452.
• * 6.67

  Bishop of R••••••e author of the Northerne, re∣bellion. an. 1569 Martin p. 552. H••linsh. p. 959.
• * 6.68

  Speed 1049, &c.
• * 6.69

  George Wischart, a learned man burnt.
• * 6.70

  Iohn Hamilton.
• * 6.71

  Holinshed Hist. of Scot. d. 340.355. Leslaus l. 10. p. 513.
• * 6.72

  Holinshed Hist. of Scotland. p. 366.367. Le∣slaeus, l. 10. p. 538.
• * 6.73

  Lib. 10. p. 553.574.
• * 6.74

  Lib. 16.
• * 6.75

  Hist. of Scot∣land. 567.368.376.
• * 6.76

  Holinshed 380 6.410.511. See
• * 6.77

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Re••••m Scot. l. 17 & 18.
• * 6.78

  Holinshed Hist. of Scot. p. 402. Chytraus Chr••n. Sax••ni••. l. 21.641.
• * 6.79

  Francis Thin his continuation of Holinshed Hist. of Scot. p. 434.435.282 Lond∣on, 1585.
• * 6.80

  Patricke Adam∣son.
• * 6.81

  Holinshed and Thin, Hist. of Scotland p. 438. to 44••.455.456.
• * 6.82

  See Andrew Melvin his Pa∣tric••i Adamsoni Palinodia p. 49.55 And Celsae Commissionis Ana∣••omia.
• * 6.83

  Note this.
• * 6.84

  Fox Acts and Monuments, vol. 2. p. 614.
• * 6.85

  JOHN CVMIN Arch-bishop of Dublin.
• * 6.86

  Hoveden Annal. pars poster••or p. 773.
• * 6.87

  Anno. 1313.
• * 6.88

  HENRY SCORCH VILLEIN.
• * 6.89

  The Annals of Ireland, in Mr. Cambden, p. 154.155.
• * 6.90

  The Annals of Ireland. p. 168.
• * 6.91

  Iohn Leekes.
• * 6.92

  Alexander de Bickner Arch-bishop of Du∣blin.
• * 6.93

  W••lsingham Hi••t. Angl. p. 98.99. Holins. p. 335. Ant. Eccles. Brit. p. 227.
• * 6.94

  Walsingh. Hist. Angl. p. 101.
• * 6.95

  The Annals of Ireland. fol. 184.
• * 6.96

  David O-Hir∣raghey.
• * 6.97

  Annals of Ire∣land. fol 187.
• * 6.98

  Archbi••hop of Ca••sels.
• * 6.99

  Walsingh. Hist. Ang. p. 224.255.
• * 6.100

  An••als of Ire∣land p. 200. in Mr. Cambden. Chron. of Ireland in Holinshed p. 77••
• * 6.101

  Richard O-bedi∣an.
• * 6.102

  Iohn Allen••
• * 6.103

  Stain••urst his continuation of the Chronicles of Ireland p. 88.92.
• * 6.104

  Stainhurst, Ibid p. 118.
• * 6.105

  S••ain••urst, Ibid. p. 166.
• * 6.106

  Mr. Cambden in his description of Ireland. p. 135.
• * 6.107

  Licet sit expe∣diens quod uni Populo partiali futeli, praesit unus Episcopus, nō tamen quod toti populo fi∣deli praesit unus solus. Tum quia minus malum est ut populus partialis & par∣vus inficia∣tur ab uno E∣piscopo, quàm ut totus, vel fer•• totus populus Christianus infi∣ciatur ab uno capite, qui om∣nibus praesit. Ockam. Dialog. l. 2. Tract. 1. p. 3. c. 30. ad 8.
• * 6.108

  See Antiqui∣tates Ecclesiae Brit. through∣out.
• * 6.109

  Hence most Pa∣pists n••w live neare Bishops Cathedrals.
• * 6.110

  37. H. 8. r. 17.1. E. 1. r. 2.
• * 6.111

  Malmesbury, de Ge••tis Pontifi∣cum, in the life o•• A••sel••e, with others forecited. p. 12.13.
• * 6.112

  See Bishop White•• Epistle before his Do∣ctrine of the Sabbath: Hey∣lyn in his Anti∣dotum Lincolni∣ense; and mode∣rate answer to H. Burton.
• 1 6.113

  Sedulius.
• * 6.114

  Acts 20.17, 28.
• 2 6.115

  Anselme.
• * 6.116

  In quo vos Spi∣ritus sanctus po∣suit Episcopos. Dixerat enim suprà Presbyte¦ros Ephesi Mi∣letum vocatos, quos nunc Epis∣copos, id est, superin ••pecto∣res nominat. Non enim una civitas plures Episcopos habe∣re potuit, sed eosdem Presby∣teros, ut verè Sacerdot••s sub nomine Episco∣porum signifi∣cat. Conjunctus est enim gradus & in multis pene similis.
• * 6.117

  Therefore it is of right and du∣ty.
• * 6.118

  Epist. 5.6•• 10.
• b 6.119

  Apologia. adu. Gentes. c. 39.
• c 6.120

  Epist. 6.18.28.39.45.
• d 6.121

  Adv. H••r. l. 4.43, 44. c. 4.
• e 6.122

  Cypr. Epist. 33.58. Hierom ad ••uagr.
• * 6.123

  Flacius Illeri∣cus in the end of his Caral. Test. veritatis.
• * 6.124

  In Ephes. 4. Tom. 3.239.
• * 6.125

  See A Cata∣logue Se. p. 1.2, 3.
• * 6.126

  Consultatio. Artic. 14. Oper. Parisiis. 16.6. p. 952.
• 3 6.127

  Aelfrick Ca∣nons.
• * 6.128

  Henr. Spil∣manni Concil. Tom. 1. p. 576.586. Episcopi & Presbyteri Ordo VNVS.
• 4 6.129

  Iohn Salis.
• * 6.130

  Petrus Blesensis
• * 6.131

  Epist. 147••
• * 6.132

  Acts 3.6.
• * 6.133

  Possidon••us in vita.
• * 6.134

  Bibl. Patrum Tom. 12. pr. ••. p 947, 943.
• * 6.135

  Hosea 8.4••
• * 6.136

  Gen. 46.34••
• * 6.137

  Iohn 10.11.
• * 6.138

  Ier. 1.101.
• * 6.139

  1 Cor. 6.4.
• * 6.140

  Iohn 21.17.
• * 6.141

  2 Tim. 4.2.
• * 6.142

  A good note for Bishops that meddle with Court and Ex∣chequer offices.
• * 6.143

  Matth. 6.24.
• * 6.144

  See the Booke of ordination and consecra∣tion of Bishops.
• * 6.145

  Note this.
• * 6.146

  Ruffinus Hist. l. 10. c. 2.
• * 6.147

  Let those Pre∣lates who have had their voices in such sent••n∣ces, conside•• this.
• * 6.148

  1 Kings 18.12.
• * 6.149

  Iohn 18 31.
• * 6.150

  2 Cor. 11.23.
• * 6.151

  Gal. 6.142
• * 6.152

  Mat. 10.25, 26.
• * 6.153

  1 Pet. 5.2, 3.
• * 6.154

  I wish this Charcter did not suit too wel with some of our Lordly Pre∣lates now.
• * 6.155

  The true Title of a Prelates Chaire.
• * 6.156

  ••ccles. 10.6••
• * 6.157

  Isay 50••••••
• * 6.158

  See Ba••••us. Cent••riae ••cri••. Brit.
• * 6.159

  Rich•• Armacha••nus.
• * 6.160

  Li. 11. De que∣stionibus A••ne∣noru•• ••. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6.
• * 6.161

  Iohn Wiclif••e.
• * 6.162

  Quia certum videtur, quod superbia Caesa∣r••a hos gradu•• & ordines ad∣invenit.
• * 6.163

  Histor. Angliae p. 474. Ypodig∣ma Neustriae. An. 13••9. p. 144••
• * 6.164

  Dialog. li. 4. c. 26. Fox Acts and Monuments. p. 414.
• * 6.165

  Thomas Wal∣singham Hist. Angl. p. 205.302. to 307. Fox Acts and Monum••nts. p. 398, 399.414. Holi••shed•• p. 411.
• * 6.166

  Dialog. l. 3. c. 3••. f. 72.
• * 6.167

  William Swin∣derby
• * 6.168

  Fox Acts and Monuments, p. 431.434. Edit. 1610. and Edit. ult. vol. 1. p. 609 619.113.615.616.617.
• * 6.169

  ••••remy 35.
• * 6.170

  Walter Brute.
• * 6.171

  Fox Acts and Monuments. Vol. 1•• p. 622.642••653.
• * 6.172

  Fox Acts and Monuments. Vol. 1. p. 572.
• * 6.173

  William Thorpe
• * 6.174

  Fox Acts and Monuments. Vol. 1. p. 700, 701.707. The viciousnes and pride of Priests, infect∣e••h al the world.
• * 6.175

  It is pity Bi∣shops cannot sweare.
• * 6.176

  Iohn Purvey••
• * 6.177

  Fox Acts and Monuments. Vol. 1. p. 711.
• * 6.178

  Fox Ac••s and Monuments. p. 514.517, 518.522. Walsingham Hist. Angliae. An. 1413. p. 429.
• * 6.179

  Lord Cobham.
• * 6.180

  Peirce Plowman
• * 6.181

  Passus. 15.2, 4, 8.
• * 6.182

  Fox Acts and Monuments. Vol. 1. p. 528.529, 53••.532. Edit. ult.
• * 6.183

  The Plowmans Tale.
• * 6.184

  Lucifers Letter.
• * 6.185

  Fox Acts and Monuments. E∣dit. 1610. p. 462.4••3.
• * 6.186

  Placing of all mischeife.
• * 6.187

  The Church ne∣ver well govern∣ed since the Devils were ta∣ken of the Church men
• * 6.188

  Pride in Prelat•••• ntoed.
• * 6.189

  Popish Prelates neither give to God nor Caesar that which be∣longeth to God and Caesar.
• * 6.190

  The double ju∣risdiction of the Popes two swords commeth of Lucifer.
• * 6.191

  Dōinus sanctus Sanctissimus.
• * 6.192

  The lascivious & Whorish life of the Romish Clergy.
• * 6.193

  The whorish latter Church of ••ome.
• * 6.194

  Pope successor not of Simon Peter but of Si∣mon Magus.
• * 6.195

  Wicked & un∣worthy Mini••••ers admitted in the Popes ••hurch unworthy be∣stowing of be∣nefices.
• * 6.196

  Extortion.
• * 6.197

  Perverting of Iustice.
• * 6.198

  Acception of person.
• * 6.199

  Bribery.
• * 6.200

  Love of Lucre••
• * 6.201

  Destruction of true faith.
• * 6.202

  The life of P••∣pists contrary 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their teaching••
• * 6.203

  The pope in∣creaseth hel••.
• * 6.204

  Antichrist.
• * 6.205

  The pope a faigned procu∣••er of peace betweene princes.
• * 6.206

  ••••mony the popes nu••se.
• * 6.207

  Promoting of proud and rich Cardinalls.
• * 6.208

  Wresting of Scrip••ure.
• * 6.209

  Tyranny and cruelty by the Pope.
• * 6.210

  Acts and Mo∣numents. Vol. 1. p. 656.657.
• * 6.211

  Alexander Fa∣britius.
• * 6.212

  1 Tim. 3.1.
• * 6.213

  Thomas Gas∣coigne in Dict. Theolog part. 3. Ioan. Balaeus. Cent. 8. c. 19. Fox Acts and Monuments. Edit. ult. Vol. 1. p. 929, 930. Hall. 36. H. 8. fo. 171. Holinshed. p. 946.
• * 6.214

  Reynold Pea∣cocke.
• * 6.215

  All the Archbi∣shops, Bishops, Archdeacons & convocation, with King H. the eight.
• * 6.216

  Nota.
• * 6.217

  Note.
• * 6.218

  Cuthbert Ton∣stall and Iohn Stokerley.
• * 6.219

  Thom. Beacon ••is Reports of certa••ne men, vol. 3. f. 267. Fox Acts and Monuments. p. 972.973.
• * 6.220

  Miles & Cleri∣cus.
• * 6.221

  Centur. scri••. Brit. l. 5. sect•• 18. p. 396.
• * 6.222

  Hebr. 5.1.
• * 6.223

  Fox Acts and Monuments. Vol. 1. p. 510, 511. Catalog. Testium verita∣tis, p. 512.524, 525, 529. Antoninus m. 4. part. Extra∣••ag•• Ioan. 22.
• * 6.224

  English Wal∣denses, Hist. Angl. p. 101.
• * 6.225

  Sir Iohn Borth∣wick, Fox, Acts and monuments vol. 2. edit. ult. p. 609, 610.
• * 6.226

  The sixth Article.
• * 6.227

  Civill domion differing f••om Ecclesiasticall.
• * 6.228

  Christ refuseth the office of a Civill Iudge.
• * 6.229

  An objection made by the ex∣ample of Mo••es supplying both the offices an∣swered unto.
• * 6.230

  Palaces to Prin∣ces, Churches pertaine to priests; Peter could not give that he had not, Peter had no Lordly domini∣on. Ergo Peter could not give Lordly domini∣on to his suc∣cessors.
• * 6.231

  The seventh Article.
• * 6.232

  Borthwicke.
• * 6.233

  M William Tyn∣dall Martyr.
• * 6.234

  David.
• * 6.235

  How Bishops in∣stru•••• Kings.
• * 6.236

  Pag. 114, 115. Kings defend the false authority•• of the Pope their office punishing of sinne laid a∣part. Bishops ministe•• the Kings duty, their owne laid apart: yea they persecute their owne office.
• * 6.237

  Kings doe but wait on the Popes Pleas••r••. The jugling of the Pope.
• * 6.238

  Bishops of Al∣many.
• * 6.239

  Milaine.
• * 6.240

  Bishops of France.
• * 6.241

  A Cap of Main∣tenance. Most Christian King•• Defender of the Popes Faith.
• * 6.242

  The eldest sonne of the holy seat.
• * 6.243

  Blasing of arms. The English Bi∣shops.
• * 6.244

  The falshood of Bi••hops.
• * 6.245

  A cruell, and an abominable ex∣ample of ••yran∣ranny, judge them by their ••leeds saith Christ.
• * 6.246

  Hee meanes Cardinall W••l∣sey in case of the La••tie.
• * 6.247

  See Latymers Sermons, at S••••mford, f. 97.
• * 6.248

  The Whore of Babylon.
• * 6.249

  Note this.
• * 6.250

  Bishops.
• * 6.251

  Behold the face of the Pope, and of the Bishops in this glasse.
• * 6.252

  Peters patrimony.
• * 6.253

  The Popes au∣thority is im∣proved.
• * 6.254

  Bishops have captived Gods Word with their own decr••es.
• * 6.255

  Kings are in cap∣••ivity.
• * 6.256

  The duty of Kings.
• * 6.257

  Vnlaw••ull Oaths ought to be bro∣ken and may without dispen∣sation.
• * 6.258

  The King onely ought to punish sinne: I meane that is broken forth, the h••••rt must remaine to God.
• * 6.259

  Against the Co••••on Law.
• * 6.260

  The Kings Law is Gods Law.
• * 6.261

  Kings ought to see what they doe, and not to beleeve the Bi∣shops, namely seeing their li∣ving is so sore suspect.
• * 6.262

  The Kings are become Anti∣christs hangmen.
• * 6.263

  Be learned ye that judge the ••arth.
• * 6.264

  Who slew the Prophets.
• * 6.265

  Glorious Names.
• * 6.266

  How are they e∣steemed.
• * 6.267

  Kings ar•• downe they cannot goe lower.
• * 6.268

  Note this.
• * 6.269

  They win some∣what alwayes.
• * 6.270

  Note this.
• * 6.271

  The Prelates a••e cloathed in red.
• * 6.272

  Pollaxes.
• * 6.273

  Judge the tree by his fruite, and not by his leaves
• * 6.274

  Compare their deedes to the Doctrine and deedes of Christ and of his Apo∣stles, and judge their fruites.
• * 6.275

  What Judas is now.
• * 6.276

  Bishops w••rke Treason through Con••ession.
• * 6.277

  Kings be sworne to the Bishops, and not the Bi∣shops unto the Kings.
• * 6.278

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 reape by having Bishops.
• * 6.279

  Confession•• Note this P••∣licie.
• * 6.280

  The manifold ••••ormities which their Auric••la•• Confession 〈◊〉〈◊〉 br••••d••
• * 6.281

  No wonder then our Prelates and Priests of late were so eager to bring in Confes∣sion againe.
• * 6.282

  The Pope and his Chaplaines are the Foun∣taines of all evills in spiritu∣all regiment or temporall.
• * 6.283

  Vnder an o••t¦ward pretence of Gods honour the Popes Cler∣gie procured their owne dig∣nity.
• * 6.284

  Note this.
• * 6.285

  Not••.
• * 6.286

  The keeping downe of Gods Wo••d promoted the Popes spiri∣••ualties, honour.
• * 6.287

  The Bishop of Rocheste•• is a fit patterne to judge all the rest of affinity by.
• * 6.288

  Th•• cau•••• why Kings could not come to the knowledge of the truth.
• * 6.289

  The ministers of Christs Doctrine may not have ••n•• temporall offices.
• * 6.290

  Mat. 6.
• * 6.291

  Mat. 20.
• * 6.292

  The Officers in Christs King∣dome may have no temporall do∣minion.
• * 6.293

  Mat. 1••.
• * 6.294

  To receive a child in Christs name what it is.
• * 6.295

  1 Thess. 5.
• * 6.296

  The Pope i•• •• Wolfe in a Lamb•• Ski••••
• * 6.297

  JOHN ••RIT••.
• * 6.298

  Bound up wit•• M. Ty••••••lls worke••••
• * 6.299

  Silve••••er.
• * 6.300

  When corrupti∣on entred into the Church.
• * 6.301

  Bishoprickes were not greedi∣ly sought after in the Primitive Church, for then it was a charge and not a Lord∣ship.
• * 6.302

  Mat. 27.
• * 6.303

  Mark. 25.
• * 6.304

  Joh. 1••.
• * 6.305

  A great altera∣tion in the Ch••rch since the time of Christ and his Apostles.
• * 6.306

  •• Cor. 11••
• * 6.307

  A little fl••cke is left that are not corrupted.
• * 6.308

  D. Barnes.
• * 6.309

  The sixt Article.
• * 6.310

  Tit. 1.
• * 6.311

  The Cardinall and D. Barn••s r••••s••n••d toge∣th••r.
• * 6.312

  B••t therefore was I am here∣ticke.
• * 6.313

  O figmentum.
• * 6.314

  If I fained such a thing I should be an hereticke.
• * 6.315

  Athanius, com. in T••t••m•• c. 1.
• * 6.316

  Chrysostome in Titum.
• * 6.317

  The eighth Ar∣••i••le.
• * 6.318

  Officers be but Bishops hang∣men, God amend it.
• * 6.319

  The ninth Ar∣••••••l••.
• * 6.320

  The tenth Ar∣••icle.
• * 6.321

  2. qu. 7. Secuti sun•••• & ••ap. No•• si.
• * 6.322

  A supplication to King He••r•• the eight.
• * 6.323

  Ioh. 3.
• * 6.324

  Matth. 5.
• * 6.325

  Act•• 6.
• * 6.326

  Isay 3.
• * 6.327

  Prov. 14.20.
• * 6.328

  Isay. 11.
• * 6.329

  1 Tim. 6.
• * 6.330

  Luk. 22.
• * 6.331

  1 Pet. 5.
• * 6.332

  Rom. 10.
• * 6.333

  Joh. 2.
• * 6.334

  1 Cor. 4.
• * 6.335

  Mat. 6.
• * 6.336

  Ioh. 9.
• * 6.337

  Isay 5.
• * 6.338

  Isay 66.
• * 6.339

  Gal. 1.
• * 6.340

  Psal. 53.
• * 6.341

  Isay ••.
• * 6.342

  Note this.
• * 6.343

  Ioh. 1••.
• * 6.344

  Iohn 15.19.
• * 6.345

  Iohn Lambert.
• * 6.346

  Fox Acts and Monument, old edition. p. 541. 553.
• * 6.347

  The order and state of Priests
• * 6.348

  Election of Mi∣nisters in the old time, not with∣out the assent of the people.
• * 6.349

  The Image of a very Christian Bishop, &c.
• * 6.350

  See Fox Acts and monuments. old edition, p. 574.
• * 6.351

  The preachers ought much ra∣ther to rebuke the spirituall heads, than the temporall, for divers just causes
• * 6.352

  Nicholaicall Bi∣shops, I wene he means the Bi∣shops made of children at Saint Nicholas time.
• * 6.353

  Tyrants. Temporall Prin∣ces and Gover∣nours.
• * 6.354

  Rom. 13.
• * 6.355

  The Word of God.
• * 6.356

  Object.
• * 6.357

  Answ.
• * 6.358

  Note this.
• * 6.359

  The profit that commeth of our Bishops.
• * 6.360

  2 Cor. 1.
• * 6.361

  Psal. 57. Deafe Serpents.
• * 6.362

  They that resist the Word of God be sedi••ious persons.
• * 6.363

  What the Bi∣shops call ••edi∣tion.
• * 6.364

  The tyranny of the Pope.
• * 6.365

  The sloathful∣nesse and reach∣lesnesse of Bi∣shops.
• * 6.366

  Object••
• * 6.367

  Answ.
• * 6.368

  An History 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Narration.
• * 6.369

  Fulg••sus Collect. lib. ••.
• * 6.370

  The Patron of Col••n.
• * 6.371

  A true Chara∣cter of Lordly Prel••t••••.
• * 6.372

  Titus 1.5.7.
• * 6.373

  Presbyter.
• * 6.374

  Episcopus.
• * 6.375

  Titu•• 1.••.••••
• * 6.376

  Acts 7.
• * 6.377

  Ye se•• here that the Preachers of the Gospel t••ach no sedition, shed∣ding of blood, or fighting with the hand.
• * 6.378

  Object.
• * 6.379

  Answ.
• * 6.380

  Note this.
• * 6.381

  Boniface.
• * 6.382

  Tit••.
• * 6.383

  Note this.
• * 6.384

  The Examples of holy men may not be perjudi∣ciall to Gods ho∣ly Word.
• * 6.385

  For all men may erre.
• * 6.386

  God saved Da∣niel in the Dun∣geon of Lyons. Dan. 6. Dan. 3.
• * 6.387

  Note.
• * 6.388

  All the Priests of one City be called of Paul, Bishops.
• * 6.389

  All true Prea∣chers been Bi∣••hops.
• * 6.390

  The Court of Rome.
• * 6.391

  Note.
• * 6.392

  Proverbs.
• * 6.393

  Philippi.
• * 6.394

  ••ura••es or Pa∣rish Priests.
• * 6.395

  Episcopus.
• * 6.396

  Bishops Officials what kinde of men.
• * 6.397

  Note.
• * 6.398

  Bishops wer•• in those dayes dee∣med intollerable greevances fit to be removed.
• * 6.399

  The Decree of the Author.
• * 6.400

  P••esbyters.
• * 6.401

  Note.
• * 6.402

  Note.
• * 6.403

  Vos non sic.
• * 6.404

  Not•• this old and new practise of Prelates.
• * 6.405

  Object.
• * 6.406

  Answer.
• * 6.407

  Note.
• * 6.408

  Note.
• * 6.409

  The causes of the Division be∣tweene the Spi∣ritualty and the Commonalty.
• * 6.410

  William Wraugh∣ton, alias Turne••.
• * 6.411

  Rodericke•• Mors.
• * 6.412

  Note well what ••nsueth.
• * 6.413

  Henry Stalbridg.
• * 6.414

  See the 5, & 6. part of the Hom. against wilfull rebellion. And the 2. part of th•• Homely on Whitsunday.
• * 6.415

  Ibid. fol. 18. & 22. to 31.
• * 6.416

  Note.
• * 6.417

  See a supplica∣tion to King Henry the 8. An. 1544. ac∣cordingly.
• * 6.418

  M. Tindals pra∣ctise of Prelates accordingly.
• * 6.419

  Buce••us de Regn•• Christi, l. 2. c. 12.
• * 6.420

  Note. See the Supplication to King Henry the eight. An. 1544.
• * 6.421

  Mr FISH.
• * 6.422

  ,Fox Acts and Monum. p. 926.927.
• * 6.423

  The fruits of Prelates great∣nesse sitting in Parliament.
• * 6.424

  Now they bring such into the High Com∣mission, & there ruine them, or force them to give over their actions
• * 6.425

  Note the danger that accrews by making Clergy∣men chiefe Tem∣porall officers.
• * 6.426

  MARTYN BUCER.
• * 6.427

  Lib. 2. c. 1.2.12. In his Scripoa Anglicana Basi∣lea. 1577. p. 65.69.70.71.580.
• * 6.428

  It is the Divell then, not God that calls Bi∣shops to be Cour∣tiers and tempo∣rall officers.
• * 6.429

  How Prelates came by their great Lordly possessions.
• * 6.430

  See his Scripta Anglicana. pag. 254.255.259.291, 292, 293. and Comment. in Matth. 16. And ••he unbishoping of Timothy and Titus. p. 106, 107, 108.
• * 6.431

  Zwinglius.
• * 6.432

  Bishop Hooper.
• * 6.433

  Fox vol. 3. pag. 46.137.
• * 6.434

  Upon the 8. Commandement p. 78.
• * 6.435

  See Rucerus d•• r••gn•• Christi, l. 2. c. 12.
• * 6.436

  Note.
• * 6.437

  The Booke of Ordination.
• * 6.438

  3 Edw•• 6. c. 12.8. Eliz. c. 1.
• * 6.439

  Canon. 36.
• * 6.440

  The Bishop.
• * 6.441

  Answer.
• * 6.442

  The Bishop.
• * 6.443

  Answer.
• * 6.444

  The Booke of Homilies.
• * 6.445

  Father Latimer
• * 6.446

  in his Sermons, f. 17, 18, &c.
• * 6.447

  Note this.
• * 6.448

  Note this wel••.
• * 6.449

  Fath••r La••ymer would not have Bishops Lords of the Parliament, or to sit therein.
• * 6.450

  Note this.
• * 6.451

  The Spirituall Pastors have a great charge.
• * 6.452

  In his Sermons fol. 10.11.
• * 6.453

  Dr. Harpesfield & Iohn Bradford. Fox Acts & Monu∣ments v. 3. p. 293.
• * 6.454

  Edmund All••n.
• * 6.455

  This is the pre∣sent objection for the continu∣ance of Bishops, Deanes, and Chapters.
• * 6.456

  Not••.
• * 6.457

  IOHN BALE.
• * 6.458

  His Image of both Churches on. Apoc. 19. & 20. part. 3. f. 195.208.
• * 6.459

  MATTHEW PARKER.
• * 6.460

  Antiquit. Ec••l. Brit. p. 139.140.141.142.143.
• * 6.461

  A strange evill death of a Cler∣gie Lord Trea∣surer, who like Iudas Christs Treasurer and bag-bearer dyed in despaire.
• * 6.462

  Lego omnia bona m••a Domin•• Regi, corpus sepultur••, Anim••m Diabo∣lo. Qu•• dict•• ex∣piravit, &c.
• * 6.463

  Note.
• * 6.464

  See Nicholas de Clemangiis, De Corrupto Ecclesia statu. c. 17.18.19. an excellent Discourse a∣gainst Bishops intermedling in temporall af∣faires, and bea∣ring civill of∣••••ces.
• * 6.465

  H••ved••n A••••••l. pars post••••i••r. p. 779. Speed. p, 550
• * 6.466

  Annal. pars po∣sterior. p. 767.768.
• * 6.467

  THOMAS BEACON.
• * 6.468

  Isay. 36.10.
• * 6.469

  Mat. 5.13.
• * 6.470

  Joh. 20.21.
• * 6.471

  Wolvish Sheep∣heards.
• * 6.472

  The description of a certaine head Wolfe, clathed in a Bi∣shops rotchet.
• * 6.473

  A comparison betweene Queen Isabels time and ours.
• * 6.474

  Priests chiefe in the Country, and thorow out Eng∣land.
• * 6.475

  Awake Nobi∣lity.
• * 6.476

  The ambition and security of the Papists.
• * 6.477

  MILES COVER∣DALE.
• * 6.478

  Godwins Cat. p. 338.
• * 6.479

  JOHN PONET
• * 6.480

  WALTER HADDON.
• * 6.481

  Bishop ALLEY Bishop PIL∣KINGTON. Mr. Nowel.
• * 6.482

  BISHOP EL∣MER.
• * 6.483

  Few of our Pre∣lates would now refuse such a proffer.
• * 6.484

  Act. 3.•• to 7.
• * 6.485

  Cor. 4.12.
• * 6.486

  1 Tim. 6.8.
• * 6.487

  NICHOLAS BULLING∣HAM.
• * 6.488

  IOHN BRI∣DGES.
• * 6.489

  Difference be∣tweene Priests and Bishops.
• * 6.490

  Hi••r••ni••us 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Titum Dist. 63. Can. Oli•• id••m.
• * 6.491

  Lib. 4. Dist. 24.1.
• * 6.492

  •• Tim. 3••
• * 6.493

  Insti••uti•• d••ctr. Christi, de sh••r•• ordinis. fol. 196.
• * 6.494

  Summa Ang••∣lica. L. Ord.
• * 6.495

  The papist•• con∣troversie about their holy order.
• * 6.496

  The Heavenly and earthly Kingdome are not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 joyned that the Bishops may be earthly Kings.
• * 6.497

  M. Sanders obje∣tion and answer.
• * 6.498

  Whether a Bi∣shop may take a Kingdome up∣on him p••operly or unproperly.
• * 6.499

  Deposing of Princes by the Prelates practi∣ses.
• * 6.500

  Heb. 10.
• * 6.501

  The Churches promotion.
• * 6.502

  Matth. 2••.
• * 6.503

  Glossa in Ly••••••••••••p••r I••h.
• * 6.504

  Hofmeister in Luc. 12.
• * 6.505

  Why Christ took not on him the office of a Ma∣gistrate.
• * 6.506

  Christ abolished not the magi∣strates office, though he him∣••elfe re••used it.
• * 6.507

  M. Iohn Fox.
• * 6.508

  Bishop Iu••l.
• * 6.509

  Ad E••agrium
• * 6.510

  D•• simplicit. Prelat••r.
• * 6.511

  E••asm. in Schol. in Epist. ad Eua∣grium.
• * 6.512

  M. Harding.
• * 6.513

  Hieron. i•• Epist. ad Titum, c. I.
• * 6.514

  Erasm. in Schol. i•• Epist. ad Euagr.
• * 6.515

  Sub. L••••ne S••ssi••∣ne 10. Erasm. in Apologia ad Pi∣um.
• * 6.516

  Hieron. ad Eua∣grium.
• * 6.517

  Erasmus adver∣sus Albert. Pighi∣um.
• * 6.518

  Hier••n. in Epist. ad Titum. c. 1.
• * 6.519

  Hieron. ••odem loc••.
• * 6.520

  August Epist. 9.
• * 6.521

  Chrys. in 1 Tim. Homili 11. Hieron. ad Eua∣grium.
• * 6.522

  Aug. in quaest. Novi & Vet. Testam•• q. 101.
• * 6.523

  Amb. in 1 Tim. cap. 3.
• * 6.524

  Ioh. de Paristis. cap. 22. in vira Silvestri.
• * 6.525

  De c••nsidera•••• ad Eug. lib. 4. ••
• * 6.526

  Aug. de Civit. De•• lib. 19. c. 19.
• * 6.527

  Chrysost. Hom. 43•• in opere im∣perfecto in Mat.
• * 6.528

  Serm. 33. in Cantica.
• * 6.529

  Bern. Serm. 1. in Conv. S. Pauli.
• * 6.530

  Conc. Macr••••se ••itatur. ab Illyr. int••r test••s verit. p. 121.
• * 6.531

  Chrys. in Mat. Homil. 35.
• * 6.532

  Hieron. contra Lucif••rianos.
• * 6.533

  Hieron. in So∣phoniam, ••ap. 1.
• * 6.534

  Conc. Trident.
• * 6.535

  Sub Paulo 3. Admonitio Lega∣tor.
• * 6.536

  Av••ntinus, lib. 3. de Rupert••.
• * 6.537

  Ber••. in Cantic. Serm. 33. Holcot. in sapient. lect. 23.
• * 6.538

  Bern. in Canti••. Serm. 77.
• * 6.539

  Lau••. Valla de Donat. Const. Pa∣ralipomen.
• * 6.540

  Vrspergen.
• * 6.541

  Bernar. de consi∣deration•• ad Eu∣genium. l. 4••
• (a) 6.542

  8 Quast. 1. Qui Episcopatum.
• (b) 6.543

  August. 2. qu. 7. Qui nec. Aug.
• (c) 6.544

  Aug. cont. Do∣natist. lib. 6.
• (d) 6.545

  Bern. de con∣siderat. ad Euge∣nium. lib. 3.
• * 6.546

  1•• Cor. 15.
• (e) 6.547

  A••. Do. 1••9••
• (f) 6.548

  An. 1273. In provisione Mar∣••ona. c. 9.
• (g) 6.549

  Extr. Qui silli sunt Legitime.
• (h) 6.550

  L••ges Canuti.
• (i) 6.551

  Robert Keil∣wey his Reports, f. 184. b.
• (k) 6.552

  Nostre Seig∣••iour le Roy poit assets bien tener son Parliament perl••y, &ses tem¦porall Seigni∣ours, & per ses Commons, tout sans les spiritu∣als Seigniors; Carlos spiritual Signiors nont ascun place en¦•••• Parliament Chamber per Reason de lour spiritualty, mes solement per•• Reason de lour Temporall pos∣sessions &c. Bishop Latymer. Bishop Bils••n.
• * 6.553

  A Parliament taking part with truth hath the warrant of God and the Magi∣strate.
• * 6.554

  Laymen may make their choice what faith they will professe.
• * 6.555

  The Prince is authorized from God to execut•• his Commande∣ment.
• * 6.556

  The Jesuites presume that all is theirs.
• * 6.557

  The Prince may command for truth, though the Bishops would say no.
• * 6.558

  The Jesuites have neither Gods Law, nor mans to make that which the Prince, and the Parliament did, to be void for lacke of the Bi∣shops assents.
• * 6.559

  The Kings Judah did com∣mand for truth without a Coun∣••••ll.
• * 6.560

  2 Chron. 14. cap. 15.
• * 6.561

  2 Chron. ••9••.
• * 6.562

  4 Kings 22.
• * 6.563

  Christian Prin∣ces may do the lik••.
• * 6.564

  Constantine au∣thorised Christi∣an Religson without any Co••••cell. Eus••b. de vita Constant. lib. 2.
• * 6.565

  Iustinian had no Councell for the making of his Constitutions
• * 6.566

  But 6. generall Councels in 790 yeares.
• * 6.567

  So••ra. l. 5. c. 10. Theodosius made his owne choyse what Religion he would esta∣blish.
• * 6.568

  Realmes have beene Christned upon the perswa∣sions of Lay men and women.
• † 6.569

  Ruff. l. ••. c. 9. And never as∣ked the Priests leave so to do••. Soc. l. 1. c. 19.
• * 6.570

  India converted by Merchants.
• † 6.571

  Ruff. l. 1. c. 10.
• * 6.572

  Iberia converted by a woman.
• * 6.573

  The Jesuites would have beene eloquent against this King that yeelded his Realme to Christ at the direction of a seely wench.
• * 6.574

  Any man may serve Christ whosoever say nay.
• * 6.575

  Ibid. part. 2. pag. 233.234.
• * 6.576

  Patriarkes not erected by Christ but by consent of Bishops.
• * 6.577

  Hiero. in Epist. ad Ti••. cap. 1. Ibid.
• * 6.578

  Hiero. ad E∣vag. Epist. ••.
• * 6.579

  Ibidem.
• * 6.580

  Hiero•• Ibid.
• * 6.581

  The Patriarchs grew by consent and custome.
• † 6.582

  Concil. Nicen. cap. 6.
• † 6.583

  Concil. Ephes. 1. Decretum post quam Cypr. Episc. accessissent ad concil.
• * 6.584

  Patriarkes al∣wayes subject to Princes and their Ecclesiasticall Lawes.
• * 6.585

  Concil. Chalced. acti••. 16.
• * 6.586

  Ibid. part. 2, 126.127.
• * 6.587

  What is meant by Governour.
• * 6.588

  Mat. 20. and Mark. 10.
• * 6.589

  Christ by that word distingui∣sheth the Mini∣sters from the Magistrate.
• * 6.590

  Luk. 22.
• * 6.591

  Publike Govern∣ment is by cor∣rection and com∣pulsion.
• * 6.592

  Rom. 13. Mat. 26. 1 Tim. 3. & Tit. 1. Mat. 24. 2 Tim. 2.
• * 6.593

  Bishops forbid to use violence. 2 Tim. 3. & 4.
• * 6.594

  Part. 3. p. 358. Pastors have their regiment but over the soules, not over the bodies or goods of men.
• * 6.595

  Ibid. Part. 3. p. 529.526. The Pastor can∣not force his flocke.
• * 6.596

  Chrysost. de ••ac••r∣d••t. l. 2.
• * 6.597

  Pastors may not constraine•• but onely perswade.
• * 6.598

  Bishops least of all men may cor∣••e••t with force.
• * 6.599

  Compulsio•• nei∣th••r Lawfull nor expedient in Bi∣shops.
• † 6.600

  Hillar. ad Const. ••. 2. imperfect. Bishops may not meddle with those that b•• ••illing.
• * 6.601

  Origen in ••••p. 13. Epist. ad Rom.God will not have crimes re∣venged by the ••ulers of the Church but by the judges of the world.
• * 6.602

  Bishops by ver∣t••e of their cal∣ling cannot au∣thorize violence or armes.
• * 6.603

  Rom. 13.
• † 6.604

  Ibid. par••. 2. pag. 246.
• * 6.605

  The goods•• lands, & livings, of Clergie men be Cesars right.
• † 6.606

  Ibid. part. 2. p. 252.253.
• * 6.607

  The sword com∣mitted to the Prince.
• * 6.608

  Rom. 13.
• * 6.609

  His Apostles forbidden the sword. Mat. 20. Mat. 26.
• * 6.610

  Bernard de consi∣derat: l. 2.
• * 6.611

  Dominion inter∣dicted the Pope himselfe.
• * 6.612

  Caus. 3••3: Quaest. 2. ¶ Inter Haec.
• * 6.613

  Caus. 33. Quaest. 8. ¶ De Episc.
• * 6.614

  No Clergy m••n may use the Sword no not by the Popes authority.
• (a) 6.615

  2 Cor. 10.
• (b) 6.616

  Ad soli••••r•• vitam agentes.
• (c) 6.617

  Ambros. l. 5. Epist. 33.
• * 6.618

  The servants of Christ may have no earthly King∣dome since their master had none.
• (d) 6.619

  Iohn 8.
• (e) 6.620

  Matth. 10••
• (f) 6.621

  Tim. 2.
• * 6.622

  Dr. Whitakers,
• * 6.623

  Nota.
• † 6.624

  Lib. 1. c. 5. De Sacr. H••m. Cant. ••••utia.
• † 6.625

  In cap. de Epis. her. 2.
• * 6.626

  De Hierarch. 2. c. ••lt.
• * 6.627

  Annot. in Epis. 85. H••••r.
• † 6.628

  Lib. I. c. 22. de Ordinat. Hierarch Minist.
• * 6.629

  Lib. 1. de Clericis ••. 15.
• * 6.630

  Hart ••5.
• * 6.631

  Epist. ad Eva••.
• * 6.632

  Printed by it selfe London, 1••83.
• * 6.633

  In his 3. last Bookes, Bishop White and Do∣cto•• H••ylin.
• * 6.634

  Doctor Iohn Ray∣nolds.
• * 6.635

  Page 2. to 9.
• (a) 6.636

  1 Tim. 6.3. Titus 3.10. •• Pet. 1.19.21.
• (b) 6.637

  The defence of the Apolog: Part. 1. & 7. de∣vision. 2. answere to the Rhem. Tit. 3.10.
• (c) 6.638

  Pag. 18.
• (d) 6.639

  Tom. 1. Cant. 3. lib. 1. c. 15.
• * 6.640

  H••r••s•••• 15.
• * 6.641

  In Epist. ad Ti∣tum & Epist. 85. ad Evagrium.
• (g) 6.642

  ••ap. 53.
• (h) 6.643

  In Argu. praefix. lib. 3.
• (i) 6.644

  Epist. 19.
• (k) 6.645

  Defence of the Apolog. Part 2. c. 9. divis. 1. pa. 198.
• (l) 6.646

  De Sacror. Hom. Orig. & consecr. l. 1. c. 5.
• (m) 6.647

  1 Tim. 3.
• (n) 6.648

  In Epist. ad Titum.
• (o) 6.649

  Collect. Can. l. 7. cap. 87.
• (p) 6.650

  Polyc. lib. 2. Tit. 1.9. & 39.
• (q) 6.651

  Cap. legi∣mus dist. 39. cap. Olim. dist. 95.
• (r) 6.652

  Author Glossae in ca. dist. citat hodorieus caol; in con∣cil. Basil. Dua∣r••n. de sacri Ec∣cles. minist. lib. 1. cap. 7.
• * 6.653

  Pag. 19.
• (t) 6.654

  Pag. 69.
• (v) 6.655

  Sess. 23. c. 4. Canon. 6. & 7.
• (x) 6.656

  Annot Marg ad cap. legimus dist. 43.
• (y) 6.657

  Tom. 1. Co••∣tro. 5. l. 1. c.
• (z) 6.658

  Aeneas Sil∣vius Hist. B••hem. cap. 35. & Pigh. Hierarch Eccles. l. 2. c. 10.
• (a) 6.659

  Defens. pacis Artic. 2. c. 15.
• (b) 6.660

  Th••. Walden Doct. fidei Tom. 1. lib. 2. c. 60. & Tom. 2. c. 17.
• (c) 6.661

  Aeneas Sil∣vius loco citato.
• (d) 6.662

  Adversus fal∣so nominat or∣din. Epist. & ad∣ver. Papa. Rom.
• (e) 6.663

  In Epist. ad Philip. & Tit. 1.
• (f) 6.664

  Apol. Confes. Wittenh. c. 2.21.
• (g) 6.665

  Decad. 5. Ser. 2.
• (h) 6.666

  Loc. Com. Tit. de minist. verbi.
• (r) 6.667

  Iuel loco citat, & Pilkington in the Treatise of burning Pauls Church.
• (s) 6.668

  D. Humphrey in Camp. & in Dureum Jesuitam part. 2. rat. 3. & D. Whit. ad rat. Campiani. & Confuta. Durei Jesuitae. lib. 6.
• (t) 6.669

  Mr. Bradford. L••mbert and others. Mr. Fox Acts, & Dr. Fulke against Bri••••ow motives 40. and answere to the Rh••mists, Tit. 1.5.
• * 6.670

  Part. 2.
• (x) 6.671

  L••b. 4.
• * 6.672

  Allegation. I. For the Divine right of Episco∣pacy.
• (a) 6.673

  An humble Remonstrance.p. 27. Defence of the humble Re∣monstrance. p. 103. to 127. and in his former Bookes for Epis∣copacy.
• (b) 6.674

  The judge∣ment of Doctor Rai••olds, &c. more largely confirmed out of antiquity by Iames Bishop of Armagh.
• (c) 6.675

  Willi••m••Bi∣shop of R••chester Se••m. 1. at Ham∣pton Court. Sept. 21. 1606.
• * 6.676

  Sir Thomas A∣stons brie••e Re∣lation of Episco∣pacy, Sect. 2. p. 6.7.
• * 6.677

  Angelus nomen est Offici••, non na∣turae, &c. A••ge∣••us enim Graco vo∣cabulo, L••tine di∣citur nuntius, si qua••••s nomen na∣turae, spiritus est; si officium Ang••∣l••s: ex eo quod subsistit s••iritus est; ex eo quod mittitur Angelus. Remigius Explan in Epist. ad He∣b••aeos, c. 1.
• * 6.678

  1. Cor. 11.10. Rev. 1.20. c. 2.1.8.12.18. c. 3.1.7.14.
• * 6.679

  Saepe sacram Scripturam prae∣dicatores Ecclesiae pr•• eo quod Patris gloriam annunci∣ant Angelor, nomi∣ne solere designare; & hinc est quod Joannes in Apo∣calypsi septem Eccles••••s, scribens, Angel••s Ecclesia∣rum loq••••tur, id est, Praedicatoribus popul••rum•• Mora∣liuml. 34. in Job c. 4.
• (f) 6.680

  Lib. 1. c. 1.2.9.10.
• (g) 6.681

  In Apoc. c. 2. Bibl. Patrum. Tom. 6. pars. 1. p. 523.
• (h) 6.682

  Lib. 2. in Apoc.
• * 6.683

  Luc. 12. Mat. 24.
• * 6.684

  See Gersomus Bucerus de Gu∣bern. Ecclesiae. p. 205.393.408.419.422.433.
• (c) 6.685

  Rev. 4.10. c. 5.5.8.11.14. c. •• 11.13. c. 11.16. c. 19.4. c. 14.••.
• (k) 6.686

  Rev. 4.4. c. 5.11. c. 7.11.
• (l) 6.687

  Rev. 4.4. c. 11.16.
• (m) 6.688

  Rev. 7.11.
• (n) 6.689

  Rev. 4.10.11. c. 5.8.9. c. 11 16.17.18.
• * 6.690

  Rev. 4.4.10
• (p) 6.691

  Rev. 5.8.9.
• (q) 6.692

  Rev. 5.9.
• * 6.693

  Downham, Hall, Vsher, and others.
• (r) 6.694

  In Apoc. c. 2. Disp. 2.
• (s) 6.695

  Com. in Apoc in c. 2.3. Notatio 1. p. 251. where he cites Lyra and Ribera to this effect.
• (t) 6.696

  N••t. in vita Polycarp. c. 7.
• (u) 6.697

  Centur. Magd 1. l. 2. ••. 10. col. 626•• Nic••ph. l. 3. c. 71. Vinc••ntius. spec. Hist. l. 38. c. 10. Fasciculus Temporum.
• * 6.698

  Allegation.
• (v) 6.699

  Preface to his Treatise of ••he Sabbath.
• * 6.700

  Answ.
• * 6.701

  Mercat••rs Atla•• London. 1635. p. 812.
• * 6.702

  Cambdens, Brit. p. 75. Speeds Histor¦ry. p. 159.
• * 6.703

  Operum Tom. 2. Parisis 1608. p. 645.646.
• * 6.704

  S••cunda ad Timo∣theu•••• scripta est Romae, quando ad, Neronem addu∣ctus; est Romano∣••un•• Caesarem. Epi∣stola ad Titum Cretensis Ecclesiae scripta est Nico∣poliopp••d•• Mace∣doniae.
• * 6.705

  Con••. Mag. 2. ••ol. 597.
• * 6.706

  The judge∣ment of Dr. Rei∣nolds touching the originall of Episcopacy, more largely confir∣med out of an∣tiquity by Iames Archbishop of Armagh. p. 5.
• * 6.707

  Object. 1.
• a 6.708

  Episcopacy by divine right, 2. part. p. 110, 111, 113. His humble Remon∣strance, and de∣fence of the humble Remon∣strance, p 40.
• b 6.709

  Sir Thom. A∣ston his remonst. epistle to the Reader, & briefe review of Epis∣copacy, sect. 1, 2 3, 4. and the conclusion.
• * 6.710

  Answ. 1.
• c 6.711

  De Pe•••••• & Paulo ad diem 29 Ianuarii Ba∣r••nius annal. ••om. 1. ann. 61. sect. 4. Hen••. Spelman Concilia. p. 4, 5.
• d 6.712

  De Brit. Eccle. Prim••r. c. 1. p. 7.
• e 6.713

  Annal. E••cles. t••m. 1. ann. 44. p. 371. Godwins discourse of the conversion of Britaine p. 3.
• f 6.714

  History l. 6. c. 9. p. 74.
• g 6.715

  See a Roman∣strance against Presbytery, Epi. to the Reader.
• h 6.716

  See Bishop Vs••er de Brit. ec∣cles. primer. c. 1. p. 9. and Sir Tho∣mas Astons Epi∣stle to the read.
• i 6.717

  A discourse of the convers••on of Brit. c. 2. p. 8.
• k 6.718

  Bishop Vsher. de Britan. Eccles. Primor. c. 1. p. 1. to 17. and p. 1072. to 1078. Godwins dis∣course of the Conversion of Britaine. c. 1, 2, 3 Antiquit. Eccle. Brit. Speeds Hist. l. 6. c. 9. p. 73. ••t••. Henr. Spelm. Concil. Tom. 1. p. 1. to 16. Balae∣us Cent. 1. p. 23, 24.
• l 6.719

  De Praescript. advers. haeretic.
• m 6.720

  Ad Evagrium & Comment, in Tit. c. 1. See cha. 8. throughout.
• n 6.721

  Iohn Fordon Scotch. in. l. 3. c. 8. Iohn Major de Gestis Scotorum, l. 21. c. 3. Bishop Vsher de Brit. ••••∣cle. Primor. p. 800
• * 6.722

  The Originall of Bishops in our Church.
• * 6.723

  Some write but 25.
• o 6.724

  Part. 7. p. 83.
• p 6.725

  2 Cor. 6.14c 15, 16, 17. Deut. 12.30, 31, 32. Jer. 10, 2, 3. 1 Cor. 10.19.20, 21.
• q 6.726

  Defence of the Apolog. part. 2. c. 4. divis. 2.
• r 6.727

  A discourse of the Conversion of Brit. p. 26, 27, 28.
• s 6.728

  De Brit. Eccles. primor. p 57, 58 92, 99, 100.
• t 6.729

  Subversion of F. persons, 3. conversions.
• v 6.730

  Concilia. Tom. 1. p. 13.14.
• x 6.731

  A di••course of the Conversion of Brit. p. 26, 27, 28, 29,
• (y) 6.732

  Concil. Tom. 1 p. 13.14.
• * 6.733

  A discourse of the Conversion of Brit. p. 23.24.25.
• (a) 6.734

  See Antiqui∣tates Ecclesiae, Brit. p. 19. to 29. William Har∣rison Description of England l. 2. c. 1.2. God∣win Catalogue of Bishops. 33. H. ••. c. 31.31. H. 8. c. 8.34. & 35. H. c. 17. Eadme∣rus Hist. Noverum l. 4 p. 95.96.165.166.167.168.
• (b) 6.735

  See. part. 1. p. 153.
• (c) 6.736

  ••n Prologo ad. l 1. De Gesti•• Pontif. p. 195.
• (d) 6.737

  Concil. Tom. 1. p. 16.
• (e) 6.738

  Spel. Concil. Tom. 1. p. 24.
• * 6.739

  Answ. 2.
• (f) 6.740

  Spelm. Concil. Tom. 1. p. 152.
• (g) 6.741

  Sulpitius Se∣verus, Hist. Sacr. l. 2. Vss••rius de Brit. Eccles. Pri∣mord. p. 196.
• (h) 6.742

  Godwins Ca••. p. 392.393.
• i 6.743

  See Godwin in the life of Paulinus A••dan and Fi∣an, p. 435.495. Spel. Concil. Tom. 1. p. 5.11.
• (k) 6.744

  De Brit. Eccl. Primordi••s, p. 114.661.736.737.13.14.
• (l) 6.745

  Mat. 10.5. to 15 ••9.35. Mar. 6.6. Act. 20.13. Luk. 13.22.
• (m) 6.746

  Discur••ere per cuncta urbana & rusti••a loca non e∣quorum dors••, sed pedum incessu ve∣ctus, nisi si m••ra forte nec••ssitas compuliss••t, sole∣bat. Beda Eccles. Hist. l. 3. c. 5. Godwins Cata∣logue. p. 495.
• (n) 6.747

  Godwins Ca∣talogue. Malmes. de Gestis, Pontif. A••gl. l. 3. Beda Eccles. Hist. l. 2. c. 14.
• (o) 6.748

  Spel. Concil. Tom. 1. p. 246.
• (p) 6.749

  Godwins Ca∣talogue. p. 435.136.
• (q) 6.750

  A Cata∣logue, &c. p. 16.17.18.
• (r) 6.751

  Rastall Ad∣vouson 1.2. Conci. Later a••ens••. 2. Can. 29. Summa Angelica, Benefi∣cium; 31. Summa Rosella. Benefici∣um•• 1.
• (s) 6.752

  L. 3. de Gestis, c. 3. Spelm Concil. Tom. 1. p. 118.
• * 6.753

  Henrici Spel. Concil. Tom. 1. p. 229.
• (t) 6.754

  Hen. Spelm. Concil. Tom. 1. p. 261.263.
• (v) 6.755

  See Iacobus Vsserius de Brit. Eccles. Primordiis c. 2.6 8. Guiliel∣mus Malmesb. de Antiqu. Ecclesiae Glaston Camden in Sommersetshire. p. 164. &c. Hen∣rici Spelmans Concil. p. 4. to 22.
• * 6.756

  228.229.427.483. to 489. See Speed••s Cata∣logue p. 1058. to 1060.
• (x) 6.757

  See the Au∣thors in (v) Sir Edward Cooke his Preface to the 9. Report, & Mat. Westminster, Mat. Paris, Heveden, In∣gulply, and Wil. Malmes. sparsim, Spelmanns Glos∣sarium, & Concil. Tom. 1. Mr. Sel∣dens Titles of Honour, and Spicilegium in Eadmerum.
• (y) 6.758

  See Mr. Sel∣dens, Tit. Hon. p. 700. to 736. Henrici Spel. Concil. Tom. 1.347. & Glossa∣rium, Tit. Abbas Cowel Interpret. Tit. Abbot.
• (z) 6.759

  See Rastall Tit. Monasteries.
• * 6.760

  Answ. 2.
• * 6.761

  Object. 2.
• (a) 6.762

  See Bishop Halls. 3. last Bookes, the Ox∣ford Petition. Sir Tho. Astons Peti∣tion and booke.
• * 6.763

  Answ. 1.
• (b) 6.764

  Sublata causa tollitur effectus, Kickerman.
• (c) 6.765

  See all the Seperatists late Pamplets and Bookes.
• (d) 6.766

  Hierome, & sedulius Com. in Tit. 1. with o∣thers who fol∣low them.
• (e) 6.767

  See Ioannis Marius, Zaba∣rella, and Theode∣ricus a Niem de Schismate. Cen∣tur. Magd. Cent. 3.5.5.6.7.8.9.10.11.12.13. 6.10.
• * 6.768

  R••sp••nsi•• ad Turriani Sophis∣mata, par••. 2. L••∣ctio. 18.
• * 6.769

  Object. 3.
• (f) 6.770

  Sir Thomas Aston, Briefe re∣view of Episco∣pacy. p. 54. to 78
• (g) 6.771

  8. El••z. c•• 1.
• * 6.772

  Answ.
• * 6.773

  See Part 1. p. 72 73.
• * 6.774

  De audiendo & termina••do con∣tra Epis••opum Winton••en sembal∣livos, constabulari∣••s & ministr••s su••••.
• * 6.775

  See Part 1. p. 73. &c.
• * 6.776

  Answ. 1.
• (g) 6.777

  1•• Rich. 2. c. 1.3. R. 2. c. 1.5. R. 2. c. 1.6. R. 2. c. 1.7. R. 2. c. 1.9. R. 2. c. 1.12. R. 2. c. 1.21. R. 2. c. 1.4. H. 4. c. 1•• 2. H. 4. c. 1.4. H. 4. c. 1.7. H. 4. c. 1.9. H. 4. c. 1.13. H. 4. c. 1.3. H. 5. c. 1 2. H. 6. c. 1.
• h 6.778

  page 458. to 465. Cromptons Jurisdiction of Courts. f•• 19. b.
• i 6.779

  See Hus. p. 449, 460.
• k 6.780

  Fox Acts, and Monuments, old∣dest Edition. p. 748.902.907.927. b. 1708. b•• 1717. b. Mar∣tins History. p. 450 to 454. Speed. p. 1156.
• (l) 6.781

  A••tiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 299.300. Here pars. 1. pag. 71.72. Crompton Iurisdiction. p. 12 19. Ke••lwayes Reports. f. 184. Stamfords Pl••••••. f. 153. Mr. S••l∣dens Titles of honour p. 690. to 736.
• (m) 6.782

  Henr••c•• Spel∣mani Glossarium. Tit. Abbas. Mr. Seldons Tit. Hon. p. 700. to 735. Cowels Interpreter Abbot.
• (n) 6.783

  Antiq. Eccle. Brit. p. 299.300, See Part. 1. p, 71 72.10. E. 4. F. 6. Stamford Plee••. ••.3. c, 1•• f. 153.
• (o) 6.784

  See. p. 459. •••• 465.
• * 6.785

  Br. Co••one 153. Walsingham. Hist. Anglia, An. 1.3.9.7. p. 392. Ypo∣digna Neustria, p. 151.
• (p) 6.786

  Gratian. Caus. 11. qu. 2.
• (q) 6.787

  Bishop. Iewel Reply to Har∣ding, Artic. 4. divis. 53. p. 234.
• * 6.788

  Object.
• * 6.789

  Answ.
• (r) 6.790

  See Brooke Fi••z herbert, and Ra••••all. Title 〈◊〉〈◊〉 re•• Cookes I••stitutes, ••. 12••.130.
• * 6.791

  Evasion.
• (s) 6.792

  Bishop Hall defence of the humble Remon∣strance. p. 163.164.165.
• * 6.793

  Answ. 1.
• (t) 6.794

  See King Iam••s his Procla∣mation, for ba∣nishing Jesuites, June 10. 1606. & June 2. 1610. Iohn Whit•• his Defence of the Way. ch. 6. and 10.
• (v) 6.795

  See par••. 1. p. 33. to 41.
• (x) 6.796

  The Arch-Bishop in his speech in Starre-Chamber. Dr. H••ylin, and D••w, in their Answers to Mr. Bur••••n.
• (y) 6.797

  See a new Discovery of the Prelates Ty∣ranny. p. 33. to. 38.
• (z) 6.798

  2. & 3. Ed. 6. c. 21.5. & 6. Ed. 6. c. 12. and the Rubrick be∣fore Matrimony
• (a) 6.799

  Pars 2. ••ol. 36. to 66.
• (b) 6.800

  See the Ar∣ticles of his Im∣peachment.
• * 6.801

  Articles of Accusation a∣gainst the Jud∣ges, p. 7.8.9.
• * 6.802

  Mark. 11.17. Mat. 21.13. Luk 19.56. Isa. 56.7.
• * 6.803

  See the Report of the Conspira∣••y to the house of Commons June the 17. 1641. p. 2.3. and Mr. Henry Pier∣cies Letter, p. 3. The Declaration of Colonell Go∣••ing. p. 2••
• * 6.804

  ••rov. 14.2••••
• * 6.805

  Hist. Anglia p. 694. See p. 68••.784.905.
• * 6.806

  25. H. 8. c. 19.21.24. H. 8. c. 12.
• * 6.807

  See Capg••ave, Surius, Ribade∣neira, and others, de vitis Sancto∣rum, Baronius his Martyriologe, & our Common Popish Primers, Calenders, and Almanackes.
• * 6.808

  See Part. 1. p. 193. to 196.
• * 6.809

  See Aventine. Annal. B••iorum. l. 6. & 7.
• * 6.810

  Generall Hi∣story of Spaine, l. 22. Heylins Geogr. p. 55.
• * 6.811

  Musculus. Loc•• Communes, Basi∣l••a. 1560. p. 246.
• * 6.812

  Nota.
• * 6.813

  Nota.
• * 6.814

  Aventinus An∣nali•••• B••i••rum. l. 7. p. 546.547.577.