The true nature of imposture fully displayed in the life of Mahomet with a discourse annexed for the vindicating of Christianity from this charge / offered to the consideration of the deists of the present age by Humphrey Prideaux.

THE LIFE OF MAHOMET.

MAhomet (or according to the true pronunciation of the word Mohammed) was Born a 1.1 at Mecca, a City of Ara∣bia, of the Tribe of the Korashites, b 1.2 which was reckoned the Noblest in all that Country, and was descended in a direct Line of Primogeniture from Pher-Koraish, the first Founder of it, from whom they derive his Pedigree in this manner;c 1.3 The Son of Pher Koraish was Galeb, the Son of Galeb, Lawa, the Son of Lawa, Caab, the Son of Caab, Morrah, whose younger Brother was Ada; from whom was descended Omar Ebno'l Chattab, that was Calif. The Sons of Morrah were Chelab, Tayem, and

Tokdah: From Tayem, Abu-Beker and Telha; and from Yokdah, Chalid, Ebn, Walid, had their Descent. Chelab was he who first gave the Months of the Year those Names by which the Arabs ever since have called them, even to this day. They had formerly other Names,d 1.4 but Chelab having given them these new ones, they first grew into use among the Korashites, and after, by the authority of Mahomet, when he had brought all the rest of the Tribes of the Arabs under his Power, obtained every where else, and the old ones be∣came totally Abolish'd. The eldest Son of Chelab, was Cosa; and the younger, Zahrah, from whom was Amena, the Mother of Mahomet.e 1.5 Cosa was very famous among the Korashites, for gain∣ing to his Family the keeping of the Keys of the Caaba, and with them the Presidency of that Temple, which is the same to which the Mahometans now make their Pilgrimage at Mecca, and was then as much celebrated for the Heathen Worship among the Arabs, as it hath since been for the Mahometan; and therefore the Presidency of it was a matter of great moment, as being a Station which render'd him that was

in it Honourable through all Arabia. It was before in the Possession of Abu Gabshan, of the Tribe of the Cozaites, who were of the ancient Race of the Arabs, descended from Joktan, and for∣merly had their dwelling in Yaman, or Arabia Felix, till being driven thence by an Inundation from the breaking down of the Banks of the Lake Aram, which destroyed their Country, they came and settl'd in the Valley of Mar∣ry, not far from Mecca, and from thence they were called Cozaites, which signifieth the cutting off, because by this remove, they were separated, and as it were cut off from the rest of their Kindred. They had not long lived at Marry, till they grew so Powerful, as to make themselves Masters of Mecca, and also of the Caaba, or Temple which stood there, and held both the Govern∣ment of the one, and the Presidency of the other for many Ages after; till at length the latter falling into the Hands of Abu Gabshan, a weak and sil∣ly Man, Cosa circumvented him while in a drunken humour, and brought of him the Keys of the Temple, and with them the Presidency of it for a Bottle of Wine. But Abu Gabshan being got∣ten

out of his drunken fit, sufficiently repented of his foolish Bargain; from whence grew these Proverbs among the Arabs, More vexed with late Repentance than Abu Gabshan; and more silly than Abu Gabshan; Which are usually said of those who part with a thing of great Moment for a small matter. However, he was not so silly, but when he came to himself, he understood the value of what he had parted with, and would fain have retrieved it again; to which pur∣pose he gave Cosa some disturbance in the possession of his Purchase; and the rest of the Cozaites joyned with him herein, as not liking that he should be thus deprived of his Right by a Trick, and thereby the Presidency of the Tem∣ple go out of their Tribe into that of the Korashites. But Cosa being aware hereof, sent privately to all the Ko∣rashites, who were dispersed abroad among the Neighbouring Tribes, to meet him at Mecca on a day ap∣pointed; with whose help, falling on the Cozaites, he expelled them all out of the City, and from that time the whole possession of Mecca remained to the Korashites; and Cosa and his Poste∣rity in a right Line down to Mahomet,

had the Presidency of the Temple, and the chief Government of the City ever after.

The eldest Son of Cosa was Abd Me∣naph, and the younger Abdol Ʋzza, Names taken from the Idols of the Temple, of which Cosa had now got the Presidency. For Abd Menaph in the Arab Language signifieth the Servant or Worshipper of Menaph; and Abdol Ʋzza, the Servant or Worshipper of Ʋzza, which were Heathen Deities then worshipped by the Arabians. Of the Posterity of Abdol Ʋzza, were Zobair, and Cadigha the Wife of Mahomet.

The eldest Son off 1.6 Abd Menaph was Hashem, and the younger Abdshems, whose Son was Ommia, from whom the Ommiadae, who for so many Descents governed the Saracen Empire. Hashem as well as his Father and Grandfather, was Prince of his Tribe, and Person of great Note in his time through all Arabia. From him the Kindred of Ma∣homet are called Hashemites; and he who governs at Mecca and Medina, (who must always be of the Race of Mahomet) is called in their Language,g 1.7 Al Emamo'l Hashem, that is, the Prince of the Ha∣shemites, even unto this day.

The Son of Hashem wash 1.8 Abdol Mo∣tallab, who succeeded his Father in the Government of his Tribe at Mecca, and had to do with two very formidable Ene∣mies in his timei 1.9; Chosroes, the first of that Name, King of Persia, and Abra∣ham King of the Ethiopians. The first having extended his Empire a great way into Arabia on the North of Mecca; and the other possessed himself of the Kingdom of the Homerites on the South, became very dangerous Neighbours unto him; but he defended himself against both, and forced the latter to a very shameful Retreat, when he came with a numerous Army to Besiege the City, as shall be hereafter more fully related. He lived to a very great Age, beingk 1.10 an Hundred and ten years old at his Death. He had thirteen Sons, their Names were as followeth; Abdollah, Hamzah, Al-Abbas, Abu Taleb, Abu La∣heb, Al-Gidak, Al-Hareth, Jahel, Al-Mokawam, Dorar, Al-Zobair, Ketham, and Abdal Caaba. The eldest of them, Abdollah, having married Amena, the Daughter of Waheb, was by her the Father of Mahometl 1.11, who was born at Mecca, in the Month of May, in the Year of our Lord, 571. Justin the Se∣cond

being then Emperor of Constan∣tinople, and Chosroes the first King of Persia.

By this it appears, Mahomet was not of such mean and vile Parentage as some have asserted. For being a Korashite, he was of the noblest Tribe of all Ara∣bia, and the Family he was born of was the most considerable of that Tribe, as being that which for several Descents together had born the chief Rule over it. However, in the beginning of his Life he was inm 1.12 a very poor and de∣spicable Condition. For his Father dy∣ing before he was two years old, and while his Grandfather, Abdol Motallab, was still living, all the Power and Wealth of his Family became derived to his Uncles, especially to Abu Taleb, who after the Death of Abdol Motallab his Father, bore the chief sway in Mecca as long as he lived, which was to a very great Age; and under his Prote∣ction chiefly was it, that Mahomet, when he first broached his Imposture, was supported against all his Opposers, and grew up to that height thereby, as to be able after his Death to carry it on, and also establish it through all Arabia by his own Power.

After his Father's Death, he continu∣ed under the Tuition of his Mother till the eighth year of his Age; whenn 1.13 she also dying, he was taken home to his Grandfather, Abdol Motallab, who at his Death, which hapned the next year after, committed him to the care of his Uncle, Abu Taleb, to be educated by him out of Charity, who carrying on a Trade of Merchandize, took him into this Imployment, and bred him up in the business of it. For Meccao 1.14 being scituated in a very barren Soil, could not of it self subsist; and therefore the Inhabitants were forced to betake them∣selves to Merchandize for their Support; and the best Men among them had scarce any other Estate but in their Stock where with they did Traffick; and therefore they all betook themselves to this Course of Life, which they seem to have received down from the Ismae∣lites, from whom they were descended, and in the same manner as they carri∣ed on a Trade into Syria, Persia, and Egypt, on Camels backs, furnishing those Countries with such Commodities as came to them from India, Ethiopia, and other Southern parts, for which commerce they were very advantage∣ously

scituated, as lying near the Red-Sea, where they had the Portp 1.15 Jodda, the most convenient for Shipping in all those Streights.

And in this Course of Life Mahomet was bred up under his Unkle; and as soon as he was of a fit Age, he was sent with his Camels into Syria. On his coming to Bostra, a City on the Con∣fines of that Country, while he was at∣tending his Unkle's Factors in the ven∣ding of his Wares in the Publick Market∣place q 1.16, he was there seen (say the Mahometans) by Bahira, a Learned Monk of that place, who immediately know∣ing him to be the great Prophet that was to come, pressed with great earn∣estness thorough the Crowd unto him, and taking him by the Hand, there foretold of him all those great things which afterwards came to pass. The Mark whereby he knew him (say they) was the Prophetick Light which shun on his Face. This Prophetickr 1.17 Light, they tell us, God first placed on Adam, to be a sign of the Prophets that were to be born of him; That this Light de∣scending down to Abraham, was from him divided into two; one on the Face of Isaac, and the other on the Face of Is∣mael;

that Isaac's Light was soon after manifested in the many Prophets which appeared of his Posterity among the Children of Israel; but that which was placed on Ismael, was suppressed, and lay hid till the coming of Mahomet, on whom it first appeared; and that Bahira seeing it on him, thereby knew him (say they) to be a great Prophet sent of God, who was ere long to manifest himself. But otherss 1.18 say, the Mark by which he knew him, was the Seal of his Prophetick Mission stamped with a wonderful impress between his Shoul∣ders. But the truth is, Mahomet did not become acquainted with this Bahira, till many Years after, when he tra∣ded for Cadigha into those Parts, as shall in its proper place be hereafter re∣lated.

Till the Twenty fifth year of his Age he continued in this Employment under his Unkle; butt 1.19 then one of the Chief men of the City dying, and his Widow, whose name was Cadigha (to whom he left all his Stock, which was of consi∣derable value) wanting a Factor to ma∣nage it for her, she invited Mahomet in∣to her Service; and having offered him such advantageous Conditions as he

thought fit to accept of, he undertook this Employment under her, and for three years traded for her at Damascus, and other places; and in the manage∣ment of this Charge gave her that con∣tent, and so far insinuated himself into her Favour and good Opinion thereby, that about theu 1.20 28th year of his Age she gave her self to him in marriage, being then forty years old; and from being her Servant, thus advanced him to be the Master both of her Person and Estate, which having rendered him equal in Wealth to the best men of the City, his ambitious Mind began to entertain thoughts ofvv 1.21 possessing himself of the Soveraignty over it. His Ancestors had for several Descents been Chiefs of the Tribe; and his Great Grandfather Hashem had made himself very considerable, not only at home, but also among his Neighbours abroad; and had his Father lived, the Power and Wealth of his Family, after the death of his Grandfather, would have descended to him, as being the eldest Son; and after his decease, to himself; and it was only his misfortune in being left an Orphan during the life of his Grandfather, that deprived him of all

this. These Considerations meeting with an Ambitious, Aspiring Mind, soon put him upon Designs of raising himself to the Supream Government of his Coun∣try; and being a very Subtile, Crafty man, after having maturely weighed all ways and means whereby to bring this to pass, concluded none so likely to ef∣fect it, as the framing of that Imposture, which he afterwards vented with so much mischief to the World. For the course of Trade which he drove into Egypt, Palestine, and Syria, having made him well acquainted bothx 1.22 with Chri∣stians and Jews, and observing with what eagerness, as well they, as the se∣veral Sects into which the Christians of the East were then miserably divided, did engage against each other; he from thence concluded, That nothing would be more likely to gain a Party firm to him for the compassing of his Ambi∣tious Ends, than the making of a New Religion. And for such a Change he judged his Citizens might be well dis∣posed, because their Traffick and frequent converse with Christians having much taken off their affection and zeal for that gross Idolatry which they had hitherto been addicted to, they were at that time

from Heathenism generally falleny 1.23 into Zendicism, an Error among the Arabs near of kin to the Sadducism of the Jews, as denying Providence, the Resurrecti∣on, and a Future State; which being in reality to be without any Religion at all, they were the better fitted, while thus void of all other impressions of God, and his Worship, to receive any he should impose upon them; and there∣fore betaking himself to frame such a Religion as he thought might best go down with them, he drew up a Scheme of that Imposture he afterwards deluded them with, which being a medley made up of Judaism, the sveral Heresies of the Christians then in the East, and the old Pagan Rites of the Arabs, with an Indulgence to all Sensual Delights, it did too well answer his Design in draw∣ing men of all sorts to the embracing of it.

But that he might not immediately from that Idolatry, which he had hither∣to practised with the rest of his Citizens, commence a Preacher against it; and from his present course of life, which was very licentious and wicked, take upon him a Character so unsuteably to it, as that of a Prophet, without some

previous Change; in the 38th year of his Agez 1.24 he withdrew himself from his former Conversation, and affecting an Eremetical life, used every morning to withdraw himself into a Solitary Cave near Mecca, called the Cave of Hira, and there continue all day, exercising himself, as he pretended, in Prayers, Fastings, and holy Meditations; and there it is suppos'd he first had his Consults with those Accomplices by whose help he made his Alcoran. On his return home at night, he used to tell his Wife Cadi∣gha of Visions which he had seen, and strange Voices which he had heard in his retirement. For he aimed first of all to draw her into the Imposture, know∣ing that thereby he should secure his own Family to his Design (without which it would be dangerous for him to venture on it) and also gain in her an able Partisan for him among the Wo∣men. But she rejecting these Stories as vain Fancies of his own disturbed Ima∣gination, or else Delusions of the Devil; at length he opened himself further unto her, and feigned a Converse with the An∣gel Gabriel, which she was also as back∣ward to believe, till after several repeat∣ed Stories to her of his Revelations from

the said Angel, shea 1.25 consulted with a fugitive Monk, then in their House, (of whom I shall hereafter speak) who being in the Plot, helped to confirm her in the belief of what Mahomet had commu∣nicated unto her, whereby being total∣ly persuaded that Mahomet was really called to that Prophetick Office which he pretended to, from thenceforth gave up her Faith totally to him, and became his first Proselite in this Imposture.

After he had carried this Point, ha∣ving now by two years constantly pra∣ctising a retired and austere Life, gained, as he thought, a sufficient reputation of Sanctity for his Design; in the 40th year of his Ageb 1.26 he began to take upon him the Stile of the Apostle of God, and under that Character to propagate the Imposture which he had been so long a projecting. But for four years he did it only in private among such as he had most confidence in, clancularly insinuating his Delusions into them. His first Pro∣selite, as has been said, was Cadigha his Wife; his second was Zayd Ebn Hareth his Servant; and the third his Cousin Ali, the Son of Abu Taleb his Uncle, who from hence wasc 1.27 used to stile him∣self the first of Believers, not making

any reckonings of the other two. He tempted his Servant Zayd by promising him his Freedom;c 1.28 and accordingly, on his receiving his Religion, he manumised him. And from hence it hath become a Law among the Mahometans ever since, to make their Slaves free, whenever they turn to their Religion.

It is to be observed, that Mahomet be∣gan this Imposture about the same time thatd 1.29 the Bishop of Rome, by vertue of a Grant from the wicked Tyrant Phocas, first assumed the Title of Ʋniversal Pa∣stor, and thereon claimed to himself that Supremacy, which he hath been ever since endeavouring to usurp over the Church of Christ. And from this time Both having conspired to found them∣selves an Empire in Imposture, their Fol∣lowers have been ever since endeavour∣ing by the same Methods, that is, those of Fire and Sword, to propagate it among Mankind; so that Antichrist seems at this time to have set both his Feet upon Christendom together, the one in the East, and the other in the West; and how much each hath trampled upon the Church of Christ, the Ages ever since succeeding have abundantly experi∣enced.

Mahomet's fourth Disciple wase 1.30 Abu Beker, who being one of thef 1.31 Richest men of Mecca, and a person of great Wisdom and Experience, brought with him no small help and reputation to his Cause, and his Example was soon follow∣ed by five others,g 1.32 Othman Ebn Affan, Zobair Ebno'l Awam, Saad Ebu Abu Waccas, Abdorrahman Ebn Auf, and Abu Obeida Ebno'l Jerah, who were after∣wards the principal Generals of his Ar∣mies, and the chief Instruments under him, by whose help he established both his Empire, and his Imposture together in those parts of the World.

After he had gotten these nine Disci∣ples, some of which were the principal men of the City, he beganh 1.33 openly to publish his Imposture to the People of Mecca in the 44th year of his Age, and publickly to declare himself a Prophet sent by God to reduce them from the Error of Paganism, and to teach them the true Religion. The first Doctrin that he propagated among them was,i 1.34 That there was but one God, and that he only is to be worshipped, and thatk 1.35 all Idols were to be taken away, and their Wor∣ship utterly abolished; and that those who say God hathl 1.36 Sons or Daughters,

or that there are any other Gods m 1.37 associated with him, are impi∣ous, and ought to be abhorred. By denying him Sons and Associats, he reflected on the Christians for holding the Doctrin of the Trinity, and that Jesus Christ is the Son of God; the belief of both which he doth in many places in his Alcoran vehemently forbid. By de∣nying him Daughters, he condemned the Idolatrous Practice of the Arabians, n 1.38 who worshipped Allat, Menah, and Al Ʋzza, Female Deities, which they held to be the Daughters of God, whose Idols and Temples he afterwards every-where destroyed.

He did not pretend to deliver to them any new Religion, but to revive the old one, which God first gave unto Adam; and when lost in the corruption of the Old World, restored it again by Reve∣lation o 1.39 to Abraham, who taught it his Son Ismael their Forefather; and that he, when he first planted himself in Arabia, instructed men in the same Religion which he had received from Abraham, but their Posterity afterwards corrupted it into Idolatry, and that God had now sent him to destroy this Idola∣try, and again restore the Religion of

Ismael their Forefather. And therefore, according to his own Doctrin, it is not unfitly called Ismaelisme by the Jews, al∣though they call it so only out of con∣tempt by transposition of the Letters from Islamisme, the Name whereby the Mahometans themselves most love to call it, from the Arabicp 1.40 word Salama, which in the Fourth Conjugation is Asla∣ma, to enter into the state of Salvation; hence Eslam, the Saving Religion, and Muslimon, or as we call it, Musleman, he that believeth therein.

Heq 1.41 allowed both the Old and the New Testament, and that Moses and Jesus Christ were Prophets sent from God; but that the Jews and Christians had cor∣rupted these holy Writings, and that he was sent to purge them from those Corruptions, and restore the Law of God to that purity in which it was first deli∣vered; and therefore most of those Pas∣sages which he takes out of the Old and New Testament are related otherwise by him in his Alcoran, than we have them in those Sacred Books. And in this certainly he acted much wiser than our Socinians, who with him denying the Holy Trinity and the Divinity of our Saviour, yet still allow the holy Scriptures, as now in our

hands, to be genuine and uncorrupted, with which their Doctrin is in the most manifest manner totally inconsi∣stent. If they had with this their† 1.42 Ma∣ster denied the Scriptures which we now have, as well as the Trinity and the Di∣vinity of our Saviour, which are so evi∣dently proved by them, and forged others in their stead, they might have made their impious Hypothesis look much more plausible, than now it can possibly appear to be.

He pretended to receive all his Reve∣lations r 1.43 from the Angel Gabriel, and that he was sent from God of purpose to de∣liver them unto him. And whereas he was subject to the Falling-sickness, s 1.44 whenever the Fit was upon him, he pretended it to be a Trance, and that then and Angel Gabriel was come from God with some new Revelations unto him, the splendour of whose appearance not being able to bear, this caused him to fall into those Trances, in which the Angel conversed with him, and delivered to him those Messages from God, which he was sent to reveal unto him.

His pretended Revelations he put in∣to several Chapters, the collection of which make up his Alcoran, which is the Bible of the Mahometans. The Ori∣ginal of this Book he taught themt 1.45 was laid up in the Archives of Heaven, and that the Angel Gabriel brought himu 1.46 the Copy of it Chapter by Chapter, accord∣ing as occasion required they should be published to the People. Part of these he published at Mecca, before his flight from thence; and the other part at Medina, which he did after this man∣ner. * 1.47 When he had forged a new Chapter, which he intended to publish he first dictated it to his Secretary, and then delivered the written Paper to be read to his Followers will they had learnt it by heart; which being done, he had the Paper brought to him again, which he laid up in a Chest, which he called the Chest of his Apostleship. This he did, I suppose, in imitation of the Ark or holy Chest among the Jews, in which the Authentick Copy of their Law was reposited. This Chest he left in the keeping of one of his Wives, and out of it, after his death, was the Alcoran compiled in the same manner as Homer's Rapsodies were out of the loose Poems

of that Poet.x 1.48 Abu Beker first made the Collection, but Othman afterwards revising and new modelling it, licked it into that shape in which we now have it.

On his first appearing publickly as a Prophety 1.49 the People laughed at him for the ridiculousness of his Pretence; some called him az 1.50 Sorcerer, and a Magician, others a Lyer, an Impostor, and a teller of old Fables; of which he often com∣plains in his Alcoran; so that for the first year he prevailed nothing among them, or got any thing else by his pub∣lishing those Chapters of his Alcoran which he had then composed, or his preaching to them the Doctrin of them, but Scorn and Contempt. But this did not discourage him from still proceeding in his Design, which he ma∣naged with great art. For he was a Man of aa 1.51 ready Wit, and a very acceptable Address; he bore all Affronts, without seeming to resent any; and applied him∣self to all sorts of people, without con∣temning the meanest; was very cour∣teous both in giving and receiving Vi∣sits; the Great men he soothed with flattering Praises, and the Poor he re∣lieved with Gifts and Alms; and to∣wards

all men managed himself with that art of insinuation (in which he ex∣ceeded all men living) that at length he surmounted all the Difficulties which so bold an Imposture in the first venting of it must necessarily be liable unto, and several other new Proselytes joined themselves unto him, among whom was b 1.52 Omar Ebno'l Chattab, who was one of his Successors, and then a considerable Man in the City. His Example was soon followed by several others, so that in the fifth year of his pretended Mission he had encreased his Party to the number of Nine and thirty, and himself made the Fortieth.

On his having made this progress, c 1.53 several began to be allarm'd at it. Those that were addicted to the Idola∣try of their Forefathers stood up to op∣pose him as an Enemy of their Gods, and a dangerous Innovator in their Religion. But others, who saw further into his Designs, thought it time to put a stop thereto for the sake of the publick safety of the Government, which it manifestly tended to undermine for the establish∣ing of Tyranny over them, and there∣fore they combining together against him, intended to have cut him off with

the Sword. Butd 1.54 Abu Taleb his Uncle getting notice hereof defeated the De∣sign, and by his Power, as being Chief of the Tribe, preserved him from all other like Attempts as were afterwards framed against him. For although he himself persisted in the Paganism of his Ancestors, yet he had that affection for the Impostor, as being his Kinsman, and one that was bred up in his House, that he firmly stood by him against all his Enemies, and would suffer no one to do him any hurt as long as he lived. And therefore being safe under so powerful a Protection, he boldly went on to preach to the People in all publick places of the City where they used to assemble, and published unto them more Chapters of his Alcoran in the order, as he pretend∣ed, they were brought him by the Angel Gabriel. The chief Subject of which was to press upon them the observance of some moral Duties, the Belief of the Unity of God, and the Dignity of his own pretended Apostleship, in which indeed, besides some Heathen and Jewish Rites which he retained, consist∣ed the whole of his new forged Re∣ligion.

The main Arguments he made use of to delude men into this Imposture, were his Promises and his Threats, as being those which easiest work on the Affe∣ctions of the Vulgar. His Promises were chiefly of Paradise, which he so cun∣ningly framed to the gust of the Ara∣bians, as to make it totally consist in those Pleasures which they were most delighted with. For they being within the Torrid Zone, were, through the na∣ture of the Clime, as well as the exces∣sive corruption of their Manners,e 1.55 ex∣ceedingly given to the love of Women; and the scorching heat and driness of the Country making Rivers of Water, cooling Drinks, shaded Gardens, and pleasant Fruits, most refreshing and de∣lightful unto them, they were from hence apt to place their highest Enjoy∣ment in things of this nature. And therefore to answer the heigth of their Carnal Desires he made the Joys of Hea∣ven, which he proposed for a reward to all those that should believe in him, to consist totally in these particulars. For he tells them in many places in his Al∣coran, That they shall enter into pleasant Gardens,f 1.56 where many Rivers flow, and many curious Fountains continually send

forth most pleasing Streams, nigh which they shall repose themselves on most deli∣cate Beds adorned with Gold and precious Stones under the shadow of the Trees of Paradise, which shall continually yield them all manner of delicious Fruits, and that there they shall enjoy most beautiful Women pure and clean, having black Eyes and Countenances always fresh and white as polished Pearls, who shall not cast an Eye on any other but themselves, with whom they shall enjoy the continual plea∣sures of Love, and solace themselves in their company with amorous Delights to all Eternity, drinking with them most delicious Liquors, and most savoury and pleasant Wines, without being ever in∣toxicated or overcharged by them, which shall be administred to them by beautiful Boys, who shall be continually running round their Beds to serve them up unto them in Cups of Gold, and Glasses fixed on Diamonds. And as thus he framed his Promises of Reward in the Life here∣after as might best suit with the sensual Appetites and Desires of those to whom he proposed them; so on the contrary, he described the Punishment of Hell, which he threatned to all that would not believe in him, to consist of such

Torments as would appear to them the most afflicting and grievous to be born. Asg 1.57 that they should drink nothing but boiling and stinking Water, or breath any thing else but exceeding hot Winds, (things most terrible in Arabia;) that they should dwell for ever in continual Fire excessively burning, and be surrounded with a black hot and salt Smoak as with a Co∣verlid; that they should eat nothing but Briers, and Thorns, and the Fruit of the Tree Zacon, which should be in their Bellies like burning Pitch. In the pro∣posing of these Promises and Threats to the People he was very frequent and se∣dulous, making them to ring in their Ears on all occasions, whereby he failed not of his end in alluring some, and affrighting others into the Snare he laid for them.

And that he might omit nothing whereby to work on their Fear, which is usually the most prevalent Passion of the Ignorant, he terrified them with the Threats of grievous Punishments in this Life, as well as in that which is to come, if they would not hearken unto him. And to this endh 1.58 he did set forth unto them on all occasion, what ter∣rible Destructions had faln upon the

Heads of such as would not be instruct∣ed by the Prophets, that were sent be∣fore him. How the Old World was de∣stroyed by Water, for not being re∣formed at the preaching of Noah; and Sodom by Fire from Heaven, for not hearkning to Lot when sent unto them. How the Egyptians were plagued for des∣pising Moses; and how Ad and Thamod two Ancient Tribes of the Arabs, were totally extirpated for the same reason. His Stories of the two last were Fables of his own Invention, which he rela∣ted unto them after this manner. That i 1.59 Ad the Grandson of Aram, the Son of Sem, planted himself after the Confu∣sion of Languages in the Southern Parts of Arabia, where his Posterity falling into Idolatry, the Prophet Hud (whom the Commentators on the Alcoran will have to be Heber) was sent unto them to reclaim them unto the true Worship, but they not hearkning unto him, God sent a violent hot Wind, which in seven days time destroyed them all excepting only the Prophet, and some few who were reformed by him. As to Tha∣mod, hisk 1.60 Story was, that they were an Ancient Tribe of the Arabs dwelling on the Consines of Syria, and that on their

Revolt to Idolatry, God sent to them the Prophet Saleh; that on their demand of a Miracle to testify his Mission, he caused a Rock to bring forth a Camel in the sight of them all; that they not∣withstanding in contempt wounded the Camel, and that thereupon God sent terrible Thunders, which in three days time destroyed them all, excepting Sa∣leh, and some few who believed on him. And the like Fable he also told them ofl 1.61 Chaib, another Prophet of the ancient Arabs, sent to the Tribe of Madian, and how that Tribe was in like manner destroyed by Thunder for not hearkning unto him. For the sake of these Stories, (which he was very frequent in inculcating into the People, and very often repeats in his Alcoran) those who believed not on him, called himm 1.62 a Teller of old Fables; but not∣withstanding they wrought upon the Fears of others, and by this and other such Artifices, he still went on to en∣crease his Party, to which two of his Uncles,n 1.63 Hamza and Al Abbas, at length joyned themselves. But the rest of his Uncles approved not of his designs, and altho Abu Taleb still continued to be∣friend him, because of the affection

which he bore him, the other nine had not this regard to him, but joyned with his Enemies, and opposed him all they could, as a Man that under the false Mask, which he had put on, car∣ried on dangerous Designs to the preju∣dice of his Country.

But that which gravelled him most, was that his Opposers demanded to see a Miracle from him. For said they o 1.64, Moses and Jesus, and the rest of the Prophets, according to thy own Doctrin, worked Miracles to prove their Mission from God; and therefore if thou be a Prophet, and greater than any that were sent before thee, as thou boastest thy self to bep 1.65, do thou work the like Mira∣cles to manifest it unto us. Do thou make the Dead to rise, the Dumb to speak, and the Deaf to hear, or else do thou cause Fountains to spring out of the Earth, and make this place a Garden adorned with Vines and Palm-Trees, and watered with Rivers running through it in divers Chan∣nels, or else let us see come down from Heaven some of those Punishments which thou threatnest us with. Or do thou make thee an House of Gold, adorned with Jewels and costly Furniture; or let us see the Book thou wouldst bave us believe to

come from Heaven, descend down to us from thence legible in our Eyes, or the Angel which thou tellest us doth bring it unto thee, and then we will believe in thy Word. This Objection he endeavoured to evade by several answers. Oneq 1.66 while he tells them, he is only a Man sent to Preach to them the rewards of Paradise, and the Punishments of Hell. At another time,r 1.67 That their Predeces∣sors contemned the Miracles of Saleh, and the other Prophets, and that for this reason God would work no more among them. And a while after, that thoses 1.68 whom God had ordained to be∣lieve, should believe without Miracles, and those whom he had not ordained to believe should not be convinced, though all those Miracles should be wrought in their sight, which they required; and that therefore they were totally need∣less. But this not satisfying, as being a plain Confession that he wanted that Power of Miracles, which all other Prophets had to prove their Mission, se∣veral of those that were his Followers departed from him, of which he much complains in his Alcoran. And there∣fore finding that this would not do on his coming to Medina, and having there

taken the Sword in hand, and gotten an Army to back his Cause, he began to sing another Note. For his Doctrin then wast 1.69 that God had sent Moses and Jesus with Miracles, and yet Men would not be obedient to their Word, and therefore he had now sent him in the last place without Miracles to force them by the Power of the Sword to do his Will. And persuant heretou 1.70 he forbad his Disciples to enter into any further Disputes about his Religion, but instead thereof he commanded them to fight for it, and destroy all those who should contradict his Law, promising great Rewards in the Life to come, to such as should take up the Sword in this Cause, and the Crown of Martyrdom to all those who should dye fighting for it. And upon this Head, some of the Ma∣hometan Doctors argue very subtilly. For* 1.71 say they, The Prophets of God are of divers sorts according to the di∣vers Attributes of his Divine Nature, which they are sent to shew forth. That Jesus Christ was sent to manifest the Righteousness, the Power, and Know∣ledge of God; That he shewed forth the Righteousness of God in being impeccable, his Knowledg in that he knew the Se∣crets

of Mens hearts, and foretold things to come; and his Power in do∣ing those miraculous Works, which none else but God could. That Solomon was sent to manifest the Wisdom, the Glory, and the Majesty of God; and Moses his Providence, and his Clemency; none of which carrying with them a Power to force Men to believe, Miracles were ne∣cessary in their Missions to induce them thereunto. But Mahomet was a Pro∣phet, sent principally to shew forth the Fortitude of God by the Power of the Sword, which being of it self alone suf∣ficient to compel all Men into the Faith without any other Power accompany∣ing it, for this reason (say they) Ma∣homet wrought no Miracles, because he had no need of them, the Power of the Sword, with which he was sent, of it self alone sufficiently enabling him to accomplish his Mission by forcing Men to believe therein. And from hence it hath become the Universal Doctrine of the Mahometans, that their Religion is to be propagated by the Sword, and that all of them are bound to fight for it. And for this reasonx 1.72 it hath been a Custom among them for their Preachers,

while they deliver their Sermons, to have a Drawn Sword placed by them to de∣note thereby, that the Doctrine which they teach them, was with the Sword to be defended and propagated by them.

However it is not to be denied, but that there are several Miracles reckon∣ed up, which Mahomety 1.73 is said to have wrought; as that he did cleave the Moon in two; that Trees went forth to meet him; that Water flowed from between his Fingers; that the Stones saluted him; that he fed a great Com∣pany with a little Food; that a Beam groaned at him; that a Camel com∣plained to him; that a Shoulder of Mut∣ton told him of its being poysoned; and several others. But those who relate them, are only such who are reckon∣ed among them their Fabulous and Le∣gendary Writers. Their Learnedz 1.74 Do∣ctors renounce them all, as doth Maho∣met himself, who in several places in hisa 1.75 Alcoran owns that he wrought no Miracles. But when they are pressed how without Miracles they can prove his Mission; their common answer is, that instead of all Miracles is the Alcoran.

Forb 1.76 that Mahomet, who was an Illite∣rate Person, that could neither write nor read, or that any Man else by hu∣man Wisdom alone should be able to compose a Book so excellent in Elo∣quence, and so excellent in Doctrine, as they will have that to be, is what they will not admit to be possible, and therefore they alledge the excellency of the Book for the truth of all contained therein, and will have that to be a proof equivalent to the Miracles of all the Prophets that went before him, to ma∣nifest that it came from God. And on thisc 1.77 the Impostor himself often insists in his Alcoran, challenging in several places of it all Men and Devils by their united Skill to compose another Book like that in Eloquence and Instruction, or else any one Chapter that can be compared in Excellency with the mean∣est Chapter therein: Which they taking for granted, that both together cannot do, will have this to be a most clear manifestation beyond all contradiction, that this Book could come from none other but God himself, and that Ma∣homet from whom they received it, was his Messenger to bring it unto them.

As to the particulars in this Argu∣ment alledged, it must be allowed that the Alcoran, bating the Folly, the Con∣fusedness and Incoherency of the Mat∣ter contained therein, is as to the Stile and Language the Standard of Elegan∣cy in the Arab Tongue; and as to Ma∣homet, that he was in truth, what they say, an Illiterate Barbariand 1.78 that could neither write nor read. But this was not so much a defect in him, as in the Tribe of which he was, with whom it was the Custom as to all manner of literature to continuee 1.79 in the same Ig∣norance with which they came out of their Mothers Bellies unto their Lives end. And therefore at the time when Mohomet first set up for a Prophet, there was not any one Man of Mecca that could either write or read, excepting onlyf 1.80 Warakah, a Kinsman of Cadigha's, who having first turned Jew, and af∣terwards Christian, had learned to write Arabick in Hebrew Letters. And for this reason, The Men of Mecca were calledg 1.81 the Illiterate, in opposi∣tion to the People of Medina, who be∣ing the one half Christians, and the other half Jews, were able both to write and read; and therefore were

h 1.82 called the People of the Book. And from thence, several of Mahomet's Fol∣lowers, after he came to Medina, learnt to read and write also, which some of them had begun to learn before of Ba∣shar the Cendiani 1.83, who having sojourn∣ed at Anbar, a City of Erac, near Eu∣phrates, there learnt the Art, from whence coming to Mecca, and marry∣ing the Sister of Abusophian, he setled there, and from him the Men of Mecca are first said to have received the Art of Letters. Among the Followers of Mahomet, Othman was the greatest Pro∣ficient herein, which advanced him af∣terwards tok 1.84 be Secretary to the Impo∣stor. But for want of Paper at first, as in a place where there was never before any occasion for it, they were forced to make usel 1.85 of the Spade-bones of Shoul∣ders of Mutton to write on, which was a device anciently made use of by other Tribes of the Arabs, who had Letters, but wanted Trafick to accommodate them with more convenient Materials for this purpose, and therefore their Books, in which their Poems, and other Matters they delighted in were written, m 1.86 were only so many of those Spade∣bones tied together upon a String. This

Bashar afterwards became one of Maho∣met's Disciples, and followed him in his Wars, till poysoned at Chaibar, as shall be hereafter related.

But these Particulars being thus al∣lowed, That the Alcoran of the Maho∣metans is of so elegant a Stile, and the supposed Author thereof such a Rude and Illiterate Barbarian; it will be here asked, who were the Assistants by whose help this Book was compiled, and the Imposture framed? And there will be the more reason to ask this, because the Book it self contains so ma∣ny particulars of the Jewish and Chri∣stian Religion, as necessarily imply the Authors of it to be well-skill'd in both, which Mahomet, who was bred an Ido∣later, and lived so for the first forty Years of his Life among a People totally Illi∣terate, cannot be supposed to be. But this is a Question not so easily to be an∣swered, because the nature of the thing required it should be concealed. The Mahometan Writers, who believe in the Imposture, as they will allow nothing of this, so to be sure will say little of it; and the Christians, who abhorred his Wickedness, are apt to say too much. For it was usual with them, as

it is with all other contending Parties, to snatch at every Story which would disparage the Religion they were a∣gainst, and believe it right or wrong, if it would serve their purpose this way. And from hence it hath proceeded, that we have so many fabulous and ridicu∣lous Accounts both of Mahomet and his Imposture, go current among us, which serve only to the exposing of us to the laughter of the Mahometans, when rela∣ted among them. And besides the Scene of this Imposture, being at least six hundred Miles within the Country of Arabia, amidst those Barbarous Na∣tions, who all immediately imbraced it, and would not afterward permit any of another Religion, as much as to live among them; it could not at that di∣stance be so well searched into by those, who were most concerned to discover the Frauds of it, and therefore an ex∣act account cannot be expected in this particular. However, that I may give all the satisfaction herein, that I am able, I shall here lay together whatso∣ever I can find in any credible Author concerning it, and give the best Judg∣ment hereof, that the matter will ad∣mit.

That Mahomet composed his Alcoran by the help of others, was a thing well known at Mecca, when he first broach∣ed his Imposture there, and it was often flung in his Teeth by his Opposers, as he himself more than once complain∣eth In the 25th Chapter of the Alco∣ran, his words are, They say, That the Alcorn is nothing but a Lye of thy own Invention, and others have been assisting to thee herein. Where the Commenta∣tors say the Persons here meantn 1.87, were the Servants of a certain Sword-Smith at Mecca, who were Christians, with whom Mahomet was used often to con∣verse for the better informing of him∣self from them in the Old and New Te∣stament. And from hence it is, That o 1.88 Bellonius tells us, that Mahomet found at Mecca two Christians, who had with them Copies of the Old and New Testa∣ment, and that he was much helped by them in the Composing of his Alco∣ran. But this is too open work for so secret a Design. They that upbraided him with his being assisted by others, meant not those whom he publickly coversed with, but the private Confe∣derates, whom he secretly made use of at home in the framing of the whole

Imposture, and the writing for him that Book, which he pretended was brought to him from Heaven by the Angel Ga∣briel. And what he hath in another place of his Alcoran, doth particularly point at one of those, who was then looked upon to have had a principal hand in this matter. For in the Six∣teenth Chapter his words are, I know they will say, That a Man hath taught him the Alcoran; but whom they presume to have taught him is a Persian by Na∣tion, and speaketh the Persian Language. But the Alcoran is in the Arabic Tongue full of Instruction and Eloquence. Now, who this Persian was, Frier Richard in his Confutation of the Mahometan Law, helps us to understand. For in his Thir∣teenth Chapter of that Tract he tells us, That Mahomet being an Illiterate Person, he had for his helper in the forging of his Imposture among others, one Abdia Ben Salon, a Persian Jew, whose Name he afterwards changed to make it correspond with the Arabic Dialect intop 1.89 Abdollah Ebn Salem; and Cantacuzenus, and Cardinal Cusa say the

same thing. Andq 1.90 most others that write of this Imposture make mention of him, as the chief Architect made use of by Mahomet in the framing of it. And that he was the Persian pointed at in this Passage of the Alcoran, I have last mentioned, the same Frier Richard in the Sixth Chapter of the same Tract, expresly telleth us. And he is the same Person whom Elmacinus callethr 1.91 Salman the Persian, who by his skill in draw∣ing an Intrenchment at the Battle of the Ditch, saved Mahomet and all his Ar∣my, where otherwise he must necessa∣rily have been over-powred by the number of his Enemies, and totally ru∣ined. For he was a very cunning craf∣ty Fellow, and so thoroughly skill'd in all the Learning of the Jews, that he had commenceds 1.92 Rabbi among them. And therefore, from him Mahomet seems to have received, whatsoever of the Rites and Customs of the Jews, he hath ingrafted into his Religion. For this making a very considerable part of it, and many of the particulars being drawn from the abstruser parts of the Talmudic Learning, this necessarily shews so able an helper to have been in the whole contrivance. And what Johannes

Andreas, an Alfacki, or a Doctor of the Mahometan Law, turned Christian, writes of him, further clears this mat∣ter. t 1.93 For he tells us from Authentick Testimonies of the Arab Writers, in which he was thoroughly versed, that this Abdollah Ebn Salem, (whom he, or rather his Interpreter corruptly calls Abdala Celen) was for ten Years toge∣ther the Person, by whose Hand all the pretended Revelations of the Impo∣stor were first written, and therefore no doubt he was also a principal con∣triver in the forging of them. There is extant in the end of the Latin Alco∣ran, published by Bibliander, a Tract translated out of Arabic into Latin by Hermannus Dalmata, which by way of Dialogue between Mahomet and his Ab∣dollah, lays before us a great many of the Fooleries of the Mahometan Religion, which Tract helps us to correct the Name, which is in Frier Richard's Tract very corruptly written, as being only a Translation at the third Hand. For that Tract of Frier Richard's, which we now have, is no other than a Transla∣tion from the Greek Copy of Demetrius Cydonius, who translated it into that Language for the use of the Emperor

Cantacuzenus, from the Original Latin which is now lost.

Besides this Jew, the Impostor had also a Christian Monk for his Assistant: And the many particulars in his Alco∣ran relating to the Christian Religion, plainly prove him to have had such an helper. Theophanes, Zonaras, Cedrenus, Anastasius, and the Author of the Histo∣ria Miscella, tell us of him, without gi∣ving him any other Name than that of a Nestorian Monk. But the Author of the Disputation against a Mahometan, which is epitomized in Vincentius Bello∣vacensis's Speculum Historicum, and from thence printed at the end of Bi∣bliander's Latin Alcoran,u 1.94 calls him Sergius; and from thence is it, that he hath been ever since so often spoken of by that Name among the Western Wri∣ters. But in the East he is totally un∣known by it, he being never, as much as I can find, made mention of by that Name by any of their Writers. For all there that speak of his Monk, call him Bahira; and Frier Richardvv 1.95, who in the Year of our Lord 1210. went to Bagdad of purpose to search into the Mystery of Mahometism by reading their Books, and on his return wrote

that judicious Confutation of it, which I have aforementioned,x 1.96 tells us of this Bahira, as an Assistant to Mahomet in the forging of his Imposture, and so doth alsoy 1.97 Cantacuzenus, Bartholomaeus Edes∣senus, and the other Greek Author of the Confutation of Mahomet, published by Le Moyne: But not one of them says any thing of Sergius; so that it is plain z 1.98 that Sergius and Bahira are only two different names of the same person. He was a Monk of Syria, of the Sect of the Nestorians. The Mahometans will have it, that he first took notice of Mahomet, while a Boy, after that Prophetic man∣ner as is before related; but according to that Account he would have been too old to act his part in this Imposture so many years after. The truth of the matter is, Mahomet did not fall ac∣quainted with him till a long while af∣ter, when he was projecting his wicked Design in his head; in order to the bet∣ter forming of which, being very desi∣rous to acquaint himself with the Jewish and Christian Religions, he was very in∣quisitive in examining into them, as he met with those that could inform him. And in one of his Journeys into Syria, either at Bostraa 1.99 as some say, orb 1.100 at Je∣rusalem

as others, lighting on this Bahira, and receiving great satisfaction from him in many of those Points, which he desi∣red to be informed in, did thereon con∣tract a particular friendship with him. And therefore not long afterc 1.101 this Monk for some great Crime being excommu∣nicated and expell'd his Monastery, fled to Mecca to him; and being there enter∣tained in his House, became his Assistant in the framing of that Imposture, which he afterwards vented, and continued with him ever after; till at length the Impostor having no farther occasion of him, to secure the Secret,d 1.102 put him to death. If Sergius were the name which he had in his Monastery, Bahira was that which he afterwards assumed in Arabia, and by which he hath ever since been mentioned in those Eastern-parts by all that there write or speak of him. Thee 1.103 word in the Arabic Language sig∣nifieth a Camel, which after some extra∣ordinary merit, according to the usage of the ancient Arabs, had his Ears slit, and was turned forth from the rest of the Herd at free pasture to work no more. And no doubt this Monk having told the Tale of his Expulsion from his Monastery so much to his advantage, as to

make it believed at Mecca to be drawn upon him by that, which was reckoned there as meritorious, had from thence this Name given him, as suiting that Notion which they had of his Condition among them.

As to his other Helpers, if he had any such, what is said of them is so un∣certain, and that so little, as is not ma∣terial here to relate. We may suppose from the very nature of the design (it being to impose a Cheat upon Mankind) that he made as few as possible conscious to it; and the two abovementioned be∣ing sufficient for his purpose, it doth not appear likely that he admitted any more into the Secret of it. Neither in∣deed is there any more room in it for another to act. For his Religion being made up of three parts, whereof one was borrowed from the Jews, another from the Christians, and the third from the Heathen Arabs, Abdollah furnished the first of them, Bahira the second, and Mahomet himself the last; so that there was no need of any other help to com∣pleat the Imposture.

I know there are many other parti∣culars go current of this matter, both as to the coining of the Forgery, and also

the manner of the first propagating of it; as that the Impostorf 1.104 taught a Bull to bring him the Alcoran on his Horns in a publick Assembly, as if it had this way been sent to him from God; that he bred up Pigeons to come to his Ears to make show thereby, as if the Holy Ghost conversed with him, and many other such Stories, which being without any foundation or likelihood of truth, I pass them over as idle Fables not to be credited, although I find some very great Men have been too easy to swal∣low them, as particularlyg 1.105 Scaliger, h 1.106 Grotius, andi 1.107 Sionita, have that of the Pigeons. Such tricks as these would have been easily seen thorough by the Arabians, they being Men naturally of as subtile and acute Parts as any in the World. And therefore Mahomet never as much as offered at any thing of this nature among them; but disclaiming all Miracles, thereby avoided the neces∣sity of hazarding his design upon any such open Cheats, where it would be so liable to be totally blasted by a dis∣covery. The whole of this Imposture was a thing of extraordinary Craft, carried on with all the Cunning and Caution imaginable. The framing of

the Alcoran (wherein lay the main of the Cheat) was all contrived at home in as secret manner as possible, and no∣thing hazarded abroad, but the success of preaching it to the People. And in doing of this, no art or cunning was wanting to make it as effectual to the end designed as possible: And therefore whatever Stories are told of this mat∣ter that are inconsistent with such a management, we may assure our selves are nothing else but Fables foolishly in∣vented by some zealous Christians to blast the Imposture, which needed no such means for its Confutation.

But to go on with the Series of our History, in the eighth Year of his pre∣tended Mission, his Party growing for∣midable at Mecca, thek 1.108 City passed a Decree, whereby they forbad any more to joyn themselves unto him. But this availed nothing to his hurt as long as his Unkle Abn Taleb lived. Butl 1.109 he dying within two Years after, and the chief Government of the City, on his Death, falling into the Hands of Abn Sophian, of the House of Ommia, then one of his most violent Opposers, his Enemies laid hold of this advantage to renew their Opposition against him,

and prosecuted it with that success that they soon put a stop to the further pro∣gress of his Imposture at Mecca. For their Party, after he had now lost his Protector, and they became thus head∣ed against him, soon grew to that strength, and appeared with that vio∣lence on all occasions to oppose his de∣signs, that for fear of them no more new Proselytes durst joyn themselves un∣to him; and many of those who had afore declared for him, having done it for no other end, but to joyn with a Party where they thought they might best make their Interest, as soon as they saw the hopes which they had of his prevailing to be again blasted by this Opposition, which they judged too strong for him to weather, again drew back and appeared no more with him. And therefore Mahomet seeing his hopes of carrying his Design at Mecca, thus in a manner totally crush'd, began to look a∣broad where else he might fix. That which he drove at was to have gained such a Party there, as might be strong enough to over-power the rest, and subject the whole City to him; and then, after having possessed himself of such a Post, from thence to have armed his Disciples

for the gaining him that Empire over the rest of the Arabs, which he pro∣jected. And to this purpose was it, that he so often inculcated it into them, that his Doctrine was to be propagated by the Sword, and that all that would receive the Faith which he preached, must fight for it. But now seeing no likelihood of accomplishing this at Mecca, he set his Thoughts on work how to gain some other Town, where to arm his Party for this Design. And therefore his Unkle Abbas living most an end atm 1.110 Tagif, (another Town of Haegiaz, at sixty Miles distance from Mecca towards the East) and having a great Interest theren 1.111, he took a Jour∣ney thither under his Wing to propa∣gate his Imposture in that place, in or∣der to the making of himself Master of it. But after a Months stay, having not been able with all his endeavour to gain as much as one Proselyte among them, he again returned to Mecca to make the best of his Party there, and wait such further advantages as Time and Opportunity might offer him for the ac∣complishing of what he designed. And now Cadigha, his Wife, beingo 1.112 dead after she had lived Two and twenty

Years with him; to strengthen himself the more, he took two other Wives in her stead,p 1.113 Ayesha, the Daughter of Abn Beker; and Sewda, the Daughter of Zama; and a while after he added to themq 1.114 Haphsa, the Daughter of Omar; whereby making himself Son-in-law to three of the Principal Men of his Party, he did by that Alliance the more firmly tye them to his Interest. Ayesha was thenr 1.115 but six Years old, and therefore he did not Bed her till two Years after, when she was full eight Years old. For it is usual in those hot Countriess 1.116, as it is in all India over, which is in the same Clime with Arabia, for Women to be ripe for Marriage at that Age, and also bear Children the year following.

In the twelfth Year of his pretended Mission, is placed the Mesra, that is, his famous▪ Night-journey from Mecca to Jerusalem, and from thence to Heaven, of which he tells us in the 17th Chap∣ter of his Alcoran. For the People cal∣ling on him for Miracles to prove his Mission, and he being able to work none, to salve the matter, he invents this Story of his Journey to Heaven, which must be acknowledged to have Miracle enough in it by all those who have Faith

to believe it. And yet it being believed by all that profess the Mahometan Reli∣gion, as a main Article of their Faith, and as such set down in all the Books of their Authentick Traditions, how ab∣surd soever it be, since my design is to give as full an account as I can of this Man's Imposture, it obligeth me to re∣late it. His Relation of it is as follow∣eth,

t 1.117 At Night, as he lay in his Bed with his best beloved Wife, Ayesha, he heard a knocking at his Door, whereon ari∣sing he found there the Angel Gabriel, with Seventy pair of Wings expanded from his Sides, whiter than Snow, and clearer than Chrystal, and the Beast Alborak standing by him, which they say is the Beast on which the Prophets used to ride, when they were carried from one place to another upon the Ex∣ecution of any Divine Command. Ma∣homet describes it to be a Beast as white as Milk, and of a mixt Nature between an Ass and a Mule, and also of a Size be∣tween both, and of that extraordinary swiftness, that his passing from one place to another, was as quick as that of Lightning; and from hence it is that he hath the name of Alborak, that

word signifying Lightning in the Arabic Tongue. As soon as Mahomet appeared at the Door, the Angel Gabriel most kindly imbracing him, did with a very sweet and pleasing Countenance salute him in the Name of God, and told him that he was sent to bring him unto God into Heaven, where he should see strange Mysteries, which were not law∣ful to be seen by any other Man, and then bid him get upon the Alborak. But the Beast, it seems having long lain idle from the time of Christ till Maho∣met (there having been no Prophet in all that Interval to imploy him) was grown so resty and skittish, that he would not stand still for Mahomet to get up upon him, till at length he was forced to bribe him to it by promising him a place in Paradise; whereon ha∣ving quietly taken him on his back, the Angel Gabriel leading the way with the Bridle of the Beast in his Hand, he carried him from Mecca to Jerusalem in the twinkling of an Eye. On his coming thither all the Prophets and Saints departed appeared at the Gate of the Temple to salute him, and from thence attending him into the Chief Oratory, desired him to pray for them,

and then departed. Whereon Mahomet with the Angel Gabriel going out of the Temple, found there a Ladder of Light ready fixed for them, which they immediately ascended leaving the Albo∣rak there tied at a Rock till their return.

On their arrival at the First Heaven the Angel Gabriel knocked at the Gate, and having informed the Porter who he was, and that he brought Mahomet the Friend of God with him by the Divine Command, the Gates were immediate∣ly opened, which he describes to be of a prodigious largeness. This first Hea∣ven he tells us, was all of pure Silver, and that he there saw the Stars hanging from it by Chains of Gold, each being of the bigness of Mount Noho, near Mecca in Arabia; and that in these Stars Angels kept watch and ward for the Guard of Heaven, to keep off the De∣vils from approaching near it, lest they should over-hear and know what was there done. On his first entring into this Heaven, he saith, he met an old decrepit Man, and this was our first Fa∣ther Adam, who immediately imbraced him giving God thanks for so great a Son, and the recommended himself to his Prayers. As he entred further,

he saw a multitude of Angels of all manner of Shapes; some in that of Men, others in that of Birds, and others in that of Beasts of all manner of sorts. And among those who appeared in the several Shapes of Birds, he there saw a Cock of Colour as white as Snow, and of so prodigious a bigness, that his Feet standing upon the first Heaven, his Head reached up to the second, which was at the distance of five hundred Years journey from it, according to the rate as we usually Travel here on Earth. But others among them, as they relate this matter from their Prophet, Hyperbolize much higher concerning it, telling us that the Head of this Cock reacheth up through all the Seven Heavens as far as the Throne of God, which is above seven times higher; and in the Description of him, say, that his Wings are all over decked with Carbuncles and Pearls, and that he extends the one of them to the East, and the other to the West, at a distance proportionable to his heighth. Concerning all these, the Impostor tells us, the Angel Gabriel in∣formed him, that they were Angels which did from thence intercede with God for all Living Creatures on the

Earth. That those who interceded for Men, had there the shape of Men; that those who interceded for Beasts, the shape of Beasts; and those who interceded for Birds, the shape of Birds, according to their several kinds. And that as to the great Cock, that he was the chief Angel of the Cocks; that every morning God singing an holy Hymn, this Cock con∣stantly joineth with him in it by his crowing, which is so loud, that all hear it that are in Heaven and Earth, except Men and Fairies, and then all the other Cocks that are in Heaven and Earth crow also. But when the Day of Judgment draws near, then God shall command him to draw in his Wings, and crow no more, which shall be a sign, that that Day is at hand to all that are in Heaven and Earth, excepting still Men and Fairies, who being afore deaf to his crowing, shall not then be sensible of his silence from it. And this Cock the Mahome∣tans look on to be in that great fa∣vour with God, that whereas it is a common Saying among them, that there are three Voices which God al∣ways hears, they reckon the first the Voice of him that is constant in read∣ing

the Alcoran; the second, the Voice of him that early every morning pray∣eth for the pardon of his Sins; and the third, the Voice of this Cock when he croweth, which they say is ever most acceptable unto him.

All this stuff of the Cock Abdollah helped Mahomet to out of the Talmu∣dists. For it is all borrowed from them, with some little variation only to make it look not totally the same. For in the Tract Bava Bathra of the Babylonish Talmud, we have a Story of such a prodigious Bird, calledu 1.118 Ziz, which standing with his Feet upon the Earth, reacheth up unto the Heavens with his Head, and with the spread∣ing of his Wings darkneth the whole Orb of the Sun, and causeth a total Eclipse thereof. This Bird the Chaldee Paraphrast onvv 1.119 the Psalms says, is a Cock, which he describes of the same bigness, and tells us that he crows be∣fore the Lord. And the Chaldee Pa∣raphrast onx 1.120 Job also tells us of him, and of his crowing every morning be∣fore the Lord, and that God giveth him Wisdom for this purpose. What is farther said of this Bird of the Talmudists, may be seen in Buxtof's

Synagoga Judaica cap. 50. and in Purchas's Pilgrimage lib. 2. c. 20.

From this First Heaven, the Impo∣stor tells us, he ascended up into the Se∣cond, which was at the distance of five hundred years journey above it, and this he makes to be the distance of every one of the Seven Heavens each above the other. Here the Gates be∣ing opened unto him, as in the First Heaven, at his entrance he met Noah, who rejoycing much at the sight of him, recommended himself to his Prayers. In this Heaven, which was all made of pure Gold, the Impostor tells us, he saw twice as many Angels as in the former, and among them one of a prodigious greatness. For his Feet being placed on this Second Heaven, his Head reached to the Third.

From this Second Heaven he as∣cended up into the Third, which was made of Precious Stones; where at the entrance he met Abraham, who also recommended himself to his Prayers. And there he saw a vast many more Angels than in the former Heaven, and among them another great one of so prodigious a size, that the distance between his two Eyes were as much

as Seventy thousand days journey, ac∣cording to our rate of travelling here on Earth. But here Mahomet was out in his Mathematicks, for the distance between a man's Eyes being in pro∣portion to his heighth but as one to seventy two, according to this rate the heighth of this Angel must have been near fourteen thousand years journey, which is four times as much as the heighth of all his Seven Heavens together, and therefore it is impossi∣ble such an Angel could ever stand within any one of them. But not∣withstanding this, here he placeth him, and in his description of him tells us, that he had before him a large Ta∣ble, in which he was continually wri∣ting in, and blotting out; and that having asked the Angel Gabriel of him, he was informed by him that this was the Angel of death, who continually writes into the Table, which he had before him, the Names of all that are to be born, and there computes the days of their life; and as he finds they have compleated the number assigned them, again blots them out, and that who∣ever hath his Name thus blotted out by him, immediately dies.

From hence he ascended up into the Fourth Heaven, which was all of Emerald; where at the Entrance he met Joseph the Son of Jacob, who re∣commended himself to his Prayers. And in this Heaven he after saw a vastly larger number of Angels than in the former, and among them another great Angel, as high as from this Fourth Heaven to the Fifth, who was conti∣nually weeping, and making great la∣mentation, and mourning, and this, the Angel Gabriel told him, was for the Sins of men, and the destruction which they did thereby bring upon themselves.

From hence he ascended up into the Fifth Heaven, which was made of Adamant, where he found Moses, who recommended himself to his Prayers, and there also he saw a much greater number of Angels than in the former Heaven.

From hence he ascended up into the Sixth Heaven, which was all of Carbuncle, where he found John the Baptist, who recommended himself to his Prayers. And here he also saw the number of Angels much encreased beyond what he had seen in any of the former Heavens.

From hence he ascended up into the Seventh Heaven, which was all made of Divine Light, and here he found Jesus Christ, where it is to be observed he alters his Stile. For he saith not, that Jesus Christ recom∣mended himself to his Prayers, but that he recommended himself to Jesus Christ, desiring him to pray for him; whereby he acknowledgeth him cer∣tainly to be the greater. But it was his usage through the whole scene of his Imposture thus to flatter the Chri∣stians on all occasions. Here he saith he found a much greater number of An∣gels than in all the other Heavens be∣sides, and among them one Extraordi∣nary Angel having seventy thousand Heads, and in every Head seventy thousand Tongues, and every Tongue uttering seventy thousand distinct Voices at the same time, with which he continued Day and Night incessant∣ly praising God.

The Angel Gabriel having brought him thus far, told him, that it was not permitted to him to go any fur∣ther, and therefore directed him to as∣cend up the rest of the way to the Throne of God by himself, which he

saith he performed with great difficul∣ty, passing through Waters and Snow, and many other such difficult Passages, till he came where he heard a Voice saying unto him, O Mahomet, salute thy Creator; from whence ascending higher, he came into a place, where he saw a vast extension of Light of that exceeding brightness, that his Eyes could not bear it, and this was the Habitation of the Almighty, where his Throne was placed; on the right side of which, he says, God's Name and his own were written in these Arabick words, La ellah ellallah Moham∣med resul ollah, i. e there is no God but God, and Mahomet is his Prophet. Which is the Creed of the Mahometans, which words also he says, he found written upon all the Gates of the Seven Hea∣vens, which he passed thorough. Be∣ing approached to the presence of God, asy 1.121 near as within two Bow-shots; he tells us he saw him sitting on his Throne with a covering of seventy thousand Vails before his Face; that on his drawing thus near, in sign of his favour, he put forth his Hand, and laid it upon him, which was of that exceeding coldness, that it pierced

to the very Marrow of his Back, and he could not bear it. That after this God entring into a very familiar Converse with him, revealed unto him a great many hidden Mysteries, made him understand the whole of his Law, and gave him many things in charge concerning his instructing Men in the knowledge of it; and in con∣clusion, bestowed on him several Pri∣vileges above the rest of Mankind. As that he should be the perfectest of all Creatures; that at the Day of Judg∣ment he should be honoured and ad∣vanced above all the rest of Mankind; that he should be the Redeemer of all that believe in him; that he should have the knowledge of all Languages; and lastly, that the Spoils of all, whom he should conquer in War, should be∣long to him alone. And then return∣ing, he sound the Angel Gabriel arry∣ing for him in the place where he left him, who conducting him back again through all the Seven Heavens the same way that he brought him, did set him again upon the Alborak, which he left tied at Jerusalem; and then taking the Bridle in his Hand, conducted him back to Mecca in the

same manner as he brought him thence, and all this within the space of the tenth part of one Night.

On his relating this Extravagant Fi∣ction to the People, the next Morning after he pretended the thing happened, it was received by them as it deserved, with a general hoot;a 1.122 some laughed at the ridiculousness of the Story, and others taking indignation at it, cried out shame upon him for telling them such an abominable lye, and by way of reproach, bid him ascend up to Heaven by day-light there immediatly before them all, that they might see it with their Eyes, and then they would be∣lieve him. And even of his Disciples a great many were so ashamed of him for this Story, thatb 1.123 they left him thereon; and more would have followed their Example, but thatc 1.124 Abu Beker came in to put a stop to the defection, by vouching the truth of all that Mahomet had related, and pro∣fessed his firm belief to the whole of it, for which reason he had ever after the Titled 1.125 of Assadik, that is, the Just, because of the extraordinary merit of his Faith in this particular. And who∣ever becomes a Mahometan, must have

the same Faith also; this Story being as firmly believed by all of that Reli∣gion, as any thing in the Gospel is by us Christians. Only there has been this Question moved among them, whether it* 1.126 were only a Vision of the Night, or a real Journey. Those that would salve the Absurdity of it, would have it only be a Vision, and that most of the par∣ticulars of it are to be resolved into Fi∣gure and Allegory, but the major Vote hath carried it for a real Journey; and to this sense it being now pinn'd down, there is no one among them that dares in the least to doubt thereof.

The Imposture was never in greater danger of being totally blasted, than by this ridiculous Fable, such a stum∣bling-block did it lay even before those of his own Party, and therefore he needed to interpose the utmost of his Art to support the Credit of it; for which purpose he not only got his Friend Abu Beker to be a Voucher to it, but also brings in God himself in two places of his Alcoran bearing witness thereto, that is, in the Chapter of the Children of Israel, and in the Chapter of the Star; in the last of which he makes God to swear by the Star to the truth of it,

that Mahomet related nothing in this Story but what he had seen; that he was admitted to approach him in the Highest Heavens within the length of two Bow-shoots; and had seen the great Wonders of the Lord, and had many hidden Mysteries there revealed unto him, and that therefore Men ought not to dispute any more against him concerning it.

But how ridiculous sover the Story may appear, Mahomet had his Design therein beyond barely telling such a miraculous Adventure of himself to the People. Hitherto he had only given them the Alcoran, which was his writ∣ten Law, and had owned himself no far∣ther than barely the Messenger of God to deliver it unto them, telling them that it was brought to him by the Angel Ga∣briel; and that as he received it, so he published it unto them, without offer∣ing at any Comment, Explication, or additional Interpretation of his own concerning it; and therefore when gra∣vell'd with any Objection from his Ad∣versaries against it (as he often was while at Mecca, where he was continu∣ally teased and perplexed with some or other of them) his usual refuge was in

this saying; That the Alcoran was e 1.127 God's Book, and that he only could explain the meaning of it: And it was Wisdom in him at first not to assume any farther. But now learning from his Friend Abdollah that the Jews, be∣sides the written Law dictated by God himself, had also another Law called the Oral Law, and given with it (as they pretend) to Moses himself while in the Mount, and from him delivered to the Elders of the People, and from them down to after Ages by Oral Tradition; and understanding also that this Law was in as great Authority with them as the other, and that it had its whole foundation in the Sayings and Dictates, which were pretended to be from Moses, and preserved by the Memories of those who conversed with him; He had a de∣sire for the future to advance his Autho∣rity to the same pitch, and make all his Sayings and Dictates go for Oracles a∣mong his Musslemans, as well as those, which were pretended to be from Moses, did among the Jews. And for this end chiefly was it that he intended this Sto∣ry of his Journey to Heaven. For could he once make it believed among his Fol∣lowers, that he had there such a Con∣verse

with God, as Moses had with him in the Mount, and was there fully in∣structed by him in the knowledge of all Divine Truths, as this Story pretends he was, he thought he should therein have a sufficient foundation to build this Pretence upon, and might by a just con∣sequence from it, claim the whole which he aimed at; and he was not mistaken herein. For how ridiculous soever the thing at first appeared, yet in the result he carried his Point, and obtained all that by the Project which he proposed to himself from it. For the whole of it at length going down with those who had swallowed the rest of his Imposture, from that time all his Sayings became looked on as Sacred Truths brought down from Heaven, and every word which at any time dropp'd from so en∣lightned a Person (as this Story suppo∣seth him to be) as well as every Action which he did any way relating to his Religion, were all carefully observed by them, which being after his death all f 1.128 collected together from the Memories of those who conversed with him, make up those Volumes of Traditions from him, which they call the Sonnah, which are with the Mahometans the same in

respect of the Alcoran, that the Oral Law among the Jews is in respect of the Written. And as among the Jews there are many Books, in which this Oral Law is recited, explained, and digested un∣der several Heads and Chapters by ma∣ny different Authors among their Rab∣bies, who have imployed their Pains and Studies in this matter; so also are there the like number of Books among the Mahometans concerning their Sonnahg 1.129 in which all the Sayings and Doings of Mahomet, relating to his Reli∣gion, as also the Constitutions of the Se∣niors (that is, of the first Califs that succeeded him, especially the four first) concerning the same, are collected, ex∣plained, and digested under several Heads, or Common Places by the Com∣pilers of them, which Books make up the Sum of their Theology, as well Spe∣culative as Practical; and in them in∣deed is contained the whole of their Re∣ligion as now practised among them. And therefore so much of the Imposture, which I now undertake to give an ac∣count of, being in these Traditions, and they all founded upon this Journey of Mahomet to Heaven, where he pretended to have been instructed in them by God

himself; this sufficiently justifieth my being thus long in relating his fabulous Story of it.

After his publishing this Fiction, and the revolt of so many of his Disciples, as hapned thereon, his Adversaries grew in strength so fast upon him, that he could no longer protect those who adhered to him, as he had hi∣therto done; but some of them, to the number of about an hundred persons, having made themselves more than ordinary obnoxious to the Government by some practices against ith 1.130 here, forced to fly from Mecca to Nagash, King of Aethiopia, where Mahomet's Letters, which they carried with them, obtained their protection, though the Men of Mecca sent two of their prin∣cipal Citizens after them in an Em¦bassy to that King, to demand them to be delivered unto them. And Ma∣homet, with the rest that tarried be∣hind, found it very difficult for them to subsist any longer there. For af∣ter the departure of so many of his faithfullest Adherents into this Exile, this farther diminution of his number made him still less able to withstand those Insults, which his Adversaries were

continually on all occasions making upon him. But what he lost at Mecca he got at Medina, then called Yathreb, i 1.131 a City lying at the Northern end of Hagiuz, two hundred and seventy miles distant from Mecca, which be∣ing inhabited,k 1.132 the one part by Jews, and the other part by Heretical Chri∣stians, it seems, these two different Parties not well agreeing in the same City, the Factions and Feuds that arose between them, drove one of the Parties to Mahomet; and on the Thir∣teenth Yearl 1.133 of his pretended Mission there came to him from thence Seven∣ty three Men, and two Women, who imbraced his Imposture, and swore Fealty unto him, whereon he chose twelve out of them, whom he re∣tained a-while with him at Mecca to instruct them in his New Religion, and then sent them back again to Yathreb to be as his Twelve Apostles, there to propagate it in that Town, in which they laboured with that suc∣cess, that in a short time they drew over a great Party of the Inhabitants to imbrace the Imposture, of which Mahomet receiving an account, resolved to retire thither, as finding Mecca now

grown too hot for him. For the chief Men of the City finding that Mahomet's indefatigable industry and cunning still kept up his Party, do what they could to suppress it, resolved without further delay to strike at the Root, and pre∣vent the further spreading of the mis∣chiefm 1.134 by cutting off him that was the chief Author of it. Of which he ha∣ving received full and early Intelligence, and finding no other way to avoid the Blow but to fly from it; ordered all his Party, whom he could prevail with to accompany him in his Banishmentn 1.135, secretly in the Evening to withdraw out of the City, and retire to Yathreb. And when he had seen them all gone, he ando 1.136 Abu Beker followed after, leaving only Ali behind, who having set in order some Affairs that detained him, came to them on the third day after. As soon as his Flight was pub∣lickly known, Parties were sent out to pursue after him, and he difficultly esca∣ped themp 1.137 by hiding himself for some time in a Cave, till the heat of the pursuit was over.

On theq 1.138 12th day of the Month, which the Arabs call the former Relia, that is, on the 24th of our September, he came to Yathreb, and was there received with great Acclamation by the Party which called him thither. But whether this Party were of the Jews, or the Christi∣ans, I find not said in any Author, on∣ly if we may conjecture from the great kindness, which at this time he expres∣sed towards the Christians, and the im∣placable hatred which he ever after bore the Jews, it will from hence ap∣pear, that the former were the Friends that invited him thither, and the later the opposite Party that were Enemies unto him. And what he saith of each of them in the fifth Chapter of his Al∣coran, which was one of the first which he published after his coming to Ya∣threb, may seem fully to clear the matter. For his words there are, Thou shalt find the Jews to be very great Enemies to the true Believers; and the Christians to have great Inclination and Amity towards them. For they have Priests and Reli∣gions, that are humble, who have Eyes full of Tears when they hear mention of the Doctrine which God hath inspired into thee, because of their knowledge of the

Truth, and say, Lord, we believe in thy Law, write us in the number of them who profess thy Ʋnity. Who shall hinder us from believing in God, and the Truth wherein we have been instructed? We desire with Passion, O Lord, to be in the number of the Just. by this we may see what a deplorable decay the many Divisions and Distractions, which then reigned in the Eastern Church, had there brought the Christian Religion into, when its Professors could so easily de∣sert it for that gross Imposture, which an Illiterate Barbarian proposed unto them. And indeed it is no strange thing for Men, when once they have deserted the Orthodox Profession of the Christian Faith, to fleet from one Error to another, till at length by several Changes in Religion, they change the whole of it away, and give themselves up to total Impiety. For we see it daily practised among us.

On Mahomet's first coming tor 1.139 Ya∣threb, he lodged in the House of Chalid Abu Job, one of the chief Men of the Party that called him thither, till he had built himself an House of his own, which he immediately set about, and adjoyning thereto also erected a Mosque

at the same time for the exercise of his new invented Religion; and it is record∣ed as an instance of his Injustice, that hes 1.140 violently dispossessed certain poor Orphans, the Children of an Inferior Artificer a little before deceased, of the Ground on which it stood, and so founded this first Fabrick for his Wor∣ship with the like wickedness as he did his Religion. And having thus setled himself in this Town, he continued there ever after to the time of his Death. For which reason it thenceforth losing the Name of Yathreb, became called t 1.141 Medinato 'l nabi, i. e. The City of the Prophet, and simply Medina, by which Name it hath been ever since called even unto this day.

From this flight of Mahomet, the u 1.142 Hegira, which is the Aera of the Ma∣hometans, begins its Computation. It was first appointed by Omar the Third Emperor of the Saracens on thisvv 1.143 oc∣casion. There hapned a contest before him about a Debt of Money. The Cre∣ditor had from his Debtor a Bill, where∣in

he acknowledged the Debt, and obliged himself to pay it on such a day of such a Month. The Day and the Month being pass'd, the Creditor sues his Debtor before Omar for the Money. The Debtor acknowledged the Debt, but denied the day of Payment to be yet come, alledging the Month in the Bill mentioned to be that Month next ensuing; but the Creditor contended that it was that Month last past, and for want of a Date to the Bill, it being impossible to decide this Controversy, Omar called his Council together, to consider of a method how to prevent this difficulty for the future; where it was decreed, That all Bills and other Instruments should ever after have in∣serted into them the date both of the day of the Month, and also of the Year, in which they were signed. And as to the Year, he having consulted with Harmu∣zan, a Learned Persian then with him, by his advice ordained all Computati∣ons to be made for the future from the Flight of Mahomet from Mecca to Me∣dina. And for this reason, this Aera was called the Hegira, which in the Arabic Language, signifieth a Flight. It takes its beginning from the sixteenth

day of July, in the Year of our Lord, Six hundred twenty and two. And ever since this Decree of Omar (which hapned in the eighteenth Year of it) it hath constantly been used among the Mahometans in the same manner, as the Computation from the Incarnation of our Lord Christ is with us Christians. The day that Mahomet left Mecca, was on x 1.144 the first of the Former Rebia, and he came to Medina on they 1.145 twelfth of the same Month. But the Hegira begins two Months before, from the first of Moharram. For that being the first Month of the Arabian Year, Omar would make no alteration as to that, but an∣ticipated the Computation fifty nine days, that he might begin his Aera from the beginning of that Year in which this Flight of the Impostor hapned, which gave Name thereto. Till the appointing of this Aera, it was usual with the Arabians to compute from the last great War they were engaged in. And at Mecca and Aera of the Elephant, and the Aera of the Impious War, be∣ing those which they computed by all the time of Mahomet, I shall give an account of them.

The Aera of the Elephant had its be∣ginning fromz 1.146 a War which the Inha∣bitants of Mecca had with the Ethiopians. It hapned on that very year in which Mahomet was born, on this occasion. About Seventy years before the time of Mahomet, there reigned over the Homerites an ancient Nation of the Arabs, lying to the South of Mecca, a certain King calleda 1.147 Du Nawas, who having imbraced the Jewish Religion, persecuted the Christian, which had been planted there for at least Three hundred years before, and did the ut∣most he was able to extirpate it out of his Dominions. For which purpose he made him a deep Ditch or Furnace in the Earth, and after having heated it with Fire, caused all those of the Chri∣stian Religion to be thrown thereinto, who would not renounce their Faith, and turn to Judaism. During which Persecution theb 1.148 Arabian Writers tell a very memorable Story of a Christian Woman, who being brought to the Fur∣nace with a Son of hers very young, whom she carried in her Arms, was at the sight of the Fire so afrighted, that she drew back as if she would rather chuse to comply with the Persecutors,

and renounce her Faith, than thus pe∣rish for it; at which the Child cried out, Fear not Mother to dye for your Religion, for then after this Fire you shall never feel any other. Whereon the Mo∣ther being again encouraged, went on and compleated her Martyrdom. This Persecution drove several of the Home∣rite Christians to fly into Ethiopia for safety, where making their Complaints to the King, who was a Christian, of the cruel Persecution of Du Nawas a∣gainst them, prevailed with him to send Aryat his Unkle, with an Army of Se∣venty thousand Men for their Relief; c 1.149 who having overthrown Du Nawas in Battle, persued him so hard, that he forced him into the Sea, where he pe∣rished. Whereon the Kingdom of the Homerites fell into the Hands of the Ethiopians, and Aryat governed it twenty years. After him succeeded Abraham Al Ashram, who having built a famousd 1.150 Church at Sanaa, the chief City of the Homerites, abundance of Arabians resorted thither to the Christian Worship, so that the Temple of Mecca began to be neglected, and the Heathen

Worship there hitherto performed with so great Concourse from all Parts of Ara∣bia to grow into decay: At which the Men of Mecca were exceedingly di∣sturbed. For they had the chief of their support from the great resort of Pil∣grims, who came thither every year from all Parts of Arabia to Worship their Heathen Deities, and perform their annual solemn Ceremonies unto them. And therefore to express their Indig∣nation against this Church, which so much threatned their main Interest with total ruin, some of them went to Sanaa, and getting privately into the Church, did in a most contumelious manner de∣file it all over with their Excrements. At which Abraham was so incensed, that to revenge the Affront, he swore the Destruction of the Temple of Mecca: And accordingly to effect it marched thither with a great Army, and besieg∣ed the City. But not being able to compass his end, (I suppose for want of Provisions for his numerous Forces in so desert and barren a Country) he was forced to march back again with Loss and Disgrace; and because he had several Elephants in his Army, for that reason this was called, The War of the

Elephant; and the Aera by which they reckoned from it, The Aera of the Ele∣phant. And to this War is it, that the 105th Chapter of the Alcoran, called the Chapter of the Elephant, doth relate, where Mahomet tells us, How the Lord treated them that came mounted upon Elephants to ruin the Temple of Mecca, and that he defeated their treacherous Design, and sent against them great Ar∣mies of Birds, which threw down Stones upon their Heads, and made them like Corn in the Field, which is destroyed and troden down by the Beasts. Wheree 1.151 the Commentators of the Alcoran tell us, That to preserve the Temple of Mecca from the intended Destruction, God sent against the Ethiopians great Armies of Birds, each of which carried three Stones, the one in the Mouth, and the other two in the two Feet, which they threw down upon their Heads, and that those Stones, although not much big∣ger than Pease, were yet of that weight, that falling upon the Helmet, they pierced that and the Man tho∣rough, and that on each of them was written the Name of him that was to be slain by it; and that the Army of the Ethiopians being thus destroyed, the

Temple of Mecca was saved. For Maho∣met having resolved to continue that Temple in its former Reputation, and make it the chief place of his new in∣vented Worship, as it had been before of the Heathen; coined this Miracle among many others of purpose to gain it the greater Veneration in the minds of his deluded Followers, although there might be several then alive, who were able to give him the lye thereto, it being but fifty four Years before the begin∣ning of the Hegira that this War hap∣ned. For it was the very Yearf 1.152 in which Mahomet was born. But per∣chance this Chapter came not forth in publick, till Othman's Edition of the Al∣coran, which was many years after, when all might be dead that could re∣member any thing of this War, and the Fable thereby out of danger of being contradicted by any of those who knew the contrary.

The Aera of the Impious War began from the twentieth Year of the Aera of the Elephant, and had its Name from a terrible War, which was then waged be∣tween g 1.153 the Korashites and Kaisailanites, in which Mahomet firsth 1.154 entred the School

of War under his Unkle Abn Taleb, be∣ing then twenty Years old. It was called the Impious War, because it pro∣ceeded to that heat and fury, that they carried it on even in those Months, when it was reckoned impious among them to wage War. For it wasi 1.155 an Ancient Constitution through all Ara∣bia to hold four Months of the Year sacred, in which all War was to cease. And these were the Months of Mohar∣ram, Rajeb, Dulkaada, and Dulhagha; the First, the Seventh, the Eleventh, and the Twelfth of the Year, in which it was observed with the greatest Reli∣gion among all their Tribes to use no Act of Hostility against each other, but with how great Fury soever one Tribe might be engaged against another (as was usual among them), as soon as any of those Sacred Months began, they all immediately desisted, and taking off the heads from their Spears, and laying aside all other Weapons of War, had intercourse, and intermingled together, as if there had been perfect Peace and Friendship between them, without any fear of each other; so that if a Man should meet on those Months him that had slain his Father, or his Brother, he

durst not meddle with him, how vio∣lently soever his Hatred or Revenge might prompt him to it. And this was constantly observed among all the An∣cient Arabs, till broken in this War, which from hence was called the Im∣pious War. And in this Impious War, k 1.156 Mahomet having first taken Arms, gave a presage thereby, to what impi∣ous purpose he would use them all his Life after.

But the Hegira being that, which all of the Mahometan Religion have ever since the Constitution of Omar compu∣ted by; the subject Matter of the Hi∣story which I now write, obligeth me henceforth to make use of this Aera through the remaining part of it. But because it computeth by Lunary Years only, and not by Solary; its requisite that I here inform the Reader of the Nature of those Years, and the manner how the Hegira computeth by them. Anciently the Arabs, althoughl 1.157 they always used Lunary Years, yet by in∣tercalating Seven Months in Nineteen Years, in the manner as do the Jews, reduced them to Solary Years; and con∣sequently had their Months always fix∣ed to the same Season of the year. But

this growing out of use about the time of Mahomet, their year hath ever since been strictly Lunary, consisting only of Three hundred fifty four Days, eight Hours, and forty eight Minutes,m 1.158 which odd Hours and Minutes in thir∣ty Years, making eleven Days exactly, they do intercalate a Day on the 2^d, 5^th, 7^th, 10^th, 13^th, 15^th, 18^th, 21^st, 24^th, 26^th, and 29^th, years of this Pe∣riod. So that their year in those years of this Period, consists of three hundred fifty five Days, by reason of the inter∣calated Day, which they then add to the last Month of the Year. And this Year, all that profess the Mahometan Religion have ever made use of, and there is a Passage in the Alcorann 1.159, whereby they are confined to it. For the Impostor there calls it an Impiety to prolong the Year, that is, by ad∣ding an Intercalary Month thereto. So that according to this Account, the Mahometan Year falling eleven Days short of the Solary; it hence comes to pass, that the beginning of the Year of the Hegera is unfixed and ambulatory; (the next year always beginning eleven days sooner than the former) and there∣fore sometimes it happens in Summer,

sometimes in Spring, sometimes in Win∣ter, and sometimes in Autumn; and in thirty three Years compass goes tho∣rough all the different Seasons of the Year, and comes about again to the same time of the Solary Year, although not exactly to the same Day. Which being like to create some Confusion to us who are used to the Solary Year; to prevent this, after the Year of the He∣gera, in the Margin I add the day of the Month in the Year of our Lord in which it begins. The Months of the Arab Year are as followeth: 1. Mo∣harram, 2. Saphar, 3. The former Rabia, 4. The later Rabia, 5. The former Joma∣da, 6. The later Jomada, 7. Rajeb, 8. Shaban, 9. Ramadan, 10. Shawall, 11. Dulkaada, 12. Dulhagha. The first hath thirty Days, and the second twen∣ty nine, and so alternatively to the end of the Year, only on the Intercalary Years, Dulhagha hath thirty Days, be∣cause of the Day added; but on all o∣ther Years only twenty nine.

The first thing that Mahomet did after his having setled himself at Me∣dina,* 1.160 was to Marry his Daughter Fati∣ma to his Cousin Ali.o 1.161 She was the

only Child then living of six, which were Born to him to Cadigha, his first Wife; and indeed the only one which he had notwithstanding the multitude of his Wivesp 1.162 that survived him, whom he exceedingly loved, and was used to give great Commendations of her, reckoning her among the perfectest of Women. For he wasq 1.163 used to say, that among Men there were many perfect, but of Women he would allow only four to be such, and these were Asiah, the Wife of Pharoah; Mary, the Mo∣ther of Christ; Chadigha his Wife; and Fatima his Daughter. From her all that pretend to be of the Race of Mahomet derive their descent.

And now the Impostor having ob∣tained the end he had been long driving at, that is, a Town at his command, where to arm his Party, and lead them with security for the further prosecu∣tion of his Design, he here enters on a new Scene. Hitherto he had been preaching up his Imposture for thirteen years together; for the remaining ten years of his Life he takes the Sword and fights for it. He had long been teased and perplexed at Mecca with Questions and Objections, and Disputes about

what he preached, whereby being of∣ten gravelled and nonplus'd, to the laughter of his Auditors, and his own Shame and Confusion, out of hatred to this wayr 1.164 he hanceforth forbids all manner of disputing about his Religion; and that he might be sure to have no more of it, makes it for the future to be no less than death for any one in the least to contradict or oppose any of the Doctrines which he had taught. The way that his Religion was to be propa∣gated, he now tells his Disciples was not by Disputing, buts 1.165 by Fighting, and therefore commands them all to arm themselves, and slay with the Sword all those that would not im∣brace it, unless they submitted to pay an Annual Tribute for the redemption of their Lives. And according to this his Injunction, even unto this day, all who live under any Mahometan Govern∣ment, and are not of their Religion,t 1.166 pay an Annual Tax for a constant Mulct of their Infidelity (which in Turkeyu 1.167 is called the Carradge) and are sure to be punished withvv 1.168 death, if in the least they contradict, or oppose any Doctrine that is received among them to have been taught by Mahomet. And cer∣tainly

there could not be a wiser way devised for the upholding of so absurd an Imposture, than by thus silencing un∣der so severe a penalty all manner of Op∣position and Disputes against it.

After the Impostor had sufficiently in∣fused this Doctrine into his Disciples, he next proceeds to put it in practice; and having erected his Standard, calls them all to come armed thereto, where ha∣ving enrolled them all for the War,x 1.169 he gave his Standard to his Unkle Hamza, consitituting him thereby his Standard∣bearer; and out of the special confidence he had in him, sent him out on the first Expedition which was undertaken in his Cause. For understanding thaty 1.170 the Caravan of Mecca was not on the Road in their return from Syria, he ordered out Hamza with a Party of Thirty Horse to way-lay and plunder them, and he having accordingly posted himself in a Wood in the Countrey of Yamara, by which they were to pass there, tarried their coming; but on their approach, finding them guarded with Three hun∣dred men, sent from Mecca to con∣voy them safe home, he durst not set upon them, but fled, and returned to Medina, without effecting any thing.

And several other Expeditions which were this Year undertaken of the same nature, had no better success.

The next Year a very rich Caravan going from Mecca towards Syria,* 1.171 and carrying a great quantity both of Goods and Money which belonged to the Mer∣chants of Mecca, that traded into that Countrey, he went out with Three hun∣dred and nineteen men to intercept it. Buta 1.172 coming up with them at a place called Beder, he found them guarded by a Convoy of a Thousand men, under the Command of Abu Sophian, whereon a fierce Battel ensued between them; but Mahomet gaining the Victory, Abu Sophian made as good a Retreat as he could back again to Mecca, saving most of the Caravan with him, at which Ma∣homet's Men muchb 1.173 repined. However great Spoils were gained by them in this Battel, which had like to have made a Quarrel among them about the division. For the Army consisting of two Parties, the Men of Medina, who were called the Ansars, that is, Mahomet's Helpers; and the Men of Mecca, who were called the Mohagerins, that is, the Companions of his flight; thec 1.174 former would have

had a larger share than the latter. To salve this Controversy, Mahomet com∣posed the Eighth Chapter of his Alco∣ran, wherein he adjudgeth the fifth part to himself, and the rest to be equally divided between them.

The Success of this Battel gave great encouragement to the Impostor, and his party. He frequently brags of it in his Alcoran, and would have it believed that d 1.175 two Miracles were wrought for his obtaining of it; the first, That God made his Enemies see his Army as dou∣ble to what it was, which helped to dismay them; and the second, That he sent Troops of Angels to his assistance, which helped to overcome them. They were to the number of Three thousand (ase 1.176 he himself tells us); but being in∣visible to every one's Eyes but his alone, the credit of it stands upon no better foundation, than the rest of his Impo∣sture, his own single Testimony only.

This Year he altered thef 1.177 Kebla, that is the place towards which they di∣rected their Prayers. For it was usual among the People of the East of all Re∣ligions, to observe one particular point of the Heavens, towards which they all turned their Faces when they prayed.

The Jews, in what part of the World soever they were, prayed with their Facesg 1.178 towards Jerusalem, because there was their Temple; the Arabiansh 1.179 to∣wards Mecca, because there was the Ca∣aba, the chief place of their Heathen Worship; the Sabiansi 1.180 towards the North Star; and the Persian Idolaters, who held Fire and Light to be their chief Gods,k 1.181 towards the East, because from thence the Sun did arise, which they held to be the chief Fountain of both. Mahomet from the beginning of his Imposture had directed his Disciples to prayl 1.182 with their Faces towards Jeru∣salem, which he was used to call the holy City, and the City of the Prophets, and intended to have ordered his Pilgri∣mages thither, and to have made it the chief place where all his Sect were to worship. But now finding that his Fol∣lowers still bore a superstitious venera∣tion to the Temple of Mecca, which had for many Ages before been the chief place of the Idolatrous Worship of the Arabians, and that it would be a very prevalent Argument to reconcile his Fellow Citizens to him, if he still pre∣served their Temple in its former honour, he changed his former Law to serve his

present purpose, and henceforth dire∣cted his Disciples to pray with their Faces towardsm 1.183 Mecca, and ordained the Temple of that place, which from its square form was called the Caaba (that word signifying a square in the Arabic Tongue) to be the chief place of worship for all of his Religion, to which they were still to perform their Pilgri∣mages as in former times. And to this Change he was the more inclined out of his aversion to the Jews, against whom having about this time contracted an irreconcileable hatred, he liked not any longer to conform with them in this Rite. And that his Followers might be distinguished from them in this particu∣lar, is the reasonn 1.184 which he himself gives for this change. However,o 1.185 many of his Disciples were much scandalized hereat, judging no truth nor stability in that Religion, which was so often gi∣ven to change, and several left him thereon.

From this time, the more to magnify the Temple of Mecca, and to give the greater honour and reputation thereto, have we all those Fabulous Stories in∣vented, which the Impostor tells us con∣cerning

it. As that it wasp 1.186 first built in Heaven to be the place where the An∣gels were to worship, and that Adam worshipped at it while in Paradise; but being cast down from thence (for they place Paradise in Heaven) he prayed God, that he might have such a Temple on Earth, towards which he might pray, and go round it in holy worship unto him in the same manner as the Angels went round that which he had seen in Heaven: That thereon God sent down the similitude of that Temple in Cour∣tains of Light, and pitched it at Mecca in the place where the Caaba now stands, which is, say they exactly under the Original, which is in Heaven: That there, after the death of Adam, Seth built it with Stones and Clay; and that all the People of God there worshipped till the Flood, by which it being over∣thrown, God commanded Abraham again to rebuild it, having shewn him the form of the Fabrick in a Vision, and di∣rected him to the place by his visible Shecinah residing on it: That according∣ly q 1.187 Abraham and Ismael rebuilt it in the place where it now stands: And that Ismael ever after, living at Mecca, there worshipped God with the true Worship;

but his Posterity afterwards corrupted it with Idolatry, and prophaned this ho∣ly Temple with Idols, from which he was now to purge it, and consecrate it anew to the true Worship of God, to which it was primitively intended. And he did not only thus retain the Temple of Mecca, but also the Pilgrimages thither, and all the absurd Rites which were performed at them in the times of Ido∣latry. For these being the things which long use had created a great veneration for in the minds of the Arabians, by adopting them all into his new Religion he made it go down the easier with them. And indeed this was the princi∣pal piece of his Craft, so to frame his new Religion in every particular, as would best take with those, to whom he proposed it.

As to this Temple of Mecca, and what it was before Mahomet, all that is true of it, is this. It was an Heathen Tem∣ple in the same veneration among the Arabs that the Temple of Delphos was among the Greeks, whither all their r 1.188 Tribes for many Ages came once a year to perform their Idolatrous Ceremonies to their Gods, till at length Mahomet ha∣ving forced them to exchange their Ido∣latry

for another Religion altogether as bad, made this Temple also undergo the same change, by appointing it thence∣forth to be the chief place for the per∣forming of that false Worship, which he imposed, in the same manner, as it was before of that which he abolished, and so it hath continued ever since.

This same Year he also appointed the Month ofs 1.189 Ramadan to be a Month of Fast. At his first coming to Medina,t 1.190 find∣ing the Jews observing the celebration of their great Fast of the Expiation on the Tenth of their First Month, which is Tisri, he asked what it meant? and be∣ing told it was a Fast appointed by Mo∣ses, he replied, that he had more to do with Moses than they, and therefore or∣dained the Tenth day of Moharram, the First Month of the Arab Year, to be a solemn Fast with his Musslemans in imi∣tation hereof, which by a name also borrowed from the Jews, he called Ashu∣ra, which is the same with the Hebrew Ashor, that is, the Tenth, it being the u 1.191 Tenth day of the Month Tisri on which this Fast of the Expiation was kept a∣mong them. And he did also at first adopt other of their Fasts into his Reli∣gion, hoping by these means to win

them over unto him. But finding them still to oppose him all they could, and on all occasions to perplex him and his Followers with Questions and Difficulties about his Religion, which he could not find Answers for, and on the account hereof to disparage and deride him and his Imposture, he contracted that aver∣sion and hatred against them, that he resolved to differ from themvv 1.192 in this too, as well as in the particular last mentioned; and therefore abolishing the said Fasts, which he had taken from them, in imitation of the Christian way, with whom about this time (it seems) he was very desirous to ingra∣tiate himself, he appointed the whole Month of Ramadan to be as it were his Lent, or a continued time of solemn fasting. And this Year the Month of Ramadan beginning in the Month of March, it did now exactly fall in with the time of the Christian Lent. But the reason which he himself gives for his appointing of it was, becausex 1.193 on this Month, as he pretends, the Alcoran first came down from Heaven to him, that is, that Chapter of it which he first pub∣lished. Before it was a Month usually y 1.194 dedicated to Jollity and good Chear

among the Arabs, and while they in∣tercalated the Year, always fell in the heat of Summer; and therefore it was called Ramadan,z 1.195 because of the Rama∣do'l Har, i. e. the vehemency of the heat, which then hapned.

The rest of this Yeara 1.196 he spent in Predatory Excursions upon his Neigh∣bours, robbing, plundering, and de∣stroying all those that lived near Medi∣na, who would not come in and imbrace his Religion.

The next Year he made Warb 1.197 upon those Tribes of the Arabs,* 1.198 which were of the Jewish Religion near him; and ha∣ving taken their Castles, and reduced them under his Power, sold them all for Slaves, and divided their Goods a∣mong his Followers. He being exceed∣ingly exasperated against Caab, one of their Rabbies, this War was principally undertaken for his sake, that he might take himc 1.199 and put him to death; but not being able to light on him in any of those Places which he had taken, he sent out Parties to search after him, or∣dering them to kill him wherever they should find him. The reasond 1.200 of his bitter hatred against him was this. Caab

was a very eminent Poet among the Arabians, and having a Brother called Bejair, that had turned Mahometan, he made a very Satyrical Poem upon him for this Change, wherein he so terribly galled the Impostor, that he could not bear it, but resolved to revenge the Affront with his destruction, if ever he could get him into his hands. For some time Caab escaped all the Snares which he laid for him; but after his power had encreased so far, that the greater part of Arabia had submitted to him, he found he could be no longer safe, but by making his peace with him, and therefore to purchase it, came in unto him, and professed himself a Mahometan also. Hereon Mahomet bad him repeat that Poem which had so much offended him, which had did, putting the name of Abu Beker in every Verse, where for∣merly was the name of Mahomet; but this not doing, Mahomet would not give him his pardon, although at that time he did not take any advantage of his voluntary coming in unto him. Where∣on putting his Wits to work, he had re∣course to this farther Device for the obtaining of his security from him. For being informed that Mahomet had lately

gotten a new Mistress, whom he exceed∣ingly doted upon, and much regretted her absence from him while then abroad upon the Wars; the crafty Jew struck in with this Passion for the mollifying of him, and composed an excellent Poem in her commendation, which having repeated before him, he so took the heart of the old Lecher thereby, that he not only pardoned him, but also received him into the number of his particular Favourites, and made him one of his chief Confidents ever after. And as a mark of his Favour then be∣stowed on him the Cloak which he wore, which being kept by him out of an affected veneration to the Impostor, as an holy Relict, was afterwards bought by Moawias, when he came to the Em∣pire, for Thirty thousand pieces of Gold, and was made the Robe which he and all his Successors of the House of Ommia constantly wore on all Solemn Occa∣sions. And it's said of this Caab, that he afterwards became so intimate with the Impostor, that he took him into his greatest Secrets, even to that of the Imposture it self, in composing the Al∣coran, for which his great Skill in the Arabick Language, and all other Learn∣ing

then in use among them, exceeding∣ly qualified him.

Towards the end of this year hapned the Battel of Ohud, which had like to have proved fatal to the Impostor. For e 1.201 Abu Sophian, to revenge the last Year's Affront, marched against him with an Army of Three thousand Foot, and Two hundred Horse; and having seized the Mountain of Ohud,f 1.202 which was on∣ly four miles distant from Medina, he so distressed that place from thence, that Mahomet was forced to hazard Battel to dislodge him from that Post, although he could make no more than a Thou∣sand men to lead out against him. However, in the first Conflict he had the better, but at last being overborn by the number of the Enemy, he lost many of his men, and among them Hamza his Unkle, who bore the Standard, and was himself grievously wounded in several places, and had been slain, but that Til∣hah, one of his Companions, and Nephew to Abu Beker, came in to his rescue, in which Actiong 1.203 he received a wound in his Hand, which deprived him of the use of some of his Fingers ever after.

To salve the Objections which were raised against him on this Defeat, he

was much put to it. Someh 1.204 argued against him, How he that was a Pro∣phet of God, and so much in his favour, as he pretended, could be overthrown in Battel by the Infidels. And others murmured as much for the loss of their Friends and Relations, who were slain in the Battel. To satisfy the former, he laid the cause of the overthrow on the Sins of some that followed him; and said, that for this reason God suffered them to be overthrown, that so the Good might be distinguished from the Bad, and those who were true Believers might on this occasion be discerned from those who were not. And to still the Complaints and Clamours of the latter, he invented his Doctrine of Fate and Destiny, telling them, that those who were slain in the Battel, though they had tarried at home in their Houses, must have died notwithstanding when they did, the time of every man's Life being predestinated and determin'd by God, beyond which no caution is able in the least to prolong it; That the Destiny of all is stated to an hour, which cannot be altered; and therefore those who were slain in the Battel, died no sooner than they must otherwise have done;

but in that they died fighting for the Faith, they gained the advantage of the Crown of Martyrdom, and the Re∣wards which were due thereto in Para∣dise, where he told them they were alive with God in Everlasting Bliss, which was of greater advantage than all the Treasures in the world could in this Life have been unto them: That they were there rejoycing very much, that they had laid down their Life so happily, as by thus fighting in the Cause of God, and his Law, and were expressing among themselves exceeding gladness, that those who ran to hinder them from go∣ing to the Battel, met them not. Both which Doctrines he found so well to serve his turn, that he propagated them on all occasions after. And they have been the darlingi 1.205 Notions of all this Sect ever since, especially in their Wars, where certainly nothing can be more conducive to make them fight valiant∣ly, than a setled Opinion, That what∣ever Dangers they expose themselves to, they cannot die either sooner or later than is otherwise unalterably predeter∣mined that they must; and that, in case this predetermined time be come, in dying fighting for their Religion, they

shall obtain that happiness, as to be∣come Martyrs thereby, and immedi∣atly enter into Paradise for the reward hereof.

In the fourth Year of the Hegira he waged Wark 1.206 with the Nadorites,* 1.207 a Tribe of the Jewish Arabs in his Neigh∣bour hood, whom he pressed so hard, that he forced them to leave their Ca∣stles; part of them retiring to Chaibor, a City belonging to those of their Reli∣gion; and part flying into Syria. Those later that fled into Syria, Mundir Ebn Omar with a party of the Men of Me∣dina persued after, and having over∣taken them near the Borders of that Country, put them all to the Sword, excepting only one Man that escaped. With such Cruelty did those Barbarians first set up to fight for that Imposture, they had been deluded into. This same Year he fought the second Battle of Beder, and had many other Skir∣mishes with those who refused to sub∣mit to him, in which he had sometimes prosperous, and sometimes dubious Suc∣cess.

But while his Army was abroad on these Expeditions, some of his Princi∣pal

Men engaging at Play and Drink, in the heat of their Cups fell a quar∣relling, which raised such a disturbance among the rest of his Men, that they had like to have fallen all together by the Ears, to the confounding of him and all his designs; and therefore for the preventing of the like mischief for the futurel 1.208 he forbad the use of Wine, and all Games of Chance ever after. And to make his Prohibition the more influ∣ential, he backs it with am 1.209 Fable of two Angels, called Arut and Marut, who he tells us were in times past sent down from Heaven to administer Ju∣stice, and teach men Righteousness in the Province of Babylon; That while they were there, a certain Woman com∣ing to them for Justice, invited them home to Dinner, and set Wine before them, which God had forbidden them to drink; but being tempted by the pleasantness of the Liquor to transgress the Divine Command, they became so Drunk, that they tempted the Woman to lewdness; who promised to consent on condition that the one of them should first carry her to Heaven, and the other bring her back again. But the Woman being got to Heaven would

not come back again, but declared to God the whole matter. Whereon for reward of her Chastity, she was made the Morning Star. And the Angels ha∣ving this Option given them, whether they would be punished for their wick∣edness either now or hereafter, chose the former; whereon they were hung up by the Feet by an Iron-chain in a certain `Pit near Babylon, where they are to continue suffering the Punish∣ment of their Transgression till the Day of Judgment. And that for this reason, God forbad the use of Wine to all his Servants ever after. Butn 1.210 Busbequius, and out of himo 1.211 Ricaut give the rea∣son of his forbidding the use of Wine from another occasion, which they thus relate, Mahomet making a Journey to a Friend of his, at Noon entred into his House, where there was a Marriage Feast, and sitting down with the Guests, he observed them to be very merry and jovial, kissing and imbracing one another, which was at∣tributed to the chearfulness of their Spirits raised by the Wine, so that he blessed it as a sacred thing in being thus an Instru∣ment of much Love among Men. But re∣turning to the same House the next day, he beheld another face of things, as Gore∣blood

blood on the Ground, an Hand cut off, an Arm, Foot, and other Limbs dismem∣bred; which he was told was the effect of the Brawls and Fighting, occasioned by the Wine, which made them Mad, and inflamed them into a Fury thus to de∣stroy one another. Whereon he changed his mind, and turned his former Blessing in∣to a Curse, and forbad it ever after to all his Disciples. But he himself seems totally to refer the reason of the Pro∣hibition to the Quarrel, which Wine and play at Games of Chance had caused among them. For in the 5th Chapter of the Alcoran, where he gives his Law concerning this matter; his words are, The Devil desires to sow Dissention and Hatred among you through Wine, and Games of Chance, to divert you from re∣membring God, and praying unto him. Abandon Wine and Games of Chance. Be obedient to God, and the Prophet his Apostle, and take heed to your selves. The truth of the matter is, the Arabi∣ans p 1.212 were given to drink Wine to great excess, when they could come by it, and being of an hot Temper, as living most of them within the Torrid Zone, were liable to be inflamed by it into the highest Disorders; and this Maho∣met

having had sufficient experience of, particularly in the dangerous Instance I have mentioned, did in respect of his Arabians, prudently enough provide a∣gainst the like mischief for the future by thus taking away the Cause from whence it did flow.

The next Year was the War of the Ditch,* 1.213 where Mahomet was in great danger of being totally ruined. For the Men of Mecca having entred into Confederacy with several of the Tribes of the Jewish Arabians, to whom he had declared himself a mortal Enemyq 1.214, marched against him under the Command of Joseph, the Brother of Abu Sophian, with an Army of ten thousand Men. Mahomet marched forth to meet them, but being terrified with their number by the advice of Abdollah Ebn Salem, the Persian Jew abovementioned, (whom Elmacinus calls Salman) fortified him∣self with a Deep Ditch, within which Intrenchment the Enemy besieged him many days, which time the crafty Im∣postor imployed to corrupt over to his Interest their Leading-men. In which attempt having succeeded with some of them, he did by their means sow

such Dissentions among the rest, as soon extricated him from all this dan∣ger he was fallen into, which hapned on this occasion. There was then in the Enemies Camp,r 1.215 Amrus Ebn Ab∣dud, an Eminent Korashite, and Unkle to Ali, who having the Reputation of being the best Horse-man in Arabia, to shew his Manhood while the two Ar∣mies lay thus idle against each other, rode up to Mahomet's Trenches, and challenged any of his Army to fight with him in a single Combat. Ali, al∣though his Nephew, accepts the Chal∣lenge, and having slain Amrus, and also another that came to his assistance, those whom Mahomet's Instruments had wrought into a Dissention from the rest took this opportunitys 1.216 to desert the Camp, and march home. Whose Exam∣ple the rest in this Consternation follow∣ing, the whole Army broke up and se∣parated. And so this War, from which so much was expected, ended in nothing, but the loss of six Men on Mahomet's side, and three on the other.

But though the Enemy could make no use of the advantage they had, yet t 1.217 Mahomet knew how to make the best of that which they gave him by this

Retreat. And therefore immediately marching after the Cozaites, one of the Jewish Tribes confederated against him, besieged them in their Fortresses, and forced them to surrender at Mercy to Saad Ebn Maad, one of his chief Com∣manders. But he being sore of a Wound he had received at the War of the Ditch, in revenge thereof caused the Men, and among them Hahib Ebn Atab, their chief Commander, to be put to the Sword, and the Women and Children to be sold for Slaves, and all their Goods to be given for a Prey unto his Soldiers; and as soon as this was executed, died himself of the Wound, which he had thus cruelly revenged.

In the sixth Year he subduedu 1.218 the Lahianites,* 1.219 the Mustalachites, and se∣veral other Tribes of the Arabs. The Mustalachites were of the Posterity of the Chozaites, whom Cosa expelled out of Mecca.vv 1.220 Mahomet having overthrown them in Battle, slew most of the Men according to his bloody manner, and took their Wives and Children Cap∣tives, among whom finding Juweira, the Daughter of Hareth, a Woman of excellent Beauty,x 1.221 he fell in Love with

her, and took her to him to Wife, and for her sake released all of her Kin∣dred that were found among the Cap∣tives.

And now the Impostor after so many advantages obtained in his Wars, being much increased in strengthy 1.222, marched his Army against Mecca, and at Hadi∣bia, a place near that City, on the Road from thence to Jodda, a Battle was fought between them, the conse∣quence of which was, that neither side gaining any advantage over the other, they there agreed on a Truce for ten Years. The Conditions of which were, That all within Mecca, who were for Mahomet might have liberty to joyn themselves to him; and on the other side, Those with Mahomet, who had a mind to leave him, and return to their Houses in Mecca, might also have the same liberty. But for the future, if any of the Citizens of Mecca should go over to Mahomet without the Consent of the Governor of the City, he should be bound on remand to render them unto him. And that if Mahomet, or any of his Party had a mind to come into the City, they might have liberty so to do at any time during the Truce,

provided they came unarmed in a peace∣able way, and tarried not above three days at a time.

By this Truce, Mahomet being very much confirmed in his Power, took on himz 1.223 thenceforth the Authority of a King, and was inaugurated by the Chief Men of his Army under a Tree near Medina, which immediately (it seems cursed by the Authority given so wick∣ed an Impostor under it) withered away and perished, which the Mahometans themselves relate, but make another Interpretation of it.

On Mahomet's having thus made Truce with the Men of Mecca, and there∣by obtained free access for any of his Party to come into that City; he thence∣forth ordained them to make theira 1.224 Pilgrimages thither, which have ever since with so much Religion been ob∣served by all of his Sect once every Year. This was an Ancient Rite of the Heathen Arabs, it having been a constant Usage b 1.225 among them for many Ages foregoing to come once a Year to the Temple of Mecca, there to worship their Heathen Deities. The time of this their Pilgri∣mage c 1.226 was in the Month of Dulhagha;

and on the tenth Day of that Month was their great Festival, in which the chiefest Solemnities of their Pilgrimage were performed, and therefore it was called Ayd al Cabir, i. e. the great Feast; and also, because these Solemnities did chiefly consist in offering up Sacrifices and Oblations, Ayd al Korban, that is, The Feast of Oblation; and the whole Solemnity, Al Hagha, i. e. The Solemn Festival, in the same Sense as the Hebrew word Chag, from which it is derived, signifieth any of the three Solemn Festi∣vals, on which the Jews were thrice every Year to appear before the Lord at the Temple of Jerusalem. And from hence the Month in which this Festival falls, is called among them Dulhagha, which is as much as to say, The Month of the Solemn Festival. And that all might have free liberty safely to come to this Festival from all Parts of Arabia, and again safely return, was the reason that not only this Month, but also the preceding and following were held Sa∣cred among them, in which it was not lawful to use any Act of Hostility a∣gainst any Man, as I have afore shewn. And therefore this Solemn Pilgrimage to Mecca having been a Religious Ʋsage,

which all the Tribes of the Arabs had long been devoted to, and was had in great Veneration among them, Maho∣met thought not fit to ruffle them with any Innovation in this matter, but a∣dopting it into his Religion, retained it just in the same manner as he found it practised among them with all the ridiculous Rites appendant thereto, and so it is observed even unto this day by all of that Religion, as one of the Fun∣damental Duties of it. For the Crafty Impostor taught them concerning it (as he did of all the other Heathen Rites of the Arabs, which he found necessary to retain) that it was a Command from God to Abraham and Ismael, annually to observe this Pilgrimage to Mecca; and that it was given unto them on their rebuilding the Caaba; and that at first it was only used to the Honour of God, in the coming of all the Arabs thither once every Year, there to wor∣ship together before him in one Holy Assembly, in the same manner as the Jews were after commanded thrice eve∣ry Year to worship before him in their three Solemn Festivals at Jerusalem: But that in process of time it became perverted to Idolatry, from which he

was now commanded again to restore it to its primitive use. And in the ma∣king of this Establishment, he had no small respect to his Native City, that he might preserve to it the same benefit of this Pilgrimage, which it had before so long enjoyed. And in thus providing for the Interest of that People in the ve∣ry Religion, which he was a framing, he thought he might the easier prevail to draw them over unto it. And in this he was not mistaken. For had he totally abolished this Pilgrimage, it be∣ing the greatest Honour and Benefit which that place enjoyed, and by which indeed it did mostly subsist; their In∣terest would have engaged them to that vigorous Opposition against him, that in all likelihood he would never have become Master of that City, and for want thereof have miscarried in the whole Design.

And now being thus established in the Sovereignty,* 1.227 which he had been so long driving at, he took to him all the Insignia belonging thereto; but so that still he retained the Sacred Character of Chief Pontiff of his Religion as well as the Royal, which he had now invested

himself with, and transmitted them both together to all his Successors, who by the Title of Caliph's reigned after him; so that they were in the same manner as the Jewish Princes of the Race of the Maccabees, Kings and Chief Priests of their People at the same time. Their Pontifical Authority chiefly con∣sisted in giving the Interpretation of the Mahometan Law, in ordering all Matters of Religion, and also in officia∣ting in the Duties of it themselves, as well in Praying as Preaching in their Publick Mosques, as on all more Solemn Occasions they were used to do. And at length this was all the Authority the Caliph's were left possessed of, they be∣ing totally stript of all the rest, first by the Governors of the Provinces,d 1.228, (who about the Year of the Hegera, 325. assumed the Regal Authority to themselves, and made themselves Kings each in their particular Governments) and after by others, who rose up on this Distraction of the Empire to usurp upon them, till at last they left them nothing else but that Name and Shadow of what they had afore been. For al∣though those Princes still paid some Deference to the Caliph, as to a Sacred

Person, (in the same manner as is now paid to the Pope of Rome by the Princes of his Communion) and suffered him to be prayed for through all the Mosques of their Dominions, and his Name to be inserted in the Publick Offices, even be∣fore their own, as if they had still been no more than his Lieutenants in the Government, as in former times; yet as to all things relating to the Go∣vernment of their particular States they disowned all manner of Obedience unto him, and often deposed him, and put another in his stead, as they thought would best suit with their Interest, which was usually done according as this Prince or that Prince made them∣selves Masters of Bagdat, the City where the Caliph resided, till at length the Tartars came in, and in that Deluge of Destruction, with which they did over∣run all the East, put a total end to their e 1.229 very Name and Being, as well as their Authority. Ever since that time, most Mahometan Princes have a particular Officer appointed in their Respective Dominions, who sustains this Sacred Authority formerly invested in the Ca∣liph's, who in Turky is called the Mufti, and in Persia the Sadre; but they be∣ing

under the Power of the Princes that appoint them, are most an end made use of for no other purpose, but as Tools of State to serve their Interest, and make the Law speak what at any time they shall judge most agreeable to it, how wicked and unjust soever it be.

As soon as Mahomet had finished his Mosque at Medina; he always, if on the place, officiated in it himself both in Praying, and also in Preaching to the People; for which he had no other convenience at first than a piece of a Beam, or the Stump of a Palm-tree dro∣ven into the Ground, on the top of which he leaned when he did officiate. But being now invested with the Su∣preme Authority, he thought this too mean an accommodation for his Dignity; and therefore by the advice of one of his Wives caused a Pulpit to be built for him, which had two Steps up into it, and a Seat within to sit on; and this the Im∣postor ever after made use of, leaving his Beam. And those, who writing of Mahomet's Miracles, tell us among o∣thers, That a Beam groaned at himf 1.230, mean this Beam which they say groan∣ed at Mahomet's leaving of it, thereby

expressing its grief for being thus de∣serted. Othman Ebn Affan, when he came to be Caliph, hung his Pulpit with Tapistry, and Moawias advanced it high∣er adding six Steps more to it. For beingg 1.231 so exceeding Fat that he could not stand while he officiated, as all his Predecessors had done, he was forced to sit when he preached to the Peo∣ple; and therefore that he might be the better heard, he raised the Pulpit to this heigth, and so it now remains in that Mosque at Medina even to this day.

This Year he lead forth his Armyh 1.232 against Chaibar, a City inhabited by Arabs of the Jewish Religion, who being overthrown by him in Battle, he be∣sieged their City and took it by Storm. And here those, who are the magnifiers of Ali, tell this Miracle of him, that in the Assault, Sampson-like, he plucked up one of the Gates of the City, (which was of that weight, saith Abul Feda, that eight other Men could not move it) and held it before him for a Shield to defend himself against the besieged, till the City was taken. On Mahomet's entring the Town, he took up his Quarters in the House of Horeth, one

of the Principal Inhabitants of the Place, whose Daughteri 1.233 Zainab making ready a Shoulder of Mutton for his Supper, poysoned it. And here those, who are for ascribing Miracles to Mahomet, tell us, That the Shoulder of Mutton spoke to him, and discoursed that it was poysoned; but it seems, if it did so, it was too late to do him any good. For Basher, one of his Companions falling on too greedily to eat of it, fell down dead on the place. And although Ma∣homet had not immediately the same fate; because not likeing the taste, he spit out again what he had taken into his Mouth, yet he let down enough to do his business. For he was never well after this Supper, and at three Years end died of it. The Maid being asked, Why she did this; answered, That she had a mind to make trial, whether he were a Prophet or no. For were he a Prophet, said she, he would certainly know that the Meat was poysoned; and therefore would receive no harm from it; but if he were not a Prophet, she thought she should do the World good Service in ridding it of so wicked a Tyrant.

After thisk 1.234 he reduced under his sub∣jection Beder, Watiha, and Selalima, which were also Towns belonging to the Jewish Arabs, who rendred to him on Articles; and these were that they should continue in their former Habita∣tions, paying for Tribute one half of the income of their Date-trees every year; but to be at his discretion to ex∣pel them when he should think fit. Un∣der the protection of which Agreement they still retained their former Possessi∣ons, and dwelt in them without any di∣sturbance till the Reign of Omer, who pretending that Mahomet had given charge in his last Sickness not to permit two Religions in Arabia, drove them all out.

The Impostor by those many Acquisi∣tions having now encreased his strength to an Army of Ten thousand men,* 1.235 re∣solved to make himself Master of Mecca, and therefore pretending they had bro∣ken the Truce,l 1.236 marched suddenly upon them, before they were aware of his Design; and therfore being totally un∣provided in that Surprize to put them∣selves into a posture of defence against him, they found themselves necessitated

to yield unto him. Whereon Abu So∣phian taking with him Al Abbas, one of the Unkles of the Impostor (who al∣though of his Religion, had it seems tar∣ried still at Mecca) went out unto him, and by turning Mahometan, saved his life; and the City, without any opposi∣tion, was rendred to him at discretion. On his entry into it having put to death such as had been most violent against him, all the rest, without any further opposition, submitted unto him, and im∣braced his Religion. And therefore having thus made himself absolute Master of the place, he immediately set himself to purge the Caaba of its Idols, and conse∣crate that Temple anew to his Religion, as having resolved still to continue it in its pristine honour, by making it the chief place of Worship for all of his Sect. Therem 1.237 were a multitude of Idols with∣in the Temple, and as many without, standing round its Area, all which Ma∣homet caused to be pulled down and de∣stroyed, and the place to be totally cleared of them. The chief among those Idols were those of Abraham and Ismael within the Temple, and that of Hoball without. The rest were of Angels and Prophets, and others of their principal

Saints departed, whom they worship∣ed only as Mediators, in the same manner as the Romanists now do their Saints, and the Images which they erect unto them. For the Arabians always held that there wasn 1.238 but one only God the Creator and Governor of all things, whom they called Allah Tuall, i. e. the Supreme God, and God of Gods, and Lord of Lords, whom they durst never represent by any Image. But being (as they held) so great and high, as not to be approached to by men while here on Earth, but through the mediation of Advocates or Intercessors interposing for them unto him in Heaven; That Angels and Holy men beatified might perform this Office for them, was the reason that they set up their Images, and built them Temples, and directed their Worship and Devo∣tions unto them. And in this did con∣sist the whole of the Arabian Idolatry, which Mahomet now by destroying these Idols put a total end unto.

As soon as it was heard among the Neighbouring Arabs, that Mahomet had made himself Master of Mecca, the o 1.239 Hawazins, the Thakifians, and several other Tribes, immediatly gathered to∣gether under the Command of Mehi Ebn

Auf, to fall upon him, befor he should encrease his Power any further. Here∣on Mahomet appointing Gayat Ebn Asad to be Governour of Mecca, marched out against them with Twelve thousand men. In the Valley of Honaina, which lieth between Mecca and Tayif, both Armies met, and in the first Encounter Mahometp 1.240 was beaten, though much superior to the Enemy in number, and driven back to the Walls of Mecca, q 1.241 which he ascribes to the overconfi∣dence of his men in their numbers; which causing them to neglect their Enemy, did thereby give them this ad∣vantage over them. But the Impostor r 1.242 having gathered up his scattered Forces, and rallied them again into a Bo∣dy, acted more cautiously in the second Conflict, and then,s 1.243 as he saith, by the help of invisible Troops of Angels (which are reckoned by some Commen∣tators on the Alcoran, to be Eight thou∣sand), and by others to be Sixteen thou∣sand) gave his Enemies such a total defeat,t 1.244 that he took from them their Baggage, with their Wives and Chil∣dren, and all their Substance, which consisted mostly of great Flocks of Sheep, and Herds of Cattle. For these

being of the Nomad Arabs, it was their Custom to carry their Wives and Chil∣dren, and all that they had with them, where-ever they moved. After this Battel, these People sent Ambassadors unto him to pray the restoration of their Wives and Children, to whom Mahomet gave this Option, to chuse which they would have again restored unto them, either their Wives and Children, or their Goods: Whereon they having chosen their Wives and Children, Ma∣homet divided all their Goods which he had taken from them among his Sol∣diers. Only Melic Ebn Auf, their Ge∣neral, now he saw his Power was such as no more to be resisted, came in and imbraced his Religion, and thereon had all his Goods again restored unto him.

The remaining part of the Yearu 1.245 was spent in demolishing the Heathen Tem∣ples, and destroying their Idols in all places through Arabia, where his Power reached. To which purpose several of his Commanders being sent out with Parties, Saad destroyed the Idol of Me∣nah, Chalid that of Al Ʋzza, and the Temple of Bossa built thereto, and others the rest of them. So that this Year proved very fatal to the Idols of

the Arabs, they being most of them now destroyed, and the former Wor∣shippers of them forced to submit to Mahomet, and imbrace his Imposture.

And now having brought most parts of Arabia under his Power,* 1.246 the ensuing Yearvv 1.247 he turned his Arms towards Sy∣ria, and possessed himself of Tabuc, a Town belonging to the Greek Empire, and from thence falling on the Princes of Dauman and Eyla, forced them to become Tributaries unto him, and then returned to Medina in the Month Rajeb. While he was absent on this Expedition, the Tayifians, whom he had begun to besiege the former Year, being much pressed by some of his Lieutenants, whom he had committed the prosecu∣tion of that War unto, were forced to submit and imbrace his Imposture, which they had afore been so averse unto; of which he having received an account on his return, he sent thither Abu Sophian to disarm them of all their Weapons and Instruments of War, and appointed Oth∣man Ebn Abulas to be their Governour. And this was the last Year in which he went to the War.

And now the Power of the Impostor being much encreased,* 1.248 the fame of it so terrified the rest of the Arabs, which had not yet felt his Arms,x 1.249 that they all came in and submitted to him, and im∣braced his Imposture. So that this Year his Empire and his Religion became esta∣blished together through all Arabia, and he sent his Lieutenants into all parts of it to govern in his Name, who de∣stroying the Idol Temples, and all other the remains of the Arabian Idolatry where-ever they came, set up his new-invented Religion in its stead, and forced all men by the power of the Sword to conform thereto.

The greatest part of this Year being spent in ordering and setling these Matters,y 1.250 towards the end of it Maho∣met took a Journy in Pilgrimage to Mecca, and entred thither on the Tenth day of Dulhagha, which is the great day of that Solemnity, where a great con∣course of people resorted to him from all parts of Arabia, whom he instructed in his Law, and then returned again to Medina. This Pilgrimage of his is by his Followers called the Pilgrimage of Valediction, because it was the last which he made.

But although he was arrived to this heigth, yet he wanted not Opposers, who gave him great disturbance in this his new acquired Empire. For several others seeing how he had advanced him∣self to be a great King, by pretending to be a Prophet, thought to do so too. z 1.251 Among whom the Chief was Moseilema, who set himself up with this Pretence in the City of Tamama, and gathering a great Company after him, preached to them, That he was associated with Ma∣homet in the Prophetick Office, and sent with the same Commission to re∣duce them from Idolatry to the true Woship of God; and in order thereto he also published his Alcoran among them. For which reason the Mahome∣tans call him the Lying Mosoilema, and speak of him always with detesta∣tion. However he encreased to a very considerable Power, leading a great Ar∣my after him.a 1.252 And at the same time Aswad started up in Hamyar, or the Country of the Homerites, with the same Pretence, and seised on Sanaa, Nasra, and Tayif. And after him Ta∣luha, and others, thought to have plaid the same Game, but could not hit on the same Success, being all in their turns

subdued and brought to nothing. But this Work Mahomet not being able to undertake himself, was forced to leave it to his Successor.

For after his returnb 1.253 to Medina from his late Pilgrimage, he began daily to decline through the force of that Poison, which he had taken three years before at Caibar, which still working in him, at length brought him so low, as forced him on the 28th day of Saphar (the second Month of their Year) to take his Bed, and on the twelfth day of the following Month he died, after having been Sick thirteen days. The begin∣ning of his Sickness was a slow Fever, which at length made him delirous, whereonc 1.254 he called for Pen, Ink, and Paper, telling them that he would di∣ctate a Book to them, which should keep them from erring after his Death. But Omar would not admit this, saying, the Alcoran sufficeth, and that the Pro∣phet, through the greatness of his Ma∣lady knew not what he said. But o∣thers, who were present, were of ano∣ther mind, and expressed a great desire, that the Book might be wrote, which their Prophet spoke to them of, where∣on

a Contention arose between them, some being of Omar's mind, and some of the contrary, at which Mahomet ta∣king offence, bid them all be gone, telling them, That it did not become them thus to contend in his presence. So the Book was not wrote, the loss of which was afterwards lamented by some of his Followers as a great Cala∣mity to their Cause.

During his Sicknessd 1.255, he much com∣plained of the bit which he had taken at Caibar, telling those that came to visit him, That he had felt the Tor∣ments of it in his Body ever since; that at times it brought on him very dolorous Pains, and that then it was going to break his very Heart-strings. And when among others, there came to see him the Mother of Bashar, who died on the spot of that Poyson,e 1.256 He cried out, O Mother of Bashar, the Veins of my Heart are now breaking of the bit which I eat with your Son at Chaibar. So it seems notwithstanding the intimacy he pretended with the Angel Gabriel, and the continual Revelations, which he brag∣ged that he received from him, he could not be preserved from thus perishing, by the Snares of a silly Girl.

On his Death there was great Con∣fusion among his Followers. Many of themf 1.257 would not believe that he could dye. For, said they, how can he dye since he is to be a Witness to God for us? It cannot be so, he is not dead, but is only taken away for a season, and will return again, as did Jesus. And there∣fore they went to the Door of the House, where the dead Corps lay, crying out, Do not Bury him, for the Apostle of God is not dead. And Omar being of the same mind, drew his Sword, and swore, that if any one should say, That Maho∣met was dead, he would immediately cut him in pieces. For (said he) the Apostle of God is not dead, but only gone for a season; as Moses, the Son of Am∣ran, was gone from the People of Israel for forty Days, and then returned to them again. For the composing of this Dis∣order, Abu Beker came in, crying out unto them, Do you worship Mahomet, or the God of Mahomet? If you worship the God of Mahomet, he is Immortal and liveth for ever; but as to Mahomet, he certainly is dead. And then from se∣veral Passages in the Alcoran, he proved that he must dye as well as other Men. Which having satisfied Omar and his

Party, they then all took it for granted, that Mahomet was dead, and no more to return to Life again till the general Resurrection of all Mankind. What goes so current among us, as if the Mahome∣tans expected Mahomet again to return to them here on Earth, is totally an Error. There is no such Doctrine a∣mong them, nor are there any of them, that ever fancied such a thing, since the time that Omar was convinced of his mistake herein.

But this disorder was no sooner ap∣peased g 1.258, but another arose to a much greater heat about his Burial. The Mo∣hagerins, that is, those who accompa∣nied him in his Flight from Mecca, would have him carried thither to be buried in the place where he was Born. The Ansars, that is, those of Medina, who joyned with him, would have him bu∣ried there where he died. And there were others, who had a phansy to have him carried to Jerusalem, and there buried among the Sepulchres of the Prophets. For that, said they, was the City of the Prophets. And while each Party strove to have their own way complied with, the Contest grew so high, that they had like to have all

gone together by the Ears; but that the wisdom of Abu Beker composed this matter also. For he coming in, told them, that he had often heard from the Prophet himself, that Prophets were to be buried in the place where they died. And then without more ado com∣manded the Bed whereon he lay to be plucked out, and a Grave to be imme∣diately dug under it, to which all con∣sented, and there they buried him forthwith in the place where he died, which was in the Chamber of Ayesha, his best beloved Wife at Medina, and there he lieth to this day without Iron-Coffin or Loadstones to hang him in the Air, as the Stories which common∣ly go about of him among Christians fa∣bulously relate. There was indeedh 1.259 one Dinocrates, a famous Architect, that had a device by building the Dome of the Temple of Arsinoe at Alexandria, of Loadstone, to make her Image all of Iron hang in the middle of it, as if it were in the Air; but there was no such attempt ever made as to Mahomet's Carkass. For that being buried in the manner, as I have related, hath lain in the same place without being moved or disturbed ever since, only they have

built over iti 1.260 a small Chappel, which joyneth to one of the Corners of the chief Mosque of that City, which was the first that was ever erected to that impious Superstition, Mahomet himself being the first Founder of it, as hath been afore related. Here such Pilgrims, as think fit, on their return from Mecca call in to pay their Devotions, but there is no Obligation from their Law for it. The Pilgrimage which that en∣joyns being to be performed to the Caaba at Mecca, and not to the Tomb of the Impostor at Medina, as some have erro∣niously related.

And thus ended the Life of this wick∣ed Impostork 1.261, being full Sixty three years old on the day in which he died, that is, according to the Arabian Ac∣count, which make only sixty one of our Years. For twenty three years he had taken upon him to be a Prophet, of which he lived thirteen at Mecca, and ten at Medina. During which time, from very mean beginnings, he arose by the impulse of his Ambition, and the sagaciousness of his Wit to that heigth, as to make one of the greatest Revolutions that ever hapned in the World, which immediately gave Birth

to an Empire, which in Eighty years time extended its Dominions over more Kingdoms and Countries, than ever the Roman could in Eight hundred. And although it continued in its strength not much above Three hundred Years, yet out of its Ashes have sprung up many other Kingdoms and Empires, of which there are three at this day, the largest, and most Potent upon the face of the Earth, I mean the Empire of Turky, the Empire of Persia, and the Empire of the Mogul in India, which God hath permitted of his All wise-pro∣vidence still to continue for a Scourge unto us Christians, who having recei∣ved so Holy, and so Excellent a Religion through his mercy to us in Jesus Christ our Lord, will not yet conform our selves to live worthy of it.

Hel 1.262 was as to his Person of a proper Stature, and comely Aspect, and af∣fected much to be thought to resemble Abraham. He had a very piercing and sagacious Wit. And for the accom∣plishing of the Design which he un∣dertook was thoroughly vested in all the Arts, whereby to insinuate into the favour of Men, and wheedle them over to serve his purposes, to which he

chiefly owed the success of his under∣taking.

For the first part of his Lifem 1.263 he led a very wicked and licentious Course, much delighting in Rapin, Plunder, and Bloodshed, according to the usage of the Arabs, who mostly followed this kind of Life, being almost continually in Arms one Tribe against another, to plunder and take from each other all they could. However the Mahometans would have us believe, That he was a Saint from the fourth year of his Age. For thenn 1.264 say they, The Angel Gabriel took him from among his Fellows, while at play with them, and carrying him aside, cut open his Breast, and took out his Heart, and wrung out of it that black drop of Blood in which, say they, was contained the Fomes peccati, so that he had none of it ever after. And yet in the Forty eighth Chapter of his Alcoran, he brings in God giving him a large Charter of Pardon for all his Sins past and to come.

His two predominant Passions were Ambition and Lust. The course which he took to gain Empire, abundantly shews the former; and the multitude of Women which he had to do with, proves

the later. And indeed these two run thorough the whole Frame of his Reli∣gion, there being scarce a Chapter in his Alcoran, which doth not lay down some Law of War and Bloodshed for the promoting of the one; or else give some liberty for the use of Women here, or some promise for the enjoyment of them hereafter to the gratifying of the other.

While Cadigha lived, (which was till the fiftieth year of his Age) I do not find that he took any other Wife. For she being the rise and foundation of his Fortunes, it seems he durst not displease her, by bringing in another Wife upon her. But she was no sooner dead, but he multiplied them to a greato 1.265 num∣ber; besides several Concubines which he had. They that say the fewest, al∣low him to have marriedp 1.266 Fifteen, but others reckon them to have beenq 1.267 one and twenty, of which five died before him, six he repudiated, and ten were alive at his Death. But the tenth, with whom he contracted but a little before his Sickness, was never brought home to his House. The Names of the other nine were, Ayesha, the Daughter of Abu Beker; Haphsa, the Daughter of Omar;

Zewda, the Daughter of Zoma; Zainab, the Daughter of Hasheth; Sephia, the Daughter of Hai; Em Selema, Em Ha∣liba, and Maimacna.

Ayesha, the Daughter of Abu Beker, was his best beloved Wife. He married her very young, as hath been before related; and although she was a very wanton Woman, and▪r 1.268 given to hold amorous Intrigues with other Men, and on that account Mahomet was moved to put her away; yet his love to her was such that he could not part with her. But to salve her Reputation, and his own in keeping her, the Twenty fourth Chapter of the Alcoran was com∣posed, and brought forth as sent from God to declare her Innocent; wherein he tells his Muslemans, That this Charge against her was an Imposture, and an impudent Lye, and forbids them any more to speak of it, threatning a severe Curse, both in this Life, and that which is to come, against all those who should accuse of Immodesty, Women Chast, Innocent, and Faithful. Mahomet mar∣rying her young, took care to have her bred ups 1.269 in all the Learning then go∣ing in Arabia, especially in the Elegan∣cy of their Language, and the Know∣ledge

of their Antiquities, and she be∣came one of the most accomplished Ladies of her time in that Country. She was at 1.270 bitter Enemy to Ali, he being the Person that discovered her Incontinency to Mahomet, and there∣fore imployed all the Interest she had on every Vacancy, that after hapned, to hinder him from being chosen Ca∣liph, although, as Son in-Law to the Impostor, he had the fairest pretence thereto; and when at last, after having been thrice put by, he attained that Dignity, she appeared in Arms against him; and although she prevailed not that way, yet she proved his ruin by causing that Defection from him, which at length was the undoing of him and all his House. Sheu 1.271 lived Forty eight Years after the Death of Mahomet, and was in great Reputation with her Sect, being called by them the Prophetess, and the Mother of the Faithful. And in most points of difficulty concerning their Law, they had recourse to her, to know what had been the Sense of the Impostor while alive, in the parti∣cular doubted of; and whatsoever An∣swer she gave, went for anvv 1.272 Authen∣tick Tradition among them ever after.

For all their Traditions, which compose their Sonnah, are pretended to be deri∣ved either from her, or some of Maho∣met's ten Companions, that is, those ten who first came in unto them. But her Testimony to a Tradition is reckon∣ed the most Authentick; and next her, that of Abdorrahman Ebn Auf. Forx 1.273 being of all others, the most familiarly Conversant with the Impostor all the time that Scene of Delusion was acting by him, and a Person of extraordinary Memory; he was most confided in for the giving of an exact account of all his Sayings and Doings relating to his Religion, and there are reckoned no fewer than 5340 Traditions among them which are built upon his Authority only. This Abdorrahman is also called Abu Hareira, that is, the Father of a Cat, which Name Mahomet gave him for the fondness he had for a Cat, which he was used most an end to carry with him in his Bosom where-ever he went. For it is usual in the Arabick Tongue when a Man is remarkable for any one particular thing, thus to express it by calling him the Father of it.y 1.274 And so Chalid, who was Mahomet's Host when he first came to Medina, was for his

remarkable patience, called Abu Job, that is, the Father of Job, or of the Patience of Job. And this is that Job, z 1.275 who dying at the Siege of Constanti∣nople, when besieged by the Sarazens, was there buried under the Walls of the City, and hath his Tomb there to be seen even to this day,a 1.276 where all the Grand Signiors go forth to be inaugura∣ted, when they first take upon them the Regal Authority.

Haphsa, the Daughter of Omar, was next tob 1.277 Ayesha, most in favour with him, and her he intrusted with the keeping of the Chest of his Apostleship, wherein were laid up all the Orignal Papers of his pretended Revelations, out of which the Alcoran was compo∣sed, as hath been already said; and the Original Copy of that Book,c 1.278 Abu Be∣ker, after the finishing of it, delivered also unto her to be kept in the same Chest, which proves the mistake of Jo∣hannes Andreasd 1.279, in assigning the keep∣ing of this Chest to Ayesha. For it is not likely that Abu Beker would have dispossessed his own Daughter of this Office, which was so honourable among them, had she first been entrusted with it by the Impostor. Haphsa was much

the elder Woman, and for that reason probably preferred to this Trust. For when she died, which was towards the later end of the Reign of Othman, she was sixty six Yearse 1.280 old, and therefore must have been at the Death of the Im∣postor, at least forty Years old, when Ayesha was not fully twenty.

Sewda was in least favour with him of any of his Wivesf 1.281, and he intended to have put her away; but she earnest∣ly desired him that she might still have the Reputation and Honour of being his Wife, promising him, if he would grant her this, she would be content no more to lye with him, but to give her turn always to Ayesha, which con∣dition he willingly accepted of out of that great love which he had for Ayesha, and so permitted her to continue in his House as long as he lived.

Zainab, was first the Wife of Zeyd, his enfranchis'd Slave, who being a Woman of great Beautyg 1.282, the old Lecher fell desperately in love with

her. But for fear of the Scandal, which his taking of her might give, he did all he could to suppress his Flame, till at length being able to resist no longer, he did break the matter to her, and caused Zeyd to put her away, that he might take her to Wife. Which he be∣ing forced to submit to; this gave great Offence to all his Followers, that he, who called himself a Prophet, and an Apostle of God sent to teach Men his Law, should for the gratifying of his Lust, do so scandalous a thing. But to salve the matter, out comes the thirty third Chapter of the Alcoran, called the Chapter of Heresies, where God is brought in declaring, That he had married Zainab to Mahomet, and given him free liberty to enjoy her according to his desire; and also rebuking him, that knowing God had given him this thing, he should abstain so long from her out of regard he had to the People, as if he feared them more than God. However this could not clear him so, but that many of his followers are hard put to it, to excuse him from the Scandal of this fact, even unto this day; and there are some of them who make no doubt to charge him with Sin on the account

hereof. Zainab hereon becoming the Wife of Mahomet, lived with him to the time of his Death, always glorying and vaunting her self above his other Wives, thath 1.283 whereas they were married to Mahomet by their Parents and Kinsfolk, she was married to him by God him∣self, who dwells above the Seven Hea∣vens.

How he married Juweira, hath been already related.i 1.284 Saphia was a Jewish Woman, and descended of the Race of the Priests, on which account she was used to brag, that she had Aaron for her Father, Moses for her Unkle, and Mahomet for her Husband. Of the rest of his Wives, I find not any thing said.

Besides these, he had a Concubine, whom he much loved. She was an k 1.285 Egyptian Woman, and a Christian of the Jacobite Sect. The Governor of Egypt having occasion to Treat with him about some matters, and being in∣formed of his brutish Passion, to gratify him herein, and thereby the better in∣cline him to his purpose, sent him this Maid for a Present, she being then only

fifteen years old: He immediately fell in love with her. But how secret so∣ever he managed the Amours for fear of his Wives, Ayesha and Haphsa found it out, and catched them together in the Fact. Whereon they reproached him bitterly for it, that he who called himself a Prophet sent from God to teach Men Righteousness, should do such a thing; at which being much confound∣ed, he swore a solemn Oath, That in case they would conceal the matter, and not say any thing of it to raise a Scandal against him among his Mussle∣mans, he would never have to do with her more. On which Oath they were content to pass the matter over, and say nothing of it. But Mahomet's Lust being of greater force with him than his Oath, he could not long hold, but was catched again with her by his Jea∣lous Wives. Whereon they flew out into a desperate Rage against him, and after having loaded him with a multi∣tude of Reproaches, both for his Per∣jury, as well as Adultery, went from him to their Father's Houses, which rai∣sing a great Noise, and many being offended with him for it; to smooth the matter again, he hath recourse to

his old Art, and out comes a new Re∣velation to justify him in it, the Sixty sixth Chapter of the Alcoran, called the Chapter of Prohibition, wherein he brings in God allowing Mahomet, and all his Musslemans to lye with their Maids when they will, notwithstanding their Wives. The first words of that Chap∣ter are, O Prophet, why dost thou forbid what God hath allowed thee, that thou mayest please thy Wives? God hath grant∣ed unto you to lye with your Maid-ser∣vants. Which Law being published, it gave such content to his licentious Fol∣lowers, that no more words were made of this matter; but all gladly laid hold of the liberty which he had granted, and ever since it hath been an esta∣blish'd Law among all of that Sect, be∣sides their Wivesm 1.286, to keep as many Women-slaves for their Lust, as they shall think fit to buy; and the Children of the one are as legitimate as the Chil∣dren of the other. And the Grand Sig∣nior, who never marries, hath all his Women under this later Notion, that is, as his Slaves, and he keeps none but such in his Seraglio; only after they have born him a Son, he sometimes gives them the Name of Sultana, which

is, Queen. Avesha and Haphsa finding the matter to go thus, and that Maho∣met had in the same Chapter threatned them with Divorce unless they submit∣ted, and were obedient; they sent their Fathers to him to make their Peace, and again returned to his House, and totally submitted for the future to his Will in all things; and from that time he lay with his Maid, Mary, as often as he pleased without their any further Contradiction or Controul, and had a Son by her, who was called Abraham. But after the Death of the Impostor no account was had of her, or her Son; but both were sent away into Egypt, and no mention made of either ever after among them. I suppose, Ayesha, out of the hatred which she bore her, procured of her Father, who succeeded the Impostor in the Government, to have her thus disposed of.

One of the main Argumentsn 1.287, which the Followers of Mahomet make use of to excuse his having so many Wives, is, that he might beget young Prophets; but notwithstanding this, the left no young Prophet nor Prophetess neither behind him of all his Wives. Ofo 1.288 six Children, which he had all by Cadigha,

his first Wife, and none by any of the others, they all died before him, excep∣ting only Fatima, the Wife of Ali, and she survived him only sixty Days.

As the gratifying of his Ambition, and his Lust, was the main end of his Imposture, so they both continually ap∣pear through the whole Contexture of it. At first his Ambition had the pre∣dominancy in him; but when that be∣gan to be somewhat satisfied by the Power he had attained to, his Lust grew upon him with his Age, and at length he seemed totally dissolved into it. And there are strange things said of him this wayp 1.289, as that he had in Venery the strength of forty other Men, and that he knew all his Wives, when he had eleven of them, one after another in anq 1.290 hours time. Whatever Laws he gave to restrain the Lust of other Men, he took care always to except himself, resolving it seems to take his full swing herein without let or controul, accord∣ing as the violent bent of his bruitish Appetite, this way, should lead him. For,

1. Her 1.291 would not allow any other to have above four Wives, but to him∣self

s 1.292 he reserved a liberty to Marry without restraint, as many as he should think fit, and he had ten together at the same time, when he died.

2. He obligedt 1.293 all others, who have two, three, or four Wives, to use them all equally alike, both as to their Cloathing, Diet, and the Duties of the Marriage-bed. And in case any Wife thinks her self unequally used in any of those particulars, and that the Hus∣band doth not as largely dispense to her of them, as to his other Wives, it is allowed through all Mahometan Coun∣tries, that she make her Complaint to the Judge, and the Law will give her redress herein, and force the Husband to do her Justice. But Mahomet reserved liberty to himself to do as he should se sit as to this; and therefore when some of his Wives were aggrieved, be∣cause he shewed more favour to the others, and particularly to Ayesha than to them, and made complaints against him on this account: To still their Cla∣mours, he brings in God in the Thirty third Chapter of his Alcoran, giving him full liberty to deal with his Wives as he should think fit, to go in to which he pleased and abstain from which he

pleased; and commanding them to be content herewith, and also to be well-pleased with whatever else he should do in reference to them, accepting as a fa∣vour from him, whatsoever he should give them, and take Exceptions at no∣thing which he should be pleased to order concerning them.

3. In the fourth Chapter of his Al∣coran, which is called the Chapter of Women, he forbids his Musslemans to marry with their Mothers, their Mo∣thers-in-law, the Wives of their Fathers, their Daughters, the Sisters of their Fa∣thers, the Sisters of their Mothers, the Daughters of their Brothers, the Daugh∣ters of their Sisters, their Nurses, their Foster-sisters, the Mothers of their Wives, the Sisters of their Wives, the Daughters of their Wives by other Hus∣bands, the Daughters of Women whom they have known, and the Wives of their Sons, and the married Wives of other Men. And yet in the Thirty third Chapter he brings in God exempting him from this Law, and giving him an especial Priviledge to take to Wife the Daughters of his Brother, or the Daughters of his Sister, and to go in to any other Woman whatsoever of the

Believers, that shall be willing to pro∣stitute her self unto him. But he there takes care to appropriate this liberty so particularly to himself alone, that he excludes all others whatsoever from it. For it seems, the old Lecher feared his Lust should not be sufficiently pro∣vided for, if any thing less than the whole Sex were allowed him for the gratifying of it; and therefore would endure no restraint or limitation upon himself herein, how strictly soever he lays it upon others. In the above-mentioned Law he forbids the Marrying of the Wives of other Men; and abundant Reason there is for it, that no Man should be allowed adulterously to take to Wife, her that is at the same time the Wife of another; and yet he trans∣gressed it in marrying the Wife of his Servant Zeyd. But to allay the Scan∣dal and Offence, which was taken at it; and to secure others from fear∣ing the like Injury and Violence from him, he was content after that to lay a restraint upon himself to do so no more; and therefore brings in God, telling him in the same Thirty third Chapter of his Alcoran, that it shall not be lawful for him for the future to take another

Man's Wife, how much soever he may be taken with her Beauty.

As he was thus brutishly enslaved to the love of Women, so was he as ex∣cessively Jealous of those whom he had taken to Wife. And therefore to deter them from what he fearedu 1.294, he threa∣tens them with double the punishment of other Wives, both here and here∣after, in case they should be false unto him. And when some of his Followers made too frequent resort to his House, and there entred into discourse with some of his Wives, this gave him that Offence, that to prevent it for the future, out comes, as from God, those Verses of the Alcoranvv 1.295, wherein he tells them, That they should not enter into the House of the Prophet without permissi∣on, and that if invited to Dine with him, they should depart as soon as Dinner was over, and not enter into discourse with his Wives; that although the Pro∣phet be ashamed to bid them be gone, yet God is not ashamed to tell them the truth. And in the same Chapter he forbids his Wives to speak to any Man, unless with their Faces vailed. And this his jealousy proceded so far, as to go

beyond the Grave. For he could not bear, that any one else should have to do with his Wives, though after his Death; and thereforex 1.296 strictly forbids all his Followers ever to go in to any of them as long as they should live. So that although all other Women when repudiated, or become Widows, had li∣berty to Marry again, all his Wives were excluded from it. And therefore all those, whom he left at his Deathy 1.297, lived Widows ever after, although some of them were very young; as particu∣larly Ayesha, who was not then full twenty Years old, and lived above eight and forty Years after, which was in that hot Country looked on, as a very hard restraint put upon them.

In all these instances I have mention∣ed, it appears how much he made his Imposture serve his Lust. And indeed almost the whole of his Alcoran, wasz 1.298 in like manner framed to answer some purpose or other of his, according as occasions required. If any new thing were to be put on foot, any Objection against him or his Religion to be an∣swered, any Difficulty to be solved, any Discontent among his People to be quieted, any Offence to be removed,

or any thing else done for the Interest of his Designs, his constant recourse was to the Angel Gabriel for a new Revela∣tion, and out comes some Addition to his Alcoran to serve his turn herein. So that the most of it was made on such like occasions to influence his Party to what he intended. And all his Com∣mentators thus far acknowledge it, that they are on every Chapter very parti∣cular in assigning for what Causes, and for whose sakes it was sent down from Heaven unto them. But hereby it came to pass that abundance of Contradicti∣ons got into this Book. For as the In∣terest and the Designs of the Impostor varied, so was he forced to make his pretended Revelations to vary also, which is a thing so well known to those of his Sect, that they all acknow∣ledge it; and therefore where the Con∣tradictions are such, as they cannot salve them, there they will have one of the contradicting places to be re∣voked. And they reckon in the whole Alcorana 1.299, above an hundred and fifty Verses which are thus revoked, which is the best shift they can make to solve the Contradictions and Inconsistencies of it. But thereby they do exceed∣ingly

betray the Unsteadiness and In∣constancy of him that was the Author of it.

In the beginning of his Imposture, he seemed more inclined to the Jews than to the Christians, and in the first forming of his new invented Religion, followed the Patern of theirs more than any other. But after his coming to Me∣dina, he took that disgust against them, that he became their bitter, and most irreconcileable Enemy ever after, and used them with greater Cruelty in his Wars, than any other he had to deal with.

But to the Christians he ever carried himself with as much favour as could be expected from such a Barbarian; and where-ever they fell under his Power, they had always good Terms from him. His general Rule, and which he laid as a strict Obligation upon all his Fol∣lowers, was to fight for the Propaga∣tion of his Religion. And thereb 1.300 were only two Conditions on which he grant∣ed Peace to any he had to do with, and these were either to come in to his Religion, or submit to be Tributaries unto him. They that did the former, were admitted into the same Privileges

and Freedoms with the rest of his Fol∣lowers: But the later had only the be∣nefit of his Protection, as to their Goods and Persons, and free Exercise of their Religion, without any other privilege or advantage whatsoever, for which e∣very Man paid an Annual Tribute. But those, who would not come in, and make Peace with him on one of these two Conditions, were by his Law to be put to the Sword. And this Law in every one of its particulars is still observed in all Mahometan Countries, even to this day. At first few submitted to him, but such as he forced by Conquest; but when his Power grew to be for∣midable, then Multitudes both of Chri∣stians, and other Religions, flocked to him for his Protection, and became his Tributaries. And there hath in this last Age been published, first by Sionita at Paris, and after by Fabricius at Ro∣stoch, a Writing in Arabick, which bears the Title of an Ancient Capitula∣tion of the Christians of the East with this Impostor, which is said to have been laid up in the Monastry of Mount Carmel in Palestine, and from thence brought into France, and reposited in the French Kings Library. Butc 1.301 Grotius

rejects it as a Forgery; and good reason he had so to do. For it bears date in the fourth Year of the Hegira, when Mahomet was not yet in a condition to speak in that Language, which he is made to do in that Writiting; nor was his Power then so formidable, as to move any to pray his Protection, he having not long before been overthrown and beaten at the Battle of Ohud; and at the time this Instrument bears date (which was the fourth Month of that Year) not fully recovered from that Blow; but in the lowest Circumstances, he had at any time been since his taking the Sword for the propagating of his Impo∣sture. And there is another particular in it, which manifestly discovers the For∣gery. It makes Moawias, the Son of Abu Sophian, to be the Secretary to the Im∣postor, who drew the Instrument; where∣as it is certain, that Moawias, with his Father Abu Sophian, was then in Arms against him; and it was not till the taking of Mecca, which was four Years after that they came in unto him, and to save their Lives imbraced the Impo∣sture. This Instrument is to be read in English in the History of the Present State of the Ottoman Empire, Book 2. Chap. 2.

However this is certain, that the Christians had better Terms from him than any other of his Tributaries, and they enjoy them, even, to this day; there being no Mahometan Country where their Religion is not esteemed the best next their own, and the Professors of it accordingly respected by them before the Jews, Heathens, or any other sort of Men that differ from them.

As the Impostor allowed the Old and New Testament, so would he fain prove his Mission from both. The Texts which are made use of for this purpose by those who defend his Cause, are these fol∣lowing,

Deuteronomy, c. 33. v. 2. It is said, The Lord came from Sinai, and rose up from Seir unto them; he shineth forth from Mount Pharan, and he came with ten thousand of Saints; from his right hand went a fiery Law for them. By which words they will haved 1.302 meant the co∣ming down of the Law to Moses on Mount Sinai; of the Gospel to Jesus at Jerusalem, and of the Alcoran to Maho∣met at Mecca. For say they, Seir are the Mountains of Jerusalem where Jesus appeared, and Pharan the Mountains of Mecca where Mahomet appeared. But

they are here much out in their Geo∣graphy, for Pharane 1.303 is a City of Ara∣bia Petraea near the Red-Sea, towards the bottom of that Gulph, not far from the Confines of Egypt and Palestine, a∣bove five hundred Miles distant from Mecca. It was formerlyf 1.304 an Episcopal See under the Patriarch of Jerusalem, and famous for Theodorusg 1.305, once Bi∣shop of it, who was the first that in his Writings published to the World the Opinion of the Monothelites. It is at this day calledh 1.306 Fara. From hence the De∣serts lying from his City to the Borders of Palestine, are called the Deserts, or Wilderness of Pharan; and the Moun∣tains lying in it, the Mountains of Pha∣ran, in Holy Scripture, near which Moses first began to repeat, and more clearly explain the Law to the Children of Israel before his Death; and to that refers the Text abovementioned.

Psalm 50. v. 2. We have it, Out of Sion the perfection of Beauty of God hath shined. Which the Syriac Version reads thus, Out of Sion God hath shewed a glo∣rious Crown. From whence some Ara∣bick Translation having expressed the two last words by Echilan Mahmudan, i. e. an Honourable Crown; by Mahmu∣dan

they understand the Name of Ma∣homet, and so read the Verse thus, Out of Sion hath God shewed the Crown of Mahomet.

Isaiah, c. 21. v. 7. We read, And he saw a Chariot with a couple of Horsemen, a Chariot of Asses, and a Chariot of Ca∣mels. But the old Latin Version hath it, Et vidit currum duorum Equitum, As∣censorem Asini, & Ascensorem Cameli: i. e. And he saw a Chariot of two Horse∣men, a Rider upon an Ass, and a Rider upon a Camel. Where by the Rider up∣on an Ass, they understand Jesus Christ, because he did so ride to Jerusalem; and by the Rider on the Camel, Mahomet, because he was of the Arabians, who use to ride upon Camels.

John 16. 7. Our Saviour tells his Dis∣ciples, If I go not away, the Comforter, will not come unto you; but if I depart, I will send him unto you. By the Com∣forter, the Mahometans will have their Prophet, Mahomet, to be here meant; and therefore among other Titles; which they give him in their Language,i 1.307 one is Paraclet, which is the Greek word here used in this Text for the Comfor∣ter, made Arabick. They also say, That the very Name of Mahomet, both here,

and in other places of the Gospel was ex∣presly mentioned, but that the Chri∣stians out of Malice have blottd it out, and corrupted those Holy Writings; k 1.308 and that at Paris there is a Copy of the Gospels without these Corruptions, in which the coming of Mahomet is fore∣told in several places, with his Name ex∣presly mentioned in them. And some such thing they had need say to justify the impudent Lye of this Impostor, who in the Sixty first Chapter of his Alco∣ran, entitled, The Chapter of Battle, hath these words, Remember that Jesus, the Son of Mary, said to the Children of Israel, I am the Messenger of God, he hath sent me to confirm the Old Testament, and to declare unto you, that there shall come a Prophet after me, whose Name shall be Mahomet.

There needs no Answer to confute these Glosses. The Absurdity of them is sufficiently exposed by barely relating them. And since they could find no∣thing else in all the Books of the Old and New Testament to wrest to their purpose, but these Texts above-men∣tioned, which are to every Man's ap∣prehending, so exceedingly wide of it: This shews at how vast a distance the

true word of God is from this Impious Imposture, and how much it is in all its parts contrary thereto.

And thus far I have laid together, as exactly and particularly, as I could out of the best Authors, that treat of this Impostor, all that is credibly related of him, and those Methods which he took for the framing and propagating that Impious Forgery, which he hath impo∣sed upon so large a part of Mankind, as have been deluded thereinto. And what is my Design in the present Pub∣lishing hereof, is shewn in the ensuing Treatise.

Notes

• a 1.1

  Abul Fara∣ghius. Abul Feda. Elmacin. Alkodai, &c.
• b 1.2

  Hottingeri Hist. Orient. lib. 1. c. 4.
• c 1.3

  Abul Feda. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 50, & 51. Ecchelensis Hist. Arab. Part 1. c. 3. Liber de Gene∣ratione & N••∣tritura Maho∣metis.
• d 1.4

  Golii notae ad Alfraga∣num, p. 4.
• e 1.5

  Abul Feda, Pocockii, Spec. Hist. A∣rab. p. 42, 50. & 342. Ecchelensis Hist. Arab. p. 1. c. 3.
• f 1.6

  Abul Feda. Pocock. Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 51. Ecchelen∣sis Hist. Arab. Part 1. c. 3. Liber de Ge∣neratione & Nutritura Mahometis.
• g 1.7

  Sionita in Append. ad Geographi∣am Nubien∣sem, c. 7.
• h 1.8

  Abul Feda. Pocock. Ec∣chelensis, ib.
• i 1.9

  Hottinger, Hist. Orient. lib. 1. c. 3.
• k 1.10

  Elmacin. lib. 1. c. 1.
• l 1.11

  Abul Feda. Alkodai. Abul Faraghius. pag. 101. El∣macin, lib. 1. c. 1. Pocock. Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 170. Hottinger, Hist. Orient. lib. 1. c. 6.
• m 1.12

  Abul Feda. Abunazar. Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 101. Elmacin, l. 1. c. 1. Hottin∣ger, Hist. Ori∣ent. l. 2. c. 1. Guadagnol. Tract. 2. c. 10.
• n 1.13

  Abul Feda Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 101. Elmacin, lib. 1. c. 1.
• o 1.14

  Geographia Nubiensis. Si∣onita in Ap∣pend. ad ean∣dem, c. 7. Pocockii Spe. Hist. Arab. p. 127. Golii notae ad Al∣fraganum, p. 98.
• p 1.15

  Geographia Nubiensis clim. 2. Part 5. Golii notae ad Alfraga∣num, p. 100.
• q 1.16

  Abul Feda-Alkodai. Al-Jannabi. Abul Faraghius, p. 101. Pocock. Spec. Hist. Arab p. 170. Gentii notae ad Musladi∣num Sadum, p. 536.
• r 1.17

  Sherestani.Liber de Ge∣neratione Mahometis. Pocockii Spec Hist. Arab. p. 53. & p. 168.
• s 1.18

  Gentii notae ad Musladi∣num. Sadum, p. 536. Vide etiam librum de Generati∣one & nutri∣tura Maho∣metis.
• t 1.19

  Abul. Feda. Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 102. Rodericus Totetanus, c. 2. Johannes Andreas, c. 1. Pocock. Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 171.
• u 1.20

  For she died in the 50th year of the Life of Ma∣homet. Elma∣cen. lib. 1. c. 1. when she had lived with him 22 years. Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 102.
• vv 1.21

  Disputatio Christiani contra Sara∣cenum, c. 3. Cusani Cri∣batio Alco∣rani, lib. 3. c. 8. Ricardi Confutatio Legis Sarace∣nicae, cap. 13.
• x 1.22

  Disputatio Christiani, c. 1.
• y 1.23

  Liber Al∣mostatraf. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 136. And Maho∣met upbraids them of it in the 6th Chap∣ter of his Al∣coran, and elsewhere in that Book.
• z 1.24

  Liber Agar. Joannes An∣dreas de Con∣fusione sectae Mahometa∣nae, c. 1. Bar∣tholomaeus Edessenus. Bellonius, lib. 3. c. 1. Guadagnol. Tract. 2. c. 10. sect. 1.
• a 1.25

  Theopha∣nes. Cedrenus. Miscella Hi∣storia. Zona∣ras.
• b 1.26

  Abul Feda. Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 102. Elmacin, lib. 1. c▪ 1.
• c 1.27

  Sionita in Append. ad Geographiam Nubiensem, c. 8.
• c 1.28

  Johannes Andreas, c. 1. Bellonius, lib. 3. c. 10. Guadagnol. Tract. 2. cap. 10. sect. 1.
• d 1.29

  Phocas made this Grant A. D. 606. which was the very year that Ma∣homet retired to his Cave to forge that Im∣posture there, which two years after, A. D. 608. he began to propagate at Mecca.
• e 1.30

  Elmacin, lib. 1. c. 1. Abul Feda.
• f 1.31

  Sionita in Append. ad Geographiam Nubiensem, c. 8.
• g 1.32

  Elmacin, lib. 1. c. 1.
• h 1.33

  Abul Feda. Abul F••ra∣ghius, p. 102. Elmacin, lib. 1. c. 1.
• i 1.34

  Elmacin, lib. 1. c. 1. Alcoran, c. 2, 3, 4, 5, &c.
• k 1.35

  Elmacin, ib. & Alc. pas∣sim.
• l 1.36

  Alc. c. 4▪ &c.
• m 1.37

  Alc. c 4, 5. &c.
• n 1.38

  Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 89, 90. Hottingeri Hist. Orient. lib. 1. c. 7.
• o 1.39

  Pocockii Spec. Arab. p. 53. Alc. c. 3, &c.
• p 1.40

  Golii Lex. in voce Sala∣ma, & Pococ∣kius ubi su∣pra.
• q 1.41

  Alc. c. 3, 4, 5, &c.
• † 1.42

  The Socini∣ans say just the same, and no more of Jesus Christ than Mahomet did before them, excepting only that he makes himself the greater of the two; and how many other things they agree in with him, and seem to have taken from him, may be seen in Hottinger's Historia Orientalis, lib. 2. c. 3. where he fully compares the Doctrins of both together.
• r 1.43

  Alc. c. 2. Johannes An∣dreas, c. 2. Guadagnol Tract. 2. c. 10. sect. 1. libr. Agar.
• s 1.44

  Rodericus Toletanus, c. 6. Richardi confutatio. c. 13. Theo∣phanes Zono∣ras. Miscella Historia. Ho••∣tingeri Hist. Orient. lib. 1. c. 2.
• t 1.45

  Alc. c. 6. &c. 80.
• u 1.46

  Alc. c. 25.
• * 1.47

  Joannes Andreas, c. 2.
• x 1.48

  Elmacin. lib. 1. c. 2, &c. 4.
• y 1.49

  Johannes Andereas, c. 1.
• z 1.50

  Alc. c. 15, 25, 37, 81, &c.
• a 1.51

  Elmacin, ib. 1. c. 1. Abunazar. Hottinger. Hist. Orient. lib. 2. c. 4.
• b 1.52

  Elmacin, lib. 1. c. 1. Johannes Andreas, c. 1.
• c 1.53

  Elmacin, lib. 1. c. 1. Johannes An∣dreas, c. 1.
• d 1.54

  Elmacin. lib.
• e 1.55

  Ammianus Marcellinus de Saracenis, lib. 14. c. 4. Incredibile est quo ar∣dore apud eos in vene∣rem uterque dissolvitur sexus.
• f 1.56

  Alcoran, c. 3. c. 4. c. 36. c. 37. c. 43. c. 47. c. 78. c. 90. &c. Johannes Andreas, c. 9. Richardi Confutatio, c. 8. Conticuze∣nus Orat. 2. sect. 11. Hortingeri Hist. Orient. lib. 2. c. 4. Pocockii Miscellanea, c. 7. Disputatio Christiani, c. 26. & 28. Bellonius, lib. 3. c. 9.
• g 1.57

  Alcoran, c. 7. c. 37. c. 43. c. 44. c. 47. c. 50. c. 74. c. 77. c. 78. c. 90, &c.
• h 1.58

  Alcoran. c. 6. c. 7. c. 11, &c. Johannes Andreas, c. 12.
• i 1.59

  Alcoran, c. 7. c. 11, &c. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 37.
• k 1.60

  Alcoran, c. 7. c. 11. c. 26. &c. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 37. Hott. Hist. Orient. lib. 1. c. 3.
• l 1.61

  Alcoran, c. 7. c. 11. c. 26, &c.
• m 1.62

  Alcoran, c. 25, &c.
• n 1.63

  Johannes Andreas, c. 1.
• o 1.64

  Alcoran, c. 2. c. 6. &c. Bidawi ad Alcorani cap. 12.
• p 1.65

  Alcoran, c. 17, &c.
• q 1.66

  Alcoran, c. 17.
• r 1.67

  Alcoran, c. 17.
• s 1.68

  Alcoran, c. 6.
• t 1.69

  Richardi Confutatio, c. 7. Canta∣cuzeni Apo∣logia 4. & Orat. 1. Sect. 11. Alcoran c. 2. c. 3. c. 4 &c.
• u 1.70

  Alcoran c. 4. Cantacu∣zeni Orat. 1^a. Sect. 12.
• * 1.71

  Ahmed Ebn Zin. Guadag∣nal, Tract. 2. c. 10. Sect. 11.
• x 1.72

  Cantacuzen. Orat. Sect. 11. Guadagnol Tract. 2. c. 5. Sect. 3.
• y 1.73

  Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 104. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 187 & 188. Hot∣tinger. Hist. Orient. lib. 2. c. 6. Guadag∣nol Tract. 2. c. 2. Sect. 2.
• z 1.74

  Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 104. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 191, 192, &c. Hot∣tinger. Hist. Orient. lib. 2. c. 6.
• a 1.75

  Alcoran, c. 6, &c.
• b 1.76

  Al Gezali Sepher Cozri. Bidawi Ah∣med Ebn Ed∣ris. Hottinger. Hist. Orient. lib. 2. c. 6. Pocock. Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 191, 192, &c.
• c 1.77

  Alcoran, c. 2. c. 10. c. 17. &c.
• d 1.78

  Alcoran, c. 7. Johannes Andreas, c. 2. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. 156. Disputatio Christiani, c. 12 Richardi Confutatio, c. 3.
• e 1.79

  Ebnal Athi••. Sharestani. Al Motairezi in libro Mo∣greb. Pocock. Spec. Hist. Arab. p 157.
• f 1.80

  Al Bochari Pocock. ib.
• g 1.81

  Sharestani. Pocock. Spec. Arab. Hist. p. 156.
• h 1.82

  Sharestani & Pocock ib Hotting. Hist Orient. lib. 1. c. 1.
• i 1.83

  Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 157.
• k 1.84

  Elmacin. lib. 1. c. 1. Bartholomae∣us Edislenus.
• l 1.85

  Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 157.
• m 1.86

  Ebnol A∣thir. Pocock. ib.
• n 1.87

  Liber Agar Guadagnol, Tract. c. 10. Sect. 1. Jo∣hannes An∣dreas de Con∣fusione Sectae Mahometa∣nae, cap. 1.
• o 1.88

  Lib. 3. c. 2.
• p 1.89

  Abdiah is the same in Hebrew that Abdollah is in Arabic, i. e. the Servant of God, and Ben the same with Ebn, i. e. the Son.
• q 1.90

  Schikardi Tarie in Pro∣cemio. p. 54. Forbesius In∣struct. Hist. Theolog. lib. 4. c. 3. Span∣hemius in In∣troductione and Hist. Ec∣clesiast. ad Sec. 7. c. 6.
• r 1.91

  Bidawi, an Eminent Com∣mentator on the Alcoran, says, The Per∣sian meant in the place above-menti∣oned to have helped Maho∣met, was Sal∣man.
• s 1.92

  Dialogus inter Maho∣metem & Abdollam.
• t 1.93

  De Confu∣sione Sect•• Mahometa∣nae, c. 2.
• u 1.94

  C. 13.
• vv 1.95

  Cantacu∣zeni Orat. 1^ma contra Mahometem.
• x 1.96

  Cap. 6. & Cap. 13.
• y 1.97

  Orat. 1^ma contra Maho∣metem.
• z 1.98

  Ecchelensis Hist. Arab. Part. 1. c. 6.
• a 1.99

  Abul Fara∣ghius Abul Feda Al Kodai Al Jannabi.
• b 1.100

  Georgius Monachus in Disputatione cum Abusala∣ma.
• c 1.101

  Theopha∣nes, Zonaras, Richardi con∣futatio c. 13.
• d 1.102

  Richardi Confutatio. c. 13. Confu∣tatio Maho∣metis Gr. Edita per Le Moyne.
• e 1.103

  Golii Lexi∣con Arab. Po∣cockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 330. Hot∣tingeri Hi∣storia Orien∣tal. lib. 1. c. 7.
• f 1.104

  In praefa∣tione ad Di∣sputationem Christiani. Purchas Pil∣grimage Book 3. chap. 3.
• g 1.105

  In notis ad Sphaeram Manilii.
• h 1.106

  De veritate Christianae Religionis lib. 6. c. 5.
• i 1.107

  In Appen∣dice ad Geo∣graphiam Nubiensem c. 7.
• k 1.108

  Elmacin. lib. 1. c. 1.
• l 1.109

  Elmacin. lib. 1. c. 1.
• m 1.110

  For which reason it hath been ever since even to this day called Ab∣bas Beladi, i. e. the Town of Abbas, Go∣lii notae ad Alfraganum, p. 100.
• n 1.111

  Elmacin▪ lib. 1. c. 1.
• o 1.112

  Elmacin Abul Fara∣ghius Abul Feda, &c;
• p 1.113

  Elmacin, ib.
• q 1.114

  Gentii notae ad Musladi∣num Sadium, p. 568.
• r 1.115

  Johannes Andreas, c. 12. Sionia in Ap∣pendice ad Geographiam Nubiensem, c. 8. Guadagnol, Tract. 2. Cap. 10. Sect. 12.
• s 1.116

  Thevenot's Travels, Part 3. lib. 1. c. 49.
• t 1.117

  Rodoricus Toletanus, c. 5. Johannes Andreas, c. 8. Richardi Confutatio Legis Sarace∣nicae, c. 1. &c. 7. Cantacu∣zen. Orat. 4. Guadagnol, Tract. 2. c. 2. Sect. 2. Bello∣nius, lib 3. c. 7. Bocharti Hie∣rozoic, Part 2. Lib. 6. c. 13. Liber Agar Zamachshari & Bidawi in Commentari∣is, ad cap. 17. & cap. 53. Alcorani.
• u 1.118

  Buxtorfii Lexicon Rab∣binicum in voce 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• vv 1.119

  Psalm 50. v. 11. & Psalm 80. v. 14.
• x 1.120

  Ad cap. 3. v. 7. & ad cap. 38. v. 36. & ad cap. 39. v. 16.
• y 1.121

  Alcoran c. 53.
• a 1.122

  Cantacu∣zen Orat. 4^a. Richardi con∣futatio legis Saracenicae c. 14. Hottin∣geri Hist. Ori∣ent. lib. 2. c. 6.
• b 1.123

  Johannes Andreas c. 8. Hottinger ib. Frier Richard and Cantacu∣zenus say, they were a thou∣sand that left him on this oc∣casion.
• c 1.124

  Hottingeri Hist. Orient. Iib. 2. c. 6.
• d 1.125

  Elmacinus lib. 1. c. 2. dicit eum sic vocatum esse propter veri∣ficationem Mesrae.
• * 1.126

  Hottingeri Hist. Orient. lib. 2. c. 6.
• e 1.127

  Alcoran c. 3. &c. Ri∣chardi confu∣tatio, c. 17. Cantacuzeni Oratio 1^a. sect. 3. & 5. Ecchelensis Eutych vin∣dicat. p. 383.
• f 1.128

  Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab p. 298, & 299. Jo∣hannes An∣dreas c. 3. Bellonius lib. 3. c. 4. Hottingeri Bibliotheca Orientalis c. 2. Ecchelensis Eutych. vin∣dicat. c. 27. Gentii Notae ad Musladi∣num Sadum P. 578.
• g 1.129

  Ebnol Athir Ebol Kahai Pocock. ib.
• h 1.130

  Abul. Feda Ebnol Athir Kamus. Po∣cockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 172. Ecchelensis Eutych. Vin∣dicat. c. 27. Golii notae ad Alfraga∣num p. 53.
• i 1.131

  Geographia Nubiensis Clim. 2. Part. 5. Golii notae ad Alfraga∣num p. 98.
• k 1.132

  Sharestani Disputatio Christiani c. 4. Johannes Andreas c. 1. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 137.
• l 1.133

  Elmacin lib. 1. c. 1.
• m 1.134

  Alcoran c. 8. Johannes Andreas c. 1. Bidawi Com∣ment. ad Al∣corani c. 8. Abunazar Hottingeri Historia Ori∣entalis lib. 2. c. 5.
• n 1.135

  Elmacin ib. Abul Fa∣raghius Abul Feda, &c.
• o 1.136

  Elmacin ib. Clenardi Epist. lib. 1. p. 52.
• p 1.137

  Alcoran, c. 9. Bidawi in Comment. ad illud Ca∣put. & ad cap. 16. Hottingeri Hist. Orient. lib. 2. c. 5.
• q 1.138

  Elmacin lib. 1. c. 1. Golii notae ad Alfraganum p. 55. Ahmed Ebn Yuseph. Pocock. Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 174.
• r 1.139

  Elmacin lib. 1. c. 1. Abul Feda, &c.
• s 1.140

  Disputatio Christiani c. 4.
• t 1.141

  Geographia Nubiensis Clim. 2. part. 5. Append. ad eandem cap. 8. Golii notae ad Alfraganum p. 98. Abul Feda Alkamus, &c.
• u 1.142

  Alfraganus cap. 1. Golii notae ad eun∣dem p. 53. Elmacin. lib. c. 1. &c. 3. Eutychius. Abul Fara∣ghius Abul Feda, &c. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 172, 173.
• vv 1.143

  Ecchelensis Hist. Arab. Part. 1. c. 10.
• x 1.144

  Golii notae ad Alfraga∣num p. 52, & 55.
• y 1.145

  E••macin lib. 1. c. 1.
• z 1.146

  Al Kodai Golii notae ad Alfraganum p. 54. Po∣cockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 173, & 174.
• a 1.147

  Abul. Feda Al Masudi. Ecchelensis Hist. Arab. part. 1. c. 10. Pocockii Spec Hist. Arab. p. 62.
• b 1.148

  Al Masudi Ecchelensis ib.
• c 1.149

  Al Jannabi Ahmed Ebn Yusef Ecche∣lensis Hist. Arab. part. 2. c. 1. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 63.
• d 1.150

  Abul Feda Al Jannabi Ahmed Ebn Yusef Ze∣machshati Bidawi & Jal∣lalani in Commentari∣is ad cap. 105. Alcorani. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 64. Golii no∣tae ad Alfraganum p. 54.
• e 1.151

  Zamach Shari Bidawi Jallulani, &c.
• f 1.152

  Golii notae ad Alfraga∣num, p. 54. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 64.
• g 1.153

  Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 174. Golii notae ad Alfraganum▪ p. 54.
• h 1.154

  Al Kodai Al Kamus, &c. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 174. in Magine.
• i 1.155

  Al Jauhari Al Sharestani Al Kamus Cazwini. Go∣lius in notis ad Alfraga∣num, p. 4, 5, & 9. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 174, & 176.
• k 1.156

  Al Kodai Al Kamus. Pocockii Specim. Hist. Arab. p. 174.
• l 1.157

  Al Jauhari Ebnol Athir. Pocockii Spe∣cim. Hist. Arab. p. 177.
• m 1.158

  Golii notae ad Alfraga∣num, p. 11. Scaliger de Emendatione temporum, lib. 2. Cap de Anno Hege∣rae.
• n 1.159

  Alcoran. c. 9.
• * 1.160

  Heg. 1. July 16. A. D. 622.
• o 1.161

  Elmacin lib. 1. c. 1. Abul Feda, &c.
• p 1.162

  Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 103.
• q 1.163

  Abul Feda. Pocockii Spe∣cim. Hist. Arab. p. 183.
• r 1.164

  Alcoran, c. 4. Cantacu∣zen. Orat, 1^a. Sect. 12. Jo∣hannes An∣dreas, c. 12.
• s 1.165

  Alcoran, c. 2, 3, 4, 9, &c. Johannes An∣dreas, c. 12. Disputatio Christiani, c. 8. Cantacu∣zeni Orat. 1^a. Apolog. 4. Richardi Confutatio, c. 10.
• t 1.166

  Thevenot, Part. 1. lib. 1. c. 55.
• u 1.167

  Thevenot, Part 1. Book 1. c. 28.
• vv 1.168

  Cantacu∣zen. Orat. 2. Sect. 5. The∣venot, Part. 1. lib. 1. c. 28.
• x 1.169

  Elmacin lib. 1. c. 1.
• y 1.170

  Elmacin ib. Disputat. Christiani, c. 4.
• * 1.171

  Heg. 2. July 5. A. D. 623.
• a 1.172

  Elmacin lib. 1. c. 1. Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 102. Alcoran, c. 3. & Commen∣tatores in il∣lud caput.
• b 1.173

  Alcoran, c. 3.
• c 1.174

  Hottingeri Bibliotheca Orientalis, c. 2. ad Suratam Octavam Al∣corani.
• d 1.175

  Alcoran, c. 3. Bidawi.
• e 1.176

  Alcoran, c. 3.
• f 1.177

  Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 102. Al Kodai. Abul Feda. Johannes An∣dreas, c. 6.
• g 1.178

  Daniel, c. 6. v. 10. Bux∣torsii Syna∣goga Judaica, cap. 10. Mai∣monides in Halachoth Tephillah, c. 1. Sect. 3.
• h 1.179

  Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 102.
• i 1.180

  Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 184.
• k 1.181

  Pocockii Specim. Hist. Arab. p. 148.
• l 1.182

  Abul Feda. Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 102. Johannes An∣dreas, c. 6. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 175.
• m 1.183

  Alcoran, c. 2. Johan∣nes Andreas, c. 2. &c. 6.
• n 1.184

  Alcoran, c. 2.
• o 1.185

  Johannes Andreas, c. 6.
• p 1.186

  Sharestani Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 115. Sionitae Ap∣pendix ad Geographi∣am Nubien∣sem c. 7.
• q 1.187

  Alcoran, c. 2, 3, & 22. Al Jannabi in vita Abra∣hami Share∣stani Zamach Shari ad cap. 2^dum Alco∣rani Sha∣risol. Edrisi. Liber Agar. Johannes An∣dreas, c. 1.
• r 1.188

  Sharestani Golii notae ad Alfraganum, p. 8, & 9. Makrisi Po∣cockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 177, & 311.
• s 1.189

  Abul Fara∣ghius p. 102. Alkodai.
• t 1.190

  Al Kazwini Pocockii Spe∣cim. Hist. Arab. p. 309.
• u 1.191

  Leviticus c. 16. v. 29. Misna in Tract. Yoma & Maimoni∣des in Tract Yom. Kippur.
• vv 1.192

  Ebnol Athir.
• x 1.193

  Alcoran c. 2.
• y 1.194

  Ebn Ahmed Al Makrizi Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 175.
• z 1.195

  Al Jauhari Ebnol Athir. Golii notae ad Alfraganum p. 7. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 176.
• a 1.196

  Elmacin. Abul Fara∣gius.
• b 1.197

  Elmacin lib. 1. c. 1.
• * 1.198

  Heg. 3. June 24. A. D. 624.
• c 1.199

  Elmacin. ••••.
• d 1.200

  Ecchelensis Hist. Arab. part. 1. c. 1. & Eutych. Vindicat p. 303, & 304.
• e 1.201

  Elmacin lib. 1. c. 1. Abul Fara∣ghius p. 102.
• f 1.202

  Geographia Nubiensis Clim. 2. part. 5.
• g 1.203

  Disputatio Christiani c. 5. with which compare Abul Fara∣ghius p. 117. For there it is said Tilha had a lame Hand.
• h 1.204

  Alcoran c. 3.
• i 1.205

  Ricaut's Hi∣story of the Present State of the Otto∣man Empire Book 2. Chap. 8.
• k 1.206

  Elmacin lib. 1. c. 1. Abul Fara∣ghius p. 102.
• * 1.207

  Heg. 4. June 13. A. D. 625.
• l 1.208

  Al Kodai Pocockii Spe∣cim Hist. Arab. p. 175. Alcoran, cap. 5.
• m 1.209

  Alcoran, cap. 2. Za∣mach Shori & Bidawi alii Commenta∣tores ad illud caput. Dialo∣gus Mahome∣tis cum Ab∣dollah. Ri∣chardi Con∣futatio Legis Saracenicae, c. 4. Canta∣cuzen. Orat. 2. Sect. 15. Bellonius, lib. 3. c. 6. Gua∣dagnol. Tract 2. c. 4. E li∣bro Agar.
• n 1.210

  Epist. 3.
• o 1.211

  History of the Present State of the Otto∣man Empire, Book 2. Chap. 25.
• p 1.212

  Ecchelensis, Hist. Arab. Part. 1. c. 5. Richardi Confutatio, c. 8.
• * 1.213

  Heg. 5. June 2. A. D. 627.
• q 1.214

  Elmacin. lib. 1. c. 1. Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 102.
• r 1.215

  Ecchelensis, Hist. Arab. Part 1. c. 3. Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 102.
• s 1.216

  Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 102. Elmacin. lib. 1. c. 1.
• t 1.217

  Elmacin, lib. 1. c. 1.
• u 1.218

  Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 102. Elmacin. lib. 1. c. 1.
• * 1.219

  Heg. 6. May 23. A. D. 627.
• vv 1.220

  Abul Feda Pocockii Spe∣cim. Hist. Arab. p. 42.
• x 1.221

  Elmacin, lib. 1. c. 1.
• y 1.222

  Elmacin, lib. 1. c. 1.
• z 1.223

  Elmacin, ib.
• a 1.224

  Al Kodai. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 175.
• b 1.225

  Vide supra ad Annum Hegerae se∣cundum.
• c 1.226

  Sharestani Makrizi Go∣lii notae ad Alfraganum, p. 8 & 9. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 177.
• * 1.227

  Heg. 7. May 11. A. D. 628.
• d 1.228

  Elmacin, lib. 3. cap. 1. Abul Fara∣ghius, &c.
• e 1.229

  Abul Fara∣ghius, p▪ 339.
• f 1.230

  Al Gazal••, Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 188.
• g 1.231

  Elmacin, lib. 1. c. 7. Eutychius, Tom. 2. p. 360. Abul Faraghius, p. 124.
• h 1.232

  Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 102. Elmacin, lib. 1. c. 1.
• i 1.233

  Abul Feda. Al Kodai. Al Jannabi. Disputatio Christiani, c. 8. Richardi Confutatio, c. 13. Po∣cockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 189, 190.
• k 1.234

  Elmacin lib. 1. c. 1.
• * 1.235

  Heg. 8. April 30. A. D. 629.
• l 1.236

  Abul Fara∣ghius p. 103. Elmacinus lib. 1. c. 1.
• m 1.237

  Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. pag. 95, 96, 97, 98.
• n 1.238

  Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. pag. 107, & 108.
• o 1.239

  Elmacin lib. 1. c. 1.
• p 1.240

  Zamach Shari and Bidawi on the 9^th Chapter of the Alcoran.
• q 1.241

  Alcoran chap. 9.
• r 1.242

  Bidawi & Zamach Shari ib.
• s 1.243

  Alcoran c. 9.
• t 1.244

  Elmacin lib. 1. c. 1.
• u 1.245

  Pocockii Hist. Arab. p. 91, & 92.
• * 1.246

  Heg. 9. April 20. A. D. 630.
• vv 1.247

  Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 103. Elmacinus lib. 1. c. 1.
• * 1.248

  Heg. 10. April 9. A. D. 631.
• x 1.249

  Elmacin lib. 1. c. 1. Abul Feda.
• y 1.250

  Elmacin lib. 1. c. 1. Abul Feda Abul Fara∣ghius p. 103.
• z 1.251

  Abul Fara∣ghius p. 103. Elmacin lib. 1. c. 1, & 2. Disputatio Christiani cap. 17.
• a 1.252

  Elmacin lib. 1. c. 1, & 2.
• b 1.253

  Abul Fara∣ghius p. 103. Elmacin lib. 1. c. ••. Eutychius Tom. 2. p. 251. Abul Feda Al Jannabi Al Kodai Sharestani, &c. Heg. 11. March 28. A. D. 632.
• c 1.254

  Bochari. Sharestani. Al Jannabi Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 178, 179.
• d 1.255

  Abul Feda Ebnol Athir Ebn Phares Al Jannabi.
• e 1.256

  Al Jannabi Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 190.
• f 1.257

  Abul Feda Sharestani Al Jannabi Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 179.
• g 1.258

  Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 103. Ahmed Ebn Yusef Abul Feda Sharestani Pocockii Specim. Hist. Arab. p. 180.
• h 1.259

  Plinius, lib. 34. c. 14.
• i 1.260

  Appendix ad Geogra∣phiam Nubi∣ensem cap. 8. Thevenot part. 1. Book 2. chap. 21.
• k 1.261

  Eutychius Tom. 2. p. 251 Elmacin lib. 1. c. 1. Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 103. Abul Feda Al Jannabi Al Kodai, &c.
• l 1.262

  Elmacin. lib 1. c. 1. Abunazar. Abul Feda. Al Kodai. Schikardi Ta∣rich, p. 32.
• m 1.263

  Bartholo∣maeus Edesse∣nus. Disputa∣tio Christia∣ni, &c.
• n 1.264

  Liber de Generatione & nutritura Mahometis. Johannes An∣dreas, c. 1. Bellonius, lib. 3. c. 1. Gua∣dagnol. p. 169. E••libro Agar. Ecchilensis Hist. Arab. Part 1. c. 23.
• o 1.265

  Appendix ad Geogra∣phiam Nubi∣ensem, c. 8. Johannes An∣dreas, c. 7. Bellonius, lib. 3. &c.
• p 1.266

  Abul Feda. Al Kodai. Almed Ebn Yusef.
• q 1.267

  Vide, Gen∣tium in notis ad Musladi∣num Sadum, p. 568.
• r 1.268

  Disputatio Christiani, c. 6. Commen∣tatores in Al∣corani, c. 24.
• s 1.269

  Appendix ad Geogra∣phiam Nubi∣ensem, c. 8.
• t 1.270

  Disputatio Christiani, c. 6. Elmacin, lib. 1. c. 4. Abul Fara∣ghius, Abul Feda, &c.
• u 1.271

  For she died the Fifty eighth Year of the Hegira, El∣macin. lib. 1. c. 7.
• vv 1.272

  Johannes Andreas, c. 3.
• x 1.273

  Gentius in notis ad Mus∣ladinum Sa∣dum, p. 578.
• y 1.274

  Bochartus in Hierozoi∣co.
• z 1.275

  Elmacin, lib. 1. c. 7.
• a 1.276

  Ricaut's Hi∣story of the Present State of the Otto∣man Empire, Book 1. Chap. 2. Smith's Brief Description of Constantino∣ple.
• b 1.277

  Johannes Andreas, c. 7.
• c 1.278

  Abul Feda. Hottingeri Bibliotheca Orientalis, c. 2. Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 362.
• d 1.279

  De confusi∣one Sectae Mahometa∣nae, cap. 2.
• e 1.280

  Gentius in Notis ad Musladinum Sadum, pag. 568.
• f 1.281

  Gentius in notis ad Musladinum Sadum, p. 568.
• g 1.282

  Al Jannabi. Abul Feda. Al Kodai. Pocockii Specim. Hist. Arab. p. 182. Richardi confutatio, c. 8. Di∣sputatio Christiani, c. 6. Ecchelensis, Hist. Arab. Part 1. c. 5. Con∣futatio Mahometis Edita per Le Moyne. Johannes Andreas, c. 6. Guadagnol. Tract. 2. c. ••. Sect. 3. &c. 10. Sect. 2. Zamach Shari Bidawi & alii Commentatores, ad cap. 33. Alcorani. Liber Alma∣wa Keph.
• h 1.283

  Ecchelensis Hist. Arab. p. 1. c. 5.
• i 1.284

  Disputatio Christiani, c. 6.
• k 1.285

  Abul Fara∣ghius, p. 103. Johannes An∣dreas, c. 8. Bellonius, lib. 3. c. 8. Ri∣chardi Con∣futatio, c. 12. Cantacuzeni, Orat. 2. Sect. 8. Guadag∣nol. Tract. 2. Cap. 10. Sect. 2. Commentatores, in c. 66. Alco∣rani.
• m 1.286

  Ricaut's History of the Present State of the Otto∣man. Empire, Book 2. Chap. 21. Theveno••, Part 1. lib. 1. c. 41. Bello∣nius, lib. 3. c. 8. &c. 10. Clenardi Epi∣stolae, p. 2••, 30, ••0, & 66.
• n 1.287

  Ahmed Ebn Zin.
• o 1.288

  Abul Fara∣ghius, p▪ 103.
• p 1.289

  Guadagnol. Tract. 2. Cap. 7. Sect. 1. Richardi con∣futatio, c. 8. Disputatio Christiani, c. 6.
• q 1.290

  Johannes Andreas è li∣bro Assamail, cap. 7. Gua∣dagnol ex eo∣dem libro, Tract. 2. Cap. 7. Sect. 1.
• r 1.291

  Alcoran. c. 4.
• s 1.292

  Alcoran. c. 33. Johan∣nes Andreas, c. 7. Guadag∣nol Tract. 2. c. 10. Sect. 3.
• t 1.293

  Alcoran, c. 4.
• u 1.294

  Alcoran, c. 33.
• vv 1.295

  Alcoran, c. 33.
• x 1.296

  Alcoran, c. 33.
• y 1.297

  Johannes Andreas, c. 7.
• z 1.298

  Richardi Confutatio, c. 12.
• a 1.299

  Johannes Andreas, c. Guadagnol. Tract. 2. Cap. 7. Sect. 3.
• b 1.300

  Alcoran. c. 4. c. 9. &c. Disputatio Christiani, c. 8. Richardi Confutatio, c. 1, 6, 7, & 10. Cantacu∣zeni, Orat. 1. Sect. 11.
• c 1.301

  In Epist. ad Gallos.
• d 1.302

  Sharestani Safioddinus, Pocockii Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 183.
• e 1.303

  Ptolomy.
• f 1.304

  Geographia Sacra Caroli à Sancto Pau∣lo, p. 317.
• g 1.305

  Acta Conci∣lii Laterani sub Martino Papa.
• h 1.306

  Carolus à Sancto Paulo ubi supra. Geographia Nubiensis, Clim. 3. Part. 5.
• i 1.307

  Al Jannabi. Pocockii Specim. Hist. Arab. p. 185.
• k 1.308

  Pocockii Specim. Hist. Arab. p. 186.