Archæologiæ græcæ: or, The antiquities of Greece. By John Potter, M.A. and Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxon

Archaeologiae Graecae: OR, THE ANTIQUITIES OF GREECE. BOOK III. (Book 3)

CHAPTER I. Of the Wars, Valour, Military Glory, &c. of the Ancient Grecians.

THE ancient Grecians were an innocent and unpolish'd sort of Mortals, wholly unacquainted with the mo∣dern, and more refin'd Arts of War and Peace. Persons of the highest Birth and Quality, and whom they phan∣sy'd to be descended from the Race of the Immortal Gods, had little other business to employ their Hours, beside tilling the Earth, or feeding their Flocks and Herds; and the rapine of these, or some other petty Concerns, which was look'd on as a ge∣nerous and heroical Exploit, occasion'd most of the Wars: so famous in their Story. Achilles in Homer tells Agamemnon, that 'twas purely to oblige him, he had engag'd himself in so long and dangerous a War against the Trojans, from whom he had never receiv'd any just cause of Quarrel, having never been

despoil'd of his Oxen, or Horses, or had the Fruits of his Ground destroy'd by them (a) 1.1:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

For tho' I here 'gainst warlike Trojans fight, 'Tis not to vindicate my injur'd Right; Since they by impious Theft have ne'er detain'd My Oxen, Horses, or on Pthia's Land Destroy'd my Fruits; for me, the craggy Way O'er pathless Mountains, and the boist'rous Sea Secure from what Invasion they wou'd make: But 'tis, ungrateful Man, 'tis for thy sake, T' advance thy Triumphs that I hither come, That thou with greater State may'st lord it home.

Mr. Hutchin.

And the simplicity of their Conduct may be sufficiently evin∣c'd, as from several other Instances, so by those especially, where an Achilles, an Hector, or an Ajax are introduc'd opposing them∣selves to vast Numbers, and by the force of their own Valour put∣ting to flight whole Squadrons of their Enemies. Nor is the Poet to be thought blame-worthy, or to have transgress'd the rules of probability in such Relations; which, tho' perhaps strange and incredible in our Days, were no doubt accommodated to the manners of the Times, of which he wrote. For even in the Sacred Story we find it recorded, that a single Goliath defy'd all the Armies of Israel (b) 1.2, and with a big look, and a few ar∣rogant Words, put so great terrour into them, that they fled be∣fore him.

Notwithstanding this, in the revolution of a few Ages, Greece became the celebrated Mother of the bravest, and most experienc'd Souldiers in the World: For being canton'd into a great num∣ber of little independent States, all which, tho' bordering upon one another, were govern'd by different Laws, and prosecuted con∣trary Interests, it became the Seat of continual Wars; every Hamlet being ambitious of enlarging it's Territory, by encroaching upon

it's neighbour-village, and contending for the addition of a few Lands with no less heat and fury, than if whole Kingdoms had been the Prize: The consequence whereof was, that the Grecians, being from their childhood inur'd to Martial Affairs, and having to their native Bravery added long and constant Experience, were ren∣der'd as well in good Order and Discipline, as true Courage and Valour, superiour to most other Nations. They became a ter∣rour to all the Countries round about them, and with small Num∣bers often put to flight vast multitudes of the Barbarians: The Persians frequently experienc'd the sad effects of it in the loss of numerous Armies, and at length of the greatest Empire in the World. And (to enumerate no more Instances in a thing so well known) the Carthaginians, tho' Men of great Courage, and excellently skill'd in the Art of War, being worsted in Sicily by Timoleon the Corinthian in several Encounters, and by unequal numbers of Men, were driven into an admiration of the Grecian Valour; and forc'd to confess, that they were the most pugnacious and insupportable of Mankind; and forthwith made it their business to entertain as many of them as they could procure, in their Service (a) 1.3.

But tho' almost all the Grecians had their share in Military Glory, yet were the rest far inferiour to the Lacedemonians, who by the Laws of their Country were under an obligation to make War their Profession; they never apply'd themselves to any Art, or Em∣ployment, or the exercise of Trade, which they accounted un∣worthy of Generous and Free-born Souls; but, committing all such cares to the Helots, who were a gentiler sort of Slaves, spent their Time in manly Exercises, to render their Bodies strong and active. They were also accustom'd by hard Diet, by Stripes, and other severities, patiently to undergo any hardships, to endure Wounds, to encounter any Dangers, and, if the Honour of their Country so requir'd, to throw themselves into the Arms of Death without Fear, or Regret. Yet were they not so imprudent or fool∣hardy, as to court Dangers, or Death; but were taught from their childhood to be always prepar'd either to live, or die, and equally willing to do either; as appears from those Verses, cited by Plu∣tarch (b) 1.4 to this purpose;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

They dy'd, but not as lavish of their Blood, Or thinking Death it self was simply good, Or Life: both these the strictest Vertu•• ••y'd. And as that call'd, they gladly liv'd, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

Nor was this Indifferency to Life or Death only discours'd of amongst them, as a point of meer Speculation; but carefully and seriously instill'd into their tender Years, and always embrac'd as one of the first Principles of their Actions; which begot in them such an undaunted Courage, and so firm and unmoveable a Resolution, that scarce any thing compos'd of Flesh and Blood was able to stand before them. This extraordinary and unparal∣lell'd Bravery, being adorn'd and strengthen'd with the wisest Con∣duct, and the most perfect Skill in all the Stratagems of War those Times were capable of, has render'd them famous in Story, and examples of Military Vertue to all succeeding Ages:

For (these are Plutarch's (a) 1.5 words) the Lacedemonians were most expert and cunning in the Art of War, being train'd up and accustom'd to nothing more than to keep themselves, from Confusion, when their Order should be broken; to follow any Leader or Right∣handman, so rallying themselves into Order; and to sight on what part soever Dangers press.

It is therefore by no mean▪ to be wonder'd, that foreign and vastly remote Nations should be desirous to entertain the Laceac∣monians into their Service; that Cyrus the Younger should think That the readiest and most effectual Method to advance himself to the Empire of Persia: That Crasus, the wealthy King of Lydia, and several of the Aegyptian Monarchs, tho' surrounded with nu∣merous Forces of their own, should never esteem themselves se∣cure without assistance from Sparta; or that the Sicilians, Thracians, Carthaginians, with the Cyrenaeans, and many others, were be∣holding to it for Protection, and Deliverance from powerful Ene∣mies. And for the Grecians themselves, whenever any of their little States were in danger of being swallow'd up by their more powerful Neighbours, we find them having Recourse for Aid to the Spartans, who were a common Refuge to the oppress'd, and restrain'd the Ambitious Invaders of other Men's Rights.

Hence likewise it came to pass, that in all Confederacies they were look'd on as the principal Associates; and in all Wars carry'd on by publick Contributions, they challeng'd the chief Command as their right and peculiar. Nor could any Exigency prevail with them to depart from that Claim, or resign it to the greatest of Princes: Gelon, King of Sicily, tho' promising to furnish them with large Sup∣plies against the Barbarians, on condition he might be declar'd Captain-general of the Grecian Forces, was rejected (b) 1.6. Yet we find, that after the Victory over Mardonius at Plataeae, Pausanias the Lacedaemonian General, having by his excessive Severity, and Tyrannical Behaviour to the rest of the Souldiers render'd the Spartans very odious, in the end they revolted to the Athenians,

the gentle and courteous Carriage of whose Commanders, Ari∣stides and Cimon, had endear'd them to all the rest of the Grecians: And here the Magnanimity of the Lacedemonians was wonderful; For when they perceiv'd that their Generals were corrupted, and their Minds too much elevated and puffed up by the greatness of their Authority, they left off sending any more of them to the Wars, choosing rather to have Citizens of Moderation, and that persever'd in their ancient Manners and Customs, than to be ho∣nour'd with the Superiority of all Greece (a) 1.7. But this Misfor∣tune did not put an end to the Lacedomonian Greatness; for we find them in a little time re-assuming their ancient Spirits, and disdaining even Alexander himself (tho' submitted to by the rest of the Grecians, and declar'd their General against (Persia) for their Superiour: Which is the reason, that in the Monuments erected after the Persian Victories, and bearing the Names of Alexander and the Grecians, the Lacedemonians were excepted by Name, as having no share in that Honour (b) 1.8.

The Athenians alone were able to dispute with the Lacedemo∣nians this Prerogative; some few times excepted, when some un∣usual Success rais'd any of the other States beyond their ordinary Grandeur; as it happen'd to the Thebans, who, from a mean and despicable People, were by the Conduct of Epaminondas and Pelo∣pidas advanc'd to an Equality, is not a Superiority over the most flourishing Cities of Greece.

Notwithstanding these, and some other Obstacles, the La∣cedemonians for the most part made good their Pretensions, and, in most Wars carry'd on by a Confederacy, were Generals of all the Land-forces; but were at length constrain'd to leave the Do∣minion of the Seas to the Athenians; who having laid out their whole Strength in sitting out a Navy against Xer••es, for a long Time reign'd sole Lords of the liquid Element: During which Season we find a Decree put so••th by their Senate, wherein it was order'd, That the Command of all the Naval Forces of Greece should belong to Athens; but the Land armies should obey a General from Sparta (c) 1.9. But the Rival Cities could not be long content with this equal distribution of Power, each being jealous of the other's Greatness, and thinking her self best able to govern the whole ju∣risdiction; till at length the Athenians, having their whole Fleet, except twelve Trireme-Gallies, destroy'd at once by Lysander the Spartan Admiral, in the famous Battle at Aegos-potamus, were con∣strain'd to own the Lacedemonians for Sovereigns both at Sea and Land (d) 1.10.

But the Lacedemonians were not long able to maintain this Command; for the Athenians, having recruited their Naval Forces, and engag'd Evagoras the King of Cyprus, and Pharnabazus the Persian Emperour's Lieutenant to their Interest; by their Assistance, and the singular Conduct of their own Admiral Conon, gave them so great an overthrow at Cnidus (a) 1.11, that they never after pre∣tended to contest the Sovereignty of the Seas; contenting them∣selves with the chief Command at Land, which the Athenians suffer'd them to enjoy without farther molestation; both Cities being weary of the Contention, and convinc'd at length of the Truth of what had been commonly observ'd, That Fortune was most favourable to the Lacedemonians by Land, but in Sea-engage∣ments sided with the Athenians (b) 1.12. This seems not to have been without reason, the Athenians by the commodiousness of their Situation being dispos'd, and, as it were, invited by Nature to apply themselves to Naval Affairs; whereas the Lacedemonians were plac'd at a greater distance from the Sea, and more inclin'd to Land-service, (to which they were inur'd from their tender Years) than to venture themselves on the Ocean, to which they had never been accustom'd; for Lycurgus their Law-giver ex∣pressly forbad them (c) 1.13 to visit foreign Countries, out of a well∣grounded fear, lest his Citizens should be corrupted by the con∣versation of Strangers, and forsake that excellent platform of Go∣vernment, he contriv'd for them: And it happen'd to them as he had wisely foreseen; for no sooner had Lysander render'd them Sovereigns of the Seas, when they began by degrees to leave off their ancient Customs, and sensibly to degenerate from the Ver∣tue and Glory of their Ancestours (d) 1.14.

CHAPTER II. Of their Levies, Pay, &c. of Souldiers.

THE Grecian Armies consisted for the most part of free Deni∣zons, whom the Laws of their Country oblig'd, when ar∣riv'd at a prefix'd Age, to appear in Arms, upon the sum∣mons of the Magistrate, or Commission'd Officer. In some pla∣ces they were more early admitted to the Wars, in others later; the Athenians were sent at twenty, the Spartans seldom till thirty:

The younger Men in both Cities, with those, who by reason of their Age were discharg'd from Military Service, were left at home to defend their Habitations.

Some Persons were excus'd by reason of their Age; for having spent their Youth and Strength in serving their Country, it was but reasonable to discharge them from farther Service, that they might end their Days in Peace. After threescore Years it seems to have been usual in most places to allow them Liberty of re∣tiring. Others were exempt on account of their Function; such were at Athens 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Farmers of the publick Customs (a) 1.15; and several of the holy Orders, with those that were appointed to dance at Bacchus's Festival (b) 1.16.

Others were excluded from-serving in the Wars; such were the Slaves, and such others as liv'd amongst them, but were not honour'd with the Freedom of their Cities. These were never admitted, ex∣cept in cases of extreme Danger, when there remain'd no other means of preserving the Common-wealth. Of this Custom I have already given a large Account in one of the fore-going Books (c) 1.17.

All that serv'd, were enter'd into a publick List, or Register; whence the Levy was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and to make a Levy, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Amongst the Primitive Grecians, it seems to have been frequently made by Lots, every Family being oblig'd to furnish out a certain number, and filling up their proportion by the Chance of Lots: Whence Mercury in Homer (d) 1.18, pretending to be one of the seven Sons of Polyctor the Myrmidon, adds, that he was appointed by Lots to follow Achilles to the Trojaen War,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

'Twas I, who when the Lots were drawn, Was doom'd to follow Peleus's mighty Son.

For the appointment of all Persons of a certain Age to be ready to serve in the Wars, seems only to be an Institution of later Ages; whereas all such like things were formerly manag'd at the pleasure of the Supreme Magistrate.

The Souldiers were all maintain'd at their own expences; no Name was more opprobrious than that of a Mercenary, it being look'd upon as a Disgrace for any Person of ingenuous Birth and Education to serve for Wages. For all this, it was not permitted any Person to absent himself, except upon reasons allow'd by the Law; and whoever was found thus to have transgress'd, was at

Athens depriv'd of his Voice in all publick Business, and in a manner of all other Rights of Citizens, and was forbidden to enter into any of the publick Temples (a) 1.19. And lest any of the Persons appointed to serve should make their escape, we find they were branded in the Hand with certain Marks, call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to which Custom Saint Paul is thought to allude in his Epistle to the Galatians (b) 1.20, where speaking of the wounds he had receiv'd in his Christian Warfare, he tells us, that he bore in his body the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Marks, of the Lord JESUS.

The Carians were the first that serv'd in Greece for Pay (c) 1.21, and have thereby render'd their Name infamous to Posterity; being represented by all the Writers of those Times, as a base and ser∣vile Nation; insomuch that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, are Prover∣bial Epithets for Persons of abject and pusillanimous Tempers, or servile Condition (d) 1.22; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is a synonymous term for Slaves; as in that Proclamation at the end of the Athenian Festival An∣thesteria, whereby the Slaves were commanded to be gone out of Doors;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Be gone, ye Slaves, the Anthesteria are ended.

Thus they despis'd the poor Carians for introducing a Custom, which in a few Ages after was so far from being look'd upon as unworthy their Birth, or Education, that we find it practis'd by the whole Nation of the Greeks, who not only receiv'd Pay for serving their own Common-wealths, but listed themselves un∣der foreign Kings, and fought their Battles for Hire; their chief Magistrates not disdaining to accompany them in such Expedi∣tions. Several Instances of this sort might be produc'd, were not that famous one of the Great Agesilaus's condescending to serve Ptolemee, King of Aegypt, instead of numbers of others.

The first that introduc'd the Custom of paying Souldiers at Athens was Pericles, who, to ingratiate himself with the Com∣monalty, represented how unreasonable it was, that Men of small Estates; and scarce able to provide for their Families, should be oblig'd to neglect their Business, and spend what their Industry had laid up, in the publick Service, and thereupon preferr'd a Decree that all of them should have Subsistence money out of the Exchequer (e) 1.23; which seems to have been receiv'd with general Applause. What Sum they daily receiv'd cannot easily be deter∣min'd, it being encreas'd, or diminish'd as occasion requir'd. At

first we find the Foot-Souldiers had two Oboli a Day, which in a Month amounted to ten Drachms (a) 1.24. What we read in Thu∣cydides (b) 1.25 of the Souldiers that garrison'd Potidaea, to every one of which was allotted a Drachm a Day, with another to a Ser∣vant for attending upon him, must not be understood, as if their ordinary Pay was of that value, that being only to the com∣mon Sea-men of Athens three Oboli, to those that mann'd the Sa∣cred Vessel call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the Foot-Souldiers, four; whence 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is a Proverbial Expression for a Souldier's life (c) 1.26; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for serving in the War. The Horsemen's Pay was for the most part thirty Drachms a Month, that is a Drachm a Day; this we find to have been term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (d) 1.27.

The ordinary Method of raising this Money, was by imposing a Tax on the whole Common-wealth, whereby all Persons were oblig'd to contribute according to the value of their Estates. But this was done only, when the publick Treasury was exhausted, and the constant Revenues from Tributary Cities, publick Lands, Woods, Mines, or from Fines and Amercements were not suf∣ficient to desray the charges of the War. In cases of greater Ne∣cessity, the Richer Citizens at Athens were oblig'd to extraordi∣nary Contributions, and there appears to have been a generous and laudable Emulation amongst the Men of Quality in that City, who voluntarily offer'd more than was requir'd of them, and contended which of them should most largely contribute to∣wards the Honour and Preservation of their Native Country.

Confederate Wars were maintain'd at the common Charge of all the Allies, every one of whom was oblig'd to send forth a proportion of Men; as we find practis'd in the Trojan War, which was the first, wherein the whole Country of Greece united against a foreign Enemy. Sometimes they were carry'd on by publick Contributions of Money, levy'd by Persons delegated by the com∣mon consent of the Confederates, which was only the Practise of later Ages; the primitive Wars, wherein the Souldiers serv'd at their own Expence, and supply'd their Necessities out of the Spoils of their Enemies, being manag'd with less charge to the Publick. The first Tax, or Tribute of this Nature that we find paid by the Grecians, was after the Expulsion of Xerxes out of Greece, when they agree'd to make an Invasion upon their com∣mon Enemy, under the conduct of the Athenians: For then Ari∣stides the Athenian, at the general desire of the Greeks, survey'd the whole Country and Revenue, and assess'd all particular Persons Town by Town, according to every Man's ability: Thus he tax'd them four hundred Talents, to which Pericles added about a third part more; for we find in Thucydides, that in the begin∣ning

of the Peloponnesian War, the Athenians had coming in from their Confederates six hundred Talents. After Pericles's Death, being encreas'd by little and little, it was at length rais'd to the sum of thirteen hundred Talents (a) 1.28; all which was manag'd at the Discretion of the Athenians.

CHAPTER III. Of the different sorts of Souldiers.

THE Armies were compos'd of various sorts of Souldiers, their Gross, or Main Body usually consisted of Foot-men, the rest rode some in Chario••s, some on Horseback, others upon Elephants.

The Foot-Souldiers we find distinguish'd into three sorts; the first and Principal of which were term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (b) 1.29, being such as bore heavy Armour, engaging with broad Shields, and long Spears.

2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, were Light-arm'd Men, who fought with Arrows, and Darts, or Stones and Slings, annoying their Enemies at a distance, but were unfit for close Fight. They were in Honour and Dignity inferior to the Heavy-arm'd Souldiers; and therefore when Teucer in Sophocles quarrels with Menelaus, he is scoffingly reprov'd by him in this manner,

O 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.30.

This Archer seems to think himself some-body.

It seems to have been frequent for them, having shot their Ar∣rows, to retire behind the Shields of the Heavy-arm'd for Pro∣tection; for so we find the same Teucer doing in Homer (d) 1.31,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Teucer the ninth from these at length appear'd, And all his Bows for certain Deaths prepar'd; Lurk'd behind Ajax's Shield the Hero stood, Which whensoe'er the Warlike Chief remov'd, Around on all he casts his angry Eyes, Threatning Destruction to his Enemies; But when he saw or wounded one, or slain, Back he betook him to his Shield again. So tim'rous Boys, approaching Ills to shun, With eager haste to careful Mothers run.

Mr. Hutchin.

3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (a) 1.32, tho' frequently comprehended under the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as oppos'd to the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, where a middle sort between both, be∣ing arm'd with Shields and Spears, but far inferiour in bigness to those of the Heavy-arm'd Men. From their narrow Shields call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they receiv'd their Name.

The Horsemen amongst the Ancient Grecians were not very nume∣rous, being only such as were possess'd of Estates, and able to furnish out Horses a•• their own Charge. Hence both at Athens and Sp••••ta we find 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Horsemen, to have compos'd the second Order in the Common-wealth, being plac'd above the Commonalty, and next to those of the highest Quality and Fortune; The same is recorded of the Roman Equites, and (to mention no more) we are told by Herodotus (b) 1.33, that among the Chalcidians none but Rich Men were admitted into that Order. Afterwards, when Men of Estates began to court Ease and Pleasure, and thought it more ad∣visable to furnish out a Horseman, and maintain him at their pro∣per Expences, than to venture their own Persons; they retain'd in∣deed their former Name, but the Honour of Serving on Horse-back was lost (c) 1.34.

Who it was, that first instructed Mankind in the Art of Horse∣manship, is not agree'd on by the ancient Writers of Fables; some attributing it to the Amazons (d) 1.35, others to the Centaurs (e) 1.36, others to Bellerophon (f) 1.37; others, lastly (to trouble you with no more) ascribe the Honour of it to Neptune (g) 1.38, the first Creatour of this Animal; for which reason we find the various Epithets 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (h) 1.39, I 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (i) 1.40, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (k) 1.41, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. conferr'd upon him by the Poets, and Mythologists.

Whoever oblig'd Mankind with the first Invention of this Art, seems to have left it very imperfect; for in those early Ages 'tis

probable they understood not the Method of governing Horses with Reins, and Bits, but manag'd them only with a Rope, or Switch, and the Accent of their Voice; this we find to have been the Practise of several other Nations, as the Numidians (a) 1.42, Ge∣tulians (b) 1.43 Lybians (c) 1.44, and Mas••ylians of whom Lucan speaks thus (d) 1.45,

Et gens quae nudo residens Massylia dorso, Ora levi flectit fraenor•••• nescia virgā.

Without a Saddle the Mas••ylians ride, And with a tender Switch their Horses guide.

Afterwards Bridles came into Fashion, of which the most remar∣kable were those call'd Lupata, having Bits of Iron, not unlike Wolves Teeth, and therefore call'd in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Latin Lupi: whence Horace (e) 1.46

—Gallica ne lupatis Temperet ora fraenis.

Not with the sharper Bits Manage th' unruly Horse.

The first Invention of them is by Statius attributed to Neptune,

—Neptunus equo, si certa priorum Fama patet, primus tencris laesisle lupatis Ora, & littoreo domuisse in pulvere sertur.

Neptune, if we may credit give to Fame, First taught with Bits the gen'rous Horse to tame.

By others to the Lapithae, or Centaurs, who inhabited a Town in Thessaly, call'd Pelethronium: Thus Virgil (f) 1.47,

Fraena Pelethronii Lapithae, gyrosque dedere Impositi dorso—

The Lapithae of Pelethronium rode With Bridles first, and what their use was show'd.

Tho' some are of opinion that the Poet speaks of Bridles, as in∣vented not by the Lapithae, but a Man of that Nation, whose Name was Pelethronius, to whom we find P••iny also attributing the Invention of Bridles, and Harness (g) 1.48: The last of these the

Greeks term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which were made of divers sorts of Stuffs, as Leather, Cloth, or the Skins of wild Beasts. Parthenopaeus's Horse is cover'd with the Skin of a Lynx in Sta∣ius; Aeneas's in Virgil with a Lyon's (a) 1.49,

—quem fulva leonis Pellis obit—

Cover'd with a Lyon's Skin.—

Sometimes we find them adorn'd with rich and costly Cloathing; as in the same Poet (b) 1.50,

Omnibus extemplo Teucris jubet ordine duci Instratos ostro alipedes, pictisque tapetis, Aurea pectoribus dem'sia monilia pendent.

For ev'ry Trojan straight it is decreed, That sprightly Cour••ers be in order led, Adorn'd with costly Trappings, to whose Breasts The Golden Poitrels hang.—

Of the Saddles in use amongst us we find no mention in any ancient Writer; as neither of the Stapia, or more properly Subex pedaneus, or Stirrop, which do's not appear to have been us'd till these later Ages; there being no notice taken of any such thing in any Author, that I know of, before Eustathius, who flourish'd about five hundred Years ago, and in his Commentaries upon Homer hath mention'd an Instrument of this sort. In former Ages they supply'd the want of such helps by their Art, or Agility of Body••punc; being able to leap on Horseback, as the Heroes in Virgil (c) 1.51,

—Corpora salin Subjiciunt in equos—

And by a Leap bestride their Horses.

Or for their greater convenience, the Horses were taught submis∣sively to bow their Bodies to the Ground, and receive their Ri∣ders upon their Backs (d) 1.52, as we find practis'd as well in Greece, as by the ancient Spaniards (e) 1.53, and other Nations. Hence Silius speaks of the Horse of Claelius, a Roman Knight in this manner (f) 1.54,

Inde inclinatus collum, submissus & armos De more, inflexis praebebat scandere terga Cruribus—

Downwards the Horse his Head, and shoulders bent, To give his Rider a more fair ascent.

Sometimes we find them leaping up by the help of their Spears, or other things. Several other Methods were us'd by Men of weak, and unactive Bodies: Some getting up on the Backs of their Slaves (a) 1.55; others by the help of short Ladders; both which Sup∣port were term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Lastly, we find the High-ways fill'd with Stones erected for this purpose; which is said to have been done in Italy by Gracchus (b) 1.56; and in Greece was always one part of the business of the Overseers of the Roads (c) 1.57.

Let us now return to their Military Affairs, where we shall find it disputed, whether the Warriours of primitive Ages were carry'd to the Field in Chariots, or on Horse-back: Lucretius indeed tells us, that the first Heroes were mounted upon Horses, whereas Cha∣riots were only a later Invention (d) 1.58,

Et prius est reppertum in equi conscendere costas, Et moderarier hunc fraenis de••traque vigere, Quam bijugo curru belli tentare pericla.

Mounted on well-rein'd Steeds in ancient Time, Before the use of Chariots was brought in, The first brave Heroes fought.—

But we are inform'd by Palaephatus, that Chariots were first in use; the Lapithae, who flourish'd about Hercules's Time, being the first that attempted to ride upon Horses, a thing strange and unheard of by the Grecians in those Days, who view'd them not without amazement, imagining them to have been Monsters compounded of the different shapes of Men and Horses, or Bulls, which they frequently back'd instead of Horses; whence we have the Fables of the Centaurs, and Hippocentaurs. And 'tis more than probable, that at the time of the Trojan War, the custom of Riding and Fighting upon Horses was not commonly receiv'd by the Grecian••; since the Heroes of Homer, whose Authority must in such cases ever be held Sacred, are always introduc'd into the Battel in Cha∣riots, never on Horse-back.

The Chariots of Princes, and Heroes were not only contriv'd for Service, but Ornament; being richly emboss'd with Gold, and other Metals, as we read of Orsines the Persians's in Curtius (e) 1.59, and several of Homer's, as that of Rhesus (f) 1.60,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Silver and Gold his Chariot did adorn.

And another of Diomedes (a) 1.61,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Chariots richly adorn'd with Gold and Tin.

They were likewise adorn'd with curious Hangings; whence we read of Lycaon's Chariot (b) 1.62,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.—

Like Wings it's Hangings are expanded wide.

And Achilles's the Poet calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.63.

The Chariots in Homer are drawn for the most part by two Horses coupled together; that of Achilles had no more, the Names of his Horses being only Xanthus and Balius. So Lycaon's (d) 1.64,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—

Two well-pair'd Steeds to ev'ry Chariot stand.

And Aeneas's in Virgil (e) 1.65,

Absenti Aeneae currum, geminosque jugales.

A Chariot, and two sprightly Steeds are sent To absent Aeneas.—

To these two they sometimes added a third, which was not coupled with the other two, but govern'd with Reins, and therefore call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. but in Homer usually 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the Rein wherewith he was held in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The same Cu∣stom was practis'd by the Romans, till the time of Dionysius the Halicarnassian (f) 1.66, tho' left off in Greece long before. In the

eighth Iliad, Hector's Chariot seems to be drawn by four Horses for there the Hero thus bespeaks 'em,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

And however some ancient Criticks will have the two former to be no more than Epithets of the later, because Hector afterwards speaks them in the Dual Number,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—

Yet it is evident from other places, that even in Homer's time it was customary to have Chariots drawn by four Horses; as when he tells us, the Phaeacian Ship shap•••• her course,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (a) 1.67.

Every Chariot carry'd two Men, whence it was term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (b) 1.68; tho' that word do's not in it's strict and pro∣per acceptation denote the whole Chariot, but only that part, wherein the Men were plac'd. One of these was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because he govern'd the Reins, which in those days was not a Ser∣vile, or ignoble Office, but frequently undertaken by Men of Qua∣lity; for we find Nestor (c) 1.69, Hector (d) 1.70, and several others of Note employ'd in it; and that not on extraordinary occasions, but fre∣quently, some of them making it their Profession. Yet the Cha∣rioteer was inferiour, if not always in Dignity, at least in Strength and Valour to the Warriour, who was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and had command of the other, and directed him which way to drive, as Eustathius observes (e) 1.71. When he came to encounter in close Fight, he alighted out of the Chariot, as we find every where in Homer, and the rest of the Poets. So Hercules and Cyenus about to engage,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (f) 1.72.

Leapt from their Chariots on the Ground.

And Turnus in Virgil (g) 1.73,

—Desiluit bijugis, pedes apparat ire.

Dismounts his Horse, and fits himself to walk.

When they were weary, which often happen'd by reason of their Armour, being heavyer than any other, they retir'd into their Chariots, and thence annoy'd their Enemies with Darts, and missive Weapons.

Beside these, we find frequent mention in Historians of Cha∣riots call'd Currus salcati, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because arm'd with Hooks, or Scyths, with which whole Ranks of Souldiers were cut off together. But afterwards it being consider'd, they were never of any use but in plain and open Ground, and w••re frequently turn'd back by affrighted and ungovernable Horses upon their own par∣ty, to it's confusion and ruin, several Methods also being con∣triv'd to defeat or elude their Force, these and all other Chariots were wholly laid aside. Ac••••rdingly, when Military Discipline was carry'd to it's height, th•• sometimes they were brought into Battles by Barbarians, as may be observ'd of the Persians in Curtius, yet we never find the Grecians make any use of them, or much damag'd by them; but contemning that old and unskilful Me∣thod of Fighting, they chose rather to ride on Horse-back, which Custom seems to have been receiv'd in a short time after thē He∣roick Wars.

Of all the Grecians the Thes••alians have the greatest Name for Horsemanship, and in all Wars we find their Cavalry most esteem'd. The Colophonians had once by many remarkable Actions arriv'd to such a pitch of Glory, as to be look'd on as Invincible; In all long and tedious Wars their Assistance was courted, and the Party that obtain'd Supplies from them, was certain of Suc∣cess and Victory: Insomuch that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and in Latin Colophonem imponere was us'd Proverbially for putting a Conclu∣sion to any Affair (a) 1.74. The Lacedaemonians were but meanly fur∣nish'd with Cavalry, and till the Messenian Wa••s it does not ap∣pear that either they, or the rest of the Peloponnesians employ'd themselves in Horsemanship, but repos'd their chief Confidence in Foot (b) 1.75; Peloponnesus being a Mountainous and Craggy Coun∣trey, and therefore unfit for Horsemen (c) 1.76, who in such places become almost useless in Fight. But the Messenians being sub∣du'd, the Spartans carrying their Arms into other Countries, soon found the great occasion they had of Horse to support and cover their Foot; and in a short time supply'd that Defect, by instruct∣ing their Youth in Horsemanship; to which end we find they had Masters in that Art, call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (d) 1.77. But the greatest part of their Cavalry was furnish'd from Seiros (e) 1.78, a Town not far distant from Sparta, the Inhabitans of which claim'd as their proper Post, the left Wing in the Lacedaemonian Armies (f) 1.79. Attica

was likewise an hilly Country, and therefore not design'd by Na∣ture for breeding Horses: we find accordingly the Athenian Ca∣valry to have been exceeding few in Number, consisting only of ninety-six Horsemen: For the whole Athenian Nation being an∣ciently divided into forty-eight Naucrariae, we are told by Pollux, that the Number of Horses, each of these were oblig'd to furnish to the War, was no more than two. And therefore 'tis no great wonder if the M••des thought them depriv'd of reason, when at the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Morathan they had courage to encounter a strong and numerous Army with so small, and appearingly contempti∣ble a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 * 1.80. Having afterwards expell'd the ••edes and Per∣sians 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and rais'd themselves to a flourishing Condi∣tion, they encreas'd the Number of their Cavalry to three hun∣dred; and not long after, having once more restor'd Peace to their City, and establish'd it in great▪ Power and Splendour than before, they augmented them to twelve hundred, and arm'd at the same time an equal Number of Men with Bows and Arrows (b) 1.81, of which they had before no greater plenty than of Horses; For both then, and afterwards, the strength of most of the Grecian Ar∣mies consisted in their heavy-arm'd Foot.

The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 admitted none to serve on Horse-back, till he had undergon a strict probation; and if any Person was found to have fraudulently insinuated himself into the List, upon Con∣viction he was declar'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and disfranchis'd (c) 1.82. This con∣sisted, with respect to the Men, in a Search after their Estates, and observation of their Strength and Vigour of Body: For no Persons were enter'd into the List, but such as had plentifull Pos∣sessions, and were in good Plight of Body (d) 1.83. Those that were found to be infirm, and worn out with Age, or Service, were branded with a mark call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which was a token of their Discharge (e) 1.84. In Horses, they observ'd their obedience to their Riders, and such as they found ungovernable, or fearfull, were re∣jected: This was examin'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by the found of a Bell, or some other instrument of that nature: Whence 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is expounded 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to try, or prove; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the same with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, unprov'd. Such Horses likewise as were bea∣ten out with long service, they branded upon the Jaw with a mark, frequently term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (f) 1.85, being the figure of a Wheel, or Circle, and sometimes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whereby the Beast was re∣leas'd from farther service.

We meet with several Titles and Appellations of Horsemen, most

of which were deriv'd from the variety of their Armour, or different manner of fighting, as that of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who annoy'd their Enemies with missive Weapons at some distance, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with oth••••, the distinction of all which is sufficiently intimated in their Names.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sometimes by mistake, or corruption, call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (a) 1.86, were such as for conveniency had two Horses, on which they rode by turns. They were sometimes term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because they lead one of their Horses; which was not a late con∣trivance, but practis'd soon after the Heroical Times, as appears from Homer's (b) 1.87 mentioning it,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Nor do's he ever fall, tho' at full speed He leap from one upon the other Steed.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, first instituted by Alexander the Great, were a sort of Dragoons, and accommodated with Armour something heavyer than that of ordinary Horse-men, but not quite so weighty as that of the Foot-souldiers; to the end they might be ready to serve either on Horse-back, or on Foot; for which rea∣son they had servants attending to take their Horses, whenever the General commanded them to alight (c) 1.88.

They were also distinguish'd into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, heavy, and light arm'd, after the same manner with the Foot∣men. The 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Curassiers, were not only fortify'd with Armour themselves, but had their Horses guarded with solid Plates of Brass, or other metals, which from the Members defended by them receiv'd different names, being call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. (d) 1.89, sometimes they were compos'd of Skins fortif•••• with plates of me∣tal, curiously wrought into Plumes, o•• other Forms. Thus we find one of Virgil's Hero's arm'd his Steed; (e) 1.90

Spumantemque agitabat equum, quem pellis ahenis In plumam squamis auro conserta tegebat.

He spurr'd his gen'rous Horse, whose Cloathing was A Skin beset with Plates of Gold and Brass Made in the Fash'on of a costly Plume.

They were likewise bedeck'd with various Ornaments, viz. with Bells, as we find Rhesus's Horses in Euripides; with Cloathing of Tapestry, Embroidery, and other curious Work; with rich Collars, and Trappings, or what the Latins call phalcrae, the Gre•• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which some will have to be an Ornament for the ••o••e-head, others for the Jaws•• nor are there wanting, who think 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to signify all the Ornaments belonging to Horses.

Of Camels and Elephants, which are so much talk'd of in the Wars of some Countries, we have no Mention in the Grecian Story before the Times of Alexander, when we find a great num∣ber of Elephants transported from the Eastern parts of the World. These were wont to carry into the Battle large Towers, in which ten, fifteen, and as some affirm, thirty Souldiers were contain'd, who annoy'd their Enemies with mi••ive Weapons, themselves being secure, and out of danger (a) 1.91. Nor were the Beasts idle, or use∣less in Engagements; Fo•• beside that, with their Smell, their vast and amazing Bulk, and their strange and terrible Noise, both Horses and Souldiers were struck with Terrour and Astonishment, they acted their parts couragiously, trampling under Feet all Op∣posers, or catching them in their Trunks, and tossing into the Air, or delivering them to their Riders (b) 1.92. Nor was it unus•••• for them to engage with one another with great Fury, which t••ey al∣ways doubled after they had receiv'd Wounds, tearing their Ad∣versaries in pieces with their Teeth (c) 1.93. But in a short Time they were wholly laid aside, their service not being able to compensate the great Mischiefs frequently done by them: For tho' they were endu'd with a great measure of Sagaciousness, and approach'd nearer to Human Reason than any other Animal, whereby they became more tractable to their Governours, and capable to pay obedience to their Instructions; yet being sore wounded and press'd upon by their Enemies, they became ungov••rnable, and frequently turn'd all their Rage upon their own Party, put them into confusion, committed terrible Slaughters, ••••d deliver'd the Victory to their Enemies; of which several remarkable Instances are recorded in the Historians of both Languages.

CHAPTER IV. Of the Grecian Arms and Weapons, with their Military Apparel.

THE Authors of Fables tell us, the first Person, that put on Ar∣mour, was Mar•• who perhaps for no other reason was ho∣nour'd

with the Title of God of War; it being very frequent with ••he ancient Heathens gratefully to acknowledge their obligations ••o the first Contrivers of any profitable Invention, by ascribing them ••nto the number of their Deities, and decreeing to them the per∣petual Care and Sovereignty of those usefull and ingenious Arts, or Contrivances, whereof they were the first Authors. The Work∣••an employ'd by Mars, was Vulcan, at that time a Master-finith ••n the Isle of Lemnos, and so eminent in his Profession, that Posteri∣••y advanc'd him among the Gods, and honour'd him with the Super∣••ntendency and Protection of his own Trade: but his Country-men the Lemnians were not so fortunate; for they stand represented to ••ll Ages as common Enemies of Mankind, and branded with all ••he marks and characters of Infamy, for so execrable and perni∣••ious a Device. Whence t•• Poets have fix'd upon them the Name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to continue the memory of the Harm they did ••o Mankind. Thus Homer (a) 1.94;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Turn'd out of Heav'n the Lemnians me receiv'd.

Their Country likewise was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as we find in A∣••ollonius (b) 1.95;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

To Lemnos, otherwise Sinteis call'd, They sayl'd.

From the same original are deriv'd those common Proverbs, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, great and intolerable Evils: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a fatal, or mischie∣••ous Hand: And 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to have a cruel and bloody Look (c) 1.96. Tho' some will by no means allow this Character to have been given to the Lemnians for their Invention of Arms, but ••ather for the frequent Piracies, and Outrages committed by them upon Foreigners, or for other Reasons: Whereas they tell us that Liber, or Bacchus was the first that introduc'd into the World the use of Weapons (d) 1.97.

The Arms of all the primitive Hero's were compos'd of Brass, as appears from Homer, who is herein follow'd as well by the ancient Poets, both Greek and Latin, as all other Writers that give account of those Times. Pansanias hath endeavour'd to prove

this by a great number of Instances (a) 1.98; 'tis reported in Plutarch (b) 1.99; that when Cimon the son of Mil••iades convey'd the Bones of The∣seus from the Isle of Scyros to Athens, he found interr'd with him 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sword of Brass, and a spear with an Head of the same Metal. More Examples would be superfluous, since we are expresly told by Hesiod, that there was no such thing as Iron in those Ages, but their Arms, all sorts of Instruments, and their very Houses were made of Brass (c) 1.100;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Not yet to Men Iron discover'd was, But Arms, Tools, Houses were compos'd of Brass.

Whence it came to pass, that after the World was acquainted with the use of Iron, the Artificers, and their occupation still re∣tain'd their old Names. Thus we are told by Aristotle (d) 1.101, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 denotes an Iron-smith: And (to trouble you with no more Instances in a thing so commonly known) Plutarch (e) 1.102 ap∣plies the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to the making of Iron Helmets.

Some of their Arms were compos'd of Tin, especially their Boots; as we read of A••hillers's in the eighteenth Iliad. This Metal was likewise frequently us'd in other parts of their Armour, as ap∣pears from Agamemnon's Breast-plate (f) 1.103, and Aeneas's Shield (g) 1.104.

Several other Metals were made use of; Gold and Silver were in great esteem among them, yet the most illustrious Hero's us'd them only as gracefull Ornaments; Those that had their whole Armour compos'd of them, are usually represented as more addicted to effeminate and delicate Arts, than manly Courage, and Bra∣very. Glaucus's Arms were indeed made of Gold, but the great Diomedes was content with Brass. Amphimachus, who enter'd into the War with Golden Weapons, is compar'd by Homer to a trim Virgin (h) 1.105,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Trickt up in Arms of Gold for horrid War, Like some trim Girl, do's Nemion's son prepare, The vain Amphimachus; but not that show, Nor Pomp cou'd ward off the unerring blow, But by Aeacides depriv'd of life, His Arms were seiz'd by the more skillfull Chief.

Mr. Hutchin.

••n like manner the Persians, having given themselves over to soft∣••ess and Pleasure, engag'd with the rough and sturdy Grecians, ••ichly adorn'd with Gold and Jewels, and became an easy Prey ••nto them. The Grecian Hero's, tho' not so unpolish'd, as to debarr ••hemselves the use of these Ornaments, yet were not so excessively pro∣••use of them, nor apply'd them to the ••ame Ends and Purposes: Achilles's Shield so curiously engrav'd by Vulcan is a Lecture of Philosophy, and contains a description of almost all the works of Nature. The Arms of other valiant Princes are frequently adorn'd ••ith representations of their noble Exploits, the History of the Actions of their Ancestors, or Blessings receiv'd from the Gods; ••r fill'd with terrible Images of Lyons, or Dragons, and render'd ••right and shining to strike terrour and amazement into their Ene∣••••ies, according to that of Homer (a) 1.106;

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—

Th' amazing Lustre terrifi'd the sight.

So 'tis reported of our British Ancestors, that they painted them∣••elves with divers forms of Animals, thinking thereby to appear more terrible to their Enemies.

The ancient Grecians were always arm'd, thinking it unsafe to ••dventure themselves abroad without a sufficient defence against Aggressours. Hence Aristotle hath rationally inferr'd, That they were a barbarous and unciviliz'd Nation: For being educated in ••he deepest Ignorance, and having very little sence of that Justice and Honesty, to which all Men are oblig'd by Nature's eternal and immutable Sanctions, being also in a great measure with∣out the restraint of Human Laws, all Persons thought they had a just Title to whatever they could by any means take into pos∣session, which they had no other method to secure, but that whereby ••hey obtain'd it; and resign'd their claim, whenever a more po∣••ent Adversary exhibited his Pretensions. The Seas were fill'd with Pirates, the Land with Robbers, who made a prey of what∣ever

came to their hands, and frequently made incursions into Countries, which they spoil'd and depopulated, and, if their Force was great enough, drove out the Inhabitants, and compell'd them to seek new Seats. By Men of this Prosession Io, Europa, Gam∣mede, and many others were stol'n; which put Tyndarus into such a fear for his Daughter Helen, that he caus'd all the young Princes, that made their Addresses to her, to bind themselves by a solemn Oath to recover her, if ever she should be convey'd away. The Sea, we are inform'd by Thucydides (a) 1.107, was free'd from Piracies by Min̄os King of Crete, who with a powerful Navy maintain'd for many years the sovereignty of it. But the Land was still infested, and therefore when Theseus design'd to make his first journey from Trazen to Athens, Plutarch tells us, That his Relations would have perswaded him to go by Sea;

For (says he) it was at that time very dangerous to travel by Land to Athens, no place of the Country being free from Thieves and Murtherers: For that Age produc'd a sort of Men, for strength of Arms, swiftness 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Feet, and vigour of Body excelling the ordinary rate of Men, and in Labours and Exercises indefatigable; yet making use of these Gifts of Nature to nothing good, or profitable to Mankind; but rejoycing, and taking pride in Insolence, and pleasing them∣selves in the Commission of barbarous and inhuman Cruelties, in seizing by force, whatever fell into their Hands, and practising upon strangers all manner of Outrages; who imagin'd that Ci∣vility, and Justice, and Equity, and Humanity, (which they thought were commended by many, either for want of Courage to commit Injuries, or Fear of receiving them) nothing at all to concern those, who were most daring, and strong (b) 1.108.

Of these indeed Hercules and Theseus, and other generous and pu∣blick-spirited Princes in a great measure free'd the Country: But before that, 'twas not to be wonder'd, if the Grecians always wore Arms, standing upon their guard, especially since in those Days few of them were united into large Towns, but liv'd retiredly in Country-seats, or at the best in small and defenceless Hamlets. This Custom was first laid aside at Athens, the occasion and ne∣cessity thereof being first remov'd in that City (c) 1.109: For Historians generally agree, that the Athenians entertain'd the decent Rules of Civility and Humanity, were modell'd into a regular Form of Government, and enjoy'd the happiness of wholesom and usefull Laws before the rest of the Grecians.

Let us now return to the description of the Grecian Arms, which are distinguish'd into two sorts, some of them being contriv'd for their own Defence, others to annoy their Enemies. The primi∣tive Grecians, we are told (d) 1.110; were better furnish'd with the for∣mer,

[illustration]

[illustration]

[illustration]

whereas the Barbarians were more industrious in providing the latter: The Generals of these being most concern'd how to de∣stroy their Enemies, whilst the Grecians thought it more agreeable to the Dictates of Human Nature to study how to preserve their Friends▪ For which reason Homer always takes care to introduce his brave and valiant Hero's well arm'd into the Battle, and the Grecian Law∣givers decree'd punishments for those that threw away their Shields, but excus'd those that lost their Swords, or pears, intimating here∣by, that their Souldiers ought to be more carefull to defend them∣selves, than to offend their Enemies (a) 1.111.

First let us take account of their Defensive Arms, as fit∣ted to the several members of the Body, beginning at the Head, which wa•• guarded with an Helmet, call'd in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. This was sometimes compos'd of Brass, or other Metals; as Menelaus's in Homer,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—

He put his Head-piece on, compos'd of Brass.

And very frequently of the Skins of Beasts, which gave occa∣sion to those different appellations, deriv'd from the names of Animals, whereby it signify'd in Homer, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and others, of which none is more common than 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which wa•• compos'd of a 〈◊〉〈◊〉's Skin; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tells us 'twas 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Water-dog, and was so frequently us'd by the Ancients, that we find it sometimes taken for the Name of an Helmet, tho' consisting of another sort of Mat∣••er: Thus Homer (b) 1.112,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—

He put on's Helmet of a Bull's Hide made.

These Skins were always worn with their Hair on; and to render them more terrible and frightfull, the Teeth were frequently plac'd grinning on their Enemies. Thus the Souldier in Virgil (c) 1.113,

Ipse ••edes tegmen torquens immane leonis, Terri••••ili impexum seta cum dentibus albis, Indurus capiti, sic regia tecta subibat.

He shakes his Lyon's Skin, whose grisly Hair And dreadfull Teeth create in all a Fear, Thus having fortify'd his martial Head, The Royal Roof he enters.

Homer likewise arms Ulysses in the same manner (a) 1.114,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

His leathern Helmet on his Head he plac'd, Whose inside with the strongest Thongs was lac'd; But all the outward parts were fortify'd With the white Teeth of Boars.—

The fore-part of the Helmet was open, for the Hero's all enter'd into the Battle with Faces uncover'd; To the side was fix'd a String, whereby it was ty'd to the Warriour's Neck: This was term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whence Homer speaks of Paris thus (b) 1.115;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

The well-wrought string, which ty'd his Helmet on Under his Chin▪ now choak'd the Champion.

Some of its parts receive their names from the members guarded by them, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that part which cover'd the Eye-brows, and the rest in like manner. The little Lappet erected over the Brow was by a Metaphorical term call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the pent-house. But the most remarkable of all the parts in the Helmet was it's Crest, term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.116, which was first us'd by the Carians (d) 1.117, and thence call'd by Alcaeus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Shaking his Carian Crest.

For the Carians were once famous for Military exploits, and ob∣lig'd the World with this, and several other Inventions; hence

[illustration]

[illustration]

we are told by Thucydides (a) 1.118, that it was customary for them to reposite a little Shield and an Helmet in the Graves of their Dead. Some will have 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to be distinguish'd from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that signifying the Com••s, this the Plume six'd to it (b) 1.119, but others allow no difference between them. The former of these was com∣pos'd of various materials, most of which were rich and chargeable, being design'd as an ornament to the Helmet. The other likewise was adorn'd with divers sorts of Paint, whence Pollux gives it the Epithets of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.120. Homer has enrich'd it with Gold (d) 1.121,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

A strong and trusty Helmet next he made Which when he'd rightly seated on his Head, The curious particolour'd Golden Crest In beauteous form he o'er the Helmet plac'd.

Virgil's Hero has his whole Helmet of Gold, and his Crest painted with red (e) 1.122,

—maculis quem Thracius albis Portat equus, cristaque tegit galca aurea rubra.

Streak'd with large spots of white the Thracian Steed Carry'd the Heroe, who had arm'd his Head With Golden Helmet, and Crest painted red.

The Crest was for the most part of Feathers, or the Hair of horses Tails, or Mains; whence we read of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Thus Homer (f) 1.123;

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Like some bright Star the crested Helmet shone, The guilded Hairs, which Vulcan round the Cone Had plac'd, were all in sportfull order mov'd.

The common Souldiers had only small Crests; the great Officers, and all persons of Quality were distinguish'd by Plumes of a lar∣ger size; and frequently took a pride in wearing two, three, or

four together. Suidas will have Geryon to have been famous in Poetry for three Heads, on no other account, but because his Hel∣met was adorn'd with three Crests. Virgil describes Turnus's Head∣piece after the same manner (a) 1.124, adding also to it the figure of a Chimaera,

Cui triplici crinita juba galea alta Chimaeram Sustinet—

Whose triple-crested Helmet did sustain A terrible Chimaera.

This Helmet was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; when it was surrounded with Plumes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and when adorn'd with four, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Thus Apollonius (b) 1.125,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

A four-fold Plume with dazling lustre shone, Whose nodding Top o'erlook'd the dreadfull Cone.

The design of these was to strike terrour into the Enemies; whence that of Homer (c) 1.126,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

For the same reason Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, beside a lofty Crest, wore Goat's horns upon his Helmet (d) 1.127. We are told indeed by Suidas, that the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Crest it self was sometimes term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Nevertheless some of the ancient Helmets had no Crest, or Cone at all. This sort was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as we learn from Homer (e) 1.128,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—

His Bull-skin Helmet on his Head he plac'd., 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 call'd, 'cause without Cone, or Crest.

Other sorts of ornaments were us'd in Helmets, as in that call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which name signifies the ridge of a Mountain, and on that account is apply'd to Helmets having several 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, emi∣nencies,

or parts jutting out (a) 1.129. Homer has taken notice of this sort also (b) 1.130,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Nor cou'd his Helmet made of solid Brass Ward off the Blow.—

Of all the Grecian Helmets the Ba••otian is said to have been the best (c) 1.131. The Macedonians had a peculiar one term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which was compos'd of Hides, and serv'd instead of a Cap to defend them from the cold; according to the Epigram in Suidas,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Were I to chuse what Armour I wou'd have, No Helmet sorg'd in brawny Vulcan's Cave, Nor Bear's, or Lyon's grizly Skin I'd crave; But an old broad-brim'd Macedonian Cap, Whose spatious sides shou'd round my Shoulders wrap. Thus all Attacks with greatest ease I'd bear, As well the Storms of Weather, as of War.

Mr. Hutchin.

Pliny attributes the first Invention of Helmets to the Lacedemo∣nians (d) 1.132, as likewise of the Sword, and Spear: But this must be understood only of the peculiar Sorts of those Weapons us'd at Sparta; other kinds of them being known before the first Founda∣tion of the Spartan Government, or Nation.

The Heroes took great pride in wearing for their defence the Skins of wild Beasts, which they esteem'd as Badges of their Prowess. Instances of this kind are every where to be met with in the Poets. Hence Theocritus (e) 1.133,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Over his neck and back a Lyon's Skin was thrown Held up by 't's Feet.

Hercules's Lyon's Skin is very famous in story, and Homer's great Princes are frequently introduc'd in the same Habit; in imitation of whom the other Greek, and Latin Poets have arm'd their He∣roes. Thus Acestes in Virgil (f) 1.134,

—occurrit Acestes Horridus in jaculis, & pelle Libystidos ••rsae.

Acestes dreadfull for his horrid Darts, And for the Libyan Bear-skin that he wears, Met them.—

But we find they were not asham'd of using better and stronger Armour for their defence; the ordinary sorts of which were these that follow:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, made of Brass, but lin'd with Wool, and worn next to the Skin, underneath the Coat of Mail. This we learn from Homer speaking of a Dart that pierc'd thro' the rest of the Hero's Ar∣mour, but was so blunted by the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (a) 1.135, that it only ras'd his Skin,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,—

She to that part the deadly Shaft convey'd, Where meeting Clasps a double Breast-plate made; Straight on his Belt it fell, nor there cou'd stay, But thro' both Belt and Breast-plate forc'd it's way, And now his last best hopes, the well-lin'd Brass, Which against Darts his surest refuge was, It ras'd, but cou'd not thro' it make a perfect Pass.

Mr. Hiachin.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, reach'd from the Knees to the Belly, where it was joyn'd to the Brigandine (b) 1.136. But the latter of these names is more frequently taken fo•• the Belt surrounding the rest of the Ar∣mour. Thus Homer (c) 1.137;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

His rich embroider'd Belt he then unbrac'd, And all his Armour underneath it plac'd, Which by the hands of skillfull Smiths was made.

This was so essential to a Warriour, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 came to be a general name for putting on Armour (a) 1.138: Whence Homer intro∣duces Ag••me••••on commanding the Grecians to arm themselves thus (b) 1.139,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Atrides straight commands them all to arm.

The same Poet, when he makes that Hero resemble the God of War in his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is suppos'd (as Pausanias (c) 1.140 tells us) to mean his whole Armour. The Romans had the same custom, as appears from Plutarch (d) 1.141; And it prevail'd also amongst the Persians; whence Herodotus relates, ho•• Xerxes having reach'd Abdera, when he fled from Athens, and thinking himself out of danger, did 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or disarm himself (e) 1.142. But 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is a more ge∣neral name than 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and signifies the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 consisted of two parts, one of which was a defence to the Back, the other to the Belly; the extreme parts of it were term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the middle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (f) 1.143. The sides were coupled together with a sort of Buttons (g) 1.144. The same may be observ'd in Silius (h) 1.145 of the Roman lorica, which differ'd not much from the Grecian Thorax, whence 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is by Hesychius expounded 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Poet's words are these,

—qua sibula morsus Loricae crebro laxata resolverat ictu.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was an half-thorax, or Breast-plate; which Pollu•• tells us was first invented by Iason: and we find it very much esteem'd by Alexander, who, as Polyaenus (i) 1.146 reports, considering that the entire 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 might be a temptation to his Souldiers to turn their backs upon their Enemies, those being equally guarded by it with their Breasts, commanded them to lay aside their Back∣pieces, and arm themselves with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Breast-plates; that so whenever they were put to flight, their Backs might be expos'd naked to their Enemies. The Thoraces were not always compos'd of the same stuff; some were made of Line, or Hemp twisted into small Cords, and close set together, whence we read of ••horaces bilices, and trilices, from th•• number of Cords six'd one

upon another. These were frequently us'd in Hunting, because the Teeth of Lyons, and other wild Beasts were unable to pierce thro' them, sticking in the Cords; but not so often carry'd into Battels, as Pausanias observes (a) 1.147; Yet there are not wanting Instances of this sort, for Ajax the son of Oileus has the Epithet of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Homer (b) 1.148,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Ajax the less a Linnen Breast-plate had.

Alexander likewise is reported by Plutarch to have worn 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or a double-twisted ••horax: And Iphicrates caus'd his Souldiers to lay aside their heavy and unwieldy Brigandines of Iron, and go to the Field in Hempen Armour, as Cornelius Nepu hath inform'd us in his Life of that Captain. The ordinary mat∣ter the Thoraces were made of, was Brass, Iron, or other Metals, which were sometimes so exquisitely harden'd, as to be proof against the greatest force: Plutarch (c) 1.149 reports that Zoilus an Artificer having made a present of two Iron Brigandines to Demetrius Poliorcetes, for an experiment of their Hardness, caus'd an Arrow to be shot out of an Engine call'd Catapulta plac'd about twenty-six paces off, which was so far from piercing the Iron, that it scarcely ras'd, or made the least impression on it. This Ar∣mour was of two sorts; one of which, because it consisted of one, or two continu'd pieces of Metal, and was inflexible, and able to stand upright, was term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (d) 1.150. Another was compos'd of a Beast's Hide, according to the Poet,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Whence the Latin word lorica is thought to be deriv'd from lorum. This was set with plates of Metal cast into various forms; some∣times into hooks, or Rings, not unlike a Chain; sometimes re∣sembling Feathers, or the Scales of Serpents, or Fishes; to which Plates or Studs of Gold were often added: Whence we read of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. And the Greek and Latin Poets frequently mention them. Thus Silius (e) 1.151, speaking of the Consul Flaminius;

Loricam induitur, tortos huic nexilis hamos Ferro squama rudi, permistoque asperat auro.

Virgil arms his Heroes after the same manner (a) 1.152;

—Rutulum thoracae indutus, aënis Horrebat squamis—

Drest in his glitt'ring Breast-piece, he appear'd Frightfull with Scales of Brass.

The single Plates being sometimes pierc'd thro' by Spears, and missive Weapons, it was customary to strengthen them by setting two, three, or more, upon one another; Thus Statius (b) 1.153,

—ter insuto servant ingentia ferro Pectora—

With triple Plates of Iron they defend Their Breasts.

And in another place (c) 1.154,

Multiplicem tenues iterant thoraca catenae.

The little Chains a mighty Breast-plate joyn.

Whence in the same manner as from the number of Cords, they were term'd bilices, and trilices; in Greek, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vir∣gil (d) 1.155,

Loricam consertam hamis, auroque trilicem.

The three-fold Coat of Mail beset with Hooks and Gold.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Ocreae, were Greaves of Brass, Copper, or other Me∣tal, which they wore upon their Legs. Whence Hesiod (e) 1.156,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

The Greaves of shining Brass, which Vulcan gave, He round his Ancles plac'd.—

Homer frequently composeth them of Tin (f) 1.157;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

He made his Greaves of beaten Tin.

The Sides were generally clos'd about the Ancles with Buttons, which were sometimes of solid Gold, or Silver, as we have it in the same Poet (a) 1.158;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

The curious Greaves he round his Ancles clos'd With Silver Buttons.

It is probable, that this piece of Armour, was at first either peculiar to the Grecians, or at least more generally us'd by them than other Nations; because we find them so perpetually call'd by the Poet,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were Guards for their Hands, which we find also to have been us'd by some of them, with other Defences for their Arms.

Aa••xis was a Buckler compos'd sometimes of Wickers woven to∣gether, according to Virgil (b) 1.159;

—flectuntque salignas Vmbonian crates—

The Bucklers they of Osiers make.

Whence it is term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.160. It was likewise of Wood; and because it was expedient that the Warriours should be able with the greatest ease to wield it, they usually chose the lightest sort of Wood for this use, such are the Figg, Willow, Beech, Poplar, Elder-trees, &c. as we are inform'd by Pliny (d) 1.161 But it was commonly made of Hides; whence we find so frequent mention of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. These were doubled into several Folds, and fortify'd with Plates of Metal. Ajax's Buckler was compos'd of seven Folds of Hide, and cover'd with a single Plate of Brass, as we read in Homer (e) 1.162;

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Made of the Hides of seven well fatted Bulls, And cover'd with a Plate of Brass.

Achilles's was guarded with three Folds more, as the Poet tells us,

—& aes, & proxima rupit Terga novena boum, decimo tamen orbe moratum est.

It pierc'd the Brass, and thro' nine Hides it broke; But could not penetrat•• the tenth.

But the same Hero's in Homer was more strongly fortify'd by two Plates of Brass, two of Tin, and a fifth of Gold (a) 1.163;

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—

For with five Plates Vulcan it fortify'd, With two of Brass, two Tin, and one of Gold.

The principal parts of the Buckler were these:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the outmost Round, or Cir∣cumference.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Latin umbo, a Boss jutting out in the middle of the Buckler, upon which was fix'd another pro∣tuberant part term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It was of great service to them, not only in glancing off, and repelling missive Weapons, but in bearing down their Enemies themselves: Whence Martial has this allusion,

In turbam incideris, cunctos umbone repellet.

Shou'd you be in a Croud, your Slave Wou'd with his Boss repell them all.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was a Thong of Leather, and sometimes a Rod of Metal, reaching cross the Buckler, whereby they hung it upon their Shoulders, according to the primitive Fashion (b) 1.164: Whence Ho∣mer (c) 1.165,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Down from his Shoulders the huge Buckler fell With it's loos'd Thong.

It was sometimes call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, except this may be understood of the Rod, to which the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was fasten'd, as Hesychius ex∣pounds it, which seems most probable, and that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were Rods, whereby the Bucklers were held, (as Homer's Scholiast reports) but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Thongs affix'd to them, and hung upon the War∣riour's Shoulders, tho' Eustathius will have them to have been put to the former use, and to be the ••••me with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (a) 1.166. Some∣times the Bucklers were held by little Rings call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; But at length most of the Grecians us'd an Handle call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which tho' sometimes spoken of with the former names, and explain'd by them, was really different from both, being in∣vented by the Carians (b) 1.167, and, as 'tis commonly thought, compos'd for the most part of small Iron Barrs, plac'd cross each other, and resembling the letter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.168. When the Wars were concluded, and the Bucklers, (as was customary) hung up in the Temples of the Gods, they took off the Handles, thereby to render them unfit to serve in any sudden Insurrection: Whence the Poet introduces a Person affrighted, when he saw them hanging up with Handles,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

O sad! The Bucklers Handles have.

Which another had also found fault with a little before;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Aeschylus speaks of little Bells hung upon Bucklers to strike Ter∣rour into the Enemy,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Most of the Bucklers were curiously adorn'd, having engraven in them all sorts of Figures of Birds, and Beasts, especially such as were of generous Natures, as Eagles, Lyons, &c. Nor of these

only, but of the Gods, of the Celestial Bodies, and all the Works of Nature: which Custom was deriv'd from the Heroick Ages, and continu'd in later Times, being (as Herodotus) (a) 1.169 re∣••orts) first introduc'd by the Carians, and from them communicated ••o the Grecians, Romans, and Barbarians.

The Grecians had several sorts of Bucklers, the most remarkable of which seem to have been those of Argos, which are thought ••o be bigger than the rest, whence Virgil compares to them Po∣••pheme's monstrous Eye, which he tells us was (b) 1.170,

Argolici clypei, aut Phoebaeae lampadis instar.

Like an Argolick Buckler, or the Sun.

••ost indeed of the ancient B••cklers seem to have cover'd the ••hole Body, whence Virgil (c) 1.171,

—clypeique sub orbe teguntur.

Under their Bucklers cover'd close they stand.

••yrtaeus enumerates the Members protected thereby,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Thighs, Legs, and Breast, Belly, and Shoulders too The mighty Buckler cover'd.

••his farther appears from the Custom of carrying dead Souldiers ••ut of the Field upon their Bucklers ▪ whence we read of the fa∣••ous Command of the Spartan Mothers to their Sons, H 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i.e. Either bring this, (meaning the Buckler,) or be ••ought upon it; meaning they should either secure their Bucklers, ••r loose their Lives in defending them (d) 1.172. And Homer, for the same ••ason calls them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which Eu∣••thius interprets 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i.e. of the same size with a Man (e) 1.173.

Their Form was usually round, whence Virgil's clypei orbis, and ••e frequent Mention of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Hence 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it's outmost Circumference was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as hath been al∣••••ady observ'd.

There were likewise Shields of lesser Sizes, and other Forms, ••e use of several of which came into Fashion after the Heroick Ages.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was squar'd, like the Figure rhombus, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 us'd by the Persians (a) 1.174.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was oblong, and usually bending inward: It seems •••• have been the same, which is call'd in Pollux (b) 1.175 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seems to have been shap'd like the former, and com∣pos'd of Hides with the Hair, whence Grammarians derive it from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i.e. hairy. It was very light, whence (as Eustathius (c) 1.176 observes) Homer gives it the Epithet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was a small and light Buckler in the Form of an Ha••∣moon (d) 1.177, or, according to Xenophon, resembling an Ivy-leaf, an•• first us'd by the Amazons. But Suidas will have it to be a kin•• of four-square Buckler, wanting the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or exteriour Ring.

This was the chief of all their Arms: The Regard they had o•• it appears both from what has been already observ'd concerning their Care in adorning, and preserving it; and from the com∣mon Story of Epaminondas, who having receiv'd a morta•• Wound, and lying under the Agonies of Death, with great Con∣cern enquir'd whether his Buckler was safe (e) 1.178. Chabrias the famous Athenian, when his Ship was sunk, rather chose honoura∣bly to resign his Life with his Buckler, than leaving it, to escape to another Vessel (f) 1.179. Military Glory indeed being esteem'd the greatest that Human Nature was capable of, they had a profound Re∣gard for all sorts of Arms, which were the Instruments, whereby they attain'd it; whence to leave them to their Enemies, to give them for a Pledge, or dispose of them any dishonourable Way, was an eternal Disgrace both in Greece (g) 1.180, and at Rome, and scarce eve•• to be wip'd off, or aton'd for.

Thus have I endeavour'd to give you a Description of the prin∣cipal of the Grecian Defensive Arms, which are in general term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

The only Offensive Arms us'd by the Ancients, were Stones, or Clubs, and such as rude Nature furnish'd them with. They were wholly ignorant of all those Arts, and Contrivances to destroy their Enemies, which Necessity, and Thirst of Glory afterwards

[illustration]

[illustration]

introduc'd into the World: Thus Horace describes the Fights of those wild and uncultivated Ages,

Unguibus & pugnis, dein fustibus, atque isa porro Pugnabant armis, quae post fabricaverat usus.

Sharp Nails, and Fists, the only first Arms were, Then Clubs came into use, next Men took care To make more hurtfull Weapons.

Lucretius hath an elegant Passage to the sam•• purpose (a) 1.181;

Arma antiqua manus, ungues, dentesque fuere, Et lapides, & item silvarum fr••gmina, rami, Et flammaeque ignes, postque 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ant cognita primum, Posterius ferri vis est, aerisque •• sperta; Sed prius aeris erit quam ferri cognitus usus.

In the first Ages Nails, Hands, Teeth wou'd please A Combatant for Arms, and Boughs of Trees, Or Stones, or flaming Brands with Anger thrown, Were then the best, and chiefest Weapons known; Men afterwards in Mischief wiser far Us'd Ir'n, and Brazen Arms in ev'ry War. Of these Brass first began to kill.

Mr. Dechair.

Their Clubs were call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whence Gramma∣rians conjecture that Squadrons of Souldiers were term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and by the Latins phalanges, from the primitive Way of Fighting (b) 1.182.

The principal of their Offensive Weapons in later Ages was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Spear, or Pike, the Body of which was compos'd of Wood, in the Heroick Times most commonly of Ash, whence we have so frequent mention in Homer of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as when he speaks of Achilles's Spear (c) 1.183;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

The Ashen Spear for Murder then design'd, When to his Father with a cruell Mind Old Chiron gave it.

The Trojans were likewise arm'd from the same Tree (d) 1.184;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

The Head, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was of Metal. So was also the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is so call'd either q. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Cross; or from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Lizard, which it is said to have resembled, being hollow at one End, where it was fix'd into the Bottom of the Spear; and sharp at the other, (a) 1.185, which being thrust into the Ground upheld the Spear erect, when the Souldiers rested from the Toil of War. Whence Homer, speaking of Diomedes's Followers (b) 1.186;

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.—

Sleeping about him all his Men they found, Under their Heads were laid along the Ground Great Shields, their Spears erected upright stood Upon their Brazen Points.

Aristotle observes that the same Custom was practis'd amongst the Illyrians in his Days (c) 1.187. And it seems to have been common in other Nations, as may appear from the first Book of Samuel (d) 1.188, where Saul is said to have slept with his Spear fix'd in the Earth close by his Head. In Times of Peace they rear'd their Spears against Pillars, in a long wooden Case call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as we have it in Homer (e) 1.189;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—

Against a Pillar in a well-made Case He hung his Spear.

Virgil speaks something to the same purpose (f) 1.190,

Exin, quae in mediis ingenti adnixa columnae Aedibus astabat, validam vi corripit hastam.

Straight he pulls down with all the Force he cou'd, A Spear, that in the Middle of the House Was rear'd against a mighty Pillar.

Of these there were two Sorts, as Strabo hath well observ'd (a) 1.191; The former was us'd in close Fight, and call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for the U••e, and excellent Management of which the Abantes are ce∣lebrated in Homer (b) 1.192;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

The Abams follow'd him, whose Bushy Hair Lies thick behind, Abams, who nev••r fear Close fights, but bravely strike the Breast-plat••s through With Athen Spears.

Where you may observe the Signification of the Word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which (as the S. ••••iaśt hath observ'd) is apply'd to Arms us'd in in close ••ight; whereas 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 belongs rather to missive Weapons, which are call'd by the general Names of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of which Kind was the other sort of Spears; Whence we find one making this Boast,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

I strike as far with a Spear, as another with an Arrow.

This was frequently us'd in the Heroick ••uels, where the Comba∣tants first threw their Spears, and then sel•• to their Swords. Thus Hector and Achilles (c) 1.193, Mene••aus and Paris (d) 1.194, and the rest of the Heroes attack one another. Theocritus hath describ'd the Com∣bat of Castor and Lyn••eus after the same Manner (e) 1.195;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

First with their Spears began the noble Strife, Each sought to find an open Pass to Life; But all in vain, the Shields the Stroakes endur'd,

Their Spears were broken, and the Men secur'd, Their Swords they drew, the Blades like Lightning shone B••fore the Thunderbolt falls swiftly down, Now rose their Fury.

Mr. Creech.

The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 had a peculiar sort of Spear call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which was fourteen or sixteen Cubits in Length.

〈◊〉〈◊〉, a 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which, according to ancient Custom, was hung in a B••lt put round the Shoulders. Whence Homer (a) 1.196;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

His Silver-hilted Sword about his Shoulders hung.

Hesiod, and the rest of the Poets mention the same Custom (b) 1.197;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—

—A Brazen Sword Plac'd in the Belt, down from his Shoulders hung.

The Belt reach'd down to their Thighs. Whence Homer's He∣ro (c) 1.198;

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Straight from his Thigh his Sword he draws.

And Virgil's AEneas (d) 1.199;

—••••yus ensem Eripit à femore.—

It may be enquir'd whether the Sword was hung upon the right Side, or the left; to which some will reply, That Foot-soul∣diers were it on the l••ft, Horse-men on the right; and Iose∣phus (e) 1.200 expresly mentions Horse-men with their Swords on their right Sides: But whether this was constantly observ'd, or fre∣qu••ntly vary'd, as Lipsius (f) 1.201 has observ'd of the Roman Sword, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 easily be determin'd. The Scabbard was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, close to it was hung a Dagger, or Ponyard, call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,

or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, according to Eusta∣thius (a) 1.202, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and in Homer 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It was seldom us'd in Fight, but on all Occasions supply'd the want of a Knife, as appears from the Poet, out of whom I will give you this one Instance (b) 1.203;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—

Drawing his Dagger, which was alwaies put Close by his Sword, Atrides straightway cut Some Hairs from the Lambs Heads.

Possidonius in Athenaeus tells us, the same Custom was practis'd by the ancient Gauls (c) 1.204. Close by this, or rather instead thereof, the Souldiers of lower Ages us'd a Dagger call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which was borrow'd from the Persians (d) 1.205. They had sometimes ano∣ther Sword call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which was the same with the Roman ensis falcatus, and our Fauchion, or Scimeter; and was chiefly us'd by the Inhabitants of Argos. Not much unlike this were the La∣cedemonian Swords, call'd, according to Pollux, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but, as Xe∣nophon, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and, by the Athenians, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (e) 1.206: They were bent Fauchion-like, and in Length far less than those commonly us'd in other Parts of Greece; The Reason of which Custom being demanded of Antalcidas; 'Tis (said he) because we encounter our Ene∣mies hand to hand (f) 1.207: And when another Person told Agesilaus in Derision, That a Jugler on a Stage would make nothing of swallowing their Swords: Well (reply'd the King) yee with these lit∣tle Weapons we are able to reach our Enemies (g) 1.208. The only thing farther remarkable in the old Grecian Sword is the Hilt, which they took a great Pride in adorning, not so much with Silver, and Gold, and precious Stones, as with Figures of Lyons Heads, &c. to make them appear more terrible to their Enemies.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a sort of Polax: With this Weapon Agamemnon was encounter'd by Pisander in Homer (b) 1.209

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—

The other from his Buckler straightway drew A curiou•• Brazen A••, whose Handle sew Cou'd match for Length, for Olive, or for Work.

〈◊〉〈◊〉, was not much different from the former, and is joyn'd with it in Homer (a) 1.210;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Both Parties fighting close together stood, And unconcern'd alike for Loss of Blood, Axes and Hatchets us'd.

Several other Weapons of le•••• Note may occurr in Authors, whereof I shall mention only one more, and then proceed to th•• missive Weapons: i•• i•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉, a Battoon of Wood, or Iron; from th•• Use of which the famous Robber Periphetes, slain by The∣seus, was nam'd 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (b) 1.211; which Title was likewise conferr'd upon 〈◊〉〈◊〉, who, as ••omer tells the Story, made nothing of breaking thro' whole Squadrons of Enemies with his Iron Club (c) 1.212;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Brave Freuthalion led these on; he wore The Arms of King Arc••houss before, Godlike Arcit••ous, Club-beare•• nam'd, And for his cruel W••••pon greatly fam'd, Who with his Club whole Squadrons put to Flight, But never Spear, or Arrow us'd in Fight.

Mr. Dechair.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Bow, the first Invention of which some ascribe to Apollo, who from the Art of managing this Weapon hath obtain'd divers Appellations, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,&c. All which, tho' moral

Interpreters force to other Applications, yet the ancient Au∣thors of Fables referr to this Original. This new Contri∣vance the God communicated to the primitive Inhabitants of Crete (a) 1.213, who are reported to have been the first of Mortals, who understood the Use of Bows and Arrows (b) 1.214: And even in later Ages the Cretan Bows were famous, and pref••rr'd to all others in Greece (c) 1.215. Some rather choose to honour Perses the Son of Perseus with this Invention; and others father it upon Scythes the Son of Iupiter (d) 1.216, and Progenitor of the Scythians, who were ex∣cellent at this Art, and by some reputed the fi••st Masters thereof: Thence we find it deriv'd to the Grecians, some of whose an∣cient Nobility were instructed by the Scythians, which, as those Times went, might justly pass for a grand Piece of Education. Thus Hercules (to trouble you with no more Instance••) was taught by Teutarus a Scythian Swain, from whom he receiv'd a Bow and Arrows of Scythian Make: Whence Lycophron, speaking of Hercu∣les's Arrows,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (e) 1.217.

With Arrows that he had from Teutarus.

And tho' Theocritus hath chang'd his Tutour's Name into Eurytus, yet he also was of Scythian Original: and we find the Heroe in that Poet arm'd with a Mae••tian, i.e. Scythian, Bow (f) 1.218,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

He went arm'd with a crooked Bow after the Maeotian Fashion.

Lycophron also arms Minerva with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ā Maeotian Bow, and in the same Place tell's us of Hercules's Scythian Dragon, whereby he means a Bow, which he bequeath'd to Philocletes for his Care in kindling the Pile wherein he was burn'd alive (g) 1.219,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Minerva, who found out the Trumpet's Sound, Drawing her Arrows with a skilfull Hand

She aim'd, and shot with a Maeotian Bow. This crooked Bow the Godlike Hercules, Whose Arrows, when they slew wou'd alwaies kill, First us'd, and then to Philocte••es gave A Present for the Pile at Dura's Banks.

Mr. Dechair.

Both the Poets seem particularly to remark the Incurvation of the S••ythian Bow, which distinguish'd it from the Bows of Greece, and other Nations; and was so great as to form an Half-moon, or Semicircle (a) 1.220. Whence the Shepherd in Athenaeus (b) 1.221, being to describe the Letters in Theseus's Name, and expressing each of them by some appo••ite Resemblance, compares the third to the S••ythian Bow,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

The third was like a S••ythian Bow.

Meaning not the more modern Character 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but the ancient C, which is semicircular, and bears the third Place in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Grecian Bows were frequently beautify'd with Gold, or Silver, whence we have mention of aures arcus, and Apollo is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but the Matter of which they were compos'd, seems for the most Patt to have been Wood; tho' they were anciently, S••ythian like, made of Horn, as we read of Pandarus's in Homer (c) 1.222,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Straight he pulls out an handsome polish'd Bow, Once it a wanton He-goat's Horn did grow, A Goat, that coming from his wonted Rock He spy'd, and wounded with a mortal Stroak: The Dart pierc'd thro' his Breast, and straight the Ground Receiv'd him falling by so deep a Wound: Long were his Horns, and these a Workman wrought, And made the very Bow, with which he fought;

The Horn he smoothly polish'd, and affix'd A Golden Nob upon the Top.

Mr. Dechair.

Whence Lycophron, who takes a Pride in antiquated and forgotten Customs and Expressions, speaks thus of Apollo encountering Idas with his Bow (a) 1.223;

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

—In Battles bent his Horn.

But some ancient Glossographers by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 would rather understand 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the Bow-string, which was compos'd of Horses Hair, and therefore call'd also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (b) 1.224: To which Custom Accius alludes,

Reciprocae tendens nervo equino concita Tela.—

Drawing the Arrows with an Horse's Hair.

Homer's Bow-strings are frequently made of Hides cut into small Thongs: Whence we read of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

He drew the Arrow by the Leathern String.

As Eustathius observes-upon that Place (c) 1.225. One Thing more is remarkable in their Bows: It is that Part, to which the String was fix'd; 'twas upon the uppermost Part of the Bow, and call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, commonly made of Gold, and the last Thing towards finishing a Bow; whence Homer, when he has describ'd the Manner of mak∣ing a Bow, adds after all,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Hence, Eustathius tell's us, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies to bring any Affair to an happy Conclusion.

The Arrows usually consisted of light Wood, and an Iron head, which was commonly hook'd: Whence Ovid (d) 1.226;

Et manus hamatis utraque est armata sagittis.

Hook'd Arrows arm'd both Hands.

Sometimes they were arm'd with two, three, or four Hooks: Hence Sta••ius (a) 1.227;

A p••ra te••geminis acies se condidit uncis. The Head with three Hooks arm'd Enter'd his Body.

In this Sence likewise Hippocrates's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are to be un∣derstood. The Heads of Arrows were sometimes besmear'd with Poyson; for which Piece of n••••uman Skill Virgil's Amycus was famous (b) 1.228;

—ferarum ••astatorem Amycum, quo non felicior alter Ungere tela manu, ferrumque armare veneno.

—Amycus the Man, Who many a wild and savage Beast had slain, Fam'd for his Skill, and for his wondrous Art In giving double Force to any Dart, Or Arrow, with his Poyson.

This Practice was more frequent in barbarous Nations, but seldom us'd, or understood in Greece: Wherefore Minerva in Homer having assum'd the Form and Titles of Mentes King of the Ta∣phians, and Son to Anchialus, pretends that her Father, out of an extraordinary Love to Ulysles, oblig'd him with a Quantity of this deadly Ointment, after he had been at the Pains of a tedious Journey to Ephyra, to furnish himself, but had been deny'd it by Ilus the Son of Mermerus, who (as the Poet tells us) rejected Ulysses's Request out of a Scruple of Conscience, being afraid that Di∣vine Vengeance would prosecute so criminal an Action (c) 1.229;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

—When he had Ilus left Return'd from Ephyra; in Hopes to find Some Poyson he for Arrows Heads design'd, Ulysses thither fail'd, Ilus rever'd Th' immortal Gods, and ••h••refore much he fear'd To grant what he desir'd, but easier f••r He found Anchialus, who straight took care To give the killing Poyson, that he ask'd, For dearly well he lov'd him.

Mr Dechair.

They were usually wing'd with Feathers, to encrease their Speed and Force, whence Homer's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (a) 1.230, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (b) 1.231, Op∣pian's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.232, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (d) 1.233, Sophoc••es's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (e) 1.234, with divers other Epithets, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Names to the same Purpose (f) 1.235. These they carry'd to the Battle in a Quiver, which was usually clos'd on all Sides, and therefore (as Fustathius (g) 1.236 observes) joyn'd with the Epithet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. This with the Bow the Heroes car∣ry'd upon their Backs: Thus Apollo in Homer (h) 1.237;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Carrying his Bow, and Quiver on his Shoulders.

Hercules is represented by Hes••od in the same Manner (i) 1.238;

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 —towards his Back

He turn'd the hollow Quiver, which contain'd Great Shafts, who••e Force no Mortal yet sustain'd, And did not straight expire.

Likewise the famous Heroïn in Virgil (k) 1.239;

Aureus ex humero sonat arcus, & arma Dianae.

The Golden Bow and Arrows loosely hung Down from her Shoulders.

In drawing Bows the primitive Grecians did not pull back their Hand towards their right Ear, according to the Fashion of mo∣dern Ages, and of the ancient Persians (a) 1.240; but, placing their Bows 〈◊〉〈◊〉 before them, return'd their Hand upon their right Breast (b) 1.241; which was the Custom of the Amazonian Women, who are reported to have cut off their Right Breasts, lest they should be an Impediment to them in Shooting; on which Ac∣count their Name is commonly thought to have been deriv'd from the privative Particle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i.e. from their Want of a Breast. Thus Homer of Pandarus (c) 1.242,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Up to the Head the mortal Shaft he drew, The Bow-string touch'd hi•• Breast.

There were several sorts of Darts, or Javelins, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, call'd in Homer 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (d) 1.243; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and many others; some of which were projected by the Help of a Strap girt round their Middle, and call'd in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Latin amentum, the Action is express'd by the Word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is likewise sometimes us'd in a more general Sence for any sort of Darting, tho' without Straps. The Javelin thus cast was term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; the Custom is men∣tion'd in the Roman, as well as Greek Writers: Whence Seneca in his Hipp••lytus,

Amentum d'gitis tende prioribus, Et totis jaculum dirige viribus.

The Strap with your Fore-finger draw, Then shoot with all your Strength.

The ancient Grecians were wont to annoy their Enemies with great Stones. Thus Agamemnon in Homer (e) 1.244;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

But he to other Ranks himself betook, And here his Spear, his Sword, and Stones too struck The flying Enemy.

These were not Stones of an ordinary Size, but such as the joynt Strength of several Men in our Days would be unable to much as to lift. With a Stone of this Bigness Diom••des knocks down Aeneas in Homer (a) 1.245;

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.—

—a vast and monstrous Stone The brave Tydides took and threw alone, A Stone it was, so h••••w, and so great, Not two the strongest ••en cou'd bear the Weight, As now Men are, but he with Ease it hurl'd, And broke Aeneas's Hip.

Ajax likewise, and Hector encounter'd one another with the same Weapons; and the latter (as the Poet tells us) had his Buckler broken with a Stone scarce inferiour in Bigness to a Mill-stone (b) 1.246;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

A Stone so big, you might a Mill-stone call, He threw, which made the Shield in Pieces fall.

Nor did the Gods themselves disdain to make use of them; as appears from Homer's Minerva, who attack'd the God of War with a Stone of a prodigious Size, which had been in former Ages plac'd for a Land-mark (c) 1.247;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 —here stepping back

A Stone, that long had lain to part the Land, She forces up with her commanding Hand, A sharp, black, heavy Stone, which, when 'twas thrown, Struck Mars's Neck; the helpless God falls down With shiv'ring Limbs.

Virgil has elegantly imitated some of these Passages in his twelfth Aencid (a) 1.248, where he speaks of Turnus in this manner;

Ne•• plura ••••atut, sa••um circum••picit ingens, Sarum antiqu••m, ingens, campo quod forte jacebat L••nes agro prositus, ••tem ut discerneret arvis: Vix Iliad le••ti bis se•• ••ervi••e subment, Qualia nunc hominum producit corpora tellus: Ille man•• raptum trepida contorsit in hostem Ae••i••r in••urgens, & cursu concitus heros.

He spake no more, but straight a Stone he spy'd, An old prodigious Stone, which to divide The Lands th••re lay, le••t Q••arrel, might en••ue, And one should claim w•••• was another's Due. Should Six the lusti••st Men together try To bear this Stone, it would their Strength defie, So weak, so frail the Bodies, that Men wear, Such puny Men, as now on Earth appear; He match'd it up, and running on him threw This many Stone.

Mr. Dechair.

On all which Relations several modern, especially French Cri∣ticks insult with Triumph, imagining them grosly absurd and ri∣diculous; whilst forming wh••t they call Rules of Probability from the Manner, of their own Times, they can scarce meet with one Passage in all the Volums of ancient Poetry, that do's not on some Score or other soully disgust their curious and distinguishing Palates.

But however the Heroick Fights might be carry'd on in this Manner, as most of the ancient Poets wi••ness, yet in nearer Ages, when they tell us M••n's Strength, and Courage were lessen'd, but their Policy, and Conduct improv'd, we seldom find any Men∣tion of Stones, except in Sieges, where the Defenders frequently roll'd down vast Rocks upon their Enemies Heads. They were likewis•• cast out of several Engines, of which the most common in Field-engagements was

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Sling; which, we are told by some, was inven∣ted by the Natives of the Balearian Islands, where it was ma∣nag'd with so great Art and Dexterity, that young Children were not allow'd any Food by their Mothers, 'till they could sling it down from th•• Beam, where it was plac'd aloft (b) 1.249; and when they arriv'd to be of Age to serve in the Wars, this was the prin∣cipal

of their offensive Arms; it being customary for all of them to be furnish'd with three Slings, which either hung about their Necks, according to Eustathius (a) 1.250; or were carry'd, one on their Necks, one in their Hands, a third about their Loyns (b) 1.251. Hence the Balearian Slings are famous in all ancient Writers; Take on∣ly one Instance out of Ovid (c) 1.252;

Non secus exarsit, quam cum Balearica phonbum Funda jacit; volat illud, & incandescit cundo, Et quos non habuit, sub nubibus invenit ignes.

—He burnt within Just like the Lead the Balearian Sling Hurls out; You hear the Bullet whistling fly, And Heat attends it a•• long the Sky, The Clouds the Fire, it wants it self, Supply.

Mr. Dechair.

It was likewise common in Greece, especially amongst the Acar∣nanians (d) 1.253, who were well skill'd in managing it, and are by some thought to have invented it; Others give that Honour to the Aetolians (e) 1.254, But none of the Grecians manag'd it with so great Art and Dexterity as the Achaians, that inhabited Aegyum, Dy∣ma and Patrae; who were brought up to this Exercise from their Infancy (f) 1.255, and are thought by some to have excell'd the Ba∣learians: Whence it became a Custom to call any Thing directly levell'd at the Mark, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (g) 1.256. This Weapon was us'd for the most part by the common, and light-arm'd Souldiers: Cyrus is said to have thought it very unbecoming any Offi∣cer (h) 1.257; and Alexander endeavouring to render his Enemies as contemptible to his own Souldiers as he could, tells them,

They were a confus'd and disorderly Rabble, some of them having no Weapon, but a Javelin, others were design'd for no greater Ser∣vice, than to cast Stones out of a Sling, and very few were re∣gularly arm'd (i) 1.258.

The Form of a Sling we may learn from Dionysius, by whom the Earth is said to resemble it, being not exactly Spherical, but extended out in Length, and broad in the Middle: for Slings resembled a platted Rope, somewhat broad in the Middle, with an Oval Compass, and so by little and little decreasing into two Thongs, or Reins. The Geographer's Words are these (k) 1.259;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.—

It's Matter seems not to have been always the same; in Homer we find it compos'd of a Sheep's Fleece; and therefore one of the Heroes being wounded in the Hand, Agenor binds it with his Sling (a) 1.260;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

A Sling of Wool he to his Hand apply'd, One of his Servants held it.

Out of it were cast Arrows, Stones, and Plummets of Lead call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, some of which weigh'd no less than an Attick Pound, i.e. an hundred Drachins. It was distin∣guish'd into several sorts; some were manag'd by one, others by two, some by three Cords.

The Manner of Slinging was by whirling it twice or thrice about their Head, and so casting out the Bullet. Thus Mezen∣tius in Virgil (b) 1.261,

Ipse ter adducta circum caput egit habena.

Thrice round his Head the loaded Sling he whirl'd.

But Vegetius commends those as the greatest Artists▪ that cast out the Bullet with one Turn about the Head. How far this Wea∣pon carry'd it's Load is express'd in this Verse,

Fundum Va••rro vocas, quem possis mittere funda.

It's Force was so great, that neither Head-piece, Buckler, or any other Armour was a sufficient Defence against it; and so vehement It's Motions, that (as Seneca reports) the Plummets were frequently melted.

Lastly, we find mention of Fire-balls, or Hand-granado's call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. One sort of them are call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which were compos'd of Wood, and some of them a Foot, others a Cubit in Length: Their Heads were arm'd with

Spikes of Iron, beneath which were plac'd Torches, Hemp, Pitch, or such like combustible Matter, which being set on Fire, they were thrown with great Force toward the Enemy's first Ranks Head foremost, whereby the Iron-spikes being fasten'd to whatever came in their Way, they burn'd down all before them (a( 1.262: Where∣fore they seem to have been of the greatest Use in Leaguers, to demolish the Enemy's Works; tho' my Author mentioneth no such Thing.

Concerning Military Apparel nothing certain, or constant can be related; only it may be observ'd, that Lycurgus order'd the Lacedemonians to cloath their Souldiers in Scarlet; The Rea∣son of which Institution seems either to have been, because that Colour is both soonest imbib'd by Cloath, and most lasting and durable (b) 1.263; Or on the Account of it's Brightness and Splendour, which that Law-giver thought conducive to raise Men's Spirits, and most suitable to Minds animated with true Valour (c) 1.264; Or, lastly, because 'twas most proper to conceal the Stains of Blood, a Sight of which might either daunt and despirit the raw and un∣experienc'd Souldiers of their own Party, or inspire their Enemies with fresh Life, and Vigour (d) 1.265: Which Eustathius observes to have been well and wisely consider'd, when he comments on that Pas∣sage of Homer, where the cowardly Trojans upon seeing Ulysses's Blood flow from his Wound, receive new Courage, and animating one another, rush with united Force upon the Hero (e) 1.266;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

—The Trojans saw Ulysses's Blood Gush from his Wound, then with new Life inspir'd Each stirr'd the other up, and with joynt Force Rush'd on the Hero.

'Tis farther remarkable of the Lacedemonians, that they never en∣gag'd their Enemies, but with Crowns, and Garlands upon their Heads (f) 1.267, tho' at other Times they were unaccustom'd to such Ornaments: Hereby ascertaining themselves of Success, and, as it were, anticipating their Victory, Crowns being the ordinary Re∣wards presented to Conquerours in all the Parts of Greece. So won∣derfull, indeed, were the old Lacedemonian Courage and Fortune, that they encounter'd their Enemies fearless and unconcern'd, joyning Battle with certain Hopes, or rather Assurance of Victo∣ry;

which was a Thing so common to them, that for their greatest Successes, they seldom sacrifie'd to the Gods any more than a Cock: Not were they much elevated when the happy News ar∣riv'd, nor made Presents of any Value to the Messengers thereof, as was usual in other Cities: For after the famous Battle of Man∣tinea, we find the Person, that carry'd the Express of Victory, re∣warded with nothing but a good Piece of powder'd Beef (a) 1.268.

The Souldiers usually carry'd their own Provisions, which con∣sisted for the most part, of Salt-meat, Cheese, Olives, Onyons, &c. To which End every one had a Vessel of Wickers (b) 1.269, with a long, narrow Neck, call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whence Men with long Necks are by the Comedian term'd in Derision 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.270.

CHAPTER V. Of the Officers in the Athenian and Lacedemo∣nian Armies.

THE Grecian Cities being govern'd by different Laws, the Nature, and Titles of their Offices, whether in Military, or Civil Affairs, ••nust of consequence be distinguish'd. Where∣fore, it being an endless Undertaking to recount the various Com∣mands throughout the whole Grecian Nation, I shall only pre∣sent you in this Place with a short View of the chief Offices in the Athenian and Lacedemonian Armies.

In the primitive Times, when most States were govern'd by Kings, the supreme Command belong'd to them of Course; and it was one principal Part of their Duty towards their Subjects to lead them forth in Person against their Enemies, and in single Combat to encounter the bravest of them at the Head of their Ar∣mies. And it may be observ'd, that when any Prince thro' Cowar∣dice, or other Weakness was judg'd unable to protect his People, it was customary for them, withdrawing their Allegiance, to substi∣tute a Person better qualify'd in his Place: A memorable Instance whereof we have in Thymates an Athenian King, who, declining a Challenge sent by Xanthus King of Baeotia, was depos'd without farther ado, and succeeded by a Foreigner, one Melanthius a Messe∣nian, who undertook to revenge the Quatrel of Athens on the Baeo∣tians (d) 1.271.

Yet on some Occasions it was not impracticable for the King to nominate a Person of eminent Worth and Valour to be his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or General, who either commanded under the King, or, when the Emergency of other Affairs requir'd his Absence, sup∣ply'd his Place: Which honourable Post was conferr'd by King Erectheus upon Ion the Son of Xuthus in the Eleusinian War (a) 1.272.

But the Government being at length devolv'd upon the Peo∣ple, Affairs were manag'd after a new Method; For all the Tribes being invested with an equal Share of Power, 'twas appointed that each of them should nominate a Commander out of their own Body; This Nomination was made in publick, and fre∣quently lighted upon the same Persons, if they behav'd themselves with Courage and Prudence, and executed their Office for the Safety and Honour of their Country; Insomuch that 'tis reported of Phocion, that he was a Com••ander five and forty Times, tho' he never su'd, or canvas'd for that Honour, but was always promo∣ted by the free and voluntary Choice of the People (b) 1.273. Before their Admission to Office they took an Oath of Fidelity to the Common-wealth, wherein one Thing is more peculiarly remark∣able, viz. That they oblig'd themselves to inrade the Megarians twice every Year: Which Clause was first inserted in the Oath by a Decree preferr'd by Charinus, on the Account of Anthemocritus an Athenian Herald, whom the Megarians had barbarously murder'd about the Beginning of the Peloponnesian War: This done, the Command of all the Forces, and warlike Preparations was en∣trusted in their Hands, to be employ'd and manag'd as they judg'd convenient; Yet was not their Power absolute, or unlimited, it being wisely order'd, that upon the Expiration of their Com∣mand, they should be liable to render an Account of their Ad∣ministration: Only, on some extraordinary Occasions, it seem'd fit to exempt them from this Restraint, and send them with full and uncontrolable Authority, and then they were styl'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.274: Which Title was conferr'd on Aristides, when he was General at the famous Battle of Plataeae; upon Nicias, Alcibiades, and Lamachus in the Sicilian Expedition, and several others (d) 1.275. These Commanders were Ten, according to the Number of the Athenian Tribes, and all call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, being invested with equal Power, and about the first Times of their Creation frequently dispatch'd all together in Expeditions of Concern and Moment, where every one enjoy'd the supreme Command by Days: But lest in controverted Matters an Equality of Voices should retard their Proceedings we find an eleventh Person joyn'd in Commission with them, and call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whose Vote,

added to either of the contesting Parties, weigh'd down the Bal∣lance, as may appear from Herodotus's Account of the Athenian Affairs in the Median War.

But in some Time it was look'd on as unnecessary, and per∣hap•• not very expedient, for so many Generals to be sent with equal Power to manage military Affairs: Wherefore, tho' the an∣cient Number was elected every Year, they were not all oblig'd to attend the Wars; but one, two, or more, as Occasion re∣quir'd, were dispatch'd to that Service: The Polemarchus was di∣verted to civil Business, and became Judge of a Court, where he had Cognizance of Law-suits between the Natives, or Free-men of Athens and Foreigners: The rest of the Generals had every Man his proper Employment, yet none were wholly free from military Concerns, but determin'd all Controversies that happen'd amongst Men of that Profession and order'd all the Affairs of War that lay in the City (a) 1.276. Hence they came to be distin∣guish'd into two sorts, one they term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because they administer'd the City-business; the other 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from their Concern about Arms. The latter of these listed and disbanded Souldiers as there was Occasion (b) 1.277, and, in short, had the whole Management of War devolv'd upon them during their Continuance in that Post, which seems not to have been long, it being customary for the Generals, who remain'd in the City, to take their Turns of serving in the War (c) 1.278.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were likewise ten, (every Tribe having the Privilege of electing one) and commanded next under the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. They had the Care of Marshalling the Army, gave Orders for their Marches, and what Provisions every Souldier should furnish him∣self with, which were convey'd to the Army by publick Cryers. They had also Power to cashire any of the common Souldiers, if convicted of Misdemeanours. Their Jurisdiction was only over the Foot (d) 1.279.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were only two in Number (e) 1.280, and had the chief Command of the Cavalry next under the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (f) 1.281.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were ten; one being nominated by every Tribe. They were subordinate Officers to the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and invested with Authori∣ty to discharge Horse-men, and to fill up the Vacancies, as Oc∣casion requir'd (g) 1.282.

Thus much of the General Officers, the Inferiours usually de∣riv'd their Titles from the Squadron, or Number of Men under

their Command: as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Proceed we in the next Place to the Com∣manders of the Spartan Army.

The supreme Command was lodg'd in one Person, for the La∣cedemonians, however fond of Aristocracy in civil Affairs, found by Experience that in War a Monarchical Government was on seve∣ral Accounts preferable to any other (a) 1.283: For it happening that once upon a Difference in Opinion between their two Kings, Demaratus and Cleomenes, the former withdrew his Part of the Army and left his Colleague expos'd to the Enemy, a Law was hereupon enacted, that for the future they should never command the Army together, as had been usual before that Misfortune (b) 1.284. Yet upon great and emergent Occasions, when the Safety and Ho∣nour of the State was in Dispute, they had so much Prudence, as rather by transgressing the•••• Letter of the Law to secure their Country, than by insisting on Niceties to bring it into Danger: For we find that, when Agis was engag'd in a dubious War with the Argians & Mantineans, Plistonax his fellow-King, having rais'd an Army out of such Citizens, as by their Age were at other Times excus'd from Military Service, went in Person to his As∣sistance (c) 1.285.

The General's Title (as some say) was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (d) 1.286, which others will have common to all other Military Officers. He was ordinarily one of the Kings of Sparta; it being appointed by one of Lycur∣gus's Laws, that this Honour should belong to the Kings: But in Cases of Necessity, as in their King's Minority, a Protectour, or Viceroy, call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was substituted for the Management of Military, as well as Civil Affairs (e) 1.287. 'Twas under this Character, that Lycurgus reform'd, and new modell'd the Lacedemonian Polity, and commanded their Armies, during the Infancy of King Chari∣laus (f) 1.288. Pausanias also was Tutour to Plistarchus, when he lead the Lacedemonians, and the rest of the Grecians against Mardonius, Xerxes's Lieutenant, at Pluaeae (g) 1.289.

This only concern'd their Land-armies, for the Laws made no Provision for their Fleets, their Law-giver having positively for∣bidden them to meddle with marine Affairs. Wherefore when they became Masters of a Navy, they con••in'd not their Elections of Admirals to the Royal House, but rather chose to commit so great a Trust to their most able and experienc'd Sea-men; as may appear from the Instances of Lysander, and several others, who commanded the Spartan Fleets, tho' never invested with Royal Power. Nor was it ordinarily permitted their Kings, when

entrusted with Land-armies, to undertake the Office of Admiral: The only Person honour'd with those two Commands at the same Time, was the Great Agesilaus (a) 1.290.

The King, however limited and restrain'd when at Home, was supreme and absolute in the Army, it being provided by a par∣ticular precept of the Law, that all others should be subordinate to him, and ready to obey his Commands (b) 1.291. Notwithstanding this, he was not always left wholly to himself, and the Prosecution of his own Measures, it being customary for some of the Magistrates call'd Ephori to accompany him, and assist him with their Advice (c) 1.292. To these, on some Occasions, others were joyn'd; When Agis had unadvisedly enter'd into a League with the Argians, at a Time, when it lay in his Power to have forc'd them to accept of Terms far more honourable to his Country, the Spartans highly resented his Imprudence, and enacted a D••••ree, that he should never again command an Army, without ten Counsellours to go along with him. Whether the succeeding Kings were hereby oblig'd, do's not fully appear; but it seems probable, they were not sent to the Wars without a Council consisting, if not of the same, how∣ever of a considerable Number of the wisest Heads in Sparta: Age∣sipolis was attended with no less than thirty (d) 1.293; And tho' the Tenderness of his Age might occasion that extraordinary Provi∣sion, yet in Wars of great Concern, or Danger, and such as were carry'd on in remote Countries, Kings of greatest Experience, and most eminent for Conduct, were not trusted without a great Num∣ber of Counsellours; For we are told, that Agesilaus himself, when he made his Expedition into Asia, was oblig'd by a Decree of the People to take thirty along with him (e) 1.294.

Beside these, the General was guarded by three hundred valiant Spartans call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Horse-men, who fought about his Per∣son (f) 1.295, and were much of the same Nature with Romulus's Life∣guards call'd Celeres, or Light horse, as Dionysius of Halicarnassus reports. Before him fought all those that had obtain'd Prizes in the Sacred Games, which was look'd upon as one of the most ho∣nourable Posts in the Army, and esteem'd equivalent to all the glorious Rewards conferr'd on those Victors in other Ci∣ties (g) 1.296.

The chief of the subordinate Officers was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Titles of the rest will easily be' understood from the Names of the Parties under their Command, being all deriv'd from them: Such as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.

CHAPTER VI. Of the several Divisions, and Forms of the Grecian Army, with other Military Terms.

THE whole Army, as compounded of Horse and Foot, was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Front, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; The right-hand Man of which, as in other Places, was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; The Wings, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, •••• which some make Pan, Bacchus's General in his Indian Expedition, to have been the first Inventor; The Souldiers herein, and their Leader, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Those in the middle Ranks, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; The Rear, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the Per∣son that brought up the Rear, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (a) 1.297; which seem to have been common Names for any others that obtain'd the like Places in smaller Bodies.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was a Party of five Souldiers; it's Leader, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of ten; it's Leader, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: And so of the rest.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 consisted of eight, as others, of twelve, or, as some, of six∣teen, which was a complete 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, tho' some make that to con∣tain no less than twenty-five. It is sometimes term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and it's Leader 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was an half 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; It's Leader, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was a Conjunction of several 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Sometimes 'tis term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which consisted of four half, or two complete 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, containing thirty-two Men.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, however the Name imports only fifty, was usually a double 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, consisting of four 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or sixty-four Men: Whence it's Leader was not only term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 we sometimes find 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sometimes call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, consisted of two of the former, containing an hundred-twenty-eight Men. It's Com∣mander

was anciently call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but afterwards the Name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 generally prevail'd. To every 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were assign'd five necessary Attendants, call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as not being rec∣kon'd in the Ranks with the Souldiers. These were

• 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Cryer, who convey'd by Voice the Words of Command. He was usually a Man of strong Lungs: The most remarkable of any in Story was Homer's Stentor, who, he tells us, was able to shout as loud as any fifty (a) 1.298;

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

  Iuno there clamours with i••perious Sway, Like bawling Stentor, when his Lungs gaye way, Whose Voice would open in a mighty Shout, As loud as fifty Men's.—

• 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Ensign, remitted by Signs the Officer's Com∣mands to the Souldiers; and was of use in conveying Things not to be pronounc'd openly, or discover'd; and when the Noise of War drown'd the Cryer's Voice.
• 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Trumpeter, was necessary, as well to signify to the Souldiers the Will of their Commanders, when Dust render'd the two former useless, as to animate and encou∣rage them, so on several other Accounts.
• 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was a Servant, that waited on the Souldiers to sup∣ply them with Necessaries. These four were plac'd next to the fore-most Rank.
• 5. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Lieutenant, brought up the Rear, and took care that none of the Souldiers were left behind, or deserted.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and, according to some, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was compounded of two 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, being made up of two hun∣dred-fifty-six Men. The Commander, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 contain'd two 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i.e. five-hundred and twelve Men. The Commander's Name was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and (as some think) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was the for∣mer doubled, and consisted of a thousand and twenty-four. The Commander, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

[illustration]

〈…〉〈…〉four Fronted Phalange against all Attempts of the Enemy

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which by some is call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by others 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, contain'd two of the former, i.e. two-thousand-forty-eight. The Commander, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sometimes call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and, by the Ancients, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was compounded of two 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and contain'd four-thousand-fourscore and sixteen, or four-thou∣sand-thirty-six, according to others. The Officer, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and (as some think) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was almost a Duplicate of the former, for it consisted of eight-thousand, one hundred and thirty two. The Commander's Title was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 contain'd about two 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or sixteen-thousand, three-hundred, fours••ore and four. The Commander, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is sometimes taken for a Party of twenty-eight Men, sometimes of eight-thousand; but a complete 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is said to be the same with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Several other Numbers are signi∣fy'd by this Name, it being frequently taken for the whole Body of Foot, and as often in general for any Company of Souldiers. Indeed the Grecian Battles were usually rang'd into an Order pe∣culiarly term'd Phalanx; which was of such Strength, that it was able to bear any Shock with what Violence soever charg'd upon them. The Macedonians were the most famous for this Way of Imbatteling; Their Phalanx is describ'd by Polybius to be a square Battail of Pike-men, consisting of sixteen in Flank, and five-hun∣dred in Front; the Souldiers standing so close together, that the Pikes of the fifth Rank were extended three Foot beyond the Front of the Battail: The rest, whose Pikes were not serviceable by rea∣son of their Distance from the Front, couch'd them upon the Shoul∣ders of those, that stood before them, and so, locking them to∣gether in File, press'd forward to suppo••t and push on the former Ranks, whereby the Assault was render'd more violent and irre∣sistible. The Commander was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was the Length, or first Rank of the Phalanx, reaching from the farthest Extremity of one Wing to that of ano∣ther. 'Tis the same with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. The Ranks behind were call'd, according to their Order, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sometimes call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was the Depth, consisting in the Number of Ranks from Front to Rear.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, were the Ranks taken according to the Length of the Phalanx.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, were the Files measur'd according to the Depth.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Distribution of the Phalanx into two equal Portions, which were term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. or Wings: The left of these was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; The right, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Body, or middle Part between the Wings.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the lessening the Depth of the Phalanx by cutting off some of it's Files.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, acies recta, or the Herse, wherein the Depth exceeded the Length.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 differ'd from the former, by being broad in Front, and narrow in Flank; whereas the other was narrow in Front, and broad in Flank (a) 1.299.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or obliqua acies, when one Wing was advanc'd near the Enemies, to begin the Battle, the other holding off at a convenient Distance.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when the Souldiers were plac'd back to back, that they might every way face their Enemies: which Form of Battalia was us'd, when they were in Danger of being surrounded.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 differ'd herein from the former, that it was form'd lengthways, and engag'd at both Flanks; whereas the for∣mer engag'd at Front and Rear.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when the Leaders were plac'd in both Fronts, but the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who follow'd▪ the Rear, transplanted into the Middle, so that their Enemies were confronted on all Sides.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was contrary to the former, having the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and their Rear on the two Sides, and the rest of the Com∣manders, who were plac'd at other Times in the Front, in the Midst facing one another; In which Form the Front, opening in two Parts, so clos'd again, that the Wings succeeded in it's Place, and the last Ranks were transplanted into the former Place of the Wings.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was when both the Phalanx's had their Officers on the same Side, one marching behind the other in the same Form.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when the Commanders of one Phalanx were plac'd on the right Flank, in the other on the left.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when it's Form was chang'd, as the Ways requir'd, thro' which it march'd.

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

[illustration]

Loxe-Phalanx or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Fronted Phalange

[illustration]

The Front

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[illustration]

The Battail call'd Plinthium

[illustration]

The Diphalangia

[illustration]

Homoistomus

[illustration]

The Cyrte or Convex Half Moon.

[illustration]

The Epicampios

[illustration]

The Coelembalos or hollow Fronted ••eda••

[illustration]

The Front

[illustration]

The Induction

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, represented an half-Moon, the Wings turn'd backwards, and the main Body advanc'd toward the Enemy; or on the contrary.

The same was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, being Convex, and there∣fore hollow.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when the Parts of the Battalia stood at an unequal Distance from the Enemy, some jutting out before others.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when both Wings were extended beyond the adverse Army's Front; When only one, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, call'd likewise 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Battalia with four equal, but not rectangular, Sides, representing the Figure of a Diamond. This Fig••re was us'd by the Thessalians, being first contriv'd by their Country-man Iason. Indeed the common Forms of Battalia in Greece, in Sicily also, and Persia, seem to have been devis'd after this, or some other Square (a) 1.300.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, rostrum, or cuneus, was a Rhombus divided in the Middle, having three Sides, and representing the Figure of a Wedge, or the Letter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Design of this Form was to pierce, and en∣ter forcibly into the Enemy's Body.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Forsex, was the Cuneus transvers'd, and wanting the Basis: It represented a Pair of Sheers, or the Letter V; and seems to have been design'd to receive the Cuneus.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, laterculu••, an Army drawn up in the Figure of a Brick, or Tyle, with four unequal Sides; it's Length was ex∣tended towards the Enemy, and exceeded the Depth.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Turris, was the Brick inverted, being an oblong Square, after the Fashion of a Tower, with the small End towards the Enemy. This Form is mention'd by Homer (b) 1.301;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Wheeling themselves into a Tower's Form.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 had an oblong Figure, but approaching nearer a Cir∣cle than Quadrangle.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was an Army extended at length with a very few Men in a Rank, when the Ways they march'd thro' could not be pass'd in broader Ranks: The Name is taken from a Worth that insinuates it self into little Holes in Wood. On the same Ac∣count we find mention of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, so rang'd, as it were, to pierce thro' the Passages.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was the ranging Souldiers close together, so that, whereas in other Battalias every Man was allow'd four Cu∣bits Space on each Side, in this he took up only two.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was closer than the former, one Cubit's Room being allow'd to every Souldier: 'Tis so call'd from Bucklers, which were all joyn'd close to one another.

Several other Forms of Battalia may occurr in Authors, as those drawn in all the sorts of Spherical Figures. One of these was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, first invented by Ilion of Thessaly, representing the Fi∣gure of an Egg, into which the Thessalians commonly rang'd their Horse (a) 1.302. 'Tis commonly taken for any Party of Horse of what Number soever, but sometimes in a more limited Sence for a Troop of sixty-four.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 contain'd two 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i.e. one hundred and twenty-eight.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was a Duplicate of the former, consisting of two-hundred-fifty-six: For they commonly us'd a sort of Horse∣men call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who annoy'd their Ene∣mies with Missive Weapons, being unable to sustain a close Fight by reason of their light Armour. There was likewise another sort of Tarentine Horse-men, who, having discharg'd their missive Weapons, engag'd their Enemies in close Fight. Their Name was deriv'd from Tarentum in Italy, which us'd to furnish out Horse-men of these sorts: But whether the Name of this Troop was taken from the sort of Horse-men, or the Number's being the same with that us'd by the Tarentines, is not certain.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 contain'd two of the former, i.e. five-hundred and twelve.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was a double 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, being made up of one thou∣sand and twenty-four.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was the former doubled, containing two-thousand-forty-eight.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was equal to two 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, being compos'd of four-thou∣sand-ninety-six.

The Lacedemonian Divisions of their Army had peculiar Names.

The whole Army was divided into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Regiments. What Numbers of Souldiers were rang'd in each is uncertain; Some making them five-hundred, others seven, and some nine (b) 1.303; But at the first Reformation of the Common-wealth, they seem not to have exceeded four-hundred, who were all Foot-men. The Com∣mander was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.304; to whom was added a subor∣dinate

Officer call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (a) 1.305: The former was Colonel, the latter his Lieutenant.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was the fourth Part of a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: And tho' some affirm there were five 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in every 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (b) 1.306, yet the former Account seems more agreeable to the ancient State of the Spartan Army: For we are assur'd by Xenophon, that in every 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 there were four 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was the fourth Part, or, as others, half of a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and contain'd fifty Men, as appears from the Name. The Com∣mander hereof was styl'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Of these there were▪ eight in every 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as the fore-men∣tion'd Author reports.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was the fourth Part, or, as others, the half of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 contain'd twenty-five Men, and so call'd, because all the Souldiers therein were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.307, or bound by a solemn Oath upon a Sacrifice to be faithfull and loyal to their Country: The Commander was term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Of these Xenophon tells us there were sixteen in every 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which, together with his Account of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, makes it evident that the primitive 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 consisted only of four-hundred: The Disagreement of Authors herein seems to have been occasion'd by the Encrease of the Lacedemonian Army; For in succeeding Ages the Spartans, having augmented their Forces, still retain'd their ancient Names, so that the eighth Part of a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, tho' perhaps containing several Fifties, was still term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Roman Battalions, in like Manner, however encreas'd by new Additions, were still call'd Legiones; which, tho' at first they contain'd no more than three-thousand, were afterwards vary'd as Necessity requir'd, and consisted of four, five, or six-thousand: The same may be observ'd of their Cohortes, Manipuli, Ordines, &c.

There are several other Military Terms, an Explication of some of which may be expected in this Place.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the placing of any Company of Souldiers before the Front of the Army; as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when the light-arm'd Men are drawn before the rest of the Army, to begin the Fight at a Distance with missive Weapons.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is contrary to the former, and signifies the ranging of Souldiers in the Rear.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when to one, or both Flanks of the Battail, Part of

the Rear is added, the Front of those, that are added, being plac'd in the same Line with the Front of the Battail.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when the Wings are doubled, by bestowing the light-arm'd Men under them in an embow'd Form, so that the whole Figure resembles a three-fold Door.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the placing together of different sorts of Souldiers; as when light-arm'd Man are or∣der'd to fill up void Spaces between the heavy-arm'd Companies.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is distinguish'd from the former, as denoting the Com∣pletion of vacant Spaces in the Files by Souldiers of the same sort.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is a continu'd Series of Battalions in March, drawn up after the same Form behind one another, so that the Front of the latter is extended to the Rear of the former: Whence this Term is sometimes taken for the Rhetorical Figure Inductio, where cer∣tain Consequences are inferr'd, in a plain and evident Method, from the Concession of some Antecedents (a) 1.308.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 differs herein from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that the Phalanx pro∣ceedeth in a Wing not by File, but by Rank, the Leaders marching not directly in the Front, but on one Side; when toward the left, 'twas call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: When toward the right, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are distinguish'd into four sorts; For when they expected the Enemy, and march'd on prepar'd for him only on one Side, they were call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: When on two Sides, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: When on three, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: When every Side was ready for an Assault, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

The Motions of the Souldiers at their Officers Command were term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to the right: Because they manag'd their Spears with their right Hands.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the retrograde Motion, i. e. to the left.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to the left: For their Bucklers were held in their left Hands.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is a double Turn to the same Hand, whereby their Backs were turn'd on what before lay to their Faces. There were two sorts of it:

• 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whereby they turn'd from Front to Rear, which is term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, so that their Backs were toward their Ene∣mies;
  [illustration]

• ...
  [illustration]

  The Deduction
  [illustration]

• ...
  [illustration]

  The Macedoman Countermarche by File

• whence 'tis call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It was al∣ways effected by turning to the right.
• 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from Rear to Front, whereby they turn'd their Faces to their Enemies, by moving twice to the left.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when the whole Battalion, close joyn'd Man to Man, made one Turn either to the right, or left.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is oppos'd to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, being the Return of such a Battalion to it's former Station.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a double 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whereby their Backs were turn'd to the Place of their Faces, the Front being transferr'd to the Place of the Rear.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a treble 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or three Wheelings.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to turn about to the Places they were in at first.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Countermarch, whereby eve∣ry Souldier, one marching after another, chang'd Front for the Rear, or one Flank for another: Whence there are two sorts of Coun∣termarches, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, one by Files, the other by Ranks; both are farther divided into three sorts.

• 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, invented by the Macedonians, was thus: First the Leaders of the Files turn'd to the right, or left about, then the next Rank pass'd thro' by them on the same Hand, and, being come into the distant Spaces, plac'd themselves behind the Leaders of their Files, then turn'd about their Faces the same Way: In like manner the third Rank after them, with the fourth, and all the rest, 'till the Bringers up were last, and had turn'd about their Faces, and again taken the Rear of the Battle. Hereby the Army was remov'd into the Ground before the Front, and the Faces of the Souldiers turn'd backward. This appear'd like a Retreat, and was for that reason laid aside by Philip of Ma∣cedon, who us'd the following Motion in it's stead.
• 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, invented by the Lacedemonians, was contrary to the former; That took up the Ground before the Pha∣lanx, this the Ground behind it, and the Souldiers Faces turn'd the contrary Way; In that the Motion was from Rear to Front, in this from Front to Rear. Aelian (a) 1.309 describes it two ways; One was, when the Bringers up first turn'd about their Faces, the next Rank likewise turning their Faces, began the Countermarch, every Man placing himself directly before his Bringer up; the third did the like, and so the rest, 'till the Rank of File-leaders were

• first. The other Method was, when the Leaders of Files began the Countermarch, every one in their Files following them or∣derly: Hereby they were brought nearer to their Enemies, and re∣presented a Charge.
• 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was us'd by the Persians and Cretans; it was sometimes term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because ma∣nag'd like the Grecian chori, which, being order'd into Files and Ranks, like Souldi••r, in Battle-aray, and moving forward toward the Brink of the Stage, when they could pass no farther, retir'd one thro' the Ranks of another; the whole chorus all the Time maintaining the same Space of Ground, they were before possess'd of; wherein this Countermarch differ'd from the two former, in both which the Phalanx chang'd it's Place.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Countermarch by Rank, was contrary to the Countermarch by File: In the Countermarch by File the Mo∣tion was in the Depth of the Battalia, the Front moving toward the Rear, or the Rear toward the Front, and succeeding into each other's Place; In this the Motion was in length of the Battalia flank-wise, the Wing either marching into the midst, or quite thro' to the opposit Wing: In doing this, the Souldiers, that stood last in the Flank of the Wing, mov'd first to the contrary Wing, the rest of every Rank following in their Order. It was likewise perform'd three ways:

• 1. The Macedonian Countermarch began it's Motion at the Cor∣ner of the Wing nearest the Enemies upon their appearing at either Flank, and remov'd to the Ground on the Side of the contrary Wing, so resembling a Flight.
• 2. The Lacedemonian Countermarch, beginning it's Motion in the Wing farthest distant from the Enemy, seiz'd the Ground nearest to them, whereby an Onset was represented.
• 3. The Chor••an Countermarch maintain'd it's own Ground, only removing one Wing into the other's Place.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is to double, or increase a Battalia, which was ef∣fected two ways; For sometimes the Number of their Men was augmented, remaining still upon the same Space of Ground; some∣times the Souldiers, continuing in the same Number, were so drawn out by thinning their Ranks, or Files, that they took up a much larger Space than before. Both these Augmentations of Men, or Ground, being made either in Length, or Depth, occasion'd four sorts of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which were made by Countermarches.

• 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when fresh Men were inserted into Ranks, the Length of the Battalion being still the same, but the Souldiers drawn up closer and thicker than before.
• 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was
  [illustration]

• ...
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  p: 70. Doubling of Rankes in Action

• ... 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

• when the Files were doubled, their Ground being of no larger Extent than before, by ranging them close to one another.
• 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when the Length of the Battalia was increas'd, without the Accession of new Forces, by placing the Souldiers at greater Distances from one another.
• 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when the Depth of Ground taken up by an Army was render'd greater, not by adding new Files, but separating the old to a greater Di∣stance.

To conclude this Chapter, it may be observ'd, that the Grecians were excellently skill'd in the Method of imbattelling Armies, and maintain'd publick Profe••sours call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who exercis'd the Youth in this Art, and render'd them expert in all the Forms of Battle, before they adventur'd into the Field.

CHAPTER VII. Of their manner of making Peace, and declaring War, their Embassadors, &c.

BEFORE the Grecians engag'd themselves in War, it was usual to publish a Declaration of the Injuries they had re∣ceiv'd, and to demand Satisfaction by Embassadors; For however prepar'd, or excellently skill'd they were in the Af∣fairs of War, yet Peace, if to be procur'd upon honourable Terms, was thought more eligible: Which Custom was observ'd even in the most early Ages, as appears from the Story of Tydeus, whom Polynices sent to compose the Differences with his Brother Eteocles King of Thebes, before he proceeded to invest that City, as we are inform'd by Statius (a) 1.310, and several others,

—potior cunctis sedit sementia, fratris Praetentare fidem, tutosque in regna precando Explorare aditus: A••udax ea munera Tydeus Sponte subit.—

The Council then vote it expedient, That to the King a Legate shou'd be sent, Who might to prove his Faith the Oath declare, And stop the Ferment of intestine War; This Treaty Tydeus bravely undertook.

Nor was the Trojan War prosecuted with so great Hazard and Loss to both Parties, 'till these Means prov'd ineffectual; For we find that Ulysses and Menelaus were dispatch'd on an Embassy for Troy to demand Restitution; Whence Antenor thus bespeaks Helen (a) 1.311,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

With stout Atricles sage Ulysses came Hither as Envoies, Helen, thee to claim.

The same Poet in another Place lets us understand, that their Pro∣posal was rejected by the Trojans as over-rul'd by Antimachus, a Per∣son of great Repute amongst them, whom Paris had engag'd to his Party by a large Summ of Money (b) 1.312;

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Antimachus o'ersway'd the Embassy Refus'd, and did fair Helena deny, Since Paris had by Largesses of Gold Secur'd his Trust.—

Invasions, indeed, without Notice were look'd on rather as Rob∣beries than lawfull Wars, as design'd rather to spoil and make a Prey of Persons innocent and unprovided, than to repair any Losses, or Dammages sustain'd, which, for ought the Invaders knew, might have been satisfy'd for an easier Way. 'Tis therefore no Wonder, what Polybius (c) 1.313 relates of the Aetolians, that they were held for the common Out-laws and Robbers of Greece, it being their Manner to strike without Warning, and make War without any previous and publick Declaration, whenever they had Opportunity of enriching themselves with the Spoil and Boo∣ty of their Neighbours. Yet there wants not Instances of Wars begun without previous Notice, even by Nations of better Repute for Justice and Humanity; But this was not ordinary, being only done upon Provocations so great and exasperating, that no Recompence was thought sufficient to atone for them: Whence it came to pass, that these Wars were of all others the most bloody and pernicious, and fought with Excess of Rage and Fury; the contesting Parties being resolv'd to extirpate each other, if possible, out of the World.

Embassadors were usually Persons of great Worth, or eminent Station, that by their Quality and Deportment they might com∣mand

Respect and Attention from their very Enemies; And by what Injuries, or Affronts soever they were enrag'd, yet Embassa∣dor•• were held sacred by all Sides, and receiv'd no Harm without violating the Laws of Gods and Men, for they thought themselves oblig'd to prosecute with utmost Vengeance so great an Impiety: Whence (to omit several other Instances) we read that the Lace∣demonians having inhumanly murder'd Xerxes's Embassadors, the Gods would accept none of their Oblations and Sacrifices, which were all found polluted with direfull Omens, 'till two Noblemen of Sparta were sent as an expiatory Sacrifice to Xerxes to atone for the Death of his Embassadors by their own: That Emperour in∣deed gave them Leave to return in safety without any other Igno∣miny, than what they suffer'd by a severe Reflection on the Spartan Nation, whose barbarous Cruelty he profess'd he would not imi∣tate, however provok'd by them; Yet Divine Vengeance suffer'd them not to go unpunish'd, but inflicted what th•••••• Men had as∣sum'd to themselves, upon their Sons, for being sent on an Em∣bassy into Asia, they were betray'd into the Hands of the Athenians, and by them put to Death, which my Authour concludes to have been a just Revenge from Heaven for the Lacedemonian Cruelty (a) 1.314.

Whence this Holiness was deriv'd upon Embassadors, has been matter of Dispute: Fabulous Authours deduce it from the Honour paid by the Ancients to the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Heralds, who were either themselves Embassadors, or, when others were deputed to that Service, accompany'd them, being held sacred on the account of their Original, because descended from Ceryx, the Son of Mercury, who was honour'd with the same Employment in Heaven, these obtain'd upon Earth: 'Tis true that these Men were ever had in great Esteem, and their Persons held sacred and inviolable; whence, as Eustathius observes, Ulysses in Homer, when cast upon foreign and unknown Coasts, usually sends an Herald to protect the Men deputed to make Discovery of the Country and it's In∣habitants, Persons of that Character being reverenc'd even in bar∣barous Nations, except some few, such as the Laestrygones, or Cy∣clopes, in whom all Sence of Humanity was extinguish'd (b) 1.315; They were likewise under the Care and Protection of Mercury the Presi∣dent God of their Occupation, and Iupiter (c) 1.316; whence Achilles calls them the Messengers not of Men only, but of Iupiter (d) 1.317;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

All Hail! ye Envoies of great Iove and Men.

But these Honours seem not to have been conserr'd upon them so much, because they were descended from Mercury, (several other

Families, to whom no such Respect was due, bearing themselves much higher on their Original) as upon account of their Office, which, being common to them with other Embassadors, seems to have challeng'd an equal Reverence to both: Licence, indeed, being once granted to treat Persons of that Character injuriously, all Hopes of Peace and Reconciliation amongst Enemies must be ba∣nish'd for ever out of the World; and therefore in the most rude and unpolish'd Ages all sorts of Embassadors were civilly enter∣tain'd, and dismiss'd with Safety: Whence Tydeus's Lady in Sta∣tius (a) 1.318 is prevail'd with to let her Husband go Embassador to Thebes, because that Title would afford him Protection in the Midst of his Enemies;

—Te, fortissime gentis Aetolium, mulium lacrymis conata morari est Deïphile, sed jussa patris, tutique regressus Legato, justaeque preces vicere sororis.

Thy tender Wise, Heroic Soul, did pine, And scarce admit thy generous Design, Untill her boiling Passion did abate By Argia's Prayers, and a Parent's Threat, And that Tutelar God, who do's on Envoies wait.

The Athenian Heralds were all of one Family, being descended from Ceryx the Son of Mercury, and Pandrosus Daughter to Cecrops King of Athens

The Lacedemonian Heralds were all descended from Talthybius, Agamemnon's Herald, who was honour'd with a Temple, and Di∣vine Worship at Sparta (b) 1.319.

They carry'd in their Hands a Staff of Lawrel, or Olive, call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, round which two Serpents, without their Crests erected, were folded, as an Emblem of Peace and Concord (c) 1.320. Instead of this the Athenian Heralds frequently made use of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which was a Token of Peace and Plenty, being an Olive-branch cover'd with Wool, and adorn'd with all Sorts of Fruits of the Earth.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Heralds, are by some thought to differ from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Embassadors, in this; That Embassadors were employ'd in Treaties of Peace, whereas Heralds were sent to declare War (d) 1.321: But this Distinction is not constant, or perpetual, the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being frequently taken for Persons commission'd to treat about accommodating Differences, which may appear, as from some of the

[illustration]

[illustration]

The Peplegmene

[illustration]

The Plaesium

fore-cited Places of Eustathius, so from several Passages in Homer, and other Authors.

Embassadors were of two sorts, being either sent with a li∣mited Commission, which they were not to exceed, or invested with full Power of determining Matters according to their own Discretion. The former were liable to be call'd in Question for their Proceedings; The latter were subject to no after-reckoning, but wholly their own Masters, and for that reason styl'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Plenipotentiaries (a) 1.322.

It may be observ'd, that the Lacedemonians, as in most other Things their Customs were different from the rest of their Coun∣try-men, so likewise in their Choice of Embassadors had this pe∣culiar, that for the most part they deputed Men, between whom there was no very good Correspondence; supposing it most im∣probable, that such Persons should so far trust one another, as to con••pire together against the Common-wealth: for the same rea∣son, it was thought a piece of Policy in that State to raise Dis∣sentions between their Kings (b) 1.323.

Their Leagues were of three sorts: 1. A bare 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Peace, whereby both Parties were oblig'd to cease from all Acts of Hostility, and neither to molest one another, nor the Confederates of either.

2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whereby they oblig'd themselves to assist one ano∣ther in case they should be invaded.

3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whereby they covenanted to assist one another as well when they made Invasions upon others', as when them∣selves were invaded, and to have the same Friends and Enemies (c) 1.324.

All these Covenants were solemnly confirm'd by mutual Oaths, the manner of which I have already describ'd in a former Book (d) 1.325: To the end, they might lye under a greater Obligation to preserve them inviolate, we find it customary to engrave them upon Tables, which they fix'd up at Places of general Concourse, that all the World might be Witnesses of their Justice and Fideli∣ty: Thus we find the Articles of Treaty between Athens and Sparta not only publish'd in those Cities, but at the Places where the Olympian, Pythian, and Isthmian Games were celebrated (e) 1.326. Far∣ther, to continue the Remembrance of mutual Agreements fresh in their Minds, it was not uncommon for States thus united, in∣terchangeably to send Embassadors, who, on some appointed Day, when the People assembled in great Numbers, should openly re∣peat, and by mutual Consent confirm their former Treaty: This we find practis'd by the Athenians and Spartans after their fore-mention'd

League, the Spartan Embassadors presenting themselves at Athens upon the Festival of Bacchus, and the Athenians at Sparta on the Festival of Hyacinthus.

Their manner of declaring War was to send an Herald, who bid the Persons that had injur'd them to prepare for an Invasion, and sometimes in token of Defiance cast a Spear towards them. The Athenians frequently let loose a Lamb into their Enemies Ter∣ritories; signifying thereby, that what was then an Habitation for Men, should be laid wast and desolate, and become a Pasture for Sheep (a) 1.327.

This was rarely done without the Advice and Encouragement of the Gods; the Soothsayers, and all sorts of Diviners were con∣sulted, the Oracles enrich'd with Presents, and no Charge, or Labour spar'd to engage▪ Heaven (so they imagin'd) to their Party: Instances of this kind are almost as common as the De∣clarations of War, which was never undertaken before the Gods had been consulted about the Issue: Nor was the Verdict of a single Deity thought sufficient, for in Wars of great Moment and Consequence, whereon the Safety of their Country and Liberties depended, they had Recourse to the whole Train of prophetical Divinities, soliciting all with earnest Prayers lifted up to Heaven on the Wings of costly Offerings and magnificent Presents, to favour them with wholesom Counsell. A remarkable Example whereof we have in Craesus before he declar'd War against the Per∣sians, when not content with the Answers of his own Gods, and all the celebrated Oracles in Greece, in consulting which he had lavishly profus'd vast Quantities of Treasure, he dispatch'd Em∣bassadors as far as Libya loaden with Wealth, to ask Advice of Iupiter Hammon (b) 1.328.

When they were resolv'd to begin the War, it was customary to offer Sacrifices and make large Vows to be paid upon the Suc∣cess of their Enterprize. Thus when Darius invaded Attica, Cal∣limachus made a Vow to Minerva, that, if she would vouchafe the Athenians Victory, he would sacrifice upon her Altars as many He-goats, as should equal the Number of the slain among their Enemies: Nor was this Custom peculiar to Greece, but frequently practis'd in most other Countries: Many Instances occurr in the Histories of Rome, Persia, &c. The Iews likewise were acquainted there∣with, as may appear from Iephthah's Vow, when he undertook to be Captain over Israel against the Ammonites (c) 1.329.

After all these Preparations, tho' the Posture of Affairs appear'd never so inviting, it was held no less impious than dangerous to march against their Enemies, 'till the Season favour'd their Enter∣prize: For being extremely superstitious in the Observation of

Omens, and Days, 'till those became fortunate, they durst not make any Attempts upon their Enemies: An Eclipse of the Moon, or any other of those they esteem'd unlucky Accidents, was enough to deterr them from Marching: And if all other Things promis'd Success, yet they deferr'd their Expedition 'till one of the Days, they look'd on as fortunate, invited them to it. The Athenians could not be perswaded to march 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 before the seventh (a) 1.330; which gave Occasion to the Proverb, whereby Persons, that under∣took any Business unseasonably and before the proper Time, were said to do it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (b) 1.331. But the Lacedemonians were of all others the most nice and scrupulous in these Observations; their Law∣giver having commanded them to pay a critical and inviolate Obedience to the Celestial Predictions, and to regulate all their Proceedings as well in Civil, as Military Affairs by the Consti∣tution of the Heavenly Bodies: Amongst the rest they were ob∣lig'd by a particular Precept never to march before the full Moon (c) 1.332; For that Planet was believ'd to have a supernatural and extraor∣dinary Influence upon their Affairs, to bless them with Success, when it self was in the Height of it's Splendour, but, 'till it was arriv'd there, to neglect, or suffer them to be blasted for want of Power to send Assistance: So constant a Belief of this had they entertain'd, that the greatest Necessity could not prevail upon them to alter their Measures; For when the Athenians were like to fall into the Hands of Darius, and sent to implore their Assistance, they agree'd indeed to send them a Supply of Men, but, rather then march before full Moon, forc'd them to run the hazard of a de∣cisive Battle, and with a small and appearingly inconsiderable Hand∣full of Souldiers to encounter an hundred-thousand Medians (d) 1.333.

CHAPTER VIII. Of their Camps, Guards, Watches, and Military course of Life.

OF the Form of the Grecian Camps nothing exact and con∣stant can be deliver'd, that being not always the same, but vary'd, as the Custom, or Humour of different States, or the Conveniencies of Place and Time requir'd. The Lacedemonians, indeed, are said to have been prescrib'd a constant Method of building Towns, and encamping by their Law-giver,

who thought a Spherical Figure the best fitted for Defence (a) 1.334; which was contrary to the Custom of the Romans, whose Camps were Quadrangular; but all Forms of that sort were rejected by Lycurgus, the Angles being neither fit for Service, nor defensible, unless guarded by a River, Mountain, Wall, or some such Forti∣fication. It is farther observable of the Lacedemonians, that they frequently mov'd their Camps, being accustom'd vigorously to pro∣secute all their Enterprizes, impatient of Delays and tedious Procra∣stinations, and utterly averse from passing their Time without Action: Wherefore the reason of this being demanded of Lycur∣gus, he reply'd that

Twas that they might do greater Dammage to their Enemies (b) 1.335: To which Xenophon adds a second, That they might give more early Relief to their Friends (c) 1.336.

Of the rest of the Grecian Camps it may be observ'd, that the valiantest of the Souldiers were plac'd at the Extremities, the rest in the Middle; that the stronger might be a Guard to the weaker, and sustain the first Onsets, if the Enemy should endeavour to force their Entrenchments. Thus we find Achilles and Ajax posted at the Ends of the Grecian Camp before Troy, as Bulwarks on each Side the rest of the Princes, who had their Tents in the Mid∣dle, as we learn from Homer (d) 1.337;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Atrides stood i'th' Midst o' th' Fleet, hard by Where th' Odyssean high-built Ship did lie, That all his Orders equally might hear, As far as Ajax's on one Side, as far As Peleus Son's o' th' other, for they were At each Extremity like Fortresses.

When they design'd to continue long in their Encampments, they contriv'd a Place, where Altars were erected to the Gods, and all Parts of Divine Service solemnly perform'd; In the same Place publick Assemblies were call'd together, when the General had any Thing to communicate to his Souldiers; and Courts of Justice were held, wherein all Controversies among the Souldiers were decided, and Criminals sentenc'd to Punishment: Which Custom was as ancient as the Trojan War, and is mention'd by Homer (e) 1.338;

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Sweating to th' Ulyssean Ships he came, Where their Assemblies, and their Courts were held, And the Gods worship'd.—

When they were in Danger of having their Camp attack'd, it was usual to fortify it with a Trench and Rampire, or Wall, on the Sides whereof they erected Turrets not unlike those upon the Walls of Cities, out of which they annoy'd their Enemies with missive Weapons. Thus the Grecians in Homer were forc'd to defend them∣selves in the ninth Year of the Trojan War, when Achilles refus'd to assist them, whereas 'till that Time they had wanted no Forti∣fications, but immur'd the Trojans within their own Walls: The Poet has thus describ'd their Works (a) 1.339;

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

A thick, substantial Wall of vast Extent They rais'd with Turrets, as a Muniment To them and th' Fleet, and that there might a Way Be for their Cavalry upon Survey, They fram'd great Gates, the Wall too they intrench'd With Stakes infix'd.—

The manner of living in Camps depended upon the Disposition of their Generals, some of which allow'd their Souldiers in all sorts of Excess and Debauchery; others oblig'd them to the strictest Rules of Temperance and Sobriety; a remarkable Instance whereof we have in Philip of Macedon, who (as Polyaenus reports) con∣demn'd two of his Souldiers to Banishment for no other Offence, than because he had found them with a Singing-woman in his Camp. But the Grecian Discipline was not always so severe and rigid, as may appear from Plutarch (b) 1.340, who tells us, that the Lacedemonians alone of all the Grecians had no Stage-players, no

Juglers, no dancing or Singing-women attending them, but were free from all sorts of Debauchery and Loosness, of gaudy Pomp and Foppery; The young Men, when commanded nothing by their General, were always employ'd in some Exercise, or manly Study, the old were busy'd in giving Instructions, or receiving them from Persons more skillfull than themselves, and their looser Hours were diverted with their usual Drollery, and rallying one another facetiously after the Lacomck Fashion: Yet ••heir Law-giver allow'd them greater Liberty in the Camp, than at other Times, to invite them to serve with Delight in the Wars; For, whilst they were in the Field, their Exercises were more moderate than at Home, their Fare not so hard, nor so strict a Hand kept over them by their Governours; so that they were the only People in the World, to whom War gave Repose. They were likewise allow'd to have costly Arms, and fine Cloaths, and frequently persum'd themselves, and curl'd their Hair; Whence we read that Xerxes was struck with Admiration, when his Scouts brought him Word, the Lacedemonian Guards were at Gymnical Sports, and curling their Hair (a) 1.341.

Their Guards may be distinguish'd into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: the first were upon Duty by Day, the other by Night. At several Hours in the Night certain Officers call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 did 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or walk round the Camp, and visit the Watch; to try whether any of them were asleep, they had a little Bell, term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, at the Sound of which the Souldiers were to answer (b) 1.342: Whence to go this Circuit was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.—

Hence also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is us'd for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to try, or prove (c) 1.343; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, untry'd, or unprov'd (d) 1.344. This Custom furnish'd Brasidas with an Advantage against Potidaea in the Peloponnesian War; For, having observ'd the Sounding of the Bell to be over, he took his Opportunity before the Bell's Re∣turn to set up Ladders in an unguarded Place of the Wall, and so enter'd the City (e) 1.345.

The Lacedemonian Watch were not permitted to have their Buck∣lers, that, being unable to defend themselves, they might be more cautious how they fell asleep. To which Custom Tzetzes alludes in one of his Historical Chiliads (f) 1.346;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

One of the Gen'rals once more eminent In Strateg••ms and warlike Policy Gave out, that all the Guards should march unarm'd With Bucklers, to secure them vigilant, Lest they supinely negligent should sleep.

The rest of the Spartan Souldiers were oblig'd to take their Rest arm'd, that they might be prepar'd for Battle upon any Alarm (a) 1.347.

It may be farther observ'd of the Spartans, that they kept a dou∣ble Watch; One within their Camp, to observe their Allies, lest they should make a sudden Defection; The other upon some Emi∣nence, or other Place, whence there was a good Prospect, to watch the Motions of their Enemies (b) 1.348.

How often the Guards were reliev'd doth not appear; as nei∣ther whether it was done at set and constant Times, or according to the Commander's Pleasure. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 indeed, which signifies a Watch, is frequently taken for the fourth Part of the Night, an∣swering to the Roman Vigiliae; as appears from several Places of the New Testament, as well as other Authors; But it seems to have this Signification rather from the Roman, than Grecian Watches, those being chang'd four Times every Night, that is, every third Hour, (computing the Night from six to six, or rather from Sun to Sun) for the Time between the two Suns was divided into twelve equal Parts, which were not always the same, like our Hours, but greater, or less, according to the Season of the Year; and are therefore by Astronomers term'd unequal and planetary Hours.

CHAPTER IX. Of their Battles, the General's Harangues, the Sacri∣fices, Musick, Signals, Ensigns, the Word, and Way of ending Wars by single Combat, &c.

BEFORE they joyn'd Battle, the Souldiers always refresh'd themselves with Victuals, eating and drinking plentifully: Which Custom with it's Reasons we have largely accounted

for in Ulysses's elegant Oration to Achilles (a) 1.349, where he advises the young General by no means to lead out the Army fasting:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Noble Achilles, tho' with martial Rage Thy gen'rous Mind is sir'd thy Foes t' engage, Let not thy valiant Troops to Troy repair, There to sustain the great Fatigues of War, Before brisk Wines and Viands animate Their Souls with Vigour to repell their Fate, That Troy to their embattel'd Force may yield, And with amazing Terrour quit the Field; For such is th' Energy of sparkling Juyce With such Heroick Zeal it warms, such Prowess doth insuse: No Man hath Pu'ssance the whole Day to sight, 'Till the Phebean Carr brings on the Night, Unless rich Wine and wholesom Food prepare His Courage for the Dust and Din of War; His strenuous Limbs then Marches undergo, And he with dauntless Rage assails the Foe; Inflaming Wine incites his Fury on, And thus he'll venture 'till the Battle's won.

Mr. Abell.

We are told also by Livy, that the Romans thought this a Prepara∣tive absolutely necessary, and never omitted it before Engagements (b) 1.350.

This done, the Commanders marshall'd the Army in order to an Engagement: In which Art the Grecians were far inferiour to the Romans; for drawing up their whole Army, as it were, into one Front, they trusted the Success of the Day to a single Force; whereas the Romans, ranging their Hastati, Principes, and Triarii in distinct Bodie▪ behind one another, were able after the Defeat of their first Body twice to renew the Battle, and could not be entirely routed, 'till they had lost three several Victories. Yet something not unlike this we find practis'd as long since as the Trojan War, where old Nest••r is said to have plac'd a Body of Horse in the Front, behind these the most infirm of the Foot, and, last of all, such of them as surpass'd the rest in Strength and Va∣lour (a) 1.351;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Nestor the Horse plac'd first in all the Host, I'th' Rear the Infantry maintain'd their Post, Such as he had detach'd from all the rest, For Courage, Hardship, and for Strength the best: And to prevent that none shou'd run away I'th' Midst of all were order'd in Aray The rude, th' infirm, the inexpert.—

Mr. Abell.

Where tho' some interpret 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the right and left Wings, and others several other Ways, yet the most natural and genuine Sence of the Poet seems to be, that they were drawn up behind one another (b) 1.352.

At this Time the General made an Oration to his Souldiers, wherein with all the Motives suitable on such Occasions he ex∣horted them to exert their utmost Force and Vigour against the Enemy: And so wonderfull was the Success, that attended these Performances, that many times, when Affairs were in a declining, and almost desperate Condition, the Souldiers, animated with fresh Life and Courage, have instantly retriev'd them, and repuls'd those very Enemies, by whom themselves had before been defeated: Se∣veral of these Instances may be found in the Grecian and Roman Histories, few of which are more remarkable than that of Tyrtaeus the lame Athenian Poet, to whom the Command of the Spartan Army, was given by the Advice of an Oracle in one of the Messe∣nian

Wars; The Spartans had at that Time suffer'd great Losses in ma∣ny Encounters, and all their Strategems prov'd ineffectual, so that they began to despair almost of Success, when the Poet by his Le∣ctures of Honour and Courage, deliver'd in moving Verse to the Army, ravish'd them to such a Degree with the Thoughts of dying for their Country, that, ru••hing on with a furious Transport to meet their Enemies, they gave them an entire Overthrow, and by one decisive Battle put an happy Conclusion to the War (a) 1.353.

Before they adventur'd to joyn their Enemies, they endea∣vour'd by Prayers, S••crifices, and Vows to engage Heaven to their Assistance, and sung an Hymn to Mars, call'd 〈…〉〈…〉, as that sung to Ap••llo after a prosperous Battle, was term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (b) 1.354. The Lacedemonians had a peculiar Custom of sa∣crificing to the Muses, which was either design'd to soften and mollify their passionate Transports, it being their Custom to enter the Battle calm and sedate (c) 1.355; or to animate them to perform noble and H••r••ical Exploits, d••s••rving to be transmit∣ted by those Goddesses to Posterity (d) 1.356. The Soothsayers in∣spected all the Sacrifices to presage th•• Success of the Battle; And 'till the Omens prov'd favourable, they rather chose t••me∣ly to resign their Lives to the Enemy, than to defend them∣selves. The Spartans especially were above Measure addicted to this Superstition; For in the famous Battle at Pla••••••••, when Mardonius the Persian General had fall'n upon th•• Grecians, Pau∣sanias the Spartan, who at that Time commanded the Grecian Ar∣my, offering Sacrifice, found it not acceptable to the Gods, and thereupon commanded his Lacedemonians, laying down their Buck∣lers at their Feet, patiently to abide his Commands; The Priests offer'd one Sacrifice after another, but all without Success, the Barbarians all the Time charging upon them, and wounding and slaying them in their Ranks, 'till at length Pausanias turning him∣self towards the Temple, with Hands lifted up to Heaven, and Tears in his Eyes, besought Iuno of Cithaeron, and the rest of the Tutelar Deities of the Plataeans, that if the Fates would not favour the Grecians with Victory, they would grant at least, that by some remarkable Exploit they might demonstrate to their Enemies, that they wag'd War with Men of true Courage and Bravery: These Prayers were no sooner finish'd, when the Sacrifices appearing pro∣pition, the Signal was given, and they fell with Resolution upon the ••ersians, and in a short Time entirely defeated their whole Army (e) 1.357.

Their Signals are commonly divided into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,

which Words sometimes indeed are us'd promiscuously, but in Propriety of Speech are distinguish'd.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were of two kinds, either 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i.e. pronounc'd by the Mouth, or visible to the Eye: The first are term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the later 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Latin Tes••era, or the Word, communicated by the General to the subordinate Officers, by them to the whole Army, as a Mark of Distinction to know Friends from Enemies (a) 1.358. It commonly contain'd some good Omen, or the Nam•• of some Dei∣ty worship'd by their Country, or General, and from whom they expected Success in their Enterprizes. Cyrus, for example, us'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (b) 1.359; Caesar, Venus geri•••••• (c) 1.360; Au∣gustus, Apollo (d) 1.361: But this Custom often prov'd of fatal and perni∣cious Consequence; for by frequently questioning one another they bred Confusion among themselves, and (which was no less dangerous) discover'd their Word to the Enemies; As we find happening in the Fight between the Athenians and Syracusians, spoken of by Thu∣••••dides (e) 1.362: It became likewise the Occasion of several mischievous S••rategems, one of which we find practis'•• by an Ar••adi••n Captain in a War with Laedem••n; when engaging in the Night, all the T••ssera he gave his Souldiers was, that they should forthwith lull whoever demanded the Word; whereby th••y easily distinguish'd, and slew the Spartans, themselves being undiscover'd, and therefore secure (f) 1.363.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was a visible Character of Distinction, as nod∣ding their Heads, waving their Hands, clashing their Weapons, or such like (g) 1.364.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were Ensigns, or Flags, the Elevation whereof was a Signal to joyn Battle, the Depression to desist (h) 1.365. Of these there were different sorts, several of which were adorn'd with Images of Animals, or other Things bearing peculiar Relations to the Cities they belong'd to; The Athenians, for instance, bore an Owl in their Ensigus (i) 1.366, as being sacred to Minerva, the Protectress of their City: The Thebans a Sphinx (k) 1.367, in memory of the famous Mon∣ster overcome by Oedipus: The Persians paid Divine Honours to the Sun, and therefore represented him in their Ensigns (l) 1.368.

The 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was frequently a Purple Coat upon the Top of a Spear, as appears of Conon's in Polyaenus, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉's in Plu∣tarch: Nor was it uncommon to use other Colours; Polybius speak∣ing

of the Fight between Antigonus and Cleomenes (a) 1.369 tells us;

That the Illyrians, having Orders to begin the Battle, were to re∣ceive a Signal by a white Flag, that should be spread from th•• nearest Post to Olympus; But the Signal to be given to the Me∣gelopolitans and th•• Cavalry, was a Purple Coat, which was to be advanc'd in the Air, where Antigonus himself was posted.

The ancient Grecian Signals were lighted Torches thrown from both Armies by Men call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who were Pri••sts of Mars, and therefore held inviolable; and, having cast their Torches, had safe Regress (b) 1.370: Whence of Battles sought with Trans∣port of Fury, wherein no Quarter was given, it was usual to say, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i.c. Not so much as a Torch-bearer escap'd. To this Custom there are frequent Allusions in Greek and Lat••n Poets: Lycophron, speaking of the Ph••ni••ians, who by stealing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 b••gan the Quarrel between Europe and Asia, saith,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.371.

They rais'd envenom'd Discord, who then s••ook Her balefull Torch within two Continents.

Hence also Sta••ius (d) 1.372;

Prima manu rutilam de vertice Larissaeo Ostendit B. ••ona facem.—

Bellona first from th' Larissaean Tow'•• Shakes the dire Torch.—

〈◊〉〈◊〉 likewise, with others, whom I shall forbear to mention, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 notice of this Custom (e) 1.373,

Tisiphone quations infesto humine pinum, Armatos ad castra vocat pallentia manes,

Tisiphone summons the Ghosts t' appear, Shaking a livid Flame as Signal of the War.

Th••se being laid aside, Shells of Fishes succeeded, which they found••d in the manner of Trumpets, which in those Days were not invented (f) 1.374. Hence Theognis's Riddle may easily be inter∣preted,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

A Sea-inhabitant with living Mouth Spoke to me to go Home, tho' dead it was.

T••••ton's Shell-trumpet is famous in Poetical Story; Whence Ovid speaking of Neptune (a) 1.375,

—supraque profundum Exstant••m, atque h••••er••s i••nato murice tectum Caerulcum Tritona vocat, c••••haeque sona••i Laspirare jubet, fluct••••que & flumina signo Iam revocare dato, ca••a buccina sumitur illi Tortilis, in lauson quae turbine crescit ab into.

Already Triton at his Call appears Above the Waves, a Tyrian Robe he wears, And in his Hand a crooked Trumpet bears. The Sov'reign bids him peacefull Sounds inspire, And give the Waves the Signal to retire: His Writhen Shell he takes, whose narrow Vent Grows by degrees into a large Extent.

Mr. Dryden.

And most of the Poets mention this Cust••m in their Description of the primitive Wars: Whence Theocritus in his Poem about the Exploits of Castor and Pollux (b) 1.376,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

This said, Amycus did his Trumpet sound, The Vallies rung, and echo'd all around, Thro' ev'ry distant Field the Noise was heard, And Crowds of stout Bebrycians soon appear'd.

Mr. Creech.

Lycophron also, speaking of the Trojan War (c) 1.377,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Great Mars, that nimble God of War, Invigorates the Youth by Sound of Shell Twining and circling into various Rounds, Thus was the Land lay'd wast, thus rag'd the fi'ry God.

Where tho' the Scholiast falls soul upon the Poet for introducing Shells at a Time when Trumpets were in use, which he tells us may be made appear from Homer, yet herein he seems to be too audacious, it being observable (a) 1.378, that, tho' Homer mentions Trumpets, yet they never make any Part of the Description of his Heroical Battles, but only furnish him with a Simile, or Allu∣sion; As happens in the Place cited by Tzetzes (b) 1.379,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

When Foes encamp'd around a City lie, And wait surrender from the Enemy, Great Fear runs thrilling thro' their Breast within The Wall••, when echoing Trumpets do begin; Such was Achilles's Voice, such Dread appear'd▪ In all the Dardan Host, 'twas so distinctly heard.

Mr. Abell.

Whence it may be presum'd, that Trumpets were indeed us'd in Homer's Time, being then only a late Invention, and not so an∣cient as the Trojan War, as the old Scholiast hath also observ'd (c) 1.380. Virgil indeed appears to give some Countenance to Tzetzes's Opi∣nion, when he speakes of Mis••nus, whom he makes to have serv'd Hector in the Trojan War, & afterward Aeneas, in the Office of a Trumpeter (d) 1.381;

—illi Misenum in littore sicco, Ut venere, vident indigna morte peremium, Misenum Aeoliden, quo non praestantior alter Aere ci••re viros, Martemque accendere cantu: Hectoris hic magni fuerat ••omes; Hectora circum Et lituo pugnas insignis obibat & hasta. Postquam illum victor vita spoliavit Achilles, Dardanio Aeneae sese fortissimus heros Addiderat socium, non inferiora secutus.

As soon as they approach'd, they spy'd their Friend Misenus dead by some untimely End, The brave Misenus, above all renown'd To make with swelling Notes the chearfull Trumpet sound; New Vigour would encourage on the War, When e'er his Trumpet echo'd from afar.

He was th' illustrious Hector's Intimate, The Ranks he'd traverse in Heroick State, With 's Spear he'd exercise, with 's Trumpet animate; But when Achilles Hector overcame, And slew him in the Field, as great a Name H' atchiev'd by cleaving to Aeneas's Side, A Prince for 's Prowess no less dignify'd.

Mr. Abell.

But here the Brazen Trumpet and lit••••••s are taken from the Practice of the Poet's own Age by a Figure familiar to Men of his Pro∣••ession; for Misenus was never acquainted with so rare a Contri∣vance, and tho' we find him so proud of his Art, as to chal∣lenge the Gods of the Sea, yet 'twas not to a Contention on the Trumpet, but on a Shell, the Instrument us'd by these Deities: Whence the same Poet, who may be suppos'd to be the best Inter∣preter of his own Words, adds in the Verses immediately following,

Sed tum forte, cava dum personat aequera concha Demens, & cantu vocat in certamina Devos, Aemulus exceptum Triton, si credere dignum est, Inter saxa virum spumosa immerserat unda.

But, whilst the Sea-Gods proudly he defy'd Sounding a Writhen Shell by th' Ocean's Side, As his due Fate for his Ambitious Sound, Him, if Report deceive not, Triton drown'd.

There were six several sorts of Trumpets (a) 1.382, which have occa∣sion'd the Disagreement in ancient Writers concerning the first Author of the Invention; it being common for them to ascribe to the Inventor of any one sort the Honour of the first Con∣trivance.

• 1. The first Trumpet was contriv'd by Minerva, the common Mother and Patroness of almost all Arts and usefull Inventions; Whence she was honour'd with' the Title of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, mention'd in Lycophron (b) 1.383,

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.—

  Under this Name she was worship'd in a Temple dedicated to her at Argos (c) 1.384: But Pausanias is rather of opinion, that this Trum∣pet was the Invention of one of Hercules's Sons call'd Tyrrhenus,

• whose Son Hegelaus (having communicated it to a Party of Do∣riant, the Subjects of Temenus) in Memory of the Invention, and out of Gratitude to the Goddess for Assistance therein, gave her this Sirname (a) 1.385.
• 2. The second was the Aegyptian Trumpet, call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Osirit's Contrivance: It was round, and us'd at Sacrifices to call the Congregation together (b) 1.386
• 3. The third was invented in Gallia Celtica, where it was term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: It gave a very shrill Sound, but was not very large: It was cast in a Mould, and had it's Mouth adorn'd with the Fi∣gure of some Animal. They had a Pi••e of Lead, thro' which they blew into the Trumpet, when they sounded.
• 4. The fourth was first us'd in Paphlagonia, and call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the Figure of an Ox upon it's upper Orisice; It had a deep base Sound.
• 5. The fifth was invented in Media, had also a deep Note, and was sounded by the Help of a Pipe compos'd of Reeds.
• 6. The sixth was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because invented by Tyrrhenians, from whom it was communicated to the Grecians by one Archondas, who came to assist the Heraclidae, or Posterity of Hercules (c) 1.387. Others attribute the first Contrivance of it to Tyr∣rhenus, Hercules's Son (d) 1.388. It's Orisice was cleft, and sent forth an ex∣ceeding loud and shrill Sound, not unlike the Phrygian Flute; Whence it became of all the rest the most proper for Engagements: Ulysses in Sophocles compares to it the Goddess Minerva's Voice (e) 1.389,

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

  How clear, Minerva, and distinct thy Voice, Thou, whom I reverence above the rest Of Deities, who crowd th' Aetherial Court, Thy Voice I know, and perfectly retain, Altho' thou art unseen, as if I'd heard The Tyrrhene Trumpet, whose continuing Sound Leaves an Impression of it's echoing Notes.

  Mr. Abell.

  Where the Scholiast observes, that Minerva's Voice is resembled to

• the Tyrrhenian Trumpet, because it was easily known by reason of it's Loudness, as that Trumpet excell'd all others, and was at the first hearing easy to be distinguish'd from them.

These were the most common and remarkable sorts of Trumpets; others may perhaps now and then occurr in Authors, such as the Libyan mention'd by Suidas, and one of Sophocles's Scholiasts (a) 1.390, but seem to be of less Note, and not so frequently us'd.

Several other Instruments were us'd in sounding Alarms; the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Pipe, in Arcadia; the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sometimes term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Sicily (b) 1.391. The Cretans were call'd to Battle by the Sound of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Flutes (c) 1.392; as others, of Citharae, Lutes, or Viols (d) 1.393; but, as most of the ancient Writers affirm, of Lyrae, or Harps (e) 1.394, which, Plutarch tells us, were not laid aside for many Ages (f) 1.395: The Person that sounded the Alarm the Cretans call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and others term'd him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (g) 1.396 from a sort of Trumpet call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

The Lacedemonians are particularly remarkable for beginning their Engagements with a Concent of Flutes (h) 1.397; The reason of which Practice being demanded of Agesilaus, he reply'd,

That it was to distinguish Cowards

; such being unable by reason of their Consternation to keep Time with their Feet to the Musick, as was their Custom. This Answer is indeed facetious, and not wholly without Truth, yet seems not fully to comprehend the De∣sign of this Custom. Valerius Maximus is yet farther from the Truth, and stands in direct Opposition to it, when he supposes it intended to raise the Courage of the Souldiers, that they might begin the Onset with greater Violence and Fury; for Thucydides, with whom the rest of ancient Historians agree, assures us, that the Design of it was rather to render them cool and sedate, Trumpets and other Instruments being more proper to inspire with Heat and Rage; but these Passions they thought rather apt to beget Disorder and Confusion, than to produce any noble and memorable Actions, Valour being not the Effect of any sudden and vanishing Trans∣port, but proceeding from a settled and habitual Firmness and Con∣stancy of Mind: Wherefore they endeavour'd not with Noise and Hast, but with compos'd Minds, and settled Countenances▪ to ad∣vance in a majestick and deliberate Pace towards their Enemies. The manner of it is describ'd by Plutarch (i) 1.398, who tells us,

That the Army being drawn up in Battle-aray, and the Enemy near, the King sacrific'd a She-goat, and at the same Time commanded the

Souldiers to adorn their Heads with Garlands, and the Fluters to play 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Tune of Castor's Hymn; and him∣self, advancing forwards, begun the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Alarm: So that it was at once a delightfull and terrible Sight to see them march on keeping Pace to the Tune of their Flutes, with∣out ever troubling their Order, or confounding their Ranks, their Musick leading them into Danger cheerfull and unconcern'd: For (proceeds my Author) Men thus dispos'd were not likely to be possess'd with Fear, or transported with Fury; but they proceeded with a deliberate Valour full of Hope and good Assurance, as if some D••vinity had sensibly assisted them.

Maximus the Ty∣rlan attributes to this Method those great Successes, and nume∣rous Victories, that have render'd the Spartan Name famous in all succeeding Ages; but it seems peculiarly calculated and adapted to the Discipline and Temper of that State; and scarce to be imi∣tated, 'till the old Lacedemonian Resolution, and unparallel'd Firm∣ness of Mind can be recall'd.

The rest of the Grecians advanc'd with eager Hast and Fury, and in the Beginning of their Onset gave a general Shout to encou∣rage and animate themselves, and strike Terrour into their Ene∣mies: This was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from the Souldiers repeating 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Suidas makes them to have cry'd also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: The first Au∣thor of it was Pan, Bacchus's Lieutenant-General in his Indian Ex∣pedition; where, being encompass'd in a Valley with an Army of Enemies far superiour to them in Number, he advis'd the God to order his Men in the Night to give a general Shout, which so surpriz'd the opposit Army, that they immediately fled from their Camp: Whence it came to pass, that all sudden Fears, im∣press'd upon Men's Spirits without any just Reason, were call'd, by the Greeks and Romans, Panick Terrours (a) 1.399.

This Custom seems to have been us'd by almost all Nations, Barbarous as well as Civil; and is mention'd by all Writers, that treat of Martial Affairs: Homer hath oblig'd us with several ele∣gant Descriptions of it, too numerous to be inserted in this Place: I shall however give you one out of the fourth Iliad (b) 1.400, where he resembles the Military Noise to Torrents rowling with impetuous Force from Mountains into the subjacent Vallies;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

As with impetuous Torrent Rivers flow Down a steep Hill, when swoll'n by Winter's Snow, Into the Vales with mighty Floods they pour, Fraught with Destruction and an hideous Roar: Thus fled, thus posted all the Trojan Rout In eager Flight with dismal Noise and Shout.

Mr. Abell.

Some may inferr from the Beginning of Homer's third Iliad, that this Noise was only a Barbarous Custom, practis'd indeed by the Trojans, but laugh'd at by the more civiliz'd Grecians (a) 1.401:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

As, when the nipping winter Season's past, To a Pygmean Combat Cranes make hast, In chearfull Flights they blacken from afar The Clouds, and gladly meditate a War, With Noise and Clangor eagerly they fly, Such were the clam'rous Shouts of th' Trojan Enemy. Silent and Wise the Argian Legions move Fix'd and united by a mutual Love, Auxiliary Aid resolv'd to show, If an impending Loss came threatning from the Foe.

Mr. Abell.

But this is o••ly to be understood of their March, as appears likewise from another Passage in the fourth Iliad, where the Poet has admirably represented the Order and regular March of the Gre∣cians, with the Confusion and disorderly Motion of the Barbarians (b) 1.402:

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

With stern and awfull Visage Chiefs bear Sway, While all their Forces silently obey; In thick Battalions they march along, (But who would think that such a num'rous Throng Shou'd fill the Plains, and scarce e'er use a Tongue) Such pow'rfull Chiefs the Grecian Hero's were, Thus did their Conduct gracefully appear; As thus they march, their burnish'd Arms afar Display the Lustre of a future War. Not in such State advanc'd the Trojan Rout, With thund'ring Peals of Noise, and pompous Shout A Tumult they did raise, and th' Air did rend; Thus, when a Swain large Flocks of Ewes hath penn'd To milk their burthen'd Duggs, they dolefull bleat Hearing their Lambkins bleating for the Tear.

Mr. Abell.

Where 'tis manifest he only speaks of their March, because a few Ver••es after, where he comes to describe the Engagement of the two Armies, he does it in the Words before cited; and in all other Places he mentions the great Noise and Clamour of both Par∣ties in their Encounters. Thus in the sixteenth Iliad he speaks of Achilles's Myrmidons (a) 1.403,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

The Grecians press o' th' Trojans with a Noise, The Ships reflect the Echo of their Voice.

And a little before (b) 1.404;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

They throng out of their Ships with joyfull Shout.

Nay so necessary, and almost essential was this Shout to a Battle, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are us'd by the Poet as equivalent Terms for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: And, when he commends his Hero's for being 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he often means no more than 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, excellent War∣riours. 'Twas also one Part of a good Souldier's and Commander's Character to have a strong Voice, not only because it was the Custom to signify their Orders by Word of Mouth before Trumpets were invented, but for the Terrour wherewith it surpriz'd and astonish'd their Enemies (a) 1.405: Instances of this Nature are very frequent in Homer, where Hector, Achilles, and several others strike a Cons••er∣nation into the adverse Party with a Shout: And later Authors give this good Quality it's peculiar Commendation; Plutarch in particular, in his Character of Marcius Coriolanus the Roman Gene∣ral, observes that he was not only dreadfull to meet in the Field by reason of his Hand and Stroke, but (what he tells us Cato re∣quir'd in an accomplish'd Warriour) insupportable to an Enemy for the very Tone and Accent of his Voice, and the sole Terrour of his Aspect.

In the Heroical Wars the Generals sought at the Head of their Armies, as appears in all Homer's Battles: Whence they are fre∣quently term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because they did 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, fight before their Armies: Thus when he lead up the Trojans (b) 1.406,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

At th' Head o'th' Trojans Godlike Paris fought.

And when Achilles sends out his Souldiers to defend the Grecian Ships, having allotted to the rest of his Officers their several Posts, he places Patroclus and Automedon, as chief Commanders, before the Front (c) 1.407,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—

Before the rest two well-arm'd Chiefs appear'd, Patroclus, and Automedon, prepar'd With equal Courage to begin the Fight At th' Head o' th' Myrmidons.—

To heap up more Instances in a Thing so well known would be to no purpose. In wiser Ages this Practice was laid aside, and

Generals, considering how much the Event of the Battle depended upon the Preservation of their Persons, usually chose safer Posts, and were more cautious how they adventur'd themselves into Danger.

The Retreat, and other Commands seem usually to have been soun∣ded upon the same Instrument, wherewith the Alarm was given: Yet in those Places, where the Alarm was sounded by soft and gentle Musick, the Retreat and other Orders we find sometimes signify'd upon louder Instruments: Which may be observ'd of the Lacede∣monians, who seem to have us'd Trumpets in signifying the General's Orders, as appears from Polybius (a) 1.408, who reports that Cleomenes commanded a Party of his Army to change their Posts by Sound of Trumpet.

The Lacedemonians, when their Enemies fled out of the Field, were not allow'd to prosecute their Victory, or make long and ea∣ger Pursuits after them (b) 1.409: While they made Opposition, and were able to fight for Mastery, they contended with invinci∣ble Courage and Resolution to bear, them down; but, when they ceas'd to make Resistance, and yielded the Day, they gave them Liberty to provide for their Safety by Flight, pursuing them on∣ly a very short Space, and that by flow and easy Paces: The rea∣son of which Custom Pausanias (c) 1.410 accounts for from their strict and inviolate Observance of Order and Discipline, which made them rather choose to let their Enemies escape, than by breaking their Ranks to overtake them: Plutarch's Relation seems also rational, and well suited to the old Spartan Temper;

That the Spartans, having routed an Enemy, pursu'd him 'till they had com∣pleted their Victory, and then sounded a Retreat; thinking it base, and unworthy of true Grecians, to cut Men in Pieces, that had ceas'd from resisting them, and left them the Field: Which manner of Dealing with those they had conquer'd, did not on∣ly shew their Magnanimity and Greatness of Soul, but had a po∣litick End in it too; For their Enemies, knowing that they kill'd only those who made Resistance, and gave Quarter to the rest, generally thought it their best Way to consult their Safety by an early Flight (d) 1.411.

One Thing farther remains before the Conclusion of this Chapter, viz. That it was frequent amongst the ancient Grecians to put their Cause upon the Issue of a single Combat, and to decide their Quarrels by two, or more Champions on each Side: And their Kings and great Commanders were so eager in their Pursuit after Glory, so tender of the Lives of their Subjects, that they frequently sent Challenges to their Rival Princes, to end their Quarrel by a single Encounter, that by the Death of one of them they might prevent the

Effusion of more Blood: Remarkable Instances hereof we have in Xanthus King of B••eotia, who, challenging the King of Att••ca, was slain by him, and so ended a dangerous War between those States (a) 1.412; and in Pittacus the famous Mitylenian, who slew Phryno the Athenian General in single Combat: Ancient Histories are full of such Examples, as likewise of Wars happily concluded by a small Number commission'd by mutual Agreement to decide the Controversy: The Lacedemonians furnish us with one memo∣rable Instance in their Wars with Argos about the Title to Thy∣rea, which was determin'd by three-hundred on each Side: Nor was the Conclusion of the War between the Tegeans and Pheneans, two petty States in Arcadia, less remarkable, being effected by a Combat of three Brothers on each Side (b) 1.413, all the Circumstances of whose Story run exactly parallel to that of the Horatii and Curiatii so famous in Roman Histories: The Eastern Countries were acquainted with the same Custom, as may appear from Go∣liath's challenging the Israelitish Host to give him a Man to fight with him, and the Flight of the Philistines upon David's Victory over their Champion.

CHAPTER X. Of their Sieges, with the most remarkable of their Inventions, and Engines us'd therein.

THERE are no Footsteps of any Siege amongst the primi∣tive Grecians; their Cities were not fortify'd with Walls, but lay open to all Invaders, and, their Inhabitants once vanquish'd in open Field, became an easy Prey to the Conque∣rors▪ Wherefore 'tis not to be wonder'd, that the People of those Times enjoy'd no fix'd and settled Habitations, but frequently re∣mov'd from one Part of the Country to another, being forc'd to quit their Seats, whenever they were coveted by a Power superiour to their own (c) 1.414.

This moving and unsettled Condition, wh••rein they continu'd for some Ages, caus'd them to attempt several Methods to secure themselves: Some built their Cities upon the Tops of unaccessible Rocks, and Mountains, whence they could easily r••pell a greater Force of Enemies: Others, whose Situation was not so d••fensi∣ble, were driven to seek other Ways for their Safety, 'till at length some Heads of no vulgar Understanding brought forth an ama∣zing

Contrivance to enclose their Houses and Possessions within Walls; this at first was look'd on as a Work so wonderfull, so far above Human Capacity, that the Gods were frequently call'd from their blessed Mansions to undertake it: The Walls of Troy (to mention no more) were of Divine Workmanship, and rais'd by no meaner Persons than Neptune and Apollo: But if Mortals had the Happiness to project, and finish so great a Design; they seldom sail'd of being translated to Heaven, and having their Names enroll'd among those exalted Beings, to whom they were thought to make neat Approaches, whilst on Earth.

And, since it was their Custom to immortalize the first Authors of every little Contrivance, 'tis no Wonder if they conferr'd the same Honours on those great Benefactours, to whom they were ob∣lig'd for the Security and quiet Possession of whatever the rest of their Deities had gratify'd them with. Once, indeed, enclos'd within Walls, they look'd upon themselves safe from all Assaults; and, had not a weak Opposition within been sufficient to repell much greater Forces of Invaders, such a Town as Troy could ne∣ver have held out ten Years against an hundred-thousand Besiegers.

Nor were the Grecians of later Ages, however renown'd for Know∣ledge in Military Affairs, very willing to undertake, or expert in managing Sieges; But rather chose to end thei•• Quarrels, if possi∣ble, by one decisive Battle, than to undergo the Fatigue, and other Incommodities of so tedious, so d••ngerous, and expensive a Method.

Of all the Grecians the most averse from undertaking Leaguers, the most unskilfull in carrying them on to Advantage, were the Lacedemonians; insomuch that after Mardonius's Defeat at Plataeae, when a Body of Persians had taken Refuge in some Wooden For∣tifications, they could find no Means to drive them thence, but must have been forc'd to retire, had not the Athenians, and some other Grecians advanc'd to their Assistance (a) 1.415. For we are told by Plutarch, That their Law-giver oblig'd them by a special Injun∣ction not easily to engage in Besieging Towns; and to loose their Lives in such Undertakings was accounted inglorious, and un∣worthy a Spartan, as we learn from the same Authour (b) 1.416, who, speaking of Lysander's being slain before the Gates of a little Baeo∣tian Town call'd Halia••tu••, tells us,

That like some common Souldier, or one of the forlorn Hope, he cast away his Life in∣gloriously, giving Testimony to the ancient Spartans, that they did well to avoid Storming of Walls, where the stoutest Man may chance to fall by the Hand not only of an abject Fellow, but of a Boy, or Woman; as they say Achilles was slain by Paris at the Scaean Gates of Troy (c) 1.417; Pyrrhus also the great King of Epirus fell by the Hand of a Woman at Argos (d) 1.418.

When they endeavour'd to possess themselves of a Town, or Castle, it was usual first to attempt it by Storm, surrounding it with their whole Army, and attacking it in all Quarters at once, which the Greeks call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Romans corona cingere. When this Method prov'd ineffectual, they frequently desisted from their Enterprize: But if resolv'd to prosecute it, they prepar'd for a longer Siege; in carrying on which they seem not to have pro∣ceeded in any constant and settled Method, but to have vary'd it according to the Direction of their Generals, as well as the Diffe∣rence of Time, Place, and other Circumstances.

When they design'd to lay close Siege to a Place, the first Thing they went about was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Works of Circumvallation, which we find sometimes to have consisted of a double Wall, or Rampire, rais'd up of Turss call'd in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Latin cespites. The interiour Fortification was design'd to prevent sudden and unexspected Sallies from the Town, and to deprive it of all possibility of Succour from with∣out; the exteriour to secure them from foreign Enemies, that might come to the Relief of the Besieg'd: Thus, when the Pelo∣••••••ncsians invested Plataeae, Thucydides reports, they rais'd a double Wall, one towards the City, the other towards Athens, to pre∣vent all Danger on that Side; the middle Space, which was six∣teen Feet, was taken up with Lodges for Guards and Sentinels, built at due Distances from one another, yet so close, that at a distant View the whole Pile appear'd to be one broad Wall, with Turrets on both Sides, after every tenth of which was a larger Tower extended from Wall to Wall.

Engines were call'd by the ancient Grecians 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and after∣wards 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ The first Invention of them the Grecians claim to themselves, b••ing not easily induc'd to allow the Contrivance of any Art to other Nations; for it was their Custom to travel into Egypt, India, and other Eastern Countries, to furnish themselves with Sciences, and Inventions, which afterwards they made pu∣blick in Europe, and vented as Productions of their own: Hence was deriv'd most of the Grecian Philosophy; and as for Engines us'd in Sieges, it appears they were invented in the E••••tern Nations many Ages before Greece had the least Knowlege of, or Occasion for them: Moses's Times seem not to have been unacquainted with them (a) 1.419, several of the Iewish Kings likewise app••ar to have known the Use of them; whereas the Grecians 'till Homer's Time are not found to have had the least Hint of any such Thing: Statius in∣deed carries them as high as the Trojan War, and, speaking of the various Presents sent to Achilles by the Grecians in order to carry

on the War, reports that Pylos and Messene furnish'd him with En∣gines to batter the Walls;

Murorum tormenta Pylos Messenaque tralunt.

Large bat••'ring Engines are from Pylos sent, And from Me••••ene—

But the Poet seems to have forgotten the rude and unskilfull Age of this Hero, and to have form'd his Description from the Pra∣ctices of his own Times; ••ince Authors of better Credit have no mention of any such Thing: Homer indeed speaks of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which some ancient Interpreters take for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, scaling Lad∣ders(a) 1.420,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Bearing well-pointed Spears these straight ascend The scaling Ladders.—

But it may with no less Propriety be taken for the Pinnacles of Towers, as we find it us'd in the following Verse(b) 1.421;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

The Tower's losty Pinnacles they raz'd, Demolish'd all their Bulwarks.—

Others again will have them to have been as ancient as the The∣ban War, and to have been the Contrivance of Capaneus, one of the seven Champions; the Story of whose being knock'd down with Thunderbolts was grounded on no better a Foundation, than that, attempting to scale the Walls of Thebes with Ladders, he was beaten down and slain with Stones: And since the Contrivance is so easy and obvious, it may not be wholly improbable, that even those Ages were acquainted with it, however the different sorts of Ladders were invented afterwards, when some of them were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉(c) 1.422, p••••catiles, folded, others 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, to b•• taken in Pieces(d) 1.423, for the Convenience of Car••iage. Th•• Matter they were compos'd of, was likewise very different, being not only Wood, but Ropes, Leather,&c.

The rest of their Engines seem however to have been later: The Ram indeed is said by Pliny to have been invented in the Tro∣jan War, and to have given occasion to the Fable of the Wooden

Horse built by Epeus, it being the constant Practice of those Times to wrap up the Original of every Invention in Fables: But this is only Conjecture, and may with the same Ease be deny'd, as asserted; Athenaeus indeed speaks of this Engine as very ancient(a) 1.424, but doth not fix it's Invention to any determinate Time, only ob∣serves that the Romans were oblig'd for it to the Grecians; and since Vitruvius gives the Honour of it's Contrivance to the Car∣thaginians in their Si••ge of Gades, and neither Homer, nor any Greek Writer for many Ages after has the least mention thereof, there seems little reason to credit Pliny's Report. 'Tis probable however, that those Ages might have some small Helps in taking Towns, contriv'd, as by several others, so particularly by E••cus, who is famous in Poetical Story for b••ing an Artificer, and (as Lycophron reports) was very serviceable on that Account to the Gre∣cian Army,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉(b) 1.425, Dauntless in Boxing, but dismay'd at th' Sound Of clashing Arms, yet by his famous Art He was most usefull to the Grecian Fleet.

But these Devices seem to have been exceeding contemptible, and unartificial; and therefore were wholly laid 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wiser Ages, and, it may be, never practis'd but at their first Invention. The only constant Instruments us'd by the ancient Grecians in demo∣lishing Walls, were (for ought appears to the contrary) those they call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Latin terebrae, which were long Irons with sharp Ends: Wherefore 'tis reasonable to conclude that most of their famous Engines were invented about the Time of the Pe∣loponnesian War, wherein 'tis plain from Thucydides they were us'd; Diodorus(c) 1.426 and Plutarch(d) 1.427 will have Peri••••es to have contriv'd seve∣ral of them by the Assistance of Artemon an Artificer of Ciazome∣nae, as Rams, Tortoises, &c. yet Cornelius Nevo•• r••ports, that some of them were us'd in the Age before by Mil••iades, when he be∣sieg'd Paros; Plutarch also himself, when he reports out of Epho∣rus, that battering Engines were first employ'd in th•• Samian War by Pericles, and compos'd at that Time by Artemon, being then a strange and surprizing Sight, presently after add••, that Heracli∣des of Portus will have that Engineer to have flouri••h'd several Ages before the Samian War; so that nothing of certainty can be expected in this Matter. The Principal of the Grecian Inventions were these which follow:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, testudo, a Tortoise, a defensive Invention, so call'd from it's Strength, because it cover'd and shelter'd the Souldiers under it, as a Tortoise is cover'd by it's Shell: Several sorts we find of them, as,

• 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, testudo militaris, term'd sometimes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when the Souldiers, drawn up close to one another, and the hin∣dermost Ranks bowing themselves, plac'd their Targets above their Heads; as if we suppose the first Rank to stand erect, the rest to stoop lower and lower by Degrees, 'till the last Rank kneel'd upon the Ground; the Men in the Front and on the Sides holding their Targets before their Bodies, the rest covering the Heads of those that were plac'd before them; so that the whole Body re∣sembled a Pent-house, or Roof cover'd with Tiles, down which the Enemy's missive Weapons easily glided without Prejudice to the Souldiers underneath: This Invention was us'd in Field-battles, but more frequently in surprizing Cities before the Besieg'd were prepar'd for Defence; and serv'd to protect the Besiegers in their Approach to the Walls.
• 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was four-square; the chief Design thereof was (as the Name imports) to guard the Souldiers in filling Ditches, and casting up Mounts.
• 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was triangular with it's Front shelving down∣wards for the Protection of Pioneers, who undermin'd Walls.
• 4. To these may be added Testudo arietaria, wherewith those that batter'd the Walls were protected; of which afterwards.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Wicker Hurdles, resembling the Roman vineae, which the Souldiers held over their Heads. The Word came at length to signify Trifles, from the Siege of Syracuse, where the Athenians calling continually for Hurdles to shelter them, the Besiegers in Derision us'd to cry 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Another Engine compos'd of Boards, and, like the Roman plu∣teus, was us'd by Alexander's Souldiers, as we read in Curtius.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, agger, a Mount, which was rais'd so high as to equal, if not exceed the Top of the besieg'd Walls: The Sides were wall'd in with Bricks or Stones, or secur'd with strong Rafters to hinder it from falling; the Fore-part only, being by Degrees to be advanc'd nearer the Walls, remain'd bare. The Pile it self consisted of all sorts of Materials, as Earth, Timber, Boughs, Stones, &c. as Thucydides reports in the Siege of Plataeae: Into the Middle were cast also Wickers, and Twigs of Trees to fasten, and, as it were, cement the other Parts. The whole Fabrick is thus describ'd by Lucan(a) 1.428;

—tunc omnia late Procumbunt nemora, & spoliantur robore silvae;

Ut, cum terra levis mediam virgultaque molem Suspendant, structa laterum compage ligatam Arctet humum, pressus ne cedat turribus agger.

The Groves are fell'd, and strongest Timber sought, From thickest Forrests largest Oaks are brought, To make strong Rafters to support the Pile, Left th' Earth break in and frustrate all their Toyl, Unable to sustain the Tower's Weight.

Mr. Hutchin.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, turres, mov•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tow•••••• of Wood, usually plac'd upon the Mount: They were driven upon Wheels, which were fix'd within the Bottom-planks to s••cu••e them from the Enemies. Their Size was not always the same, but proportion'd to the Towers of the City they besieg'd; the Front was usually cover'd with Tiles, and in later Times the Sides were likewise guarded with the same Materials; their Tops were cover'd with raw Hides, and other Shrowds, to preserve them from Fire-balls and missive Weapons: They were form'd into several Stories, which were able to carry not Souldiers only, but all sorts of portable Engines; whence Silius(a) 1.429;

Turris multiplici surgens ad sidera tecto Exibat, tabulata decem cui crescere Grajus Fecerat, & multas nemorum consumserat umbras.

Thin were the Groves, and scarce cou'd boast a Shade, When th' Grajan with ten Rooms a Tower made, Whose va••ious Turrets seem'd the Stars t' invade.

The first Contrivance is attributed to some Artificers of Sicily about the Time of Dionysius the Tyrant; by some to Polyidus a Thessa∣lian, Philip of Macedon's Engineer(b) 1.430; by others to Diades and Chaereas(c) 1.431, who were Polyidus's Scholars, and entertain'd by Alexan∣der in his Eastern Expedition: The last of these seem rather to have been Improvers of the former Invention, for we find men∣tion of Wooden Towers in the elder Dionysius's Reign(d) 1.432: It may be the Device of making 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, portable Turrets to be taken in Pieces and carry'd along with the Army, may be owing to them.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, aries, the Ram, was an Engine with an Iron Head call'd in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, resembling a Ram's Head, where∣with they batter'd the Enemies Walls: Of these there were three kinds:

• 1. The first was plain and unartificial, being nothing but a long Beam with an Iron Head, which the Souldiers drove with main Force against the Wall.
• 2. The second was hung with Ropes to another Beam, by the Help of which they thrust it forwards with much greater Force.
• 3. The third differ'd only from the former, as being cover'd with a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Shrowd to guard the Souldiers, whence 'tis call'd testudo arietaria.

The Beam was sometimes no less than an hundred and twenty Feet in length, and cover'd with Iron Plates, left those who de∣fended the Walls should set it on Fire; the Head was arm'd with as many Horns as they pleas'd; Iosephus reports that one of Ve••pasian's Rams, the Length whereof was only fifty Cubits, which came not up to to the Size of several of the Grecian Rams, had an Head as thick as ten Men, and twenty-five Horns, each of which was as thick as one Man, and plac'd a Cubit's Distance from the rest; the Weight hung (as was customary) upon the Hinder-part, weighed no less than one thousand and five hundred Talents; when it was remov'd from one Place to another, if it was not taken in Pieces, an hundred and fifty Yoke of Oxen, or three hundred Pair of Horses and Mules labour'd in drawing it; And no less than fifteen-hundred Men employ'd their utmost Strength in forcing it against the Walls; at other Times we find these Rams driven upon Wheels.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was first invented by Demetrius, Son to Antigonus, who, having taken Rhodos, with several other Towns by the Help of this Engine, was honour'd with the Sirname of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. We have several Descriptions of it left us by Vitruvius(a) 1.433, Plu∣tarch(b) 1.434, and Diodorus(c) 1.435, who, tho' differing in other Points, are thus far agree'd, That it was a Machine of prodigious Bulk, not un∣like the Ram cover'd with a Shrowd, but vastly bigger, and of far greater Force; that it was driven both with Ropes and Wheels, and contain'd several other smaller Engines, out of which Stones, and other missive Weapons were cast.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are us'd in different Sences, sometimes for Arrows, sometimes for Engines, out of which Arrows were cast; in the later of which Significations they are term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. They are likewise, tho' not very properly, taken for En∣gines to cast Stones; and we find them sometimes us'd to throw great Pieces of Timber: The Invention of them is ascrib'd to the Syrians by Pliny; but Diodorus (d) 1.436, and Plutarch report, they were first contriv'd in Sicily, about the Time that the elder Dio∣nysius engag'd in the War with Carthage.

Engines to cast Stones were of several sorts; some only for smaller Stones, such as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Slings; others for those also of a a larger Size, call'd sometimes only by the general Names of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the former of which seem to signify all sorts of Engines, the later all those design'd to cast missive Weapons; sometimes by more peculiar Ti∣tles, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which Names are yet so general, as to comprehend all Engines that cast Stones: Nor is there any proper Term, that I know of, for that famous En∣gine, out of which Stones of a Size not less than Mill-stones were thrown with so great Violence, as to dash whole Houses in Pieces at a Blow: 'Twas call'd indeed by the Romans Ballista, but this Name, tho' of Grecian Original, appears not to have been us'd in Greece; this Engine however was known there, and was the same with that us'd by the Romans, the Force of which is thus express'd by Lucan (a) 1.437;

At saxum quoties ingenti verberis ictu Excutitur, qualis rupes, quam vertice montis Abscidit impulsu ventorum adjuta vetustas; Frangit cuncta ruens, nec tantum corpora pressat Exanimat, totos cum sanguine, dissipat artus.

Such is the Force, when massy Stones are thrown, As when from some Mount's Top a Rock falls down, Which now worn out with Age can't longer bear The Shock of Winds, and Fury of the Year; They break thro' all that in their Passage lye, And do thro' Walls and Houses force their Way, No only kill the Man, but spread all o'er The Ground his scatter'd Limbs and reeking Gore.

Mr. Hutchin.

These were the most remarkable Engines the Grecians us'd in taking Towns. It will be expected in the next Place, that some Account be given of the Methods, by which the Besieg'd defend them∣selves.

Upon the Enemy's Approach they gave notice to their Con∣federates (if they had any) to hasten their Assistance: In the Day this was done by raising a great Smoak; in the Night by Fires, or lighted Torches call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whence to signify the coming of Enemies was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (b) 1.438: These were term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to distinguish them from those they call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which were lighted upon the Approach of

Friends: They differ'd in this, that the later were held firm and unmov'd, the former toss'd and wav'd to and fro in the Air.

They seem not to have had any constant Method of defending themselves; but thus much may be observ'd in general, that the Walls were guarded with Souldiers, who, with Stones, and all sorts of missive Weapons assaulted the Invaders; and the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with other Engines of that Nature were planted within the Town, and play'd upon them. Several other Methods were practis'd against them, as, when the Tyrians heating brass Bucklers red hot, and filling them with Sand and Lime, pour'd it upon Alexan∣der's Souldiers, which getting between their Armour and Flesh, burn'd vehemently, and caus'd them to fling off their Armour, so that the Besiegers wounded them at pleasure, without receiving any Hurt. Several Ways they had to elude the Force of their Engines, and defeat their Strategems: Their Mines they render'd ineffectual by Countermines; their Mounts they let fall to the Ground by Un∣dermining their Foundations: Their Towers and all their Engines they burn'd with Fire-balls; themselves they defended with Skins, Wooll-packs, and other Things proper to ward off Stones, and other missive Weapons: The Heads of Battering Rams they broke off with Stones of a prodigious Size from the Walls; or (as we read of the T••rians) ••ender'd them useless by cutting the Ropes, whereby they were govern'd, with long Seythes: And if there remain'd no Hope of defending their Walls, they some∣times rais'd new ones with Forts within. Many other Contri∣vances were us'd, as the Posture of Affairs requir'd, and as the Be∣sieg'd were ingenious in finding out Methods for their own Pre∣servation.

Their manner of treating Cities they had taken, was not always the same, depending upon the Temper of the General, who some∣times put all, at least all that were in Arms, to the Sword, demolish'd the Walls and Buildings, and made the rest Slaves; sometimes graciously receiv'd them into Favour, requiring only some Tributary Acknowlegement. The Athenians had a Custom of sending Colonies to inhabit the Places they had depopulated, which they divided by Lots among some of the Commonalty, when met together in a publick Assembly (a) 1.439.

When they demolish'd a City, it was frequent to pronounce direfull Curses upon whoever should endeavour to rebuild it; which some imagine was the reason that Troy could never be rais'd out of it's Ashes, tho' there wanted not who attempted it, being devoted to eternal and irreparable Ruin by Agamemnon (b) 1.440: This seems to have been a very ancient Custom, and deriv'd from the Eastern Nations; for (to omit other Instances) we find

Ioshua at the Destruction of Iericho to have six'd an Imprecation upon the Person that should rebuild it (a) 1.441, which was accomplish'd in Hiel the Bethelite many Ages after in the Reign of Ahab (b) 1.442.

CHAPTER XI. Of the Slain, and their Funerals.

THE ancient Grecians seem to have treated the Bodies of their dead Enemies in a very undecent and inhuman manner, basely revenging the Injuries they had receiv'd from them whilst living, by disfiguring, and stabbing their Carcases, and ex∣posing them to Scorn and Ignominy: Which cruel and barba∣rous Practice was not throughly reform'd in the Trojan War, as appears from divers Instances in the Iliads, where dead Enemies are dismember'd by insulting Conquerours; none of which is more remarkable than that of Hector, who lay unbury'd many Days, was dragg'd round Troy's Walls, and Patroclus's Sepulcher, and suffer'd all sorts of Indignities: This indeed might be imputed to Achilles's extravagant Rage for the loss of Patroclus, or (as the Scholiast (c) 1.443 affirms) to a peculiar Custom of Thessaly his native Country, where it was their constant Practice to drag at their Chariots the Mur∣derers of their near Friends, did it not appear that the rest of the Gre ians us'd him in a manner no less brutish and barbarous, by cowardly insulting over him, and stabbing his dead Body (d) 1.444:

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Thus having said, with unrelenting Force He rends his vengefull Spear from Hector's Corse; Too small the Recompence one Death cou'd give, But, Hector Dead, his Manes still must grieve: He then the bloody, lifeless Corps despoyl'd;

And Souldiers, with avenging Fury fill'd, With eager Haste about his Body press, Admire his Stature, and his Comeliness; Each vents his Rage upon th' already slain, As tho' they meant to kill him o'er again: Then thus one pointing to his Neighbour said, With vaunting Words insulting o'er the Dead, "Is this the Hector, whose tremendous Name "Brought Fear and Terrour wheresoe'er it came? "Gods! how he's chang'd since when he threw his Fire "Amidst our Ships, and made whole Greece retire.

Mr. Hutchin.

Tydeus has no better Treatment in Statius (a) 1.445;

Ducitur hostili (proh dura potentia Fati!) Tydeus ille solo, modo cui Thebana sequenti Agmina, sive gradum, seu frena effunderet, ingens Limes utrinque datus: Nusquam arma, manusque quiescunt, Nulla viri feritas; juvat ora rigentia leto, Et formidatos impune lacessere vultus; Hic amor, hoc una timidi, fortesque sequuntur Nobilitare manus, infectaque sanguine tela Conjugibus servant, parvisque ostendere natis. At God-like Tydeus (wretched Turn of Fate!) Avenging Tyrians level all their Hate; At God-like Tydeus, whose commanding Sway Thro' Theban Troops did propagate Dismay; Whether he mounted on his Horse appear'd, Or for destructive War on Foot prepar'd, Th' opposing Squadrons dar'd not long to stay, But, where he lead, submissively gave way; Yet he brave Chief is dragg'd along the Field, And bears what Foes with Pow'r and Fury fill'd Cou'd e'er inflict; his dreadfull Arms they seize, All stab his Corps, and tear his manly Face; The most opposing Minds in this conspire, The tim'rous and the brave alike desire To stab the Body of their Foe when slain, And with his Blood their glutted Blades to stain, These they as Marks of highest Honour prize, And keep to shew their Wives, and blooming Boys.

Mr. Hutchin.

Whence it appears to have been their constant Practice, and look'd on as very consistent with Virtue, and Honour; as Servius hath

likewise observ'd, when Virgil's Mezentius was us'd in the same manner; the Poet indeed do's not expresly affirm any such Thing, which notwithstanding plainly appears; for whereas he only re∣ceiv'd two Wounds from Aeneas (a) 1.446, we find his Breast-plate af∣terwards pierc'd thro' in twelve, i.e. a great many Places, a deter∣minate Number being put for one indefinite (b) 1.447;

—bis sex thoraca petitum Perfossumque locis.

Thro' twice six Places was his Breast-plate pierc'd.

The barbarous Nations rarely fail'd of committing this Crime; Leonidas King of Sparta, having valiantly lost his Life in fighting against Xerxes, had his Head six'd upon a Pole, and his Body gibbeted (c) 1.448: But the Grecians were long before convinc'd of the Villany, and Baseness of such Actions; and therefore, when Pausa∣nias the Spartan was urg'd to retaliate Leonidas's Injury upon Mar∣donius, Xerxes's General overcome at Plataeae, he refus'd to be con∣cern'd in, or permit a Revenge so barbarous, and unworthy a Gre∣cian: Even in the Times of the Trojan War the Grecians were much reform'd from the Inhumanity as well of their own Ancestours, as other Nations; it had formerly been customary for the Con∣querours to hinder their Enemies from interring their Dead, 'till they had paid large Sums for their Ransom; and some Foot-steps of this Practice are found in Homer; Hector's Body was redeem'd from Achilles (d) 1.449, Achilles's was again redeem'd from the Trojan•• for the same Price he had receiv'd for Hector (e) 1.450;

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A Ransom large as that which Priam gave, That Royal Hector's mangled Corps might have The happy Priv'lege of a decent Grave, By Argian Chiefs shall be repay'd to Troy, And then the slain Achilles shall enjoy That honourable Urn the gratefull God Upon his Mother Thetis had bestow'd.

Mr. Hutchin.

Nisus is introduc'd by Virgil, disswading his Friend Euryalus from accompanying him into Danger, left, if he were slain, there should be no Person that would recover by Fight, or redeem his Body (a) 1.451,

Sit, qui me raptum pugna, pretiove redem••m M••ndet humo s••lita.—

Let there be one, who mov'd with pitying Care Wou'd me redeem made Pris'ner of the War, Or ransom'd decently my Corps interr.

Whence it appears, that Redemption of the Dead was practis'd in those Days, and, if neglected, they were frequently suffer'd to lye unbury'd; which Misfortune happen'd to many of Homer's Heroes, as we learn from the very Entrance of the first Iliad, where he thus speaks of Achilles's Anger,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—

And num'rous Crouds of valiant Hero's Ghosts Sent mournfull down unto the Stygian Coasts, Whilst uninterr'd on Earth their Bodies lay, Expos'd to Dogs, and rav'nous Birds a Prey.

But this was not so common as in more early Ages, for we find Achilles himself celebrating the Funeral of Eetion King of Thebes in Cilicia, and Father of Andromache, whom the Poet introdu∣ces speaking thus (b) 1.452;

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Then when the Walls of Thebes he overthrew, His fatal Hand my Royal Father slew, He slew E••ti••n, but despoil'd him not, Nor in his Hate the Fun'ral Rites forgot; Arm'd as he was he sent him whole below,

And rev'renc'd thus the Manes of his Foe; A Tomb he rais'd.—

Mr. Dryden.

And Agame••••on granted the Trojans free Leave to perform the Funeral Rites of all their Slain, promising upon Oath to give them no Disturbance (a) 1.453;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

I envy not the Priv'lege of the Dead, I grant, that they upon the Pile be lay'd, Let Iove be Witness to the Vows I make, Nor will I e'er the binding Cov'nant break.

Mr. Hutchin.

Not long before, the Grecians were perfect Strangers to this Piece of Humanity, for we are told that Hercules was the first that ever gave leave to his Enemies to carry off their Dead (b) 1.454; and others report, that the first Treaty made for the recovering and burying the Bodies of the Slain, was that of Theseus with the Thebans to interr the Heroes that lost their Lives in the Theban War (c) 1.455. In all succeeding Ages, it was look'd on as the greatest Impiety to deny what they thought a Debt to Nature, and was rarely, or never done to lawfull Enemies, except upon extraordinary and un∣usuall Provocations; for it was thought below a generous Tem∣per, and unworthy Grecians to vent their Malice, when their Ene∣mies were depriv'd of all Power to defend themselves.

The Grecians seem to have been carefull to Excess and Su∣perstition in procuring an honourable Interment for the Bodies of their own Souldiers, that had valiantly lost their Lives; insomuch that the ten Admirals, that gain'd that famous Victory over the Lacedemonians in the Sea fight at Arginusae, were put to death on no other Pretence, but that they were said not to have taken due Care in gathering the Bodies that floated on the Waves; when yet they alleg'd, that they were hinder'd by a Tempest that might have been dangerous to the whole Fleet, had they not provided for their Safety by a timely Retreat (d) 1.456: This, no doubt, was one Cause why, after a battle upon the Corinthian Territory, Nicias the Athenian General, finding that two of his Men were left by an Oversight, when they carry'd off the Dead, made an Halt, and

sent an Herald to the Enemy for Leave to carry them off, here∣by renouncing all Title to the Victory, which belong'd to him before, and loosing the Honour of erecting a Trophy; for it was presum'd that he, who ask'd Leave to carry off his Dead, could not be Master of the Field (a) 1.457. After that, Chabrias, having put to flight the Lacedemonians at Naxus, rather than leave any of his Soul∣diers, or their Bodies to the Mercy of the Waves, chose to de∣sist from prosecuting his Victory, when he was in a fair Way to have destroy'd the Enemy's whole Fleet (b) 1.458.

When they carry'd their Arms into distant Countries, they re∣duc'd the Bodies of their Dead to Ashes, that those at least might be convey'd to their Relations, and reposited in the Tombs of their Ancestours: The first Author of which Custom (they say) was Hercules, who having sworn to Licymnius to bring back his Son Argius, if he would give him Leave to accompany him in his Expedition against Troy, the young Man dying, he had no other Expedient to make good his Oath, but by delivering his Ashes to his Father (c) 1.459: However we find it practis'd in the Tro∣jan War, where Nestor advis'd the Grecians to burn all their Dead, and preserve them there 'till their Return into Greece (d) 1.460;

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Oxen, and Mules, in solemn Order led, To us assembled here shall bring our Dead, That we their Bodies near our Ships may burn, And save their snowy Bones 'till we to Greece return.

Mr. Hutchin.

The Lacedemonians thought this an unprofitable Labour, and therefore bury'd their Dead in the Countrey, where they dy'd; on∣ly their Kings they embalm'd with Honey, and convey'd them Home, as we learn from Plutarch (e) 1.461, who reports that when Agesilaus resign'd his Life at the Haven of Menelaus, a desart Shore in Africa, the Spartans, having no Honey to embalm his Body, wrapp'd it in Wax, and so carry'd it to Lacedemon.

The Souldiers all attended at the Funeral Solemnities with their Arms turn'd upside down, it being customary for Mourners in most of their Actions to behave themselves in a manner contra∣ry to what was usual at other Times; in those Places where it was the Fashion to wear long Hair, Mourners were shav'd; and where others shav'd, Mourners wore long Hair: Their Conjecture

therefore is frivolous, that imagine, the Souldiers turn'd the Heads of their Shields downwards, lest the Gods, whose Images were engraven upon them, should be polluted with the Sight of a Corpse (a) 1.462; since not the Gods only, but any other Figures were frequently repre∣sented there; nor some few only, but the whole Company held them in the same Posture: Besides, not the Shields alone, but their other Arms were pointed downwards: Thus Evander's Ar∣cadians, with the rest of Aeneas's Souldiers in Virgil (b) 1.463 follow Pallas's Herse,

—Tum maesta phalanx, Teucrique sequuntur, Tyrrhenique duces, & versis Arcades armis.

Next went the mournful Troop, Captains from Troy, Tyrrhenia, and from pleasant Arcady, With Arms turn'd downward.—

The Grecian Princes in Statius (c) 1.464 observe the same Custom;

—versis ducunt insignibus ipsi Grajugenae reges.—

The Grecian Chiefs the sad Procession led With Ensigns downwards turn'd.—

Their Tombs were adorn'd with Inscriptions shewing their Names, and sometimes their Parentage, and Exploits, which Ho∣nour the Spartan Lawgiver granted to none beside Women who dy'd in Child-bed, and Souldiers (d) 1.465 that lost their Lives in Battle: These were bury'd with green Boughs, and honour'd with an Oration in their Praise: Such of them as had excell'd the rest, and were judg'd complete and perfect Warriours, had a farther Ho∣nour of being interr'd in their Red Coats, which were the Soul∣dier's Habit at Sparta (e) 1.466: Their Arms were likewise fix'd upon their Tombs; whence Leonidas the Spartan King is introduc'd in the Epigrám refusing Xerxes's purple Robe, and desiring no other Ornament to beautify his Tomb, than his Buckler;

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Whilst Xerxes mov'd with pitying Care beheld Th' unhappy Spartan, who himself had kill'd▪ The Royal Persian with officious Haste His purple Robe about the Body cast; 'Till dying Leonidas Silence broke, And thus that gen'rous Spartan Hero spoke; "Forbear, fond Prince, this unbecoming Pride, "No Persian Pomp shall e'er these Reliques hide, "Soft purple Palls are only us'd by those, "Who have betray'd their Country to their Foes; "My Buckler's all the Ornament I'll have, "'Tis that which better shall adorn my Grave "Than 'Scutcheon, or a formal Epitaph; "My Tomb thus honour'd, I'll triumphant go "Like some brave Spartan to the Shades below.

Mr. Hutchin

This Custom was not peculiar to Sparta, but practis'd all over Greece; where, beside their Arms, it was usual to add the Badge of whatever other Profession they had born. Espenor, appearing in the Shades below to Ulviles, intreats him to fix the Oar he us'd to row with, upon his Tomb, and to cast his Arms into the Funeral Pile (a) 1.467;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Whatever Arms remain to me when dead, Shall with my Corps upon the Pile be laid; Then o'er my Grave a lasting Mon'ment rear, Which to Posterity my Name shall bear; This do, then fix the Oar upon my Tomb, With which I us'd to cut the Silver Foam.

Mr. Hutchin.

Alisenus, Aeneas's Trumpeter, has both his Arms, Oar, and Trumpet fix'd upon his Grave (b) 1.468;

At pius Aeneas ingenti mole sepulcrum Imponit, suaque arma viro, remumque, tubamque.

A Tomb of vast extent Aeneas rear'd, Where the dead Corps was decently interr'd, And on't his Arms, his Oar, and Trumpet fix'd.

It was customary for the Spartan Matrons, when there had been a Fight near Home, to examine the Bodies of their dead Sons, and such, as had receiv'd more Wounds behind than before, they convey'd away privately, or left them in the common Heap; but those, who had a greater Number of Wounds in their Breasts, they carry'd away with Joy and Triumph, to be reposited amongst their Ancestors (a) 1.469: They were carry'd Home upon their Buck∣lers; whence that famous Command of the Mother to her Son related in Plutarch (b) 1.470, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. either bring this (meaning his Buckler) home with you, or be brought upon it. To which Custom Ausonius alludes (c) 1.471;

Arma superveheris quid, Thrasybule, tua?

Why are you thus upon your Buckler born, Brave Thrasybulus ••—

The Athenians us'd to place the Bodies of their Dead in Tents three Days before the Funeral, that all Persons might have Op∣portunity to find out their Relations, and pay their last Respects to them: Upon the fourth Day a Coffin of Cypress was sent from every Tribe, to convey the Bones of their own Relations, after which went a cover'd Herse in memory of those, whose Bodies could not be found: All these, accompany'd with the whole Bo∣dy of the People, were carry'd to the publick Burying place call'd Ceramicus, and there interr'd: One Harangue was spoken in Com∣mendation of them all, and their Monuments adorn'd with Pil∣lars, Inscriptions, and all other Ornaments usuall about Tombs of the most honourable Persons. This was their ordinary Practice at Athens (d) 1.472, but those valiant Souls, that were slain in the Bat∣tle at Marathon, had their Bodies interr'd in the Place where they fell, to perpetuate the Memory of that wonderfull Victory:

It may be observ'd farther, that in their Lists the Names of the Souldiers deceas'd were mark'd with the Letter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, being the Initial of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. Dead; those of the living with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because it is the first in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. Preserv'd: Which Custom was afterwards taken up by the Romans (e) 1.473.

CHAPTER XII. Of their Booty taken in War, their Gratitude to the Gods after Victory, their Trophies, &c.

THEIR Booty consisted of Prisoners, and Spoils. The Prisoners, that could not ransom themselves, were made Slaves, and employ'd in the Service of their Conquerours, or sold.

The Spoils were distinguish'd by two Names, being either taken from the Dead, and term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or from the Living, which they call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: They consisted of whatever Moveables belong'd to the Conquer'd, whose whole Right and Title by the Law of Arms pass'd to the Conquerours (a) 1.474.

Homer's Heroes have no sooner gain'd a Victory over any of their Rivals, but without farther Delay they seize their Armour; Instances of this are as numerous as their Combats. But howe∣ver this Practice might be usual among the great Commanders, who rode in Chariots to the Battle, fought by themselves, and encounter'd Men of their own Quality in i••••gle Combat; yet in∣feriour Souldiers were not ordinarily permitted such Liberty, but gather'd the Spoils of the Dead, after the Fight was ended: If they attempted it before, they were even then look'd upon to want Discipline; Nestor gives the Grecians a particular Caution in this Matter (b) 1.475;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Then Nestor thus began his sage Advice; My Friends, and valiant Greeks, be timely wise, Auspicious Sons of Mars, let no Delay, No Hopes of fordid Booty cause your Stay; But with united Force rush on the Foe, Add certain Death to each becoming Blow;

'Twill then be time enough for to prepare To seize the Booty of the horrid War, To drag your mangled Foes along the Plain, When weltring in their Blood they lie all slain.

Mr. Hutchin.

This Method was taken in succeeding Ages; for no sooner were their Battles ended, but they fell to stripping and risling the dead Carcases of their Enemies: Only the Lacedemoni••n were forbidden to meddle with the Spoils of those they had conquer'd (a) 1.476; the reason of which Prohibition being demanded of Cleomenes, he reply'd,

That it was improper to offer the Spoils of Cowards to the Gods, and unworthy a Lacedemonian to be enrich'd by them (b) 1.477

: But this seems only a Pretence, since there are seve∣ral Instances of their dedicating Part of their Booty to the Gods; The true Reason perhaps may be collected from the Constitution of their State, whereby an Equality was maintain'd amongst them, and nothing more severely prohibited, or more repugnant to the very Foundation of their Government than to acquire, or possess large Estates: Wherefore, to prevent their Souldiers from seizing upon the Spoils, they had always three hundred Men appointed to observe their Actions, and put the Law in execution against Delinquents (c) 1.478.

The whole Booty was brought to the General, who had the first Choice, divided the Remainder amongst such as had signaliz'd them∣selves according to their Quality and Merits, and allotted the rest equal Portions: Thus in the Trojan War, when the captive Ladies were to be chosen, Agamemnon in the first Place took Astynome Ch••yses's Daughter, next Achilles had Hippodamia Daughter to Bri••es, then Ajax those Teemessa, and so on (d) 1.479; whence Achilles complains of Agamemnon, that he had always the best Part of the Booty, himself, who sustain'd the Burden of the War, being content with a small Pittance (e) 1.480;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Yet when the Greeks some Trojan Town invade, And Distribution of the Spoils is made,

How small a Part compar'd to thine I bear, I who have born the Burden of the War, Nor do you envy me in this the largest Share. But when the so much wish'd for Time arrives, That to each Greek th' allotted Portion gives, Laden with Spoils you haste into your Tent, Whilst I, with fighting quite fatigu'd and spent, Come to the Navy with a gratefull Heart For that small Pittance they to me impart.

Mr. Hutchin.

And whenever any Booty of extraordinary Value was taken, we find the Souldiers reserving it for a Present to their General, or the Commander of their Party: Instances of this sort are frequent, as in other Writers, so especially in Homer; Ulysses's Company al∣ways honour'd him with the best and choicest Part of what they took. Hered••••s (a) 1.481 reports that after the Victory over Mardonius Xerxes's Lieutenant, Pausanias the Spartan, being at that Time Ge∣neral of all the Grecian Forces, was presented with a great Booty of Women, Money, Horses, Camels, &c. over and above what was given to any other: This Practice indeed was so universal, that to be a Commander, and to have the first Share of the Booty are us'd by the Poets as equivalent Expressions: Whence Lycophron (b) 1.482,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Thy Hands shall mighty Potentates subdue, And brave Commanders that the Prize first share, Chiefs too, that so much boast their Pedigree.

But before the Spoils were distributed, they look'd on them∣selves oblig'd to make an Offering out of them to the Gods, to whose Assistance they were indebted for them all; those sepa∣rated to this Use, were term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, either q. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because the War, wherein they were col∣lected, had destroy'd many (c) 1.483; or, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because after Sea-engagements they were expos'd upon the Shoar (d) 1.484; or rather, from their being taken 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from the Top of the Heap; because all the Spoils being collected into one Heap, the First-fruits were offer'd to the Gods (e) 1.485: In allusion to which Custom, Megara in Euripides, telling what Choice of Wives

she had made for her Sons out of Athens, Sparta, and Thebes, thus expresseth it,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

The Gods, to whom this Honour was paid, were not only those, whom they look'd on as having a peculiar Concern in all Affairs of War, such as Mars, Minerva, &c. but several others, as Iupiter Iuno, and any to whom they thought themselves ob∣lig'd for Success, those especially that were Protectours of their Ci∣ty, or Countrey, &c.

They had several Methods of consecrating Spoils: Some∣times they collected them into an Heap, and consum'd them with Fire; sometimes they made Presents, which were dedica∣ted and hung up in Temples: So Pausanias the Spartan is re∣ported to have consecrated out of the Persian Spoils a Tripod to Delphian Apollo, and a Statue of Brass seven Cubits long to Olym∣pian Iupiter (a) 1.486.

It was very frequent to dedicate their Enemy's Armour, and hang it in Temples; but the Lacedemonians were forbidden this Custom; which perhaps may be the meaning of Cieomenes's fore-men∣tion'd Reply; for that they were allow'd to offer their other Spoils appears as from that of Pausanias, so from several other Instances. This Custom was very ancient (b) 1.487, and universally receiv'd not in Greece alone, but most other Countries: Hence Hector promises to dedicate his Enemy's Armour in Apollo's Temple, if he would vouchsafe him Victory (c) 1.488;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

If kinder Phaebus my Proceedings bless, And crown my bold Attempt with good Success, Make Hector conquer, whilst his Foe shall bleed, And give me th' Honour of so brave a Deed, When I've despoyl'd my Foe, his Arms I'll bring, And there devote them in his Temple.—

Mr. Hutchin▪

Virgil alludes to this Custom in his Description of the Temple, where Latinus gave Audience to Aeneas's Embassadours (d) 1.489;

Multaque praeterea sacris in postibus arma, Captivi pendent currus, curvaeque secures,

Et cristae capitum, & portarum ingentia claustra, Spi••••••••aque, clyp••ique, creptaque rostra carinis.

Axes, and Arms did sacred Posts adorn, And Chariot, from the conquer'd Nations born, Crests too, and massy Bars of Gates, and Spears, And Beaks of Ships, and Bucklers.—

Many other Instances to the same purpose occurr in Authors. This Custom seems to have been deriv'd into Greece from the Eastern Nations, where no doubt it was practis'd; what else can be the meaning of Goliath's Sword being reposi••ed in the Iewish Place of Worship (a) 1.490?

Nor was it customary only to dedicate to the Gods Weapons taken from Enemies, but their own likewise, when they retir'd from the Noise of War to a private Life; which seems to have been done, as a gratefull Acknowlegement to the Gods, by whose Protection they had been deliver'd from Dangers. Horace alludes to this Custom (b) 1.491;

—Vejanius, armis Herculis ad postem fixis, latet abditus agro. Vejanius now consults his private Ease, Desists from War, and seeks retir'd Peace, Having hung up his Arms to He••cules.

Ovid also speaks to the same purpose (c) 1.492;

Miles ut emeritis non est satis milis a••••is, P••ni•• ad antiques, quae tuli••, arma Lares.

The batter'd Souldier harrass'd out with Age, Not able longer in the War t' engage, Devotes the Arms, which formerly he bore, To's Houshold Gods for their assisting Pow'r.

But lest these Arms should furnish Male-contents in sudden Tu∣mult•• and Insurrections, they seem to have been usually some Way or other render'd unfit for present Service: The Bucklers, for in∣stance, were hung up without Handles; whence a Person in on•• of the Poets seeing them otherwise, cryes out in a Fright,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Unhappy Wretch! the Bucklers Handles have.

The reason may be collected from the fore-going Verses, where another saith,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

If you sincerely wish the publick Good, You shou'd not suffer any to devote Bucklers with Handles.—

As a farther Expression of their Gratitude to the Gods, it was customary to offer solemn Sacrifices, and return publick Thanks to them: Here it may be observ'd, that the Laced••monians for their greatest Successes by Force of Arms offer'd no more than a Cock to the God of War, but, when they obtain'd a Victory by Stra∣tegem, and without Blood, they sacrific'd an Ox (a) 1.493; whereby they gave their Generals to understand, that Policy as well as Valour was requir'd in a complete Warriour, and that those Vi∣ctories were to be preferr'd, whereby they suffer'd the least Dam∣mage, surpassing herein the Roman Constitution, which rewarded with greater Honours the Victors in open Field, than those who gain'd a Conquest by Policy, as esteeming the former Method more noble and becoming Romans; wheresore those were permitted to enter the City in Triumph, but the later were only honour'd with an Ovation (b) 1.494. It may not be improper in this Place to add, that the Grecians had a Cust••m something resembling the Roman Triumph, for the Conquerours us'd to ma•• a Procession thro' the Middle of their City, crown'd with Garlands, repeating Hymns and Songs, and brandishing their Spears; the Captives were also l••d by them, and all their Spoils expos'd to publick View, to do which they call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.495.

Trophies were call'd by the ancient Athenians 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by succeeding Ages 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (d) 1.496: They were dedicated to some of the Gods, especially Iupiter sirnam'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (e) 1.497, and Iuno, who shar'd in her Husband's Title, being call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (f) 1.498; whence Lycophron (g) 1.499,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

The manner of adorning Trophies was hanging up all sorts of Arms taken from the Enemy, according to Euripides (h) 1.500;

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

All sorts of Arms, that from the Foe he took, He hung about the Trophy which he rais'd.

Hence also Iuvenal (a) 1.501 speaking of the Roman Triumphal Arches,

Bellorum exuviae, truncis astixa tropaeis Lorica, & fracta de cas••ide buccula pendens, Et curtum temone jugum, vic••eque triremis Aplustre.—

The Spoils of War brought to Feretrian Iove, An empty Coat of Armour hung above The Conqu'rour's Chariot, and in Triumph born A Streamer from a boarded Gally torn, A chap-fall'n Beaver loosely hanging by The cloven Helm.—

Mr. Dryden.

To these they usually added the Names of the God they were dedicated to, of the Conquerours also, and of those overcome by them, with an Account of all the Spoils, and other remarkable Occurrences in the War; this Inscription was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and was frequently engrav'd, whence Lucian saith 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; sometimes written with Ink, whence O∣••hryades the Lacedemonian, just surviving his Victory over the Ar∣gians, caus'd a Trophy to be erected, upon which, being supported by his Spear, he inscrib'd with his own Blood, instead of Ink, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (b) 1.502.

The Spoils were hung upon the Trunk of a Tree; the Olive was frequently put to this Use, being the Emblem of Peace, which is one of the Consequents of Victory: Several other Trees also had the same Honour, especially the Oak, as being consecrated to Iupiter, who had a peculiar Right to these Respects; there is fre∣quent mention of this in the Poets: Sidonius (c) 1.503,

—quercusque tropaeis C••n va gemit.—

The bended Oak beneath the Trophies groans.

Statins describes the same Custom (d) 1.504;

Quercus crat tenerae jamdudum oblita juventae, Huic laeves galeas, perfossaque vulnere crebro Inferit arma.—

There stood an ancient Oak, whose sprightly Juice Decay'd by Age cou'd not like Life insuse Thro' ev'ry Part, on this bright Helmets hung, And batter'd Arms.—

Virgil also concurrs herein with them in several Places, and adds farther, that Aeneas's Trophy was upon an Hill; whence it may seem probable, that it was customary to set them upon eminent Places, to render them more conspicuous: His Words are these (a) 1.505;

Vota Deûm primo victor solvebat Eoo; Ingentem quercum, decisis undique ramis, Constituit t••mulo, sulgentiaque induit arma, Mezent•• ••••cis exuvias, tibi, magne, trophae••m, Bellipotens; aptat rorantes sanguine cristas, Telaque trunca viri, & bis sex thoraca petitum Persossumque locis, clypeumque ex aere sinistrae Subligat, a••que ensem collo suspendit eb••••num.

Soon as the Morn her weaker Beams display'd, His Vows to Heav'n the pious Victor pay'd: A stately Oak, whose Branches all around Were first ••opt off, he plac'd on rising Ground, With glitt••ring Arms the hallow'd Trunk he grac'd, The Spoils of King Mezentius deceas'd, Which Trophie, mighty Arbiter of War, The gratefull Prince did to thy Honour rear, He hung his nodding Plume besmear'd with Blood, And broken Spears upon the leaf-less Wood, Then round the Stock his much-pierc'd Corslet bound, The sad Remembrance of each ghastly Wound, And on the left Side fix••d the brazen Shield, With which Mezentius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the fatal Field, Then round his Neck the leathern Belt he cast, And in't his iv'ry-hilted Sword he plac'd.

Mr. Hutchin.

In the same manner Pompey, having subdu'd the Spaniards, erected a Trophy upon the Top of the Pyrenean Mountains.

Instead of Trees, succeeding Ages erected Pillars of Stone, or Brass, to continue the Memory of their Victories; to raise these they ••erm'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which Expression was likewise ap∣ply'd to the Erection of Trees; for if the Place they pitch'd on was void of Trees fit for their purpose, it was usual to supply that Defect by fixing one there, as appears from the fore-mention'd Passage of Virgil.

To demolish a Trophy was look'd on as unlawfull, and a kind of Sacrilege, because they were all consecrated to some Deity: Nor was it less a Crime to pay Divine Adoration before them, or to repair them, when decay'd, as may be likewise observ'd of the Roman Triumphal Arches; This being a means to revive the Memory of forgotten Quarrels, and engage Posterity to revenge the Disgrace of their Ancestours: For the same reason, the Gre∣cians, that first introduc'd the Custom of erecting Pillars for Tro∣phies, incurr'd a severe Censure from the Ages they liv'd in (a) 1.506.

The Macedonians never erected Trophies, oblig'd hereto by a Prescription, observ'd from the Reign of Caranus, one of whose Trophies was demolish'd by Wolves (b) 1.507; which was the reason, that Alexander the Great, however vain-glorious in other Instances, never rais'd a Trophy: As for those erected by the Ma∣cedonians of succeeding Ages in their Wars with the Romans, they were inconsistent with the ancient Custom of their Country. In some Ages after this, they seem to have been wholly laid aside.

Yet, they were not wanting to raise Monuments to preserve the Memory of their Victories, and to testify their Gratitude to the Gods; some of which are likewise mention'd in Authors before the Disuse of Trophies. Sometimes Statues were erected to the Gods, especially to Iupiter, as appears from that which Pausanias dedicated out of the Persian Spoils (c) 1.508, and several others; There is frequent mention of this Custom in Euripides (d) 1.509,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Again,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Several other Instances may be produc'd: Sometimes the same God was honour'd with a Temple on such accounts, as appears from the Story of the Dorians, who, having overcome the Achaeans, rais'd a Temple to Iupiter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (e) 1.510.

Sometimes they erected Towers, which they adorn'd with the Spoils of their Enemies; which was likewise a Roman Custom, and pra∣ctis'd by Fabius Maximus, and Domitius Aenobarbus after the Victo∣ry over the Allobroges (f) 1.511.

It was also customary to raise Altars to the Gods; an Instance whereof we have in Alexander, who, returning from his Indian Ex∣pedition, erected Altars in Height ••carce inferiour to the most lofty Towers, and in Breadth exceeding them (g) 1.512.

CHAPTER XIII. Of their Military Punishments, and Rewards, with their manner of conveying Intelligence.

THE Grecians had no constant method of correcting their Souldiers, but left that to the Discretion of their Com∣manders; only in some few Cases the Laws made provision. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Runagates, suffer'd Death.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, such as refus'd to serve in the Wars, and such as quitted their Ranks, by one of Charondas's Laws were oblig'd to ••it three Days in the publick Forum in Woman's Apparell (a) 1.513. The Athenians deliver'd such, with the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. those who lost their Bucklers, to certain Judges call'd Heliastae, who punish'd them at Discretion; nor were they permitted to enter the Tem∣ples, 'till they had satisfi'd Justice (b) 1.514. But of all others the La∣cedemonians inflicted the heaviest Punishments on all such Offen∣ders; for their Laws oblig'd them either to conquer, or to dy upon the Place; and such as quitted their Bucklers, laid under as great Disgrace, as if they had forsaken their Ranks: Runagates were not only depriv'd of all Honours, but it was likewise a Disgrace to intermarry with them; whoever met them in the Streets, had Liberty to beat them, nor was it permitted them to resist in their own Defence; and to make them more remarkable, whenever they went abroad, they were oblig'd to wear a nasty Habit, their Gowns were patch'd with divers Colours, and their Beards half shav'd, half unshav'd (c) 1.515; the Scandal was likewise extended to their whole Family, and therefore their Mothers frequently at••n'd for their Crime, by stabbing them at their first meeting; which was a common Practice, and frequently alluded to in the Greek Epi∣grams, in one of which••a Spartan Matron, having run her Son thro', thus insults over him,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Be gone, degen'rate Offspring, quitt this Light, E••rotas is concern'd at thy loath'd Sight,

For see he stops his Course, asham'd to glide By that polluted Coast, where you abide; Hence then, unprofitable Wretch, speed to the Dead, And hide in Hell thy ignominious Head; Base dastard Soul, unworthy to appear On Spartan Ground; I never did thee bear.

Mr. Hutchin.

Several others may be produc'd to the same purpose; and where the same Fate be••••ll those that lost their Bucklers: Now the rea∣son being demanded of Dem••ratus, why they punish'd so severely those who quitted their Bucklers, when the Loss of their Helmet, or Coat of Mail, was not look'd on to be so scandalous, he re∣ply'd, That these were only design'd for the Defence of single Persons, whereas Bucklers were serviceable to the whole Battalia.

Beside the Rewards of Valour already mention'd in the fore∣going Chapters, there were several others: The private Souldiers were put into Office, and the subordinate Officers were honour'd with greater Commands. It was likewise customary for the Ge∣neral to reward those that signaliz'd themselves, with large Pre∣sents; Whence Telamon, being the first that gain'd the Top of Troy's Walls, when it was besieg'd by Hercules, had the Honour to have Hesione the King's Daughter for his Captive: Theseus was presented by the same Hero with Antiope the Amazonian Queen, for his Service in the Expedition against the Amazons. The Poets frequently introduce Commanders encouraging their Soul∣diers with Promises of this nature: Thus Agamemnon animates Teucer to behave himself couragiously, by assuring him of a con∣siderable Reward, when the City should be taken (a) 1.516;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Next after mine, your's is the best Reward, A Tripod, or a Chariot stands prepar'd. For your Acceptance; else some captive Maid Shall big with charms ascend your joyous Bed.

Mr. Hutchin.

Ascanius in Virgil makes no less Promises to Nisus (b) 1.517;

Bina dabo arge••••o perfecta, atque aspera signis Pocula, devicta Genitor quae cepit Arisba, Et tripodas geminos; auri d••o magna talema;

Cratera antiquum, quem dat Sidonia Dido: Si vero capere Italia••n, sceptrisque potiri Contigerit victori, & praedae ducere sortem; Vidisli quo Turnus equo, quibus ibat in armis Aureus, ipsum illum c••peum, c••i••••asque rubentes Excipiam sorti, jam nun•• ••••a praemia, Nise: Praeterea bis sex genitor lectis••ima ma••rum Corpora, captivosque dabit, suaque omnibus arma; Insu••er id campi quod ••ex habet ipse Latinus.

Your common Gi••t shall two large Goblets be Of Silver wrought with curious Imagery, And high emboss'd, which, when old Priam reign'd, My conqu'ring Sire at sack'd Arisba gain'd; And more, two Tripods cast in Antick Mold, With two great Talents of the finest▪ Gold, Beside, a costly Bowl engrav'd with Art, Which Dido gave, when first she gave her Heart: But if in conquer'd Italy we reign, When Spoils by Lot the Victor shall obtain, Thou saw'st the Courser by proud Turnus prest, That, Nisus, and his Arms, and nodding Crest, And Shield from chance exempt shall be thy Share; Twelve lab'ring Slaves, twelve Hand-maids young, and fair, All clad with rich Attire, and train'd with Care, And last, a Latian Field with fruitfull Plains, And a large Portion of the King's Domains.

Mr. Dryden.

Several other Promises they encourag'd them with, according to every Man's Temper, or Condition: Wherefore Ascanius thus pro∣ceeds to Euryalus Nisus's Companion in Danger;

Te vero, mea quem spatiis propioribus aetas Insequitur, vencrande puer, jam pectore toto Accipio, & comitem casus complector in omnes; Nulla meis sine te quaeretur gloria rebus, Seu pacem, scu bella geram, tibi maxima rerum, Verborumque fides.—

But thou, whose Years are more to mine ally'd, No Fate my vow'd Affection shall divide From thee, Heroick Youth; be wholly mine, Take full Possession, all my Soul is thine; One Faith, one Fame, one Fate shall both attend My Life's Companion, and my Bosom Friend, My Peace shall be committed to thy Care, And to thy Conduct my Concerns in War.

Mr. Dryden.

Sometimes Crowns were presented, and inscrib'd with the Per∣son's Name, and Actions, that had merited them, as appears from the Inscription upon the Crown presented by the Athenians to Conon, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Others were honour'd with Leave to raise Pillars, or erect Sta∣tues to the Gods, with Inscriptions declaring their Victories; which Plutarch supposeth to have been a Grant rarely yielded to the greatest Commanders: Cimon indeed was favour'd therewith, but Miltiades, and Themisto••••es could never obtain the like; nay, when Miltiades only desir'd a Crown of Olive, one Sochares stood up in the Midst of the Assembly, and reply'd, when thou shalt con∣quer alone, Miltiades, thou shalt triumph so too; which Words were so agreeable to the Populace, that his Suit was rejected: The reason why Cimon was more respected than the rest, our Author (a) 1.518 thinks, was because under other Commanders they stood upon the Defensive; but by his Conduct they not only repuls'd their Enemies, but invaded them in their own Country: But perhaps a more true and real Account may be taken from the Change of Times, for the primitive Ages seem not to have been so libe∣ral in the distribution of Rewards, as those that succeeded; for when later Generations degenerated from their Ancestours, and produc'd fewer Instances of Magnanimity and true Valour, the Way to Honour became easier, and Men of common Performances without Difficulty obtain'd Rewards, which before were only paid to Persons of the first Rank for Virtue, and Courage (b) 1.519.

Another Honour conferr'd at Athens upon the Valiant, was to have their Arms plac'd in the Cittadel, and to be call'd Ce∣cropidae, Citizens of the true old Blood; to which Custom the Poet alludes,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Some were presented with a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or compleat Suit of Ar∣mour; as we find of Alcibiades, when he was very young, and went in the Expedition against Potidaea (c) 1.520.

Others were complemented with Songs of Triumph, the first of which were compos'd in Honour of Lysander the Spartan Ge∣neral (d) 1.521.

Many other Honours were pay'd to such as deserv'd well of their Country; but I shall only mention one more, which consisted in the Care of the Children of such as valiantly sacrific'd their Lives for the Glory, and Preservation of the Athenian Common-wealth (e) 1.522: They were carefully educated at the publick Charge, 'till they

came to Maturity, and then presented with a complete Suit of Armour, and brought forth before the People, one of the publick Ministers proclaiming before them;

That hitherto in Remembrance of their Fathers Merits the Common-wealth had educated these young Men, but now difiniss'd them so arm'd, to go forth, and thank their Country by imitating their Fathers Examples.

For their farther Encouragement, they had the Honour of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or having the first Seats at Shews, and all publick Meetings.

It may not be improper to add something concerning their way of sending Intelligence: This was done several ways, and by several sorts of Messengers, one remarkable were their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who were lightly arm'd with Darts, Hand-granadoes, or Bows and Arrows (a) 1.523; one of these was Phidippides famous in the Story of Miltiades for his Vision of Pan (b) 1.524.

But the Contrivance of all others the most celebrated for close Conveyance of Intelligence, was the Lacedemonian 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which was a white Roll of Parchment, wrapp'd about a black Stick; it was about four Cubits in length (c) 1.525, and so call'd from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. Skin: The Manner and Use of it was thus; when the Ma∣gistrates gave Commission to any General, or Admiral, they took round Pieces of Wood exactly equal to one another; one of these they kept, the other was deliver'd to the Commander, to whom when they had any Thing of Moment to communicate, they cut a long narrow Scrowl of Parchment, and rolling it about their own Staff, one Fold close upon another, they wrote their Busi∣ness upon it; then, taking it off, dispatch'd it away to the Com∣mander, who applying it to his own Staff, the Folds exactly fell in one with another, as at the Writing, and the Characters, which, before 'twas wrapp'd up, were confusedly disjoyn'd, and unintel∣ligible, appear'd very plain (d) 1.526.

CHAPTER XIV. Of the Invention, and different sorts of Ships.

MOST of those usefull Arts, and admirable Inventions, which are the very Support of Mankind, and supply them with all the Necessaries, and Conveniences of Life, have at first been the Productions of some lucky Chance, or from slight

and contemptible Beginnings have been by long Experience, cu∣rious Observations, and various Improvements matur'd, and brought to perfection: Instances of this kind are every where frequent, and obvious, but none can be produc'd more remarkable than in the Art of Navigation, which, tho' now arriv'd to a Pitch of Perfe∣ction beyond most other Arts by those successfull Additions it has receiv'd from almost every Age of the World, was in the Begin∣ning so mean and imperfect, that the Pleasure, or Advantage of those, who first apply'd themselves to it, was very small and in∣considerable.

Those, who adventur'd to commit themselves to the liquid Ele∣ment, made their first Essays in shallow Waters, and trusted not themselves too far from the Shore; but, being embolden'd by fre∣quent Tryals, proceeded farther by degrees, 'till at length they took Courage, and launch'd forth into the main Ocean: To this purpose Claudian (a) 1.527;

Inventa secuit primus qui nave profundum, Et rudibus remis solicitavit aquas, Tranquillis primum trepidus se credidit undis, Littora securo tramite summa legens; Mox longos tentare sinus, & linquere terras, Et leni caepit pandere vela Noto: Ast ubi paullatim prae eps audacia crevit, Cordaque languentem dedidicere metum, Iam vagus irrupit pelago, caelumque secutus, Aegaeas hyemes, Ionias que domat.

Whoever first with Vessels cleav'd the Deep, And did with uncouth Oars the Water sweep, His first Attempt on gentle Streams he made, And near the Shore affrighted always stay'd; He launch'd out farther next, and left the Land, And then erected Sails began to stand, 'Till by degrees, when Man undaunted grew, Forgetting all those Fears before he knew, He rush'd into the Main, and harmless bore, Guided by Stars, the Storms that loudly roar In the Aegaean, and Ionian Seas.—

Mr. Dechair.

To whom the World is oblig'd for the Invention of Ships, is, like all Things of such Antiquity, uncertain; there are divers Per∣sons, who seem to make equal Pretensions to this Honour; such are Prometheus, Neptune, Ianus, Atlas, Hercules, Iason, Danaus, Ery∣thraeus,

&c. but by common Fame it is given to Minerva, the hap∣py Mother of all Arts, and Sciences: Some, who, leaving these anti∣quated Fables of the Poets, pretend to something more of cer∣tainty in what they deliver, ascribe it to the Inhabitants of some of those Places, that lye upon the Sea-coasts, and are by Nature design'd, as it were, for harbouring Ships, such as the Aeginensians, Phoenicians (a) 1.528 &c. The reason of this Disagreement seems to have proceeded partly from the different Places, where Navigation was first practis'd, (for it was never peculiar to any one People, and from them communicated to the rest of the World, but found out in Countries far distant from one another) and in part from the various sorts of Ships, some of which, being first built by the Per∣sons above-mention'd, have intitled them to the whole Invention.

The first Ships were built without Art, or Contrivance, and had neither Strength nor Durableness, Beauty nor Ornament; but consisted only of Planks laid together, and just so compacted as to keep out the Water (b) 1.529: In some Places they were nothing else, but Hulks of Trees made hollow, which were call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as consisting only of one Piece of Timber; of these we find men∣tion in Virgil (c) 1.530,

Tunc alno•• fluvii primum sensere cavatas, Navita tum stellis numeros, & nomina fecit.

Then hollow'd Alders first on Rivers swam, Then to the Stars both Names, and Numbers came Impos'd by Mariners.—

In later Ages also they were made use of at some Places, being the same with those call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the strict, and most proper Acceptation of that Word (d) 1.531, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as made by hol∣lowing, and, as it were, digging in a Tree. Nor was Wood alone apply'd to this Use, but any other Materials that float upon the Water without sinking, such as the Aegyptian Reed papyrus, or (to mention no more) Leather, of which the primitive Ships were frequently compos'd, and call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, these were sometimes begirt with Wickers, and frequently us'd in that manner upon the Rivers of Aethiopia, Aegypt, and Sabaean Arabia even in later Times; but in the first of them we find no mention of any Thing but Leather, or Hides sew'd together: In a Ship of this sort Dardanus secur'd his Flight to the Country afterwards call'd Troas, when by a terrible Deluge he was forc'd to leave Samothrace, his former Place of Residence (e) 1.532. Charon's

infernal Boat was of the same Composition, according to Vir∣gil (a) 1.533,

—Gemuit sub pondere cymba Sut••lis, & muleam accepit ••im••sa pa••••••em.

Under the Weight the Boat of Leather gro••n'd, And leaky grown, th' impetuous Wa•••••• found An easy Passage thro'.—

When Ships were brought to a little more Perfection, and en∣creas'd in Bigness, the Sight of them struck the poor, ignorant People with Terrour and Amazement; for it was no small Sur∣prize to behold great floating Castles of unusual Forms, full of living Men, and with Wings (as it were) expanded flying upon the Sea (b) 1.534: What else could have given Occasion to the Fiction of Pers••••••s's Flight to the Gorgous, ••ho, as Aristophanes (c) 1.535 ex∣presly tells us, was carry'd in a Ship,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

What other Original could there be for the famous Story of Triptolemus, who was feign'd to ride upon a wing'd Dragon, only because in a Time of D••arth at Athens he sayl'd to more fruitfull Countries to supply the Nece••sities of his People, or to the Fable of the wing'd Horse Pegasus, who, ••as several Mythologists (d) 1.536 report, was nothing but a Ship of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Name with Sails, and for that reason feign'd to be the Offspring of Neptune the Emperour of the Sea (e) 1.537 (f) 1.538: Nor was there any other Ground for the Stories of Grysson••, or of ships transform'd into Birds, and Fishes, which we frequently meet with in the ancient Poets.

So acceptable to the first Ages of the World were Inventions of this Nature, that whoever made any improvements in the Art of Navigation, built new Ships of Forms better 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for Strength, or Swiftness than those before us'd, render'd the old more com∣modio•••••• by any additional Contrivance, or discover'd Countries untrac'd by former Travellers, were thought w••r••hy of the greatest Honours, and (like other common Benefactors to Mankind) ascrib'd into the Number of the de••fy'd Heroes, they had their In∣ventions also consecrated, and six'd in the Heavens. Hence we have the Signs of Aries, and Taurus, which were nothing, but two Ships, the former transported Phryxus from Greece to C••••chos, the later Europa out of Phaenicia into C••ote; Argo likewise, Pegasus, and Perseus's Whale were new sorts of Ships, which, being had in great Admiration by the rude and ignorant Mortals of those

Times, were in Memory of their Inventors translated amongst the Stars, and metamorphos'd into Constellations by the Poets of those, or the succeeding Ages. Thus much concerning the Invention of Ships.

At their first Appearance in the World, all Ships, for whatever Use design'd, were of the same Form; but the various Ends of Na∣vigation, some of which were better answer'd by one Form, some by another, soon gave occasion to sit out Ships, not in Bigness only, but in the manner of their Construction, and Equipment, differing from one another. Not to trouble you with a distinct Enumeration of every little Alteration, which would be endless, they were chiefly of three sorts, Ships of Burden, of War, and of Passage. Ships of Passage were distinguish'd by several Names taken usually from their Carriages; those that serv'd for the Transpor∣tation of Men, being call'd by the general Names of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or, when fill'd with arm'd Men, by the particular Titles of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; those, in which Horses were trans∣ported, were nam'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and hippagines, to men∣tion no more.

Ships of Burden were call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to distin∣guish them from Men of War, which were properly term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: They were usually of an orbicular Form, having large and ca∣pacious Bellies, to contain the greater Quantity of Victuals, Pro∣visions, and other Necessaries, with which they were laden; whence they are sometimes call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as, on the contrary, Ships of War we find nam'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (a) 1.539, being extended to a greater Length than the former, wherein they agree'd in part with the Trans∣port-vessels, which were of a Form betwixt the Ships of War, and Burden, being exceeded by the later in Capaciousness, by the former in Length. There was likewise another Difference amongst these Ships, for Men of War, tho' not wholly destitute of Sails, were chiefly row'd with Oars, that they might be the more able to tack about upon any Advantage, and approach the Enemy on his weakest Side, whereas Vessels govern'd by Sails, being left to the Mercy of the Winds, could not be manag'd by so steady a Con∣duct; hence the Ships of War are usually stil'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ships of Burden were commonly govern'd with Sails, and those of Transport often tow'd with Cords, not but that in both these all the three Ways of Government, viz. by Sail, Oar, and Cords, were upon occasion made use of.

Men of War are said to have been first rigg'd out by Parha∣lus, or Samyres, as others by Semiramis, but according to some (b) 1.540 by Aegaeon: They were farther distinguish'd from other sorts of Ships by

va••ious Engines, and Accessions of Building, some to defend their own Souldiers, others to annoy Enemies, an Account of which shall be inserted in the following Chapters; and from one ano∣ther in later Ages by several Orders, or Ranks of Oars, which were not, as some vainly imagine, plac'd upon the same Level in different Parts of the Ship; nor yet, according to others, di∣rectly, and perpendicularly above one another's Heads; but their Seats being fix'd one at the Back of another ascended gradually in the manner of Stairs. The most usual Number of these Banks was three, four, and five; whence there is so frequent mention of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i.e. trireme, quadrireme, and quinquireme Gallies, which exceeded one another by a Bank of Oars, and consequently were built more high, and row'd with greater Strength. In the primitive Times, the long Ships had on∣ly one Bank of Oars, whence they are sometimes term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from the Name of a single Horse, and therefore, when we find them call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and upwards as far as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, we are not to suppose they were row'd with fifty, or an hundred Banks, but only with so many Oars: such as these was the Ship Argo, which we find was row'd with fifty Oars, being the first of the long Ships, and invented by Iason, whereas 'till that Time all sorts of Vessels had been of a Form more enclining to Oval; Others (a) 1.541 carry the Invention of long Ships something higher, referring it to Danaus, who, they tell us, sail'd from Aegypt in∣to Greece in a Ship of fifty Oars; and however Iason should be allow'd to have introduc'd them into Greece, yet he cannot be thought their first Contriver, but rather imitated the Aegyptian, or A∣frican Model, the later of which was some Time before compos'd by Atlas, and much us'd in those Parts. The first, that us'd a double Bank of Oars, were the Erythraeans (b) 1.542; which was farther enlarg'd by Aminocles of Corinth with the Accession of a third, as Herodotus, Thucydides, and Diodorus the Sicilian report; but Clemens of Alexan∣dria (c) 1.543 will have this Invention to belong to the Sidonians: To these Aristotle a Carthaginian added a fourth, Nesicthon of Salamis (ac∣cording to Pliny) or Dionysius the Si••ilian (according to Diodorus) a fi••th, Xenagoras the Syracusian a sixth; Nesigiton encreas'd the Number to ten, Alexander the Great to twelve, Ptolemy Soter to fif∣teen, Philip Father to Perseus had a Ship of sixteen Banks (d) 1.544, then (it being easy to make Additions, the Method of erecting one Bank above another once found out) Demetrius the Son of Antigonus built a Ship of thirty Banks, and Ptolemy Philopator, out of a vain∣glorious Humour of outdoing all the World besides, farther en∣larg'd

the Number to forty (a) 1.545, which (all other Parts bearing a just Proportion) rais'd the Ship to that prodigious Bigness, that it ap∣pear'd at a Distance like a floating Mountain, or Island, and upon a near View seem'd like an huge Castle upon the Floods; it con∣tain'd four-thousand Rowers, four hundred Mariners employ'd in other Services, and almost three thousand Souldiers. But this, and such like Fabricks serv'd only for Shew, and Ostentation, being by their great Bulk render'd unwieldly, and unfit for Use; Athe∣naus tells us the common Names, they were known by, were Cy∣clades, or Ae••nae, i.e. Islands, or Mountains, to which they seem'd al∣most equal in Bigness, consisting, as some report, of as many Ma∣terials, as would have been sufficient for the Construction of at least fifty Triremes.

Beside those already mention'd, there were other Ships with half Banks of Oars; such as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which seems to have been betwixt an Vnireme, and Bireme, consisting of a Bank, and an half: likewise 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, betwixt a Bireme, and Tri∣reme, having two Banks and an half: These, tho' perhaps built in other Respect after the Model of the long Ships, or Men of War, are seldom comprehended under that Name, and sometimes found in Opposition to them. Several other Ships are men∣tion'd by Authors, which differ'd from those already enumerated, being sitted for particular Uses, or certain Seas, employ'd upon urgent Necessities in naval Fights, but more commonly, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Tenders, and victualling Ships, to supply the main Fleet with Pro∣visions, and sometimes built for Expedition, to carry Expresses, and observe the Enemy's Motions, without Danger of being seiz'd by the heavier, and arm'd Vessels: These were distinguish'd from the former by the manner of their Construction, and Equipment, being in part like the Men of War, partly resembling the Ships of Bur∣den, and in some Things differing from both, as the various Exi∣gences they serv'd in, seem'd to require.

CHAPTER XV. Of the Parts, Ornaments, &c. of Ships.

HAVING treated of the different sorts of Ships us'd amongst the ancient Grecians, I shall in the next Place endeavour to describe the principal Parts, whereof they consisted, the Ignorance of which has occasion'd a great many Mistakes, and

much Confusion in those that have convers'd with Authors of Antiquity. Herein I shall chiefly follow the Account of Scheffer, who hath so copiously treated on this Subject, and with such In∣dustry, and Learning collected whatever is necessary to it's Illu∣stration, that very little Room is left for farther Enlargement.

Now the principal Parts, of which Ships consisted, were three, viz. the Belly, the Prow, and the Stern: These were again com∣pos'd of other smaller Parts, which shall briefly be describ'd in their Order.

1. In the Belly, or middle Part, of the Ship there was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, carina, or the Keel, which was compos'd of Wood, and therefore from it's Strength and Firmness call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: It was plac'd at the Bottom of the Ship, being design'd to cut, and glide thro' the Waves (a) 1.546, and therefore was not broad, but narrow, and sharp; whence it may be perceiv'd that not all Ships, but only the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whose Bellies were strait, and of a small Circumference, were pro∣vided with Keels, the rest having usually flat Bottoms (b) 1.547. Round the Keel were plac'd Pieces of Wood to save it from receiving Dammage, when the Ship was first launch'd into the Water, or bulg'd against Rocks; these were call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Latin cunei ac∣cording to Ovid (c) 1.548,

Iamque labant cunci, spoliataque tegmine cerae Rima patet.—

The Wedges break, and, loosing all it's Wax, A Hole lets in the Water.—

Next to the Keel was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (d) 1.549, within which was contain'd the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Pump, thro' which Water was convey'd out of the Ship (e) 1.550.

After this was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or second Keel, being plac'd be∣neath the Pump, and call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (f) 1.551: By some it is falsly suppos'd to be the same with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Above the Pump was an hollow Place, call'd by Herodotus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by Pollux 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (because large, and capacious, after the Form of a Vessel, or Belly) by the Latins tesludo. This was surrounded with Ribs, which were Pieces of Wood rising from the Keel upwards, and call'd by Hesychius 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by others 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the Belly of the Ship being contain'd within them) in La∣tin costae: Upon these were plac'd certain Planks, which Aristo∣phanes calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

[illustration]

[illustration]

Hence proceed we to the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, latera, or Sides of the Ship, which encompass'd all the former Parts on both Hands: These were compos'd of large Rafters extended from Prov to Stern, and call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (a) 1.552, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (b) 1.553, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.554, because by them the whole Fabrick was begirt, or surrounded.

In both these Sides the Rowers had their Places, call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Latin fori, and transtra, plac'd above one another: The lowest was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and those that labour'd therein 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; The Middle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the Men 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; the uppermost 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whence the Rowers were term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (d) 1.555. In these were Spaces, thro' which the Rowers put their Oars; these were sometimes one continu'd Vacuity from one End to the other call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but more usually distinct Holes, each of which was de∣sign'd for a ••••••gle Oar; these were stil'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because not unlike the Eyes of living Creatures: All of them were by a more general Name term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from containing the Oars (e) 1.556; but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seems to have been another Thing, signifying the Spaces between the Banks of Oars on each Side, where the Passengers seem to have been plac'd: On the Top of all these was a Passage, or Place to walk in, call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as joyning to the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or uppermost Bank of Oars.

2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Prow, or Fore-deck, whence it's sometimes call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Fore-head, and commonly distinguish'd by other me∣taphorical Titles taken from human Faces. In some Ships there is mention of two Prows, as likewise of two Stems; thus was Danaus's Ship adorn'd by Minerva, when he fled from Aegypt. It was customary to beautify the Prow with Gold, and various sorts of Paint, and Colours: In the primitive Times red was most in Use, whence Homer's Ships were commonly dignify'd with the Ti∣tles of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or red-fac'd: The blew like∣wise, or Sky-colour was frequently made use of, as bearing a near Resemblance to the Colour of the Sea, whence we find Ships call'd by Homer 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by Aristophanes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Several other Colours were also made use of; nor were they barely varnish'd over with them, for they had a curious Art of Annealing them by Wax melted in the Fire, so as neither the Sun, Winds, or Water were able to deface them; This Art was call'd, from the Wax us'd therein,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from the Fire 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, it is describ'd by Vitruvius (a) 1.557, and mention'd in Ovid (b) 1.558,

—Picia coloribus ustis Cerrleam matrem concava puppis habee.

The painted Ship with melted Wax anneal'd Had Tobys for it's Deity.—

In these Colours the various Forms of Gods, Animals, Plants, &c. were usually describ'd, which were often added as Ornaments to other Parts also of the Ships, as plainly appears from the an∣cient Monuments presented to the World by Baysius.

The Sides of the Prow were term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Wings, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 according ••o Scheffer, but I rather read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for since the Prow is com••only compar'd to an human Face, •• will naturally follow that it's Sides may be call'd Cheeks. The Top of these, as likewise of the Stern, was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.559, because void of Rowers.

3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Hind-deck, or Stern, sometimes call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Tail, because the hindmost Part of the Ship: It was of a Figure more enclining to round than the Prow, the Extremity of which was sharp, that it might cut the Waters; it was also built higher than the Prow, and was the Place, where the Pilot sat to steer: The Bow of it was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Planks, of which that was compos'd, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. There was another Place something be∣low the Top call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the interiour Part of which was term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Some other Things there are in the Prow, and Stern, that de∣serve our Notice; as those Ornaments, wherewith the Ex∣tremities of the Ship were beautify'd, commonly call'd in gene∣ral 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (d) 1.560, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (e) 1.561, in Latin corymbi, which Name is taken from the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 us'd in Homer,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Tho' this Word in Greek is not, as in the Latin, apply'd to the Ornaments of both Ends, bu•• only of the Prow (f) 1.562: These are likewise call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because plac'd at the Extremity of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which was a long Pl••nk at the Head of the Prow, and there∣fore sometimes term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (g) 1.563; the Form of them some∣times

resembled Hel••••ets, sometimes living Creatures, but most frequently was winded into a round Compass, whence they are so commonly nam'd corymbae, and coronae.

To the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in ••he Prow answer'd the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Stern, which were often of an orbicular Figure, or fashion'd like Wings, to which a little Shield, call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was fre∣quently affix'd: Sometimes a Piece of Wood was erected, whereon Ribbands of divers Colours were hung, and serv'd instead of a Flag (a) 1.564 to distinguish the Ship, and of a Weather-cock to signi∣fy the Quarters of the Wind.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was so call'd from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Goose, whose Figure it re∣sembled, because Geese were look'd on as fortunate Omens to Ma∣riners, for that they swim on the Top of the Waters, and sink not. This Ornament, according to some, was six'd at the Bottom of the Prow, where it was joyn'd to the foremost Part of the Keel; and was the Part, to which Anchors were fasten'd, when cast in∣to the Sea▪ But others carry it to the other End of the Ship, and six it upon the Extremity of the Stern (b) 1.565.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was the Flag, whereby Ships were distinguish'd▪ from one another: It was plac'd in the Prow, just below the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, b••ing sometimes carv'd, and frequently painted, whence it is in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 term'd pictura, representing the Form of a Mountain, a Tree, a Flower, or any other Things, wherein it was distinguish'd from what was call'd tutela, or the Safeguard, of the Ship, which always represented some of the Gods, to whose Care and Protection the Ship was recommended; for which reason it was held sacred, and had the Privilege of being a Refuge, and Sanctuary to such as ••led to it; Prayers also, and Sacrifices were off••r'd, and Oaths con••irm'd before it, as the Mansion of the Tutelar, and presiding Deity of the Ship: Now and then we find it taken for the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.566, and perhaps some few Times the Images of Gods might b•• re∣p••esented upon the Flags: By some it is plac'd also in the Prow (d) 1.567, but by most▪ Authors of Credit assign'd to the Stern: Thus Ovid, (to omit more Instances) in his Epistle of Paris,

Accipit & pictos puppis adunca Deos.

The Stern with painted Deities richly shines.

Farther, the tutela, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are frequently distinguish'd in express Words, that being always signify'd by the Image of a God;

this usually of some Creature, or feign'd Representation: Hence the same Author (a) 1.568,

Est mihi, suque, precor, slavae tutela Minervae, Navis & à picta casside nomen habet.

Minerva is the Goddess I adore, And may she grant the Blessings I implore; The Ship its Name a painted Helmet gives.

Whe•••• the Tutelar Deity was Minerva, the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 an Helmet. In 〈◊〉〈◊〉 manner, the Ship, wherein Europa was convey'd from Pha∣nicla into Crete, had a Bull for it's Flag, and Iupiter for it's Tute∣lar Deity; whi••h gave Occasion to the Fable of her being ra∣vi••••••'d by that God in the Shape of a Bull. It was customary for the Ancients to commit their Ships to the Protection of those Deities, whom they thought most concern'd for their Safety, or to whom th••y bore any sort of Relation, or Affection: Thus we 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from Fa••ip••••es (b) 1.569, that Theseus's whole Fleet, consisting of sixty Sail, was under the Care of Minerva the Protectress of Athens; Achilles's Navy was committed to the Nereids, or Sea-nymphs, be∣cause of the Relation he had to them on the Account of his Mother Thetis, who was one of their Number; and (to mention no more) the Boeotian Ships had for their Tutelar God Cadmus represented with a Dragon in his Hand, because he was the Foun∣der of Thebes, the principal City in Boeotia. Nor were whole Fleets only, but single Ships recommended to certain Deities, which the Ancients usually chose out of the Number of those, who were reputed the Protectors of their Country, or Family, or presided over the Business they were going about; thus Merchants com∣mitted themselves, and their Ships to the Care of Mercury, Soul∣diers of Mars, and Lovers of Venus and Cupid; so Paris tells his Mistress in Ovid,

Qua tamen ipse vehor, comitata Cupidine parvo Sponsor conjugii stat Dea picta sui.

Venus, who has be••roth'd us, painted stands With little Cupid on my Ship.—

On the Prow of the Ship, about the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was plac'd a round Piece of Wood call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and sometimes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Eye of the Ship, because fix'd in it's Fore-deck (c) 1.570; on this was inscrib'd the Name of the Ship, which was usually taken from the Flag,

as appears in the fore-mention'd Passage of Ovid, where he tells us his Ship receiv'd it's Name from the Helmet painted upon it; hence comes the frequent mention of Ships call'd Pegasi, Scyllae, Bulls, Rams, Tigers, &c. which the Poets took Liberty to repre∣sent as living Creatures, that transported their Riders from one Coun∣try to another; nor was there (according to some) any other Ground for those known Fictions of Pegasus, the wing'd Horse of Belle∣rophon, or the Ram, that is reported to have carry'd Phry••us to Colchos, with several others, that occurr every where in the Poets.

The whole Fabrick being completed, it was fortify'd with Pitch to secure the Wood from the Waters, whence it comes that Ho∣mer's Ships are every where mention'd with the Epithet of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Black. The first that made use of Pitch, were the Inhabitants of Phaeacia (a) 1.571, call'd afterwards Corsica. Sometimes Wax was em∣ploy'd in the same Use, whence Ovid (b) 1.572,

Caerula ceratas accipit unda rates.

The azure Sea receives the waxy Ships.

Now and then it was apply'd with a Mixture of Rosin, or other Materials fit for the same Purpose; whence the Colour of Ships was not always the same, and the Epithets ascrib'd to them in the Poets are various.

After all, the Ship being bedeck'd with Garlands, and Flowers, the Mariners also adorn'd with Crowns, she was launch'd into the Sea with loud Acclamations, and other Expressions of Mirth, and Joy (c) 1.573; and, being purify'd by a Priest with a lighted Torch, an Egg, and Brimstone (d) 1.574, or after some other manner, was con∣secrated to the God, whose Image she bore.

CHAPTER XVI. Of the Tackling, and Instruments requir'd in Na∣vigation.

THE Instruments us'd in Navigation were of divers sorts, being either necessary to all sorts of Navigation, or only some Form of it, as that by Sails, by Oars, &c. The chief of the former sort were as follow:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, gubernaculum, the Rudder, plac'd in the hindmost

Deck, whereby the Pilot directed the Course of the Ship. The smaller sort of Ships had only one Rudder, but those of greater Bulk, as often as Occasion requir'd, had more, insomuch that some∣times we read of four Rudders in one Vessel: The Places of these are uncertain, b••ing perhaps not always the same; but it seems pro∣babl••, that, when there were only two Rudders, one was fix'd to the Fo••••-deck, the other to the hindmost; whence we read of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Ships with two Sterns; when there were four Rudde••s, one seems to have been fix'd to each Side of the V••ssel.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an Anchor, the first Invention of which some ascribe to the Tyrrh••nians (a) 1.575; other•• to Midas, the Son of Gordius, whose Anchor, Pau••an••ias tells us, was preserv'd in one of Iupiter's Tem∣ples 'till his Days: Since there were divers sorts of Anchors, it is not improbable that both the••e may justly lay claim to Part of the Invention. Th•• most ancient Anchors are said to have been of Stone (b) 1.576, and sometime•• of Wood, to which a great Quantity of Lead was usually fix'd: In some Places Ba••kets full of Stones (c) 1.577, and Sack, fill'd with Sand wer•• employ'd to the sam•• U••e: All the•••• w••r•• let down by Cords int•• the Sea, and by th••ir W••ight s••ay'd ••h•• Course of the Ship. Afterwards An∣chors 〈◊〉〈◊〉 c••mpos'd of Iron, and furnish'd with Teeth, ••hich, being fa••••••n'd to the Bottom of the Sea, preserv'd the V••ss••l im∣mov••abl••; whence 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and d••nies are frequently taken for An••h••rs in th•• Gre••k, and Latin Poets. At first there was only one Tooth, wh••nc•• Anchors w••re call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (d) 1.578; but in a short Time a second was add••d by Eupalamus (e) 1.579, or Anacha••si•• the S••••th••an Philosopher (f) 1.580: The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 upon Apoll••nius (g) 1.581 considently affirms, that this sort of Anchors was u••'d by the Ar∣g••nauts, yet h••r••in h•• seems to deserve no g••eat Credit, for that he runs contrary to the T••timonies of other Writers, and his own Author A••plio••••••s mak•••• mention of none but those of Stone. The An••hors with two Teeth were call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and from ancient Monuments appear ••o have been much what the sam•• with those us'd in our Days, only the transverse Pi••ce of Wood upon th••i•• H••ndles is wanting in all of them. Every Ship had several Anchors, one of which, sur∣passing all the ••est in Bign••ss, and Strength, was peculiarly term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Latin sacra, and was never us'd, but in extreme Dan∣ger; whence sacram anch••ram so••••er•• is proverbially apply'd to such as are forc'd to their last Refuge.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saburra, Ballast, wherewith Ships were pois'd, whence it is call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: It was usually of Sand, but sometimes of any other ponderous Matter: Diomede••, in his Voyage from Troy, is said to have employ'd the Stones of that Ci∣ty's Walls to this Use (a) 1.582. It is sometimes call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (b) 1.583.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, call'd by Herodotus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.584, by Lucilius catapi∣rates (d) 1.585, was an Instrument, wherewith they sounded the Depth of the Sea, and discover'd whether the Bottom was firm and com∣modious for anchoring, or dangerous by reason of Quick-sands, or other Obstructions. It was commonly of Lead, or Brass, or other ponderous Metals, and let down by a Chain into the Deep (e) 1.586.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, call'd by Sophocles 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (f) 1.587, in Latin conti, long Poles, us'd to sound the Depth of shallower Waters, to thrust the Ship from Rocks and Shelves, and force her forwards in Fords and Shallows, where the Waters had not Strength enough to carry her.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were little Bridges, or Stairs joyning the Land to Ships, or one Ship to another.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Latin haustrum, t••ll••no, or tollena, &c. a Swipe, or Engine to draw up Water.

To some of the above-mention'd Instruments certain Ropes were requir'd, and distinguish'd according to their several Uses; as

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ancoralia, or ancorarii, the Cables, wherewith An∣chors were cast into the Sea, call'd sometimes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (g) 1.588, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (h) 1.589: whence in the Place of Saint Matthew, where Christ, speaking of the Difficulty of a rich Man's entring into Heaven, tells his Disciples, it is harder than for a Camel to pass thro' the Eye of a Needle, Th••ophylact, and some others interpret the Word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not of the Animal call'd a Camel, but a Cable (i) 1.590.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, parolcones, remulci, Ropes, by which Ships were tow'd.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, retinacula, Cords, where∣with Ships were ty'd to the Shore. In most Harbours Stones were erected for this purpose, being bor'd thro' like Rings, and thence call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to these the Cords, cast out of the Stern, were bound: This Custom was always observ'd, when Ships came into Port; and therefore, when they put to Sea, it is usually said they did solvere sunes, loose their Cords; Instances of this are eve∣ry

where frequent, but I shall only give you one out of Ovid (a) 1.591, who speaks thus of Aencas's Followers,

Aeneadae gaudent, caesoque in littore tauro, Torta coronatae solvunt retinacula navis.

A Bull the joyfull Trojans sacrific'd Upon the Shore, then loos'd the Rope that ty'd The Ship all crown'd with Garlands.—

The End of doing this was, that the Ships might be secur'd from the Violence of the Winds, and Waves; for which reason, in those commodious Harbours, that lay not expos'd to them, we find that Ships remain'd loose, and unty'd; whence Homer (b) 1.592,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

So still the Port, there was no need of Ropes.

I proceed to the Instruments, which were only necessary to some sort of Navigation; where I shall first treat of those requir'd in Rowing, which were as follow:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, remi, Oars, so call'd from one Copas, by whom 'tis said they were first invented. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Latin palmula, or tonsa, was the Blade, or broad Part of the Oar, which was usually cover'd with Brass, that it might with greater Strength, and Force re∣pell the Waves, and endure the longer. There were several Banks of Oars plac'd gradually above one another; the Oars of the lowest Bank were shorter than the rest, and call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Those of the middle Banks were term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Those of the uppermost 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and were the longest, being at the greatest Distance from the Water; where∣fore, that the Rowers might be the better able to wield, and manage them, it was customary to put Lead upon their Handles (c) 1.593, that the Bottom might not out-poise the Top.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were round Pieces of Wood, whereon the Rowers hung their Oars, when they rested from their Labours: Hence 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. a Ship with three Rows of Scalmi, or a Trireme.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, strophi, or struppi, were leathern Thongs (d) 1.594, wherewith the Oars were hung upon the scalmi; those also, with which the Rudder was bound. Leather, and Skins of Beasts were apply'd also to several other Uses; as to cover the scalmi, and the

[illustration]

[illustration]

Holes, thro' which the Oars were put forth to preserve them from being worn (a) 1.595. There were Skins under the Rowers, call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and sometimes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from saving the Elbows, or Breeches of the Rowers.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. in Latin transtra, and juga, were the Seats of the Rowers.

The Instruments us'd in Sailing were as follow:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, vela, Sails, which are by some thought to have been first invented by Daedalus, and to have given Ori∣ginal to the Fable of his using Wings: Others referr this Inven∣tion to Icarus, making Daedalus the Contriver of Masts and Sail∣yards (b) 1.596: At first, there was only one Sail in a Ship, but after∣wards a greater Number was sound convenient, the Names of which were these:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by some taken for supparum, or the Top-sail, which hung on the Top of the Mast.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the great Sails (c) 1.597.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Trinket, or small Sail in the Fore-deck (d) 1.598: Others make 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the same.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Misen-sail, which was larger than the former, and hung in the Hind-deck (e) 1.599.

Sails were commonly of Linen, sometimes of any other Materials fit for receiving, and repelling the Winds: in Dio (f) 1.600 we have mention of leathern Sails; it was likewise usual for want of other Sails to hang up their Garments; whence came the Fable of Hercules, who is feign'd to have sail'd with the Back of a Lyon, because he us'd no other Sail, but his Garment, which was a Lyon's Skin (g) 1.601.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, antennae, the Sail-yards, Pieces of Wood fix'd upon the Mast, to which the Sails were ty'd (h) 1.602: The Name signifies an Horn, whence it's Extremities are call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, it's Arms inclining to an orbicular Figure are term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Latin Poet hath us'd cornua in the same Sence (i) 1.603.

—Veloque superba capaci Cum rapidum hauriret Boream, & cornibus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Colligeret flatus.—

Other Parts it had close to the Mast call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being those, by which it was mov'd.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, malus, the Mast. Every Ship had several Masts, but we are

told by Aristotle, that at first there was only one Mast, which being fix'd in the Middle of the Ship, the Hole, into which the Foot of it was inserted, was nam'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (a) 1.604, in Latin modius. When they landed, the Mast was taken down, as appears every where in Homer, and plac'd on a Thing call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which, according to Suidas, was a Case, wherein the Mast was reposited, but Eusta∣thius will have it to be nothing, but a Piece of Wood, against which it was rear'd. The Parts of the Mast were these: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the Foot. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or, according to Athenaeus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to which the Sail was fix'd. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Pulley, by which the Ropes were turn'd round. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, built in the man∣ner of a Turret, for Souldiers to stand upon, and cast Darts: Above this was a Piece of Wood call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Extremity of which was term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, on which hung a Ribband call'd, from it's continual Motion, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, turning round with the Wind.

The Names of the Ropes requir'd to the Use of the above∣mention'd Parts, were these that follow, as enumerated by Scheffer:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were the Ropes call'd in Latin anquinae, wherewith the Sail-yards were bound to the main Mast (b) 1.605: Others will have them to be the same with the Latin rudentes, which were those that govern'd the Sail-yards, so as one Part of the Sails might be hois'd, the other lower'd (c) 1.606, according to the Pleasure of the Pilot. Others will have the Cord, wherewith the Sail-yards were ty'd to the Mast, to be term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ceruchus, anchonis, and rudens; that whereby they were contracted, or dilated 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (d) 1.607, in Latin opifera (e) 1.608.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Latin pedes, were Cords at the Corners of the Sails (f) 1.609, whereby they were manag'd as Occasion requir'd. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were small Cords below the pedes, which were so contriv'd, a•• to be loos'd, and contracted by them: The Use of both these was in taking the Winds, for by them the Sails were contracted, dilated, or chang'd from one Side to another, as there was Occasion.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were those, whereby the Mast was erected, or let down (g) 1.610; others will have them to belong to the Sails.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were Cords, which, passing thro' a Pulley at the Top of the Mast, were ty'd on one Side to the Prow, on the

[illustration]

[illustration]

other to the Stern, to keep 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mast fix'd and immoveable.

The Materials, of which these and other Cords were compos'd, were at first seldom 〈…〉〈…〉: but leathern Thongs; afterwards they us'd Hemp, Flax, Broom, Palm-leaves, Philyry, the Bark of Trees, as the Cherry, Teil-tree, Vine, Maple, Carpine, &c.

CHA•••••••• ••••••I. Of ••he Instruments of War in Ships.

WHAT I have hitherto deliver'd concerning the Parts and Construction of Ships, has been spoken in gene∣ral without Respect to any par••••cular sort of them; it remains therefore, that in the next Place I give you a brief Ac∣count of what was farther necessary to equip a Man of War.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, rostrum, was a Beak of Wood, fortify'd with Brass, whence it is call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Diodorus (a) 1.611, and S••ips have sometimes the Epithet of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: One, or more of these was always fasten'd to the Prow to annoy the Enemy's Ships, and the whole Prow was sometimes cover'd with Brass to guard it from Rocks and Assaults. The Person that first us'd these Beaks is said to have been one Piscus an Italian (b) 1.612; for it will not be allow'd that the primitive Greeks had any Knowledge of them, since no such Thing is mention'd in Home•• which could scarce have hap∣pen'd, had they been invented at the Time of the Troian Wa••••. Yet Aeschylus (c) 1.613 gives Nestor's Ship the Epithet of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or arm'd with ten Beaks, and I••higenia•• Euripides speaks of Braze•• Beaks,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—

O! that these Ships with brazen Beaks Had never enter'd Aulis Ports.

But it may justly be question'd, whether these Poets take their Descriptions from the Practice of their own Times, •• ••••ing fre∣quent enough with Men of that Profession. These Beaks were at first long and high, but afterwards it was found more convenient

to have them short and firm, and ••ac'd so low as to pierce the Ene∣my's Ships under Water; this was an Invention of one Aristo a Corinthian, who communicated it to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Syracusians in their War with the Athenians, against whom it prov'd a considerable Advan∣tage, fo•• by these new Beaks several of the Athenian Men of War were ove••turn'd, or torn in Pieces at the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Shock (a) 1.614. Above the Beak was another Instrument 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and it appears from ancient 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that 〈…〉〈…〉 were usually adorn'd with various 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were Pieces of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 plac'd on each S••de of the Prow (b) 1.615 to guard it from the Enemy's Beaks: Because Prows are usually compar'd to Faces, these were thought to resemble Ears, whence their Name seems to have been deriv'd: for those are mista∣ken that would have them belong to the Hind-deck (c) 1.616.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Hatches, sometimes call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whence we meet with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and tectae, cover'd Ships, or Men of War; which are frequently oppos'd to Ships of Passage, or Burden, which were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and apertae, uncover'd, or without Hatches: This Covering was of Wood, and erected on purpose for the Souldiers, that they, standing as it were upon an Eminence, might level their missive Weapons with greater Force and Certainty against their Enemies. In the primitive Ages, particularly about the Time of the Trojan War, we are told by Thucydides, that the Souldiers us'd only to fight upon the foremost, and hindermost Decks (d) 1.617, and there∣fore whenever we find Ho••er speak of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which his Scholi••sts interpret Hatches, we are only to understand him of these Parts, which alone us'd to be cover'd in those Days. Thus he tells us of A••••x defending ••he Grecian Ships against the Attack of the Trojans (e) 1.618,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

He march'd upon the Hatches with long Strides.

And of Ulysses preparing himself for the Encounter with Scylla he speaks thus (f) 1.619,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—

Upon the Hatches of the foremost Decks He went.—

The other Parts of the Ship are said to have been first cover'd by the Thasians (a) 1.620.

Beside the Coverings of Ships already mention'd, and call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, there were other Coverings to guard the Souldiers from their Enemies, call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Latin plurei, and sometimes propugnacula: These were commonly Hides, or such like Materials, hung on both Sides of the Ship, as well to hinder the Waves from falling into it, as to receive the Darts cast from the adverse Ships, that under these, as Walls on both Sides, the Soul∣diers might without Danger annoy their Enemies.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a certain Machine, which, being usually a Part of these Ships, cannot be omitted in this Place: It was a vast and massy Piece of Lead, or Iron, cast into the Form of a Dolphin, and hung with Cords and Pulleys to the Sail-yards, or Mast, which, being thrown with great Violence into the adverse Ships, either penetrated them, and so open'd a Passage for the rising Floods, or by it's Weight and Force sunk them to the Bottom of the Sea (b) 1.621.

Another Difference betwixt Men of War and other Ships was, that the former commonly had an Helmet engraven on the Top of their Masts (c) 1.622.

CHAPTER XVIII. Of the Mariners, and Souldiers.

WE are told by Thucydides, that amongst the Ancients there were no different Ranks of Sea-men, but the same Per∣sons were employ'd in those Duties, whi••h were in later Ages executed by divers, to whom they gave the several Names of Rowers, Mariners, and Souldiers; whereas at first all these were the same Men, who laid down their Arms to labour at the Oar, and perform what was farther necessary to the Government of their Ships, but, as oft as Occasion requir'd, resum'd them to assault their Enemies: This appears every where in Homer, out of whom I shall observe this one Instance,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.—

Each Ship had fifty Rowers, that were skill'd Well in the shooting Art.—

These were term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (a) 1.623. This was the Practice of those Times, wherein no great Care was taken, no extraordinary Pre∣parations made for equipping Men of War, but the same Vessels were thought sufficient for Transportation and Fight: Afterwards, when the Art of naval War began to be improv'd, it was pre∣sently understood, that any one of the fore-mention'd Occupa∣tions was enough to require the whole Time, and Application of the Persons employ'd therein; whence it became customary to furnish their Ships of War with the three following sorts of Men:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, call'd by Polybius (b) 1.624 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and by the same Author (c) 1.625, with Xenophon (d) 1.626 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, tho' we are told by the Scholiast upon Thucydides, that this is a Name of very large extent, comprehending not only those that row'd, but all other Persons in the Ship, and sometimes apply'd to any Thing else contain'd therein. When Ships had several Banks of Oars, the uppermost Rowers were call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and their Bank 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (e) 1.627: The lowest 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and their Bank 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Those in the Middle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and all their Banks, how many soever in Number, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Every one had a different Oar, for except in Cases of Ne∣cessity one Oar was never manag'd by above one Person, as Scheffer hath prov'd at large; Yet their Labour, and Pay were not the same, for such as were plac'd in the uppermost Banks, by reason of their Distance from the Water, and the Length of their Oars, underwent a great deal of Toil and Labour, which those in the inferiour Banks had no Sence of, and therefore were rewarded with greater Wages. The Rowers in Ships of Burden were call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (f) 1.628, those in Triremes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the rest seem to have had different Appellations from the Names of the Ships they labour'd in. Those, that were foremost in their respective Banks, and sat nearest the Prow, were call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and, on the other Side, those, who were plac'd next the Stern, were term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as being behind their Fellows. Their Work was esteem'd one of the worst and most wretched Drudgeries, and therefore the most notorious Malefactors were frequently condemn'd to it; For, be∣side

their incessant Toil in rowing, their very Rest was uneasy, there being no Place to repose their weary'd Bodies, beside the Seats, whereon they had labour'd all the Day; therefore, whenever the Poets speak of their ceasing from Labour, there is mention of their lying down upon them: Thus Seneca (a) 1.629,

—credita est vento ratis, Fususque transtris miles.—

Unto the Wind the Ship was lest, The Souldiers lay along the Seats.

To the same purpose Virgil (b) 1.630;

—placida laxarant membra quiete Sub remis fusi per dura sedilia nautae.

And now along their Seats the Rowers laid Had eas'd their weary'd Limbs with Sleep.

The rest of the Ship's Crew usually took their Rest in the same manner, only the Masters (c) 1.631, or great Persons were permitted to have Cloaths spread under them; so we read of Ulysses in Homer (d) 1.632,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—

But Cloaths the Men for great Ulysses spread, And plac'd an easy Pillow for his Head, On these he undisturb'd securely slept, Lying upon the Stern.—

Such, as would not be contented with this Provision, were look'd upon as soft and delicate, and unfit to endure the Toil and Hard∣ships of War; which Censure the Athenians pass'd upon Alcibia∣des, because he had a Bed hung on Cords, as we read in Plu∣tarch (e) 1.633.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Mariners, were exempt from drudging at the Oar, but perform'd all other Duties in the Ship; to which end, that all Things might be carry'd on without Tumult and Confusion, eve∣ry one had his proper Office, as appears from Apollonius, and Flac∣cus's Argonauticks, where one is employ'd in rearing the Mast, ano∣ther

in fitting the Sail-yards, a third in hoising the Sails, and the rest are bestow'd up and down the Ship, every one in his proper Place: Hence they had different Titles, as from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Sails, the Persons appointed to govern them were call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, those, that climb'd up the Ropes to descry distant Countries, or Ships, were term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the rest in like manner: There were a sort of Men inferior to the former, and call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who were not confin'd to any certain Place, or Duty, but were ready on all Oc∣casions to attend on the rest of the Sea-men, and supply them with whatever they wanted (a) 1.634. The whole Ship's Crew were usually wicked and profligate Fellows, without any Sence of Re∣ligion or Humanity, and therefore reckon'd by Iuvenal (b) 1.635 amongst the vilest Rogues,

Invenies aliquo cum percussore jacentem, Permixtum nautis, aut suribus, aut fugitivis.

You'll surely find his Company, some Tarrs, Cut-throats, or roguy Vagabonds.—

The Souldiers that serv'd at Sea, were in Latin term'd classiarii, in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, either because they did 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ascend into Ships; or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from ascending the Hatches, where they fought. They were arm'd after the same manner with those design'd for Land-service, only there seems always to have been a greater Number of heavy-arm'd Men than was thought necessary by Land; for we find in Plutarch (c) 1.636, that of eighteen Men employ'd to fight upon the Hatches in eve∣ry one of Themistocles's Ships, only four were light-arm'd: Indeed it highly imported them to fortify themselves in the best manner they could, since there was no Possibility of retiring, or changing Places, but every Man was oblig'd to fight hand to hand, and maintain his Ground 'till the Battle was ended; wherefore their whole Armour, tho' in Form usually the same with that employ'd in Land-service, yet exceeded it in Strength and Firmness: Be∣side this we find also some few Instruments of War never us'd on Land, the principal of which are these that follow:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (d) 1.637, Spears of an unusual Length, sometimes ex∣ceeding twenty Cubits, whence they are call'd in Livy (e) 1.638, hastae longae, and by Homer 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (f) 1.639;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.—

With Spears, that in the Vessels ready lay, These strove to make the Enemy give way, Long Spears, for Sea-fights only made, compos'd Of sev'ral Pieces.—

Again in another Place (a) 1.640,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

A Spear with Nails compacted and made strong, That was full two and twenty Cubits long, He brandish'd.—

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (b) 1.641, call'd by Appian 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by Diodorus (c) 1.642 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was an Engine of Iron, crooked like a Sickte (d) 1.643, and fix'd to the Top of a long Pole, wherewith they cut in sun∣der the Cords of the Sail-yards, and thereby letting the Sails fall down, disabled the light Ships. Not unlike this was another In∣strument arm'd at the End with a broad Iron Head edg'd on both Sides, wherewith they us'd to cut the Cords that ty'd the Rud∣der to the Ship.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (e) 1.644 were Engines to cast Stones into the Enemy's Ships.

We find another Engine mention'd by Vegetius, which hung upon the main Mast, and resembled a Battering Ram, for it con∣sisted of a long Beam, and an Head of Iron, and was with great Violence push'd against the Sides of adverse Ships.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Latin manus ferrea, was a Grappling Iron, which they cast out of an Engine into the Enemy's Ship: It is said to have been first us'd in Greece by Pericles the Athenian (f) 1.645, at Rome by Duilius (g) 1.646. Different from these were the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, h••pagines, said to be invented by Anacharsis (h) 1.647 the Scythian Philosopher; which, as Scheffer collects out of Athenaeus, were Hooks of Iron hanging on the Top of a Pole, which, being secur'd with Chains to the Mast, or some other lofty Part of the Ship, and then cast with great Force into the Enemy's Vessel, caught it up into the

Air. The Means, us'd to defeat these Engines, was to cover their Ships with Hides, which cast off, or blunted the Stroke of the Iron (a) 1.648.

The Dominion of the Seas was not confin'd to any one of the Grecian States; they were continually contending for Empire, and by various Turns of Fortune sometimes possess'd, and again in a few Months, or Years were dispossess'd of it: The Persons that enjoy'd it longest, and maintain'd it with the greatest Fleet after Greece had arriv'd to the Height of it's Glory, were the Athenians, who first began seriously to apply themselves to naval Affairs about the Time of Xerxes's Invasion: The first that engag'd them in this Enterprize was Themistocles, who, considering their Inability to oppose the Persians by Land, and the Commodiousness of their Situation for naval Affairs, interpreted the Oracle that advis'd to defend themselves within Walls of Wood to this purpose, and pre∣vail'd upon them to convert their whole Time and Treasure to the building and sitting out a Fleet. The Money employ'd on this Design was the Revenue of the Silver-mines at Laurcotis, which had formerly been distributed amongst the People, who by The∣mistocles's Perswasion were induc'd to part with their Income, that Provision might be made for the publick Security: With this an hun∣dred Triremes were rigg'd out against Xerxes's numerous Fleet, over which by the Assistance of their Allies they obtain'd an entire Victory. Afterwards the Number of their Ships was encreas'd by the Management of Lycurgus the Orator to four hundred (b) 1.649; and we are told by Isocrates (c) 1.650, that the Athenian Navy consisted of twice as many Ships, as all the rest of the Grecians were Masters of: It was made up of two Parts, one being furnish'd out by the Athenians themselves, the other by their Confederates.

The Fleet equipp'd at Athens was maintain'd after the manner prescrib'd by Themistocles 'till the Time of Demosthenes, who, to in∣gratiate himself with the Commonalty, restor'd to them their an∣cient Revenues, and devis'd a new Method to procure Money for the Payment of Sea-men, and the Construction of new Men of War: This he effected by dividing the richer sort of Citizens into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Companies, which were oblig'd, according to their several Abilities, to contribute largely out of their own Substance; and in Times of Necessity it was frequent for Men of Estates to rigg out Ships at their own Expence over and above what was requir'd of them, there being a generous Contention between the leading Men in that Common-wealth, which should out-do the rest in serving his Country.

The remaining Part of the Fleet was compos'd of Allies; for the Athenians, understanding how necessary it was to their Affair••

to maintain their Dominion of the Seas, would enter into no Leagues, or Confederacies with any of their Neighbours, but such as engag'd themselves to augment their Navy with a Propo∣tion of Ships; which became a double Advantage to the Athe∣nians, whose Fleet was strengthen'd by such Accessions, whilst their Allies were held in Obedience, as it were, by so many Ho∣stages, all which upon any Revolt must needs fall into the Hands of the Athenians: Those States that were remote from Sea, or unable to fit out Vessels of War, were oblig'd to send their Pro∣portion in Money (a) 1.651. These Customs were first brought up after the second Persian War, when it was agree'd by the common Con∣sent of all the Grecians, that they should retaliate the Injuries re∣ceiv'd from the Barbarians, by carrying the War into their own Countrey, and invading them with the whole Strength of Greece, under the Conduct of the Athenians, who had at that Time rais'd themselves a very high Reputation by their mighty naval Prepa∣rations, and the singular Courage, Wisdom, and Humanity of their two Generals Themistocles and Aristides. Afterwards, being grown great in Power, and aiming at nothing less than the Sovereignty of all Greece, they won some by Favours, and specious Pretences, others by Force of Arms to comply with their Desires; for their manner of treating the Cities they conquer'd, was to oblige them either to furnish Money, paying what Tribute they exacted, or to supply them with Vessels of War, as Thucydides reports of the Chians, when subdu'd by the Athenians (b) 1.652; Xenophon also (c) 1.653, and Dio∣dorus (d) 1.654 mention the same Custom; Thus by one means or other, the greatest Part of the Grecian Cities were draw n in to augment the Athenian Greatness.

CHAPTER XIX. Of Naval Officers.

THERE were two sorts of Officers in all Fleets, one go∣vern'd the Ships, and Mariners; the other were entrusted with the Command of the Souldiers, but had likewise Power over the Ship-masters, and their Crew; these were,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, praefectus classis, the Admi∣ral, whose Commission was different according to the Exigency of Times and Circumstances, being sometimes to be executed by one alone, sometimes in Conjunction with other Persons, as hap∣pen'd

to Alcibiades, Nicias, and Lamachus, who were sent with equal Power to command the Athenian Fleet in Sicily: Their Time of Continuance in Command was likewise limited by the People, and, as they pleas'd, prolong'd, or shorten'd. We read of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (a) 1.655, that finding his Country like to be brought into great Danger upon the Resignation of his Office, he held it four Months longer than he was commission'd to do, in which Time he put a new Face upon the Theban Affairs, and by his wife Management dispell'd the Fears they lay under; which done, he voluntarily laid down his Power, but was no sooner dive∣sted thereof, when he was call'd to account for holding it so long, and narrowly escap'd being condemn'd to Death; for it was fear'd that such a President might some Time or other be a Pretence to ambitious Spirits, having so great Power entrusted in their Hands, to enslave the Common-wealth. The same reason seems to have been the Cause of the Lacedemonian Law, whereby it was forbid∣den, that any Person should be Admiral above once (b) 1.656, which nevertheless stood them in no good st••ad, it thereby often hap∣pening that they were forc'd to commit their Fleet to raw and unexperienc'd Commanders.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.657, sometimes call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was Vice-admiral, or Commander in chief under the Admiral.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Captain of a Trireme, who commanded all the other Souldiers therein. The Captains of other Men of War were dignify'd with Titles taken from the Vessels they commanded, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.

The Officers, that had Care of the Ships, were the following:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, those, who were entrusted with the Care and Management of all marine Affairs, to provide commodious Harbours, to direct the Course of the Fleet, and order all other Things concerning it, except those which related to War.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Master, or Pilot had the Care of the Ship, and Government of the Sea-men therein, and sate at the Stern to steer: All Things were manag'd according to his Direction, 'twas there∣fore necessary that he should have obtain'd an exact Knowledge of the Art of Navigation, which was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and chiefly consisted in these three Things: 1. In the right Ma∣nagement of the Rudder, Sails, and all the Engines us'd in Na∣vigation. 2. In the Knowledge of the Winds and celestial Bo∣dies, their Motions and Influences. 3. In the Knowledge of com∣modious Harbours, of Rocks, Quicklands, and other Occurrences

on the Sea: All these Acoetes in Ovid tells us he furnish'd him∣self with in order to become an accomplish'd Pilot (a) 1.658,

Mox ego, ne scopulis haerem semper in iisdem, Addidici regimen, dextra moderante carinam Flectere; & Oleniae sidus pluviale capellae, Taygetemque, Hyadasque oculis, Arctumque notavi, Ventorumque demo••, & portus puppibus aptos.

Left struck against a Rock, I there shou'd stay, Of steering well I learnt the usefull Way, Observ'd the Arctos, and the Hyais too, The Stars that round Tayg'tes glitt'ring Shew, Have mark'd th' Olenian Goat that Rain portends, And how a noisy Wind each Quarter sends, I learn'd the safest Ports, and best Retreats For tatter'd Vessels.—

Mr. Dechair.

As to the heavenly Bodies, they were observ'd by Sailors upon a two-fold Account, being of use to them in prognosticating the Seasons, and Guides which way to shape their Course. The prin∣cipal of those us'd in foretelling were Arcturus, the Dog-star, Arae, Orion, Hyades, Hoedi, Castor and Pollux, Helena, &c. It was like∣wise customary to take notice of various Omens offer'd by Sea∣fowl, Fishes, and divers other Things, as the Murmuring of the Floods, the shaking, and buzzing Noise of Trees in the neigh∣bouring Woods, the dashing of the Billows against the Shoar, and many more, in all which good Pilots were nicely skill'd. As to the Direction in their Voyage, the first Practitioners in the Art of Navigation, being unacquainted with the rest of the celestial Motions, steer'd all the Day by the Course of the Sun, at Night betaking themselves to some safe Harbour, or resting on the Shoar, and not daring to adventure to Sea 'till their Guide was risen to discover their Way: That this was their constant Custom may be observ'd from the ancient Descriptions of those Times, whereof I shall only observe this Instance (b) 1.659,

Sol ruit interca, & montes umbrantur opaci, Sternimur optatae gremīo telluris ad undam, Sortiti remos, passimque in littore sicco Corpora curamus, fessos sopor irrigat artus.

The hast'ning Sun had reach'd his wat'ry Bed, And Night the gloomy Mountains had o'erspread,

When, Lots resolving who shou'd Rowers be, Upon the Shore we lie just by the Sea, With Sleep our drooping Eyes we quickly close, And give our weary'd Bodies sweet Repose.

Mr. Dechair.

Afterwards, the Phanicians, whom some will have to be the first Inventors of Navigation, discover'd the Motions of some other Stars, as may be observ'd in Pliny (a) 1.660, and Propertius (b) 1.661,

Quaeritis & coelo Phoenicum inventa sereno, Quae sit stella homini commoda, quaeque mala.

—led by the Art, The wise Phoenicians found, and did impart, You mind what Stars are Signs of Good, or Harm.

The Phoenicians we find to have been directed by Cynosura, or the lesser Bear-star (c) 1.662, which was first observ'd (as some are of opi∣nion) by Thales the Milesian, who was originally a Phoenician (d) 1.663; whereas the Mariners of Greece, as well as other Nations, steer'd by the greater Bear, call'd Helice; whence Aratus,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Helice always is the Grecians Guide, When e'er they take a Voyage.—

For the first Observation of this they were oblig'd to Nauplius, if you will believe Theon, or, according to the Report of Flaccus (e) 1.664, to Tiphys, the Pilot of the famous Ship Argo. But of these, we are told by Theon, the former was the securer Guide, and there∣fore was follow'd by the Phoenicians, who for Skill in marine Af∣fairs outstrip'd not only all the rest of the World, but even the Grecians themselves.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was next under the Master, and had his Place in the Head of the Ships, as his Name imports; To his Care was committed the Tackling of the Ship (f) 1.665, and the Rowers, who had their Places assign'd by him, as appears of Phaeax, who perform'd this Office in Theseus's Ships (g) 1.666: We find him every where assisting the Master at

Consultations concerning the Seasons, Places, and other Things (a) 1.667.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, portisculus, ageator, or hortator remigum, is by some in∣terpreted the Boat-swain; his Office was to signify the Word of Command to the Rowers (b) 1.668, and to distribute to all the Crew their daily Portion of Food (c) 1.669.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was a Musician, who by the Harmony of his Voice, and Instrument rais'd the Spirits of the Rowers, when weary with Labour (d) 1.670, and ready to saint, as we read in Statius (e) 1.671;

Acclivis malo mediis intersona•• Orpheus Remigiis, ta••▪tosque jubet neseire labores.

Against the Mast the tunefull Orpheus stands, Plays to the weary'd Rowers, and commands The Thought of Toil away.—

Another, it may be the chief, Use of this Musick was to di∣rect the Rowers, that they, keeping Time therewith, might pro∣ceed in a regular and constant Motion, left by an uncertain Impulse of their Oars the Course of the Ship should be retarded (f) 1.672: Hence Flaceus in his Argonautics;

—carmine tonsas Ire docet, summo passim ne gurgite pugnent.

His Notes direct how ev'ry Oar shou'd strike, How they shou'd Order keep.—

••ilius also speaks to the same purpose (g) 1.673;

—mediae stat margine puppis, Qui voce alternos nautarum temperet ictus, Et remis dictet sonitum, pariterque relatis Ad numerion plaudat resonantia caerula tonsis.

One ready stands to sing a charming Song Unto the Sea-men as they row along, Whose lively Strains a constant Movement keep, And shew when ev'ry Oar shou'd brush the Deep, Who, as the beaten Water still resounds, Applauds their Labour with his Voice.—

Mr. Dechair.

This Musick was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (h) 1.674, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (h) 1.675.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, custodes navis, were oblig'd to take care that the Ship receiv'd no Dammage by bulging upon Rocks, or other ways (a) 1.676; whence, in the Night especially, we find them employ'd in sounding, and directing the Ship with long Poles;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (b) 1.677.

As those who in the Night-time mind the Ship, Direct and guide it with long Poles.—

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were either those that had the charge of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Sides of the Ship, according to Turnebus (c) 1.678; or of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. the Banks of Rowers.

Several other Names of Officers occurr in Authors; as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 who distributed to every Man his Share of Victuals, being usually the same with the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but sometimes, it may be, distinct from him. Homer mentions this Officer (d) 1.679;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

And Officers embark'd, whose Care it was To give each Man his Victuals.—

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (e) 1.680 was a Person, whose Business lay 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, about the Fire, and therefore is by some thought to have been the Cook; by others the Priest, who offer'd Sacrifices.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was the Bursar, who kept the Accounts, and registred all the Receipts and Expences of the Ship.

CHAPTER XX. Of their Voyages, Harbours, &c.

WHEN it was design'd the Fleet should put to Sea, the Signal being given by the Admiral, the Mariners hal'd the Ships into the Water, for it was customary, when they came into Harbour, to draw the Sterns to dry Land to

prevent their being toss'd and dissipated by the Waves; whence Virgil;

—start littore puppes.

The Sterns stand on the Shore.

It was frequent also for the Sea-men, underproping their Ship; with their Shoulders, to thrust them forwards into the Sea; so we read of the Argonauts in Valerius Fla••cus (a) 1.681,

At du••is imperiis Minyae monituque frequentes Puppem sumeris sub••••unt, & t••nto poplite proni Decurrunt.—

The Prince commands that they no longer stay, His Orders strait the Minyae obey, And kneeling down, their Shoulders heave the Ship Into the Main.—

This was sometimes perform'd by Leavers and Spars of Wood, over which Ships were rowl'd into the Deep; these were call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (b) 1.682, and according to Homer 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.683;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

The heavy Ship into the Sea they thrust With Leavers.—

But, to remedy the great Trouble and Difficulty of these Methods, Archimedes the S••racusian oblig'd his Country-men with the inge∣mo••s Contrivance of an Engine call'd helix, whereby the Ships were with great Facility remov'd from the Shore (d) 1.684; to do this they call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Before they embark'd the Ships were adorn'd with Flowers, and Garlands, which were Tokens of Joy and Mirth (e) 1.685, and Omens of future Prosperity: Hence Virgil,

—vocat jam carbasus auras, Puppibùs & laeti nau••ae imposuere coronas.

Now's a fair Wind, and all the Sea-men crown The Ship with Garlands.—

Because no Success could be expected in any Enterprize without the Divine Blessing and Assistance, they never forgot to invoke the

Protection of the Gods by solemn Prayers and Sacrifices, which as they offer'd to other Deities, so more especially to those, who had any Concern, or Command in the Sea, to the Winds and Tempests, to the whole Train of marine Gods and Goddesses, but above all to Neptune, the great Emperor of the Sea: Thus An∣chises in Virgil (a) 1.686 dares not adventure himself to Sea, 'till he has first address'd himself to Neptune, and Apollo;

—meritos aris mactavit honores, Taurum Neptuno, taurum tibi, pulcher Apollo.

A Pull to Neptune, and a Bull to you He sacrific'd, Apollo, as your due.

A great Number of Instances to the same purpose may be met with in all ancient Writers: Nor was it enough for themselves alone to petition the Gods for Safety and Success; but all the Mul∣titudes that throng'd on such Occasions to the Shore, earnestly recommended them to the Divine Protection, and joyn'd their ser∣vent Prayers for their Deliverance from all the Dangers, they were going to encounter (b) 1.687.

This done, we are told by the Scholiast upon Apollonius, that it was usual to let fly a Dove; which no doubt was look'd on as an Omen of safe Return, because that Bird is not easily forc'd to relinquish it's Habitation, but, when driven away, delights to re∣turn: Then they put to Sea, the Signal being given by a Shout, by Sound of Trumpet, and several other ways; in the Night it was usually given by Torches lighted in the Admiral Galley, an Instance whereof, we have in Seneca's Agamemnon (c) 1.688;

Signum recursus regia ut fulfit rate, Et clara lentum remigem emovit tuba, Aurata primas prora secavit vias.

The Torches being lighted, which, to guide Us home more safely, in the King's Ship stood, And summon'd by the Trumpet's noisy Sound, When ev'ry Man his proper Oar had took, The Admiral march'd first, and cut the Waves.

Mr. Dechair.

The Ships were usually rang'd in this Order: In the Front went the lighter Vessels, after these follow'd the Men of War led on by the Admiral, which was commonly distinguish'd from the rest by the Richness of her Ornaments; thus we find Agamemnon's Ship in the fore mention'd Place of Seneca, going before the rest;

Aurasa primas prora secavit vias, Aperitque cursus, mille quos puppes secent.

The Admiral went first, and cut the Waves, Prepar'd the yielding Deep, which afterwards A thousand Vessels clear'd.—

Last of all the Vessels of Burden came up. If the Winds were high, or Seas dangerous, they were extended out at length, sailing one by one; but at other Times they went three, or more in a breast.

When they arriv'd at any Port, where they design'd to land, the first Thing they did was to run their Ships backwards upon their Hind-decks in order to tack about, this they call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (a) 1.689, which Phrase is by Thucydides elegantly apply'd to those that retreat fighting, and still facing their Enemies: Then they tack'd about, which they term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (b) 1.690, turning the Heads of their Ships to the Sea, according to Virgil;

Obvertunt pelago provas.—

To the Sea they turn'd their Pro••

Now the Rowers ceas'd from their Labour and rested their Oars, which the Greeks call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Latins inhibere remos, these they hung upon Pins, as we find in Statius (c) 1.691;

Quinquaginta illi trabibus de more revinctis Eminus abrupto qu••tiunt nova littora salin.

Their fifty Oars hung up, they rudely leapt Upon the new-found Shore.—

For fear their Oars should be in Danger of being broken by the Floods, they hung them not so as to reach the Water, but upon the Sides of their Ships; whence Ovid (d) 1.692;

Obvertit lateri pendentes navita remos.

To the Ship's Sides the Sea-men hung their Oars.

Being safely landed, they discharg'd whatever Vows they had made to the Gods, beside which they usually offer'd a Sacrifice call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to Iupiter, sirnam'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from enabling

them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to quit their Ships, and recover the Land. Their Devotions were sometimes paid to other Deities, especially to Neptune, who was thought to have a peculiar Care of all that travell'd within the Compass of his Dominions: Thus the Heroes in Homer (a) 1.693;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Landed at Pylus, where King Neleus reign'd, With blackest Bulls they sev'rall Altars Stain'd, A Sacrifice to Neptune.—

Harbours were Places render'd either by Nature, or Art com∣modious for the Entertainment of Ships, and to defend them against the Insults of Winds and Waves: The former sort were usually at the Mouth of a River, or in a Creek of the Sea under the Covert of some lofty Promontory: The latter were vast Piles, or Heaps of Earth, and other Materials, cast up in the Form of a Semicircle, with Arms of a vast Length extended into the Sea; These were call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (b) 1.694 from their Resemblance to Crabs Claws; or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.695; or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as in Homer, who speaks thus of the Phorcynian Harbour (d) 1.696;

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

—There two great Piles stood out, Which made an Haven.—

Cicero terms them cornua (e) 1.697: For the Security of the Ships enclos'd therein, we find it usual to fix to the two Ends vast Chains, or Booms, as appears of the Syracusian Harbour mention'd in Frontinus (f) 1.698: Nor was it unfrequent to guard them with great Pales fortify'd against the Water with Pitch: Hence Havens are sometimes term'd in Latin claustra, in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (g) 1.699. On both Sides of the Mole were strong Towers erected (h) 1.700, which were defended, in the Night, and all Times of Danger by Garrisons of Souldiers (i) 1.701: Not far distant hence was a Watch-tower with Lights to direct Mariners; this was call'd Pharos, which Name originally belong'd to a lit∣tle

Island in the Mouth of the River Nile, where the first of these Towers was built, but afterwards was naturaliz'd both in Greece, and at Rome.

The second Part of the Harbour was term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Latin ostium, and jauces, being the Mouth, or Entry between the Arms of the Semicircle.

M••••••s, was the inmost Part of the Harbour, nearest to the Shoar, and most secure from the Waves, insomuch that there Ships were often suffer'd to lie loose, whereas in other Parts of the Harbour they were usually either chain'd to the Land, or lay at Anchor: It was distinguish'd into several Partitions by Walls, erected for the most part of Stone, under the Covert of which the Vessels had Protection; these Places were call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (a) 1.702, whence Homer (b) 1.703,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

The Ships that far within the Harbour lodge, Without a Chain are safe.—

They were also term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and all together compos'd what was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Here were likewise the Docks, in which Ships were built, or careen'd, and dragg'd to Land; these were nam'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.704, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (d) 1.705, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (e) 1.706, &c.

The adjacent Places were usually fill'd with Inns, and Stews (f) 1.707 well stock'd with Females that prostituted themselves to the Ma∣riners, Merchants, and Artificers of all sorts, who flock'd thither in great Numbers: Most Harbours were adorn'd with Tem∣ples, or Altars, where Sacrifices were offer'd to the Tutelar Dei∣ties of the Place, and Presidents of the Sea; mention of which we find as in other Places, to particularly in Homer (g) 1.708, who speaks of a Cave in the Haven of Ithaca dedicated to the Naiades.

Scheffer will have stationes narvium to differ from the former in this, that here Ships were not lay'd up for any considerable Time, but remain'd only 'till they were supply'd with Water, or other Ne∣cessaries, or on some other short Occasions: They had several Names, being call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (h) 1.709, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (i) 1.710, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (k) 1.711, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (l) 1.712, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (m) 1.713; and were frequently at some distance from the Shore, whence 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Plutarch (n) 1.714 is term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,

which imports their being among the Waves; and by Thucy∣dides 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which answers in some measure to the Latin Phrase in Livy in anchoris stare, to ride at Anchor.

In Times of War they defended themselves with Fortifications on both Sides, but which were made after a different manner; towards the Land they fortify'd themselves with a Ditch and Pa∣rapet, or Wall, built in the Form of a Semicircle, and extended from one Point of the Sea to another: This was sometimes de∣fended with Towers, and beautify'd with Gates, thro' which they issu'd forth to attack their Enemies: Homer hath left us a remark∣able Description of the Grecian Fortifications in the Trojan War (a) 1.715;

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

A bulky Wall, and losty Tow'rs to shield Their Navy and themselves, the Trojans build, On these great Gates for Passages they make, Convenient Ways that all their Horse should take, And all around they dug a spatious Ditch, Fixing great Pales of Wood.—

Mr. Dechair.

Towards the Sea, or within it, they fix'd great Pales Wood like those in Harbours; before these the Vessels of Burden were plac'd in such Order, as they might be instead of a Wall, and give Pro∣tection to those within; in which manner Nicias is reported by Thucydides to have encamp'd himself: But this seems only to have been practis'd, when the Enemy was thought superiour in Strength, and rais'd in them great Apprehensions of Danger: At other Times all they us'd to do, was to appoint a few of their Ships to ob∣serve their Enemy's Motions; these were term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (b) 1.716, and the Souldiers 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Torch, wherewith they signify'd the Approach of their Enemies (c) 1.717. When their Fortifications were thought strong enough to secure them from the Assault of Enemies, it was frequent to drag their Ships to Shore, which the Greeks call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Romans subducere (d) 1.718. Around the Ships the•• Souldiers plac'd their Tents, as appears eve∣ry

where in Homer, Thucydides (a) 1.719, and others; but this seems only to have been practis'd in Winter, when their Enemy's Fleet was laid up, and could not assault them; or in long Sieges, and when they lay in no Danger from their Enemies by Sea, as in the Tro∣jan War, where the Defenders of Troy never once attempted to en∣counter the Grecians in a Sea-fight; at other Times the Ships on∣ly lay at Anchor, or were ty'd to the Shore, that upon any Alarm they might be ready to receive the Enemy.

CHAPTER XXI. Of their Engagements, &c. by Sea.

IN preparing for an Engagement at Sea, the first Business was to disburthen their Ships of War of all Provisions, and other Lumber not necessary in the Action, lest by too heavy a Lead they should be render'd unwieldly, and unfit for Service, being neither able with Force and Vigour to assail their Enemies, nor by lightly tacking about to avoid their Onsets: This done, and the Enemy appearing in View, they took down their Sails, lower'd their Masts, and secur'd whatever might expose them to the Winds, choosing rather to be govern'd by Oars, which they could manage at their Pleasure: On this account we read that Hanno the Car∣thaginian, being pursu'd by a Fleet of Dionysius the Sicilian, to which he was much inferior in Strength and Number, and having no Way to make his Escape, took down his Sails as preparing to fight; whereby decoying the Sicilians to do the like, whilst they were busy and observ'd him not, he unexpectedly hois'd again his Sails, and made away (b) 1.720.

As to their▪ Order of Battail, that was vary'd as Time, Place, and other Circumstances requir'd; being sometimes form'd like an Half-moon, and call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Horns jut∣ting out towards the Enemy, and containing the ablest Men and Ships; sometimes, on the contrary, having it's Belly nearest the Enemy, and it's Horns turn'd backwards, when it was term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Nor was it unusual to range them in the Form of a Circle, which they call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; or (to mention no more) in the Figure of the Letter V (c) 1.721, with the Horns ex∣tended in a direct Line, and meeting at the End; which Order was nam'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Latin forceps, and was usual∣ly

encounter'd by the Enemies rang'd into the same Order in∣ver••••d, whereby they resembled the Figure of a Wedge, or Beak, whence it was call'd cuneus, or rostrum; this enabled them to pe∣••••••a•••• into the Body of the adverse Battail.

Before they joyn'd Battel, both Parties invok'd the Gods to their Assistance by Prayers, and Sacrifices; and the Admirals, going from Ship to Ship in some of the lighter Vessels, exhorted thei Souldiers in a set Oration to behave themselves like Men: Then, all Things being in Readiness, the Signal was given by hanging out of the Admiral's Galley a gilded Shield, as we read in Plu∣ta••••h; or a red Garment, or Banner (a) 1.722; which was term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: During the Elevation of this the Fight continu'd, and by it's Depression, or Inclination towards the right or left, the rest of the Ships were directed in what manner to attack their Enemies, or retreat from them (b) 1.723. To this was added the Sound of Trumpets, which was begun in the Admiral's Galley (c) 1.724, and continu'd round the whole Navy (d) 1.725; it was likewise usual for the Souldiers before the Fight to sing a Paean, or Hymn, to Mars (e) 1.726; and after it, to Apollo.

The Fight was usually begun by the Admiral-galley, as we find done at the Battel of Salamis (f) 1.727, and another Time by Attalus's Ship (g) 1.728: It was carry'd on in two different manners, for not only the Ships engag'd one another, and by their Beaks and Prows, and sometimes their Sterns endeavour'd to dash in Pieces, or over∣set and sink their Opposers; but the Souldiers also annoy'd their Enemies with Darts and Slings, and upon their nearer Approach with Swords and Spears: Thus Lucan (h) 1.729;

Ut primum restris crepucrunt obvia restra; In puppim redicre rates, emissaque tela Aera texerunt, vacuumque cadentia pontum.

The Ships first meeting shew their fiercest Rage, And furiously with clashing Beaks engage; These turn about, and then the Javelins fly, And Show'rs of Arrows darken all the Sky, The Sea is cover'd o'er.—

Mr. Dechair.

Afterwards he goes on in this manner,

Iam non excussis torquentur tela lacertis, Nec longinqua ••••••lum ••a••ulato vulnera serro; Miscenturque m••••••••; navali plurima bello

Ensis agit; stat quisque sue de robore puppis Pronus in adversos ictus.—

They throw no longer Darts, no longer try With missive Arms to kill the Enemy, Both close together come, their Swords they draw, Each stoutly keeps his Post.—

Nor can it be wonder'd how they approach'd so near one ano∣ther, when we find it usual to link their Vessels together with Chains, or Grappling-irons, of which I have spoken in one of the fore-going Chapters; whence Silius (a) 1.730,

—Injecta ligant hinc vincula ferri Atque illin•• naves, steteruntque ad praelia nexae; Nec jaculo, aut longe certatur arundine fusa, Cominus & gladio terrestria praelia miscent.

Chain'd fast with Irons both the Navies stand, No Blood the Darts and flying Weapons spill, With Swords they closely joyn'd begin to kill.

Sometimes, for want of Irons, they so fix'd their Oars, as thereby to hinder their Enemies from retreating: So we read in Lucan (b) 1.731;

Seque tenent remis, toto stetit aequore bellum.

The Ships they hold with Oars, and all around The Face of horrid War appears.—

This sort of Combat was not unlike a Siege, where the stronger Party prevailing over their Enemies, enter'd their Vessels by laying Bridges between them, and, having kill'd, or taken Prisoners all they found in Arms, seiz'd and dragg'd away their Ships.

When a Town was besieg'd by Sea, they us'd to environ it's Walls and Harbour with Ships rang'd in Order from one Side of the Shoar to the other, and so closely joyn'd together by Chains and Bridges on which arm'd Men were plac'd, that without break∣ing their Order, there could be no Passage from the Town to the Sea; this Leaguer Diodorus calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (c) 1.732. The better to pre∣vent any Attempts of the Besieg'd, Demetrius is said to have in∣vented a sort of Boom arm'd with Spikes of Iron, which swam upon the Waters; this he plac'd at the Mouth of the Harbour of Rhodos, when he besieg'd that City (d) 1.733: Sometimes they block'd up the Harbour, or made a Passage to the Town by railing a vast

Mole before it, as we read of Alexander in the Siege of Tyre (a) 1.734; or by sinking Ships fill'd with Stones and Sand, as we find practis'd by the Romans.

The Attacks were usually carry'd on by Men standing upon Bridges between the Ships, and thence with Darts and Stone, forcing the Belieg'd from their Walls: Thus Alexander in the Siege of Tyre so order'd his Gallies, that, two of them being joyn'd at the Heads, and the Sterns som••what distant, Boards and Planks were laid over in the Fashion of Bridges, for Souldiers to stand upon, who were in this manner row'd close to the Wall, where without any Danger they threw Darts at their Enemies, being shel∣tred behind the Fore-decks of th••ir own Gallies (b) 1.735. Here also, that they might throw their missive Weapons with greater Ad∣vantage, and batter the Walls with their Rams, and other ••ngines, they erected Towers so high as to command the City-walls, from which having repell'd the Defenders, they by this means had Op∣portunity to descend by Ladders.

The Besieg'd were not at a loss for ways of defeating these Stra∣tegems; the Ships link'd together they pull'd asunder with Iron∣hooks, the Passage to the Town they block'd up in the same man∣ner the Enemies had done that of the Harbour, or other ways (c) 1.736; if they could not hinder their Approach, they fail'd not to gall them with Darts, Stones, Fire-balls, melted Pitch, or Metals, and many other Things; and lastly, to trouble you no farther, it was frequent for those in the Town to destroy the Vessels and Works of the Besiegers by Fire-ships, as we find done by the Ty∣rians (d) 1.737; for, taking a large Vessel, they put a great Quantity of Bal∣last into the Stern, cover'd the Head with Pitch, Tar, and Brim∣stone, then by the Help of Sails and Oars brought her close to the Macedonian Fortress, where having set the combustible Matter on Fire, they retreated into Boats prepar'd for that Purpose; the Fire immediately seiz'd the Towers of the Fortification, and, by the Help of Torches and Fire-brands cast by those in the Boats, the Work it self took Fire, and that vast Pile, on which so much Time and Labour had been bestow'd, was in a few Moments quite demo∣lish'd: The Use of Fire-ships we likewise meet with amongst the Rhodians in Diodorus the Sicilian (e) 1.738.

CHAPTER XXII. Of the Spoils, Military Rewards, Punishments, &c.

VICTORY being obtain'd, the Conquerours rode Home triumphant, laden with the Spoils of their Enemies, and dragging after them the captive Ships, as appears from the Instances of Alcibiades in Plutarch, and Lysander in Xenophon (a) 1.739: the later of them we find to have had Crowns, or Garlands pre∣sented him by all the consederate Cities of Sparta, as he pass'd by them, which Custom was constantly practis'd by the Grecians, from whom it seems to have been deriv'd to Rome: Nor was the Admiral, or the Souldiers, and Mariners (b) 1.740 only adorn'd with Garlands, but their Ships were likewise bedeck'd with them (c) 1.741; whereby the Rhodians were once reduc'd to extreme Danger, for their Enemies having made themselves Masters of their Ships, crown'd them with Lawrel, and entering them, were re∣ceiv'd with great Joy into Rhodes (d) 1.742; which Strategem we find to have been commonly practis'd in Greece (e) 1.743. Nor were they beau∣tify'd with Garlands only, but hung likewise about with Wrecks and broken Pieces of the Ships destroy'd in Battel, especially the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and other ornamental Parts, which the Conquerours were very industrious in procuring to grace their Triumphs; whence of Hector threatning the Grecian Fleet with Destruction Homer says,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

These they call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and to deprive a Ship of them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (f) 1.744. In this manner the Victors return'd Home, filling the Sea with their Shouts, Acclamations, and Hymns, which were sweeten'd by the Harmony of Musical Instruments, as appears from the Example of Lysander in Plutarch.

Being receiv'd into the City, they went straightway to the Tem∣ples of the Gods, where they dedicated the choicest of their Spoils: Thus we read, that the Syracusians having defeated the Athenians, and the Rhodians after a Victory over Demetrius, fill'd the Temples of their Gods with Wrecks of Ships. Nor was it unusual to pre∣sent entire Vessels to them; for we find that Phormio, having over∣come the Lacedemonians, consecrated a Ship to Neptune (g) 1.745 and

the Grecians after their great Victory over the Persians at Salamis are reported to have dedicated three Phanician Tritemes (a) 1.746

Having paid their Compliment to the Gods, the Remainder of their Spoils they bestow'd in the Porti••os, and other publick Places of their City, to preserve the Memory of their Victo∣ry: To which End they were likewise honour'd with Statues, Inscriptions, and Trophies, the last of which were sometimes erected in their own Country, but more frequently near the Place where they had overthrown their Enemies, and were adorn'd with Arms, and broken Wrecks of Ships, which for that reason were look'd on as a Sign and Testimony of Victory; thus we are told by Thucydides (b) 1.747, that in a Fight between the Athenians and Co∣rinthians, where both Parties made Pretentions to Victory, the for∣mer were by most esteem'd to have the justest Title to it, as having possess'd themselves of their Enemy's Wrecks; and King Philip, tho? worsted by Att••lus, yet, because he made a shift to keep his Fleet amongst the adverse Party's Wrecks, would have perswaded the World that the Day was his own (c) 1.748

These were the principal of the Rewards peculiar to those who had ••erv'd their Country by Sea; others they seem also to have been frequently honour'd with, which being such as were com∣mon to them with those, who had been usefull in other Stations, may be more properly referr'd to other Places, where I have al∣ready treated of them. The chief of their Punishments was Whip∣ping with Cords; which was sometimes inflicted on Criminals having their lower Parts within the Ship, and their Heads thrust out at Port-holes, and hanging into the Sea: Thus we find one Scylax, Master of a Myndian Vessel, to have been treated by Me∣gab••••es, for not being carefull to keep watch and ward (d) 1.749.

There seems to have been a Punishment, by which Offenders were ty'd with Cords to a Ship, and dragg'd in the Waters 'till they were drown'd; in which manner Scylla was treated by Mi∣no••, after she had betray'd to him her Father and Kingdom.

Others were thrown alive into the Sea, as we read of Ionas the Prophet.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or such as refus'd to serve at Sea after a lawfull Summons, were at Athens themselves and their Posterity con∣demn'd to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Ignominy, or Dissranchisment (e) 1.750, of which Punishment I have spoken in one of the former Books.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Desertors, were not only bound with Cords, and whipp'd, as Demosthenes reports; but had their Hands like∣wise cut off, as we are inform'd by Suidas.

Notes

• (a) 1.1

  Iliad. ••. v. 152.
• (b) 1.2

  I Sam. XVII. 11, 14.
• (a) 1.3

  Plurarchus Timcleanse.
• (b) 1.4

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• (a) 1.5

  Telopida
• (b) 1.6

  Herodotus lib. VII.
• (a) 1.7

  Plutarchus Aristide.
• (b) 1.8

  Plutarchus Alexandre, Arrianus De gestis Alex∣andri lib 1.
• (c) 1.9

  Xenophon 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. VII.
• (d) 1.10

  Xemphon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. lib. VI. Plutarchus Lysandro.
• (a) 1.11

  Isocrates pro 〈◊〉〈◊〉, in Phili••pum, Panamenaica, Xenoph••n 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib VI. Plutarchus 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• (b) 1.12

  Xenophon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 lib. VII.
• (c) 1.13

  Plutar∣chus Institut. La••cnices.
• (d) 1.14

  Demoslinenes Orat in Philip. III.
• (a) 1.15

  Demosthenes in Nearam.
• (b) 1.16

  Idem Midiana.
• (c) 1.17

  Lib 1 Cap. X.
• (d) 1.18

  liad 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• (a) 1.19

  Aeschines 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Demosthenes Timocrates.
• (b) 1.20

  Cap VI, 17.
• (c) 1.21

  Strabo, He'ychius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Author.
• (d) 1.22

  Hesychius.
• (e) 1.23

  Ulpranus in Orat. De Syn∣taxi.
• (a) 1.24

  Demosthenes Philipp. I.
• (b) 1.25

  Lib. III.
• (c) 1.26

  Eustath. Odyss. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• (d) 1.27

  Saidu•• V
• (a) 1.28

  Plutarchus Aristide.
• (b) 1.29

  Suidas v. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• (c) 1.30

  Sophocl. Ajac. v. 1141.
• (d) 1.31

  Iliad. 6. v. 266.
• (a) 1.32

  Sai••as loc. cit. Aelianus.
• (b) 1.33

  Lib. V.
• (c) 1.34

  Xenophon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 lib VI.
• (d) 1.35

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Orator.
• (e) 1.36

  Palaphatus lib. I.
• (f) 1.37

  Plinius lib. VII. cap. LVI.
• (g) 1.38

  Homerus in Hymn. Sophocles Oedipo.
• (h) 1.39

  Pausanias Ach••icu.
• (i) 1.40

  Pindarus Pyth.
• (k) 1.41

  Lycophron Cessandr.
• (a) 1.42

  Silius lib. I.
• (b) 1.43

  Idem lib. II.
• (c) 1.44

  Stra••o lib. XVII.
• (d) 1.45

  Lu••anus lib. IV.
• (e) 1.46

  Lib. I. Od. VIII.
• (f) 1.47

  Georgic. III 115.
• (g) 1.48

  Lib. VII. cap. LVI.
• (a) 1.49

  Aen. VIII.
• (b) 1.50

  Aen. VII.
• (c) 1.51

  Aen. XII.
• (d) 1.52

  P••llux lib. I. cap. XI.
• (e) 1.53

  Strab•• lib. III.
• (f) 1.54

  Lib. X.
• (a) 1.55

  Volatereanus Epit. Xeno••hon.
• (b) 1.56

  Plutarchus Graechu.
• (c) 1.57

  Xenophon Hip∣parcho.
• (d) 1.58

  Lib. V.
• (e) 1.59

  Lib. X.
• (f) 1.60

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••.
• (a) 1.61

  Iliad. V.
• (b) 1.62

  Iliad. V.
• (c) 1.63

  Iliad. X.
• (d) 1.64

  Iliad. V.
• (e) 1.65

  Aenid. VII. v. 280.
• (f) 1.66

  Antiquit. Rom. lib. VII.
• (a) 1.67

  Odyss. V.
• (b) 1.68

  Eustathius.
• (c) 1.69

  Iliad. V.
• (d) 1.70

  Iliad. ••.
• (e) 1.71

  Iliad. ••.
• (f) 1.72

  Hesiodus Scuto
• (g) 1.73

  Aeneid X.
• (a) 1.74

  Strabo lib. XIV
• (b) 1.75

  Pausanias lib. IV.
• (c) 1.76

  Plato
• (d) 1.77

  Hes••ebius.
• (e) 1.78

  Xemphon. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. lib. IV.
• (f) 1.79

  Th••cydide. lib. V.
• * 1.80

  Herod••tus.
• (b) 1.81

  Aeschines Orat. de falsa legatione, A••docides Orat. de pace.
• (c) 1.82

  Lysias Orat. de ordine deserto.
• (d) 1.83

  Xenophon.
• (e) 1.84

  Hesyclnus.
• (f) 1.85

  Hesychius.
• (a) 1.86

  Suidas, Pollax, lib I cap X. n. V.
• (b) 1.87

  Ilial. o•• 684.
• (c) 1.88

  Vollux loc. cit.
• (d) 1.89

  Idem eodem cap.
• (e) 1.90

  Aen. XI. v. 770.
• (a) 1.91

  Philostratus Vitā Apollonsi lib. I. cap. VI.
• (b) 1.92

  Curtius lib. VIII.
• (c) 1.93

  Pe∣lybius lib V.
• (a) 1.94

  Iliad. ••. prope sinem.
• (b) 1.95

  Argon. II.
• (c) 1.96

  Eustathius Iliad. ••. p. 119. Edit. Basil.
• (d) 1.97

  Isidorus Orig. lib. IX. cap. III.
• (a) 1.98

  Laconicis.
• (b) 1.99

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• (c) 1.100

  Oper. & Dieb.
• (d) 1.101

  Poetica.
• (e) 1.102

  Camilla, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• (f) 1.103

  Iliad's.
• (g) 1.104

  Iliad. ••.
• (h) 1.105

  Iliad, •• prope finem.
• (a) 1.106

  Iliad. ••.
• (a) 1.107

  Lib. 1.
• (b) 1.108

  Plutarchus Thesea.
• (c) 1.109

  Thu'ydi••es Lib 1.
• (d) 1.110

  Furipidu Sc••••∣liastes.
• (a) 1.111

  Plus••••dius Pelopida.
• (b) 1.112

  Iliad. ••.
• (c) 1.113

  Aenoid. VII. v. 666.
• (a) 1.114

  Iliad. ••. v. 261.
• (b) 1.115

  Iliad. ••.v. 371.
• (c) 1.116

  Hesye••ius, &c.
• (d) 1.117

  Herodotius Clions, Strabo lib. XIV.
• (a) 1.118

  Lib. 1.
• (b) 1.119

  Suidas; &c.
• (c) 1.120

  Lib. 1. cap X.
• (d) 1.121

  Iliad. •• 610.
• (e) 1.122

  Ae∣neid. IX. 49.
• (f) 1.123

  Iliad. •• v. 382.
• (a) 1.124

  Aen••id. VII. v. 785.
• (b) 1.125

  Lib. III.
• (c) 1.126

  Iliad. III.
• (d) 1.127

  Plutar••••us Pyrrho.
• (e) 1.128

  Iliad. ••.
• (a) 1.129

  Hes••ehius.
• (b) 1.130

  Iliad. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.v. 96.
• (c) 1.131

  P••llux lib. 1. cap. X.
• (d) 1.132

  Lib VII. ••••p LVI.
• (e) 1.133

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• (f) 1.134

  Aeneid. V. v. 36.
• (a) 1.135

  Iliad. 〈♫〉〈♫〉. & Eustathius ibid p 345. Edit. Basil.
• (b) 1.136

  Eustasbius ibid.
• (c) 1.137

  Iliad 〈♫〉〈♫〉.
• (a) 1.138

  Pa••sanias Bae••ticis.
• (b) 1.139

  Iliad. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• (c) 1.140

  Loco citato.
• (d) 1.141

  Coriolane.
• (e) 1.142

  Urania, cap. CXX
• (f) 1.143

  Pollu••, Pausanias ••••: 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• (g) 1.144

  ▪Pausanias ibid.
• (h) 1.145

  Lib. VII.
• (i) 1.146

  Strateg. lib. IV.
• (a) 1.147

  Attie••.
• (b) 1.148

  Iliad. ••.
• (c) 1.149

  Demetri••.
• (d) 1.150

  Eustathius.
• (e) 1.151

  Lib V
• (a) 1.152

  Aeneid. XI.
• (b) 1.153

  The••. VII.
• (c) 1.154

  Theó. XII.
• (d) 1.155

  Ae••••id. III. 467.
• (e) 1.156

  Scuto.
• (f) 1.157

  Iliad. ••. v. 612.
• (a) 1.158

  Iliad. •• v. 330
• (b) 1.159

  Aenei••. VII 632.
• (c) 1.160

  Hesychius.
• (d) 1.161

  Nat. Hist. lib. VI cap. XL.
• (e) 1.162

  Iliad. ••. v. 222.
• (a) 1.163

  Iliad ••. 270.
• (b) 1.164

  Eustathius Iliad. ••. p. 184. Edit. T••••••l.
• (c) 1.165

  Iliad ••.
• (a) 1.166

  Loco citato.
• (b) 1.167

  Etymologici Auctor, Homeri Scholiastes, &c.
• (c) 1.168

  Eu∣••••athius loco citato.
• (a) 1.169

  Lib. I.
• (b) 1.170

  Aeneid. III
• (c) 1.171

  Aeneid. II.
• (d) 1.172

  P••ustarc••u•• Apophthegm.〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• (e) 1.173

  Iliad. ••.
• (a) 1.174

  Strabo lib. XV.
• (b) 1.175

  Lib. I. cap. X.
• (c) 1.176

  Iliad. ••. p. 433 Ed. Basil.
• (d) 1.177

  Isido∣rus Hispal. Origin. Lib. XVIII.
• (e) 1.178

  Ammianus lib. XXV.
• (f) 1.179

  Aemilius Trobisi in Chabris.
• (g) 1.180

  Aristophanis Scholiastes Pluto.
• (a) 1.181

  Lib. V.
• (b) 1.182

  Eustathius Iliad. ••. p. 357. ••d. Basil. &c.
• (c) 1.183

  Iliad. 〈♫〉〈♫〉 v. 143.
• (d) 1.184

  Iliad. ••.47.
• (a) 1.185

  Eustathius. Pollux, lib. I. cap. V.
• (b) 1.186

  Iliad. ••. v. 151.
• (c) 1.187

  De Arte Poe∣tica.
• (d) 1.188

  Cap. XXVI. v. 7.
• (e) 1.189

  Odyss. ••.
• (f) 1.190

  Aenoid. XII. v. 92.
• (a) 1.191

  Lib. X.
• (b) 1.192

  Iliad. C. v. 543.
• (c) 1.193

  Iliad. ••.
• (d) 1.194

  Iliad ••.
• (e) 1.195

  Idyll. •••• v. 187.
• (a) 1.196

  I••••••d ••.
• (b) 1.197

  Scuto Hercules.
• (c) 1.198

  Odyss••••.
• (d) 1.199

  Aeneid. X. v. 86.
• (e) 1.200

  Ex∣cidii Huro, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. lib. III.
• (f) 1.201

  Militia Romana.
• (a) 1.202

  Iliad. ••.
• (b) 1.203

  I••••••d ••.
• (c) 1.204

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 lib XIV.
• (d) 1.205

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 in vocibus Atticis, Pollux, &c.
• (e) 1.206

  Su••••as, Eustatheus 〈…〉〈…〉. &c
• (f) 1.207

  Plutarchus Apophthegm.
• (g) 1.208

  Idem loc. citat. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• (b) 1.209

  I••••••d ••.
• (a) 1.210

  I••••••d ••. v 710.
• (b) 1.211

  P••••t••rc••••s Theses, D••••d••rus S••c. lib IV.
• (c) 1.212

  I••iad. ••. v. 136.
• (a) 1.213

  Diod••••s Sicu••••.
• (b) 1.214

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• (c) 1.215

  P••••lax lib. I. cap. X.
• (d) 1.216

  Plinius.
• (e) 1.217

  Cassandr. v. 56. Item ••zetzis S••••••li •• ibidem, & Theocrits Scholiastes Idyll. XIII.
• (f) 1.218

  Idyll. XIII. v. 56.
• (g) 1.219

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. v. 914.
• (a) 1.220

  Ammianus Marcelimus lib. XX.
• (b) 1.221

  Lib. X.
• (c) 1.222

  Iliad. 〈♫〉〈♫〉. v. 1••••.
• (a) 1.223

  Cassandr. v. 564.
• (b) 1.224

  Hes••chius.
• (c) 1.225

  Iliad. 〈♫〉〈♫〉. p. 344. Ed. Basil.
• (d) 1.226

  De Amore.
• (a) 1.227

  T••ebaid. lib. IX.
• (b) 1.228

  Aeneid. IX. v. 771.
• (c) 1.229

  Odyss. ••. v. 260.
• (a) 1.230

  Iliad. 〈♫〉〈♫〉. v. 116. &c.
• (b) 1.231

  Iliad. ••. v. 171.
• (c) 1.232

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• (d) 1.233

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ••.
• (e) 1.234

  Trachimit.
• (f) 1.235

  Vide Commentarium meum in ••ycopi••on. v 56.
• (g) 1.236

  Iliad. •• p. 29. Ed. Bas.
• (h) 1.237

  Iliad. ••.
• (i) 1.238

  Scuto Hercul•••• v 130.
• (k) 1.239

  Ae∣neid XI. v. 652.
• (a) 1.240

  Procopius de Bell Persi•• lib I.
• (b) 1.241

  Eustathius Iliad. 〈♫〉〈♫〉. p. 344. &c. Iliad. ••. p 6••2. Ed Basil.
• (c) 1.242

  Iliad. 〈♫〉〈♫〉. v. 123.
• (d) 1.243

  Eustashius Odyss. 〈♫〉〈♫〉.
• (e) 1.244

  Iliad. ••. v. 264.
• (a) 1.245

  Iliad. ••. v. 3••2.
• (b) 1.246

  Iliad. ••. v. 270.
• (c) 1.247

  Iliad. ••. v. 403.
• (a) 1.248

  V 8••6.
• (b) 1.249

  Vege•••••• de re militari lib I. cap XVI Lucius Florus lib. III. cap. VIII. Diolotus Sl••••••us lib. V. Strabo lib. III.
• (a) 1.250

  Commentario in Dionysium.
• (b) 1.251

  Lycephron, ejusque Scholiastes v. 635.
• (c) 1.252

  M••tamorph. lib II. v. 727.
• (d) 1.253

  P••••lux ••ib I. cap X.
• (e) 1.254

  Strab••.
• (f) 1.255

  Li∣viu•• lib. XXXVIII
• (g) 1.256

  Surdas.
• (h) 1.257

  Xenoph. Cyro••a••. lib. VII.
• (i) 1.258

  Curtiu•• lib. IV.
• (k) 1.259

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. v. 5.
• (a) 1.260

  Iliad. ••. v. 599.
• (b) 1.261

  Aeneid. IX. v. 587.
• (a( 1.262

  Suidas.
• (b) 1.263

  Xenophon de Rep. Laced.
• (c) 1.264

  Pluta••chus Institut Laconi••.
• (d) 1.265

  Plutarchus ••oc. citat. Aelianus lib. VI. cap. VI. Valerius Maximus lib. II. cap. VI.
• (e) 1.266

  Iliad. ••. v. 459.
• (f) 1.267

  Xenoph••n, item Plutarchus Lycu••ge.
• (a) 1.268

  Plutarchus Agesilao.
• (b) 1.269

  Aristo••h••nis Scholiast••s A••harnent.
• (c) 1.270

  Pace.
• (d) 1.271

  Vide Archa••log. nostr. Vol. I. p. 333.
• (a) 1.272

  Pausanias Atti••is.
• (b) 1.273

  Plusar••••us Phocione.
• (c) 1.274

  Suidas.
• (d) 1.275

  Plutarchus.
• (a) 1.276

  Demosthenes Philipp.
• (b) 1.277

  Idem Orat. de Epitrierch. Plutarchus Phocione.
• (c) 1.278

  Ulpta••us in Mid••anam.
• (d) 1.279

  Lysias Orat. pro Mantitheo, & de neglecta militia, Aristophanes Scholiast. Avibus.
• (e) 1.280

  Sigonius de Rep. Athen.
• (f) 1.281

  De∣mosthenes Midiana.
• (g) 1.282

  Lysius in locis citatis.
• (a) 1.283

  Isocrates ad Nic••••lem.
• (b) 1.284

  Her••dotus lib. V. cap. LXXV.
• (c) 1.285

  Thucydedes lib. V.
• (d) 1.286

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• (e) 1.287

  Xenor••••n de Repub. Lace••••m.
• (f) 1.288

  Plutarch••s ••ycurgo.
• (g) 1.289

  Herodotus, Thacy••t••e••, Platarch••s, Cornel••••s Ne••os 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• (a) 1.290

  Pluta••chus A••esila••.
• (b) 1.291

  Herodotus lib. VI. Th••cydides lib. V.
• (c) 1.292

  Xe∣nophon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 lib. II.
• (d) 1.293

  Xenopho•• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 lib V.
• (e) 1.294

  Plutarchus Agesi∣las, & Xenophon.
• (f) 1.295

  Thacydides lib. V.
• (g) 1.296

  Plutarchus Lycurgo.
• (a) 1.297

  Orbicius.
• (a) 1.298

  Iliad. ••. v. 784.
• (a) 1.299

  Aelian. Tacticis.
• (a) 1.300

  Aelianus Tacticis, qu•• ubique in hoc capite consulendus.
• (b) 1.301

  I••∣••ad ••.v. 43.
• (a) 1.302

  Aelianus loc. citat.
• (b) 1.303

  Plutarchus Pelopid••.
• (c) 1.304

  Xenophon de Rep. Laced.
• (a) 1.305

  Idem 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. lib. VI.
• (b) 1.306

  He••y••••••.
• (c) 1.307

  Idem
• (a) 1.308

  Aristoteles Topic. lib. I. Quintilianus lib. V. cap. X. Cicero.
• (a) 1.309

  Tact. cap. XXVIII. cum Binghamii notis.
• (a) 1.310

  Thobaid. lib: II. v. 368.
• (a) 1.311

  Iliad. ••.v. 205.
• (b) 1.312

  Iliad. •• v. 124
• (c) 1.313

  Lib IV.
• (a) 1.314

  Heredotus Polymn. cap. CXXXIV.
• (b) 1.315

  Eustathius Iliad ••. p. 83, 84. Ed. Basil.
• (c) 1.316

  Idem Iliad. •• p. 729.
• (d) 1.317

  Iliad. ••.
• (a) 1.318

  Thebaid lib. II. v. 371.
• (b) 1.319

  Herodotus loc. citat. Pausanias La••onicis.
• (c) 1.320

  ••••••∣nius lib. XXIX cap III.
• (d) 1.321

  Surdas.
• (a) 1.322

  Vide Archaeólog nostr. lib. I. cap XV.
• (b) 1.323

  Aristoteles Politic. lib. II.
• (c) 1.324

  Sa••das.
• (d) 1.325

  Lib II. cap. VI.
• (e) 1.326

  Th••erli••e•• de Bello Peloponnes.
• (a) 1.327

  Di••genian Collect. Prov. Suidas, &c.
• (b) 1.328

  Herodotus lib. I.
• (c) 1.329

  Iudi∣cum cap XI. v. 30.
• (a) 1.330

  Aristophanis Scholiastes Equit. Hesychius.
• (b) 1.331

  Zenolius.
• (c) 1.332

  Lucianus Astrolog.
• (d) 1.333

  Herodetus lib. VI.
• (a) 1.334

  Xenophon De Rep. Laced.
• (b) 1.335

  Plutarci••s Apophthegmat. Laconie.
• (c) 1.336

  Lo∣co citato.
• (d) 1.337

  Iliad ••. v. 222. Item Sophoelu Ajax, ejusque Scholeastes Tricli∣nius v. 4.
• (e) 1.338

  Iliad. ••. v. 806.
• (a) 1.339

  Iliad. ••. v. 436.
• (b) 1.340

  ••••eomens p. 810. Edit. Paris & Lycurge.
• (a) 1.341

  He••alotus lib. VII. cap CCVIII & C••IX.
• (b) 1.342

  Surda••.
• (c) 1.343

  Arist••tha∣nes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• (d) 1.344

  Idem Lysistrate.
• (e) 1.345

  Thacyds es lib. IV.
• (f) 1.346

  Chiliad. IX. Hist. CCLXXVI.
• (a) 1.347

  Xenophon.
• (b) 1.348

  Idem.
• (a) 1.349

  Iliad. ••.v. 155.
• (b) 1.350

  Lib. IX.
• (a) 1.351

  Iliad. ••. v. 297.
• (b) 1.352

  Pl••t••ra•• u•• lib de tiomer••.
• (a) 1.353

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 M••sie ••••, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. XV. Iust••••. lib. III.
• (b) 1.354

  Thu∣••yd. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib 1. &c.
• (c) 1.355

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• (d) 1.356

  Idem ••ycurgo.
• (e) 1.357

  Idem Aristi••••.
• (a) 1.358

  Glossogra••hi.
• (b) 1.359

  〈…〉〈…〉. lib VII
• (c) 1.360

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bell C••∣v••••. lib. II.
• (d) 1.361

  Valerius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. I. cap. V.
• (e) 1.362

  Lib. VII.
• (f) 1.363

  Po••ya∣•••• lib. I.
• (g) 1.364

  s. cap XXVI.
• (h) 1.365

  〈…〉〈…〉. lib. I.
• (i) 1.366

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• (k) 1.367

  Idem 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Cornelias Nepas Epami••••∣••••.
• (l) 1.368

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. III.
• (a) 1.369

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. II.
• (b) 1.370

  〈…〉〈…〉, Lycophron•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 v. 2••••, 〈…〉〈…〉.
• (c) 1.371

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 v. 1295.
• (d) 1.372

  Theba••d. IV. v. 5.
• (e) 1.373

  〈…〉〈…〉 lib. I.
• (f) 1.374

  Tzetzes in ••ycophron. v. 250.
• (a) 1.375

  Metam lib. I.
• (b) 1.376

  Idyll. ••••. v. 75.
• (c) 1.377

  Cassandra v. 249.
• (a) 1.378

  Eustathius Iliad. ••.
• (b) 1.379

  Iliad. ••. v. 219.
• (c) 1.380

  Iliad. ••. v. 219. Iliad ••. v. 388.
• (d) 1.381

  Aeneid. VI. v. 163.
• (a) 1.382

  Eus••a••hius Iliad ••. p. 118••. Ed t. Basil.
• (b) 1.383

  Cassandra ••. 915.
• (c) 1.384

  He••••∣bius, Phavorinus, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 loc. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• (a) 1.385

  P••usanias Corintheacit. Vide Commentarium nostrum in Lycophren v. 915.
• (b) 1.386

  E••stathius loc. cit Idem deinceps videndus.
• (c) 1.387

  Sophocis•• Sci••••∣liastes Ajace v. 17. Sunlas, Deodorus Siculus lib. V.
• (d) 1.388

  Hyganus Fab. 274
• (e) 1.389

  Ajace v. 16.
• (a) 1.390

  Loco citato.
• (b) 1.391

  Clemen•• Paedag. lib. II. cap IV.
• (c) 1.392

  Pol••••ius lib IV.
• (d) 1.393

  A. Gelitus lib. 1 cap XI Martianus Capella lib IX.
• (e) 1.394

  Clemens loc cit. Athe••••aus lib XII & XIV Eustathius ad Iliad ••.
• (f) 1.395

  Lib. de Musica.
• (g) 1.396

  Hesr••h••••••.
• (h) 1.397

  Iidem Aucto••es, guide Crete••sibus citantur, item Xen••∣phan, Maximus ••••rtus Dissert XII & XXI. Quin••••ianus lib. I. cap XVI. The∣eadides lib. V V••lerius Maximus lib. II. cap. VI. Lucianus de Saltatione, & alii passim.
• (i) 1.398

  Lycur••o.
• (a) 1.399

  Polyanous Strateg. lib. I.
• (b) 1.400

  V. 452.
• (a) 1.401

  V. 1.
• (b) 1.402

  V. 427.
• (a) 1.403

  V. 276.
• (b) 1.404

  V. 267.
• (a) 1.405

  Eustathius Iliad. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. p. 187. Il. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. ••p. 309. Il. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. p. 799. &c. Ed. Basil.
• (b) 1.406

  Iliad. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. v. 16.
• (c) 1.407

  Iliad. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 218.
• (a) 1.408

  Lib. II. prope sinem.
• (b) 1.409

  Thucydides lib. V. Polyanus lib I.
• (c) 1.410

  Mes∣senicis.
• (d) 1.411

  Plutarchus Lycurgo, Apophthegmat. Laconicis, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• (a) 1.412

  Vide Archaeolog. nostr. Vol. I p. 332.
• (b) 1.413

  Pluta••chus Par••lleli••.
• (c) 1.414

  Thucydides initio lib. I.
• (a) 1.415

  Herodotus lib IX. cap. LXIX.
• (b) 1.416

  Plutarch. Sylla.
• (c) 1.417

  Homer. Iliad. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, v. 360.
• (d) 1.418

  Plutarchus Pyrrho.
• (a) 1.419

  De••teronum. cap. XX 2••.
• (a) 1.420

  Iliad. ••. v. 444
• (b) 1.421

  Ibid. v. 258.
• (c) 1.422

  Appian.
• (d) 1.423

  Plutarchu•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• (a) 1.424

  Fine lib. VI.
• (b) 1.425

  Cassandr. v 945.
• (c) 1.426

  Lib. XII.
• (d) 1.427

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• (a) 1.428

  Lib. III.
• (a) 1.429

  Lib. XIV.
• (b) 1.430

  Athenaus Mechanicit apud Turneb. Vitruvius lib. X. cap. XIX.
• (c) 1.431

  Heron cap. XIII.
• (d) 1.432

  Diodorus Seculus.
• (a) 1.433

  Lib. X.
• (b) 1.434

  Demetrio.
• (c) 1.435

  Lib. XX.
• (d) 1.436

  Lib. XIV.
• (a) 1.437

  Lib. III.
• (b) 1.438

  Theog••••du Scholiastes. Homeri S••holiastes Iliad ••.
• (a) 1.439

  Aristophanu Scholiastes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 p. 134.
• (b) 1.440

  E••tathius Iliad. ••. p. 350.
• (a) 1.441

  Iosua cap. VI. 26.
• (b) 1.442

  I. Reg. cap. XVI. 34.
• (c) 1.443

  Iliad. ••. v. 398.
• (d) 1.444

  Ibid. v. 367.
• (a) 1.445

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 IX. v. 180.
• (a) 1.446

  Fine Aen. X.
• (b) 1.447

  Aeneid. XI v. 9.
• (c) 1.448

  Herodotus Calliope.
• (d) 1.449

  Iliad. ••.
• (e) 1.450

  Lycophronii Cassandra v. 269.
• (a) 1.451

  Aeneid. IX. v. 213
• (b) 1.452

  Iliad. ••. v. 414
• (a) 1.453

  Iliad ••. v. 408.
• (b) 1.454

  Aelianus Var. Hist. lib. XII. cap XXVII.
• (c) 1.455

  Plu∣tarches Theseo.
• (d) 1.456

  Xenophan Grae. Hist lib. 1.
• (a) 1.457

  Plutarchus Nicia.
• (b) 1.458

  Diodorus Siculus lib. XV.
• (c) 1.459

  Homeri Scholiastes Iliad. ••. v. 52.
• (d) 1.460

  Iliad. ••. v. 332.
• (e) 1.461

  Agesilao.
• (a) 1.462

  Servius in Aeneid. XI. 92.
• (b) 1.463

  Loc. cit.
• (c) 1.464

  Thebard. VI.
• (d) 1.465

  Plu∣tarchus Lycurge.
• (e) 1.466

  Aelianus Var. Hist. lib VI cap. VI.
• (a) 1.467

  Odyss. ••. v. 74.
• (b) 1.468

  Virgil. Aeneid. VI. v. 232
• (a) 1.469

  Aelianus Var Hist lib. XII. cap XXI.
• (b) 1.470

  Apophthegmat.
• (c) 1.471

  Epi∣gram. XXIV.
• (d) 1.472

  Thacylides lib. III.
• (e) 1.473

  R••t••mus in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 v, 'Paulas Diace••u•• De notis literatum, Isidorus Hisp. l. lib 1. cap XXIII.
• (a) 1.474

  Plato De Legib. lib. 1.
• (b) 1.475

  Iliad. ••. v. 66.
• (a) 1.476

  Ae••••••us lib. VI. cap. VI.
• (b) 1.477

  Plutarchus Apophthegm. Laconicu.
• (c) 1.478

  Eulatinus Iliad. ••. v. 66.
• (d) 1.479

  Isaac. Tzerzes in Lycophronis Cassandram v. 299.
• (e) 1.480

  Iliad. ••. v. 163.
• (a) 1.481

  Calliope.
• (b) 1.482

  Cassandra. v. 293.
• (c) 1.483

  Eustathius Odyss. ••.
• (d) 1.484

  Bulengerus Lib. de spoliis.
• (e) 1.485

  Sophoclu Scholeastes Trachen.
• (a) 1.486

  Herodotus lib. IX.
• (b) 1.487

  Eustathius Iliad. ••. v. 81.
• (c) 1.488

  Iliad. loe. cit.
• (d) 1.489

  Aeneid VII. v. 183.
• (a) 1.490

  I. Sam. XXI. 9.
• (b) 1.491

  Lib. I. Epist. I. v. 4.
• (c) 1.492

  Trist. lib. IV.
• (a) 1.493

  Plutarelius Institut. Laconic.
• (b) 1.494

  Idem Mar••ello.
• (c) 1.495

  Phav••rinus.
• (d) 1.496

  Aristophanu Schol••astes ••l••t••.
• (e) 1.497

  Pausanias Lac••ni••u, Plut••rchus Parallel••••, Phur••••tus.
• (f) 1.498

  Phavo••i••us.
• (g) 1.499

  Cassandra v. 1••28.
• (h) 1.500

  H••raclid. v. 786.
• (a) 1.501

  Satir. X. v. 133.
• (b) 1.502

  Plutarchus Parallelis, Sto••aus Tit. De Fortuna.
• (c) 1.503

  Panegyric.
• (d) 1.504

  Theba••d.
• (a) 1.505

  Aeneid. XI. v. 4.
• (a) 1.506

  Pl••ta••chus Roma••••s Quaestionibus.
• (b) 1.507

  Pausanias p. 315.
• (c) 1.508

  Her••dotus lib. IX.
• (d) 1.509

  P••••••••ss.
• (e) 1.510

  P••••ani•••• Laconicu.
• (f) 1.511

  Lucius Florus lib. III. cap. II.
• (g) 1.512

  Arrian••s Exped. Alex. lib. V.
• (a) 1.513

  Diodorus Siculus.
• (b) 1.514

  Aeschines in Ctes••p••ontem.
• (c) 1.515

  Plu••a••chus Agesila••
• (a) 1.516

  I••iad. ••. v. 2••••.
• (b) 1.517

  Aeneid. IX. 253.
• (a) 1.518

  Plutarchus Cimone.
• (b) 1.519

  Aeschines in Ctesiphontem.
• (c) 1.520

  Plutarchus Al∣••ibiad••.
• (d) 1.521

  Pi••ta••chu•• Lysandro.
• (e) 1.522

  Aeschines in Ctesiphonte••.
• (a) 1.523

  S••••das.
• (b) 1.524

  Cornelius Ne•••• ••••lti••de.
• (c) 1.525

  Pi••l••ri Sch••liastes Ol••mp. Od VI.
• (d) 1.526

  Plutarchus 〈…〉〈…〉 in Avibus, A. Gellius, &.
• (a) 1.527

  Praesat. in Rapt. Proserpina.
• (a) 1.528

  Plin. l. V. c. XII. Str••bo l. XVI. Mela l. I. c. XII.
• (b) 1.529

  Ma••••••••s Tyr. Dis∣sert. XI. Isidorus.
• (c) 1.530

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. I v. 136.
• (d) 1.531

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. V.
• (e) 1.532

  Lyco∣phronu Cassandr. ejusque Sch••lia••te•• v. 75.
• (a) 1.533

  Aeveid. VI. 414.
• (b) 1.534

  Ap••llo••••••, ejusque Scholiastes.
• (c) 1.535

  Scholiastes.
• (d) 1.536

  Th••smophor.
• (e) 1.537

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• (f) 1.538

  Vossius Idol lib III. cap XLIX.
• (a) 1.539

  Ulpianus in Demosth. Orat adv. Lepti••••m
• (b) 1.540

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Nat. Hist. lib. VII. cap ult.
• (a) 1.541

  Apollodorus Biblioth. lib. II.
• (b) 1.542

  Plinias.
• (c) 1.543

  S••romat. lib I.
• (d) 1.544

  Po∣lysius in Fragment & Livius.
• (a) 1.545

  Plutarchus Demetrio, Athenaus: lib. V.
• (a) 1.546

  Homeri Sch••••••••st. Odyss. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• (b) 1.547

  Isidor. lib. XIX. cap. I.
• (c) 1.548

  Metam. XI. v. 516.
• (d) 1.549

  Pollux.
• (e) 1.550

  Aristoph. Schol. Equit.
• (f) 1.551

  Pollux.
• (a) 1.552

  Plato De Repub. l X.
• (b) 1.553

  Heliodorus Aethiopicis.
• (c) 1.554

  Aristophaenes Equi∣tibus.
• (d) 1.555

  Pollux.
• (e) 1.556

  Athenaeus lib. V.
• (a) 1.557

  Lib. VII. cap. IX.
• (b) 1.558

  Fastorum lib. IV.
• (c) 1.559

  Thucydidis Scholia∣stes.
• (d) 1.560

  Sus••a••.
• (e) 1.561

  Homerus.
• (f) 1.562

  Etymologic•• Auctor.
• (g) 1.563

  Tellux.
• (a) 1.564

  Pollax, 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• (b) 1.565

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Auctor.
• (c) 1.566

  Latantias lib I cap II.〈…〉〈…〉 v••t••t••s.
• (d) 1.567

  Pr••••p••as in E••a••a cap. XII. ••••rilias in catena ad eundem prophetara.
• (a) 1.568

  De Tristibus.
• (b) 1.569

  I••hige••ia.
• (c) 1.570

  Pollux, Eustathius, A••oll••nii Sch••'tas•• •• A••gou. lib. •• v. 1••89.
• (a) 1.571

  Saidas v. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• (b) 1.572

  ••pist. Oenon. v. 42.
• (c) 1.573

  At••••neus lib. V.
• (d) 1.574

  Apule••us Asin. lib. XI.
• (a) 1.575

  ••lin. lib. VIII. cap. ul••.
• (b) 1.576

  A 〈…〉〈…〉 in Periplo Ponti Eu••in••.
• (c) 1.577

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 v 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• (d) 1.578

  Pollux.
• (e) 1.579

  Tim. lib. VII. cap. ulc.
• (f) 1.580

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. X. ex E••l••oro.
• (g) 1.581

  Argon. I. v. 1271.
• (a) 1.582

  Lycophroni•• Cassan••r. v. 618.
• (b) 1.583

  Hesy••hiu••.
• (c) 1.584

  Eute••••e.
• (d) 1.585

  Lib XIX. cap IV.
• (e) 1.586

  Glossa in Act. Apost. cap. XXVII.
• (f) 1.587

  Pollux.
• (g) 1.588

  Aristo∣phanu Schol••astes.
• (h) 1.589

  Thavorinus.
• (i) 1.590

  Matthas Evangel. c••p. XIX.
• (a) 1.591

  Metam. lib XV. v. 695.
• (b) 1.592

  Od••ss. ••. v. 136. Vide Annotationes nostras in Lycophronis Cassand••. v. 20.
• (c) 1.593

  Athenaus lib. V.
• (d) 1.594

  Etymol••g••••i Auctor, Homeri Sch••liast. Odyss. ••.
• (a) 1.595

  Suidas v. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• (b) 1.596

  Plin. lib. VII. cap. LVI.
• (c) 1.597

  Hesy••l••••••.
• (d) 1.598

  Sui∣das v. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Isidor••s.
• (e) 1.599

  Hesy••bias, Isido••us.
• (f) 1.600

  Lib. XXXIX.
• (g) 1.601

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Aen. VIII.
• (h) 1.602

  Hom••ri Scholiastes Iliad. ••.
• (i) 1.603

  Silius Italicus lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• (a) 1.604

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••i Scholiastes Od••ss. ••.
• (b) 1.605

  Suidas.
• (c) 1.606

  Phavorinus.
• (d) 1.607

  Suidas.
• (e) 1.608

  I〈…〉〈…〉
• (f) 1.609

  Aristophanu Schol. Equit. Act I. Scen I. Apollonii Scholia••••er. Vide 〈…〉〈…〉 & Meursii comment in Lycop••ronis Cassandr v. 1015.
• (g) 1.610

  A∣pollonii 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• (a) 1.611

  Lib. XX.
• (b) 1.612

  Plin. lib. VII. cap. LVI.
• (c) 1.613

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• (a) 1.614

  Diodorus Siculus lib. XIII.
• (b) 1.615

  Thueydidis Scho••••astes lib. VII.
• (c) 1.616

  Ety∣••••logici Auctor.
• (d) 1.617

  Lib. I.
• (e) 1.618

  Ili••d ••.
• (f) 1.619

  Odyss. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• (a) 1.620

  Plin. lib. VII. cap. LVII.
• (b) 1.621

  Aristophanu Scholiastes, Suidas.
• (c) 1.622

  Gyral∣dus de Navigat. cap. XII.
• (a) 1.623

  Suidas, Pollux lib. I. cap. IX. Th••••ydides.
• (b) 1.624

  Histor. lib X.
• (c) 1.625

  Lib I
• (d) 1.626

  Histor. lib. I.
• (e) 1.627

  P••ll••••, A••••st••ph•••••• Scholiastes, Suidas, Etymologici Auctor.
• (f) 1.628

  Pollux lib. VII.
• (a) 1.629

  Agamenon. v. 437.
• (b) 1.630

  Aen••i••. V. v. 8; ••.
• (c) 1.631

  Theophrastus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• (d) 1.632

  Odyss. ••. v. 74.
• (e) 1.633

  Alci••iad••.
• (a) 1.634

  C••••lius Rhodigin•••• lib. XXV. cap. XL.
• (b) 1.635

  Satir. VIII.
• (c) 1.636

  Themisto∣••••
• (d) 1.637

  Herodotus.
• (e) 1.638

  Histor. lib. XXVIII. cap. XLV.
• (f) 1.639

  Iliad. ••. v. ••87.
• (a) 1.640

  Iliad. ••. v. 6••7.
• (b) 1.641

  Pollux
• (c) 1.642

  lib. XXII.
• (d) 1.643

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. IV. cap. ult.
• (e) 1.644

  Diodorus Seculus lib XII Athenaeus
• (f) 1.645

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. VII. c LVI.
• (g) 1.646

  Iu∣lius Frontinus lib. II. cap. III.
• (h) 1.647

  Plin. lib. VII cap. LVI.
• (a) 1.648

  Thucydides lib. VIII. Follux.
• (b) 1.649

  Plutarchus.
• (c) 1.650

  Pan••gyrica.
• (a) 1.651

  Xenothon Histor. Grae lib. VI.
• (b) 1.652

  Lib. VII.
• (c) 1.653

  Histor. lib. I.
• (d) 1.654

  Lib. XIII. & aliis in locis.
• (a) 1.655

  Cornelius Netos in Epaeminonda.
• (b) 1.656

  Plutarchus Lysandro, Xenophon Hi∣stor. lib. II.
• (c) 1.657

  Xenophon Histor. lib. II & V. Tollux lib. I. cap. IX.
• (a) 1.658

  Metamorphos. lib. III in Fab. Bacchi.
• (b) 1.659

  Virgil. Aeneid. III. v. ••08.
• (a) 1.660

  Lib. VII.
• (b) 1.661

  Lib. II. v. 990.
• (c) 1.662

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Iliad •• A••••ianus Ex∣ped. lib VI.
• (d) 1.663

  Hyginus lib. II Poet. Astron. Eustathius II •• Theon. in A••atum.
• (e) 1.664

  Argon•• 1.
• (f) 1.665

  Xenophon Admin. dom. lib. V.
• (g) 1.666

  Athena••••s lib. XV.
• (a) 1.667

  Suidas, Plutarchus Agi••e, Xenephon Administ. dom. lib. V. Pollux.
• (b) 1.668

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Exped. Alex. lib. VI.
• (c) 1.669

  Suidas.
• (d) 1.670

  Censorinus cap. XII.
• (e) 1.671

  Theb••••d. V. v. 343.
• (f) 1.672

  Maximus Tyrius Dissert. XXIII.
• (g) 1.673

  Lib. VI. v. 361.
• (h) 1.674

  Aristophanes, ejusque Scholis Ran. Act. II. sc. V. Pollux.
• (h) 1.675

  Aristophanes, ejusque Scholis Ran. Act. II. sc. V. Pollux.
• (a) 1.676

  Ulpian. lib. LIII. cap. VI & VII Pollux lib. VII. cap. XXXI Eusta∣thius Iliad. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• (b) 1.677

  Sophocles 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• (c) 1.678

  Advers. lib. XXVIII. c. XLIII
• (d) 1.679

  Iliad. ••.
• (e) 1.680

  Pollux.
• (a) 1.681

  Argon. I.
• (b) 1.682

  Hes••chius, Pollux.
• (c) 1.683

  Ody••••. ••
• (d) 1.684

  Plutarchus Mar∣ce••o, Athenaus.
• (e) 1.685

  A••stophan•••• •••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ach••. Act. II. Sc. V.
• (a) 1.686

  Aeneid. III. v. 118.
• (b) 1.687

  Diodo••us Siculus lib. XIII.
• (c) 1.688

  V. 427.
• (a) 1.689

  Aristoph. Schol. Vesp. p 457.
• (b) 1.690

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• (c) 1.691

  Thebaid. V. 3••4.
• (d) 1.692

  Metamorph. XI. 25.
• (a) 1.693

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• (b) 1.694

  〈…〉〈…〉 XII. 〈…〉〈…〉
• (c) 1.695

  〈…〉〈…〉 V.
• (d) 1.696

  〈…〉〈…〉
• (e) 1.697

  〈…〉〈…〉 lib. IX ••p. XIX.
• (f) 1.698

  〈…〉〈…〉
• (g) 1.699

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• (h) 1.700

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. V cap. II.
• (i) 1.701

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• (a) 1.702

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• (b) 1.703

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• (c) 1.704

  Diotorus S••••ulus lib. XIV. S••••das.
• (d) 1.705

  Home••, Od••••s. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• (e) 1.706

  D••••••es••••en. Sc••••l. Orat. de corona, Sa••••••, Homers Sc••••l.
• (f) 1.707

  Pollax lib. IX. cap. V.
• (g) 1.708

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 V. v 1••3.
• (h) 1.709

  Hes••∣••••••s.
• (i) 1.710

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib VIII.
• (k) 1.711

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. V.
• (l) 1.712

  P••••••b. lib. I.
• (m) 1.713

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib IV. esusque 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• (n) 1.714

  P••ope••o
• (a) 1.715

  Iliad. ••. v. 4; 6
• (b) 1.716

  Th••cy••. lib. I.
• (c) 1.717

  P••••a••••us lib. III
• (d) 1.718

  Li••tar lib. XXII. cap. XXVIII. Cice••o de Offi••. lib. III.
• (a) 1.719

  Lib. VI.
• (b) 1.720

  Polyanus lib▪ V.
• (c) 1.721

  Vegetius.
• (a) 1.722

  Pro••••rus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. XIII. Polyanus lib. I.
• (b) 1.723

  Leo Tact.
• (c) 1.724

  Plu••••••∣chus 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• (d) 1.725

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib XI II.
• (e) 1.726

  S••t••••r.
• (f) 1.727

  Deodorus lib. III.
• (g) 1.728

  Poly••eus lib XVI.
• (h) 1.729

  Lib III.
• (a) 1.730

  Lib. XIV.
• (b) 1.731

  Lib. III.
• (c) 1.732

  Lib. XIII.
• (d) 1.733

  Di••dorus lib. XX.
• (a) 1.734

  Curtius lib. IV.
• (b) 1.735

  Idem ibidera.
• (c) 1.736

  Thucydides lib. VII.
• (d) 1.737

  Cur∣tiu•• lib. IV.
• (e) 1.738

  Lib. XX.
• (a) 1.739

  Histor. lib. II.
• (b) 1.740

  Polyanus lib IV.
• (c) 1.741

  Diodorus lib. XIII.
• (d) 1.742

  Vi∣travius lib. II. cap. VIII.
• (e) 1.743

  Polyanus.
• (f) 1.744

  Xenophon Hist. lib. VI.
• (g) 1.745

  Dio∣dorus lib. XII.
• (a) 1.746

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. VIII.
• (b) 1.747

  Lib. VII.
• (c) 1.748

  Polybius Hist. lib XVI. cap. VII.
• (d) 1.749

  Hero••••tus 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• (e) 1.750

  Suidas.