HAving dispatch'd the foregoing History, we shall proceed to take a view of a pair of Romans, not less remarkable for their Misfortunes than the former; and compare with the Lives of Agis and Cleomenes, these of Tiberius and Caius. They were the Sons of Tiberius Gracchus, who tho' he had been once Censor,

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Page  [unnumbered]Page  745twice Consul, and twice had triumph'd, yet was more renown'd and esteem'd for his Virtue than his Honours. Upon this account after the Death of that Scipio who defeated Hannibal, he was thought worthy to match with his Daughter Cornelia; tho' there had been no Friendship or Familiarity between Scipio and him, but rather the contrary. There goes a Report, that he once found in his Bed-Chamber a couple of Snakes, and that the Southsayers being consulted concerning the Prodigy, advised, That he should neither kill'em both, nor let 'em both escape; saying, That if the male Serpent was kill'd, Tiberius should die; and if the Female, Cornelia: And that therefore Tibe∣rius, who extreamly loved his Wife, and thought besides that it was much more be∣coming him, who was an old Man, to die, than her, who as yet was but a young Wo∣man; kill'd the male Serpent, and let the Female escape: And soon after himself dy'd, leaving behind him 12 Children born to him by Cornelia.

Cornelia taking upon her self all the Care of her Family, and Education of her Chil∣dren, approved her self so modest a Matron, so indulgent a Mother, and so constant and noble spirited a Widow, that Tiberius seem'd to all Men to have done nothing unreasona∣ble, in choosing to die for so great a Wo∣man; Page  746 who, when King Ptolomy himself would have married her, and proffer'd her his Crown, refused it, and choose rather to live a Widow. In this state she continued, and lost all her Children except one Daugh∣ter, that was married to Scipio the youn∣ger; and two Sons, Tiberius and Caius, whose Lives we are now writing.

These she brought up with so great Care, that tho' they were without dispute of the noblest Family, and had the best natural Parts among the Romans, yet they seem'd to owe their eminent Vertues, more to their Education than their Birth. Now as in the Statutes and Pictures of Castor and Pollux, tho' the Brothers resemble one ano∣ther, yet there is a difference to be per∣ceived in their Countenances, between the one, who delighted in the Caestus, and the o∣ther, that was famous for managing the Horse: so tho' there was a great Agree∣ment between these two noble Youths, in their common pursuit after Fortitude and Moderation, after Liberality and Eloquence, and greatness of Mind; yet in their Acti∣ons, and Administrations of publick Affairs, a Disagreement as great manifestly appear'd. It will not be amiss before we proceed, to set down the Difference between them.

Tiberius in the Make of his Countenance* and his Looks, in his Gesture and Motion, Page  747 was gentle and compos'd; but Caius earnest and vehement: so that in their publick Speeches to the People, the one modestly used very little Action, nor changed his Place; the other would walk about in the Rostrum, and in the heat of his Orations, pull his Gown off his Souldiers, and was the first of all the Romans that used such Ge∣stures: As Cleon is said to be the first Orator among the Athenians, that pull'd off his Cloack, and smote his Thigh, in his Haran∣gues to the Multitude. Caius his Oratory was impetuous, and so pathetical, that it rai∣sed Horror in the Auditory; but Tiberius was more mild, and apt to move Pity and Compassion: in his Words he was pure and natural, yet laborious and accurate; but Caius was pompous and figurative. So like∣wise in their way of Living, and at their Tables, Tiberius was frugal, and no affect∣er of Variety; but Caius, if indeed com∣pared with other Men, moderate enough: but in respect of his Brother, too curious a Lover of Rareties, and profuse; which Dru∣sus objected to him, that he had bought* certain Dolphins of Silver, to the value of 1250 Drachma's, for every pound weight.

The same difference that appear'd in their Speaking, was observable also in their Tempers: The one was smooth and sedate, the other rough and passionate; and to that Page  748 degree, that often in the midst of his Ora∣tions, he was so hurried away by his Passion, even against his own Will, that he fell to give ill Language; and so strain'd his Voice, that he could not proceed in the Speech. For a Remedy to this Excess, he made use of an ingenious Servant of his, one Licinius, who stood constantly behind him with a * Pitch-pipe, or Instrument to regulate the Voice by; and when ever he perceived his Master's Tone alter, and grow harsh with Anger, he struck a soft Note with his Pipe, at the hearing of which, Caius immediately bated of the vehemence of his Passion and Voice, grew mild, and was easily recall'd to Temper. These are the differences between the two Brothers; but their Va∣lour against their Enemies, their Justice to their Countrey-men, their Care and well management of their publick Affairs, and lastly their Continency against Sensuality and Pleasures, were equally remarkable and alike in both.

Tiberius was the elder by nine years, which occasion'd that their publick Actions were divided, by the difference of the Times, in which those of the one, and those of the other, were transacted. This was no small hindrance to their Undertakings; for not coming at the same time to the ad∣ministration of Affairs, they could not joyn Page  749 their Interests together, which between them both, had they flourish'd at once, must needs have been very great, and al∣most irresistable. We must therefore give an Account of each of them singly, and first of the eldest.

Tiberius, tho's as yet but a young Man,* was so celebrated and esteem'd, that he was soon admitted into the Colledge of the Au∣gurs, and that with Respect had, more to his early Virtue, than his noble Birth. This Appius Claudius made appear; who, tho' he had been Consul and Censor, and was then the chief of the Roman Senate, and excell∣ing in Wisdom most of his Quality, at a publick Feast of the Augurs, address'd him∣self openly to Tiberius, and with great ex∣pressions of Kindness, offer'd him his Daugh∣ter* in Marriage; which with much satis∣faction embracing, and the Wedding Agree∣ments being thus speedily concluded, Appius went straight home, and calling out his Wife to the Gate, with a loud Voice cry'd out, O Antistia, I have contracted our Daughter Claudia to a Husband. She being amazed, answer'd, but why so suddenly? or what means this hast? unless you have provided Tiberi∣us Gracchus for her Husband. I am not ig∣norant, that some apply this Story to Tiberi∣us, the Father of the Gracchi, and Scipio A∣fricanus; but most People relate it as we Page  750 have done: And Polybius writes, that after the Death of Scipio Africanus, the nearest Relations of Cornelia, preferring Tiberius to all other Competitors, gave her to him in Marriage, not having being engaged or promised to any one by her Father.

Now this young Tiberius serving in Afri∣ca under the Younger Scipio, who had mar∣ried his Sister, and conversing under the same Tent with his General, soon observ'd and learn'd his noble Genius, which exci∣ted a great emulation of his Virtues, and stirr'd him up to the imitation of his Acti∣ons, and in a short time excell'd all the young Men of the Army in his Regular Be∣haviour and Courage; and he at one Siege was the first that mounted the Enemies Wall, as Fannius says, who writes, that he himself climb'd up with him, and was par∣taker in that Action. His presence created amongst the Souldiers an extraordinary Af∣fection, and his departure left a passionate desire of his Return.

After that Expedition, being chosen Pay∣master* of the Army, it was his fortune to serve in the War against the Numantines, un∣der the Command of C. Mancinus the Con∣sul, a Person no ways blameable, but the most unfortunate of all the Roman Generals. Notwithstanding, amidst the greatest Mis∣fortunes, and in the most unsuccessful Enter∣prizes, Page  751 not only the Discretion and Valour of Tiberius, but also (which was still more to be admired) the great Respect and Vene∣ration which he had from his General, was most eminently remarkable: insomuch that even in the extremity of Danger, he never regarded himself, as a principal Officer; for when he was overcome in several despe∣rate Battels, he would leave the main Body of the Army, and in the Night-time sally out with the Forces under his particular Command. When the Numantines perceiv∣ed this, they immediately possess'd themselves of his Camp, pursuing that part of the For∣ces which was put to flight; slew all those that were in the Rear, hedg'd the whole Army in on every side, and forcing them into such intricate Places, as that there could be no possibility of an Escape. Mancinus desparing to make his way through by force, sent a Messenger to desire a Truce, and cessation of Arms; but they refused to conclude a Treaty with any one except Tiberius, and required that he should be sent to treat with them. This they earnestly insisted upon, not only in regard to the young Man's Courage, (for he had a great Reputation amongst the Souldiers) but likewise in remembrance of his Father Tibe∣rius, who in his Expedition against the Spa∣niards, had utterly destroyed several other Page  752 Places, but granted a Peace to the Numan∣tines, which he commanded to be always kept punctually and inviolable.

Upon this Consideration Tiberius was* dispatch'd to the Enemy, whom he per∣swaded to accept of several Conditions, and he himself complyed with others; and by this means it's evident, that he saved 20000 of the Roman Citizens, besides Slaves, and those that followed the Army. However the Numantines seized upon, and destroyed all things that were left behind in the Camp; amongst these were Tiberius's Books of Ac∣compts, containing the whole Transactions of his Questor-ship, upon which he set an ex∣traordinary value: And therefore when the Army was already upon their March, he re∣turn'd to Numantia, accompanied with only three or four of his intimate Friends, and making his Application to the princi∣pal Officers of the Numantines, he earnest∣ly entreated, that they would return him his Books, lest his Enemies should thereby take an occasion to upbraid him, for not being able to give an Account of the Mo∣neys received and disbursed by him. The Numantines joyfully embraced this opportu∣nity of obliging him, and kindly invited him into the City; as he stood arguing the Case wish them, they approach'd towards him, took him by the H•nds, and earnestly Page  753 begg'd, that he would never again look up∣on them as Enemies, but relying upon their Friendship, be confident for the future of this their present Sincerity. Tiberius thought it convenient to believe 'em, because he was desirous to have his Books return'd, and was afraid least he should disoblige them, by shewing any manner of Distrust. As soon as he enter'd into the City, they in the first place invited him to a publick Entertainment, and were very earnest that he would accept of it: Afterwards they re∣turn'd his Books, and gave him the liberty to take what-ever he saw most acceptable of the remaining Spoyls. He on the other hand would accept of nothing but some Frankincense, which he used in his publick Sacrifices; and after he had kindly embra∣ced them, and made his Complements, de∣parted.

When he return'd to Rome, he found the whole Transaction censured and reproach'd, as a Business that was base and scandalous to the Romans; but the Relations and Friends of the Souldiers, which were the greatest part of the Populace, came flock∣ing to Tiberius, whom they acknowledg'd the Preserver of so many Citizens, and im∣puted all the Miscarriages which had hap∣pen'd, to the General. They who were dissatisfied with the Proceedings, proposed* Page  754 the example of their Ancestors to be follow∣ed; for after the hasty Peace, which had been concluded with the Samnites, upon conditions that the Romans should march home without molestation, they stripp'd all such as had been any way concern'd in making that Peace, as well the Treasurers and Tribunes, as the leading Officers; and in that manner delivered 'em up into the Enemies hands, laying the Crimes of Per∣jury, and breach of that Peace, at their Doors. But in this Affair, the Populace shewing an extraordinary Kindness and Af∣fection for Tiberius, they indeed voted that the Consul should be stripp'd, and put in Irons, and so deliver'd to the Numantines; but they granted a general Pardon to all the others, out of Respect only to Tiberius. It may be probable also, that Scipio, who at that time was a leading Man among the Ro∣mans, lent him his Assistance; tho' he was nevertheless censured for not protecting Mancinus too; and that he did not ratifie the Articles of Peace, which had been a∣greed upon by his Kinsman and Friend Ti∣berius. But it's evident, that the greatest part of these Differences did arise from the Ambition of some designing Politicians, who had a Kindness for Tiberius. However this* Disorder never came to a malignant and incurable Disease; and truly I cannot be Page  755 perswaded, that Tiberius would ever have taken those Courses which he did, if Scipio Africanus had had any hand in the manage∣ment of his Affairs: for at the time when he was engaged in the War against Numan∣tia, Tiberius then ventured to make Propo∣sals of new Laws, for the better regulation of the Government, upon the following occasion.

The Romans had by Conquest gain'd some Lands, adjoyning to the Suburbs, part whereof they sold publickly, and turn'd the remainder into Common; this Common they assign'd to such of the Citizens as were poor and indigent, for which they were to pay only a small acknowledgment into the pub∣lick Treasury: but when the wealthy Men began to raise the Rents, and turn the poor People out of their Possessions, it was e∣nacted by Law, that no Person what-ever should enjoy more than 500 Acres of Ground. This Act did for some time re∣strain the Avarice of the richer, and was no small supply to the poorer People, who possess'd their respective Proportions of Ground, as they had been formerly rented by them: afterwards the rich Men of the Neighbourhood contrived to get these Lands again into their Possessions, under other peoples Names, and at last would not stick to claim most of 'em publickly in their own. Page  756 The Poor, who were thus deprived of their Farms, would neither list themselves in the Militia, nor take any care of the Education of their Children: in so much that in a short time there were few Free-men remain∣ing in all Italy, which swarm'd with a nu∣merous company of barbarous Slaves: these the rich Men employed about the cultiva∣ting their Ground, for want of Citizens. C. Loelius, an intimate Acquaintance of Sci∣pio's, undertook to rectifie this Abuse; but meeting with Opposition from Men of Au∣thority, and fearing lest a Riot should there∣upon be committed, he soon desisted; up∣on which account he was call'd, Loelius the Wise.

Tiberius being elected Tribune of the Peo∣ple,* prosecuted that Design with all deli∣gence, at the Instigation (as 'tis commonly reported) of Diophanes the Orator, and Blossius the Philosopher. Diophanes was one that had been banished from Mytilene; the other was an Italian, of the City of Cuma, who was educated there by Antipater of Tar∣sus, that afterwards did him the Honour to dedicate his Philosophical Lectures to him. Some are apt to think, Cornelia, the Mo∣ther of Tiberius, contributed towards it, because she frequently upbraided her Sons, upon this account, that the Romans as yet ra∣ther call'd her the Daughter of Scipio, than Page  757 the Mother of the Gracchi; but 'twas thought Sp. Posthumius was the chief occa∣sion of this. He was Contemporary with Ti∣berius, and very ambitious to gain the Re∣putation of being the better Orator; whom, when Tiberius at his return from the Cam∣paign, found to be in very great Esteem and Authority, he was desirous to out-do him, by attempting a popular Enterprize of this Difficulty, and of such great conse∣quence. But his Brother Caius left it us in Writing, that when Tiberius went through Tuscany into Numantia, and found the Countreys almost depopulated, there being hardly any Husbandmen or Shepherds, and for the most part only barbarous foreign Slaves; he from that time took into his serious Consideration, the management of this Affair, which in the sequel proved so fatal to his Family: though it is most certain, that the People themselves chiefly excited him to be active and vigorous in the prose∣cution of this, by their fixing publick Libels upon the Porches, Walls and Monuments, humbly beseeching him, that he would re∣establish them in their former Possessions.

However he did not make this Law, with∣out* the Advice and Assistance of those Ci∣tizens, that were then most eminent for their Virtue and Authority; amongst whom was Crassus the high-Priest, Mutius Page  758 Scoevola the Lawyer, (who at that time was Consul) and Claudius Apius his Father∣in-Law. Never did any Law appear more moderate and gentle, especially being enact∣ed against so great an Oppression and Ava∣rice: for they who ought to have been se∣verely punished for trangressing the for∣mer Laws, and should at least have lost all their Titles to such Lands, which they had unjustly usurp'd; yet they were order'd notwithstanding to receive a Gratuity, for quitting their unlawful Claims, and resto∣ring their Lands to those right Owners, who stood in need thereof. But though this Re∣formation was managed with so much Ten∣derness, and all the former Transactions smother'd, the People were never the less carefull to prevent all Abuses of the like nature for the future. On the other hand, the money'd Men, and those of great E∣states, were exasperated, through Covetous∣ness, against the Law it self, and against the Law-giver, through Anger and Obstinacy; they therefore endeavour'd to seduce the Peo∣ple, insinuating to them, that Tiberius had introduced such a division of the Lands, with a design only to disturb the Government, and put all things into a Confusion.

But they succeeded not in his Project; for Tiberius being a Person always resolute in the maintaining of an honourable and just Page  759 Cause, and one whose Eloquence was suffici∣ent to have made a less creditable Action ap∣pear plausible, was earnest, and not easily to be controuled. Upon this account, be∣ing plac'd in the Rostrum, he made a Speech on the behalf of the poor People, to this effect. The savage Beasts, says he, in Italy* have their particular Dens; they have their Places of Repose and refuge: but the Men who bore Arms, and exposed their Lives for the safety of their Country, enjoy'd in the mean time nothing more in it but the fresh Air and Sun-shine; and having no Houses or Settle∣ments of their own, were constrained to wander from Place to Place with their Wives and Chil∣dren. He told 'em, That the Commanders were guilty of a ridiculous Error, when at the Head of their Armies, they exhorted the common Souldiers to fight for their Temples and Altars; when not any amongst so many Romans, is possess'd of either Altar or Monu∣ment, neither have they any Houses of their own, or Seats of their Ancestors to defend: they fought indeed, and were slain, but it was to maintain the Luxury and the Wealth of other Men: they likewise were styled also the Lords of the Ʋniverse, but in the mean time had not one foot of Ground, which they could call their own. An Harangue of this nature, spoken to an Enthusiastical and tu∣multuous Rabble, by a Person of extraordi∣nary Page  760 Prudence and great Zeal; none of his Adversaries at that time presumed to make any Opposition thereunto. Forbearing there∣fore all manner of Disputes, they turn'd themselves towards Marcus Octavius, his fellow-Tribune, who being a young Man, of a sober Conversation, modest in his Beha∣viour, and an intimate Friend of Tiberius's, did upon that account decline at first the opposing of him; but at length, over-per∣swaded* with the repeated Importunities of some considerable persons, he was prevail'd upon to answer Tiberius; and he insisted chiefly upon the Abrogation of the Law; it being a Custom, that the Tribunes have a power to hinder any Law from passing and that the Commonalty can enact no∣thing, if only one of them dissents from it. Tiberius being enraged at these Proceedings abolish'd presently this mild Law; but at the same time preferr'd another; which as it was more grateful to the Common People, so it was much more severe against Extortio∣ners; commanding them, To make an imme∣diate Surrender all such Lands, which they, con∣trary to former Laws, had got into their Posses∣sions. From hence it was, that there arose daily Contentions between him and Octavius in their Orations; however, tho' they ex∣press'd themselves with much heat and ear∣nestness, they yet were never known to Page  761 use any scurrillous Language, or in their Passion to let slip any indecent Expression, so as to derogate from one another. From whence it's observable, how much a good Temper, and an Ingenuous Education does influence and compose mens Minds; not onely in their Meetings for Pleasure and Diversion, but likewise in their Contenti∣ons, and in their very emulation for Pre∣ferments.

When Tiberius considered, that Octavius himself had offended against this Law, and detain'd a great quantity of Ground from the Commonalty, he desired that all man∣ner of Disputes might be laid aside; and ge∣nerously proffer'd for the Publick Good, tho' he himself had but an indifferent Estate to purchase Octavius's share, at his proper Cost and Charges: But upon the refusal of this proffer by Octavius, he then publish'd an Edict, prohibiting all Magistrates to ex∣ercise their respective Functions, till such time as the Law was either ratified or re∣jected by Publick Votes. He further Seal'd up the Gates of Saturn's Temple, in which the Publick Treasury was kept, so that the Trea∣surers could neither take any thing out from thence, or put any thing in. He threaten'd to impose a severe fine upon such as should presume to disobey his Commands, insomuch that all the Officers for fear of Page  762 this Penalty, omitted the exercise of their several Jurisdictions. Upon this account, the Gentlemen of Estates put themselves in∣to Mourning, went up and down Melan∣choly and Dejected; thy enter'd into a Con∣spiracy against Tiberius, and procured Ruffi∣ans to murder him; insomuch that he never went abroad without such a Tuck or Rapier as Robbers use, which the Latines call Dolon.

When the day appointed was come, and the People Summon'd to give their Votes, the Rich Men seized upon the Ballotting∣Boxes: And carried them away by force, all things being Transacted in great Confusion. For when Tiberius's Party appeared strong enough to oppose the contrary Faction, and were drawn together in a Body. with Re∣solutions to do so; Manlius and Fulvius, two of the Consular Quality, threw them∣selves at Tiberius's Feet, took him by the Hand, and with Tears in their Eyes, hum∣bly beg'd of him to desist. Tiberius consi∣dering the inconveniencies that were likely to arise, and having a great Respect for two such Eminent Persons, demanded of them what they would advise him to do. They ac∣knowledged themselves Persons altogether unfit to advise in a Matter of so great Impor∣tance, but earnestly entreated him to leave it to the Determination of the Senate. When the Senate was Assembled, and yet could Page  763 not bring the Business to a Period, by rea∣son of the prevalency of the Rich Faction, he then betook himself to illegal and unjust Methods, endeavouring to deprive Octavius of his Tribune ship; it being impossible for him without that, to get the Law ratifi∣ed and confirmed. At first he caress'd him with most Obliging Language, and taking him by his Hands, beseech'd him, that now in the presence of all the People, he would take this Opportunity to Oblige them, in granting onely that Request which was in it self so Just and Reasonable, being but a small Recompence in regard of those many Dangers and Hardships which they had un∣dergone for the Publick Safety. Octavius would by no means be perswaded to a Com∣pliance; whereupon Tiberius declared open∣ly, that seeing they two were joyntly con∣cern'd in the same Office, and of equal Au∣thority, it would be a difficult matter to com∣pose this Difference without a Civil War; and that the only Remedy which he knew, must of Necessity be the Deposing one of them from their Office. He desired therefore that Octavius would Summon the People to pass their Verdict upon him first, averring that he would willingly relinquish his Autho∣rity if the honest Citizens would consent to it. But Octavius still continued refractary▪ wherefore Tiberius told him plainly, That Page  764 the People should have liberty to vote a∣gainst him, if upon mature Deliberation he did not suddenly alter his Mind, and after this Declaration Adjourned the Assembly till the next day. When the People were met together again, Tiberius placed him∣self in the Rostrum, and endeavoured a se∣cond time to perswade Octavius: But all be∣ing to no purpose, he referred the whole matter to the People, Ordering them to Vote whether Octavius should be Depo∣sed or not; and when seventeen of the Thirty five Tribes had already Voted a∣gainst him, and there wanted only the Votes of one Tribe more for his final deprivation, a short stop being here put to the proceed∣ings, Tiberius vouchsafed to renew his Im∣portunities, embraced and kissed him be∣fore all the Congregation, begging with all the earnestness imaginable, that he would neither suffer himself to be exposed to such Infamy, nor him to be reputed the Author and Promoter of such an odious Project. Octavius (they say) seemed a little softned and moved with their Importunities, and and with his Eyes full of Tears continued silent for a considerable time: But after∣wards looking towards the Estates who were gathered together in a Body, partly for shame, and partly for fear of incurring their Displea∣sure, he generously bid Tiberius do what he Page  765 pleased. The Law for his Deprivation be∣ing thus Voted Tiberius Ordered one of his Servants, whom he had made a Free∣man,* to pull Octavius out of the Rostrum, for he employed his own Domestick Ser∣vants in the stead of Serjeants.

And this was a further addition to the Punishment, that Octavius was dragged out in such an Ignominious manner. The Peo∣ple immediately assaulted him with great violence, whilest the Rich Men ran in to his Assistance. Octavius presently fled, and without any Attendant escaped the Fury of the Rabble, tho'it happen'd that a trusty Servant of his, who had placed himself by his Master, that he might assist him to∣wards his escape, in keeping off the Multi∣tude, had his Eyes struck out, contrary to the intention of Tiberius, who ran with all hast (when he perceived the Disturbance) to ap∣pease the Rioters.

This being done, the Law concerning* the lands was Ratified, and Confirmed, and three Commissioners were appointed to make a Survey of the grounds and see the same equally divided: The Commissioners were Tiberius himself, Claudius Appius his Father-in-Law, and his Brother C. Gracchus, who at this time was not at Rome, but in the Army under the Command of Scipio Africanus, before Numantia. These things Page  766 were transacted by Tiberius peaceably, none daring to stand in Opposition to him; and besides all this, he choose by his own Inte∣rest and Authority another Tribune, not as formerly out of the Eminent Nobility, but Mutius, one of his own Domestick Ser∣vants. Upon the account of these proceed∣ings, the Rich were extreamly offended, and still dreaded, lest he should grow more Popular; they therefore took all Opportu∣nities of Affronting him publickly in the Se∣nate-House; for when he desired, as was usual, to have a tent provided at the Pub∣lick Charge for his use, when he should be∣gin his Expedition to divide the Lands, though it was a favour commonly granted to Persons employed in business of much less importance, yet was peremptorily refus'd* to him; and they would allow him only nine Oboli to defray each days Expences.

P. Narsica was the chief promoter of these Affronts, and was not afraid to own how much he hated him▪ upon the account of his having formerly a very great Estate in those Publick Lands, and did not a little resent it, to be turned out now by force. The People on the other hand were still more and more enraged, insomuch that a little after this, it happen'd that one of Ti∣berius's Friends dyed suddenly, and his Body being full of Malignant spots, the People Page  767 therefore ran in a Tumultuous manner to his Funeral, crying aloud that the Man was Poysoned: They took the Coffin upon their shoulders, and carryed the Corps to the Fu∣neral Pile, really believing that the plain Symptoms of Poyson were easily discernable, for the Body swell'd to a great bigness, and such a quantity of Corrupt Humours issued out, that the Funeral-fire was extinguished thereby; and when it was again kindled, the Wood still would not burn, insomuch that they were constrained to carry the Corps to another place, where, with much difficulty, it took fire. Besides this, Tiberius, that he might incense the People yet more, put himself into Mourning, brought his Chil∣dren amongst the Crowd, intreated the People to provide for them and their Mo∣ther, as if he himself did now despair of his own Security. About this time King Atta∣las, Sirnamed Philopater, dyed, and Eude∣mus, a Pergamenian, brought his Last Will to Rome, whereby he had made the Roman People his Heirs.

Tiberius, to ingratiate himself still more* with the Commonalty, immediately pro∣posed making of a Law, that all the ready Money which Attalas left, should be distri∣buted amongst such poor Citizens as were to be sharers of the Publick Lands, for the bet∣ter enabling of them to proceed in the ma∣nagement Page  768 and cultivating of their Ground; and as for the Cities that were in the Ter∣ritories of Attalas, he declared that the dis∣posal of them did not at all belong to the Senate, but the People, and that he him∣self would ask their Pleasure herein; by this he exasperated the Senate more than ever he had done before, and therefore Pompeius stood up instantly, and acquainted the Senate that he was the next Neighbour to Tiberius, and so had the Opportunity of knowing, That Eudemus the Pergamenian had presented Tiberius with a Royal Crown and a Purple Robe, thereby intimating that Tiberius should ere long be King of Rome.

Quintus Metellus also upbraided Tiberius, that when his Father was Censor, the Ro∣mans never return'd home from their Coun∣try Houses after Supper, but they put▪ out their Torches, least they should be seen to have indulged themselves in Banquetting at unseasonable hours. But instead of this de∣cent Custom, his common Practice was, to walk the Streets at Mid-night, whilst mean and insolent Fellows flock'd to him, and made up his Retinue.

Titus Annius, a Man of no great repute either for his Honesty or Learning, but a cunning Sophister in proposing cramp Questions and returning Answers, offered to prove by undeniable Arguments that Ti∣berius Page  769 had done unworthily in Deposing a Roman Magistrate, whom the Laws ever esteemed Sacred and Inviolable. The Peo∣ple immediately grew Tumultuous, and Ti∣berius Summoning a General Assembly, commanded Annius to appear and maintain that which he had asserted: But Annius being neither a good Logician, nor pretending much to Oratory, rather betook himself to his old way of asking some cunning sort of Questions, and desired that he would propose one or two to Tiberius, before he entered upon the Chief Argument. This Liberty being granted, and silence Proclaimed, Annius proposed this Question. If you, says he, had a Design to Vilifie and Defame me, and I should apply my self to any other Magistrate for redress, and he should come readily to my assistance, would you for that reason fall into an extravagant Passion, and put him out of Commission? Tiberius, they say, being much surprized at this Question, was wholly silent, tho' at other times his assurance as well as his Eloquence was always remarkable; yet now upon this account he thought it con∣venient to dismiss the Assembly.

Afterwards beginning to understand that his Behaviour towards Octavius did disgust the Populace as well as the Nobility (because the Dignity of the Tribunes seemed to be violated, which had always continued till Page  770 that day very Sacred and Honourable) he made a Speech to the People in Justificati∣on of himself, out of which it may not be improper to Collect some particulars, that we may thereby discern what impression such Eloquence was able to make upon an Auditory. A Tribune, says he, of the People* is Sacred indeed, and ought to be inviolable, because in a manner Consecrated to be the Guardian and Protector of them; but if he degenerates so far as to Oppress the People, to retrench their Privileges, and take away all their Liberty of Voting, he then deprives himself of that Honourable Station by the neglect of his Duty, for which the Honour was bestowed upon him; otherwise a Tribune might not think himself obnoxious, tho' he should de∣molish the Capitol, or burn the Naval Maga∣zines.

Certainly when he that is only guilty of such Extravagances as these, can't be lookt upon as a good Tribune; much less can he be so, that dares presume to diminish the Privileges of the People, because he ceases from that time to be the Peoples Tribune. Is it not very un∣reasonable, that a Tribune should have Power to Imprison a Consul, if the People must have no Authority to Degrade him when he uses that Honour which he received from them, to their detriment: For the Tribunes, as well as the Consuls, are Elected to that Dignity by the Page  771 Peoples Votes. (But to proceed) the Kingly Government, which comprehends all sorts of Au∣thority in it self alone, is confirmed with the greatest and most religious Solemnity imagina∣ble, as being a Government which does most resemble that of Heaven. But the Citizens notwithstanding this, deposed King Tarquin▪ because of his tyrannical Oppressions, and for the Injustice of one single Man, the ancient Government under which Rome was built, was abolish'd for ever. What is there in all Rome so sacred and venerable, as the Vestal Vir∣gins, to whose care alone the preservation of the Eternal Fire is committed; yet if their Charity be violated, and their Reputation stained, they are buried alive: for when they presume to commit any Offence against their Gods, they instantly lose that Venerati∣on, which they claimed as Attendants in their Service; so likewise a Tribune should no longer be respected by the People as a sa∣cred Person, when he offends against that Au∣thority from whence he derived his own.

We always esteem that Person legally cho∣sen Tribune, who is elected only by the ma∣jority of Votes; and is not therefore the same Person much more lawfully degraded, when by a general consent of them all, they agree to de∣pose him. Nothing is so sacred as religious Of∣ferings; yet the People were never prohibited to make use of them, but suffered to remove Page  772 and carry them where-ever they pleased: they likewise, when-ever it has been thought conve∣nient, have transferr'd the Tribuneship as a sacred Present, from one Person to another; and if this had been an unusual thing, yet that Authority could not have been thought unalte∣rable, because several Magistrates have often voluntarily surrendred their Commissions, or desired to be discharged.

Those were the principal Heads of Tibe∣rius's Apology; but his Friends apprehend∣ing the Dangers which seemed to threaten him, and those Conspiracies that were se∣cretly contrived against him, were of opi∣nion, that the safest way would be for him to petition, that he might be continued Tribune for the year ensuing. Upon this Consideration he again endeavoured to oblige the People with other Laws, making the years of serving in the War fewer than for∣merly, in granting the liberty of Appeals from the Judges to the People, and joyn∣ing to the Senators that were Judges at that time, an equal number of ordinary Gentlemen, endeavouring as much as in him lay to lessen the Power of the Senate; which proceeded rather from Passion and Prejudice, than from any rational regard to Equity and the publick Good. When it came to be debated, whether these Laws should be ratified, he was presently sensible, Page  773 that his Adversaries had the most Votes, (the People as yet being not got together in a full Body) and in such Cases, 'twas his Custom to raise some disputes with his fellow-Officers, out of design only to gain longer time; but failing in that Project too, he at length adjourned the Assembly till the day following.

Tiberius then went down into the Mar∣ket place amongst the People, and made his first Addresses to them in an hum∣ble posture with Tears in his Eyes; and af∣terwards told them, he had just reason to suspect, that his Adversaries would attempt in the Night-time to break open his House, and murder him. This work'd so strongly with the Multitude, that several of them erected Tents round about his House, and kept Guard all night for the security of his Person. By break of day came one of the* Southsayers, who prognosticate good or bad Success by the pecking of Fowls, and threw them something to eat: the Southsayer used his utmost Endeavours to fright the Fowls out of their Coop; but none of them ex∣cept one would venture out, which flutter'd with its left Wing, and stretch'd out its Leg, and run back again into the Coop, without eating any thing. This put Tibe∣rius in mind of another ill Omen, which had formerly hapned to him: he had a very Page  774 costly Head-piece, which he made use of when he engaged in any Battel, and into this piece of Armour two Serpents crawl'd, laid Eggs, and brought forth young ones; the remembrance of which, made Tiberius more concern'd at this, than otherwise he would have been. However he went to∣wards the Capitol, as soon as ever he un∣derstood that the People were assembled there; but before he got out of the House, he stumbled upon the Thresh-hold with such violence, that he broke the Nail of his great Toe, insomuch that Bloud gush'd out of his Shooe. He was not gone very far, before he saw two Ravens fighting on the top of a House, which stood on his left hand as he pass'd along; and tho' he was surrounded with an infinite number of Peo∣ple, a Stone happen'd to fall just at his Foot, beaten down (as it's probable) by the Ra∣vens: which Accident put a stop to those that were the boldest Men about him. But Blossius of Cuma, who happen'd to be then present, told him, That it would be a shame∣ful thing for Tiberius, who was the Son of Gracchus, the Nephew of Scipio Africanus, and the Protector of the Roman People, to refuse (for fear of a silly Bird) to promote the Interest of his Countreymen, who might reasonably expect it from him; and that his Adversaries would not only repre∣sent Page  775 this, as the effect of a mean Spirit, but the trick of a Tyrant, who had no other intension than to abuse the generous Kind∣ness of the common People. At the same time several Messengers came also from Tiberius's Friends, to desire his presence at the Capitol, and to acquaint him, that all things went there according to expectation. Indeed Tiberius's first entrance there was very pompous, and he was honourably received; for as soon as ever he appeared, his Freinds welcom'd him with loud Accla∣mations into the Capitol: and when he had taken his Place, they repeated their expressi∣ons of Joy, and took care that no Person what-ever should come near him, unless those who were his intimate Friends. Mu∣tius then began to put the Business again to the Vote; but nothing was performed with the usual Decency and Order, by reason of the Disturbance which the Rabble made, by their pressing forwards to get into the Capitol.

Whilst these things were carried on in this Confusion, Flavius Flaccus, a Senator, standing in a Place higher than ordinary, but at such a distance from Tiberius, that when he could not make him hear, by reason of the tumultuous noise, signified to him by certain motions of his Hand, that he had a desire to impart something of Consequence Page  776 to him in private. Tiberius order'd the Multitude to make way for him, by which means (tho' not without some difficulty) Flavius got to him, and inform'd him, that the Senators, seeing they could not prevail upon the Consul to espouse their Quarrel, had at length come to this final Determina∣tion amongst themselves, that he should be assassinated; and to that purpose had a great number of their Friends and Servants pre∣pared to accomplish it. Tiberius no sooner communicated this Confederacy to those about him, but they immediately tuck'd up their long Gowns, broke the Halberts which the Serjeants used to keep the Crowd off, into pieces, and with those resolv'd to oppose all violent Assaultants. They who stood at a distance wonder'd, and demanded what the occasion of that Disorder should be; Tiberius knowing that they could not hear him at that distance, lifted his Hand to his Head, thereby intimating the great Danger which he apprehended himself to be in: his Adversaries taking notice of that Action, ran presently to the Senate house, and declared, that Tiberius desired the People to bestow a Crown upon him, and that he might be King of Rome. This being very surprizing, Nasica presently demanded of the Consul, that he would punish this Ty∣rant, and defend the Government, as by Page  777 Law establish'd. The Consul mildly reply'd, That he would not be Guilty of an unjust action; and as he would not suffer any Free-man to be put to death, before Sentence had lawfully pass'd upon him, so neither would he protect Tiberius, if by his Insinuation the People should act any thing contrary to Law. But Nasica rising from his Seat in a great passi∣on, Since the Consul, says he, regards not the Safety of the Common-wealth, let every one who will defend the Dignity and Authority of their Laws, follow me. He then casting the skirt of his Gown over his Shoulder, hasten'd to the Capitol; they who bore him compa∣ny, wrapp'd their Gowns also about their Arms, and forc'd their way after him: but upon the account that they were Persons of the greatest Authority in the City, the com∣mon People durst not obstruct their going thither, but were rather so careful in a∣voiding 'em, that they tumbled over one another in haste. Some had furnish'd them∣selves with Clubs; others got up the feet of Stools and Chairs, which were broken by the hasty flight of the common People. Thus armed, they made towards Tiberius, knocking down all those whom they hap∣pen'd to meet with; so that the People were soon wholly dispersed, and many slain, as they endervour'd to make their escape.

Tiberius seeing these things, thought it his Page  778 best way to save himself by flight: as he was running, he chanc'd to be stopp'd by one who catch'd him hold by the Grown; but he presently getting clear of that, fled in his under-Garments only. In this hasty flight it happened, that falling over those who before had been knock'd down, as he was endeavouring to recover himself, one Publius Satureius, a Tribune, was observed to give him the first fatal stroke, by hitting* him upon the Head with the foot of a Stool: the next Man who struck him, was Lucius Rufus, who afterwards boasted of it, as an honourable Exploit. In this Tumult there were above 300 Men slain, with Clubs and Staves only, there being no Warlike Instru∣ments made use of. This was the first In∣surrection amongst the Romans, that ended with the effusion of Blood, since the abroga∣tion of Kingly Government; for all former Seditions, which were neither small, nor about trivial Matters, were always amica∣bly composed, the two Parties constantly submitting to one another, either the Se∣nate for fear of the Commons, or the Com∣mons out of respect to the Senate. And it's probable indeed that Tiberius himself might then have been easily brought to submission, if he had not been proceeded against in such a rigorous manner; for he had not at that time above 3000 Men of his Page  779 Party: but it's evident, that this Conspiracy was fomented against him, more out of an aversion and malice which the rich Men had to his Person, than for the Reasons which they commonly pretended against him: in testi∣mony whereof, we may alledge the Cruelty and unnatural Insultings which they used to his dead Body; for they would not suffer his own Brother tho' he earnestly begg'd the favour, to bury his Corps in the Night, but threw it together with other Carkases into the River. Neither did their Cruelty stop here; for they banished some of his Friends with∣out legal Process, and slew as many of the others as they could lay their hands on: amongst whom Diophanes the Orator was slain; they murder'd one Caius Billius, by shutting him up close in a large Tun with Vipers and Serpents: Blossius of Cuma indeed was carried before the Consuls, and examin'd touching what had happen'd; who freely confessed, That he had never failed to exe∣cute what ever Tiberius commanded him: What, reply'd Nasica, then if Tiberius had com∣manded that you should burn the Capitol, would you have burnt it? His First Answer was, That Tiberius never commanded any such thing: but being pressed with the same Question by se∣veral others, he declared, That if Tiberius had commanded it, he would not have thought it an inglorious action to have done it; for he never Page  780 commanded any thing but what he thought for the Peoples Advantage. Blossius at this time was pardoned, and afterwards fled to Aristonicus in Asia, whose Fortune being then reduced to a desperate condition, he kill'd himself. However the Senate to mollifie the People after these Transactions, did not oppose the division of the publick Lands, and permitted them to choose ano∣ther Commissioner for that Business in the room of Tiberius: so they elected Publius Crassus, who was Gracchus's near Kinsman, because his Daughter Licinia was married to Caius Gracchus; altho Cornelius Nepos says, that she was not the Crassus's Daugh∣ter, whom Caius married, but Brutus's, that triumph'd for his Conquests in Portugal: but most Historians are of the same opinion with us. Afterwards the People were much concern'd for the loss of Tiberius; and it was apparent, that they wanted nothing but a convenient opportunity to be revenged, and already threatn'd to bring Nasica to his Tri∣al. The Senate fearing lest some Mischief should befal Nasica, sent him Ambassador into Asia, tho' there was no other occasion for his going thither. The common peo∣ple did not conceal their Indignation even in the open Streets, but rail'd at him, when-ever they met him abroad, calling him a Murderer and a Tyrant, one who Page  781 had polluted even the Temple it self, with the blood of a Tribune. Upon this Consi∣deration Nasica left Italy, altho' he was ob∣liged, being the Chief-Priest, to officiate in all Principal Sacrifices: thus wandring full of Discontent and Affliction from one Place to another, he died in a short time after not far from Pergamus. It is no wonder that the People had such an aversion to Na∣sica, when even Scipio Africanus, who, though deservedly belov'd by the Romans, was in danger of quite losing the good opinion which the people had of him, on∣ly for repeating when the News of Tiberi∣us's Death was first brought to Numantia, this Verse out of Homer:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So may he perish, who such Crimes commits.

And afterwards being ask'd by Caius and Fulvius, in a great Assembly, what he thought of Tiberius's Death; he answer'd, That he did not at all approve Tiberius's way of Proceeding. Upon which account the People would begin to interrupt him with their Hissings, in the middle of his Ora∣tions, which they never presumed to do be∣fore that time; and he on the other hand was so incensed at it, that upon this account he reflected very smartly upon the People. This is a full Account of the most material Passages in the Life of Tiberius.

THE LIFE OF CAIUS.

CAius Gracchus at first, either for fear of his Brother's Enemies, or design∣ing to render them more odious to the People, absented himself from their pub∣lick Assemblies, and quietly retired to his own House, as if he was a Person, to whom such private Circumstances were not only very agreeable at present, but that he was content also to pass the remainder of his Life, without affecting any publick Action; which made some imagine, that he abhorred and detested the Transactions of Tiberius: however he was now but very young, being not so old as his Brother by nine years, who was scarce thirty, when he was slain.

It was not long before he plainly discover'd* Page  783 his Temper, having a natural antipathy to a lazy Retirement and Effeminacy; nor in the least inclin'd to any sort of Luxury or Covetousness, but wholly addicted himself to the study of Eloquence, as Wings whereby he might easily aspire to publick Business and Government; and it was very apparent, that he did not intend to pass his days in obscurity. When Bettius, a Friend of his, was impeach'd of high Mis∣demeanors, and he undertaking publickly to defend his Cause, the People were in an Ex∣tasie, and transported with Joy, to find him at the Bar, and Master of such Elo∣quence, that the other Orators seem'd to talk like Children in comparison to him. This created new Jealousies and Fears a∣mongst those in Authority, and their great design was, how to hinder Caius from being made Tribune.

But soon after it happen'd, that he was* elected Quoestor, and obliged to attend Orestes the Consul into Sardinia. This, as it plea∣sed his Enemies, so it was not ungratefull to him; for •eing naturally a stout Man, his Fame was equally remarkable in the Camp, as at the Bar. And besides as yet he very much dreaded medling with State-affairs, and appearing publickly in the Rostr••, which (because of the Importunity of Friends) he could no otherwise avoid, than Page  784 by taking this Voyage, therefore readily embraced the opportunity of absenting him∣self. Notwithstanding which, many are of opinion, that he was an humble flatterer of the common People, and more ambitious than ever Tiberius had been, of popular Ap∣plause; but it's certain that he was forc'd upon, not that he courted publick Business. And Tully relates this of him, That when he declin'd all those Concerns, and would have liv'd privately, his Brother appear'd to* him in a Dream, and calling him by his Name, said, To what purpose, Caius, are all these delays; there is no possibility of avoiding that Fate, which is destin'd for us two, both to live and die alike, in vindication of the Peoples Right.

Caius was no sooner arrived in Sardinia, but he gave exemplary Proofs of his true Valour; for he not only excelled all the young Men of his Age in his early Actions in doing justice to his Inferiors, and in shew∣ing all Obedience and Respect to his superi∣or Officer, but likewise in Discretion, Fru∣gality and Industry, he surpassed even those who were much elder than himself.

It happen'd to be a sharp and sickly Win∣ter in Sardinia, insomuch that the General was forc'd to lay an Imposition upon seve∣ral Towns, to supply the Souldiers' with necessary Cloths: the Cities sent an Ex∣press Page  785 to Rome with a Petition, to be excused from that Burthen; the Senate found their Request reasonable, and order'd the General to find some other way of new cloathing the Army. While he was long contriving what course to take in this Affair, the Souldiers were reduced to great Extremities; but Caius went from one City to another, and by laying before them the reasonableness of that Demand, he so far prevailed with them, that of their own accord they cloathed the Roman Army. These Transactions being carried to Rome, and seeming to be only the forerunners of popular Ambition, rais'd new Jealousies amongst the Senators: and besides this, there came Ambassadors out of Africa from King Micipsa, to acquaint the Senate, that their Master out of Respect to Caius Gracchus, had sent a considerable quan∣tity of Corn to the General in Sardinia; at which the Senators were so much offended, that they turn'd the Ambassadors out of the Senate-house, and made an Order, that the common Souldiers should be relieved, by sending others in their room; but that Ore∣stes should continue upon the Place, and Caius also, upon the account of his being Treasurer. But he soon finding how things were carried, fell into a great passion, and immediately took Shipping for Rome: his Ap∣pearance there was so unexpected, that he Page  786 was generally censur'd, not only by his E∣nemies, but also by the Commons, who thought it an unreasonable thing, that he being Quoestor should desert the Army before his Commander. When this Misdemeanor came to be tryed before the Censors, he de∣sired leave to make his Apology; which he did so effectually, that his Auditors quickly entertain'd a better opinion of him, believ∣ing that he had been very much injured. He made it then appear, that he had serv'd 12 years in the Army, whereas others are obliged to serve only 10; that he had con∣tinued Questor to the General three years, whereas he might by Law have return'd at the end of one year; that none but he in that Expedition carried his own Money to the Army, whereas others first took care to drink off the Vessels of Wine which they carried with them, and then to have them better fill'd with the Riches and Spoyl of the Countrey. After this, they brought other Accusations and Writs against him, for creating Differences among the Allies, and being engaged in the Conspiracy that was discover'd about Fregella; but he having clear'd himself of these things, he not only appear'd wholly innocent of the Crimes laid to his charge, but made what Interest he could to be elected Tribune; in which tho' he was generally opposed by all Per∣sons Page  787 of Quality, yet there came such infi∣nite numbers of People from all Parts of Italy, to vote for Caius, that many wanted Lodgings in the City; and the Field being not large enough to contain the Company, there were several who gave their Votes from Roofs and Battlements of Houses: however the Nobility did so influence the People, and cross Caius's Expectations, that he was not return'd the first, (as was ex∣pected) but the fourth Tribune. When he came once to the execution of his Office, it was seen presently who deserv'd to have been the first Tribune; for he was a much better Orator than any of his Co-tempora∣ries, and the Concern which he still retain'd for the Murder of his Brother, made him the bolder in speaking. He us'd on all oc∣casions to remind the People of what had happen'd in that Tumult, and laid before them the Examples of their Ancestors; how they declared War against the Falisci, only for giving scurrilous Language to one Genu∣tius, a Tribune of the People; and sentenced C. Vulturius to death, for taking the Wall of a Tribune in the Streets: Whereas, said he, these Persons did in the presence of you all murther Tiberius with Clubs, and dragg'd the slaughter'd Body through the middle of the City, to be cast into the River; even his Friends, as many as could be taken, were put Page  788 to death immediately, without any tryal, not∣withstanding that just and ancient Custom, which was always observed among our Forefa∣thers; that when-ever any one was accused of a capital Crime, and did not make his perso∣nal appearance in Court, a Trumpet was sent in the Morning to his Lodging, to summon him by sound of Trumpet to appear: and before this Ceremony was duely performed, the Jud∣ges would never proceed to pass Sentence; so cautious and reserv'd were our Ancestors about Business of Life and Death.

Caius having moved the People with such Speeches (for his Voice was loud and strong) he proposed two Laws: The first was, That who-ever was turn'd out of any* publick Office by the People, he should be thereby render'd incapable of bearing any Office afterwards. The second was, that if any Magistrate shall condemn a Roman to be banished without a legal Trial, the Peo∣ple shall be authorized to take cognizance thereof.

One of these Laws did manifestly reflect upon M. Octavius, who at the Instigation of Tiberius, had been depriv'd of his Tribune∣ship; The other touch'd Popilius, who in his Praetorship had banished all Tiberius's Friends; whereupon Popilius being unwil∣ling to stand the hazard of a Tryal, fled out of Italy. As for the former law, it was ab∣rogated Page  789 by Caius himself, who declared his readiness to oblige Octavius for the sake of his Mother Cornelia: this was very acceptable and pleasing to the People, who had a great Veneration for Cornelia, both in respect to her Father and her Children; and therefore they afterwards erected a Statue of Brass in Honour of her, with this Inscription, Cor∣nelia, the Mother of the Gracchi. There are se∣veral Expressions in writing, which he used perhaps with two much Affectation and Po∣pularity concerning her, to one of her Ad∣versaries: How, said he, dare you presume to reflect upon Cornelia the Mother of Tiberius? And because the Person who made the Re∣flections, had been suspected for Sodomy, With what face, said he, can you compare Cornelia with your self? have you brought forth such Children as she has done? and yet all Rome knows, that she has refrain'd from the Conversation of Men, longer than you your self have done. These and many other such satyrical Expressions may be collected out of his Orations: he afterwards proposed se∣veral other Laws, to raise the People's Au∣thority, and to detract from the Senate's.

The first was concerning the publick* Lands, which were to be divided amongst the poor Citizens.

Another was concerning the common Souldiers, that they should be cloathed at Page  790 the publick Charge, without any diminu∣tion of their Pay, and that none should be obliged to serve in the Army who was not full 17 years old.

Another gave an equal Liberty to all the Italians in general, of voting at Elections, as was granted to the Citizens of Rome.

Another was concerning the price of Bread-corn, which was to be sold at a lo∣wer rate than formerly to the poor People.

Another was concerning Matters of Judi∣cature, whereby the Authority of the Senate was very much retrenched.

For only Senators were formerly Judges in all causes, by which means their Autho∣rity was very much dreaded by the Roman Knights and the People: but he joyn'd 300 ordinary Gentlemen with the Senators, who were 300 likewise in number, and ordain'd, that a judicial Authority should be equally invested in the 600. While he was arguing for the ratification of this Law, his Beha∣viour was observed to be quite different from others: for all other Orators in their Spee∣ches, used to turn their Faces towards the Senate-house, and the Place called Comiti∣um: but he, on the Contrary, was the first Man that in his Harangue to the People, turn'd himself the other way towards them, and after that time always observed the same posture. Which however insignificant that Page  791 Turn might seem, yet it was the cause of no small one in State-affairs; for he in a manner converted the Government from an Aristocracy to a Democracy, thereby inti∣mating by that Action, that all Orators in proposing State-affairs, ought to speak to the People, not the Senate.

As soon as the Commonalty had ratified this Law, and given him power to elect* those whom he approved of, to be Judges, he was invested with such an absolute Power, that the Senate submitted to consult with him in Matters of Difficulty; and he always took care to advise nothing, that might any ways derogate from a Person of his Quality; As for example, his Resoluti∣on about the Bread-corn which Fabius the Propraetor sent from Spain, was very just and honourable; for he perswaded the Se∣nate to sell the Corn, and return the Mo∣ney to the same Provinces which had fur∣nish'd them with it; and also that Fabius should be censured, for having render'd the Roman Government odious and insupporta∣ble to the Provinces abroad. This Proposal got him an extraordinary Respect and Fa∣vour amongst the foreign Provinces; be∣sides all this, he proposed ways for the re∣peopling of several ruinous Cities, for re∣paring the High-ways, and for building pub∣lick Granaries. Of all which Works he him∣self Page  792 undertook the Management and Super∣intendency, and was never wanting to give necessary Orders for the quick dispatch of different and great Undertakings, and that too with such wonderful Expedition and Diligence, as if they had been only one; insomuch that all Persons, who either hated or fear'd him, stood amazed to see how active and industrious he was in all his De∣signs. As for the People themselves, they were strangely transported at the very sight of him, especially when-ever they saw him surrounded with crowds of Labourers, Ar∣tificers, Messengers, Officers, Souldiers, and Scholars. All these he treated with an easie Familiarity, yet always took care to sup∣port his Dignity, even in his greatest Con∣descentions, accommodating his Carriage according to the Quality of every particu∣lar Person; by which means he so far pre∣vailed, that his Enemies were look'd upon no better than envious Detracters, when∣ever they presumed to represent him either dangerous, rash or guilty of the least ill Nature.

He had that peculiar Art of insinuating himself, and gaining by degrees upon the Commonalty, that he became rather more Popular by his common Conversation, than by his publick Harangues.

But his greatest Endeavour was to put Page  793 the High-ways into good condition, always taking care to make them handsom and pleasant, as well as convenient; for they were drawn by his Directions, through the Fields, exactly in a straight Line, and pa∣ved with hewn Stone, founded upon great quantities of Sand, brought thither from the Places adjacent for that purpose: when he met with any Valleys or deep Holes oc∣casion'd by great Floods, he either caused them to be fill'd up with Rubbish, or Brid∣ges to be built over, so well levell'd, that they being of an equal height on both sides, the whole Work made a beautiful Prospect. Besides this, he caused the ways to be all divided into Miles, (each Mile containing* little less than eight Furlongs) and erected Pillars of Stone, to signifie the distance from one Place to another: he likewise pla∣ced other Stones at small distances from one another, on both sides of the way, by means whereof Travellers might get easily on Horseback without Stirrups. For these Reasons the People highly extoll'd him, and were ready upon all occasions to express their Affection towards him. One day in an Oration to the People he declared, that he had only one Favour to request; which if granted, as he should think it the greatest Obligation in the World, so if it were de∣nied, he would never blame them for the Page  794 refusal: this Expression made the World be∣lieve, that his ambition was to be Consul, and it was generally expected, that he would be both Consul and Tribune at the same time. When the day for election of Consuls came, and all in great Expectation, to see what would be the Event of that days Work, he appeared in the Field with Caius Fannius, and made all the Interest he could for him, that he might be chosen Consul. This Interest was so considerably useful to Fannius, that he was immediately chosen Consul; and Caius likewise was then elected Tribune the second time, without his own* seeking or petitioning for it, but at the vo∣luntary motion of the People.

When he understood that the Senators were his declared Enemies, and that Fannius himself was none of the truest Friends, he began again to flatter the People with o∣ther new Laws. He proposed that a Colo∣ny of Roman Citizens might be sent to re∣people Tarentum and Capua, and that all the Latins should enjoy the same Privileges with the Citizens of Rome. But the Senate apprehending that he would at last grow too powerful and dangerous, took a new and unusual course to alienate the Peoples Af∣fections from him, by their gratifying them in things beyond what they could reasonably expect. Livius Drusus was fellow-Tribune, Page  795 with Caius, a Person of as good a Family, and as well educated, as any amongst the Romans, and no ways inferior to those, who for their Eloquence and Riches were the most famous and most powerful Men of that time. To him therefore the chief Sena∣tors make their Application, exhorting him to fall upon Caius; and that he would en∣gage himself on their side in opposition to him, not by using any force, or opposing of the common People, but in gratifying and obliging them with such unreasonable things, as might otherwise very well deserve to be detested.

Livius offer'd to serve the Senate with his Authority in this Business; and in order thereunto, enacted such Laws as were in reality neither honourable nor advantageous for the Publick; his whole Design being to out-do Caius in pleasing and cajoling the Po∣pulace, (as Comedians do) with obsequious Flattery and Popularity: whereby the Senate gave plain Testimonies, that they were not at all displeased with Caius's management of Affairs, but privately designed either to ruine him utterly, or to lessen at least his Reputation. For when Caius proposed the re-peopling of only two Colonies abroad, and mentioned the most considerable Citi∣zens for that purpose, they accused him for abusing the People; but on the contrary Page  796 were pleased with Drusus, when he propo∣sed the sending of twelve Colonies abroad, and each to consist of 3000 Persons, and those too the most beggarly Rascals that he could find. When Caius divided the publick Fields amongst the poor Citizens, and char∣ged them with a small Rent, annually to be paid into the Exchequer, they were angry at him, as one who pretended to gratifie the People only for his own Interest; yet afterwards they commended Livius, tho' he exempted them from paying even that lit∣tle Acknowledgment. Besides they were displeased with Caius, for giving the Latins an equal Power, with the Romans, of vo∣ting at the Election of Magistrates; but when Livius proposed, that it might not be law∣ful for a Roman Captain to strike a Latin Souldier, they promoted the passing of that Law: and Livius in all his Speeches to the Mobile, always told them, That he propo∣sed no Laws but such as were agreeable to the Senate, who had a particular regard to the Peoples Advantage. And this truly was the only Action during the time of his Tribuneship, which proved advantageous to the Publick; for the People were by this in∣clined to shew a more than ordinary Love and respect to the Senate: and tho' they formerly suspected and hated the principal Senators, yet Livius appeas'd and mitigated Page  797 all their former Perverseness and Animosity, by convincing them, that he had done no∣thing in favour and for the benefit of the Commons, without their Advice and Ap∣probation. But the greatest Credit which Drusus got for his Kindness and Justice to∣wards the People, was, That he never seem'd to propose any Law, either of his own Head, or for his own Advantage; for he committed the charge of seeing the Colo∣nies rightly settled, to other Commissioners: neither did he ever concern himself with the distributions of the Moneys; whereas Caius was always the principal Man concern'd in such considerable Transactions.

When Rubrius, another Tribune of the Peo∣ple, had proposed to have Carthage again in∣habited, which had been formerly demolish∣ed by Scipio, it fell to Caius's lot to see the same performed, and for that purpose he sailed into Africa. Drusus took this oppor∣tunity of his absence, to insinuate himself still more into the Peoples Affections; which he did chiefly by accusing Fulvius, who wa a particular Friend to Caius, and deputed a Commissioner with him for the division of the Lands. This Fulvius was a Man of a turbulent Spirit, and notoriously hated by the Senate; and besides, he was suspected by others to have fomented a Difference be∣tween them and their Confederates, and un∣der-hand Page  798 to have perswaded the Italians to rebel; tho' there was no other way to prove the truth of these Accusations, than by his being a suspicious Person, and of a seditious Temper. This was one principal Cause of Caius's Ruine; for part of the Envy which fell upon Fulvius, was derived upon him: and when Scipio Africanus happen'd to die suddenly, and no outward cause* of such an unexpected Death appear'd, except some marks of Blows upon his Body, which intimated that he had been violently mur∣der'd, (as we have related in the History of his Life) the greatest part of the Blame was thrown upon Fulvius, because he was his mortal Enemy, and that very day had re∣flected upon Scipio publickly in the Tribu∣nal; nor was Caius himself clear from Suspi∣cion: however such an horrible Murther, and committed too upon the Person of one of the greatest and most considerable Men in Rome, was never either punished or en∣quired into thorowly; for the Mobile op∣posed and hinder'd the Proceedings of Ju∣stice, for fear that Caius should be found ac∣cessary to the Murder; but these things were sometime after. But in Africa, where at present Caius was engaged in the re-peo∣pling of Carthage, (which he named Juno∣nia) many ominous Prodigies which presa∣ged Mischief, are reported to have been Page  799 sent from the Gods. For the First Ensigns Staff was broken with a violent Gale of* Wind, notwithstanding all the Endeavours of the Ensign to the contrary. Another sudden Storm blew away the Sacrifices which were laid upon the Altars, and dis∣order'd the whole Platform, by which the bounds of the City were described, and be∣sides all this, the Wolves made an Incursion, and carried away the very Marks that were set up, whereby they designed the Pre∣cincts of the City. Caius notwithstanding all this, order'd and dispatched the whole Business in the space of 70 days, and then return'd to Rome, understanding how Ful∣vius was prosecuted by Drusus, and that the present Juncture of Affairs would not suffer him to be absent; for Lucius Hostilius, (one who sided much with the Nobility, and of no small Authority in the Senate, who had formerly sued to be Consul, but was repulsed by Caius's Interest, whereby Fannius was elected) was in a fair way now of being chosen Consul, because he had a numerous company of Friends; and it was generally believ'd, if he did obtain it, that he would wholly ruine Caius's In∣terest, whose Power was already in a de∣clining condition; and the People were not so apt to admire his Actions as for∣merly, because there were several others Page  800 who every day contrived new ways to please the People, with which the Senate did readily comply. After his Return to Rome, he quitted his House on the Palatine Mount, and went to live in a certain Place near to the publick Court, thereby endeavour∣ing to make himself more popular in those Parts, where most of the pitifull and mean∣est Inhabitants were lodged. In the next place he endeavour'd to propose other Laws, in order to have them ratified by popular Votes; upon which account he conven'd a prodigious number of people from all the adjacent Places: but the Senate perswaded Fannius the Consul, to command all Persons, who were not Natives and Inhabitants of Rome, to depart the City. A new and un∣usual Proclamation was thereupon made, prohibiting any of the Allies or Confede∣rates to appear at Rome during that time. Caius on the contrary publish'd an Edict, accusing the Consul for what he had done, and setting forth to the Confederates, that if they would continue upon the Place, they might be assured of his Assistance and Protection. However he was not so good as his word; for tho' he saw one of his own familiar Friends and Companions dragg'd to Prison by Fannius's Officers, he notwithstanding passed by, without ei∣ther assisting him, or taking any notice of Page  801 him: which he did, either because he was afraid to stand the test of his Power, which was already decreased, or because he (as he himself reported) was unwilling to give his Enemies an opportunity, which they very much desired, of making an Insurrection. About that time there happen'd likewise a Difference between him and his fellow Offi∣cers upon this occasion: A Prize was to be fought before the People in the Market∣Place, and most of the Officers erected Scaf∣folds round about, with an intention of let∣ting them for Advantage. Caius commanded them to take down their Scaffolds, that the poor People might see the Sport without paying any thing. But no body obeying these Orders of his, he gather'd together some Labourers, and overthrew all the Scaffolds, the very night before the Prize was to be play'd; so that by the next mor∣ning the Market-place was clear'd, and the common People had an opportunity of see∣ing the Pastime gratis. Upon this account, the Rable esteem'd him as a Man of great Generosity; but he very much disobliged the Tribunes, and the Action was look'd upon as a piece of Rashness, and full of Presumption.

This was thought to be the chief Reason, that he fail'd of being a third time elected* Tribune; not but that he had the most Votes, but because his Collegues out of Re∣venge Page  802 caused false Returns to be made. But as to this Matter there is not much credit to be given: certain it is, he very much resented this Repulse, and behaved himself with an unusual sort of Arrogance towards some of his Adversaries, who were joyful at this Defeat of his, telling them, That all their Mirth was a * Sardonian Laugh only; they being wholly in the dark, as to those Intrigues which he was carry∣ing on.

As soon as Opimius was chosen Consul, they* presently cancell'd several of Caius's Laws, especially as to what he had enacted, in re∣ference to some Designs at Carthage, omit∣ting nothing which was most probable to enrage him, that from some effect of his Passion, they might find out a colourable pretence to put him to death. Caius at first bore these things very patiently; but afterwards at the Instigation of his Friends, especially Fulvius, he resolved to raise For∣ces, and oppose the Authority of the Con∣suls. His Mother Cornelia also is reported by some, to have assisted him in carrying on this Sedition, by sending privately seve∣ral Strangers into Rome, under pretence as if they came to be hired there for Harvest∣men? and she acquainted her Son with this Project, by writing Letters to him in Cy∣phers: however 'tis confidently affirmed by Page  803 others, that Cornelia did not in the least ap∣prove of these Actions.

When the day came, in which Opimius de∣signed to abrogate the Laws of Caius, both Parties met very early at the Capitol; and the Consul having performed all the Rites usual in their Sacrifices, on Quintus Attyllius, a Serjeant, carrying out the Entrails of the Beast, spoke to Fulvius, and his Friends who stood about him, Ye factious Citizens, says he, make way for honest Men. Some report, that besides this provoking Language, he extended his naked Arm towards 'em, which is reckon'd, it seems, as a piece of Scorn and Contempt. Upon this they presently slew him, with a sort of Bodkins or Pencils, which are used in Writing; tho' some say, that at present they had furnish'd themselves with 'em for this Employment only. This Murther caused a sudden Con∣sternation in the whole Assembly, and the chiefest Men in Authority had their diffe∣rent Resentments of it: as for Caius, he was in a great Passion, and severely repri∣manded some of his own Party, because they had given their Adversaries a coloura∣ble pretence to proceed against them, which they had so long hop'd for. Opimi∣us gratefully embracing this occasion, stood up, and excited the People to Revenge; but there happening a great shower of Page  804 Rain on the sudden, it put an end to the business of that day.

Early the next morning, the Consul ha∣ving again summon'd the Assembly, and whilst he advised with the Senators in the Court concerning publick Affairs, the Corps of Attyllius was laid upon a Bier, and brought through the Market-place, being there exposed to open view just before the Senate-house, every one expressing a great deal of Sorrow and Lamentation. Opimius was not at all ignorant, that this was design'd to be done; however he seem'd to be sur∣prized, and wonder'd what the meaning of it should be: the Senators therefore pre∣sently went out, to know the occasion of it; and standing about the Corps, some condoled the Person that was slain; all re∣presented it is an inhumane and barbarous Action. In the mean time, there were some then present, who were sensible of, and very much resented this Partiality of the Senators; considering, that when they themselves had not only assassinated Tiberius Gracchus, as he was executing his Office in the very Capitol, but had also thrown his mangled Body into the River; yet that now they should expose to open view; that they should bewail and honour with their presence the Corps of a mean mercenary Fellow, (who tho' he might perhaps die wrongful∣ly, Page  805 was however in a great measure the oc∣casion of it himself) and by these means to undermine him, who remains the only De∣fender and Safeguard of the People.

The Senators after some time with-drew,* and presently order'd, that Opimius the Con∣sul should be invested with such Power, whereby he might protect the Common∣wealth, and suppress all Tyrants. This be∣ing decreed, he presently commanded the Senators to arm themselves, and that the Roman Knights should be in a readiness very early the next morning, and every one of 'em to be attended with two Servants well armed. Fulvius on the other side accoutred himself, and got together the Rabble. Caius at that time returning from the Market∣place, made a stop just before his Father's Statue, and fixing his Eyes for some time upon it, remain'd in a deep Contemplation; at length he sigh'd, let fall a few Tears, and departed. This made no small Impres∣sion upon those who saw it, and they began to upbraid one another, that they should desert and betray so worthy a Man as Caius. They therefore went directly to his House, remaining there as a Guard about it all night, tho' in a different manner from those who were to take care of Fulvius's Person; for they with a great deal of Drink and Noise pass'd away the night; and Fulvius Page  806 himself, being the first who was made drunk spoke and acted many things, very unbe∣coming a Man of his Character: on the o∣ther side, the Party which guarded Caius, were very diligent, relieving one another by Turns, and prudently fore-casting, as is usual in all publick Calamities, what the is∣sue of things might be. As soon as day light ap∣pear'd, they rouzed Fulvius, who as yet slep• very secure, by reason of the Dose he took over-night; and having armed them∣selves with the Weapons which hung up in his House, that were formerly taken from the Gauls, whom he conquer'd in the time of his Consulship, they presently with Threats and loud Acclamations made their way towards the Aventine Mount.

Caius could not be perswaded to arm him∣self, but put on his Gown, as if he had been going to the Senate-house, only with this dif∣ference, that under it he had then a short Dagger by his side. As he was going out, his Wife came running to him at the Gate, holding him with one Hand, and with her other a young Child of his; she thus tender∣ly* bespoke him: Alas Caius, I don't now part with you, as if you were going to make Speech∣es to the People, either as a Tribune or a Law∣giver; nor as if you wer• going to some glori∣ous War, for tho' then you might perhaps have been subject to that Fate, which all must some∣time Page  807 or other submit to, yet you had left me this mitigation of my Sorrow, that your fall was honourable. But now, Caius, you expose your Person to the infamous Murtherers of Ti∣berius, and that too unarm'd, choosing rather to suffer the worst of Injuries, than be in any capacity of doing the least your self; but what is yet far more than all, even your very Death at this time can't be anyways serviceable to the publick Good. Faction prevails; power and success of Arms are now the only measures of Justice: had your Brother fell before Numan∣tia, they would generously have given back, what then remain'd of Tiberius; but such is my hard Fate, that I probably must be an humble Suppliant to the Floods and to the Waves, that they would somewhere discover to my view their sacred charge of your Relicks; for what trust is there now left for you, either from the Laws, or the Gods, since they have slain Tibe∣rius? Licinia thus bewailing, Caius by de∣grees getting loose from her Embraces, si∣lently withdrew himself, being accompanied by his Friends; she endeavouring to catch him by the Gown, fell prostrate upon the Earth, lying there for some time speechless, her Servants took her up for dead, and con∣vey'd her to her Brother Crassus.

Fulvius when the People were gather'd* together in a full Body, by the advice of Caius, sent his youngest Son into the Mar∣ket Page  808 place, with an Herald's Rod in his Hand. He being a very handsom Youth, and modestly addressing himself, with Tears in his Eyes, and a becoming Bashfulness, humbly offer'd Proposals of Agreement to the Consul and the whole Senate. The great∣est part of the Assembly were inclinable to accept of the Proposals; but Opimius was of opinion, that it did not become them to send Messengers, and capitulate with the Senate; but to be personally present, and like good Citizens, by defending their own Innocency, and submitting themselves to him, they might thus appease the Anger of the Senate. He commanded the Youth not to return, unless they would comply with these Conditions. Caius, as 'tis reported, was ve∣ry forward to come, and clear himself before the Senate; but none of his Friends consent∣ing to it, Fulvius sent his Son a second time to intercede for 'em, as before. But Opi∣mius who chiefly design'd that a Battel should ensue, caused the Youth to be appre∣hended, and committed into safe Custo∣dy; and then with a Company of his Foot∣Souldiers, and some Cretan Archers, set up∣on that Party which was under the Com∣mand of Fulvius. The Archers did such Execution, and wounded their Enemies so mortally, that they were soon put to flight. Fulvius absconded for a time in an old Bag∣nio; Page  809 but shortly after being discover'd* he and his eldest Son were slain together. Caius was not observed to encounter any one; but laying these things very much to heart, retired to Diana's Temple; he there attempted to kill himself, but was hinder'd by his faithful Friends, Pomponius and Li∣cinius: they took his Sword away from him, and were very urgent that he would endeavour to make his Escape. It's reported, that falling upon his Knees, and lifting up his Hands, he prayed earnestly to the God∣dess, that the Romans, as a punishment for their Ingratitude and Treachery, might al∣ways remain in perpetual Slavery; for as soon as a proclamation was made of a Par∣don, they presently deserted him.

Caius therefore endeavour'd now to make his Escape, but was pursued so close by his* Enemies, as far as the wooden Bridge, that from thence he narrowly escap'd. There it was that his two trusty Friends begg'd of him, to preserve his own Person by flight, whilst they in the mean time would keep their Post, and maintain the Passage; nei∣ther colud their Enemies, till they were both slain, pass the Bridge. Caius had no other Companion in his flight but one Philocrates, a Servant of his. As he run along, it's true, every Body encourag'd him, and wish'd him Success, (as standers by may do Page  810 to those who are engaged in a Battel) but no body either freely lent him any Assi∣stance, or so much as furnish'd him with a Horse; tho' he earnestly desir'd it, because his Enemies had gain'd Ground, and got very near him: however he had still time enough to hide himself in a little Grove, consecrated to the Furies. In that Place,* his Servant Philocrates having first slain him, presently afterwards kill'd himself also, and fell dead upon his Master; tho' some affirm it for a truth, that they were both ta∣ken alive by their Enemies, and that Phi∣locrates embrac'd his Master so close, that they could not wound Caius, till his Ser∣vant was slain.

They say, that when Caius's Head was cut off, and carried away by one of his Murtherers, Septimuleius, Opimius's Friend, met him, and forc'd it from him; be∣cause, before the Battel began, they had made Proclamation, that who▪ever should bring the Heads either of Caius or Fulvius, he should, as a Reward, receive their weight in Gold. Septimuleius therefore having fix'd Caius's Head upon the top of his Spear, came and presented it to Opimius the Consul. They presently brought the Scales, and it was found to weigh above 17 pounds. But in this Affair, Septimuleius gave as great signs of his Knavery, as he had done before Page  811 of his Cruelty; for having taken out the Brains, he fill'd the Scull with Lead. There were others who brought the Head of Ful∣vius too; but being mean, inconsiderable Persons, were turn'd away without the pro∣mis'd Reward. The Bodies of these two Persons, as well as of the rest who were slain, to the number of 3000 Men, were all thrown into the River; their Goods were forfeited, and their Widows forbid∣den to put themselves into Mourning: but they dealt more severely with Licinia, Cai∣us's Wife, and wrong'd her even of her Joynture; and as an addition still to all their Inhumanity, they barbarously murder'd Fulvius's youngest Son; his Crime was not, that he took up Arms against 'em, or that he was present in the Battel, but because he had proposed Articles of Agreement: for this he was first imprison'd, then slain.

But that which enraged the common People beyond all these things, was, because at this time (in memory of his Success) Opimius built the Temple of Concord, as if he glory'd and triumph'd in the Slaughter of so many Citizens: wherefore some body in the Night time, under the Inscription of the Temple, added this Verse:

Opimius was the first, who being Consul, presumed to usurp the Power of a Dictator, and condemned, without any Trial, not only 3000 Citizens, but Caius Gracchus, and Fulvius Flaccus: One of whom had tri∣umph'd, and been Consul; the other far ex∣cell'd all his Co temporaries in Virtue and Honour. Notwithstanding this, Opimius could not restrain himself from Extortion and Bribery; for when he was sent Ambas∣sador to Jugurtha, King of Numidia, he was there corrupted by Presents, and at his Re∣turn being shamefully convicted of it, he was hated and reproach'd by the common People; so that growing melancholy and his Spirits Sinking, his Infamy still increas'd with his years.

It quickly now appear'd to the World, what Respect and Veneration they had for the memory of the Graccki. They order'd their Statues to be made, and fix'd up in publick view; they consecrated the Places where they were slain, and thither brought the first Fruits of every thing, according to the season of the Year, for to make their Offerings. Many came likewise thither to their Devotions, and daily worship'd there, Page  813 as formerly at the Temples of the Gods.

It's reported, that as Cornelia, their Mo∣ther, bore the loss of her two Sons, with a noble and undaunted Spirit; so in refe∣rence to the Temples where they lay in∣terr'd, she only said, Their Memory deserved such Monuments. She removed afterwards, and dwelt near the Mount Mycene, not at all altering her former way of Living. She was very much respected and beloved, and kept open house for the Entertainment of all Strangers, having daily a great number of Grecians and learned Men, who resorted thither: nor was there any foreign Prince but received Gifts from her, and presented her again. Those who were most conver∣sant with her, were much diverted, when er'e she pleased to entertain 'em with any Relation concerning her Father, Scipio A∣frican, or his way of Living. But it was very surprizing, to have her make mention of her Sons, without any Tears or Sign of Grief; and to give a full Account of all their Deeds and Misfortunes, as unconcern'd, as if she had been relating the History of some an∣cient Heroes. This made some imagine, that Age, or the greatness of her Afflictions, had made her delirous, and wholly insensible of all her Calamities: but they who were of that opinion, had no Notion at all, how much a noble Birth, or a good Education, Page  814 could conquer any Affliction; and tho' en∣vious* Fortune may often be more successful, and may smother virtuous Actions; yet with the worser Calamities, she can't be∣reave us of that tranquillity of Mind, by which we generously bear them.

THE COMPARISON OF TIBERIUS & CAIUS GRACCHI, with AGIS and CLEOMENES.

WE having given an Account seve∣rally of these Persons, it remains only, that he should take a View of them, in Comparison with one another.

As for the Gracchi; the greatest Detract∣ers, and their worst Enemies, could not but allow, that they had a Genius to Vir∣tue, beyond all other Romans, which was inproved also by a generous Education. A∣gis and Cleomenes seem'd to have had better natural Parts, and a more solid Judgment; for tho' they wanted all the Advantages of good Literature, and were neither instruct∣ed in Morality, nor the well management of their Affairs, (from which, even those who were elder than they, had already much dege∣nerated) Page  816 yet they were publick Examples of Temperance and Frugality.

Besides, the Gracchi happening to live, when Rome had her greatest repute for Ho∣nour and virtuous Actions, might justly have been ashamed, if they had not inherited the Virtues of their Ancestors: whereas the other two had Parents of different Morals; and tho' they found their Countrey in a sink∣ing condition, and debauch'd, yet that did not quench their forward Zeal to what was just and honourable.

The Generosity and the Integrity of the two Romans, was chiefly remarkable in this, That in the administration of publick Affairs, they kept themselves from the imputation of Bribery: whereas Agis might justly be offended, if he had only that mean Commendation given him, that he took nothing wrongfully from any Man, being he distributed his own Fortunes, which a∣mounted in ready Money to the value of 600 Talents, amongst his fellow-Citizens; and surely extortion must appear a Crime of a strange nature to him, who esteem'd it a piece of Covetousness, to possess, tho nee'r so justly gotten, greater Riches than his Neigh∣bours.

Their Politicks likewise, and Transactions, in reference to State-affairs, were of a very different nature. The chiefest things in ge∣neral Page  817 that the two Romans commonly aim'd at, was the repairing of Cities, and mend∣ing of High-ways; and in particular, the most generous Design which Tiberius is fam'd for, was his division of the Lands amongst the poor People; and Caius gain'd his grea∣test Reputation, by the addition of 300 of the Commonalty to the same number of Se∣nators, investing them with an equal Autho∣rity.

Whereas the Alteration which Agis and Cleomenes made, was in a quite different manner. They did not redress things by little and little, and cure small Distempers; for that would have been (according to Pla∣to) like cutting off one of the Hydra's Heads, which was the only means to in∣crease the number: but they made a thorough Reformation, and at once freed their Coun∣trey from all Grievances; or to speak more truly, they took away those things, which were the cause of all their Calamities, and so restor'd their City to its ancient Gran∣deur.

However this must be confess'd in the be∣half of the Gracchi, That their Undertake∣ings were always opposed by Men of the the greatest Quality. But on the other side, those which were first attempted by Agis, and afterwards consummated by Cleomenes, were supported by the famous Authority of Page  818 those ancient Laws concerning Frugality and Levelling, which were instituted by Lycur∣gus, ratified and confirmed by Apollo. It is also further observable, That from the Trans∣actions of the Gracchi, the City of Rome re∣ceived no Additions to her former Great∣ness; whereas by the Conduct of Cleomenes Greece presently saw, that Sparta exerted the soveraign power over all Peloponnesus, and she still sought to enlarge her Domini∣ons, with the greatest Princes of that Age; designing by all her warlike Actions, to set Greece at liberty, from her subjection to the Gauls and Illyrians, and restore her Govern∣ment, as formerly, to the Race of Hercu∣les.

From their different manner of Dying, we may also make some Observations, in relation to their Courage. The Gracchi fighting with their fellow-Citizens, were both slain, as they endeavour'd to make their Escape; but Agis willingly submitted to his Fate, rather than any Citizen should be in danger of their Lives. Cleomenes also after his being affronted and abused, tho' he did design to be revenged, yet having fail'd of that opportunity, he then gene∣rously fell by his own Hand.

But on the contrary we must consider, That Agis never did a great Action, wor∣thy a Commander, being prevented by an Page  819 untimely Death. And as for those heroick Actions of Cleomenes, we may justly com∣pare with them that of Tiberius's, when he was the first who attempted to scale the Walls of Carthage, it being look'd upon as no mean Exploit. To which may be ad∣ded likewise the Peace which he concluded with the Numantines, by which he saved the Lives of 20000 Romans, who otherwise had certainly been cut off. And Caius, not only at this Place, but in Sardinia too, be∣haved himself very valiantly; that their early Actions were no small Argument that afterwards they might have been deservedly compared with the chiefest of the Roman Commanders, if they had not dyed so young. Agis proceeded very mildly in the management of publick Affairs; and meet∣ing too with some Disappointments by the Craft of Agesilaus, he frustrated the Expecta∣tions of the Citizens, as to the division of the Lands, and was constrained to leave all his Designs imperfect and unfinish'd, only for want of a manly Resolution. Cleome∣nes on the contrary acted more boldly and rashly in all his publick Transactions, and unjustly slew the Ephori, whom he might by Conquest have gain'd over to his Party, or else might easily have banish'd, not only them, but several others also of the City; for to cut off any Members, unless in the Page  820 extreamest necessity, is neither the part of a good Chirurgeon, nor a Politician, but ar∣gues unskilfulness in both. By this there∣fore Cleomenes appears cruel, as well as unjust.

Neither of the Gracchi were forward to be engaged in a Civil War: and Caius is re∣ported to have avoided all manner of Re∣venge, even when his Life was aim'd at, showing himself always valiant against a foreign Enemy, but wholly unactive in a Sedition. This was the Reason that he went from his own House unarm'd, and was present in the Battel; which makes it evi∣dent▪ that he had consulted rather, not to do any harm to others, than not to suffer any himself. Even the very flight of the Gracchi, must not be look'd upon as an argu∣ment of their mean Spirit, but an honoura∣ble Retreat from endangering of others; for if they had stay'd, they must either have yielded to those who assail'd 'em, or else have sought 'em in their own defence. The great∣est Crime that can be laid to Tiberius's charge, was the deposing of his fellow-Tri∣bune, and that he afterwards substituted Ca∣ius in his room: and as for the Death of Attyllius, it is falsly and unjustly attributed to Caius; for he was slain unknown to him, and much to his Grief.

Page  821On the contrary, Cleomenes (not to mention the Murther of the Ephori) set all the Slaves at liberty, and govern'd by him∣self alone in reality, having a Partner only for show; which was the Reason he made choice of his Brother Euclid, who was of the same Family. He also prevail'd upon Archidamus, (who was the next Heir to the Kingdom of the other Line) that he would venture to return home from Messene; but after this being slain, because Cleomenes did not endeavour to revenge his Death, he gave an occasion of being justly suspect∣ed, that he was privy to it himself. Truly Lycurgus, whose Example he pretends to imi∣tate, after he had voluntarily settled his Kingdom upon Charilaus his Brother's Son▪ fearing lest if the Youth should chance to die by Accident, he might be suspected for it, he travell'd a long time, and would not return again to Sparta, till Charilaus had a Son, and an Heir to his Kingdoms. But we have ne'er another Grecian, who is worthy to be compared with Lycurgus; for amongst the Deeds of Cleomenes, there were greater Innovations, and worse Faults than these.

They therefore who strictly examine their different Manners, may observe, That the two Grecians were warlike even from their Youth, and inclining to be Tyrants; that Tiberius and Caius by nature had too Page  822 great an Emulation after Glory and Honours: and besides, they never stood in Competiti∣on for any thing; but as soon as the Con∣tention began with their Adversaries, their Heat and Passions would so far prevail be∣yond their natural Temper, that by them, as by ill Winds, they were driven afterwards to all their rash Undertakings. What could be more just and honourable, than their first Design, had not the Power and the Faction of the Rich, by endeavouring to ab∣rogate that Law, engag'd 'em both in those fatal Quarrels; the one, for his own Preser∣vation; the other, to revenge his Brother's Death, who was murder'd without any Law or Justice?

From the account therefore which has been given, you your self may perceive the Difference; which if it were to be pro∣nounc'd of every one singly, I should af∣firm Tiberius to have excell'd 'em all in Virtue; that young Agis had been guilty of the fewest Miscarriages; and that in Action and Boldness Caius came far short of Cleome∣nes.