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PEripoltas the Diviner having brought the King Opheltas and those under his Command from Thessaly into Baeotia, left there a Family which flourish'd a long time after; the greatest part of them inha∣bited Chaeronea, the first City out of which they expelled the Barbarians. The De∣scendants of this Race, being men of bold Attempts, exposed themselves to so many
Dangers in the Incursions the Medes made upon them, and in Exploits against the Gauls, that at last they were almost wholly consumed.
There was left one Orphan of this House, called Damon, surnamed Peripoltas, for Beauty and greatness of Spirit surpassing all of his Age; but of Temper fierce and un∣tractable. A Roman Captain of a Foot-Company that Wintered in Chaeronea, fell in love with this Youth; but since he could not obtain his infamous Desires, either by Gifts or Entreaties, 'twas much feared that he would proceed to Violence. The Suspi∣cion was made more probable by the con∣dition of Chaeronea, which was then so weak, that it had not power either to pre∣vent the Attempt, or punish the Commissi∣on of the Crime. Of which Damon being sensible, and looking upon his Sollicitati∣ons as Injuries, resolved to be revenged of him: Accordingly he and sixteen of his Companions, conspired against the Cap∣tain; but that the Design might be ma∣naged without any danger of being disco∣vered, they all daubed their Faces with Soot. Thus disguised, and inflamed with Wine, they set upon him by break of day, as he was sacrificing; and having killed him, and not a few of those that were with them, they fled out of the City;
which was extreamly alarmed and troubled at the Murder: The Council Assembled immediately, and pronounced Sentence of Death against Damon and all his Accompli∣ces. This they did to justifie the City to the Romans. But, that evening, as the Magistrates were at Supper together, ac∣cording to Custom, Damon and his Confe∣derates breaking into the Room, killed them all, and then again fled out of the Town. About this time, Lucius Lucullus passing that way with his Forces upon some Expedition, and this disaster having but newly hapned, he staid to examine the matter. Upon enquiry he found the City was in no wise faulty, but rather that they themselves had suffered; therefore he drew out the Soldiers, and carried them away with him. Yet Damon continuing to ravage the Country all about, the Citizens by Messages, and Decrees in appearance favourable, enticed him into the City, and upon his return made him Gymnasiarque; but afterward as he was suppling him∣self with Oyl in the Baigno, they set upon him and kill'd him. For a long while after Apparitions being seen, and lamenta∣ble Groans heard in that place, (as our Fathers have told us,) they ordered the Gates of the Baigno to be made up: and even to this day those who dwell about
that place affirm that they sometimes see Spectres, and hear terrible Voices. The posterity of Damon (of which some re∣main in the Country of Phocide, near the City Stiris, living after the manner of the Aeolians) are called Asbolomenoi, that is, Men dawbed with Soot. Be∣cause with that Damon was besmeared when he committed this Murther.
But there being a Quarrel betwixt those of Chaeronea and the Orchomeniens, who bordered upon them; they hired an In∣former, a Roman, to excuse the Commu∣nity of Chaeronea, as if it had been a sin∣gle Person, of the Murther of the Romans, of which only Damon and his Ruffians were guilty; accordingly the process was formed, and the cause pleaded before the Petor of Macedon, for as yet, the Romans had not sent Governours into Greece.
The Advocates who defended the Inha∣bitants, appealed to the Testimony of Lu∣cullus, who in answer to a Letter the Pretor writ to him, returned a true ac∣count of the matter of Fact. By this means the Town gain'd their Cause, which otherwise they were in great danger of losing. The Citizens thus preserved, e∣rected a Statue to Lucullus in the Forum, next to that of the God Bacchus.
We also have the same Impressions of Gratitude; and tho removed from them by the distance of so many Ages, yet we think our selves obliged by that Act. And as to draw the Genius and Noble Inclinations of a great Personage, is har∣der, and so more valuable, than to hit the Lines of his Face; we will put Lucullus his Life amongst our Parallels of Illustri∣ous Men. Wherein we will not use one stroke of Flattery, but keep close to the Truth. It is sufficient we shew how we preserve a grateful Remembrance of his generous Kindness; and he himself would not expect, that in recompence of that Service, which consisted in speaking the Truth, we should abuse his Memory with a false and counterfeit Narration. For as we would, that a Painter who is to draw a beautifull Face, in which there is yet some Imperfection, should neither wholly leave out, nor entirely express what is defective, because this would deform it, and that spoil the Resemblance; so since it is very hard, nay almost impossible, to shew the Life of a Man wholly free from Blemish, let us in the same manner follow Truth: But if any Lapses occur, which have been occasioned by the Emotions of a sudden Passion, or the necessity of the Times, let us look upon them ra∣ther
as Defects of Vertue, than as Vices; let us carry the Pencil gently over them, out of respect to Humane Nature, which never furnished any Man with so many good Inclinations to Vertue, but that there was somewhat still wanting which rendred him Imperfect. Considering with my self to whom I should compare Lu∣cullus, I find none so exactly his Parrallel as Cimon.
They were both valiant in War, and successful against the Barbarians, but affa∣ble and courteous to their Fellow-Citizens: Both extinguished the Civil Broils at home, and gained signal Victories abroad. In short, no Greek before Cimon, nor Roman before Lucullus, ever carried the Scene of War so far from their own Country, un∣less we except the Exploits of Bacchus and Hercules, those of Perseus against the Ae∣thiopians, Medes, and Armenians, and the Acts of Jason, (if of these any Monuments that deserve Credit are derived down to our days.) Moreover in this they were alike, that they finished not the Enterprises they undertook: They brought their Enemies near their Ruin, but never entirely defea∣ted them. There was yet a greater Con∣formity in their Nature, for the Civility and generous Reception they shewed to all Strangers, and the splended Provisions of
their Tables. But we will omit those o∣ther good qualities, in which they were alike, for 'twill be easie to observe them in the following Relation.
Cimon was the Son of Miltiades and Hegesipyle, who was by Birth a Thracian, and Daughter to the King Olorus; this appears from the Poems of Melanthius and Archelaus, which they both write in praise of Cimon. By this means the Hi∣storian Thucidides was his Kinsman by the Mother's side; for his Father's name also was Olorus, and possessed Mines of Gold in Thrace, and was killed in Scap∣tahyla, a District of Thrace, so called from its being full of Ditches. His bones were afterward brought into Attica, and his Monument is shown amongst those of the House of Cimon, near the Tomb of El∣pinice Cimon's Sister. But Thucidides was of the Tribe of Alimus, and Miltiades of that of Lacia. Miltiades being con∣demned in a Fine of fifty Talents to the State, and unable to pay it, was cast in∣to Prison, and there died. Thus Cimon was left an Orphan very young, with his Sister Elpinice, who was also young and unmarried. At first he had no Reputati∣on, being looked upon Riotous, and one who lived a dissolute Life, as in reality he did, therefore they said, there was
an Agreement of Temper, as well as Ap∣pellation, betwixt him and his Grand-fa∣ther, whose name was Cimon too; but they Proverbially called him, for his Stu∣pidity, Coalemos (the Ideot) Stesimbrotus of Thassus, who lived near about the same time with Cimon, reports of him; that he had little docility; that they could never teach him Musick, nor the Rudi∣ments of any other Science, which were so easily learned by the young Gentle∣men of Athens: That he wanted a Vi∣vacity of Parts requisite for Conversation, was ungentile in his Carriage; neither had he any Capacity to manage serious Affairs: However, that there appeared in him something that was great; and that he had such a plain openness of Humour, that you would have taken him, rather for a Native of Peloponnesus than Athens. He being such an one, as Euripides describes Hercules.
For this Character may well agree with that which Stesimbrotus had given of him. They accused him in his younger years, that he incestuously caressed his own Sister Elpinice, who otherwise had no very great
Reputation for Chastity: However, if her Brother was not her Gallant, 'twas reported that Polynotus was. For when he painted the Trojan Dames in the Porch, then called Plesinaction, now Paecile, he drew Laodice by her Face. He was not an ordinary Me∣chanick, to be payed for his Work: But stu∣dying all ways to please tho Athenians, he bestowed it freely on the Publick. This all the Historians report of him; and the Poet Malanthius particularly in these Ver∣ses.
Some do affirm that Elpinice did not dis∣semble her Familiarities with her Brother: But lived publickly with him, as if she had been his Wife: For though she was no Fortune, yet he could meet with none, that was an equal Match for her, by reason of the Quality of her Birth. But afterward, when Callias, one of the richest Men of Athens fell in Love with her and proffered to pay the Mulct the Father was condemn∣ed in, if he could obtain the Daughter in
Marriage: Cimon accepted the Condition, and betrothed her to Callias. There is no doubt to be made, but that Cimon was of an amorous Complexion. For Melanthius gives him hints of his Tendency that way, when in his Eulogies he facetiously rallies him for his Mistresses: The one was called Mnestra, and the other was Aristeria of Sa∣lamis; and these the Poet saith, he was very fond of. However this is certain, that he loved his Wife Isodice very passio∣nately; she was the Daughter of Euryptole∣mus the Son of Megacles. Her death he regretted even to impatience, as appears by those Elegies of Condolance, addressed to him upon his loss of Her. The Philoso∣pher Panaetius is of Opinion, that Arche∣laus was the Author of those Elegies; and indeed the time seems to favour that Con∣jecture. But take Cimon in all his other Capacities, you shall find nothing in him that is justly blameable, but rather all the Customs of his Life were very good. For as he was as daring as Miltiades, and not at all inferiour to Themistocles for Judge∣ment, so he was incomparably more just and honest then either of them. As he was equal to them in understanding, and in discharging all the Functions of a Com∣mander; so for the Political part of Go∣vernment, he excelled them and every
one else: And this too when he was very young, his years not yet confirmed by any experience. For when Themistocles, upon the Medes threatning them with an Invasi∣on, advised the Athenians to forsake their Town and the Country about it, and to carry all their Arms on Ship board, and in the Streights of Salamis dispute the Do∣minion of the Sea with their Enemies, When all the World stood amazed at the Confidence and Rashness of this advice; Cimon only was not at all surprised, but chearfully passed through the Street of Cera∣micon, accompanied with other young Men, toward the Castle, carrying a Bri∣dle in his hand to offer to the Goddess Mi∣nerva; by this intimating, that there was no more need of Horsemen now, but Ma∣riners. Thus after he had paid his Devo∣tions to the Goddess, and offer'd up the Bridle, he took down the Bucklers that hung upon the Walls of the Temple, and so went down to the Port. By this Ex∣ample he encouraged the Citizens to follow him in order to their Embarking. Besides, he was an handsome Person, of a just Sta∣ture, his Hair thick and curled. After he had acquitted himself gallantly in this Bat∣tle of Salamis, he obtained a great Reputa∣tion among the Athenians; and they not only admired his Actions, but loved his
Person. So that they were continually, enflaming him with Emulation, to perform Deeds as Famous as that of Marathon; that entertaining great Conceptions of things, he might act sutably thereunto. The Peo∣ple were very glad, when they saw him applying himself to matters of State; for they were disgusted with Themistocles: In opposition to whom, and because of the Candor and Freeness of Cymon's Temper, which was agreeable to every one, they advanced him to the highest Employments in the Government. The man that con∣tributed most to his Promotions was Ari∣stides, who still cultivated that honest Ge∣nius he saw in him: And purposely raised him, that he might be a Counterpoise to the Craft, and repress the insolence of The∣mistocles. But when the Medes were dri∣ven out of Greece, Cimon being Admiral, though the Athenians had not yet attained the Chief Dominion, but still followed Pausanias and the Lacedaemonians; he kept his Citizens in Heart, and by the Goodness of their Order and Equipage, but chiefly by their Valour, they were distinguished from the rest. Besides he perceiving, that Pausanias managed an intelligence with the King of Persia, to betray Greece to the Barbarians, and puft up with Arrogance and Success, treated his Allies haughtily,
and committed Insolencies upon them; Ci∣mon taking this advantage, robbed him of the Esteem and Command of the Greeks, before he was aware. This he did not by open Enmity, but by affable Discourse and the Obligingness of his Conversation. So that the Allies no longer able to endure the Sourness and Pride of Pausanias, revolted all from him to Cimon and Aristides: Who, having gain'd such a Party from him, writ to the Ephori of Sparta, and sent particular Messengers to complain of him, desiring them to recall a Man who was a dishonour to Sparta, and a trouble to Greece. They report of Pausanias, that when he was in Bysantium, he sollicited a young Lady of a noble Family in the City, whose name was Cleonice, to debauch her: Her Parents dreading the cruel Humour of the Man, were forced to consent, and so abandon'd their Daughter to his Embraces. Cleonice commanded the Servants to put out all the Lights; So that approaching silently, and in the dark towards his Bed, she stum∣bled upon the Lamp, which she overturned and spilled: Pausanias, who was fallen asleep, awaked, and startled with the noise, thought an assassin had taken that dead time of the Night to murder him; so that hastily snatching up his Poinard that lay by him, he wounded his supposed Enemy to
Death. After this he never enjoyed him∣self, but was disturbed in his Thoughts. For his Dear Mistress haunted his Bed, and would not let him Sleep, but in∣terrupted his repose with these Angry Words.
This Tragical Accident gave the last stroke to his Ruin. For after this the Allies joyning their Resentments and Forces with Cimon's, besieged him in Byzantium: but he escaped out of their Hands, and fled to Heraclea. Here coming to a place which might be called the Oracle of the Dead, where they raise up Spirits to know future Events, he solemnly invoked Cleonice, and intreated her Ghost to be reconciled: Ac∣cordingly she appeared to him, and an∣swered him in these Words.
As soon as thou comest to Sparta thou shalt be freed from all the Misfortunes which now afflict thee.Hereby obscurely foretelling (in my opinion) that imminent Death he was to suffer. This is the Story that is told of him.
Cimon strengthned with this accession of the Allies, went General into Thrace: For he was told that some great Men among
the Persians, of the Kings Kindred, having possessed themselves of Eione, a City situ∣ated upon the River Strymon, infested the Greeks which confin'd upon them: First, he defeated these Persians, and shut them up within the Walls of their Town. Then he fell upon the Thracians themselves, who were Borderers, because they supply'd those of Eione with Victuals; he drove them en∣tirely out of the Country, and took posses∣sion of it as Conqueror: By this means he reduced the Besieged to such straights, that Butes, who Commanded there for the King, in a desperate resolution set fire to the Town, and burned himself, his Goods, and all his Relations, in one common Flame. By this means Cimon got the Town, but no great Booty; for these Bar∣barians not only consumed themselves in the Fire, but the richest of their Movea∣bles. However, the Country about it he gave the Athenians, which was a pleasant and fruitful Soil. For this Action the Peo∣ple permitted him to erect Stone Mercuries; upon the First of which was this Inscripti∣on.
Tho' the Name of Cimon is not mention'd in these Inscriptions, yet his Contempora∣ries do assert them wholly as erected to his Honour; and being so, it was a peculiar one to him. For Miltiades and Themisto∣cles could never obtain the like. And when Miltiades desired a Crown of Olive, one Sochares, who was of the Tribe of Decelia, stood up in the midst of the Assembly, and
spoke these words, which being agreeable to the Populace, were applauded by them, tho unjust, and very ungratefully spoken. When thou shall conquer alone, (Miltiades) thou shall triumph so too. What then induced them so particularly to honor Cimon? it was certainly this, that under other Com∣manders they stood upon the defensive; but by his Conduct, they not only repul∣sed their Enemies; but invaded them in their own Country.
Thus they became Masters of Eione and Amphipolis, where they planted Colonies: and afterwards took the Isle of Scyros, which Cimon gained after this manner. The Dolopians were the Inhabitants of this Isle, a People of a slothful disposition, and who neglected all Husbandry, their only course of life was Piracy; this they practised to that degree of mischief, that they rifled those that brought Merchandise into their own Ports, and so violated all the Laws of Commerce. Some Merchants of Thessa∣ly, they not only spoil'd of their goods, but confined their Persons. Who after∣wards breaking out of Prison, went and demanded justice of the Amphictyons, which is a general Assembly made up of the Peo∣ple of Greece. These, maturely weighing the fact, condemned the Isle in a great Pecuniary Mulct: but the People that
were enriched with the Plunder, began to apprehend that 'twas they particularly that must refund; therefore they writ to Cimon to succour them with his Fleet, and they declared themselves ready to deliver the Town into his hands. Cimon by these means got the Town, expelled those Dolo∣pian Pirates, and so opened the Traffick of the Aegean Sea. After this, understand∣ing that Theseus the Son of Aegeus, when he fled from Athens, and took refuge in this Isle, was here slain by King Lycomedes upon certain suspitions; Cimon endeavou∣red to find out where he was Buried: For the Oracle had commanded the Athenians to bring home his Ashes and to honour him as an Hero. Cimon could not for a long time learn where he was interred; for those of Scyros dissembled the know∣ledge of it, and were not willing he should search. But at length after diligent en∣quiry he found out the Tomb; and then carried the Reliques into his Admiral Gal∣ley, and with great Pomp and Show brought them into Athens, 400 years af∣ter Theseus first left that Country. This Act got Cimon the Hearts of the People, who received the Discovery with great Joy and abundance of Thanks. To signa∣lize and perpetuate the Memory of this Deed, and their sense of it, they appoin∣ted
that memorable Decision of Victory betwixt the two Tragedians, Aeschylus and Sophocles: For the latter having writ his first Play, being yet very young, the Ap∣plause of the Theatre was divided, and the Spectators sided into Parties: To deter∣mine this, Aphepsion, who was at that time Archon, would not cast Lots who should be Judges; but when Cimon and the other Commanders with him came into the The∣atre, to see the issue of the Contention, after they had performed the usual Rites to the God of the Festival, the Archon, came to them, and made them swear (being ten in all) to speak their Judgments in this Contention according to Equity and Ho∣nour. And so being sworn Judges, he made them all sit down to give a decesive Sentence. The Contention for Victory grew warm, and both Sides ambitiously strove who should get the Suffrages of such honourable Judges; but the Victory was at last adjudged to Sophocles; which Aes∣chylus took so ill, that he left Athens, and went to Sicily, where he died of discon∣tent, and was buried near the City of Gela.
Ion reports, that when he was a young Man, and newly returned from Chios to Athens, he chanced to sup with Cimon at Laomedon's House: After Supper, when
they had (according to Custom) poured out Wine to the Honour of the Gods, Ci∣mon was desired by the Company to give them a Song; which he did with so good grace, that they were all charmed with his Voice, and extreamly pleased with his Hu∣mour, declaring that he was more com∣plaisant than Themistocles, who being en∣treated upon such an occasion to play upon the Lute, answered, That he could not touch an Instrument, but give him a small Village, and he would raise it into a strong and wealthy City. After talking of many indifferent things incident to such Enter∣tainments, they entred into the Particulars of those several Actions for which Cimon had been Famous. And when they had run over the most signal, he told them they had omitted one, upon which he valued himself most for Address and good contri∣vance. He gave this Account of it. When the Athenians and their Allies had taken a great number of the Barbarians Prisoners in Sestos and Byzantium, giving him the preference to divide the Booty, he put the naked Prisoners in one Lot, and the Spoils of their rich Attire and Jewels in the other. This the Allies complained of, as an une∣qual Division; therefore he gave them their choice to take which Lot they would, and the Athenians should be content with
that which they refused. One Herophytus of Samos advised them to take the Ornaments for their Share, and leave the Slaves to the Athenians: Upon this Cimon was laugh'd at for his ridiculous Division: For the Al∣lies carried away the Gold Chains and Purple Robes, and the Athenians had only the naked Bodies of the Captives, which they could make no advantage of, being unused to Labour. But a little while after, the Parents and Kinsmen of the Prisoners coming from Lydia and Phrygia, every one redeemed his Relations at a very high Ransom. By this means Cimon got so much Treasure, that he maintained his whole Fleet of Gallies with the Money for four Months; and yet there was some left to lay up in the Treasury at Athens. Now Cimon growing rich, what he gain'd from the Barbarians with Honour, he spent hos∣pitably upon the Citizens. For he pull'd down all the Enclousures of his Gardens and Grounds, that all Travellers, but his Citi∣zens especially, might gather of his Fruits freely and without danger. At home he kept a Table that was not furnished indeed with great Delicacies, but where was a No∣ble Competency of Provisions, and all ve∣ry good, hear the poor Townsmen had a constant and easie Access, so that their Care was employed in discharging this Pub∣lick
duties, from which otherwise they would have been distracted by seeking af∣ter a Subsistence. But Aristotle reports, That he was partial in this Reception, and that it did not extend to all the Athenians, but only to those of the Tribe of Lacia. Besides, he always went attended with a Train of young Gentlemen, who were his Domesticks, and very well clad; and if he met with an elderly Citizen in a poor Ha∣bit, he would strip one of his Retinue, and cloath the decayed Citizen; and this was looked upon as very well done. He did en∣joyn them likewise to carry great Sums of Money about them; and if they met in the Streets any one that they either knew, or who looked as if he were in distress, they had order to relieve him, and convey some∣thing privately into his Hand. This Crati∣nus the Poet speaks of, in one of his Com∣medies called Archilocha, after this manner.
Gorgias the Leontine gives him this Cha∣racter, That he got Riches that he might
use them, and so used them that he got him∣self Credit by them. And Critias one of the thirty Tyrants of Athens,
Lichas, we know, became Famous in Greece, only because on the days of the Sports, when the young Lads run naked, he used to entertain the Strangers that came to see these Diversions. But Cimon surpassed all the ancient Athenians for Ho∣spitality and good Nature: For tho those taught the rest of Greece to sow Corn, and the use of Fire and Water: Yet Cimon by keeping open House, and giving Travellers Liberty to eat all his Fruits, which the se∣veral Seasons afforded, seemed to restore to the World that Community of Goods which the Poets fabulously tell us was in the Reign of Saturn. Those who object to him, that he did this to be popular, and gain the ap∣plause of the Vulgar, are confuted by the constant Tenour of the rest of his Actions, which all tended to uphold the Interests of the Nobility against the Populace; of which he gave instances, when he together with Aristides opposed Themistocles, who was for
advancing the Authority of the People be∣yond its just Limits; and down right quar∣relled Ephialtes, who, to ingratiate him∣self with the Multitude, was for abolishing the Jurisdiction of the Areopagites. And when all of his time, except Aristides and Ephialtes, took Presents, he still kept his hands clean and untainted, and never acted nor Counsell'd any thing but what was just and innocent. They report that Raesaces a Persian, who had Traiterously revolted from the King his Master, fled to Athens, and there being harass'd by Sycophants, who were still accusing him to the People, he applyed himself to Cimon, for redress; to gain his Favour he brought him two Cups, the one full of * 1.1 Dariusses of Gold, and the other of Silver: Cimon would not receive them, but asked him smilingly whether he would have him to be his Mer∣cenary, or his Friend; he replyed, his Friend: If so (said he) take away these pie∣ces, for being your Friend, I presume they are at my Service, when I shall have occa∣sion for them, and when I have I'll send to you.
The Allies of the Athenians began now to be very weary of the War, and were willing to have some intervals of repose, that they might look after their Husbandry and Traffick. For they saw their Enemies
driven out of the Country, and did not fear any new Incursions: Yet they still paid the Taxes they were assess'd at, but would not send men and Gallies, as they had done before. This the other Athenian Generals would constrain them to by ri∣gour of process, till at last by fining them so grievously they did render the Govern∣ment uneasie to them, and even odious. But Cimon practised a contrary Method, he forced no man to go that was not willing, but of those that desired to be excused from Service, he took Money, and Vessels un∣man'd: And permitted the men to stay at home and follow what gainful Vocations they liked best, whether of Husbandry or Merchandise. By this means they grew Luxurious, and enervated all their Courage by living at ease. But the Athenians he took into his Gallies, and by employing them in all his Naval expeditions, inured them to suffer Hardship: So that being severely Disciplined, and continually bear∣ing Arms, the Allies began to dread, and then flatter them who were grown thus dreadful at their cost; till they fell to that degree of Subjection, as of Allies they al∣most became Tributaries and Slaves. No man ever checked the growth of the Persians Ambition so much as Cimon; for he not only beat them out of Greece,
but closely pursuing them, would not let them take Breath, nor put their Affairs in any posture; but either took their Towns by open force, or made them revolt, by managing Intelligence within their Walls. So that in all Asia, even from Ionia to Pam∣phylia there was not one Soldier that appea∣red for the King of Persia.
When word was brought that some Persi∣an Commanders were upon the Coasts of Pamphylia with a Land Army, and a great Fleet of Gallies; Cimon, that he might in∣tercept them before they should come into the Sea that lies betwixt the Chelidonian Isles, set forth from Triopium and Gnidos with two hundred Gallies, very fleet, and that could easily tack about. They were first contrived and built by Themistocles, but Cimon enlarged them, that when they came to grapple, there might be a greater number of Combatants to oppose the Ene∣my. The first place he shaped his Course to was Phaselis, which tho 'twas inhabited by Greeks, yet they would not quit the Interests of Persia, but denied his Gallies entrance into their Port: Whereupon he wasted the Country, and drew up his Ar∣my to their very Walls; but some Soldiers of Chios, which were then listed under Ci∣mon, being ancient Friends to the Phaselites, endeavour'd to mitigate the General in their
behalf; and in the mean time shot Arrows into the Town, to which were fastened Letters of Intelligence, which gave them account of the state of Affairs: At length Peace was concluded upon these Conditi∣ons, That they should pay down ten Ta∣lents, and join their Forces with Cimon a∣gainst the Barbarians. Ephorus saith, the Admiral of the Persian Fleet was Tithrau∣stes, and the General of the Land Army Pherendates: But Calisthenes is positive, that Argomandes the Son of Gobrias had the supream Command of all the Forces. The whole Fleet Anchored at the Mouth of the River Eurymedon, but with no Design to fight, because they expected a re-inforce∣ment of Phaenician Sail, which were to come from Cyprus; but Cimon, being resol∣ved to prevent their joining, ranged his Gallies in such a posture, that if they de∣clined fighting he might force them to it. The Barbarians seeing this, retired within the mouth of the River, to prevent their being attacked; but when they saw the Athenians come upon them notwithstand∣ing their retreat, they met them with six hundred Sail, as Phaenodemus relates, but according to Ephorus only with three hun∣dred and fifty. Yet notwithstanding this odds of number, they did nothing worthy such mighty Forces; for they presently
turned the Prows of their Gallies toward the shore, where those that came first threw themselves upon Land, and fled to their Army drawn up thereabout, but the rest perish'd with their Vessels, or were taken; by this you may guess at their number; for though a great many escaped out of the Fight, and a great many others were sunk, yet two hundred Gallies were taken by the Athenians. When their Land-Army drew toward the Sea-side, Cimon was in suspence whether he should make a descent: For thereby he should expose his Greeks, weari∣ed with Slaughter in the first Engagement, to the Swords of the Barbarians, who were all fresh Men, and Superiour to them in number: But seeing his men resolute, and flush'd with Victory, he made them land, tho they had not yet wiped off the Sweat and Bloud of the first Battel. As soon as they touched Ground, they set up a shout, and ran furiously upon the Enemy, who stood firm and sustained the first shock with great obstinacy; so that the fight began to be very doubtful; the principal men of the Athenians for Quality and Courage, were slain; at length, tho with much ado, they routed the Barbarians, some they took Prisoners, and plundered all their Tents and Pavillions, which were full of very rich Spoil. Cimon being thus a perfect
Conqueror, having in one day gained two Victories, wherein he surpassed that of Sa∣lamis by Sea, and that of Platea by Land, was encouraged to pursue his Success: So▪ that News being brought that the Phaenician Succours, in number eighty Sail, were at the Gulf of Hidram, he bended his Course toward them, and encompassed them about. They had not received any certain account of the former defeat, and now were in great doubt what to think: so that thus surprized they lost their Vessels, and all the men were either Slain or Drowned. This success of Cimon so daunted the King of Persia, that he presently made that me∣morable Peace, whereby he engaged that his Armies should come no nearer the Gre∣cian Sea than the length of a Horse-race: And that none of his Gallies or Vessels of War should appear between the Cyanean and Chelidonian Isles. Calisthenes says, that he agreed not to any Articles, but that upon the fear this Victory gave him, he prudently kept off so far from Greece, that when Pericles with fifty, and Ephialtes with thirty Gallies, cruised beyond the Che∣lidonian Isles, they could not discover one Persian Sail. But in the Collection which Craterus made of the publick Acts of the People, there is an Original draught of this Treaty, as following upon that defeat. And
'tis reported, that at Athens they erected the Altar of Peace upon this occasion; and decreed particular Honours to Callias, who was employed as Ambassador to manage the Treaty.
The People of Athens raised so much Money from the Spoils of this War, which were sold by publick Out-cry, that besides other Expences, and raising the South Wall of the Cittadel, they laid the Foundation of those Walls (afterwards finished) which they called Skele, i e, Long Shanks, that join the City to the Port; but the place where they built them being a Moorish Ground, they were forced to sink great Weights of Stone to secure the Foundation; and all this they did out of the Money Ci∣mon supplied them with. It was he like∣wise that adorned Athens with those Pub∣lick Places of Exercise, which they after∣ward so much frequented and delighted in: He set the Forum with Plain-trees: The Academy, which was before open, and exposed to the Weather, he fenced with Trees, and beautified with Fountains; he made covered Alleys to walk in, and set out Ground for Foot and Horse-races. Af∣terward being informed that some Persians, who had made themselves Masters of the Chersonese, were so peremptory in not quit∣ting it, that they called in the People 〈◊〉〈◊〉
the higher Thrace to help them against Ci∣mon, whom they despised for the smallness of his Forces; he set upon them with only four Gallies, and took thirteen of theirs. Then having drove out the Persians, and subdued the Thracians, he made the whole Chersonese subject to the Commonwealth of Athens. From hence he went against the People of Thasos, who had revolted from the Athenians; and having defeated them in a Fight at Sea, where he took thirty three of their Vessels, he stormed their Town, seized for the Athe∣nians all the Mines of Gold on the other side of it, and all the Country dependant of it. This opened him a fair Passage into Macedon, so that he might have Conquered the grea∣test part of it. But because he neglected that Opportunity, he was suspected of Cor∣ruption, and that he was bribed off by King Alexander: So, by the Combination of his Adversaries, he was accused of being false to his Country. Before the Judges he pleaded,
That he never made an Interest with the Rich Ionians nor Thessalians, as others have, from whence they drew both Honour and Profit; but that he al∣ways embraced the Friendship of the Ma∣cedonians; for as he admired, so he wished to imitate the Sedateness of their Tem∣per, their Temperance and Simplicity of ••iving, which he preferred to any sort
of Riches; tho he had always been, and still was Ambitious to enrich his Country with the Spoils of her Enemies.Stesim∣brotus making mention of his Trial, re∣ports, That Elpinice in behalf of her Bro∣ther, addressed her self to Pericles, one of the most vehement of his Accusers; to whom Pericles answered with a Smile, You are too Old (Madam) to manage Affairs of this Nature. However, after that, he became the mildest of his Prosecutors, and rose up but once all the while to plead a∣gainst him, which he did but very faintly: And Cimon was acquitted. As for his de∣meanour at home, he always restrained the Common People, who would have en∣croached upon the Nobility, and affected the Supream Power over them. But when he afterward was called out to War, the Multitude broke loose as it were, reversed all the ancient Laws and Customs they had hitherto observed; this they did chiefly at the instigation of Ephialtes; they with∣drew likewise the Cognisance of almost all Causes from the Areopagus; so that all Ap∣peals being made to them, the Government was reduced to a perfect Democracy; and this by the help of Pericles, who de∣clared in favour of the Common People. But Cimon, when he returned, seeing the Authority of this Great Council so eclipsed,
was exceedingly troubled, and endeavour∣ed to remedy these Disorders, by bringing things to their former state, and restoring the Nobility to those Degrees of Command they had in the time of Calisthenes: This the others declaimed against, with all the vehemence possible, and began to revive those Stories concerning him and his Sister, and cried out against him as addicted to the Lacedaemonians. Consonant to these Calum∣nies are the famous Verses of Eupolis the Poet upon Cimon.
But if when Slothful and a Drunkard he could storm so many Towns, and gain so many Victories; certainly if he had been sober, and minded his Business with the least application, there had been no Grecian Commander, either before or after him, that could have surpassed him for Exploits of War. He was indeed a Favourer of the Lacedaemonians even from his Youth; and Stesimbrotus reports, That of two Sons (Twins) that he had by a Woman of Clito∣rium, he named one Lacedemonius, and the other Eleus: Whence Pericles often up∣braided
them with the Race of their Mother. But Diodorus the Geographer doth assert, That both these, and another Son of Cimon's, whose Name was Thessalus, were born of Iso∣dice the Daughter of Euryptolemus the Son of Megacles.
However this is certain, that Cimon was countenanced by the Lacedaemonians in op∣position to Themistocles, whom they hated; and while he was yet very young, they endeavoured to raise and encrease his Credit in Athens: This the Athenians perceived, but dissembled their knowledge of it; for the Favour of the Lacedaemonians shewed him was at that time advantageous to them and their Affairs; who were then Practi∣sing with the Allies to win them over to their side: So they seemed not at all offen∣ded with the Honour and kindness shewed to Cimon, for he then bore the greatest sway in the Affairs of Greeee, was kind to the Lacedaemonians, and Courteous to the Allies. But afterwards the Athenians grown more powerful, when they saw Cimon so entirely devoted to the Lacedaemonians, they began to be angry, for he would al∣ways in his Speeches preferr them to the Athenians; and upon every occasion, when he would reprimand these for a Fault, or incite them to Emulation, he would Cry,
The Lacedaemonians would not do thus.
This raised the discontent, and got him the hatred of the Gitizens; But that which ministred chiefly to the accusati∣on against him fell out upon this Occasi∣on.
In the fourth year of the Reign of Archi∣damus the Son of Zeuxidamus King of Spar∣ta, there hapned in the City of Lacedaemon the most dreadful Earthquake that ever was known in the Memory of Man; the Earth opened into most frightful Abysses; and the top of the Mountain Taygetus was so shaken, that the hanging Rocks and ab∣rupt prominent Parts of it fell down; and except five Houses, all the Town was shat∣tered to pieces. They say, That a little before any Motion was perceived, as some young Men were exercising themselves in the middle Portico, an Hare of a sudden started out just by them, which some of them, tho all naked, and daubed with Oyl, run after shouting; no sooner were they gone from the place, but the Gymna∣sium fell down upon them that were left, and killed them all. In memory of this fatal Accident, the Monument where they were afterwards interred is to this day cal∣led Sismatias, (that is,) The Tomb of those who were killed by the Earthquake.) Archi∣damus, by the present danger, made ap∣prehensive of what might follow; and see∣ing
the Citizens intent upon removing the richest of their Goods he commanded an Alarm to be sounded, as if their Enemies were comming upon them, that they should presently with Arms resort to him. 'Twas this alone that saved Sparta at that time: For the Helotes were got together from the Country about, with design to surprise the Spartans, and spoil those whom the Earthquake had spared: But finding them Armed, and well prepared, they stole away into their Towns, and openly made War with them, having drawn into Con∣federacy not a few of their Neighbours; and together with them, the Messenians fell upon the Spartans, who therefore di∣spatch'd Periclidas to Athens to sollicite for Succours; of whom Aristophanes, mocking, said,
This Ephialtes opposed, protesting that they ought not to raise up or assist a City that was Rival to Athens; but that being down, it were best to keep her so, and break the Pride and Arrogance of Sparta. But Cimon (as Critias relates) preferring the Safety of Lacedaemon to the Grandeur of his own Country, so perswaded the Peo∣ple,
that he soon marched out with a great Army to their Relief. Ion reports the Speech he used to move the Athenians,
That they should not suffer Greece to be maimed by the loss of so considerable a Member, nor their own City to be deprived of her Companion.In his return from aiding the Lacedaemonians, he passed with his Ar∣my through the Territory of Corinth: Whereupon Lachartus reproached him for bringing his Army into the Country, with∣out first asking leave of the People: For he that knocks at another Man's Door, ought not to enter the House without the Master's leave. But you, Lachartus, (said Cimon) did not knock at the Gates of the Cleonians and Megarians, but broke them down, and entred by force, thinking that all should be open to the Powerful. And having thus rallied the Corinthian, he passed on with his Army. Some time after this the Lace∣daemonians sent a second time to desire Suc∣cours of the Athenians, against the Messeni∣ans and Helotes, who had seized upon Itho∣ne: But when they came, the Spartans fear∣ing their Courage and Resolution, of all that came to their Assistance they sent them only back, alledging they were turbulent and seditious. The Athenians returned home, enraged at this Usage, and vented their Anger upon all those who were Favourers
of the Lacedaemonians; therefore upon some slight occasion they banished Cimon for ten years, which is the time prescribed to those that are banished by the Ostracism. In the mean time the Lacedaemonians intending to free Delphos from the Phoceans, brought an Army to Tanagra, whither the Athenians presently marched with design to fight them.
Cimon also came thither armed, and ranged himself amongst those of his own Tribe, which was that of Aeneide; but the Council of five hundred being in∣formed of this, and frighted at it, (his Adversaries crying out he would disorder the Army, and bring the Lacedaemoni∣ans to Athens) Commanded the Offi∣cers not to receive him; wherefore Cimon left the Army, conjuring Euthippus the Anaphlystian, and the rest of his Compa∣nions, who were also suspected as favou∣ring the Lacedaemonians, to behave them∣selves bravely against their Enemies, and by their Actions make their innocence e∣vident to their Country-men. These be∣ing in all an hundred, took the Arms of Cimon, and followed his advice: and ma∣king a Body by themselves, they charged so desperately upon the Enemy, that they were all cut off, leaving to the Athenians a deep regret, for the loss of such brave Men,
and repentance for having so unjustly suspect∣ed them. Whereupon they did not long retain their severity toward Cimon, partly upon remembrance of his former services, and partly constrained by the juncture of the times: For being defeated at Tanagra in a great Battle, and fearing the Pelopon∣nesians would come upon them, at the o∣pening of the Spring; they recalled Cimon by a decree, of which Pericles himself was Author: so reasonable were Mens resent∣ments in those times, and so moderate their Anger, that it always gave way to the publick good; even Ambition, the most ungovernable of all humane Passions, could then yield to the necessities of the State.
Cimon as soon as he returned, put an end to the War, and reconciled the two Cities. Peace thus establish'd, seeing the Atheni∣ans impatient of being Idle, and eager after the Honour and Spoils of War; lest they should set upon the Grecians themselves, or with so many Ships cruising about the Isles and Peloponnesus, they should give Occasi∣ons to intestine Wars, or Complaints of their Allies against them; He equipped two hundred Galleys, with design to make an attempt upon Aegypt and Cyprus; by this means to use the Athenians to fight a∣gainst the Barbarians, and enrich them∣selves
by spoiling those who are by nature Enemies to Greece. But when all things were prepared, and the Army ready to imbark, Cimon had this Dream: It seem∣ed to him an angry Bitch bark'd at him, and a kind of humane voice mixt with bar∣king uttered these Words.
This Dream was hard to interpret; yet Astyphylus of Posidonium, a man skilled in Divinations, and intimate with Cimon, told him, that his Death was presaged by this Vision, which he thus explained. A Dog is Enemy to him he barks at, and one is always most a friend to ones Enemies, when one is dead; that mixture of humane Voice with barking signifies the Modes, for the Army of the Medes is mixt of Greeks and Barbarians. But after this Dream, as he was sacrificing to Bacchus, and the Priest cutting up the Victim, a great number of Emmets, taking up the little congealed particles of the blood, laid them about Cimon's great Toe: This was not observed a good while; but as soon as Cimon spied it, the Priest came and shewed him the Liver of the Sacrifice imperfect, wanting that part of it, which they called
the head of the Entrail. But he could not then recede from the Enterprize, so he set sail; sixty of his Ships he sent toward Ae∣gypt; with the rest he went and fought the King of Persia's Fleet composed of Phaenician and Cilician Sail: subdued all the Cities thereabout, and threatned Ae∣gypt; designing no less than the entire Ru∣in of the Persian Empire; And the rather for that he was informed Themistocles was in great repute among the Barbarians, and had promised the King to lead his Ar∣my, whenever he should make War upon Greece; but they say Themistocles losing all hopes of compassing his designs, and de∣spairing to equal the Vertue and good for∣tune of Cimon, dyed a voluntary Death. Cimon still framing great designs, and keep∣ing his Navy about the Isle of Cyprus, sent Messengers to Consult the Oracle of Jupiter Hammon upon some secret matter; for 'tis not known about what they were sent; the God would give them no Answer, but commanded them to return again, for that Cimon was already with him. Hearing this they returned to Sea, and as soon as they came to the Grecian Army, which was then about Aegypt, they understood that Cimon was dead; and computing the time of the Oracle, they found that his Death was meant by it, as being then with the Gods.
Some say he died of Sickness at Citium in Cyprus, and others of a wound he received in a Skirmish with the Barbarians; when he perceived he should dye, he command∣ed those under his charge to return to their Country, and by no means to spread the news of his Death by the way; this they did with such secrecy, that they all came home safe, and neither their Enemies nor Allies knew what had hapned. Thus, as Phaenodemus relates, the Grecian Army was, as it were, conducted by Cimon thirty days after he was dead. But with him perished all the good fortune of Greece; for after his Death there was not a Com∣mander that did any thing considerable, or which might deserve the name of a great action, and instead of uniting against their common Enemies, they who bore sway in the Principal Cities, animated them against one another to that degree, that none durst or would interpose their good Offices to reconcile them. Thus by mutual discord ruining themselves, the Persians had time to recover Breath, and repair all their losses. 'Tis true indeed Agesilaus made some shew of the Grecian Forces in Asia, but 'twas a long time after; he seemed to revive some little appearances of a War against the Kings Lieutenants in the Provinces, but they all quickly vanisht; for before he
could perform any thing of moment, he was recalled by civil Dissentions at home: So that he was forced to leave the Persian Kings Officers to impose what Tribute they pleased on the Grecian Cities in Asia, tho under the Dominion of the Lacedaemo∣nians. Whereas in the time of Cimon, no Officer of What Quality or Character so∣ever could Command there, nor durst any Souldier in Arms come within four hun∣dred furlongs of the Sea.
The Monuments called Cimonian, to this day in Athens, shew that to be the place of his Burial; yet the Inhabitants of the City Citium, pay particular honour to a certain Tomb, which they call the Tomb of Cimon, according to Nausicrates the Rhetorician; who also reports, that in a Famine, when there necessities were very great, they sent to the Oracle, which commanded them to honour Cimon as a God.
Thus have I drawn the Life of this Fa∣mous Captain, and by these Proportions judge of him.
LVCVLLVS his Grandfather had been Consul, his Uncle by the Mo∣thers Sister was Metelius surnamed Numi∣dicus. As for his Parents, his Father was convict of Extortion, and his Mother Cae∣cilia's Reputation was blasted by her loose Life. The first thing that Lucullus did, be∣fore ever he came to any Office, or med∣led with the Affairs of State, being then but a Youth, was, to accuse the Accuser
of his Father, Servilius the Augur having caught him in a Publick Trespass. This thing was much taken notice of among the Romans, who commended his Justice there∣in, as an Act of singular Vertue. Even without the Provocation, the Accusation was esteem'd no unbecoming Action; for they delighted to see young Men as eager∣ly pursuing injustice, as good Dogs do wild Beasts. But when great Animosities arose thereupon, insomuch that some were woun∣ed and killed in the Fray, Servilius fled. Lucullus followed his Study, and became Master of the Greek and Latin Tongues;* 1.2 which made Sylla dedicate to him the com∣mentaries of his Life, which he wrote him∣self, that the History thereof might be more methodically ordered and digested. His Speech was not Elegant, and ready for Gain only, like one
For in his younger days he chiefly ad∣dicted himself to the commendable Study of the Liberal Arts; and growing old in the Camp, he refreshed his Mind with the more comfortable Profession of Philoso∣phy,
chiefly favouring the Theoretick Part, and thereby wisely preventing that dange∣rous Contest that was breeding between Pompey and himself. Besides what hath been said of his great Learning already, one Instance more was, That in his Youth, upon a Proposal of writing the Marsican War in Greek and Latin Verse and Prose, after some witty Rallery upon the Occasion, he seri∣ously protested to Hortensius the Lawyer, and Sisenna the Historian, that hewould take his Lot for it; and very probable it is, that the Lot directed him to the Greek Tongue, for the Greek History of that War is still extant among us. Many are the Signs of the great Love which he bore to his Bro∣ther Mark, the earliest whereof the Romans at this day commemorate: Tho he was el∣der Brother, he would not step into Au∣thority without him, but deferred his own Advance, until his Brother was fitly qua∣lified to bear a share with him, who there∣by so won upon the People, as when ab∣sent,* 1.4 to be chosen Aedyle with him.
Many and early were the Proofs of his Valour and Conduct in the Marsican War, being admir'd by Sylla for his Constancy and Mildness, and always employ'd in di∣spatching affairs where Industry and Fide∣lity were required; especially in the Mint, most of the Money for carrying on the
Mithridatick War, being Coyned by him. Which being soon exchanged for necessaries in the Camp, was for a long time Current in the Army, and from thence called Luculleian Coyn. After this, when Sylla conquered A∣thens and necessaries for his Army were cut off by reason the Enemy was Master at Sea: Lucullus was the man whom he sent into Libya and Aegypt, to procure him shipping. It was then the depth of Winter, when he ventured but with three small Greek Ves∣sels, and as many Rhodian Galleys, not only into the main Sea, but also among multi∣tudes of the Enemies shipping, even there where they were absolute Masters. Arri∣ving at Crete, he gained it: and finding the Cyrenians harassed by long Tyranny and War, he took Care of their publick Affairs, and settled them: Putting their City in mind of that saying which Plato had Di∣vinely uttered of them: who being reque∣sted to prescribe Laws to them, and mould them into some sound form of Govern∣ment, made answer, That it was a hard thing to give Laws to the Cyrenians, abound∣ing with so much Wealth and Plenty. For nothing renders a man more intractable than Felicity, nor more gentle than the shock of Fortune. This made the Cyreni∣ans so willingly submit to the Laws which Lucullus imposed upon them. From thence
sailing into Aegypt, and pressed by Pyrates, he lost the best part of his Navy: but he himself narrowly escaping was brought in State to Alexandria. The whole Fleet (a Complement due only to his Majesty) met him, and young Ptolomy shewed won∣derful kindness to him, allowing him Lodg∣ing and Diet in the Palace, in such a man∣ner as no Stranger before him had been re∣ceived in. Besides, he gave him Gratuities and Presents, not only such as were usually given to men of his Condition, but four times as much; but he received nothing more than served his necessity, and accept∣ed of no Gift, tho one worth Eighty Ta∣lents was offered him. 'Tis reported he neither went to see Memphis, nor any of the celebrated Wonders of Aegypt: It was* 1.5 for a man of no Business, and much Curi∣osity to see such things, not for him who had left his Commander in the Trenches, storming the Walls of his Enemies. Ptolomy fearing the Effect of that War, deserted the Confederacy; but nevertheless sent a Con∣voy with him as far as Cyprus, and at part∣ing, with much Ceremony wishing him a good Voyage, gave him a very precious E∣merauld set in Gold: Lucullus at first refu∣sed it, but when the King shewed him his own Image graven thereon, 'twas too late for a Denial; for had he shewed any discon∣tent
at parting, it might have endanger'd his Passage. Drawing his Squadron toge∣ther, which he had summoned out of all the maritime Towns, except of those su∣spected of Pyracy, he sailed for Cyprus; and there understanding that the Enemy lay in wait under the Promontories for him, he laid up his Fleet; and sent to the Cities to send in Provisions for his winte∣ring among them: But when Tide and Time served, he Rigg'd them out and went off, and Hoising up his Sails in the Night which he let down in the Day, came safe to Rhodes. Being furnished with Ships at Rhodes, he soon prevailed upon the Inhabi∣tants of Chios, and Knidia to leave the King's side, and joyn with him against the Samians. Out of Chios he drove the King's Party, and set the Colophonians at Liberty having seized Epigonus the Tyrant who oppressed them.
About this time Mithridates left Perga∣mus, and retired to Pitane, where being closely besieged by Fimbria, and not da∣ring to engage with so bold and Victorious a man as Fimbria, he contrived his Escape by Sea, and sent for all his Fleet to attend him. Which when Fimbria perceived, ha∣ving no Ships of his own, he sent to Lucul∣lus, entreating him to assist him with his in subduing the most Odious and Warlike
of Kings, lest the opportunity of humbling Mithridates, an enterprize which cost the Romans so much Blood and Trouble, should now at last be lost, when he was with∣in reach, and so easily to be taken; who being caught, no one would be more high∣ly commended than he, who stopt his pas∣sage and seized him in his flight. He be∣ing drove from the Land by the one, and stopt in the Sea by the other, would be matter of Renown and Glory to them both. As for the great Actions of Sylla a∣gainst the Orchomenians about Choeronea, they were little valued by the Romans. The pro∣posal was no unlikely thing, it being obvi∣ous to all Men, that if Lucullus had heark∣ned to Fimbria, and with his Navy, which was then near at hand, had block'd up the Haven the War soon had been brought to an end, and infinite Numbers of mischiefs prevented thereby. But he, whe∣ther from the Sacredness of Friendship be∣tween himself and Sylla, reckoning all o∣ther Motives far inferiour to it, or out of Detestation to wicked Fimbria, whom he abhorred for advancing himself by the late Death of his Friend, and the General of the Army; or, at least by divine Provi∣dence sparing Mithridates then, that he might have him an Adversary for the time to come, would by no means comply, but
suffered Mithridates to escape, and laugh at the attempts of Fimbria, he himself a∣lone first, near Lectos of Troas in a Sea∣fight overcame the King's Forces; and af∣terwards when Neoptolemus came upon him with a greater Fleet, he went aboard a Rhodian Quinquereme Galley, commanded by Demagoras, a Man very expert in Sea Affairs, and altogether as Friendly to the Romans, and sailed before the rest. Neopto∣lemus made up furiously at him, and Com∣manded the Master with all imaginable might to bear up to him, but Demagoras fearing the Bulk and Massy stem of the Ad∣miral, thought it dangerous to meet him ahead, but Tacking about received him a∣stern, in which place though violently bore upon, he received no manner of harm, the blow being defeated by falling on those parts of the Ship which lay under Water. At which time the rest of the Fleet com∣ing up to him, he Tack'd about, and vigo∣rously falling upon the Enemy, put them to flight, and pursued Neoptolemus. After this he came to Sylla in Chersonesus, as he was passing the Strait, and brought time∣ly assistance for the safe Transportation of the Army.
Peace being now made, Mithridates sailed off to the Euxine Sea, but Sylla Tax∣ed the Inhabitants of Asia two thousand
Talents, and ordered Lucullus to gather and Coyn the Money: And it was no small Comfort to the Cities under Sylla's severity that not only a Man of spotless Life and Ju∣stice, but also of Moderation, should be em∣ployed in so heavy and disgustful an Of∣fice. The Mytilenians who deserted him, he was willing should return to their Duty, and to be moderately fin'd for the offence they had given in the Case of Marius. But upon their obstinacy, he came up to them, overcame them at Sea, block'd them up in their City and besieged them; then Sailing off from them openly in the Day to Elea, he returned privately; and an Ambush be∣ing laid round the City, lay quiet himself. Whereupon the Mytilenians disorderly and eagerly plundering the deserted Camp, in the very fact he fell upon them, took many of them, and slew five hundred, who stood upon their defence; he gained six thousand Slaves and a very rich Booty.
He was no way engaged in the Great and General Troubles of Italy, which Syl∣la and Marius had caused, Providence at that time detaining him in Asia about bu∣siness. He was as much in Sylla's favour as any of his other Friends, to whom (as is said before) he dedicated his Memoirs as a Token of his kindness, and at his Death passing by Pompey, made him Guardian to
his Son, which seems to be the rise of the Quarrel between them two, both young Men, equally contending for Honour. A little after Sylla's Death he was made Con∣sul with M. Cotta, about the one hundred seventy sixth Olympiad. The Mithrida∣tick War being then under debate, Marcus reported that it was not finished, but only respited for a time: Wherefore upon choice of Provinces, the Lot falling to Lucullus to have that part of Gaul that was within the Alpes, a Province where no great Action was to be done, nor Glory to be obtained, he was exceedingly troubled: But chiefly, the Success of Pompey in Spain fretted him most, being a man highly Renowned, and after the Completion of the Spanish War, the onely one likely to be chosen General against Mithridates. So that when Pom∣pey sent for Money, and signified by Let∣ter that unless it were sent him, he would leave the Country, and Sertorius, and bring his Forces home to Italy; Lucullus most readily espoused his Cause, that Mo∣ney might be sent him, to prevent any pretence of his returning home during his Consulship; for all things would have been at his Disposal at the Head of so great An Army. Cethegus a very popular Man both for Words and Actions, the Chief manager of Affairs in Rome, had concei∣ved
a mortal hatred against him, for declaim∣ing against his Debaucht, Insolent, and lewd Life, Lucullus therefore openly set himself against him. But Lucius Quintus, another Demagogue, inveighing against Sylla's Administration, and endeavouring to put things out of Order, by private Ex∣hortations and Publick Admonitions, he hindred his Design, and suppressed his Am∣bition, wisely and safely encountring so great an Evil in the very Bud. At this time, News came that Octavius the Provincial of Cilicia was Dead, and many appeared for the place, courting Cethegus, as the man best able to serve them. Lucullus set little value upon Cilicia it self, no otherwise than as he thought by his acceptance of it, no other man besides himself might be employ∣ed in the War against Mithridates, by rea∣son of its nearness to Cappadocia. This made him use all his Interest that that Province might be allotted to himself, and to none other; which put him upon a Project, not so Honest and Commendable, as expedient for compassing his Design, submitting to necessity against his own Inclination. There was one Proecia, a most celebrated Wit and Beauty, but in other things nothing better than an impudent Harlot: Who to the Charms of her Person, adding the Repu∣tation of one that loved and served her
Friend, by making those who came to her, as they discoursed of the Designs and Pro∣motions of their Friends, had got a great Interest. She had seduced Cethegus; the Chiefest Man in esteem and Authority of all the City, and enticed him to her Love, and so made all Authority follow her. For nothing of moment was done, wherein Cethegus was not concern'd, nothing by Cethegus without Praecia. This Woman Lucullus gain'd to his side by Gifts and Flat∣tery (and great cost it was to procure so stately and famous a Dame, to be earnestly concern'd for Lucullus) and presently found Cethegus his Friend, using his utmost Inte∣rest to procure Silicia for him: Which when once obtained, there was no more need of applying himself, either to Praecia, or Cethegus; for all unanimously voted him to the Mithridatick War, by no hands likely to be so successfully managed as his. Pompey was still contending with Sertorius, and Metellus by Age unfit for Service; which two alone were the only Competi∣tors, who could stand equal with Lucullus for that Command. Cotta his Collegue, after much ado in the Senate, was sent a∣way with the Fleet to guard the Propontis, and defend the Bithynians. Lucullus listed his Forces and carried them over into Asia, where he collected some fresh ones, the old
ones being utterly disabled by dissoluteness and rapine. The Fimbrians, as they were called, being utterly unmanageable by their long mis-use, and unfit for service. For these were they that had slain Flaccus the Consul and General, under Fimbria, and these were they who afterward betray∣ed Fimbria to Sylla; a bold, and barbarous People, warlike, expert and hardy in the field. Lucullus in a short time took down the Courage of these, and disciplin'd o∣thers, who then first (in all probability) knew what a true Commander, and Go∣vernour was, who in former times had been courted to service, and took up Arms at no bodies Command, but their own Wills.
The Enemies provisions for War stood thus. Mithridates, like many of the So∣phisters, very proud, and haughty at first, set upon the Romans, with a very unprovi∣ded Army, such indeed as made a good shew but was nothing for service; but be∣ing shamefully routed, and better instructed against a second Engagement, he formed his Forces into a just, and well martiall'd Army. And removing the Dangers, and Inconvenience which might happen among Men of different Nations, and Tongues, and no less from gilt and rich Armour, a greater Temptation to the Victors, than
security to the Bearers, gave them broad Swords like the Romans, and Massy Shields; chose Horses better for Service than Shape, drew up an hundred and twenty Thousand Foot in the figure of the Roman Phalanx; had sixteen Thousand Horse, besides Chari∣ots Arm'd with Scyths no less than an hun∣dred. Besides which he set out a Fleet not at all cumbred with Golden Cabins, lasci∣vious Baths, and Womens furniture, but stored with Weapons and Darts and other necessaries, and made a descent upon Bi∣thynia. Not only these parts willingly received him again, but almost all Asia, grievously oppressed before by the Roman Extortioners and Publicans, seemed to be recovered of their former Distemper. These afterwards, who like Harpies stole away their very Nourishment, Lucullus drove a∣way, and by reproving them, did what he could to make them more moderate, and thereby prevented a general Sedition, then breaking out in all parts. While Lu∣cullus was detained in rectifying this, Cotta finding Affairs ripe for Action prepared himself for the War with Mithridates, and News coming from all hands, that Lucul∣lus was then Marching into Phrygia, and he thinking Victory just almost in his hands, lest his Collegue should share in the Glory of it, hasted to Battel without him. But
being routed both by Sea and Land, he lost sixty Ships with their Men, and four Thousand Foot: he himself was forced in∣to, and besieged in Chalcedon, there waiting for relief from Lucullus. There were those about Lucullus, who would have had him leave Cotta, and go forward, being then in a ready way to surprise the defenceless King∣dom of Mithridates. And it was highly re∣sented by the Soldiers, that Cotta should not only lose his own Army, but hinder them also from Conquest, which at that time without the hazard of a Battel, they might so easily have obtained. But Lucullus in a Solemn Speech declared unto them, That he would rather save one Citizen from the Enemy, than be Master of all that they had.
Archelaus Governor of Baeotia under Mi∣thridates, revolting from him and siding with the Romans, demonstrated to Lucullus, that upon his bare coming, he might easily surprise all the Country of Pontus; but he answered, that it did not become him to be more fearful than Huntsmen, to leave the chase of the wild Beasts abroad, and seek after sport in their deserted Lodges. Having so said he made towards Mithrida∣tes, with thirty Thousand foot, and two Thousand five hundred Horse. But being come in sight of his Enemies, he was asto∣nished
at their Numbers, and resolved to forbear fighting, and wear out time. But Marius, whom Sertorius had sent out of Spain to Mithridates with Forces under him, stepping out and challenging him, he pre∣pared for Battel. In the very instant of joining no manifest alteration preceeding, of a sudden the Sky opened, and a great Body of light fell down in the midst be∣tween the Armies, in shape like a Hogs∣head, but in Colour like melted Silver, in∣somuch that both Armies being surprised stood off. This wonderful Prodigy hap'ned in Phrygia near Otryae. Lucullus after this began to think with himself, that no Man could have Power and Wealth enough, to sustain so great Numbers as Mithridates had, for any long time in the face of an Enemy, Commanded one of the Captives to be brought before him, and first of all asked him how many Companions were quartered with him, and how much provi∣sion he had left behind him? and when he had answer'd him, Commanded him to stand aside; then asked a second and a third the same question, after which com∣paring the quantity of provision, with the Men, he found that in three or four days time, his Enemies would be brought to want. As for himself he was able to subsist longer, having stor'd his Camp with all
sorts of provision, and living in plenty, was better able to beset his hungry Enemy. Which made Mithridates set forward against the Cyzicenians, miserably shattered in the fight at Chalcedon, where they lost no less than three thousand Citizens, and ten Ships. And that he might the safer steal away from Lucullus, immediately after Supper by the help of a dark, and gloomy Night, he went off, and by the Morning gained the City opposite to it▪ and sat down with his Forces upon the Adrastian Mount. Lu∣cullus saw his Motion, and pursued him, but daring not to fall upon him with disor∣derly Forces, sate down also near the Vil∣lage called Thracia, a convenient pass, and plentiful place, from whence, and through which all the provisions for Mithridates's Camp must of necessity come. Whereupon judging of the event, he kept not his mind from his Soldiers, but when the Camp was fortified, and the Works finished, called them together, and with great assurance told them, that in few days, without the expence of Bloud, he would bring Victory to them.
Mithridates besieged the Cyzicenians with ten Camps by Land, and with his Ships blockt up the Strait that was betwixt their City and the Continent, and stormed them on all sides, who were fully prepared stout∣ly
to receive him, and resolved to endure the utmost extreamity, rather than forsake the Romans. That which troubled them most was, that they knew not where Lu∣cullus was, and heard nothing of him, though at that time his Army was visible before them. But they were imposed upon, by the Mithridatians; who shewing them the Romans Encamped on the Hills, Do ye see those, said they? those are the Auxilia∣ry* 1.6 Armenians and Medes which Tigranes sent to Mithridates. These were astonish'd at the vast numbers round them, and could not believe any place of relief was left them, no not if Lucullus had come up to their assistance. Demonax sent by Arche∣laus was the first who told them of Lucul∣las's arrival; but they disbeliev'd his report, and thought he came with forged News to comfort them: At which time a Fugitive Boy was taken and brought before them; who being asked where Lucullus was, smi∣led at their jesting, as he thought; but finding them in earnest, with his finger shewed them the Roman Camp; upon which they took Courage. In the Lake Dascylitis they used Vessels of a midling size, the biggest whereof Lucullus drew ashoar, and carrying her in a Waggon to the Sea, filled her with Soldiers, who Sail∣ing along unseen in the dead of the Night,
came safe to the City. The Gods them∣selves wondring at the constancy of the Cyzicenians, seem to have animated them with signs from above, but more especially now in the Festival of Proserpina, where a black Heifer being wanting for Sacrifice, they supplied it by a Meat-offering, which they set before the Altar. The holy Heifer set apart for the Goddess, and at that time grazing with the Herd of the Cyzicenians on the other side of the Strait, left the Herd and came home to the City alone, and offered her self for Sacrifice. By Night the Goddess appearing to Aristagoras the Town Clerk, I am come, said she, and have* 1.7 brought the Lybian Piper against the Pon∣tick Trumpeter; bid the Citizens there∣fore be of good Courage. While the Cyzi∣cenians* 1.8 were wondring at the Revelation, by a sudden North wind there arose a great storm at Sea. The Kings battering En∣gines, the wonderful Contrivance of Nico∣medes of Thessaly, then under the Walls, by their cracking and shivering soon de∣monstrated what would follow; after which a mighty tempestuous South-wind succeed∣ing, broke down the rest of the works in a Moments space, and by a violent con∣cussion, threw down a wooden Tower a hundred Cubits high. 'Tis said that in •…•…i∣um Minerva appeared unto many in the
Night with bloudy and torn Garments, telling them that she then came from re∣lieving the Cyzicenians: and the Inhabi∣tants to this day have a Monument, with an Inscription by publick order of the same.
Mithridates, through the knavery of his Officers, not knowing the want of Provi∣sion in his Camp, was troubled in mind, that the Cyzicenians should hold out Siege against him: But his Ambition and anger fell, when he saw his Soldiers in want, and feeding on Mans flesh; Lucullus being no airy vain-glorious Enemy, but one accord∣ing to the Proverb, who made the seat of War in their Bellies, by seizing on the food, which should sustain them. Mithri∣dates therefore took advantage of the time, while he was storming a Fort, and sent a∣way almost all his Horse to Bithynia, with the Sumpters, and as many of the Foot as were unfit for service. Which Lucullus un∣derstanding, came to his Camp; and in the Morning during the storm, took ten bands of Foot, and the Horse with him, and pursued them through Tempest and Cold, though the severity of the Weather forc'd some of his Soldiers back, who were ready to perish under it; and with the rest coming upon the Enemy, near the River Ryndacus, overthrew them with so great an Overthrow, that the very Women of
Apollonia came out to seize on the Booty, and rob the Slain. Great numbers, as we may suppose, were slain, six Thousand Hor∣ses taken, with an infinite number of la∣bouring Cattel, and no less than fifteen Thousand Men; all which he led along by the Enemies Camp. And here I cannot but wonder at Salust, who says, That this was the first time Camels were seen by the Romans; as if he thought those who fought under Scipio against Antiochus before, or those lately under the Command of Arche∣laus against the Orchomenians about Chaero∣nea, had not known what a Camel was. But however, 'tis well known, that Mi∣thridates soon fled, and contrived Delays and Diversions for Lucullus, while he sent his Admiral Aristonicus to the Greek Sea; who was betray'd in the very instant of going off, and Lucullus became Master of him, and ten Thousand pieces of Gold, which he was carrying with him, to cor∣rupt some of the Roman Army. After which, Mithridates himself made for the Sea, leaving the Foot-Officers to conduct the Army; upon whom Lucullus fell about the River Granicus, where he took a vast number alive, and slew 15000. 'Tis re∣ported that the number of fighting Men, and others who followed the Camp, destroy'd, amounted to thirty Myriads.
Lucullus first went into Cyzicum, and then fitting his Navy, sail'd away into the Hellespont, and arriving at Troas, he lodg'd in the Temple of Venus, where in the night he thought he saw the Goddess coming to him, and saying, Why sleepest thou, great Lion, when the Fawns are nigh? Rising up hereupon, he called his Friends to him, and told them his Vision; at which instant some Ilians being present, acquainted him, that thirteen of the King's Quinqueremes were seen off of the Achean Haven, sailing for Lemnos. He took these, and slew their Admiral Isidorus; and then made after ano∣ther Squadron, who were in Harbour, with their Vessels ashoar, but fought from a∣bove-deck, and sorely gall'd Lucullus's Men; there being neither room to sail round them, nor to bear upon them for any damage, while they stood secure, and fix'd on the Sand. After much ado, at the only Land∣ing-place of all the Island, he Landed the Choicest of his Men, who falling upon the Enemy behind, kill'd some, and forced others to cut their Cables, who making from the Shoar, fell foul upon one another, or came within reach of Lucullus his Fleet. Many were kill'd in the Action. Among the Captives was Marius the Commander, sent by Sertorius, a Man who had but one Eye: And it was Lucullus's strict Com∣mand
to his Men before the Engagement, that they should kill no Man who had but one Eye, that he might rather die under disgrace and reproach. This being over, he hastned his Pursuit after Mithridates, whom he hoped to find at Bithynia, block'd up by Voconius, whom he sent out before to Nicomedia with part of the Fleet, to stop his Flight: But Voconius, by his mirth and jollity in Samothracia, slipt out his opportu∣nity, Mithridates being pass'd by with all his Fleet; who hastning into Pontus before Lucullus came up to him, was nevertheless catch'd in a Storm, which dispersed his Fleet, and sunk several Ships. The Wreck floated on all the neighbouring Shoar for many days after. The Ship wherein he himself was, uncapable of being brought ashoar by the Masters for its bigness, rolling up and down in the Flood, being heavy with Water and ready to sink, he left, and went aboard a Pyratical Vessel, delivering him∣self into the hands of Pyrats, and unexpe∣ctedly and wonderfully came safe to Hera∣clea in Pontus.
There hapned a generous Emulation be∣tween Lucullus and the Senate: For they having decreed him 3000 Talents to fur∣nish out a Navy, he himself was against it, and sent them word, that without so great Supplies, by the Confederate Shipping a∣lone,
he did not in the least doubt but to rout Mithridates from the Sea. And so he did, by Assistance from above; for 'tis re∣ported, that Diana Priapina sent the great Tempest upon the People of Pontus, because they had robbed her Temple, and removed her Image. When many were perswading Lucullus to go directly on, he rejected their Counsel, and march'd through Bithy∣nia and Galatia, to the King's Country; in so great scarcity of Provision at first, that thirty Thousand Galatians followed, every Man carrying a Bushel of Wheat at his Back. But he subduing all in his Progress before him, at last arrived at so great Plen∣ty, that an Ox was sold in the Camp for a single Groat, and a Slave for four. The other Booty they made no account of, but took and destroyed as they pleased; there being no Contest among them, where all were satisfied. But inasmuch as they had made frequent Incursions and Advances, as far as Themiscyra and the inner Thermodon, and had laid waste the Country before them, they began to discourse with Lucullus in good earnest,
Why he took so many Towns by Surrender, and never an one by Storm, which might enrich them with the Plunder. And now, forsooth leaving Amisus behind, a rich and wealthy City, of easie Conquest (if closely besieg∣ed)
to carry us into the Tibarenian and Chaldean Wilderness, to fight with Mi∣thridates.Lucullus little thinking this would be of so dangerous consequence as it afterwards prov'd, took no notice of it, but slighted it, and choose rather to excuse him∣self to those who blamed his Tardiness, in losing time about small pitiful Places, not worth the while, and allowing Mithridates time to recruit.
That is what I design, said he, and am contriving by my delay, that he may grow great again, and gather a considerable Army, which may induce him to stand, and not fly away before us, for do ye not see the vast and boundless Wilderness behind? Caucasus is not far off, and the steep and craggy Mountains, enough to conceal numbers of Kings in their flight from Battel. Besides, 'tis a Journey but of few days from Cabira to Armenia, where Tigranes Reigns, King of Kings, who by his Power dissolved the Parthian Empire in Asia, brought several Greek Towns under the Median Yoke, Conquered Syria and Palaestine; extin∣guished the Royal Line of Seleucus, and carried away their Wives and Daughters by violence. This same is Relation and Son-in-Law to Mithridates, and cannot but receive him upon entreaty, and enter into War with us to defend him; so that
while we endeavour to depose Mithrida∣tes, we shall endanger the bringing in of Tigranes against us, who already hath sought occasion to fall out with us, but can never find one so justifiable as the Succour of a Friend and necessitous Prince. Why therefore should we put Mithridates upon this strait, who as yet knows not how he may best fight with us, and utterly disdains to stoop to Ti∣granes; and not rather allow him time to gather a new Army and grow insolent, that we our selves might fight with the Colchians and Tibarenians, whom we have often defeated already, and not with Me∣des and Armenians.Upon these Motives Lucullus sat down before Amisus, and slow∣ly carried on the Siege; but the Winter being well spent, he left Murena in charge with it, and went himself against Mithri∣dates, then Rendezvouzing at Cabira, and resolving to wait for the Romans with forty Thousand Foot about him, and thirteen Thousand Horse, wherein he chiefly confi∣ded. But passing the River Lycus, he chal∣lenged the Romans into the Plains, where the Cavalry engaged, and the Romans were beaten. Pomponius, a Man of good note, was taken, wounded, and sore, and in pain as he was, was carried before Mithridates, and asked by the King, If by saving his
Life, he would become his Friend, who an∣swered, Yes, if thou, O King, wilt be reconciled to the Romans; if not, thy Ene∣my. Mithridates wondred at him, and did him no hurt. The Enemy being Ma∣ster of the Plains, Lucullus was something afraid and delayed getting to the Moun∣tains, being very large, woody, and almost inaccessible; when by good luck some Greeks, who had fled into a Cave, were taken, the eldest of whom, Artemidorus by name, promised to bring Lucullus, and seat him in a place of safety for his Army, and a Fort that overlook'd Ca∣bira. Lucullus believing him, lighted his Fires, and marched in the Night, and safe∣ly passing the Strait, gained the Port, and in the Morning was seen above the Enemy, pitching his Camp in a place advantageous to descend upon them, if he desired to fight; and secure from being forced, if to lie still. Neither side was willing to engage at pre∣sent; but 'tis reported that some of the King's Party being hunting a Stag, some Ro∣mans quartered upon them and met them. Whereupon they Skirmished, more still drawing together to each side. In short, the King's Party prevailed, where, upon the Ro∣mans from their Camp seeing their Compa∣nions fly, were enraged, ran to Lucullus with Intreaties to lead them out, pressing
that Sign might be given for Battel. But he, that they might know of what consequence the Presence and Appearance of a wise Go∣vernour is in time of Conflict and Danger, commanded them to stand still; but him∣self went down into the Plains, and meet∣ing with the foremost that fled, command∣ed them to stand, and turn back with him. These obeying, the rest followed, and ma∣king up a Body, with no great difficulty drove back the Enemies, and pursued them to their Camp. After his return, Lucullus inflicted a just punishment upon the Fugi∣tives, and made them dig a Trench naked, of twelve Foot, while the rest stood by and look'd on.
There was in Mithridates's Camp one Olthacus, Governour of the Dardarians, a Barbarous People, living near the Lake Maeotis, a Man remarkable for Strength and Courage in Fight, Wise in Council, and Pleasant and Free in Conversation. He, out of Emulation and Glory, outvying the rest of the Lords, promised a great piece of Service to Mithridates, no less than the Death of Lucullus. The King commended his Resolution, and according to agreement counterfeited Anger, and slighted him; whereupon he took Horse and fled to Lu∣cullus, who kindly received him, being a Man of great Credit in the Army. After
some short trial of his Sagacity and Wis∣dom, he found way to Lucullus's Board and Council. The Dardarian thinking he had a fair opportunity, commanded his Ser∣vants to lead his Horse out of the Camp, while he himself, as the Soldiers were re∣freshing and easing themselves in the Shade, it being then High-noon, went to the Ge∣neral's Tent, not at all suspecting that en∣trance would be denied him, who was so familiar with the General, and came under pretence of extraordinary Business with him. He had certainly been admitted, had not Sleep, which hath destroyed many Captains, saved Lucullus. For so it was, that Menedemus, one of the Bed chamber, was standing at the Door, who told Oltha∣cus, that it was altogether unseasonable to see him, since after long Watching and hard Labour, he was but just before laid down to compose him. Olthacus would not go away upon this Denial, but still persisted, saying, that he must go in to discourse of some necessary Affairs where∣upon Menedemus grew angry, and re∣plied, That nothing was more necessary than the safety of Lucullus, and forced him away with both hands. Whereupon, out of sear, he straightway left the Camp, took Horse, and without Effect returned to Mithridates. Thus in Time, as in Physick,
there are Moments of Life and Death.
After this, Somatius being sent out with ten Companies for Forage, and pursued by Menander, one of Mithridates's Cap∣tains, stood his Ground, and after a sharp Engagement slew and destroyed the Ene∣my. Adrianus being sent afterward with other Forces, to procure Food enough and to spare for the Camp, Mithridates would by no means suffer him, but dispatch'd Me∣remachus and Myro with a great Force, both Horse and Foot, against him; all which, except two, (as is reported) were cut off by the Romans. Mithridates concealed the Loss, giving it out, that it was a small Defeat, nothing near so great as reported, and occasioned chiefly by the unskilfulness of the Leaders. But Adrianus in great Pomp passed by his Camp, having many Waggons full of Corn, and other Booty; which brought Despair upon himself, and Confusion and a horrible Consternation up∣on his Army. 'Twas resolv'd therefore no longer to stay. But when the King's Ser∣vants sent away their own Goods in quiet, and hindred others from doing so too, in great fury they thronged and crowded to the Gates, seized on the Guards and kill'd them; where Dorylaus the Captain, ha∣ving nothing else besides his Purple Gar∣ment, lost his Life for the same; and Her∣moeus
the Priest was trod under foot in the Gate.
Mithridates having none of his Guards or Attendance with him, got out of the Camp in the Throng, but had none of his Horses with him; but Ptolomy the Eunuch looking back, and seeing him flying a∣mong the others, dismounted, and gave his Horse to the King. The Romans, as they pressed on, were just ready to take him, the close Pursuit which they made, reaching up just to him: But Greediness and Avarice hindred the Romans from ac∣quiring that Booty, which in so many Fights and Hazards they had sought after, and hindred Lucullus from the Glory of Conquest: For the Horse which carried the King was just ready to be seized; but one of the Mules that carried the Sumpter, either by accident steping in, or by order of the King so appointed to go between him and the Pursuers, they seized and pilfered the Gold, and falling out among themselves about, the prey let slip the great Prize. Nei∣ther was their Greediness prejudicial to Lu∣cullus in this only, but also they slew Cal∣listratus the King's Secretary, under suspi∣cion of having five hundred pieces of Gold quilred up in his Clothes, whom he had or∣dered to be conveyed safe into the Camp; notwithstanding all which, he gave them
leave to plunder the Camp. After this, in Cabira, and other strong Holds which he took, he found great Treasures, and pri∣vate Prisons, wherein many Greeks, and many of the Kings Relations had of old been confin'd: who counting themselves no other than dead Men, by the Favour of Lucullus met not only with Relief, but a new Life and Resurrection: Nyssa Sister of Mithridates was made Captive by a blessed Captivity: but those who seemed to be most out of danger, Wives and Si∣sters at Pharnacia, placed in safety as they thought, all miserably perished by the com∣ming back of Bacchides the Eunuch from Mithridates to them. Among others, there were two Sisters of the King, Roxana and Statira, Virgins of forty years old, and two Ionian Wives, Bernice of Chios, and Monime of Milesium. This latter was the most ce∣lebrated among the Greeks, because she so long withstood the King in his Courtship to her, when he presented her with fifteen thousand Pieces of Gold, until such time as the Marriage was consummate, the Crown was sent her, and she was saluted Queen. She had been a sorrowful Woman before, and often bewailed her Beauty, that had procured her a Keeper in stead of a Husband, and Watch of Barbarians in stead of a Nupti∣al House and Attendance. Being removed
from Greece, she enjoyed the Pleasure, which she proposed to her self, only in a Dream, being in the mean time robb'd of that which is real. Bacchides came and bid them prepare for Death, as every one thought most agreeable and easie. She took the Diadem from her Head, and fast∣ning the String to her Neck, suspended her self therewith: Which being soon broke,
O cursed Head-band, said she, not at all able to help me in this small thing!And throwing it away, she spat on it, and gave her Neck to Bacchides. Bernice had prepa∣red a Potion for her self, but at her Mo∣ther's intreaty, who stood by, she gave her part of it: Both drank of the Potion, which prevailed over the weaker Body; but Bernice having drank too little, was nothing changed, but being something indisposed, was strangled by Bacchides for haste. 'Tis said that one of the unmarried Sisters, with bitter Execrations and Cur∣ses, drank the Poison; but Statira uttered nothing ungentile or reproachful, but, on the contrary, commended her Brother, who in his own Danger neglected not theirs, but carefully provided, that without shame or disgrace they might go out of the World.
Lucullus, being a tender and good-na∣tur'd Man, was concerned at these things;
but however going on, he came to Talau∣ri, from whence, four days before his ar∣rival, Mithridates fled, and was got to Tigranes in Armenia. Whereupon he took in the Chaldeans and Tibarenians, with the lesser Asia, and having placed Garrisons in their Cities, he sent Appius to Tigranes to demand Mithridates. He himself went to Amisus, which still held out Siege under the Command of Callimachus, who by his great Skill and no less Experiencein Ta∣cticks, as much as could be shown in a Siege, incommoded the Romans; for which after he paid dear enough: For Lucullus unexpectedly coming upon him at the same time of the Day when the Soldiers used to lie quiet and still, gained part of the Wall, and forced him to leave the City, which he fired, either envying the Romans the Booty, or at least contriving his own E∣scape the better thereby. No Man look'd af∣ter those who went off, but as soon as the Fire had seized on most part of the Wall, the Soldiers prepared themselves for Plunder; where Lucullus pitying the Ruins of the City, brought Assistance from without, and encourag'd his Men to extinguish the Flames. But all Men being intent upon the Prey, and giving no heed to him, with great shoutings brandished their Weapons in the Air; whereupon he was compelled
to let them plunder, that by that means at least he might save the City from Fire. But they did quite contrary; for in searching the Houses with Lights and Torches, eve∣ry where with them they increas'd the flames; insomuch that Lucullus the next day went in, and weeping, said to his Friends, that he had often before blessed the Fortune of Sylla, but never so much admir'd it as then, because when he was willing, he was also able to save Athens; but my infelicity is such, that while I en∣deavour to imitate him, I become like Mommius. Nevertheless he endeavoured to save as much of the City as he could; and at the same time also, by a lucky Pro∣vidence, the Rain concurred to extinguish the Fire. He himself, while present, repai∣red the Ruins as much as he could, recei∣ving the Inhabitants who fled, and setling as many Greeks as were willing to live there adding a hundred and twenty Furlongs of Ground to the Place.
This City was a Colony of Athens, built at that time when she flourished, and was powerfull at Sea; upon which account those who fled from Aristo's Tyranny, setled here and, were made free; but had the ill luck to fly from Evils at home, intogreater abroad. As many of these as survived, Lucullus furnish∣ed every one with Clothes, and two hundred
Groats, and sent them away into their own Country; at which time Tyrannio the Grammarian was taken. Murena begg'd him of Lucullus, and took him, and set him free; but he abused Lucullus's Favour there∣in; for he by no means liked that a Man of Learning should be first made a Slave, then Free; for Freedom thus speciously granted again, was a real deprivation of what he had before. But not in this Case alone Murena shew'd himself far inferiour in Ge∣nerosity to the General: Lucullus was now busie in looking after the Affairs of Asia, and having no War to divert his time, spent it in the distribution of Justice, which by the continuance of dismal Troubles and Revolutions, had been for a long time a stranger in the Province; which was then also miserably oppressed and enslaved by Publicans and Usurpers, insomuch that they were forced privately to sell their Sons in the flower of their Youth, and their Daugh∣ters in their Virginity, and their Consecra∣ted Gifts, Pictures, and holy Images in the open Market, and in the end to yield up themselves Slaves to their Creditors; be∣fore which worser troubles lay upon them, which were Tortures, Imprisonments, Racks, standing abroad to be scorched when the Sun was near, and confin'd to stand in ice and clay in the cold; insomuch that
flavery was no less than redemption, and joy to them. Lucullus in a short time freed the Cities from all these evils and op∣pressions; for first of all, he ordered there should be no more taken than One per Cent. Secondly, where the use was greater than the Principal, it should wholly be a∣bolished: the Third, and most considerable Order was, that the Creditor should re∣ceive the fourth part of the Debtors in∣come; but if mens persons were engaged, it was utterly disallowed; insomuch that in the space of four years all debts were paid, and lands return'd to their right Ow∣ners. The publick debt was contracted when Asia was fin'd twenty thousand Ta∣lents by Sylla, but twice as much was paid to the Collectors, who by Use and In∣terest had at last advanced it to a hundred and twenty thousand Talents. Whereup∣on they inveighed against Lucullus at Rome, as injured by him, and by their Wealth, and Credit, which they had over many of the Principal Officers, they stirr'd up se∣veral leading Men against him. But Lu∣cullus was not only beloved by those People whom he obliged, but was also wished for by other Provinces, who blessed the good luck of those, who had such a Governour over them.
Appius Clodius, who was sent to Tigra∣nes
(the same Clodius, was Brother to Lu∣cullus's Wife) being led by the Kings guides in an unnecessary, and tedious way, over the Mountains, through many Windings, and Turnings, being better informed by his Free-man, a Syrian by Nation, of the direct rode, left that long and fallacious one; and kindly bidding the Barbarians his Guides adieu, in a few days passed over Euphrates, and came to Antiochia upon Daphne. There being commanded to wait for Tigranes, (who at that time was redu∣cing of Phoenicia) he brought over many great Men to his side, who unwillingly had submitted to the King of Armenia (among whom was Zarbienus King of the Gordyeni∣ans) where also many of the Conquered Cities Corresponded privately with him, whom he assured of relief from Lucullus, but ordered them to lie still at present. The Armenian Government was very hea∣vy and intolerable to the Greeks, especial∣ly that of the present King, who growing insolent and proud with his Success, imagi∣ned all things valuable and esteem'd among men, that had been already in his power and purposely created for him alone. From a small, and inconsiderable rise, he had Conquered many Nations, broke the Par∣thian Power (more than any before him) and filled Mesopotamia with Greeks, whom
he carried out of Cilicia and Cappadocia. He transplanted the Wild Arabs from their Country, and manner of living, and set∣led them near him for improvement of Trade.
Many Kings serv'd at his Table, but four he always carried with him as Ser∣vants and Guards, who ran by his Horse side in poor habit, and with folded hands at∣tended him, when sitting on his Throne, and publishing his Decrees to the People: Which posture of all others was that which most expressed slavery, it being of Men, who had bid adieu to Liberty, and had prepar'd their Bodies more for the Chastise∣ment, than service of their Masters. Appi∣us being nothing dismayed, or surprized at so Tragical a sight, so soon as audience was granted him, said, he came to demand Mi∣thridates, due to Lucullus's triumph, o∣therwise to denounce War against Tigranes: Insomuch that tho Tigranes endeavoured to receive him with a pleasing Countenance and a composed Smile, he could not dis∣semble his concern to them who stood a∣bout him, at the frank humour of the young Man; for it was the first time in twenty five years any free Speech had been uttered to him, so many years had he then Reigned. But however he made answer to Appius, That he would not desert Mithri∣dates,
but would make the Romans pay dear enough for beginning the War. That he was angry with Lucullus for calling him only King in his Letter, and not King of kings, and therefore in his Answer he would not call him Imperator. Great Gifts were sent to Appius, which he refused; but they being augmented, that he might not seem to go away in Anger, he took one Goblet, and sent the rest back, and went off to the General. Tigranes before this nei∣ther vouchsafed to see nor speak with Mi∣thridates, tho a near Kinsman, and forced out of so considerable a Kingdom; but proudly and scornfully at a distance con∣temn'd him, and in a manner secured him in Moorish and unhealthy Places; but then with respect and kindness sent for him, and at a private conference between them in the Palace, they healed up all private jea∣lousies between them, punishing their Fa∣vourites, who bore all the blame: Among whom Metrodorus Scepsius was one, a wit∣ty and learned Man, and a bosom Friend, vulgarly called the King's Father. This Man as it hapned, being employed in an Embas∣sy by Mithridates to sollicite help against the Romans, Tigranes ask'd him, What would you, Metrodorus, advise me to in this Af∣fair? In return to which, either out of good Will to Tigranes, or of desire to have Mi∣thridates
taken off, made Answer, That as Embassador he counsell'd him to it, but as a Friend disswaded him from it. This Ti∣granes reported, and affirmed to Mithri∣dates, thinking that no harm would come of it to Metrodorus. But upon this he was presently taken off, for which Tigranes was sorry, being not indeed the principal cause of Metrodorus's death, but no small additi∣on to the anger of Mithridates against him; for he privately hated him before, as appear∣ed from his Cabinet-Papers when taken, wherein it was ordered that Metrodorus should die; Tigranes buried him splendidly, sparing no cost to his dead Body, whom he betrayed when alive. In Tigranes's Court died also Amphicrates the Orator, (if at least for Athens sake, we may remember him,) for 'tis reported that he fled to Se∣leucia, upon the River Tygris, and being de∣sir'd to teach Philosophy among them, ar∣rogantly reply'd, that the Dish was too lit∣tle to hold a Dolphin. Wherefore he came to Cleopatra, Daughter of Mithridates, and Queen to Tigranes, but being accused of high Misdemeanors, and prohibited all Com∣merce with his Country-men, soon ended his Days.
Lucullus, when he had established whole∣some Laws, and a lasting Peace in Asia, did not altogether banish Pleasure, and Mirth;
but during his residence at Ephesus, gratifi∣ed the Country with Sports, Festival Tri∣umphs, Wrestling Games, and Prizes. And they in requital, instituted others, called Lu∣cullian Games, in honour to him, thereby manifesting their real love to him, which was of more value to him, than all the Ho∣nour in the World. But when Appius came to him, and told him he must prepare for War, he went again into Pontus, and ga∣thering together his Army, besieged Sy∣nope, or rather those of the Kings side who held it; who thereupon killed most of the Synopeans, and set the City on fire, and by night endeavoured to escape: Which when Lucullus perceived, he came upon the City, and killed Eight thousand of those who were left behind; but to the others he restored what was their own, and took special care for the Welfare of the City. To which he was chiefly prompted by this Vision. One seemed to come to him in his sleep, and say, Go on a little further Lucullus: for Autoli∣cus is coming to see Thee. When he arose, he could not imagine what the Vision meant. The same day he took the City, and as he was pursuing the Cilicians, who were fled, he saw a Statue lying on the Shoar, which the Cilicians carried so far, but had not time to carry it aboard. It was one of the Master-pieces of Sthenis: And one
told him, that it was the Statue of Autoli∣cus, the Founder of the City. Which same Autolicus is reported to be Son to Dima∣chus, and one of those who under Hercules went in the Expedition out of Thessaly a∣gainst the Amazons; from whence, in his re∣turn with Demoleon, and Phlogius, he lost his Vessel on a point of the Chersonesus, cal∣led Pedalion. He himself, with his Compa∣nions, and their Weapons, being saved, came to Synope, and dispossest the Syrians there. The Syrians held it, descended from Syrus, (as is reported) the Son of Apollo, and Sy∣nope, the Daughter of Asopis. Which as soon as Lucullus heard, he remembred the saying of Sylla, who positively affirms in his Me∣moirs, That nothing is so credible, and be∣yond dispute, as what is revealed in Dreams.
But as soon as it was told him that Mi∣thridates and Tigranes were just ready to transport their Forces into Lycaonia and Ci∣licia, he much wondred why the Armeni∣an, if he had any real intention to fight with the Romans, did not assist Mithridates in his flourishing condition, and joyn For∣ces when he was fit for service; but suffer∣ing him to be vanquisht, and broken in pieces, should now, at last, upon slender hopes, begin the War, and throw himself down headlong with them, who were irre∣coverably fal'n already. But when Macares
the Son of Mithridates, and Governour of the Bosphorus, sent him a Crown valued at a thousand pieces of Gold, and desired to be listed a Friend, and Confederate of the Romans, he justly reputed that War at an end, and left Sornatius his Deputy, with Six thousand Souldiers to take care of the Province. He himself, with Twelve thou∣sand Foot, and little less than Three thou∣sand Horse, advanced to the second War. But it was very plain, that with two great, and ill-advised speed, he Marched against Warlike Nations, many Thousands of Horse, into a vast Champaign, every way enclosed with deep Rivers, and Snowy Mountains. Which made the Souldiers, besides the disor∣der of their ranks, with great unwillingness, and reluctancy, follow him. When as at the same time also the Tribunes at home pub∣lickly inveighed, and declared against him, as one that raised up War after War, not so much for the Interest of the Republick, as that he himself, being still in Commission, might not lay down Arms, but go on en∣riching himself by the Publick loss. These Men, at last, were even with him. But Lu∣cullus, by long journeys, came to Euphrates, where finding the Waters out, and rough, by reason of the late Winter, was much troubled for fear of a delay, where danger might come on him, while he procured
Boats, and made a Bridge of them. But in the evening the flood giving, and decrea∣sing more in the night, the next day they saw the River within his Banks: Insomuch that the Inhabitants discovering the little Islands in the River, and the Water stagna∣ting round them, a thing which had rarely hapned before, worshipped Lucullus, before whom the very River was humble and sub∣missive, and yielded an easie and swift pas∣sage. Making use of the opportunity, he car∣ried over his Army, and met with a lucky sign at landing. Holy Heifers are preserved on purpose for Diana Persica, whom of all the Gods, the Barbarians beyond Euphra∣tes chiefly adore. They use only Heifers for her Sacrifices. Which, at other times, wan∣der up and down undisturbed, with the Mark of the Goddess upon them, shining* 1.9 brightness; and it is no small, nor easie thing, when occasion requires to seize one of them. But one of these, when the Army had passed Euphrates, coming to a Rock Consecrated to the Goddess, stood upon it, and then laying down her Neck, like others that are forc'd down with a Rope, offered her self to Lucullus for Sacrifice: Besides which, he offered also a Congratulatory Bull to Euphrates, for his safe passage. All that day he tarried there, but on the next, and those that followed, he travelled
through Sophene, using no manner of Vio∣lence to those who came to him, and wil∣lingly received his Army. But when the Soldiers were desirous to plunder a Castle, that seemed to be well stored within.
That is the Castle, said he, that we must storm, shewing them Taurus at a distance; there are the rewards of Triumph:Wherefore hastning his March, and passing the Tigris, he came over into Armenia; The first Mes∣senger that gave notice of Lucullus his com∣ing, was so far from pleasing Tigranes, that he had his Head cut off for his pains; and no Man daring to bring farther Informati∣on; without any Intelligence at all, Tigra∣nes sate fuming with Hostility and Wrath, giving ear only to those who flattered him, by saying, That Lucullus would shew him∣self a greater Commander, by standing be∣fore Tigranes at Ephesus, than by his run∣ning away out of Asia, frighted with the many Thousands that come against him.
He is a Man of a strong Body that can carry off a load of Wine, and of a singu∣lar Constitution that can digest Felicity.Mithrobarzanes, one of his chief Favorites, first dar'd to tell him the truth: But had no more thanks for his pains, than to be immediately sent out against Lucullus with Three thousand Horse, and a great num∣ber of Foot, with peremptory Commands
to bring him alive, and trample down his Army. Some of Lucullus's Men were then pitching their Camp, and the rest were coming up to them, when the Scouts gave notice that the Enemy was approaching, whereupon he was in fear lest they should fall upon him, while his Men were at a distance, and not come up into a Body: Which made him stay for setling the Camp himself; and send out Sextilius the Legate with Sixteen hundred Horse, and almost as many heavy and light Arms, with Orders to advance upon the Enemy, and keep their ground, until Intelligence came to him that the Camp was finished. Sextilius designed to have kept this Order: But Mithrobarzanes himself coming furiously upon him, he was forced to fight. In the Engagement Mithrobarzanes himself fighting, was slain, and all his Men, except a few who run away, were destroyed. After which Tigranes left Tigranocerta, a great City built by himself, and retired to Taurus, and called all his Forces about him.
But Lucullus giving him no time to Ren∣dezvous, sent out Murena to hinder, and cut off those who Marched to Tigranes, and Sextilius also to disperse a great Company of Arabians then going to the King; both Sextilius fell upon the Arabians in their Camp, and destroyed most of them; and also Murena, in his pursuit after Tigranes
through a Craggy and Narrow way, op∣portunely fell upon him: Upon which Ti∣granes throwing away all cumbrances, fled; many of the Armenians were killed, and more taken. After this Success Lucullus went to Tigranocerta, and sitting down be∣fore the City, besieged it. In it were ma∣ny Greeks carried away out of Cilicia, and many Barbarians in like circumstances with the Greeks, Arraberrians, Assyrians, Gordye∣nians, and Cappadocians, whose Countries he had destroyed, and forced away the Inha∣bitants to settle here. It was a rich and beautiful City; every Nobleman, and Com∣moner, in imitation of the King, studied to enlarge and adorn it. Which made Lucul∣lus more vigorously assault it, being per∣swaded that Tigranes would by no means suffer him, but even against his own Judg∣ment come down in anger to force him away; Wherein he rightly Judged. Mithri∣dates earnestly disswaded him from it, send∣ing Messengers to him not to engage, but rather with his Horse to hinder him from forraging. Taxiles also the Messenger, then in his Army, very much intreated the King to forbear and avoid the Roman For∣ces, as a Business not to be medled with at that time. To this he hearkened at first, but when the Armenians, and Gordyenians in a full Body, and the joint-Forces of Medes
and Adiabenians under their respective Kings, came up to him: When many Ara∣bians came up the River from Babylon, o∣thers from the Caspian Sea, Albanians, Ibe∣rians, and their Neighbours, and not a few of the ungovernable People near Araxe by intreaty and hire, came together up to him; all the Kings Tables and Councils rung of nothing but Expectations, Boastings, and Barbarick Threatnings. Taxiles went in danger of his Life for giving Counsel against fighting, and it was imputed to Envy in Mithridates, to divert him from so Glori∣ous an Enterprize: Whereupon Tigranes would by no means tarry for him, for fear he should share in the Glory; but march'd on with all his Army, lamenting to his Friend, (as is said) that he should fight with Lucullus alone, and not with all the Roman Generals together. Neither was his Boldness to be accounted frantick or rash, when he had so many Nations and Kings attending him, with so many Thousand of well-armed Foot and Horse about him. He had Twenty thousand Archers, and Slin∣gers, Fifty five thousand Horse (whereof Fifteen thousand were all in Armour, as Lucullus wrote to the Senate) a Hundred and fifty thousand heavy Arms drawn up partly into Companies, partly into Phalan∣ges; besides others appointed to open the
ways, and lay Bridges to drein the Waters, and prepare Fuel, with other necessary at∣tendance, to the number of Thirty five thousand: Who being quartered behind the Army, made it the more formidable to be∣hold. As soon as he had passed Taurus, and appeared with his Forces, and saw the Ro∣mans beleaguering Tigranocerta, the barba∣rous People within with shoutings and ac∣clamations received the sight, and threat∣ning the Romans from the Wall, pointed to the Armenians. In a Council of War, some advised Lucullus to leave the Siege, and march up to Tigranes, others, that it would not be safe to leave the Siege, and so many Enemies behind. He himself answered, that neither side rightly, but both together gave sound advice; whereupon he divided his Army, and left Murena with Six thousand Foot, the Charge of the siege, he himself went out with Twenty four Bands, in which were no less than Ten thousand men at Arms, all the Horse, and about a Thou∣sand Slingers and Archers, and sitting down by a River in a large Plain, appeared very in∣considerable to Tigranes, and a fit Subject for the flattering Wits about him. Some where∣of jeared, others cast Lots for the spoil, every one of the Kings and Commanders came, and desir'd the Engagement alone, and that he would be pleased to sit still and behold.
Tigranes himself something Witty and Plea∣sant upon the occasion, made use of the old saying, That they were too many for Ambassadors, and too few for Soldiers. Thus they continu'd laughing and scoffing. As soon as day came, Lucullus brought out his Forces in their Arms. The Barbarian Army stood at the Eastern part of the Ri∣ver, but Lucullus at the West, and at a turn of the River where it was best passable, while he led his Army in haste, seemed to Tigranes to fly. Who thereupon called Taxiles, and in derision said,
Do you not see this invincible Army of the Ro∣mans flying? But Taxiles reply'd, I would to God, O King, some such Fortune may attend your Soul! But surely Travellers never put on their best Cloths, nor use bright Shields and naked Head-pieces, and unsheathed Weapons, as now you see; but this is a preparation for War, and of Men just ready to engage with their Enemies.While Taxiles was thus speaking, as Lucullus wheeled about, the first Eagle appeared, and the Bands, according to their Divisions and Companies, were just ready to pass over, when, with much ado, and like a Man in a Debauch, Tigranes cryed out twice or thrice, What are you coming upon us, Sirs? In great hast therefore he put his Army in Array, keeping the main Body to
himself, the Left Wing was given in Charge to the Adiabenian, and the Right to the Mede, in the Front whereof were most of the Armed Men placed. Some Of∣ficers advised Lucullus to lie still that day, being one of those unfortunate ones, whom they call Black-days, for therein the Army under Scipio, engaging with the Cimbrians, was destroyed: But he, by a very memo∣rable Saying, replyed, I will make this a happy day to the Romans. It was the day before the Nones of October. Having so said, he bad them Courage, passed over the River, and himself first of all led them a∣gainst the Enemy. A Coat of Mail with shining Scales he had on, and a fringed Mantle; and drew out his naked Sword, as if they had been to engage with Men that used to fight at a distance, and by a sudden falling in, he straitned the open pla∣ces, which were necessary for the Archers. But when he saw the armed Horse, the Flower of the Army, drawn up under a Hill, on the top whereof was a broad and open Plain, about four Furlongs high, and of no difficult or troublesome access, he command∣ed his Thracian and Gallogrecian Horse to fall upon their Flanck, and beat down their Lances with their Swords. (The only Defence of the Men in Arms are their Lances, they have nothing else to defend
themselves, or annoy their Enemy, by rea∣son of the weight and hardness of their Armour, in which they are enclosed.) He himself, with two Bands, made to the Mountain, the Souldiers briskly following on, when they saw him in Arms, afoot, first toiling and climbing up. Being on the top, and standing in an open place, with a loud Voice he cried out, We have overcome, we have overcome, O my Fellow-Soldiers! And having so said, he marched against the arm∣ed Horsemen, commanding his Men not to throw their Piles, but coming up hand to hand with the Enemy, to hack their Shins and Thighs, which Parts alone are unguard∣ed in armed men. But there was no need of this way of fighting, for they stood not to receive the Romans, but with great cla∣mour, and worse Fiight, they and their heavy Horses broke the Ranks of the Foot before ever the Fight began; insomuch that without a Wound, or Blood-shed, so many thousands were overthrown. The greatest Slaughter was made in the Flight, or ra∣ther in endeavouring to fly away, which they could not well do by reason of the depth and closeness of the Ranks, which hindred them. Tigranes at first fled with a few, but seeing his Son in the same mis∣fortune, he took the Crown from his Head, and with Tears gave it him, bidding him
save himself in some other way if he could. But the Prince daring not to put it on, gave it to one of his trustiest Servants to keep for him. This Man, as it hapned, being taken, was brought to Lucullus; so among the Captives the Crown also of Tigranes was taken. 'Tis reported, that above a hundred thousand Foot were lost, and few of the Horse escaped. Of the Romans a hundred were wounded, and five kill'd. Antiochus the Philosopher making mention of this Fight, in his Book about the Gods, says, That the Sun never saw the like. Stra∣bo, another Philosopher, in his Historical Collection, says, That the Romans could not but blush and deride themselves, for putting on Armour against such pitiful Slaves. Li∣vy also says, That the Romans never fell up∣on an Enemy with so unequal Force; for by more than a twentieth part the Conquerors were less than the Conquered.
The most understanding Roman Captains, and expert in War, have chiefly com∣mended Lucullus for conquering two great and potent Kings, by two different ways, Haste and Delay. For he broke the flou∣rishing Power of Mithridates by Delay and Time, and that of Tigranes by Haste; being one of those rare Generals who made use of Delay for advantage, and Speed for security. Whereupon it was,
that Mithridates made no haste to come up to fight, imagining Lucullus would, as he had done before, use Caution and Delay, which made him march the slower to Ti∣granes: And as he met some stragling Ar∣menians in the way, running in great fear and consternation, he suspected the worst, and when greater numbers of naked and wounded Men assured him of the Defeat, he sought for Tigranes; and finding him naked and destitute, he by no means re∣quited him with Insolence, but lighting off his Horse, and condoling the Publick Loss, gave him a Princely Guard to attend him, and animated him for the future; and they together gathered fresh Forces about them. In the City Tigranocerta the Greeks divided from the Barbarians, and delivered it up to Lucullus, which he came and took. He seized on the Treasury himself, but gave the City to be plunder'd by the Soldiers, wherein were found eight thousand Tal∣lents of coined Money: Besides which also he distributed eight hundred Groats per Man, out of the Spoils. When he under∣stood that many Players were taken in the City, which Tigranes invited from all Parts, for opening the Theatre which he had built he made use of them for celebrating his Triumphal Games and Spectacles. The Greeks he sent home, allowing them Mo∣ney
for their Journey; the Barbarians also, as many as had been forced away from their own dwelling; insomuch that this one City being dissolved, many were re∣paired by the restitution of their former Inhabitants. By all which Lucullus was belov'd, as a Benefactor and Founder. Other things also prospered under him, as deserved, being more desirous of praise for Justice and Clemency, than for Feats in War; for these are due partly to the Soldiers, most of all to Fortune; but those are a demonstration of a gentle and liberal Soul, whereby Lucullus at that time, even without the help of Arms, con∣quered the Barbarians. For the Kings of Arabia came to him tendring what they had; and with them the Sophenians also submitted. But he dealt so with the Gordye∣nians, that they were willing to leave their own Habitations, and were ready to follow him with their Wives and Children; which was for this Cause: Zarbienus King of the Gordyenians (as is said) being grieved un∣der the Tyranny of Tigranes, by Appius had secretly made Overtures of Confedera∣ting with Lucullus; but being discover'd, was executed and his Wife and Children perished with him, before ever the Romans had invaded Armenia. Lucullus forgot not this, but coming to the Gordyenians, made
a solemn Enterment for Zarbienus, and a∣dorning the Funeral Pile with a Royal Ca∣nopy, and Gold and Spoils of Tigranes, he himself being present, kindled the Fire, and poured in perfumes, with the Friends and Domesticks of the Deceased, calling him his Companion, and Friend of the Romans, and ordered a stately Monument for him. There was a large Treasury of Gold and Silver found in Zarbienus his Palace, and* 1.10 no less than three hundred Myriads of Measures of Corn; insomuch that the Sol∣diers were provided for, and Lucullus was highly commended for maintaining the War at his own Charge without receiving one Groat from the Publick Treasury.
After this came an Embassage from the King of Parthia to him desiring Amity and Confederacy; which being readily em∣braced by Lucullus, he dispatch'd another to the Parthian, which discovered him to be a double minded Man, and dealing pri∣vately with Tigranes to take part with him, upon Condition Mesopotamia were delivered up to him. Which as soon as Lucullus un∣derstood, he resolved to pass by Tigranes and Mithridates, as Enemies well nigh subdued, and try the Power of Parthia, by leading his Army against them. He esteemed it a re∣nowned act, like a Wrestler, to throw down three Kings one after another, and like an
invincible Conquerour, successively to deal with three of the greatest Commanders un∣der the Cope of Heaven. He sent there∣fore into Pontus, to the Officers with Sor∣natius writing to them to bring the Ar∣my thence, and joyn with him in this Ex∣pedition out of Gordyene. They found the Soldiers resty and stubborn before, but now plainly discovered their unruliness, by no manner of Intreaty or Force to be re∣claim'd; for they protested and cried out, That they would stay no longer there, but go away and desert Pontus. Which being reported to Lucullus, did no small harm to the Soldiers about him, who were corrupt∣ed with Wealth and Plenty, and desirous of Ease; and hearing the boldness of the o∣thers, called them Men, and such as they ought to imitate; for the Actions which they had done, did now well deserve rest and quiet. Upon these and worse Words, Lucul∣lus left off the thoughts of invading Par∣thia, and in the midst of Summer went a∣gainst Tigranes; where passing over Taurus, he was astonish'd at the green Fields before him, so much the Season by reason of the cold Air is deferred. But however he went down, and putting to flight the Armeni∣ans, who dared to come out against him, he plundered and burnt their Villages, and seizing on the Provision designed for Ti∣granes,
who was afraid of the same, redu∣ced his Enemies to great necessity. But when he provok'd the Enemy to fight, by marching round their Camp, and burning the Country before them, he could by no means bring them out after their frequent Defeats before, he rose up and marched to Artaxata, the Royal City of Tigranes, where his Wives and Children were kept: judging that Tigranes would never suffer that to go without the hazard of a Battel. It is reported, that Annibal the famous Car∣thaginian, after the Defeat of Antiochus un∣der the Romans, coming to Artaxas King of Armenia, instructed him in several necessa∣ry and useful things; who being taken with the pleasant and delightful Situation of that Place, then uncultivated and neg∣lected, drew a Model of a City for the same; and bringing Artaxas thither, shew∣ed him the same, and encouraged him to build: At which the King being pleased, and desiring him to oversee the Work, e∣rected a large and stately City, called af∣ter his own Name, and made it Metropolis of Armenia.
Tigranes would by no means suffer Lu∣cullus to come upon this City, but came with his Army, and on the fourth day sate down by the Romans, the River Arsania lying between them, which of necessity
Lucullus must pass in his March to Ar∣taxata. Lucullus, after Sacrifice to the Gods, as if Victory were already obtained, carried over his Army, having Twelve Bands in Front, the rest being disposed to prevent the Enemies enclosing them: For there were many choice Horse drawn up against him: In the Front stood the Mar∣dians Horse-Archers, and Iberians with long Spears, who being the most Warlike, Tigranes more confided in than any other Strangers; but nothing of moment was done by them; for though they skirmish∣ed with the Roman Horse at a distance, they were not able to stand when the Foot came up to them; but being broken and divided on both sides, drew the Horse in pursuit af∣ter them. Though these were routed, yet Lucullus was afraid when he saw the Horse about Tigranes in good Order, and great Numbers coming upon him: Whereupon he recalled his Horse from pursuing, he himself first of all withstood the Nobles, and engaged with the best of them, as they came upon him, and before ever they came to close Fight, with the very Terror over∣threw them. Of three Kings in Battel a∣gainst him, Mithridates of Pontus fled away the most shamefully, being not so much as able to endure the Noise of the Romans. The Pursuit reach'd a long way, wherein the
Romans not only slew them all night, but took many alive, seized and carried away great Riches, with other Booty, till they were weary and left off. Livy says, There were more taken and destroyed in the first Battel; but in the second, those of better note. Lucullus being flush'd and animated hereby, determined to march into the Ʋp∣lands, and there compleat his Conquests over the Barbarians; but the Winter-sea∣son coming on, contrary to his expectati∣on, brought severe Weather, and frequent Snows, and even in the most clear Days, hard Frost and Ice; which made the Wa∣ters scarce drinkable for the Horses, by exceeding Cold; and scarce passable, for the breaking of the Ice, and cutting the Horses Sinews. The Country, for the most part, being Forest, Inclosed and Woody, made them continually wet, being cover∣ed with Snow as they Marched in the day, and sitting down in Moorish places at Night. After the Battel they followed not Lucullus many days, before they began to be unruly; first of all intreating, and send∣ing the Tribunes to him; but afterwards tumultuously gathered together, and made a noise all night long, which was a plain sign of a mutinous Army. But Lucullus as earnestly entreated them, desiring them to have patience but till they took the Ar∣menian
Carthage, and overturn'd the Work of that cursed Man Annibal. But when he could not prevail, he led them back, and by another Road over Taurus, came into the fruitful and pleasant Country of Myg∣donia, where was a great and populous Ci∣ty, by the Barbarians called Nisibis; by the Greeks, Antioch of Mygdonia. Gaurus, Brother of Tigranes, was the Governour, Callimachus Overseer of the Works and Fortifications, the same who so much an∣noyed the Romans at Amisus. He brought his Army to it, and laying close Siege, in a short time took it by Storm: He kind∣ly used Gaurus, as he surrendred himself; but by no means hearkened to Callima∣chus, though he offered to make discovery of hidden Treasures; commanding him to be kept in Chains, to be punished for firing the City of Amisus, which hindred him from shewing Favour and Kindness unto the Greeks, as he intended.
Hitherto one would imagine Fortune attended and fought for Lucullus; but afterward, as if the Wind had fail'd of a sudden, he did all things by force, and as it were against the Grain; wherein he shew∣ed the Conduct and Patience of a wise Captain; but his Actions met with no Honour or Reputation: For by bad Suc∣cess and Divisions in his Army, he came
within a Hairs-breadth of losing what what he had before. Himself was not the least cause of all this, being no ways indulgent to his Soldiers, but one who thought all Favour shewn to them, to be a beginning of Disobedience, and Dissolution of Autho∣rity. But what was worst of all, he was naturally unsociable to his Great Officers in Commission with him, despising others, and thinking them worthy of nothing in comparison with himself. These were the Evils attending Lucullus his other Vertues; for he is said to have been a lusty, goodly, and eloquent Man, Wise both in Court and Camp. Salust says, The Soldiers were ill∣affected to him from the beginning of the War, for being forced to keep the Field two Winters at Cyzicum, and afterwards at A∣misus. There were other Winter-quarters that vexed, besides these; for they either were in an Enemies Country, or else confi∣ned to their Tents in the open Fields, a∣mong their Confederates; for Lucullus not so much as once went into a Greek Confe∣derate Town with his Army. To this ill affection abroad, the Tribunes contributed at home, invidiously accusing Lucullus, as one who for Empire and Riches delayed the War, and under his sole Power had then got Cilicia, Asia, Bythinia, Paphlago∣nia, Pontus, Armenia, as far as the River
Phasis. And of late had laid waste the Kingdom of Tigranes, as if he had been Commissioned not so much to subdue, as destroy Kings. For this is reported to have been spoken by L. Quintus, one of the Prae∣tors, at whose instance the People determi∣ned to send one who should succeed Lucul∣lus in his Province, and disband most of his Army. Besides these Misdemeanours, that which most of all prejudiced Lucullus, was P. Clodius, an insolent Man, very vicious and bold, Brother to Lucullus his Wife, and by reason of her Incontinency shrewdly suspected of Adultery with her. Being then in the Army under Lucullus, but not* 1.11 in so great Authority as he expected; for he would fain have been of the Chief Officers, though of an inferior Rank to several of them. He got in with the Fimbrian Ar∣my, and stirred them up against Lucullus, using fair Speeches to them, who, of old, had been used to be flattered in such a manner. These were those whom Fimbri∣us before had perswaded to destroy the Consul Flaccus, and chose him their Lea∣der; which made them willingly deal with Clodius, and call him the Soldiers Delight, for his Care and Concern for them. If there* 1.12 must be no end of Wars and Toils, but by fighting with all Nations, and wandring throughout all the World they must spend
their lives; receiving no other Reward for their Service, than to guard the Carriages and Camels of Lucullus, laden with Gold and precious Goblets. As for Pompey's Souldi∣ers, they were Citizens again, safe at home with their Wives and Children, not hunting after Mithridates, or Tigranes, in wild De∣serts, nor overturning the Kingdoms of Asia, but reducing Exuls in Spain, or Fugitives at home. What, must we never have an end of Fighting? Should we not rather reserve the Remainder of our Bodies and Souls for such a General, who will reckon his chiefest Glory to be the Wealth of his Army?
By such Practices the Army of Lucullus being corrupted, neither followed him a∣gainst Tigranes, nor against Mithridates, when he returned into Pontus out of Ar∣menia, and resumed his Kingdom; but un∣der pretence of Winter coming on, sate idle in Gordyene, every minute expecting some other General to succeed Lucullus. But when News came that Mithridates had de∣feated Fabius, and was Marching against Sernatius and Triarius, out of shame they followed Lucullus. Triarius ambitiously aiming at Victory, before ever Lucullus came to him, though he was then very near, was overthrown after a bloody Fight, wherein it is reported, that above Seven thousand Romans fell, among whom were
a Hundred and fifty Centurions, and Four and twenty Tribunes, and even the Camp it self taken. Lucullus coming up a few days after, concealed Triarius from the an∣gry Soldiers: But when Mithridates de∣clined Battel, and waited for the coming of Tigranes, who was then on his March with great Forces, he resolved before both joyn∣ed, once more to meet and engage with Ti∣granes. But in the way the mutinous Fim∣brians deserted their Colours, as Men dis∣banded by Decree of Senate, and would no longer obey Lucullus, the Provinces being then allotted to others. There was no∣thing beneath the Dignity of Lucullus, which he was not forc'd to bear, entreat∣ing them, one by one, from Tent to Tent, going up and down dejected and sorrowful, and submitting to shake some by the Hands. But they turned away from his Salutes, and threw down their empty Knap∣sacks, bidding him alone engage with the Enemy, who alone made advantage there∣by. At length, by the intreaty of the other Soldiers, the Fimbrians being prevailed up∣on, consented to tarry that Summer under him; but even during that time, if no E∣nemy came to fight them, to be free. Lu∣cullus of necessity was forc'd to comply with this, or else to leave the deserted Pro∣vince to the Barbarians. He kept them
indeed with him, but without any Power over them: Nor did he lead them out to Battel, being contented that they would stay with him, though he then saw Cappa∣docia wasted by Tigranes, and Mithridates again doing mischief, whom not long before he reported to the Senate to be wholly sub∣dued: whereupon Legats were arrived to settle the Affairs of Pontus, as if all had been quiet there. But when they came they found him not so much as Master of himself but contemned and derided by the Common Soldiers; who arrived at that height of In∣solence against their General, that at the end of Summer they put on their Armour, and drew their Swords, and defied their Enemies then absent, and gone off a long while before, with great Outcries and Aiery Skirmishes, going round the Camp, and proclaiming that the time was expired which they promised to stay with Lucullus. Pom∣pey had drawn many to his side by Letters; by the Favour of the People, and his Inter∣est with the Tribunes, being then chosen General of the Army against Mithridates and Tigranes. But it then appeared to the Senate, and all unbiassed Men, that Lucul∣lus was injured, having those put over his Head, who succeeded rather to his Tri∣umph, than the War; being not only de∣prived of Command, but the Glory which
he justly deserved, and forc'd to yield it to another.
It was just matter of Pity to those who* 1.13 were present; for Lucullus remained no longer Master of Rewards or Punishments, for Actions of War; nether would Pompey suffer any man to go to him, or give heed to what he did himself, or with advice of his ten Legats: but expresly gave Com∣mand to the contrary, and could not but be obey'd, by reason of his greater Power. But Friends on both sides thought it neces∣sary to bring them together, who met in a certain Village of Galatia, and friendly sa∣luted each other. Lucullus was the Elder, but Pompey the more Honourable, for his oftner Command, and two Triumphs. Both had Rods of Laurel carried before them for their Victories; and when Pom∣pey's Laurels were withered, by passing through hot and droughty places, Lucullus his Viergers friendly gave them some of the fresh and green ones which they had; which Pompey's Friends counted a good O∣men, for the others Actions were they which truly adorned his Empire. At the interview they came to no amicable Agree∣ment, but went off more disatisfied. Pompey repealed all the Acts of Lucullus, drew off his Soldiers, and left him no more then six∣teen hundred for Triumph, and even those
unwilling to go with him. So unqualified was Lucullus, either by Nature or Mis-for∣tune, for the chiefest thing in a General, which had he added to his other singular Virtues (his Fortiude, Vigilance, Wisdom, Justice) the Roman Empire had not had Eu∣phrates for its Boundary in Asia, but the uttermost parts of the Earth, and the Hyr∣canian Sea. Other Nations being then dis∣abled by the late Conquests of Tigranes, the Power of Parthia could not be so considera∣ble against Lucullus, as it afterwards appea∣red against Crassus, being then also divided at home by Domestick and intestine War, and utterly unable to keep off the Encroach∣ments of Armenia, But Lucullus seems more to have injured his Country by o∣thers, than he profited it by himself. For the Trophies in Armenia stand near the Parthians, and Tigranocerta, and Nisibis, and the great Wealth brought from thence to Rome, with the Captive Crown of Ti∣granes carried in Triumph, did all puff up Crassus, as if the Barbarians had been no∣thing else but Spoils and Booty: Who fal∣ling among the Parthian Archers soon de∣monstrated that Lucullus his Triumphs were not beholden to the Inadvertency and Effe∣minacy of his Enemies, but to his own Cou∣rage and Conduct. But of this afterwards. Lucullus, upon his return to Rome, found
his Brother Mark accused by C. Memmius, for what he did when Treasurer, by the Command of Sylla; who being fled, Mem∣mius changed the Scene, and animated the People against him, and perswaded them to deny him a Triumph, for suppressing the Spoils, and prolonging the War. Lucullus his Case being much disputed, the Nobility and Chief Men mixed themselves among the Tribes, and with much Entreaty and Labour scarce at length prevailed upon them to consent to his Triumph. The Pomp of his Triumph was not amazing and tedious▪ as others had been, with along Train, and number of things carried there∣in; but consisted chiefly in vast quantities of Armour, and Machins of the King's, placed in the Flaminian Cirque. A Specta∣cle nothing despicable. In his Progress passed by a few Horsmen in Armour, ten Chariots armed with Scythes, sixty Friends and officers of the King's, and a hundred and ten long-beak'd Ships were carried along with them. The Golden Image of Mithri∣dates, six Foot high, and rich Head pieces, twenty Loads of Silver Vessels, and thirty two of Golden Cups. Armour, and Money all carried by Men. Beside which, eight Mules were laden with Golden Beds, fifty six with Bullion, and a hundred and seven
with Coined Money and Silver, little Less* 1.14 than two hundred and seventy Myriads. In Publick Tables were written what Mo∣neys he gave Pompey for prosecuting the Pyratick War, what he delivered into the Treasury, and what beside he gave to eve∣ry Soldier, which was nine hundred and fifty Drachma's per Man: After all which, he nobly feasted the City and Suburbs. Being divorc'd from Clodia, a dissolute and and wicked Woman, he married Servilia Sister to Cato: It proved an unfortunate Match, for she was guilty of all Clodia's vi∣ces but one, and that was Incest with her Brothers. Out of reverence to Cato, he for a while connived at her Impurity and Im∣modesty, but at length dismissed her. When the Senate expected great things from him as one that would be a Check to the Usurpation of Pompey, and by the Great∣ness of his Station and Credit would de∣fend the Nobility, he retired from Busi∣ness and left the Republick; either because he saw her in a languishing condition, and irrecoverable, or, as others say, because he was as great as he could well be, and in∣clined to a quiet and easie Life, after those Labours and Toils, which had not succeed∣ed under him. There are those who high∣ly commend his change of Life, avoiding thereby that Rock whereon Marius split:
For he, after his Cimbrian Conquest, where∣in he did Noble and Great things, would by no means be contented with the Ho∣nour thereof, but out of an infatiable desire of Glory and Power, even in his old Age, managed a Faction in the Government a∣gainst the Youth, and became Guilty of horrid crimes, and worse Murthers. Better had it been for Cicero, after Catiline's Con∣spiracy, to have retired in his Age; and for Scipio, after his Numantine and Cartha∣ginian Conquests, to have sate down con∣tented. For the Administration of publick Affairs will determine, and States-men, as well as Wrestlers, are laid aside, when strength and youth fail.
Crassus, and Pompey, laugh'd to see Lu∣cullus become luxurious, and effeminate, feasting being altogether as inconvenient for his Age, as Government of Affairs at home, or an Army abroad. In Lucullus his Life, as in the old Comedy, we meet with Policy, and action in the beginning; and good eating, and drinking in the end: And indeed scarce any thing but Feastings, and Revellings, and Sports. Among which* 1.15 I count his stately Buildings, Portico's, and Baths; but above all his Pictures and Car∣ving,* 1.16 and great industry about these Curi∣osities, which with vast expence he collect∣ed, lavishly bestowing all the Wealth, and
Treasure which he got in the War upon them: insomuch that now adays, when Luxury reins, the Lucullian Gardens are counted the noblest that the Emperor hath. Tubero the Stoick, when he saw his Build∣ings at Neapolis, where he suspended the Hills upon Arches, brought in the Sea for Moats, and Fish-ponds round his House, and built Pleasure-Houses in the Waters, called him Xerxes in a Gown. He had also fine Seats in Tusculum, pleasant Prospects, and large Apartments, and Portico's for Men; where Pompey coming to see him, blam'd him for making his Habitation so pleasant in Summer, but inconvenient in Winter: To whom he smilingly reply'd. Do you think I am less provident than Cranes and Storks, not to change my habitation with the season? When a Praetor with great charge and pains, was setting out a Specta∣cule to the People, and asked him to lend him some Purple hangings for the Stage, he told him he would goe home, and see, and if he had any, he would lend him; and on the next day asking how many he wanted, and being told that a hundred would suffice, ordered him to take twice as many, which made Horace say,
That he esteemed that a poor house where the lumber and unnecessary Utensils, are not more than the Furniture in sight.
Lucullus his Entertainments were every new, and extravagent, not only with Pur∣ple Carpets, and Plate adorned with Pre∣cious Stones, and Dancings, and Inter∣ludes, but for all manner of Dainties, and Sweetmeats pil'd up, which made the Peo∣ple admire him. It was a happy thought of Pompey in his Sickness, when his Physician prescribed a Thrush for his dinner, and his Servants told him, That in Summer time Thrushes where no where but in Lucullus his Penns, would not suffer them to fetch one thence, but told his Physician, Had not Lucullus fed on Thrushes, Pompey had not liv'd, and thereupon ordered some o∣ther thing at hand to be made ready for him. Cato was his Friend and Companion, but nevertheless so hated his Life, and Diet, that when a young Man in the Senate, made a long and tedious speech in praise of Frugality and Temperance, Cato standing up replyed, Will you never have done? You who are as Rich as Cressus, live like Lucullus, and speak like Cato. It is plain from his own Mouth, that Lucullus was not only pleased with, but gloried in his way of li∣ving, for he is said to have feasted several Greeks upon their coming to Rome day af∣ter day; who out of a true Grecian Prin∣cipal being ashamed, and refusing the invi∣tation, where so great an expence was eve∣ry
day caused for them, he with a pleasing Countenance told them, Some of this in∣deed, my Grecian Friends, is for your sakes, but more for Lucullus his own. Once, when he supped alone, there being only one table, and that but moderately furnisht, he called his Steward and reproved him; who ima∣gining that there would be no need of any great Entertainment, when no Body was invited, was answered; What do you not know, that to day Lucullus is to eat with Lucullus? Which being noised about the City, Cicero and Pompey one day met him loitering in the Market-place; one a principal Friend and Acquaintance; but there had been some falling out between Pompey and him, about the Command of the Army, but however they used civilly to discourse, and talk to∣gether. Cicero saluted him, and asked him, How he stood affected to disputing? Who answering, Very well; and inviting them to it, We, said he, will eat with you, to day, if there shall be no more than what is already provided. Lucullus being surprised, and requested a days time, they refused to grant it, neither suffered him to talk with his Servants, for fear he should give order for more than what was appointed before. But thus much they consented to, that be∣fore their Faces he might tell his Servant, That to day he would sup in the Apollo (for
so one of his best dining Rooms was called) and, by this evasion, impos'd upon his Guests. To every Room (as it seems) was allotted a proportion of Diet, having its proper Costs and Furniture belonging to it; so that the Servants knowing where he would dine, knew also how much was to be expended, and how the Supper was to be prepared. The expence for the Apollo was fifty thou∣sand pence, which being that day consu∣med, the greatness thereof did not so much amaze Pompey, as the haste in dressing. He insulted over Money, as Captive and Bar∣barian; as indeed it was. But however his furnishing a Library, deserved praise and thanks, for he collected very many, and choice Manuscripts; but the use they were put to, was more commendable than the purchase. The Library being always open, and the Walks and Schools about it free to all Greeks, who, from business, came thither as to the habitation of the Muses, walking about, and diverting one another. He him∣self often studied there, disputing with the learned in the Walks, and giving his ad∣vice to States-Men who required it, inso∣much that his House was altogether a Re∣ceptacle, and a Greek Prytaneum to all that came to Rome. He understood all sorts of Philosophy, and was well read, and expert in them all. But he always favoured, and
valued the Academy from the beginning. Not the new one (which at that time under Philo flourish'd with the Precept of Carnea∣des) but the old one, then under the Go∣vernment of Ascalonites Antiochus, a learned and eloquent Man: Lucullus, with great labour, made him his Friend and Compa∣nion, and set him up on purpose against Philo's Auditors, among whom Cicero was one, who Wrote an excellent Book in de∣fence of his Sect, wherein he hath made a discourse for Lucullus, about apprehen∣sion contrary to his own opinion. The Book is called Lucullus. For, as 'tis said, they were good Friends, and acted jointly in the publick Concern. For Lucullus did not wholly retire from the Republick, but from Ambition, and desire of Superiority, and Greatness equally dangerous and trou∣blesome, which he left to Crassus, and Cato. To whom the Senate, who suspected Pompey's greatness, joined themselves, when Lucullus refused to head them. For his Friends he came into the Forum, and into the Senate to curb the Ambition and Pride of Pompey; whose orders, after his Conquests over the King's, he annull'd, and by the assistance of Cato hindred a division of Lands to the Sol∣diers, which he proposed. Which made Pompey go over to Crassus, and Caesars Friendship, or rather Conspiracy, and then
by filling the City with Armed Men, to establish his Decrees by force, and drive Cato and Lucullus away. Which being re∣sented by the Nobility, Pompey's party pro∣duc'd one Vectius, pretending they appre∣hended him in a design against Pompey's Life. Who, in the Senate-house, accused others, but among the People named Lucul∣lus, as if he had been suborned by him to kill Pompey. No Body gave heed to what he said, and it soon appeared that they had produced a Man with a false charge, and accusation. After a few days the whole Intrigue was discover'd, the Carcase of the accuser being thrown out of Prison, repor∣ted indeed to have died a natural Death, but carrying marks of a Halter, and blows about him; and seeming rather to have been taken off by those who suborned him. These things kept Lucullus at a greater di∣stance from the Republick.
But when Cicero left the City, and Cato was banished to Cyprus, he became altoge∣ther sottish; it is reported, that before his Death, his parts fail'd him by degrees. But Cornelius Nepos denies that either Age or Sickness impair'd his Mind, which was ra∣ther doz'd by a Potion given him by Cal∣listhenes his Freeman. The Potion given him by Callisthenes, was to endear him to him, being so prepared; but it acted quite
otherwise, and so disabled and intoxicated his Mind, that even while he was alive, his Brother ordered his Affairs. At his Death, which was the Death of one taken off in the very flower of Martial and Civil Discipline, the People were much concer∣ned, and flockt together, and even by force would have taken his Corps, as it was car∣ried into the Market-place, by young Men of the best Quality, and have Buried it in the Martian field, where they buried Sylla. Which being altogether unexpected, and Necessaries not easily to be procured on a sudden, his Brother, after much intreaty and sollicitation, prevailed upon them to suffer him to be bu∣ried in the Tusculan field, as was appointed. He himself surviv'd him but a small time, com∣ing not far behind in Death, as he did in Age and Renown, being a most loving Brother.
ONe might bless the End of Lucullus, who died before the great Alteration of Affairs, which Fate by intestine Wars was bringing, on, and left this Life in a free, though troubled State, wherein, above all other things, Cimon and he agreed. For
he died also when the state of Greece was free, and flourished; though in the Field, at the Head of his Army, not recalled, nor disgraced, nor sullying the Glory of his Wars, Engagements, and Conquests, with Feastings and Debauches: As Plato repre∣hended Orpheus for saying, That an eternal Debauch hereafter, was the Reward of those who lived well here. Indeed ease and Quiet, and the Study of pleasant and speculative Learning, to an old Man, unfit for War or State, is a most ornamental and com∣fortable thing; but to misguide vertuous Actions to Pleasure, as their utmost End, and to leave the Wars for the Sports and Delights of Venus, did not become the gra∣vity of the Academy, and a Follower of Xenocrates, but one that rather inclined to Epicurus. But the greatest wonder of all is, their Youthful days were flat opposite; the ones being infamous and vicious, the others well disciplin'd and sober; yet better is the Change for Good, for it argues a more ingenuous Mind, where Vice decay∣eth, and Vertue increaseth. Though both had great Wealth, they differently employ∣ed it; and there is no Comparison between the South-wall of the Tower built by Ci∣mon, and the stately Mansions and watry Prospects at Neapolis, built by Lucullus, out of the Spoils of the Barbarians. Nei∣ther
can we compare Cimon's popular and numerous Table, to the Noble and Royal one of Lucullus, that receiving a great ma∣ny Guests every day at small Expence, this being richly spread for a few Good-Fellows:* 1.17 unless you will say that different times made the alteration. For who can tell, but that Cimon, if he had retired in his old age from Business and War, to Quiet and Solitude, might have liv'd a more lux∣urious and debauch'd Life, who was a Good∣fellow, a pleasant Companion, and (as is said) a Lover of Women? But brave and generous Actions, transported with other Delights than arise from the lower Appetite, make active and heroick Men neglect and forget these. Had but Lucullus ended his days in the Field, Envy itself and Detracti∣on could never have accused him. So much for their manner of Life.
In War it is plain they were both Men of excellent Conduct, both at Land and Sea. And as they honoured those Cham∣pions, who on the same day, in the same Games, were Crowned for their Mastery in all, by calling their Actions, Wonderful Victories; so likewise Cimon, honouring Greece with a Sea and Land-Victory on the same day, is worthy to be placed in the first Rank of Commanders. Lucullus re∣ceived Command from his Country, but
Cimon brought it to his. He united the Lands of his Enemies to her, who ruled o∣ver Confederates before; but this Man ta∣king the Power out of other Hands, made his Country both rule over Confederates, and Conquer Enemies too; forcing the Persians to relinquish the Sea, and the La∣cedaemonians to submit. But if it be the chiefest thing in a General to win his Sol∣diers to Obedience by Gentleness; Lucullus was despised by his own Army, but Cimon was obeyed by others. Those deserted the one, these fled for Protection to the other. He came home without those Forces he led out; this Man sent out at first under the Command of others, returned home with Authority even over them also, having served his City in three difficult Negotiati∣ons, establishing Peace with the Enemy, Dominion over Confederates, and Unity with Lacedaemon. Both aiming to destroy great Kingdoms, and subdue all Asia, fail'd in their Enterprise. Cimon very unfortu∣nately; for he died when General, in the height of Felicity: But Lucullus, no Man can excuse from a Fault to his Soldiers, whether he knew not, or would not com∣ply with the Distaste and Complaints of his Army, which brought him into so great hatred among them. But did not Cimon also suffer like him in this? For the
Citizens arraigned him, and never left till they had banished him; that, as Plato says, They might not hear him for the space of ten Years. For Heroick Minds seldom please the Vulgar, or are acceptable to them; for by punishing their Extravagan∣cies, they oftentimes pinch to the quick, like Chirurgeons bands, reducing dislocated Bones to their natural position. But both of them perhaps may be cleared of this.
Lucullus very much out-went him in War, being the first Roman who carried an Army over Taurus, passed the Tigris, took and burnt the Royal Palaces of Asia, in the sight of the Kings, Tigranocerta, Cabira, Si∣nope, and Nisibis, subduing the North Parts as far as Phacis, the East as far as Media, and the South and Red Sea, through the King∣doms of Arabia; broke the Power of Kings, and narrowly missed their Persons, who fled away like Wild Beasts into the Desarts, the thick and unpassable Woods. A De∣monstration of which was, That the Persi∣ans, as if no great harm had befel them un∣der Cimon, soon after appeared in Arms a∣gainst the Grecians, and overcame and de∣stroyed a great Army of theirs in Aegypt. But after Lucullus, Tigranes and Mithrida∣tes were able to do nothing: The latter being disabled and broken in the former Wars, never dared to shew his Army to
Pompey without the Camp, but fled away to Bosphorus, and there died. Tigranes threw himself naked and unarmed down be∣fore Pompey, and taking his Crown from his Head, laid it at his Feet, complement∣ing Pompey with what was not his own, but that which Lucullus had triumphed o∣ver before; and when he received the En∣signs of Majesty again, he was well plea∣sed, because deprived before. Greater is that Commander, who, like a Wrestler, leaves an Adversary almost Conquered for his Successor; and therefore Cimon, at his Arrival, finding the Forces of the King dis∣persed, and the Minds of the Persians down, by their continual Overthrows and Flights under Themistocles, Pausanias, and Leoty∣chides, easily overcame their Bodies, whose Souls were dis-spirited and faint before. But Tigranes, never yet baffled in Fight, but flush'd with Success, engaged against Lucul∣lus. There is no comparison between those Numbers which came against Lucullus, and those subdued by Cimon. All which things being rightly considered, it is a hard matter to give judgment: For the Gods were favourable to both Parties, directing the one what to act, and the other what to avoid; and they have thereby declared them both brave Men, and of Heavenly Extract.
Pieces of Money.
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A Fish that grows mad after Mid∣summer.
Clark of the Market.
Metropolis of Aegypt.
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300000. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, more than a Bushel.
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2700000▪
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