The third volume of Plutarch's lives. Translated from the Greek, by several hands

[illustration]

PYRRHUS.

THE LIFE OF PYRRHUS.

From the Greek, By William Croune, M. D. Fell. of the Coll. of Physicians.

VOLUME III.

OF the Thesprotes and Molossians af∣ter the great Inundation, the first King some write was Phaeton, one of them who in Pelasgus's Company came into Epirus: Others tell us Deucalion and Pyrrha having built a Temple at Dodona, settled there among the Molossians. In af∣ter time Neoptolemus, Achilles's Son, trans∣planting a Colony, possess'd these Parts him∣self, and left a Succession of Kings after

him, nam'd Pyrrhidae (for he in his Youth was call'd Pyrrhus) and of his Legitimate Children, one born of Lanassa Daughter of Cleodes, Hyllus his Son, he nam'd Pyrrhus also. From him Achilles came to have Divine Honours in Epirus, under the name of Aspetus in the Language of the Country: After these first Kings, those of the fol∣lowing middle times becoming barbarous, and so rendred both in their Governments and Lives obscure; Tharrytes is said to be the first, who, by adorning Cities with Greek Manners and Learning, and Laws ac∣ceptable to Mankind▪ left any Fame of him∣self. Alcetes was the Son of Tharrytes, Ary∣bas of Aleetes, and of Arybus and Troas his Queen, Aeacides: He married Pthia the* 1.1 Daughter of Menon the Thessalian, a very brave man▪ living at the time of the Lami∣ac War, and of highest Command in the Confederate Army next Leosthenes. To Aeacides, were born of Pthia, Deidamia and Trojas Daughters, and Pyrrhus a Son. The Molossians afterwards falling into Factions, and throwing off Aeacides, brought in the Sons of Neoptolemus, and such Friends of Aeacides, as they could take, were all cut off: Pyrrhus yet an Infant, and search'd for by the Enemy, Androclides and Angelus had stol'n away and fled; but being ob∣liged to take with them a few Servants,

and the Women that nurs'd the Child, it made their Escape more difficult and slow;* 1.2 so being overtaken they deliver'd the In∣fant to Androclion, Hippias, and Neander, faithful and able young Fellows, giving them in charge with all imaginable dili∣gence to reach Megara, a Town of the Macedons; and themselves partly by en∣treaty, and partly by force, stopt the course of the Pursuers till very late in the Evening▪ at last having hardly forc'd them back, they joyn'd those who had the care of Pyrrhus: But the Sun being already set, and they near the utmost point now of their hopes, were on the sudden defeated; for coming to the River that runs by the City, it look'd very dreadful and rough, and endeavouring to pass over, they found it was not forda∣ble; for some late Rains had swell'd the Water, and made it run very foul: The darkness of the Night added to the hor∣rour of all, so that they durst not adven∣ture of themselves to carry over the Child and the Women that attended it; but per∣ceiving some of the Country People on t'other side, desir'd they would assist their passage, and show'd them Pyrrhus, calling out aloud, and importuning them, but they could not hear for the noise and roarings of the Water: Thus time was spent while those call'd out, and the others did not un∣derstand

what was said, till one recollect∣ing himself, pill'd off a piece of Bark from an Oak, and writ on it with▪ the tongue of a Buckle, expressing the Necessities and the Fortunes of the Child, and then rowl∣ing it about a Stone, which was made use of to give force to the Motion, threw it over to the other side; some report they fastned it to the end of a Javelin, and darted it over, when they on the other Shore read what was on the Bark, and con∣sidered the shortness of the time, instantly cutting down some Trees, and lashing them together, came over to them; it fell out, he who first got a-Shore, and took Pyrrhus in his Arms, was named Achilles, the rest were help'd over by others as they came to hand: Thus being safe, and out of the reach of pursuit, they addrest themselves to Glau∣cias then King of Illyria, and finding him at Court sitting with the Queen, they laid down the Child before them: The King began to weigh this affair, fearing Cassan∣der a mortal Enemy of Aeacides, and be∣ing in a deep consideration, said nothing for a long time; while Pyrrhus scrambling about, got hold with his hand on his Robe, and so helping himself upon his feet against the knees of Glaucias, first mov'd Laughter, and then Pity, as a little humble crying Pe∣titioner. Some say he did not lie groveling

before Glaucias, but catching hold of an Al∣tar of the Gods, and spreading his hands a∣bout it, rais'd himself up by that, which Acti∣on* 1.3 to Glaucias seem'd to have in it some∣thing of divine, and immediately gave Pyr∣rhus into the Queen's Arms, commanding he should be brought up with his own Chil∣dren; a little after the Enemies sending to demand him, and Cassander himself offering two hundred Talents, he would not deliver him up; but when he was twelve years old, bringing him with an Army into Epirus, made him King; Pyrrhus in the Air of his Face had something more of Fierce, than of the August of Majesty; he had not many Teeth, but all above was one continued Bone,* 1.4 divided with small Lines, resembling the spaces of a Row of Teeth; it was a gene∣ral belief he could cure the Spleen by sacri∣ficing* 1.5 a white Cock, and with his right foot gently pressing upon the Spleen of the Per∣sons laid down on their backs a little to one side, nor was any so poor or inconsiderable as not to receive the benefit of his Royal Touch, if he desired it; after the Sacrifice he accepted the Cock as a Reward, and the Present was almost welcome to him; the Toe of that foot was said to have a divine Virtue; for after his death, the rest of the body being consum'd, this was found unhurt and untouch'd by the Fire; but of

these things afterwards. Being now about Seventeen years old, and the Government in appearance well setled, he took a Journey out of the Kingdom to the marriage of one of Glaucias's Sons, with whom he was brought up, at which time the Molossions again re∣belling, turn'd out all of his Party, ri••••ed his Exchequer, and gave up themselves to Neop∣tolemus: Pyrrhus having thus lost the King∣dom, and in want of all things, apply'd him∣self to Demetrius the Son of Antigonus, that married his Sister Deidamia, who while she was but a little Miss, they us'd to call Alex∣ander's Wife Son of Roxana; but their Affairs after proving unfortunate, when she came to Age, Demetrius married her. At the great* 1.6 Battle of Ipsus, where so many Kings were engag'd, Pyrrhus taking party with De∣metrius, tho' yet but a Youth, routed those that encountred him, and highly signa∣liz'd himself among all the Souldiery; af∣ter when Demetrius's Fortunes were low, he did not forsake him then, but secur'd for him those Cities of Greece, with which he was entrusted. Upon Articles of Agreement made between Demetrius and Ptolomy, he went over an Hostage into Aegypt, and both in Hunting, and other Exercises, gave* 1.7 Ptolomy a lively demonstration of his Cou∣rage and Strength. Here observing Bere∣nice in greatest Power, and of all Ptolomy's

Wives, highest in Esteem for Vertue and Understanding, he made his Court, and paid his respects principally to her; for he had a particular Art of obliging the Great for* 1.8 his own Interest, and easily overlook'd such as were below him: In Dyet very elegant but temperate; so that among all the* 1.9 young Princes then at Court, he was thought most fit to have Antigone for his Wife, one of the Daughters of Berenice by Philip, before she marry'd Ptolomy. After this Match, advancing in Honour, and Antigone being a very good Wife to him. having set∣led a Fond of Money, and rais'd an Army, he so ordered matters, to be sent into his Kingdom of Epirus, and arriv'd there to the great satisfaction of many, from their hate to Neoptolemas, governing in a violent and arbitrary way. But fearing lest Neoptolemus should enter into Alliance with some Neigh∣bour Princes, he came to Terms and Friend∣ship with him in an equal share of the Go∣vernment: Sometime after there were those who secretly exasperated them, and fo∣mented Jealousies of one another. The cause chiefly moving Pyrrhus, is said to have had this beginning. It was customary for the Kings in Parasso, a Province of Molossia, after Sacrifice to Mars, to enter into a solemn Co∣venant with the Epirots; they to Govern according to Law, these to preserve the Go∣vernment,

as by Law establish'd. This was per∣formed in the presence of both Kings, who were there with their particular Favourites, giving and receiving many Presents: Here Gelon, one faithful to Neoptolemus, taking Pyrrhus familiarly by the hand, presented him with two pair of draught Oxen, these Myrtilus his Cup-bearer being then by, begg'd of Pyrrhus, who not giving them to him, but another, Myrtilus extremely re∣sented it. which Gelon took notice of, and inviting him to a Treat (where as some re∣port he debauch'd him too after drinking, being in the Flower of his Youth) he en∣tred into discourse, perswading him to ad∣here to Neoptolemus, and destroy Pyrrhus by Poyson; Myrtilus receiv'd the Design, as praising and consenting to it, but indeed privately discovered it to Pyrrhus, by whose Command he recommended Alexicrates his chief Cup-bearer to Gelon, as a fit Instru∣ment for their Design, because Pyrrhus was very desirous to have proof of the Plot by several Evidences; so Gelon being deceiv'd, Neoptolemus, who was as much deceiv'd by him, and imagining the Design went prospe∣rously on, could not hold, but for Joy ven∣ted it among his Friends, and once at an En∣tertainment at his Sister Cadmia's, spoke ve∣ry frankly of it, thinking none heard but themselves. Nor was any there but Phenare∣tate

the Wife of Samon, who had the care of managing Neoptolemus's Flocks and Herds. She being turn'd towards the Wall upon a Pallet, seem'd fast asleep; but having heard all that past unsuspected, next day came to Antigone Pyrrhus's Wife, and told her what she heard Neoptolemus say to his Sister; which Pyrrhus understanding, for the present said little, but on a Sacrifice day, making an In∣vitation for Neoptolemus, kill'd him; being satisfied before that the Great men of the Epirots were his Friends, advising him to rid himself of Neoptolemus, and not love one who shar'd the least point in the Govern∣ment with him, but follow his own incli∣nation in undertaking his greater Designs, and a just ground of suspicion already appea∣ring▪ prevent Neoptolemus, by taking him off first. In memory of Berenice and Ptolo∣mee,* 1.10 he nam'd his Son by Antigone, Ptolomee, and having built a City in the Peninsula of Epirus, call'd it Berenicis. From this time* 1.11 he began to revolve many and vast things in his thoughts; but his first hope and de∣sign was particularly laid near home, and he found means to engage himself in the Ma∣cedonian Affairs under this pretension. Of Cassander's Sons, Antipater the eldest both kill'd Thessalonica his Mother, and expuls'd his Brother Alexander, who sent to Deme∣trius entreating his assistance, and also call'd

in Pyrrhus; but Demetrius being retarded by multitude of business, Pyrrhus coming first demanded in reward of his Service the City of Nymphaea and the Sea-Coasts of Macedon, and of their new Conquests Ambracia, Acarnania, and Amphilochia. The young Prince giving way, he took posses∣sion of these Countries, and secur'd them with good Garrisons, and kept for Alexan∣der himself the other part of the Kingdom which he gain'd from Antipater. Lysima∣chus designing to send aid to Antipater was involv'd in much other business, but know∣ing Pyrrhus would not disoblige Ptolomee, or deny him any thing, sent pretended Letters to him as from Ptolomee, desiring him to give over that Expedition, upon the payment of 300 Talents to him by Antipa∣ter: Pyrrhus opening the Letter quickly dis∣cover'd the fraud of Lysimachus; for it had not the accustom'd Stile of Salutation, The Father to the Son health, but King Ptolomee to Pyrrhus the King health; and reproach∣ing Lysimachus, he notwithstanding made a peace, and they all met to confirm it by a Solemn Oath upon Sacrifice: a Goat, a Bull, and a Ram being brought out, the Ram on a sudden fell dead, which although some only laugh'd at, Theodotus the Priest forbid Pyrrhus to swear, declaring Heaven by that portended the death of one of the three

Kings, upon which he refused to ratifie the peace. The Affairs of Alexander being now in some kind of Settlement, Demetrius ar∣riv'd, and 'twas evident he came undesir'd, and struck a Terrour into Alexander; after they had been a few days together, their mutual Jealousie made them design upon each other; but Demetrius taking advantage of the first occasion was before hand with the young King, and slew him, and pro∣claim'd himself King of Macedon. There* 1.12 had been formerly no very good understand∣ing between him and Pyrrhus; for besides the inroads he made into Thessaly, the in∣nate disease of Princes, Ambition of greater Empire, rendred their Neighbourhood for∣midable and suspected, especially since Dei∣damia's death, and both having seiz'd Ma∣cedon, they came foul upon the same thing, and the difference between them had the fairer colours: Demetrius having entred into a War with the Aetolians and subdu'd them, and left Pantanchus there with a considera∣ble Army, march'd directly against Pyrrhus, and, Pyrrhus (as he thought) against him, but by mistake of the ways they past by one another, Demetrius falling into Epirus wasted the Country, and Pyrrhus meeting with Pantanchus prepar'd for an Engagement. The Soldiers falling in pell-mell, there was a sharp and great Fight, especially where the

Generals were. Pantanchus in courage, dex∣terity, and strength of body, being con∣fessedly the best of all Demetrius his Cap∣tains, and having both Resolution and Con∣duct challeng'd Pyrrhus to fight hand to hand; on the other side Pyrrhus not less than any of the Kings in Valour and Glory, and* 1.13 esteeming the Honour of Achilles rather due to him for his Courage than his Blood, advanc'd against Pantanchus through the Front of the Army; First, they us'd their Lances, then came to a close Fight, and manag'd their Swords both with Art and Force, Pyrrhus receiving one wound but re∣turning* 1.14 two for it, one in the Thigh, the other near the Neck, repuls'd and overthrew Pantanchus, but did not kill him outright, for he was suddenly rescu'd by his Friends: the Epirots rais'd with the Victory of their King, and admiring his Courage, forc'd through and cut in pieces the close Body of the Macedonians, and pursuing those that fled, kill'd many, and took 5000 Prisoners. This Fight did not so much exasperate the Macedonians with Anger for their Loss, or with Hatred to Pyrrhus, as it caus'd an Esteem, and Admiration of his Virtue, and a great Discourse among those that saw what he did and were engag'd against him in the Action: They thought his Counte¦nance, and Swiftness, and Motion exprest

those of the Great Alexander, and that in* 1.15 him they beheld Shadows, and Resemblances of his Vivacity and Strength in Fight; other Kings in Purple and Guards, and a formal bending of their Necks, and speaking in a lofty tone only Pyrrhus in Arms, and Acti∣on representing Alexander. Of his Know∣ledge in Military Order and Discipline, and his Great ability that way we have the best* 1.16 information from the Commentaries he left behind him about this Argument: Antigo∣nus being ask'd who was the greatest Soul∣dier, said Pyrrhus, if he liv'd to be ▪old, meaning those only of his own time; Han∣nibal* 1.17 of great Commanders esteem'd Pyr∣rhus for Sufficiency and Conduct the first, Scipio the second, and himself the third, as is reported in the Life of Scipio. In a word,* 1.18 he seem'd ever to make this all his Thought and Philosophy, as the most Kingly part of Learning, other Curiosities he held in no Account. He is reported, when ask'd at a Feast whether he thought Python or Caphisias the best Musician, to have said Polysperchon was the best Souldier, as be∣coming a King only to enquire and under∣stand such things. Towards his Familiars he was mild, and not easily incensed, for∣ward and ready in answering Kindnesses, so that when Aeropus was dead, he could not bear it with moderation, saying, he indeed

had suffer'd what was common to humane Nature, but condemning and blaming him∣self, that by puttings off and delays he had not return'd his kindness in time; for our Debts may be satisfy'd to the Creditor's Heirs, but the acknowledgement of receiv'd Favours not paid in, while they to whom it is due can be sensible of it, afflicts a good and a worthy Nature. Some thinking it fit that Pyrrhus should banish a certain ill∣tongu'd Fellow in Ambracia who had spoke very indecently of him; let him rather, said he, spake against me here to a few, than ram∣bling about to a great many. And others who in their Wine had made reflections upon him, being afterward question'd for it, he ask'd them whether they spoke such words; one of the young Fellows told him: Yes, Sir, those very words, and should have said more if we had had more Wine; at which smiling he discharg'd them. After Antigone's death he married several Wives to* 1.19 enlarge his Interest and Power. He had the Daughter of Antoleon King of Paeonia, Barcen∣na, Bardyllis the Illyrian's, Daughter, Lanassa Daughter of Agathocles the Syracusian, who brought with her in Dowry the City of Cer∣cyra taken by Agathocles: By Antigone he had Ptolomee, Alexander, by Lanassa, and He∣lenus the youngest by Barcenna; he brought them up all in Arms, hot and eager Youths,

and by him sharpned to war from their very* 1.20 Infancy. 'Tis said when one of them yet a child, ask'd him to which he would leave his Kingdom, he reply'd, to him that had the sharpest Sword, which was much▪like that Tragical Curse of Oedipus to his Sons.

—Divide not as the Common Rout, But with the Sword each cut his portion out.

So unsociable and brutal are the measures which Ambition takes. After this Battle Pyrrhus returning gloriously home, enter∣tain'd himself with the sense of his own Honour and Greatness of Mind, and being call'd Eagle by the Epirots: By you (says he)* 1.21 I am an Eagle; for how should I not be such while I am born up by your Arms as on Wings? A little after having Intelli∣gence that Demetrius was dangerously sick, he fell on a sudden into Macedon, intending only an Incursion, and to harrass the Coun∣try; but was very near seizing upon all, and taking the Kingdom without a blow: He march'd as far as Edessa unresisted, great numbers deserting, and coming in to him: This danger excited Demetrius beyond his Strength, and his Friends and Commanders in a short time got a considerable Army to∣gether, and with all their Forces briskly at∣tack'd Pyrrhus, who comming only to pil∣lage would not stand a Fight, but retreating

lost part of his Army, as he went off, by the close pursuit of the Macedonians. De∣metrius although he had easily and quickly forc'd Pyrrhus out of the Country, yet did not slight him, but having resolv'd upon great Designs, and to recover his Father's* 1.22 Kingdom with an Army of 100000 men, and 500 Sail of Ships, would neither em∣broil himself with Pyrrhus, nor leave the Macedonians so active and troublesome a Neighbour; and since he had no leisure to continue the War with him, was willing to treat and conclude a Peace, and to turn his Forces upon the other Kings: Articles being agreed upon, the Designs of Demetrius quickly discover'd themselves by the greatness of his preparation. And the other Kings being alarm'd, sent to Pyrrhus Ambassadors and Letters, expressing their wonder that he losing so fair an Occasion; would rather stay till Demetrius was ready to fight, and being now able to chase him out of Macedon, involv'd in designs and disturb'd, would expect till he were at Leisure, and grown greater, and bring the War home to his own door, and fight for their Temples and Sepulchres in Molossia: Especially having so lately by his means lost Cercyra and his Wife together. For Lanassa had taken offence at Pyrrhus for too great an inclination to those Wives of

his that were Barbarians, and so withdrew to Cercyra, and desiring to marry some King, invited Demetrius, knowing of all the Kings, he was most ready to entertain an offer of Marriage from fair Ladies; so he sail'd thither, marry'd Lanassa, and plac'd a Garrison in the City. The Kings having writ thus to Pyrrhus, did themselves like∣wise find Demetrius work, while he was de∣laying and making his preparations; Ptolo∣mee setting out with a great Fleet, drew off many of the Greek Cities, Lysimachus out of Thrace wasted the upper Macedon, Pyr∣rhus also taking Arms with these, march'd to Beraea, expecting, (as it fell out) that De∣metrius drawing his Forces against Lysima∣chus would leave the lower Country with∣out Supplies. That very Night he seem'd in his Sleep to be call'd by Alexander the Great, and approaching saw him sick a-bed; but was receiv'd with very kind Words and much Respect, and promis'd a suddain assi∣stance: He making bold to reply; How, Sir, can you being sick assist me? With my Name, says he, and mounting a Nisaean Horse seem'd to lead the way: At the sight of this Vision he was much assur'd, and with swift Marches over-running all the Inter∣jacent Places, takes Beraea, and making his Head Quarters there, reduc'd the rest of the Country by his Commanders: When De∣metrius

receiv'd Intelligence of this, and perceiv'd likewise the Macedonians ready to mutiny in the Army, he was afraid to advance farther, lest coming near Lysima∣chus, a Macedonian King, and of great Fame, they should revolt to him. So returning, he march'd directly against Pyrrhus, as a Stranger and hated by the Macedonians; while he lay encamp'd there by him, many coming out of Beraea infinitely prais'd Pyr∣rhus as one invincible in Arms, a very Il∣lustrious Prince, and treating those he had taken kindly and obligingly; several of these Pyrrhus himself sent privately, pretending themselves Lacedaemonians, and saying, now was the time to be deliver'd from the severe Government of Demetrius, by coming over to Pyrrhus, a gracious Prince, and a lover of Soldiers: By this Artifice a great part of the Army was mov'd, and looking eve∣ry* 1.23 way about, sought for Pyrrhus. It hapn'd he was without his Helmet, till understand∣ing they did not know him, he put it on a∣gain, and so was quickly remark'd by his lofty Crest, and the Goat's horns he wore upon it; Then the Macedonians running to him, desir'd the Word, others clap'd Oa∣ken boughs upon their Heads, because they saw them worn by the Soldiers about him. Some took the confidence to say to Demetrins himself, that he would be well

advis'd to withdraw, and lay down the Government. And he indeed finding the Mutinous humour of the Army agreeable to that sort of Discourse, privately got a∣way disguis'd in an old Hat, and a com∣mon* 1.24 red Coat. So Pyrrhus became Ma∣ster of the Army without fighting, and was declar'd King of the Macedonians. But Lysimachus now arriving, and affirming the defeat of Demetrius, was in common per∣form'd by both, and that the Kingdom ought to be shar'd between them, Pyrrhus not extremely assur'd of the Macedonians, and in doubt of their Faith, consented to the Proposition of Lysimachus, and divided the Country and Cities between them ac∣cordingly. This was for the present useful, and prevented a War; but shortly after they found the partition not so much an avoy∣dance of dissatisfactions, as an occasion of more Complaint and Difference. For to* 1.25 such whose Ambition neither Seas nor Mountains, nor the forsaken Deserts can limit, nor the bounds dividing Europe from Asia, confine their vast desires; 'tis hard to say how they should forbear injuring one ano∣ther, when they touch, and are close to∣gether. These are ever naturally in War, envying and seeking advantages of one a∣nother; They make use of those two Words, Peace and War, as of Money, not so much

guided by Justice, as when it falls out to be for their Interest, and are really better men when they openly enter on a War, than when they give to the meer forbearance of doing wrong only for want of opportuni∣ty, the sacred Names of Justice and Friend∣ship. Pyrrhus was an instance of this, for setting himself against the rise of Demetrius again, and endeavouring to hinder the re∣covery of his Power, as it were from a kind of Sickness, assisted the Greeks, and came to Athens, where having ascended the Acropolis, and offer'd Sacrifice to the God∣dess, and the same day came down again, told the Athenians he was much pleas'd with their kindness, and the confidence they had of him; but if they were wise, advis'd them never to let any King come* 1.26 thither again, or open their City Gates to him; he concluded also a Peace with Deme∣trius, but a little after he was gone into A∣sia, at the perswasion of Lysimachus tamp∣per'd with the Thessalians to revolt, and be∣sieg▪d his Cities in Greece; finding he could make better use of the Macedonians in War than in Peace, and being of his own In∣clination not much given to rest; at last having routed Demetrius in Lycia, Lysima∣chus who had secur'd his Affairs, and no∣thing to do, immediately turn'd his Forces upon Pyrrhus, who was in Quarters at

Edessa, and falling upon and seizing his Convoy of Provisions, brought first a great Scarcity into the Army, then partly by Letters, partly by spreading Rumours a∣broad, he corrupted the principal Officers of the Macedonians, reproaching them they had made on their Master who was both a Stranger, and descended from those who* 1.27 had ever been Servants to the Macedonians, and thrust the old Friends and Families of Alexander out of the Country: The Ma∣cedonian Soldiers being much prevail'd up∣on, Pyrrhus withdrew himself with his Epirots and Auxiliary Forces, relinquishing Macedon just after the same manner he took it: Thus Kings have no reason to condemn the People changing for their Interest, who in that do but imitate them, as the great Instructors of Unfaithfulness and Treachery; holding him the bravest that makes the least Account of being an ho∣nest man. Pyrrhus having thus retir'd into Epirus, and left Macedon, Fortune gave him a fair occasion of enjoying him∣self in quiet, and peaceably governing his own Subjects; but he who thought it a* 1.28 nauseous Course of Life, not to be doing mischief to others, or receiving some from them, as Achilles could not endure re∣pose,

—But languish'd there, When left alone, desiring Noise and War,

serv'd his inclination of this pretence of new business. The Romans were in War with the Tarentines, who not able to go on with the War, nor yet give it over, by* 1.29 reason of the bold and ill advis'd Harangues of Popular men, desir'd to make Pyrrhus their General, and ingage him in this War, as of all the Neighbouring Kings the most at leisure, and the greatest Souldier. The more grave and discreet Citizens opposing these Counsels, were run down by the noise and violence of the Multitude; which when they saw, they came no more into the Assemblies; only one Meton a very sober man, the day this Publick Decree was to be ratifi'd, and the People all plac'd; like one quite drunk, with a wi∣ther'd Garland and a Torch in his hand, and a Woman playing on a Flagellet before him, came dancing into the Assembly; and as in great Multitudes met at such po∣pular Assemblies, no decorum can be well observ'd; some clap'd him up, others laught, none forbid him, but call'd to the Woman to play, and him to sing to the Company, and when they thought they went about it; 'Tis very well done of you

(says he) Tarentines, not to hinder any from making themselves merry that have a mind to it, while it is yet in your power, and if you are wise you will still keep and enjoy this Freedom, for you must change your course of Live, and eat other Diet when Pyrrhus comes to Town. These words made a strange impression upon ma∣ny of the Tarentines, and a confus'd Mur∣mur went about, that he had spoke much to the purpose; but some who fear'd they should be sacrific'd if a Peace were made with the Romans, revil'd the whole Assem∣bly for so tamely suffering themselves to be abus'd by a lewd drunken Sot, and crowd∣ing together upon Meton, thrust him out; so the Publick Order was pass'd, and Am∣bassadors sent into Epirus, not only in their own Names, but of all the Italick Greeks, carrying Presents to Pyrrhus, and letting him know they wanted a General of Fame and experience, that they could furnish him with very great Forces made up of Lucanians, Messapians, Samnites, and Ta∣rentines amounting to 20000 Horse, and 350000 Foot: This did not only quicken Pyrrhus, but rais'd an eager desire of this War in the Epirots. There was one Cineas a Thessalian, a man in appearance of very good Sense, a Disciple of the great Ora∣tor Demosthenes, and of all who were in

the highest Fame at that time for speaking well, seem'd as in a Picture, to revive most in the minds of the Audience the memory of his huge force and vigour of Eloquence, and being always about Pyrrhus, and by him imploy'd to several Cities, confirm'd that of Euripides,

—That force of Weighty Words Can out do all that's done by conquering Swords.

And Pyrrhus was us'd to say, that Cineas had taken more Towns with his Words,* 1.30 than he with his Arms, and always did him the honour to use him in his most im∣portant occasions: This Person seeing Pyrrhus with all diligence preparing for Italy, entertain'd him one day at leisure with this kind of discourse: The Romans, Sir, are reported to be great Warriours and Conquerors of many warlike Nations; If God permit us to overcome them, how should we use our Victory? Thou askest (said Pyrrhus) a thing of it self evident.* 1.31 The Romans once conquer'd, there is neither Greek or Barbarous City will resist us, but we shall presently be Masters of all Italy, whose Greatness, and Force, and Strength it is more fit any should be ignorant of, than your self. Cineas after a little Pause, and having subdu'd Italy, what shall we do next? Pyrrhus not yet discovering his in∣tention;

Sicily, reply'd next he holds out her Arms to receive us, a fortunate and popu∣lous Island, and easie to be gain'd; For since Agathocles left it, Faction and Anar∣chy, and the licentious humour of the De∣magogues only prevails. You speak, says Cineas, what is hugely probable, but shall the possession of Sicily put an end to the War? God grant us (answer'd Pyrrhus) Victory and Success in that, we will use those as fore-runners of greater things, who can forbear Libya and Carthage then within reach? which Agathocles even when forc'd to fly from Syracuse, and passing the Sea only with a few Ships, had almost sur∣priz'd. These Conquests once perfected, will any deny, even that Enemy who now pretends to despise us, dare not make any further resistance? None, reply'd Cineas, for then 'tis manifest we may with such mighty Forces regain Macedon, and make an absolute Conquest of Greece, and when all these are in our power, what shall we do then? Said Pyrrhus smiling, we'll live at our ease, my dear Friend, and drink all day, and divert our selves with pleasant discourse. When Cineas had lead Pyrrhus with this Argument to this Point: And what hinders us now, Sir, if we have a mind to be merry, and entertain on ano∣ther? Since all things necessary for it are

at hand without trouble, to which through much bloud and great labour, and infinite hazzards, we design at last to arrive? With this talk he rather afflicted Pyrrhus under the consideration of what happiness he lost, than any way alter'd his purpose, being unable to quit the hopes of what he so much desir'd. And first, he sent away Cineas to the Tarentines with 3000 men; presently after, many Vessels for Transpor∣tation of Horse, Galleys, and flat bottom'd Boats of all sorts arriving from Tarentum, he ship'd upon them 20 Elephants, 3000 Horse, 20000 Foot, 2000 Archers, and 500 Slingers: All thus in readiness he set Sayl,* 1.32 and being half Seas over, was driven with the Winds blowing hard at Nore (contrary to the Season of the Year) and forc'd to Leeward; but by the great skill and resolu∣tion of his Officers and Seamen he bore with the Land, and kept the Italian Shore with infinite Labour, and beyond Expectati∣on; the rest of the Fleet could not get up, and some of the dispers'd Ships being beaten off from the Coast of Italy, were driven into the Libyan and Cicilian Sea; others not able to double the Cape of Japygium, were overtaken by the Night, and a very boysterous and grown Sea, throwing them upon a dangerous and rocky Shore, they were all very much disabled, except the

Admiral; and she while the Sea bore upon her Sides, resisted with her Bulk and Strength, and avoided the force of it, till the wind coming about, blew directly in their Teeth from the Shore, and the Vessel keeping up with her Head against it, was in danger of opening by the raking of the Sea over her; on the other hand to suffer themselves to be driven off to Sea again, which was very raging and tempestuous, and the Wind shifting about every way, seem'd to them the most dreadfull of all their present Evils. Pyrrhus rising up threw himself over board, and his Friends and Guards strove eagerly who should be most ready to help him, but Night and the Sea with its mighty roaring and breaking off again from the Shore made it extream dif∣ficult* 1.33 to save him; so that hardly by day∣light the Wind being quite laid he got a▪ Shore almost breathless, and indeed hugely weak'ned in Body, but with high courage and strength of Mind resisting his hard Fortune; the Massapians, upon whose Shore they were thrown by the Tempest, run with all diligence to help them in the best man∣ner they could, and met with some of the straggling Vessels that had escap'd the Storm; in which were a very few Horse, and not quite 2000 Foot, and two Ele∣phants; with these Pyrrhus march'd streight

to Tarentum, and Cineas being inform'd of his Arrival, drew out his Forces to meet him; when he enter'd the Town, he did nothing unpleasing to the Tarentines, nor put any force upon them, till his Ships were all in Harbour, and the greatest part of the Army got together; then consider∣ing the People as neither able to preserve themselves nor secure others, unless they were necessiated to it, and intending, while he engaged for them in the Field, to remain at home bathing and feasting themselves;* 1.34 he first shut up the Places of Publick Exer∣cise, and their Walks, where vainly solicitous they fought for their Country only in dis∣course of Wars; he prohibited likewise all Solemn Festivals, Revels and Jollities as unseasonable, and call'd them to Arms, being most severe and inflexible in Listing men fit for Action and Service. Upon which many left the Town, unaccustomed to such a Discipline, calling it mere Slave∣ry not to live in Pleasures. He now recei∣ved Intelligence that Levinus the Roman Consul was upon his March with a great Army, and plundering Lucania as he went. The Confederate Forces were not come up to him, yet he thought it very indecent to suffer so near an approach of an Enemy, and neglect it; and drew out with his Army, but first sent an Herald to the Romans to

know if before the War they would decide the differences between them and the Ita∣licks by a course of Justice, and make use of his Mediation to determine them; but Levinus returning Answer, that the Romans neither accepted him as Arbitrator, nor fear'd him as an Enemy, Pyrrhus advanc'd, and Encamp'd in the Plain between the Cities of Pandosia and Heracléa, and ha∣ving notice the Romans were near, and lay on the other side of the River Lyris, he rode up to take a view of them, and seeing* 1.35 the Order, the appointment of the Wat∣ches, the Excellent Form, and, in a word, the whole Scheme of their Encampment, he was amaz'd, and calling one of his Friends next to him; This Order, says he, Megacles, of a Barbarous Nation, is not at all Barbarous, we shall see afterward what they can do; and growing a little more thoughtful of the Event, resolv'd to expect the arriving of the Confederate Troops. And to hinder the Romans (if in the mean time they should endeavour to pass the Ri∣ver) he planted men all along the Bank to oppose them, but they hast'ning to prevent the coming up of those Forces he look'd for, attempted the Passage with their In∣fantry, where it was fordable, the Horse getting over in several places, so that the Greeks fearing to be surrounded, were ob∣lig'd

to retreat; which Pyrrhus understand∣ing was hugely surpriz'd, and commanded his Foot Officers to range their men in Battalia, and continue in Arms, himself with 3000 Horse advanc'd, hoping to at∣tack the Romans as they were coming over, scatter'd and disorder'd; but when he saw a vast number of Shields appearing above the water, and the Horse following them in good order, drawing up his men in a closer Body, himself in the Head of them began the Charge; he was very remarka∣ble* 1.36 by the bravery and Glistering of his Arms, which were exceeding rich, but more by the things he did there, which gave signal proof that his Fame had not out-gone what he was able effectually to perform; but especially when exposing his hands and Body to the Fight, he bravely* 1.37 repell'd all that engag'd him, managing the Battel with a steady and undisturb'd Rea∣son, and such a presence of mind, as if he had been quite out of any Action himself, flying from place to place, and assisting those whom he thought most oppress'd by the Enemy. Here Leonatus a Macedonian, observing one of the Italians very intent upon Pyrrhus, riding up towards him, and changing places as he did, and moving as he mov'd: Do you see, Sir, said he, that Barbarian on the black Horse with white

feet? he seems to me one that designs some great and dangerous thing; he looks constantly at you, attends on you only full of Fury and Violence, and takes no notice of others; Good Sir, have a care of that Fel∣low. Leonatus, said Pyrrhus, it is impossi∣ble for any man to avoid his Fate; but neither he nor any other Italian shall have much satisfaction in ingaging with me. While they were in this discourse, the Ita∣lian placing his Spear and quickning his Horse rid furiously at Pyrrhus, and run his Horse through with his Launce; at the same Instance Leonatus ran his through, both Horses falling. Pyrrhus his Friends surrounded him and brought him off safe, and kill'd the Italian, bravely defending himself. He was by Birth a Tarentine; Captain of a Troop, and nam'd Oplacus. This made Pyrrhus use greater caution, and now seeing his Horse give Ground, he brought up the Infantry and rang'd them in order, and then changing his Robe and his Arms with Megacles one of his Friends, and obscuring as it were himself in his, charg'd upon the Romans, who receiv'd and engag'd him, and a great while the Success of the Battle remain'd undeter∣min'd; and 'tis said there were seven Turns of Fortune both of pursuing and being pur∣su'd: This change of his Arms was very

opportune for the safety of his Person, but had like to have overthrown his Affairs, and lost him the Victory; for several falling upon Megacles, the first that gave him his mortal wound was one Dexter, who snatching away his Helmet and his Robe, rid presently to Levinus, holding them up, and saying aloud he had kill'd Pyrrhus. These Spoils being carried about, and shown among the particular Ranks, the Ro∣mans were transported with Joy, and gave a huge Shout, but mightily discouraged and terrified the Greeks. Pyrrhus under∣standing what had hap'ned, rid about the Army with his face bare, stretching out his hand to his Souldiers, and telling them aloud it was He. At last the Elephants principally distress'd the Romans, their Hor∣ses, before they came near, not enduring them, went back with their Riders; upon which he commanded the Thessalian Caval∣ry to charge them in this disorder, and gave* 1.38 them a total rout with great effusion of Bloud. Dionysius affirms near 15000 fell of the Ro∣mans. Hieronymus, no more than 7000. On Pyrrhus's side, the same Dionysius makes 13000 slain, the other under 3000; but they were the flower of his men, as well of his particular Friends as Officers in whom he always most confided, and made use of in greatest occa∣sions: Beside, he possess'd himself of the

Romans Camp which they deserted, and drew off several Confederate Cities, and wasted the Country round about, and ad∣vanc'd so far, that he was within about 37 Miles of Rome it self. After the Fight ma∣ny of the Lucanes and Samnites came in and join'd him, he chid them for their de∣lay, and appear'd extreamly satisfi'd and rais'd in his thoughts that he had defeated so great an Army of the Romans with the assistance of the Tarentines alone. But the Romans did not remove Levinus from the Consulship, (it being reported Caius Fabriti∣us should say, That the Epirots had not overcome the Romans, but Pyrrhus had on∣ly the better of Levinus: insinuating their loss was not through want of Valour, but Conduct) but fill'd up their Legions, and listed presently fresh men, talking high and boldly of War; which struck Pyrrhus* 1.39 with amazement. He thought it advisable, by sending first to make an experiment, whether they had any inclination to treat, thinking that to take the City and make an absolute Conquest, was no work for such an Army as his was at that time, but to settle a Friendship and bring them to terms, would be highly honourable after his Victory. Cineas was dispatch'd away, and apply'd himself to several of the Great Ones, with Presents for themselves and

their Ladies from the King; but not a Per∣son* 1.40 would receive any, and answer'd as well Men as Women, That if any Agree∣ment were publickly concluded, they should be ready for their parts to express all Respect and Service to the King; and Ci∣neas discoursing with the Senate the most soft and obliging things in the World, yet was not heard with kindness or inclination, although Pyrrhus offer'd also to return all he had taken in the Fight without ransom, and promising his assistance for the entire Conquest of all Italy, asking for himself only their Friendship, and Security for the Tarentines, and nothing farther: Many seem'd well inclin'd to a Peace, having al∣ready receiv'd one great Defeat, and fear∣ing another from an additional Force of the Italick Greeks joyning with Pyrrhus. Here Appius Claudius, a man of great Honour,* 1.41 but who in respect of his Age and want of Sight not intermedling with Affairs, de∣clin'd the fatigue of Publick Business: after these Propositions had been made by the King, hearing a report that the Senate was ready to vote the Conditions of Peace, could not forbear, but commanding his Servants to take him up, was carried▪ in his Chair through the Forum to the Senate House; when he was set down at the door, his Sons, and Sons-in-law took him up in their

Arms, and going all close round about him, brought him into the Senate: Out of re∣verence of so worthy a man, the whole Assembly was respectfully silent, and he a little after rising up himself; I bore, says he, until this time the misfortune of my Eyes with some impatience, but now ha∣ving heard of those unhandsome Debates and Resolves of yours, and so dishonoura∣ble to the Glory of Rome; it is my great affliction, that being already blind, I am not deaf too: Where is now that Discourse, of yours that has made such a noise in the World, that if He had come into Italy, the Great Alexander, and dar'd to attack us when we were young men, or our Fa∣thers, who were then flourishing, he had not now been celebrated Invincible, but either flying hence, or falling here, had left Rome more Glorious? You demonstrate now all that was but foolish Arrogance and Vanity by your fears of the Molossians and Chaonians, ever the Macedonian's Prey, and trembling at Pyrrhus, who was himself but an humble Servant to one of Alexander's Life-guard; and here, not so much to assist the Greeks that inhabit among us, as flying from his Enemies at home, he ranges about Italy, and dares promise you the Conquest of it all by that Army which has not been able to preserve for him a little part of Ma∣cedon:

And do not perswade your selves, that making him your Friend is the way to be rid of him, but to bring more Forces over, contemning you as easie to be re∣duc'd, if Pyrrhus goes off without doing you reason for the Affront he has put upon you; nay, receiving also this reward, of having render'd even the Tarentines and Samnites capable of laughing at the Ro∣mans. When Appius had done, every man* 1.42 was eager for War, and Cineas dismiss'd with this Answer, That when Pyrrhus had drawn his Forces out of Italy, then if he pleas'd, they would treat with him about Friendship and Alliance, but while he staid there in Arms, they were resolv'd to pro∣secute the War against him with all their Force, though he should have defeated 1000 Levinus's. 'Tis said, that Cineas while he was managing this Affair, made it his Business, with an exact Care to in∣spect the manners of the Romans, and per∣fectly understand their Methods of Govern∣ment. Afterwards in discourse with the Grandees of the Court, he told Pyrrhus, among other things, the Senate seem'd to* 1.43 him an Assembly of Kings, and for the People, he fear'd least they should 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thought to fight with the Hydra, or Se••¦pent of Lerna fen; for the Consul had al∣ready rais'd twice as great an Army as the

former, and there were a great many times over the same number of Romans able to bear Arms. Then Caius Fabritius* 1.44 came in Ambassy from the Romans to treat about the Prisoners that were taken, one whom Cineas had reported to be a man of highest consideration among them for a right honest man and a great Soldier, but extreamly poor. Pyrrhus receiv'd him with much Kindness, and privately would have perswaded him to accept of his Gold, not for any evil purpose, but calling it an Ar∣gument* 1.45 of Respect and hospitable Civility; upon Fabritius's refusal, he press'd him no farther, but the next day having a mind to discompose him, who had never seen an Elephant before, commanded one of the largest compleatly arm'd to be placed be∣hind the Hangings, as they were talking together, which being done, upon a Sign given, the Hanging was drawn aside, and the Elephant raising his Trunk over the head of Fabritius, made an horrid and ugly noise; He gently turning about and smi∣ling, said to Pyrrhus. Neither your Money yesterday, nor this Beast to day make any Impression upon me. At Supper amongst 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sorts of things that were discours'd, but more particularly of Greece, and of the Philosophy there, Cineas by accident had occasion to speak of Epicurus, and explain'd

what they held about the Gods and the Commonwealth, placing the chief Happi∣ness of Man in Pleasure, and declining Pub∣lick Affairs as an Injury and Disturbance of an happy Life; removing the Gods afar off both from Kindness or Anger, or any Concern for us at all, to a life wholly without Business and flowing in Pleasures. Before he had done speaking, Fabritius cry'd out, O Hercules! said he, to Pyr∣rhus, may Pyrrhus and the Samnites enter∣tain themselves with this sort of Opinions as long as they are in War with us. Pyr∣rhus admiring the Wisdom and Gravity of* 1.46 the man, was the more transported with desire of making Friendship instead of War with the City, and apart intreated him, after the Peace should be concluded, to ac∣cept of living with him as his Chief Mini∣ster of State, and Generalissimo of his Ar∣mies. Fabritius told him softly, Sir, this will not be for your advantage, for they who now honour and admire you, when they have had experience of me, will ra∣ther chuse to be govern'd by me, than by you, so great a man was Fabritius. Pyr∣rhus heard him say this unmov'd, and with∣out any Tyrannick Passion; nay, among his Friends highly commended the great mind of Fabritius; and Entrusted the Pri∣soners to him alone, on Condition, that if

the Senate should not vote a Peace, after they had convers'd with their Friends, and celebrated the Festivals of Saturn, they should be remanded, and accordingly they were sent back after the Holy-days; It be∣ing Decreed pain of death for any that stay'd behind. After this Fabritius taking the Consulate, a Person came with a Let∣ter to the Camp, writ by the King's prin∣cipal Physician, offering to take off Pyr∣rhus by Poyson, and so end the War with∣out farther hazard to the Romans, if he might have a Reward proportionable to his Service. Fabritius enrag'd at the Villainy* 1.47 of the man, and disposing the other Con∣sul to the same Opinion, sent dispatches immediately to Pyrrhus to caution him a∣gainst the Treason. His Letter was to this effect; Caius Fabritius and Quintus Aemi∣lius, Consuls of the Romans, to Pyrrhus the King, Health. You seem to have made a very ill Judgment, both of your Friends and Enemies. You will understand by read∣ing this Letter sent to us, That you are in War with honest men, and trust Villains and Knaves; we have not discover'd this to you to insinuate into your Favour, but lest your ruine might bring a reproach up∣on us, as if we had ended the War by trea∣chery, not as able to do it by force: When Pyrrhus had read the Letter, and made

strict Enquiry into the Treason, he Execu∣ted the Physician, and for acknowledg∣ment of this Civility of the Romans, sent to Rome the Prisoners without Ransom, and again imploy'd Cineas to negotiate a Peace for him: but whether they believ'd it too great a kindness from an Enemy, or two great a Reward of not doing an ill thing to accept their Prisoners so, released to them as many of the Tarentines and Sam∣nites; but would admit of no debate of Alliance or Peace till he had removed his Arms and Forces out of Italy, and sail'd back to Epirus in the same Ships that* 1.48 brought him over: After, his Affairs bringing on a second Fight, when he had refresh'd his men, he decamp'd, and meet∣ing the Romans about the City Asculum, being incommoded by a woody Country, unfit for his Horse, and a very swift Cur∣rent of the River, that the Elephants, for want of sure treading, could not get up with the Infantry: After many wounded and many killed, the Night put an end to the Engagement; next day designing to make the Fight on even Ground, and have the Elephants among the thickest of the Enemy, he caus'd a Detachment to possess themselves of those incommodious Grounds, and mixing Slingers and Archers among the Elephants with great Courage

and Fury, he advanc'd in a close and well order'd Body; and the Romans not having those advantages of retreating and falling on as they pleas'd, which they had before, were oblig'd to fight man to man upon plain Ground, and hastning to disorder the main Battel before the Elephants could get up, they made bloudy work with their Swords among the Macedonian Spears, not sparing themselves in the least; to wound and kill was all their thought, without re∣gard of what they suffer'd: after a long and obstinate Fight, the first giving Ground is reported to have been where Pyrrhus him∣self engag'd with extraordinary Courage; but they were most put to it by the migh∣ty Force of the Elephants, the Romans not being able to make use of their Valours, but as it were overthrown by the irruption of a Sea or an Earthquake, thinking it better to give way than die without doing any thing, and not gain the least advantage by suffering the utmost Extremity; the Re∣treat to their Camp not being far. Hie∣ronymus says, there died Six Thousand of the Romans, of Pyrrhus his men, the King's own Commentaries report 3550 lost in this Action. Dionysius of Halicarnasse nei∣ther gives an account of two Engagements at Asculum, nor allows the Romans were certainly beaten, and that once only after

they had fought till Sun-set, both Armies were unwillingly separated by the Night. Pyrrhus being wounded by a Javelin in the Arm, and his Baggage plunder'd by the* 1.49 Samnites, that in all there died of Pyrrhus his men and the Romans above 15000, and then both retreated. 'Tis said, Pyrrhus reply'd to a Gentleman that gave him the Joy of his Victory; That such another would utterly undo him; for he had lost a great part of the Forces he brought with him, and almost all his particular Friends and principal Commanders: There were no others there to make Recruits, and he▪ saw the Confederates very slow in their mo∣tion. On the other hand, as from a Foun∣tain continually flowing out of the City, the Roman Camp was quickly and plenti∣fully filled up with fresh men; not at all abating in Courage for the losses they sustain'd, but even from their very anger gain'd new Force and Resolution to go on with the War. Among these difficulties he fell again into vain hopes and businesses that hugely distracted his Mind; for at the same time some Persons arrived from Si∣cily, offering into his hands the Cities of Agrigentum and Syracuse, and that of the Leontines, and begging his assistance to ex∣pulse the Carthaginians, and rid the Island of Tyrants; Others brought him News out

of Greece, that Ptolome call'd Ceraunus, was slain in a Fight, and his Army cut in pieces by the Gauls, and that if he came now in time, the Macedonians were at a great loss for a King. Here he began extreamly to accuse Fortune for bringing him so many occasions of great things all together at a time, and considering that by grasping at both, he should lose one of them, was a* 1.50 long time balancing in his thoughts: But the Affairs of Sicily seeming to promise him matter of the greater business, Africa lying so near, he turn'd himself to them, and presently dispatch'd away Cineas (as he used to do) to make Terms before-hand with the Cities. Then he plac'd a Garrison in Tarentum, infinitely against their Wills, and requiring him either to perform what he came for, and continue with them in a War against the Romans, or leave the City as he found it, he return'd▪ no pleasing Answer, but commanded them to be quiet and attend his time, and so sail'd away. Being arriv'd in Sicily, what he had de∣sign'd in his hopes, was confirm'd effectu∣ally, and the Cities frankly surrendred to him. Where-ever his Arms and Force were necessary, nothing at first made any con∣siderable resistance, for arriving with 30000 Foot, and 2500 Horse, and 200 Ships, he totally routed the Phaenicians, and over∣turn'd

their whole Government; Eryx be∣ing the strongest Town they held, and having a great Garrison in it, he resolv'd to take it by Storm: The Army being in readiness to give the Assault, he put on his Arms, and coming into the head of his men, made a Vow of Plays and Sacrifices to Hercules in Honour, if he signaliz'd him∣self in that day's Action before the Greeks that dwelt in Sicily, as became his great Descent and his Fortunes. The Sign being given by sound of Trumpet, he dissipated first the Barbarians with his Shot, and then brought his Ladders to the Wall, and* 1.51 was the first that mounted upon it himself, and the Enemy appearing in great Num∣bers, he beat them back, some he threw down from the Walls on each side, others he laid dead in a heap round about him with his Sword, nor did he receive the least wound, but seem'd very terrible in his Aspect to the Enemy; and gave a clear Demonstration that Homer was in the right, and pronounc'd according to the truth of Fact; that Fortitude alone of all the Virtues is often inspir'd with Furious and Enthusiastick Transports. The City being taken he offer'd to Hercules most magnificently, and exhibited all Varieties of Shows and Plays. A sort of Barbar••us* 1.52 People about Mesena, call'd Mamertines,

gave much trouble to the Greeks, and put several of them under Contribution. These being numerous and valiant (from whence they had their Name, as much as to say, Martial in the Latin Tongue) he first in∣tercepted the Collectors of the Contributi∣on▪Money, and cut them off, then beat them in open Fight, and destroy'd many of their Places of Strength. The Carthagi∣nians being now inclin'd to Composition, and offering him a round Summ of Money, and to furnish him with Shipping, if a Peace were concluded, he told them plain∣ly (aspiring still to greater things) there was one way for a Friendship and right under∣standing between them, if they wholly abandoning Sicily, he would consent the A∣frican Sea should be the limit between them and the Greeks. And being heightned with his good Fortune and the Strength of his Forces, and pursuing those hopes, in prospect of which he first sail'd thither, his chief aim was at Africk: He had abun∣dance of Shipping but very ill Equipp'd, and when he began to press Seamen, not* 1.53 carrying himself fairly and obligingly to∣wards the Cities, but forcing them in an haughty and insolent way, and menacing them with punishments; whereas at first he was not so, but more winning than any other, by a sweet manner of Converse,

ready to believe, and uneasie to none; now of a Popular Prince, becoming a Ty∣rant by this severe proceeding, he got the name of an ungrateful and a faithless man. However they gave way to these things as necessary, although they took them very ill from him; and especially when he en∣tertain'd a Suspicion of Thion and Sostratus, men of the first Quality in Syracuse, who invited him over into Sicily, and when he was come, put the Cities into his power, and were most instrumental in all he had done there since his Arrival, and would neither suffer them to be about his Person, nor leave them at home. Sostratus out of fear withdrew himself, then he charg'd Thion as in a Conspiracy with t'other, and put him to death; and now the Scene of his Affairs was chang'd, not by little and little, nor yet all at once, but a mortal ha∣tred being rais'd in the Cities against him, some fell off to the Carthaginians, others call'd in the Mamertines, and seeing Revolts* 1.54 in all places, and desires of Alteration, and a Potent Faction against him, he receiv'd Letters from the Samnites and Tarentines, who were beaten quite out of the Field, and scarce left able to secure their Towns against the War, earnestly begging his* 1.55 help: This serv'd as a Colour to make his relinquishing Sicily, no Flight, nor a De∣spair

of good Success, but in truth, not being able to keep it, which was as a Ship labouring in a Storm, and willing to be out of her, he suddenly threw himself over into Italy. 'Tis reported that at his going off, he look'd back upon the Island, and* 1.56 said to those about him, How brave a Field of War do we leave, my Masters, for the Romans and Carthaginians to fight in, which as he then conjectur'd fell out indeed not long after. When he was just ready to Sail, the Barbarians having conspir'd toge∣ther, he was forc'd to a Fight with the Car∣thaginians in the very Road, and lost many of his Ships, with the rest he fled into Italy. There were about 1000 Mamertines had cross'd the Sea a little before, but a∣fraid to engage him in open Field, only setting upon him where the Passages were difficult, put the whole Army in Confusion, two Elephants fell, and a great part of his Rear was cut off; he therefore coming up in Person, repuls'd the Enemy, but was hugely in danger, among men train'd long in War and enrag'd: his being wounded in the Head with a Sword, and retiring a little out of the Fight, had heightned the Enemy, one of which, advancing a good way before the rest, large of Body, and in bright Armour, with an haughty voice, challeng'd him to come forth, if he were

alive: Pyrrhus in a great rage, violently turn'd himself among his Guards towards him, and storming and beswear'd with Bloud; he was terrible to look upon, and breaking through his own men, got afore and stroke the Barbarian on the Head with his Sword such a blow, as with the strength of his Arm, and the excellent temper of the Weapon, pass'd downward so far, that in a moment, his Body being cut asunder, fell in two pieces; this stop'd the course of the Barbarians, amaz'd and confounded at Pyrrhus, as one more than man: So that continuing his March all the rest of the way undisturb'd, he arriv'd at Taren∣tum with 20000 Foot, and 3000 Horse; where reinforcing himself with the choicest Troops of the Tarentines, he advanc'd im∣mediately against the Romans, who then lay encamp'd in the Territories of the Samnites, whose Affairs were extreamly shatter'd, and their Councils broken, ha∣ving been in many Fights beaten by the Romans. There was also a discontent a∣mong them at Pyrrhus, for his Expedition into Sicily, so that not many came in to join him: But he divided his Army in two Parts, and commanded the first into Leu∣cania, to oppose one of the Consuls there, that he should not come in to assist the other; the rest he led against Manius Cu∣rius,

who had posted himself very advan∣tageously near Beneventum, and expected the other Consul's Forces, and partly, be∣cause the Priests had frighted him with ominous Birds and Sacrifices, he resolv'd to remain there. Pyrrhus hast'ning to at∣tack these before the other could arrive, with his best men, and the most courage∣ous Elephants, march'd in the Night toward their Camp, but being forc'd to go round about, and through a very woody Coun∣try, their Flambeaus fail'd them, and their Soldiers lost their way; a Council of War being call'd, while they were in debate, the Night was spent, and at the break of Day, his approach was discover'd by the Enemy, as they came down the Hills, which put the whole Camp into much dis∣order and tumult, but the Sacrifices being auspicious, and the time absolutely oblig∣ing them to fight, he drew out of the* 1.57 Trenches, and fell in with their Vantguard, and having routed them, all the Army was in a Consternation, so that a great many were cut off, and some of the Elephants taken. This success drew on Manius fight∣ing into the Field, and in plain Ground, he totally defeated one Wing of the Ene∣my; on the other hand, being opprest by the Elephants, and forced back to his Trenches, he commanded out those who

were left to guard them, standing thick on the Ramparts, all in Arms and fresh men; these coming down from the Fort, and charging the Elephants, forc'd them to retire, and in the Flight turning back up∣on their own men, caus'd a huge disorder and confusion, which at once brought the* 1.58 Romans both Victory and Empire; for now having got the Fame of Invincible, both for their Conduct, and Courage, and Glory as well in this Action as in a great many o∣thers, they soon over-run Italy, and not long after Sicily too. Thus fell Pyrrhus from his Italian and Sicilian hopes, after he had consum'd six Years in these Wars, and* 1.59 though unsuccessful in his Affairs, yet pre∣serv'd his Courage unconquerable among all these Misfortunes, and was held for Mili∣tary Experience, and Personal Valour, and Undertaking, much the bravest of all the Princes of his time, but what he got by great Actions, he lost again by vain Hopes, and by new desires of what he had not, kept nothing of what he had: So that An∣tigonus used to compare him to one who at* 1.60 Dice threw excellently well, but knew not how to make the best of his Game:* 1.61 He return'd into Epirus with 8000 Foot, and 500 Horse, and for want of Money to pay them, was fain to look out for a new War to maintain the Army. Some

of the Gauls joining him, he fell into Mace∣don, where Antigonus, Son of Demetrius, govern'd, designing to plunder and waste* 1.62 the Country, but after he made himself Master of several Towns, and 2000 men came over to him, he began to hope for something greater, and adventured upon Antigonus himself, and meeting him at a narrow Passage, called the Straits, put the whole Army in disorder, but the Gauls who brought up Antigonus his Rear, were very numerous and stood firm, and a brisk Fight hapning, the greatest part of them were cut off. They who had the charge of the Elephants, being surrounded every way delivered up both themselves and the Beasts: Pyrrhus taking this advan∣tage, and advising more with his good For∣tune, than his Reason, boldly set upon the* 1.63 main Body of the Macedonian Foot, already surpriz'd with Fear, and troubled at the former loss, so that they declin'd any Action or Engagement with him, and he holding out his Hand, and calling aloud, both to the Superiour and under-Officers by Name, brought over the Foot from Anti∣gonus; who flying privately, kept only some of the Sea-Towns. Pyrrhus among all these kindnesses of Fortune, thinking what he had effected against the Gauls the most advantageous for his Glory, hung up

their richest and goodliest Spoils in the Temple of Minerva Itonis with this Inscripti∣on,

These Shields of the brave Gauls, Great Goddess! I Offer to Thee, gain'd in full Victory Over Antigonus. 'Tis no strange thing For Pyrrhus, who from Aeacus does spring.

After this defeat in the Field, he quickly took in the Cities, and having Aegis in his Power, beside other hardships put upon them, he left in the Town a Garrison of Gauls, some of those in his own Army, who being insatiably desirous of Wealth, in∣stantly dug up the Tombs of the Kings that lay buried there, and took away the Ri∣ches, and insolently scatter'd about their Bones. Pyrrhus in appearance made no great matter of it, either deferring it by reason of other extraordinary business, or wholly passing it by, out of a fear of pu∣nishing those Barbarians; but this made him hear very ill among the Macedonians, and his Affairs being yet unsettled, and brought to no firm Consistence, he not∣withstanding entertained new visionary hopes, and in raillery call'd Antigonus Im∣pudent, that he had not put on a mean Habit, but still wore Purple: Cleonymus

the Spartan arriving and inviting him to* 1.64 Lacedaemon, he frankly embrac'd the Over∣ture, Cleonymus was of Royal Descent, but seeming too Arbitrary and absolute, had no great respect nor credit at home. And Areus was King there. This was the occasi∣on of an old and publick grudge between him and the Citizens; but beside that Cle∣onymus in his old Age had married a young Lady of great Beauty and Royal Bloud, Chelidonis Daughter of Lectychides, who falling desperately in Love with Acrotatus, Areus his Son, a Youth gay and airy; ren∣der'd this Match both uneasie and disho∣nourable to Cleonymus; for there was none of the Spartans who did not very well know how much his Wife slighted him; so these Domestick Troubles added to his Pub∣lick discontent. He brought Pyrrhus to Sparta with an Army of 20000 Foot, 2000 Horse, and 24 Elephants, but so great a preparation made it evident to the whole World, that he came not so much to gain Sparta for Cleonymus, as to take all Peloponnesus for himself, yet he expresly denied this to the Lacedaemonian Ambassadors, that came to him to Megalopolis, affirming he came to deliver the Cities from the Slave∣ry of Antigonus, and vowing to send his younger Sons to Sparta (if he might) to be inform'd with Spartan Education, that

so they might be better bred than all other Kings. With these pretensions amusing those who came to meet him in his March, as soon as ever he entred Laconia, he began to plunder and waste the Country, of which the Ambassadors complaining, that he began the War upon them before it was proclaimed. We know (said he) very well, that neither you Spartans, when you design any thing, use to talk of it before∣hand. One Mandracidas, then present, told him in the broad Spartan Dialect; An yau be a God do us no harm, for wee'se harm* 1.65 none, and if yau be a mon, ther'se be some auther as stout as yau. He now march'd away directly for Lacedaemon, and being advised by Cleonymus to give the Assault as soon as he arrived, Pyrrhus (as 'tis said) fearing least the Souldiers entring by Night, should plunder the City, answer'd, they might do it as well next Morning, because there were but few Soldiers in Town, and unprovided by reason of his sudden ap∣proach, for Areus was not there in Person, but gone to aid the Gortynians then in War,* 1.66 and it was this alone that saved the Town, because in regard of the small number of Soldiers, and the scarcity of Provisions he despised it as not tenable, and so imagining no Defence would be made, sat down be∣fore it that Night: Cleonymus's Friends and

the Heilots, his Domestick Servants, had made great preparation at his House, as expecting Pyrrhus there at Supper. In the Night, the Lacedaemonians held a Consult, to Ship over all the Women into Crete,* 1.67 but they unanimously refused, and Archida∣mia came into the Senate, with a Sword in her Hand, in the Name of them all, re∣presenting how unkindly they took it, to think they would survive the ruins of Spar∣ta. It was next resolved to draw a Trench in a Line directly over against the Enemies Camp, and at each end of it, to sink Wag∣gons-in the Ground, as deep as the Naves of the Wheels, that so being firmly fix'd, they might obstruct the passage of the Ele∣phants. When they had just begun the Work, both Maids and Women came to them, those had their Clothes truss'd up a∣bout their Linen, and others in their Shifts only, to assist the Elder sort of men; As for the Youth that were next day to en∣gage, they left them to their rest, and undertaking their proportion, they them∣selves finish'd a third part of the Trench, which was in breadth six Cubits, four in depth, and 800 foot long, as Phylarchus says. Hieronymus makes it somewhat less. The Enemy beginning to move by break of day, they brought their Arms to the young men, and giving them also in charge

the Trench, exhorted them to defend and keep it bravely, as a most worthy thing to conquer in the view of their whole Coun∣try, and glorious to die in the Arms of their Mothers and Wives falling as became Spartans. As for Chelidonis, she retired with a Halter about her Neck, resolving to die so, rather than fall into the Hands of Cleonymus, if the City were taken. Pyrrhus himself in Person laboured with his Foot to force through the Shields of the Spartans ranged against him, and to get over the Trench, which was scarce passable, because the looseness of the fresh Earth afforded no firm footing for the Soldiers. Ptolomee, Pyrrhus's Son with 2000 Gauls, and some choice men of the Chaonians went about the Trench, and endeavoured to get over where the Waggons were, but they being so deep in the Ground, and plac'd close to∣gether, did not only make his passage, but also the defence of the Lacedaemonians very troublesom; yet now the Gauls had got the Wheels out of the Ground, and were draw∣ing off the Waggons towards the River, when Young Acrotatus seeing the danger they were in, passing through the Town with 300 men, surrounded Ptolomee un∣discerned, taking the advantage of some hollow ways, till he fell upon his Rear, and forced them to wheel about, thrusting

one another into the Ditch, and falling a∣mong the Waggons, and at last they with much ado were cut off with a very great slaughter; the Elderly men, and all the Ladies saw this brave action of Acrotatus, and when he returned back into the Town to his first Post all covered with Blood, and fierce and elate with Victory, he seem'd to the Spartan Dames more gallant and beau∣tiful than ever, and they envied Chelidonis so worthy a Lover. And some of the old men followed him, crying aloud, Go on Acrotatus, enjoy Chelidonis, and get brave Fellows for Sparta. Where Pyrrhus him∣self fought, was the hottest of the Action, and many of the Spartans did gallantly, but in particular, one Phyllius signaliz'd himself, and killed most of those that press∣ed upon him; and when he found himself ready to sink with the many Wounds he had received, retiring a little out of his place behind another, fell down among their own men, that the Enemy might not carry off his Body. The Fight ended with the day, and Pyrrhus in his Sleep dream'd he threw Lightning upon Lacedaemon, and set it all on fire, and seemed to rejoyce at the Sight; and in this Transport of joy waking, commanded his Officers to get all things ready for a second Assault; and in∣terpreting his Dream among his Friends,

that he should take the Town by Storm, several assented to it with admiration; but Lysimachus was not pleased with the Dream, and told him he feared, lest as Places struck with Lightning are held Sacred, and not to be entred; so the Gods might by this let him know the City should not be taken. Pyrrhus replied, All these things were but idle talk, full of uncertainty, and only fit to amuse the Vulgar; but you my brave Men, with your Swords in your hands, should always think of that Verse of Ho∣mer.* 1.68

'Tis the only good presage, That for Pyrrhus you engage.

Changing the last Word of his Verse, and surprising them in raillery, with put∣ting in the Word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he got up, and drew out his Army to the Walls by break of Day; the Lacedaemonians in resolution and courage, made a defence e∣ven beyond their power, the Women were all by, helping them to Arms, and bring∣ing Bread and Drink to those that desired it, and taking care of the wounded: The Macedonians attempted to fill up the Trench, bringing huge quantities of Materials, and throwing them upon the Arms and dead Bodies that lay there all covered over;

while the Lacedaemonians opposed this with all their Force, Pyrrhus in Person appeared on their side of the Trench, and the Wag∣gons pressing on Horseback towards the Ci∣ty, at which, the Soldiers who had that Post, making a great Noise, and the Wo∣men shreiking and running about, while Pyrrhus violently pushed on, and in Per∣son beating down all that disputed his way; his Horse receiv'd a shot in the Belly, with a Cretan Arrow, and flouncing as he died, threw off Phyrrus on slippery and very steep Grounds, at which, all about him being in a Confusion, the Spartans came boldly up, and making good use of their Arrows, forced them off again. This caused Pyrrhus to retreat a second time, thinking the Lacedaemonians would abate of their vigour, when almost all of them were wounded, and very great numbers killed outright: But the good Fortune of the Ci∣ty, either resolving to make the utmost Ex∣periment of the bravery of her own Citi∣zens upon her self, or giving a demonstra∣tion how great a power she has in dubious Accidents, the Lacedaemonians having now but very slender hopes left, brought Amei∣nias, the Phocian, one of Antigonus's Com∣manders, from Corinth to their assistance, with an Army of Strangers, and they were no sooner receiv'd into the Town, but A∣reus

their King, arrived there himself too from Crete with 2000 men more: The Women upon this went all home to their Houses, finding it no longer necessary for them to meddle with the business of the War; and they also were sent back, who though under age, were by necessity forced to take Arms; the rest prepared to fight Pyrrhus upon the coming of these additio∣nal Forces, who was possessed with a more eager desire and ambition than before to make himself Master of the Town; but his Designs not succeeding, and receiving* 1.69 fresh losses every day, he gave over the Siege, and fell to plunder the Country, determining to winter thereabout. But Fate is unavoidable, and a great Feud hap∣p'ning at Argos between Aristeus and Ari∣stippus, two principal Citizens, after Ari∣stippus had resolved to make use of the Friendship of Antigonus, Aristeus to pre∣vent him invited Pyrrhus thither; and he* 1.70 always revolving hopes upon hopes, and taking advantage from good successes to embrace occasions of more, and when things went unprosperously, to make up those defects by doing better another time, he neither made Losses nor Victories the bounds of his receiving or giving Trouble, and so presently went for Argos. Areus by frequent Ambushes, and lining the Hedges

where the ways were most unpracticable, cut off many of the Gauls and Molossians that brought up the Rear. It was told Pyrrhus by one of the Priests that found the Liver of the sacrificed Beast imperfect, that some of his near Relations would be lost; in this Tumult and Disorder of his Rear, for∣getting the Prediction, he commanded out his Son Ptolomee, with some of his Guards to their assistance, who quickly getting out of the narrow ways, march'd up to them, and the Fight being very warm where he was (for the most select men of the Lacedaemonians commanded by Eval∣cus, were there engaged) one Oraesus, of Aptera, in Creet, a stout man and very swift, running on the one side of the young Prince, as he was fighting bravely, gave* 1.71 him a mortal wound and slew him; he fall∣ing, those about him turned their backs, the Lacedaemonian Horse pursuing and cut∣ting off many, were got into the open Field engaged with the Enemy before they were aware, without the Infantry; Pyrrhus, who had received the ill news of his Son, and was infinitely afflicted at it, drew out his Molossian Horse against them, and charg∣ing in the Head of his men, satiated him∣self with the Blood and Slaughter of the Lacedaemonians, always indeed appearing an invincible Hero, and mighty in Arms, but

now exceeded all he had ever done before in Courage and Force: Then riding up furiously to Evalcus, he declining a little to one side, had almost cut off Pyrrhus his Hand in which he held the Reins, but light∣ing on the Reins only, cut them, at the same instant Pyrrhus running him through with his Spear, fell from his Horse, and on foot as he was cut in pieces all those choice men that fought about the Body of Eval∣cus, and the obstinate fury of the Com∣manders on both sides brought this great loss to Sparta, even when the War was now at an end: Pyrrhus having thus of∣fered so many as it were in Sacrifice to the Ghost of his Son, and made his Fight a kind of Funeral Show, converting much of his Grief into Rage against the Enemy, marched away to Argos. And having In∣telligence that Antigonus kept the high Grounds, he encamped about Nauplia; the next day he dispatched an Herauld to Anti∣gonus, calling him persidious, and challeng∣ing him to descend into the plain Field, and fight with him for the Kingdom; he an∣swered, his Conduct should be measured by* 1.72 Times as well as by Arms, and that if Pyr∣rhus had no leisure to live, there were ways enough open to death. To both the Kings also came Ambassadours from Argos, desi∣ring each Party to retreat, and not suffer

the City to fall into the hands of any one of them that had a great honour for both. Antigonus was perswaded, and sent his Son an Hostage to the Argives; but Pyrrhus, although he promised a recess, yet sending no Hostage, he was much suspected. At this time a great Prodigy happen'd to Pyr∣rhus, for the Heads of the Sacrificed Oxen lying apart from the Bodies, were seen to thrust out their Tongues, and lick up their own gore. And in the very City of Argos, a Priestess of Apollo Lycius, ran about the Streets, crying, She saw the City full of Carcasses and Slaughter, and an Eagle com∣ing out to fight, and presently vanishing again. In the dead of the Night Pyrrhus* 1.73 approaching the Walls, and finding the Gate called Diamperes set open for them by Aristeas, was undiscovered till such time as all his Gauls had entred, and took posses∣sion of the Market place, but the Gate be∣ing too low to let in the Elephants, they were fain to take down their Towers, and put them on again in the dark, and in dis∣order; so that time being lost, the City took the Alarm, and the People, some run to Aspis, the chief Citadel, and others to other Places of Defence, and sent away to Antigonus to assist them, who coming pret∣ty near, made an halt, but sent in some of his principal Commanders, and his Son

with a very considerable Force; Areus came thither too with 1000 Cretans, and some of the briskest of the Spartans, and all falling on at once upon the Gauls, put them in great disorder. Pyrrhus entring in with a mighty Noise and Shout at a place called Cylabaris, when the Gauls returned another Cry to them, it did not express Courage and Assurance, but the Voice of men dis∣tressed, and that had their hands full. Therefore Pyrrhus in haste pushed on the van of his Horse that marched but slowly and dangerously, by reason of the Drains and Sinks, of which the City was full. In this Night-Engagement, there was infinite* 1.74 confusion both in those that acted, and those that commanded, mistaking and strag∣ling in the narrow Streets; it was impossi∣ble to make use of Conduct or Order in that darkness and variety of Noises and strait Passages; so both sides continued without doing any thing, and expecting Day-light. At the first dawn, Pyrrhus see∣ing the great Citadel▪ Aspis full of Men, was disturbed, and remarking among ma∣ny Figures dedicated to the Market-place,* 1.75 a Wolf and Bull of Brass, as it were ready to attack one another, he was struck with horrour; reflecting upon the memory of an Oracle, that formerly predicted, Fate had determined his Death when he should

see a Wolf fighting with a Bull. The Ar∣gives report these Figures were placed in me∣mory of a thing that fell out anciently there: For Danaus, when he first invaded those Parts, passing by the ways called Pyramia in Thyreatis, as he marched towards Argos, espied a Wolf fighting with a Bull, and imagining the Wolf to represent him (for this Stranger fell upon a Native as he de∣signed to do) stay'd to see the Issue of the Fight, and the Wolf prevailing, after he had offered his Devotions to Apollo Lycius, he assaulted and carried the Town, Gela∣nor, who was then King, being displac'd by a Faction: And this was the Cause of dedi∣cating those Figures. Pyrrhus quite out of heart at this Sight, and seeing none of his Designs succeed, thought best to retreat, but fearing the strait Passage at the Gates, sent to his Son Helenus, who was left without the Town with a great part of his Forces, commanding him to break down part of the Wall, and assist the retreat if the Enemy pressed hard upon them: But what with the hast and confusion of the Person that was sent, he delivered nothing clearly; so that quite mistaking, the Young Prince, with the best of his men, and the remaining Elephants, marched streight through the Gates into the Town to assist his Father. Pyrrhus was now ma∣king

good his Retreat, and while the Mar∣ket-place afforded them Ground enough both to Retreat and Fight, frequently re∣pulsed the Enemy, that bore upon him; when he was forced out of that broad place, into a narrow street leading to the Gate, and fell in with those who came the other way to his assistance, they not hear∣ing him call out to them to give back, and coming on very briskly of themselves, were also pushed forward by others behind, who poured in at the Gate: Besides the largest of the Elephants falling down on his side, in the very Gate, and terribly braying, lay in the way of those that would have got out. Another of these already* 1.76 in the Town, called Nicon▪ striving to take up his Rider, who after many wounds received, was fallen off his back, bore forward upon them that Retreated, and thrusting as well Friends as Enemies, tum∣bled them all confusedly upon one another, till having found the Body, and taken it up with his Trunk, he carried it on his Tushes, and returning in a great Rage, trode down all before him. Being thus pressed and crowded together, not a man could do any thing singly, but wedged so close, as it were one Mass, the whole mul∣titude rolled and swayed this way and that altogether, they did very little Execution

upon the Enemy, either in their Front or Rear, but very much harm to one ano∣ther; for he who had either drawn his Sword, or directed his Lance, could nei∣ther advance it again, nor put his Sword up, but wounded their own men, as by chance they were thrust together, and so fell dead one among another. Pyrrhus seeing the mighty Storm and Confusion of things, took off the Crown he wore upon his Helmet, by which he was distinguished, and gave it to one nearest his Person, and trusting to the goodness of his Horse, rid in among the thickest of the Enemy, and being wounded with a Lance through his Brest-plate, but not dangerously, nor in∣deed very much, he turned about to him that struck him, who was an Argive, not a man of any Illustrious Birth, but the Son of a poor old Woman: She was looking upon the Fight among other Women, from the top of an House, and perceiving her Son engaged with Pyrrhus, and affrighted at the* 1.77 danger he was in, took up a Tile with both Hands, and threw it at Pyrrhus, which falling on his Head, below his Helmet, and brui∣sing the Vertebres of the lower part of the Neck, his Eye-sight was taken away, his Hands let go the Reins, and sinking down from his Horse, fell just by the Tomb of Lycimnius; the common Soldiers knew not

who it was; but one Zopyrus, that served under Antigonus, and two or three others running thither, and knowing it was Pyr∣rhus, dragg'd him to a Threshold hard by, just as he was recovering a little from the blow; Zopyrus drawing out an Illyrian Sword, and ready to cut off his Head,* 1.78 Pyrrhus gave him so fierce a Look, that confounded with Terror, and sometimes his Hands trembling, and then again endea∣vouring to do it, full of Fear and Confusi∣on, he could not strike him right, but cut∣ting over his Mouth and Chin, it was a long time before he got off the Head: This was quickly known to a great many, and Alcyoneus hast'ning to the place, desired to look upon the Head, and see whether he knew it, and taking it in his hand, rid away to his Father, and threw it at his feet, while he was sitting with some of his particular Favourites: Antigonus looking* 1.79 upon it, and knowing it, thrust his Son from him, and struck him with his Cane, calling him wicked and barbarous, and covering his Eyes with his Robe, fell a weeping, when he reflected upon the in∣stances of the change of Fortune in his own Family, both in his Grandfather, and his Father, and caused the Head and Bo∣dy of Pyrrhus to be burned with all due Solemnity: after this, Alcyoneus discove∣ring

Helenus under a mean disguise, in a poor thred▪bare Coat, used him very re∣spectfully, and brought him to his Father: When Antigonus saw him, This, Son, (said he) was done much more Nobly than be∣fore, but yet there is a defect, that you have not taken off that old Coat, which is a Scandal to us who have got the Victory; and then treating Helenus with great kind∣ness, and as became a Prince, restored him to his Kingdom of Epirus, and gave the same obliging Reception to all Pyrrhus his principal Commanders, after he had reduced the whole Army under his Obedi∣ence.

THE LIFE OF CAIUS MARIUS.

Englished from the Greek, By Miles Stapleton, Fellow of All-Souls Colledge in Oxon.

VOLUME III.

1. WE are altogether ignorant of the* 1.80 third Name of Caius Marius; as likewise of that of Quintus Sertorius that possessed himself of Spain; or of Lucius Mummius that de∣stroyed Corinth: though this last was Sur∣named Achaius, from his Conquests; as Scipio was called Africanus, and Metellus, Macedonicus, whence Posidonius draws his chiefest Argument to confute those that

[illustration]

CAIUS MARIUS.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

hold the second to be the Roman proper Name, as Camillus, Marcellus, Cato; for so they had but two Names would have none proper; and he did not foresee, that by the very same reason he must rob the Women absolutely of their Names; for none of them have the first, which Posido∣nius imagines the proper Name with the Romans. Now of the other Names, one was common to the whole Family, as the Pompii, Manlii, Cornelii (and with us Grecians, the Heraclidae, and Pelopidae) the other Titular, adopted to them either from their Natures, or Actions or Affecti∣ons, and Shapes of their Body; as Macri∣nus, Torquatus, Sylla; such also is Mnemon, Grypus, or Calimicus among the Grecians. But of the variety of Names, the irregu∣larity of Custom, would we insist upon it, might furnish us with Discourse enough.

2. We have seen Marius's Effigies in* 1.81 Stone at Ravenna in * 1.82 Gallia, very agreea∣ble to that roughness and Sowreness of his behaviour remarked by all Authors; for being naturally valiant and warlike, more acquainted also with the Discipline of the Camp than of the City, he could not mo∣derate his Passion, when in Authority. He is said, neither to have much studied Greek, nor ever to have made use of that Langu∣age in any matter of consequence; as

thinking it ridiculous to bestow time in that Learning, the Teachers whereof were little better than their Slaves. So after his second Triumph, when at the Dedica∣tion of a Temple, he presented some Shews after the Greek Fashion, coming into the Theatre, he only sate down, and immedi∣ately departed. Wherefore, as Plato often used to say to Xenocrates the Philosopher, who was seemingly of a more than ordi∣nary rigid disposition: Prethee, good Xe∣nocrates, sacrifice to the Graces; so if any could have perswaded Marius to pay his Devotions to the Greek Muses and Graces, he had never brought those his incompa∣rable Designs both in War and Peace, to so unhappy a Conclusion, or plunged himself into a turbulent and unpleasant old Age through his Passion, ill tim'd Ambition, and insatiable Avarice; but this will far∣ther appear by and by, from his Actions.

3. He was born of Parents altogether* 1.83 obscure, indigent, and that supported them∣selves by their daily labour; his Father of the same name with himself, his Mother called Fulcinia. He had passed a conside∣rable part of his Age before he saw and ta∣sted the pleasures of the City; at first he lived in Cirraeaton, a Village in the Terri∣tory of Arpinum, a life compared with the City delicacies, harsh and rustical; yet

temperate, and much resembling the anci∣ent Roman severity. He first listed himself in the War against the Celtiberes; when Scipio Africanus besieged Numantia, where he soon signalized himself to his General, by his Courage, very far above his Com∣rades; and particularly, by his so chear∣fully complying with Scipio's Reformation of his Army, before almost ruined by Plea∣sures and Luxury. 'Tis reported too, that he challenged, or at least encountred and vanquished an Enemy in his General's sight, wherefore he had several Honours confer∣red upon him; and among the rest, when at an Entertainment, a Discourse arising a∣bout Commanders, one of the Company (whether really desirous to know, or only in Complaisance) asked Scipio, where the Romans, after him, should obtain such ano∣ther General? Scipio gently clapping Ma∣rius o'th' back, who sate next him, replied; Here, perhaps. So promising was his Na∣ture, that in his very Youth, there ap∣peared Omens of his future Greatness, and from his low beginnings the height of his advancement might be collected.

4. Marius fired with▪ this Speech of Sci∣pio, as with a Divine Oracle, took the courage to apply himself to the manage∣ment of Publick Affairs, and by the assi∣stance of Caecilius M••tellus (on whose Fa∣mily,

he as well as his Father, had conti∣nual dependence) obtained the Office of Tribune of the People. In which place,* 1.84 when he would have made a Law concern∣ing Voting, which seem'd to lessen the Au∣thority of the great Men in matters of Ju∣dicature) the Consul Cotta opposed him, perswaded the Senate to declare against the Law, and call Marius to an account for it: But he, while this Decree was preparing, coming into the Senate, did not behave himself like a young man newly and un∣deservedly advanced to Authority: But taking as much courage as his future Acti∣ons would have inspired into him, threat∣ned Cotta, unless he recalled the Decree, to clap him in Prison; and turning to Metel∣lus, asked his Vote; Metellus rising up, concurred with the Consul, whereupon Marius calling for an Officer, commanded to take Metellus too into Custody; who though he appealed to the other Tribunes, yet not one of them assisted him; so that the Senate immediately complying, repeal∣ed the Decree.

5. Marius, now famous among the Peo∣ple for this Exploit, confirmed his Law, and was henceforth esteemed of an un∣daunted Courage and Assurance, as well as a vigorous Opposer of the Senate in fa∣vour of the Commons. But he immedi∣ately

lost this their Opinion of him by a contrary Action; for when a Law con∣cerning the distribution of Corn was propo∣sed, he very vigorously contradicted the Citizens, and carried it, making himself e∣qually honoured by both Parties in gratify∣ing neither, contrary to the Publick Inte∣rest. After his Tribuneship he was Can∣didate for the Office of chief Edile; for* 1.85 there are two Orders of them, one called Curulis, from the Stool on which he sate when he executed his Authority; the o∣ther inferiour, is called Aedilis plebis: as soon as they have chosen the former, they give their Voices again for the latter: Wherefore Marius, when he was apparent∣ly like to be put by the greater, immedi∣ately changed his Design, and stood for the less; but because he seemed too forward and opiniatre, he was disappointed of that al∣so. And though he were in one day twice frustrated of his desired Preferment (which never happ'ned to any before) yet he was not at all discouraged; but a little while after sought for the Praetorship, and was near suffering a Repuse, and then too, tho' he was returned last of all, was neverthe∣less accused of indirectly acquiring it.

6. Cassius Sabaco's Servant, who was ob∣served* 1.86 within the Rails among them that voted, chiefly occasioned the suspicion; for

this Sabaco was an intimate Friend of Ma∣rius, and being called to appear before the Judges, alledg'd; That being thirsty, by reason of the heat, he called for cold wa∣ter, and that his Servant brought him a Cup, and as soon as he drank, departed; however he was excluded the Senate by the succeeding Censors, and not undeservedly neither (as was thought) either for his false Evidence or Intemperance: Caius He∣rennius was also cited as Evidence; but pleaded that it was not customary for a Patron (for so the Romans call their Advo∣cates) to witness against his Clients, and that the Law excused them from that dis∣obligement: Now both his Parents and himself were always Clients to the Family of the Herennii, and when the Judges would have accepted of this Plea, Marius himself opposed it, and told Herennius, that when he was first created Magistrate, he ceased to be his Client, which was not al∣together true: For it is not every Office that frees Clients and their Posterity from the observance due to their Patrons, but only that to which the Law has assigned a Sella Curulis. Notwithstanding, though at the beginning of the Suit it went some∣what hard with Marius, and he found the Judges no way favourable to him; yet at last their Voices being equal, he was be∣yond expectation acquitted.

7. In his Praetorship he got not much Honour, yet afterwards obtained the far∣ther Spain; which Province he is said to have cleared of Thieves, when as yet it was not throughly setled in Peace, and much wasted by the late Wars; and the Spaniards in those days thought Robbery a piece of Valour. Returning to the Affairs of the City, he trusted neither to Riches nor to Elequence, with which the leading Men chiefly took the People; but the Citi∣zens having his fierce disposition, indefati∣gable pains and popular way of living in high esteem, he acquired by these Offices great Wealth and Power; so that he made a very honourable Match with Julia of the* 1.87 Renowned Family of the Caesars, to whom that Caesar was Nephew, who was after∣wards so great among the Romans, and who by the relation he had to Marius, was popular with that Party; as in his Life we have observed. They attribute to Marius both Temperance and Patience, of which latter he gave a pregnant instance in an operation of Surgery; for having (as it seems) both his Legs full of great Tumours called Varices, and being troubled at their deformity, he determined to put himself into the hands of an Operator: where without being tied, he stretched out one of his Legs, and silently, without chang∣ing

Countenance, endured most excessive torments in the cutting, never either flinch∣ing or complaining; but when the Surge∣on went to the other, he suffered him not; saying, I see the Cure is not worth the Pain.

8. The Consul Caecilius Metellus being* 1.88 declared General in the War against Jugur∣tha in Africk, took with him Marius for Lieutenant; where he putting himself up∣on the performance of dangerous Actions and honourable Adventures, neglected Me∣tellus's Glory and the serving his Interest, as others before him had practised; for at∣tributing his Honour of Lieutenancy not to Metellus but Fortune, which had pre∣sented him with a proper opportunity and Theatre of great Actions, he exerted his utmost Courage. That War too affording several difficulties, he neither declined the greatest, nor disdained undertaking the least of them; but surpassing his Equals in Counsel and Conduct, and matching the very common Soldiers in Labour and Abstemiousness, he strangely won their Af∣fections; for the voluntary partaking with them in their Labour seems to be an easing of them; inasmuch as they apprehend it to take away the constraint and necessity of working. It is the most obliging sight in the World to the Romans to see a Comman∣der

eat the same Meat with his Soldiers, or lie upon an ordinary Bed, or assist the Work in the drawing a Trench and raising a Bulwark; for they do not so much ad∣mire those that conferr Honours and Riches upon them, as those that partake of the same labour and danger with themselves; but love them better that will vouchsafe to forward their work, than those that encou∣rage their idleness.

9. Whilst Marius was thus employed, and thereby won mightily upon the Soldi∣ers, he immediately filled both Africk and Rome with his Fame, and some too wrote home from the Army, that the War with Africa would never be brought to a Con∣clusion, unless they chose C. Marius Con∣sul, whereas Metellus was apparently in∣censed; but was more especially grieved at the Calamity of Turpilius. This Turpilius* 1.89 had from his Ancestors been a Friend of, and kept constant Hospitality with Metel∣lus; and now being made by him Over∣seer of the Workmen, was concerned in this War, where commanding a Garrison in Vacca a considerable City, and trusting too much to the Inhabitants, because he treated them civilly and kindly, he una∣wares fell into the Enemies hands, for they received Jugurtha into the City, yet never∣theless at their request Turpilius was dismis∣sed

safe, and without receiving any Inju∣ry; whereupon he was accused of betray∣ing* 1.90 it to the Enemy. Marius, being one of the Council of War, was not only vio∣lent against him himself, but also incensed most of the others, so that Metellus was forced (much against his Will) to put him to death. Not long after, the Accu∣sation proved false, and when others were comforting Metellus, who took heavily the loss of his Friend. Marius rather insulting and arrogating it to himself, boasted in all Companies that he had lodged a Fury in Metellus's Soul, by forcing him to put to death his dearest Friend.

10. Henceforward they were at open variance; and 'tis reported, that Metellus should say, drolling upon Marius then pre∣sent. Oh Sir, you design to leave us to go home and stand for the Consulship, would not you be well enough contented to be Consul with this Boy of mine? Now Metellus's Son was very young; yet for all this Marius being* 1.91 very importunate to be gone, after several delays, he was dismissed about twelve days before the Election of Consuls; and per∣formed that long Journey from the Camp to Ʋtica (a Sea Town) in two days and a night, and there doing sacrifice before he went on Ship-board, it is said, the Augur told him, that Heaven promised him some

incredible good Fortune, and such as was beyond all expectation. Marius not a little proud of this Omen, began his Voyage, and in four days with a favourable wind, passed the Sea; he was extreamly welcome to the People▪ and being brought into the Assembly by one of the Tribunes, he sued for the Consulship, mightily inveighing against Metellus, and promising either to slay Jugurtha, or take him alive.

11. He was elected with great Applause;* 1.92 but presently levied Soldiers contrary both to Law and Custom, listing several Slaves and poor People; whereas former Com∣manders never accepted of such; but be∣stowed Arms, like other Favours, with Honour on deserving Persons; every one esteeming his Wealth as a pledge for his good performance. These were not the only prejudices against Marius; but some haughty * 1.93 Speeches, utter'd with great arrogance and contempt, grieved the No∣bility extreamly; as that he should say, he took the Consulship as a prey from the effeminacy of the wealthy and nobler Citi∣zens▪ and tell the People that he gloried in the wounds he received for them, more than others in the Monuments of the Dead and Images of their Ancestors, often speak∣ing of those Commanders, Bestia and Albi∣nus, that were unfortunate in Africk, said,

that they were indeed men of very good Families, but unfit for War, and such as miscarried through want of experience; and asked them that were about him, if they did not think that their Ancestors had not much rather have left a Posterity like him, since they themselves grew fa∣mous not by Nobility, but by their Va∣lour and great Actions? This he did not say merely out of Vanity and arrogance, or that he were willing without any ad∣vantage to reproach the Nobility; but the People always delighting in Affronts and scurrilous Contumelies against the Senate (whereby they measure greatness of Spi∣rit) continually encouraged him in it, and instigated him not to spare the most wor∣thy Persons, so that he might thereby gra∣tifie the Multitude.

12. As soon as he arrived again in A∣frick,* 1.94 Metellus now not able to bear up under the violence of the others Envy, and Vehemence of his own Passion; That ha∣ving finished the War, and nothing left but to secure the Person of Jugurtha, Marius now grown great merely through his In∣gratitude to him, should bereave him both of his Victory and Triumph, he could not stand the Interview; but of himself retired, whilst Rutilius his Lievtenant surrendred up the Army to Marius, which the just wrath

of the Gods returned upon his Head in the end of the War; for Sylla deprived him of the glory of the Action, as he had done Metellus; the manner of it I shall lay down in a word or two, having more par∣ticularly insisted upon it in Sylla's Life. Bocchus was King of Mauritania, and Fa∣ther-in-law to Jugurtha, yet sent him little or no assistance in his War, pretending his unfaithfulness, though really jealous of his growing Power; but after Jugurtha fled, and in his distress came to him as his last Sanctuary, he received him indeed as a Suppliant, rather because ashamed to do otherwise, than out of real kindness; and when he had him in his power, he openly intreated Marius on his behalf, and vigo∣rously interceded for him, giving out that he would by no means deliver him, yet pri∣vately designing to betray him, he sent for L. Sylla, Quaestor to Marius, and who had sometimes befriended Boccchus in the Army.* 1.95 When Sylla relying on his word came to him, the African began to repent of his purpose, and often changed his mind, being for several days unresolved with him∣self whether he should deliver Jugurtha, or retain Sylla; at length he fixed upon his former Treachery, and put Jugurtha alive into Sylla's possession.

13. This gave the first rise to that sad and deplorable Civil War, which almost ruined the whole Roman Empire; for many that envied Marius, attributed the Success wholly to Sylla; and Sylla himself made him a Seal, wherein was engraven Bocchus* 1.96 betraying Jugurtha to him, and this he constantly used; whereby he highly pro∣voked Marius, a man extreamly ambitious and jealous of a Rival in his Glory, his Enemies especially promoting the Dissenti∣on, and ascribing the beginning and chief business of the War to Metellus, and the conclusion to Sylla; that so the People might give over admiring and esteem∣ing Marius as the worthiest Person. But these Envyings and Calumnies were soon dispersed and wiped off from Marius, by the eminent danger that threatned Italy from the * 1.97 West; for the City had great need of a good Commander, and fought about whom she might set at the Helm, to repel the Inundation of so great a War; and when not of the Noble or Potent Families appeared Candidate for the Consulship, they created Marius, though then ab∣sent.

14. Now Jugurtha's Defeat was just noi∣sed about, when the News of the Invasion* 1.98 of the Teutones and Cimbri began: at first it exceeded all credit, as to the number and

strength of the approaching Army; but at length that report proved much inferior to the Truth, for they were 300000 effective fighting men; besides a far greater number of Women and Children. Their pretence was the seeking New Countries to sustain their so great Multitudes, and Cities where they might settle and inhabit; as they had heard the Celtae before them had expulsed the Tyrrheni, and possessed themselves of the best part of Italy. Now these having had no Commerce with the Southern Na∣tions, and coming from Countries far re∣mote; no man knew what People they were, or whence they came, that thus like a Cloud hovered over Gallia and Italy: yet by their grey Eyes and the largeness of their Stature, they conjectured them to be some of those Germans that dwell by the Northern Sea: besides that the Germans call their * 1.99 Soldiers Cimbri.

15. There are some that say, that the Country of Celtae, through the largeness and extent of the Place, reacheth from the farthest Sea and Northern Climes to the Lake Maeotis Eastward, and to that part of Scythia which is near Pontus; and that there the two Nations mingled together: that they did not swarm out of their Coun∣try all at once, or on a sudden, but at a certain Season every year; still going for∣ward

at several times, gave disturbance with their Wars to the whole Continent; whereby, though each Party had several appellations, yet the whole Army was called by the common name of Celtick-Scythians. Others say that they were a small parcel of the Cimmerii, anciently well known to the Grecians; who upon some Sedition raised among the Scythians, passed all along from the Lake Maeotis to Asia, under the Conduct of one Lygdamis; but the greater and more warlike part of them still inhabit the remotest Regions lying upon the farther Ocean. These they say, live in a dark Woody Country, hardly pe∣netrable by the Sun-beams, by reason of their many high and spreading Trees; which also reach inward as far as the Her∣cinian Forest; that they are under that part of Heaven, where the Pole is so elevated, that by the Declination of the Parallels, the Zenith of the Inhabitants seems to be but little distant from it; and that their Days and Nights being almost of an equal length, they divide their Year into one of each. This dismal Country gave Homer* 1.100 occasion for the Fiction, that when Ulysses would call up the dead, he retired into the Country of the Cimmerians; as conceiving it either Hell it self, or a place nearest to it; and that from hence those People, who

were anciently called Cimmerii, and then (though not from their manner of Life) Cimbri, came into Italy; but this is ra∣ther Conjecture then an Authentick Histo∣ry.

16. However, most Writers agree, that the number of this Rascality was not less, but rather greater than was reported. They were of an invincible strength and fierceness in their Wars▪ and came on with the same irresistable violence as a deavour∣ing flame; nor could any withstand their fury in their march, but all, as many as they assaulted, were troden down and hur∣ried along as their Prey. Several of the greatest Roman Commanders with their whole Armies, that were set for the De∣fence of Gallia Transalpina, were inglori∣ously overthrown; who indeed by their faint resistance chiefly gave them the bold∣ness of marching towards Rome: for ha∣ving vanquished all they set upon, and being well laden with Plunder, they resol∣ved to settle themselves no where till they should have raised the City, and wasted all Italy. The Romans being from all Parts alarmed with this News, sent for Marius* 1.101 to manage the War, and nominated him the second time Consul; though the Law did not permit any one that was absent, or that had not stayed a certain time from

his first Consulship to be again created: yet the People rejected all Opposers; for they considered this was not the first time, that the Law gave place to the Common Interest, nor the present occasion less ur∣gent than that, when contrary to Law, they made Scipio Consul; then not fearing the destruction of their own City, but desi∣ring the ruine of that of the Carthaginians.

17. This prevailed, and Marius bring∣ing over his Legions out of Africk on the* 1.102 very first day of January (which the Ro∣mans reckon the beginning of their Year) he received the Consulship, and then also entred into Triumph, shewing Jugurtha a Prisoner to the People, a Sight beyond their expectation; for none could hope to subdue that Province while he lived; so cautelous was the man in complying with all the turns of Fortune, and to his Va∣lour had the addition of a great share of Craft. 'Tis said, that when he was led in Triumph, he fell distracted, and was after∣wards thrown into Prison, where some forcibly tore off his Cloaths; and others whilst they strove for his Golden Pendant, with it pulled off the tip of his Ear; and when he was cast naked into the Dungeon, full of horrour, yet forcing a smile, he cryed out, O Heavens! How intolerably cold is this Bath of yours? where for six

days struggling with extream hunger, and to the very last minute seeming desirous of Life, he was over taken by the just reward of his Villainies. In this Triumph was brought (as was reported) of Gold 3007 pound weight, of Silver Bullion 5775, of Money in Gold and Silver Coin 17028 Drachms. After the Solemnity, Marius called toge∣ther the Senate in the Capitol, and entred the Court insolently, whether through in∣advertency, or too much puffed up with his good Fortune, in his Triumphal Habit; yet presently observing the Senate offended at it, he went out, and putting on his ordinary Purple Robe, immediately re∣turned.

18. In his Expeditions he appeared in* 1.103 the Head of his Army, and trained them in their exercises while they marched; using them to labour and weariness, to long and tedious Journies, and compelled each Soldier to carry his own Baggage, and provide his own Victuals; insomuch that thence forward such as were very la∣borious, silently without grumbling doing their work, were called Marius's Mules. But some think there was another occasi∣on of this Proverb; that when Scipio be∣sieged Numantia, he being careful to in∣spect not only their Horses and Arms, but their Mules and Carriages too, and see

how well equipped and in what readiness each one's was, Marius brought forth his Horse, which had fed extreamly well, and a Mule in better case, stronger and gentler than those of others; whereupon the Ge∣neral was very well pleased with, and often mentioned, Marius's Beasts; insomuch that when they would droll in the praise of a continual drudging, laborious Fellow, they called him Marius's Mule.

19. But to proceed; Very great good* 1.104 Fortune seemed to attend Marius; for the Enemy in a manner changing their course, and falling first upon Spain, he had time to exercise his Soldiers, and confirm their Courage; and which was most considera∣ble, to shew them what he himself was. For that fierce humour of his in Authority and inexorableness in punishing, proved both just and advantageous to those that did not use to do amiss, and were not stub∣born in their faults; and his turbulent Spirit, stern Voice, and sowre Aspect, which were in a little while grown familiar to them, they esteemed terrible not to themselves, but only to their Enemies. But his Uprightness in judging did more* 1.105 especially please the Soldiers, whereof this is a remarkable instance. One C. Lucius his own Nephew, had a command under him in the Army, who was a man in other

respects not notoriously debauched, but much given to the unlawful Love of young men; he particularly loved one that was under his Command called Trebonius, with* 1.106 whom notwithstanding his many solicitati∣ons, he could never prevail; at length one Night he sent a Messenger for him, and Trebonius came (for it was not lawful for him to refuse when he was sent for) and being brought into his Tent, as Lucius en∣deavoured to force him, he drew his Sword and ran him thorough. This was done whilst Marius was absent; who, when he returned, appointed Trebonius a time for his Tryal; where whilst many accused him, and not any one appeared in his De∣fence, he himself with an undaunted assu∣rancer elated the whole matter, and brought witness that he had often resisted Luci∣us's importunity; and that though he had given him considerable Presents, he had never consented to him. Marius admiring, and very much pleased at it, commanded a Garland (the usual reward of Valour) to be brought, wherewith he himself Crowned Trebonius; as having performed an excel∣lent Action, at a time that very much wanted such good Examples.

20. This being told at Rome, proved no* 1.107 small help to Marius towards his Third Consulship; to which also conduced the

expectation of the Barbarians at that time of the year, the People being unwilling to trust their Fortunes with any other General but him; however their arrival was not so sudden as was imagined, but the time of Marius's third Consulship was again expir∣ed. The Election coming on, and his Col∣legue being dead, he left the Command of the Army to Manius Aquilius, and hastned to Rome, where several eminent Persons being Candidates for the Consulship, Luci∣us Saturninus (who more than any of the other Tribunes, swayed the Populace, and of whom Marius himself was very obser∣vant) made an Harangue to the People, advising them to chuse Marius Consul; but he seeming to decline the Office, as one pretending never to be ambitious of it, Sa∣turninus called him Traytor to his Coun∣try, that in such apparent danger would desert the War. And though it was not difficult to discover that he was assistant to Marius in putting this Sham upon the Peo∣ple; yet they considering, that the present Juncture very much required his rough Dis∣cipline, and his good Fortune too, voted him the fourth time Consul, and made Ca∣tulus* 1.108 Lutatius his Collegue, a man very much esteemed by the Nobility, and not unagreeable to the Commons.

21. Marius having notice of the Ene∣my's approach, with all expedition passed the Alps, and pitching his Camp by the River Rhone, he took care first for plentiful Supplies of Victuals; lest at any time he should be forced to fight at a disadvantage for want of Necessaries. The Carriage of Provision for the Army from the Sea, which was formerly long and chargeable, he made speedy and easie; for the mouth of the Rhone, by the Reflux of the Sea, being barred and almost filled up with Sand and Dirt, the Passage there became narrow, difficult, and dangerous for those Ships that brought their Provisions. Hither there∣fore bringing his Army then at leisure, he* 1.109 drew a great Trench, and thereby turning the course of a great Trench, and thereby turning the course of a great part of the River, brought it to a convenient Haven, deep and fit to receive Ships of considerable Bur∣then, as also having a calm and easie open∣ing to the Sea; and this still returns the name it took from him.

22. The Enemy dividing themselves in∣to two parts, the Cimbri chose to go against Catulus higher up through the Country of the Norici, and to force that Passage. The Teutones and Ambrones to march against Marius by the Sea-side through Liguria, whereupon the Cimbri were longer before they arrived in Italy. The Teutones and

Ambrones with all expedition passing over the interjacent Country, appeared to be an incredible number, and of a terrible Aspect, much different from all others in their or∣dinary Speech, and Shoutings, they taking up a great part of the Plain with their Camp, challenged Marius to Battel; he seemed to take no notice of them, but kept his Soldiers within their Fortifications, and sharply reprehended those that were of too forward and eager a Courage, and who would needs be fighting, calling them Traytors to their Country; and telling them they were not now in pursuit of the Glory of Triumphs and Trophies, but how they might repel such an impetuous Tem∣pest of War, and save Italy.

23. Thus he discoursed privately with* 1.110 his Officers and Equals, but placed the Sol∣diers by turns upon the Bulwarks to sur∣vey the Enemy, and so made them ac∣quainted with their shape and voice (which were indeed altogether extravagant and barbarous) and he caused them to observe their Arms, and way of using them, so that in a little time what at first appeared terrible to their appprehensions, by often viewing became familiar; for he very ra∣tionally supposed, that the strangeness of Foreign things conduces very much to the ren∣dring them formidable; and that by our bet∣ter

acquaintance with them, even those things, which are naturally terrible, lose very much of their frightfulnss. Now this daily converse did not only diminish some of the Soldiers fear, but their Indignation warmed and inflamed their Courage, when they heard the threats and insupportable in∣solence of their Enemies; who not only plundered and depopulated all the Country round, but also with great Contempt and Resolution threatned to storm their Tren∣ches.

24. Hereupon such like Complaints of the Soldiers as these came to Marius's ears.* 1.111 What Effeminacy does Marius see in us, that he should thus like Women lock us up from en∣countering our Enemies? Come on, let us shew our selves men, and ask him if he expect any others that must fight for our Liberty: Shall he always employ us in servile Offices, when he would draw Trenches, cleanse places of mud and dirt, and turn the course of Rivers? In such Works as these, it seems, he will exer∣cise us; then return home, and brag of these great performances of his Consulships to the People. Or does the defeat of Carbo and Caepio, who were vanquished by the Enemy, affright him? Surely they were much inferi∣our to Marius both in Glory and Valour, and commanded a much weaker Army; at the worst it is better to be in Action, though we

suffer for it like them, than to sit idle Specta∣tors of the destruction of our Allies and Com∣panions. Marius not a little pleased to hear this, gently appeased them, pretending that he did not distrust their Valour, but that he took his measures as to the time and place of Victory from some certain O∣racles.

25. He used solemnly to carry about in* 1.112 a Litter, a Syrian Woman, called Martha, a supposed Prophetess, and to Sacrifice by her directions. She had formerly been driven away from the Senate; to whom she addressed her self, offering to inform them about these Affairs, and to foretel future Events, whereupon she betook her self to the Ladies, and gave some experi∣ments of her skill, especially to Marius's Wife; who sitting to see the Gladiators combat, she foretold which of them should overcome; and was for this and the like Predictings sent by her to Marius, and the Army, where she was very much admired, and for the most part carried about in a Litter; when she went to Sacrifice she wore a Purple Robe lined and buttoned up, and had in her Hand a little Spear trim∣med with Rubans and Garlands. This Farce made many question, whether Ma∣rius did really give any credit to her him∣self, or only play'd the Counterfeit when he

shewed her publickly to impose upon the Soldiers.

26. But what Alexander Mindius re∣lates* 1.113 about the Vultures, does really de∣serve admiration; that always before his Victories there appeared two of them, and accompanied the Army; which were known by their brazen Collars (for the Soldiers, when they took them, put these about their Necks, and so let them go, whereup∣on they in a manner knew and saluted the Soldiers) and whensoever these appeared in their Marches, they very much rejoiced as at an Omen of good Success in that Expedition. But of the many Prodigies,* 1.114 that then were taken notice of, the rest were but of the ordinary stamp; as, that it was reported at Ameria and Tudertum (two Cities in Italy) there were seen at Nights in the Sky, flaming Darts and Shields, now waved about, and then again clashing against one another, resembling those postures and motions Soldiers use in their fighting; that at length one Party retreating, and the other pursuing, they all disappearing Westward. Much about the same time came Batabaces one of Cy∣bele's* 1.115 Priests from Pessinunce, and reported how the Goddess had declared to him by her Oracle, That the Romans should obtain the Victory, and no small Glory in this

War. The Senate giving credit to him, and voting the Goddess a Temple to be built in hopes of a Victory; Aulus Pompei∣us a Tribune prevented Batabaces, when he would have gone and told the People this same Story, calling him Impostor, and ignominiously pulling him out of the Rostra; which Action chiefly got repute to the Fellow's report; for Aulus had scarce dissolved the Assembly, and return∣ed home, when so violent a Fever seized him, that it was notoriously known and in every bodies Mouth, that he died within a week after.

27. Now the Teutones, whilst Marius lay quiet, ventured to attack his Camp; from whence, being encountered with showers of Darts, and losing several of their men, they determined to march for∣ward, hoping to recover the other side of the Alps without opposition, and packing up their baggage, they passed securely by the Roman Camp, where the greatness of their number chiefly appeared by the long time they took in their March; for they were said to be six days continually going on in passing Marius's Fortifications; they marched pretty near, and revilingly asked the Romans, if they would send any recom∣mendations by them to their Wives? for they would shortly be with them. As soon

as the Enemy was gone by, and continued their motion, Marius began to move, and follow them at his leisure; always encam∣ping at some small distance from them; chusing also convenient places for his Camp, and strongly fortifying it, that he might quarter with the greater safety. Thus they marched till they came to Aquae-Sextiliae, whence the Alps were but little distant, where Marius put himself in readiness for the En∣counter.

28. He chose a place for his Camp of considerable strength, but where was scar∣city of Water; designing (as was reported) by this means to put an edge on his Sol∣diers Courage, whereat when several were not a little grieved, and complained of thirst; he pointing to a River that ran near the Enemy's Camp: There, says he, you may have drink, but at the expence of your Bloud. Why then, replyed they, do you not lead us to them, that we may have something that is liquid though it be Bloud? But, says he, in a softer tone; Let's first fortifie our Camp; whereupon the Soldiers for all their repining durst not but obey. Now as a great* 1.116 company of their Boys and Pedees having neither drink for themselves nor Horses, went down to that River, some taking Axes, others Halberts, and some two Swords and Darts with their Pitchers, re∣solving

to have water though they fought for it. These were first encountred by a small party of the Enemies; for most of them were after bathing at dinner, and several were then too bathing themselves (for the Country thereabouts abounds very much with hot Springs) so that the Ro∣mans fell upon them whilst they were en∣joying themselves, and very much tran∣sported with the wonderful pleasantness of the place. Upon hearing their shouts (more still coming in) it was not a little difficult for Marius to contain his Soldiers, so much concerned for their Servants, and the more warlike part of the Enemies, who had overthrown Mallius and Coepio (they were called Ambrones, and were in num∣ber one with another above 30000) taking the Alarm, stood to their Arms.

29. These, though they had sufficiently filled their bellies, yet retained their minds undisturbed; and though they indulged themselves even to Intemperance, yet did they not rush on like mad-men disorderly or sending forth confused noises; but all of them dancing and clashing their Arms, in a kind of Consort, often repeated their name Ambrones; either the better to en∣courage one another, or to strike the grea∣ter terrour into their Enemies. Of all the Italians in Marius's Army, the Ligurians

were the first that charg'd; and when they understood that the Enemy's confused Shout, was calling themselves Ambrones, they also echoed the same word, which was an Ancient Name of their Country. This Acclamation, bandied from one Army to the other before they joined, the more incensed the Germans; so that their Offi∣cers on either side encouraging them, they strove with all possible vehemence the one to overshout the other, taking it mutually for an Omen of Victory, and a great In∣centive of their Courage.

30. The River divided the Ambrones;* 1.117 and before they could draw up all their Army on the other side of it, the Liguri∣ans presently fell upon the Van, and began to charge them Hand to Hand. The Ro∣mans too coming to their assistance, and from the higher Ground pouring upon the Enemy, forceably repelled them, the most of them (one thrusting another into the River) were there slain, and filled it with their Bloud and dead Bodies. Those that got safe over not daring to make head, the Romans slew as they fled to their Camp and Carriages; where the Women meeting them with Swords and Halberts, and ma∣king an hideous out-cry, set upon those that fled as well as those that pursued; the one as Traitors, the other as Enemies; and

mixing themselves with the Soldiers, with their bare Arms pulling away the Romans Shields, and laying hold on their Swords, endured the wounds and slashing of their Bodies to the very last with undaunted Resolution. Thus the Battel seems to have hapned at that River rather by accident than by the design of the General.

31. After the Romans were retreated from the great slaughter of the Ambrones, Night came on; but the Army was not caressed as it used to be, with Songs of Victory, drinking in their Tents, and kind mutual Entertainments, and (what is most welcome to Soldiers after an happy Conquest) quiet sleep: But they passed that Night chiefly in Fears and Tumults; for their Camp was without Fortifications and Trenches, and there remained several Thou∣sands of their Enemies as yet unconquered; to whom were joined as many of the Am∣brones as escaped. There were heard at Night sad Mournings, nothing like the sighs and Groans of Men; but a kind of salvage howling and roaring, joined with threats and Lamentations, proceeded from so great a multitude, which the neighbouring Hills and hollow Caves of the River echoed about and filled the whole Plain with an hideous Noise; inso∣much that the Romans were not a little a∣fraid;

and Marius himself was astonished with apprehension of a confused tumultu∣ous Night-Engagement. But they did not stir this Night or the next Day, but were employed in consultation how to dispose and draw themselves up to the greater ad∣vantage.

32. Of this occasion Marius made good use: for there were beyond the Enemies some woody Cliffs and Vallies well shaded with Trees, whether he sent Claudius Mar∣cellus very secretly with 3000 Soldiers, giving him orders to post them in ambush there, and shew themselves at the Rear of the Enemies, when the Fight was begun▪ the others whom he had refreshed with Victuals and Sleep, as soon as it was day he drew up before the Camp, and com∣manded the Horse to march into the Plain, which the Teutones perceiving, could not contain themselves till the Romans should come down and fight them on equal terms; but hastily arming themselves, they incon∣siderately ran towards a Hill hard by, where the Romans were drawn up. Mari∣us sending Officers to all Parts, command∣ed his men to stand still and keep their Ground: when they came within reach, to throw their Piles, then use their Swords, and joining their Shields, repel the Ene∣my; for he shewed that the steepness of

the Ground rendred the Enemies Charge infirm, and abated the force of their blows; nor could their Shields be joined close together, the inequality of the Ground hindering the stability of their Bo∣dies.

33. This Counsel he gave them, and* 1.118 was observed to be the first that followed it; for he was inferiour to none in the ex∣ercise of his Body, and far excelled them all in resolution. Wherefore the Romans vigorously opposed, and by that means for∣ced them to retreat from the Hill; the Ambrones, as soon as they had put their Van in a posture of resistance, found those in the Rear very much disordered: for Marcellus had not let slip the opportunity, but as soon as the Shout was raised among the Romans on the Hills, he encouraging his men, fell in upon the Enemy behind, and running and shouting routed those nea∣rest him; and they breaking the Ranks of those that were before them, the whole Ar∣my was immediately filled with confusion; they made no long resistance after they were thus broke in upon, but having lost all Order, fled.

34. The Romans pursuing them, slew and took Prisoners above 100000, and pos∣sessing themselves of their Spoil, Tent▪ and Carriages, voted as many of them as

were not purloin'd, to Marius's share, which, though so Magnificent a Present, yet was generally thought less than his Conduct deserved in so great a danger. O∣ther Authors do not agree about the divisi∣on of the Plunder and number of the slain. They say, the Inhabitants of Massilia hed∣ged in their Vineyards with the bones, and that the Ground enriched by the moisture of the putrefied Bodies (which was soaked in with the rain of the following Winter) yielded at the season a prodigious Crop, which seems to confirm Archilochus's Rela∣tion who said, that the Fallows were fatted by them. Now it is an observation not improbable, that extraordinary Rains usu∣ally fall after great Battels; whether it be, that some Deity washeth and cleanseth the polluted Earth with showers from above, or that bloud and corruption steaming forth a moist and gross Vapour, thicken the Air, which by reason of its tenuity is sub∣ject to alterations arising generally from the smallest causes.

35. After the Battel, Marius chose out from amongst the Barbarians Spoils and Arms, those that were whole and hand∣some, and that would make the greatest shew in his Triumph; the rest he heaped upon a large Pile, and offered a very splen∣did Sacrifice. Whilst the Army stood

round about with their Arms and Garlands, himself attired (as the fashion is on such occasions) in a Purple Robe, taking a lighted Torch, and with both Hands lifting it up towards Heaven, was then going to put it to the Pile, when some of his Friends were espied with all haste coming towards him on Horse-back; whereupon every one remained in great silence and expectation; when they came near, they alighting, sa∣luted Marius, and bringing him the News of his fifth Consulship, delivered him Let∣ters* 1.119 to the same purpose. This gave the addition of no small joy to the Solemnity. which the Army expressed in a Warlike kind of rejoycing and acclamations, and the Officers again crowning Marius with a Lawrel-wreath, he set fire to the Pile and finished his Sacrifice.

36. But whatever it be, which permits us not the enjoyment of Prosperity pure and sincere, but still interchanges humane Affairs with the mixture of good and bad, whether Fortune or Providence, or the ne∣cessity of the Nature of Things, within a few days Marius received an account of his Collegue Catulus, which as another Cloud in this Serenity and Calm terrified Rome with the apprehension of an imminent Storm. Catulus, who marched against the Cimbri, despairing of being able to defend

the tops of the Alps; lest, being compel∣led to divide his Forces into several Parties, he should very much weaken himself, with all expedition returned to Italy, and posted his Army by the River Athesis; where blocking up the Passages on both sides the River with strong Fortifications, he made a Bridge, that so he might go to their assi∣stance that were on the other side, if so be the Enemy having forced the narrow Passages, should storm the Fortresses. The Barbarians came on with such Insolence and Contempt of their Enemies, that to shew their Strength and Courage, rather than out of any necessity, they went naked in the showers of Snow, and through the Ice and deep Snow climbed up to the tops of the Hills, and from thence, placing their broad Shields under their bodies, let them∣selves slide from the Precipices along their vast slippery Descents.

37. When they had pitched their Camp at a little distance from the River, and sur∣veyed the Passage, they began to cast up their Banks, Giant-like, tearing up the neighbouring Hills; and brought Trees pulled up by the roots, and heaps of Earth to the River, therewith damming up its course, and with great heavy Materials rowl∣led down the Stream and dashed against the Bridge, they forced away the Planks

which supported it; whereat the greatest part of the Roman Soldiers very much af∣frighted, left their Camp and fled. Here did Catulus shew himself a generous indul∣gent General, in preferring the Glory of his People before his own: for when he could not prevail with his Soldiers to stand to their Colours, but saw how cowardly they all deserted them; he commanded his own Standard to be taken up, and running to the foremost of those that fled, he led them forward, chusing rather that the dis∣grace should fall upon himself than his Country; and that they should not seem to fly, but, following their Captain, to make a retreat. The Barbarians assaulted and took the Fortress on the other side A∣thesis; where admiring at the few Romans there left; who had shewn themselves of an extream great Courage, and had fought worthy their Country, they dismissed them with an easie Composition, swearing them upon their Brazen Bull; which was after∣wards taken in the Battel, and they say, car∣ried to Catulus's House, as the chief Trophy of the Victory.

38. Thus falling in upon the Country, destitute of defence, they wasted it ex∣treamly, whereupon Marius was presently sent for to the City; where when he arri∣ved, every one supposing he would Tri∣umph,

the Senate too unanimously voting it, he himself did not think it convenient; whether that he were not willing to de∣prive his Soldiers and Officers of their share of the Glory; or that to encourage the People in this juncture, he would make the honour of his Victory give place to the present Fortune of the City; deferring it now to receive it afterwards with the greater Splendour. Having left such Or∣ders as the occasion required, he hast'ned to Catulus, whose drooping Spirits he very much raised, and sent for his Army from Gallia: as soon as it came, he passing the River Po, endeavoured to drive the Barba∣rians out of that part of Italy which lies South of it.

39. But they pretending they were in expectation of the Teutones, and wonder∣ing they were so long in coming, deferred the Battel; either that they were really ignorant of their Defeat, or at least were willing to seem so (for they very much abused those that brought them such News) and sending to Marius, required some part of the Country for them and their Bre∣thren, and Cities fit for them to inhabit. When Marius enquired of the Ambassadors who their Brethren were, and they calling them Teutones, all that were present fell out a laughing; but Marius scoffingly an∣swered

them, Do not trouble your selves for your Brethren, for we have already provided Lands for them, which they shall possess for ever. The Ambassadors perceiving the jeer, railed at him, and threatned that the Cimbri would make him smart for it, and the Teutones too when they came. And they are not far off, replied Marius, it will be very unkindly done of you to go away before you have taken leave of your Brethren; say∣ing so, he commanded the Kings of the Teutones to be brought out, as they were, in chains; for they were taken by the Se∣quani before they could make their escape from the Alps. This was no sooner made known to the Cimbri, but they with all expedition came against Marius, who then lay still and guarded his Camp.

40. 'Tis said, that against this Battel Ma∣rius* 1.120 first made their Javelins after a new fa∣shion; for before at the place where the Wood was joyned to the Iron, it was made fast with two Iron-pins; now Marius let one of them alone as it was, and pulling out the other put a weak wooden peg in its place; contriving it so, that when it was stuck in the Enemy's Shield, it should not stand right out; but the wooden peg break∣ing, the Iron should bend, and so the Pile sticking fast by its crooked point, should weigh down the Shield. Now Baeorix, King* 1.121

of the Cimbri, came with a small Party of Horse to the Roman Camp, and challenged Marius to appoint the time and place, where they might meet and fight for the Coun∣try. Marius answered, That the Romans never consulted their Enemies when to fight, however he would gratifie the Cimbri so far; and so they pitched upon the third day af∣ter; for the place, the Plain near Vercellae; which was convenient enough for the Ro∣man Horse, and afforded room for the Ene∣my to display their Numbers.

41. They observed the time appointed, and drew out their Forces against each other. Catulus commanded 20300, and Marius 32000, who were placed in the two Wings, leaving to Catulus the Main Battle. Sylla, who was present at the Fight, gives this Re∣lation, saying withal, that Marius drew up his Army in this Order, out of malice to Catulus; for he hoped, with his Wings stretched out farther, to fall in upon the Body of the Enemies Army [it being custo∣mary in that manner of embattelling, that the Army should represent a Crescent; the two extream Points much advancing, and the main Battel remaining behind] and to rout them before Catulus and his Army should be able to charge them. They ob∣serve likewise, that Catulus himself alledg∣eth this in vindication of his Honour, ac∣cusing

this enviousness of Marius. The In∣fantry of the Cimbri marched quietly out of their Trenches, having their Flanks e∣qual to their Front; (every side of the Ar∣my took up thirty (furlongs) their Horse, that were in number 15000, made a very splendid appearance. They wore Helmets, whereon were the gapings of wild Beasts, and other strange shapes, which they height∣ning with Plumes of Feathers, appeared greater than they were; they had on Breast∣plates of Iron, and white glittering Shields; and for their offensive Arms, every one had two-edged Darts, and when they came hand to hand, they used great and heavy Swords.

42. They did not fall directly upon the Front of the Romans, but turning to the right, they endeavoured to enclose them by little and little, getting the Enemy between them and their Infantry, who were placed in the left Wing. The Roman Commanders soon perceived the Design, but could not contain the Soldiers: for one happ'ning to shout out, that the Enemy fled, they all hastned to pursue them; whereupon the Barbarian Foot came on moving like a great Ocean. Here Marius, having washed his hands, and lifting them up towards Hea∣ven, vowed an Hecatomb to the Gods; and Catulus too in the same posture solemn∣ly promised to consecrate a Temple to the

Fortune of that day: they say that Marius having the Victim shewed to him, as he was sacrificing, cried out with a loud voice, The Victory is mine.

43. However in the Engagement, they that write Sylla's Life, say, that Marius was very unfortunate; for a great dust being raised, which (as it might very probably happen) almost covered both the Armies; he, as soon as he had charged them, lead∣ing his Forces to the pursuit, missed of the Enemy; and having passed by their Army, for a good space wandered up and down the Field; mean while the Enemy by chance engaged with Catulus; and the heat of the Battel was chiefly with him and his men, among whom Sylla says he was. The Ro∣mans had great advantage of the heat and Sun that shone in the faces of the Cimbri; for they, though very well able to endure cold, as having been bred up in cool and shady places, (as we observed before) were yet overcome with the excessive Heat: they sweat extreamly, and were much out of breath, being forced to hold their Shields before their Faces; for this Battel was fought not long after the Summer Solstice; or, as the Romans reckon, about the third of the Calends of August, then called Sex∣tilis. The Dust too gave no small addition to their Courage, in as much as it hid the

Enemy, for they could not afar off discover their number; but every one advancing to encounter those that were nearest to them, they were come to fight hand-to-hand be∣fore the sight of so vast a multitude had struck terror into them.

44. The Romans were so much used to la∣bour,* 1.122 and so well exercised, that in all the heat and toil of the Encounter, not one of them was observed either to sweat, or to be out of breath, insomuch that they say Catu∣lus recorded it in commendation of his Sol∣diers. Here the greatest part and most va∣liant of the Enemies were cut in pieces; for those that fought in the Front, that they should not break their Ranks, were fast tied to one another with long Chains put through their Belts. As they pursued those that fled to their Camp, they met with a most horrid Tragedy; the Women stand∣ing in Mourning by their Carriages, slew* 1.123 all that fled; some their Husbands, some their Brethren, others their Fathers; and strangling their little Children with their own hands, threw them under the Wheels, and Horses feet, and then killed themselves. They tell of one that was hanging on the very top of a Waggon, with her Children tied dangling at her heels; the men for want of Trees, tied themselves, some to the horns of the Oxen, the necks of others

were fastned to their legs, that so pricking them on by the starting and springing of the Beasts, they might be torn and troden to pieces. Yet for all they thus massacred themselves, above 60000 were taken Pri∣soners, and those that were slain were said to be twice as many.

45. The ordinary plunder Marius's Sol∣diers forcibly took away; but the other Spoils, as Ensigns, Trumpets, and the like they say, were brought to Catulus's Camp, which he used for the best Argu∣ment that the Victory was obtained by himself and his Army. Whereupon some Dissentions arising (as it often happens) among the Soldiers, the Ambassadors from Parma being then present, were made Jud∣ges of the Controversie; whom Catulus's men carried about among their slain Ene∣mies, and manifestly shewed them that they were slain by their Piles, which were known by the Inscriptions, having Catu∣lus's Name cut in the Wood: neverthe∣less the whole Glory of the Action was ascribed to Marius, by reason of his former Victory and under colour of his present Authority. The Populace more especially stiling him the third Founder of their City, as having diverted a danger no less threat∣ning than was that when the Gauls sacked Rome; and every one rejoicing at home

with his Wife and Children sacrificed to the Gods and to Marius; and would have had* 1.124 him solely to have the honour of both the Triumphs. However he would not do so, but Triumphed together with Catulus; be∣ing desirous to shew his Moderation even in so great Circumstances of good Fortune; besides, he was not a little afraid of the Soldiers in Catulus's Army, lest if he should wholly bereave their General of the Ho∣nour, they should endeavour to hinder him of his Triumph.

46. Marius was now in his Fifth Con∣sulship,* 1.125 and he used for the Sixth in such a manner as never any before him had done; he took the People by the hand, and ingratiated himself with the Multitude by his Complaisance, thereby not only derogating from the Publick Grandeur and Majesty of his Office, but acting also con∣trary to his own inclination, that so he might seem popular and obliging, for which nature had never designed him. He was, they say, exceeding timorous through his Ambition in any business which con∣cerned the Government, or was handled in Publick Assemblies; and that undaunted presence of Mind he always shewed in Bat∣tel against the Enemy, forsook him when he was to Harangue the People; being one that was apt to shew very great Concern

either at their commendation or dispraise. 'Tis reported, that having at one time made free of the City 1000 men of Came∣rino, who had behaved themselves valiantly in this War; and this seeming to be illegal∣ly done, some or other calling him to an account for it, he answered, that the Law spake too softly to be heard in such a noise of War: however he himself appeared to be more concerned and astonished at that noise which was made by the Assemblies. The need they had of him in time of War pro∣cured him his Wealth and Dignity; but in Civil Affairs when he despaired of getting the first place, he was forced to betake himself to the favour of the People, never regard∣ing to be a good man, so that he were but a great One.

47. Whereupon he became very odious to all the Nobility, and especially fearing Metellus, who had been so ingratefully used by him; and who, being truly vertuous, was naturally an Enemy to those that ma∣naged the People, not for the publick good, but for their private pleasure. Marius therefore endeavoured to banish him the City, and to this purpose he contracted a familiar Acquaintance with Glaucias and* 1.126 Saturninus, a couple of daring resolute Fel∣lows, who had a great company of poor seditious People at their beck; by their as∣sistance

he enacted certain Laws, and ga∣thering some Soldiers, he placed them in the Assembly, and by this Faction oppres∣sed Metellus. And as Rutilius relates (in all other respects a faithful and authentick Hi∣storian, but indeed privately an Enemy to Marius) he obtained his Sixth Consulship, by distributing vast Sums of Money a∣mong their Tribes, and so too bought their Votes to put by Metellus from the Office, and to elect Valerius Flaccus his In∣strument rather than his Collegue in the Consulship. The People had never before bestowed so many Consulships on any one man, except on Valerius Corvinus only; and he too, they say, was forty five years between his first and last; but Marius from his first ran through five more with one push of his good Fortune.

48. In the last of which especially he contracted a great deal of hatred, by com∣mitting several gross misdemeanours in compliance with the irregular desires of Saturninus; among which was the murther of Nonius, * 1.127 whom Saturninus, because he stood in competion with him for the Tri∣buneship, slew; and afterwards being Tri∣bune, made a Law about the division of Lands and fields, wherein it was provided, that the Senate should come and swear to confirm whatever the People should

vote, and not to oppose them in any thing. Marius in the Senate cunningly feigned to be against this Clause of the Law, and said, that he would not take any such Oath, nor any else, he thought, that were wise; for if there were no ill Design in the Law, it would be an affront to the Senate to be compelled to give their approbation, and not to do it rather willingly or by perswa∣sion. This he said, not that it was agree∣able* 1.128 to his own Sentiments, but that he might thereby entangle Metellus in an un∣avoidable snare; for making a great part of his Virtue and Gravity to consist in de∣ceit, he made very little account of what he had openly professed to the Senate; he knowing too that Metellus was one of a fixed resolution, and (as Pindar has it) that esteemed Truth the greatest Principle of Heroick Virtue, designed by this his refu∣sal of the Oath in the Senate to ensnare him by making him refuse the Law also; and thereby to cast such an Odium upon him with the People, as should never be wiped off. Which accordingly succeeded to his wish; for as soon as Metellus had de∣clared that he would not swear to it, the Senate adjourned.

49. Within a sew days Saturninus citing the Senators to make their appearance, and pressing them to take the Oath, Ma∣rius

stepped forth, (whereupon was a pro∣found silence, and every one very intent upon him) and bidding farewel to those fine smooth Speeches he had before made in the Senate, said; That he was not grown so obstinate as to do any thing to the prejudice of so good a design; but would willingly swear and submit to the Law, if so be it were one (which Caution he added as a Pretext for his Impudence.) The People extreamly pleased at his taking the Oath, mightily extolled and applauded him, the Nobility were very much asham∣ed and vexed at Marius's Inconstancy; but they were forced, for fear of the People, to swear in order till it came to Metellus's turn. But he, though his Friends follow∣ed and entreated him to take the Oath, and not to plunge himself irrecoverably into those Penalties which Saturninus had provided for them that would not take it, would not flinch from his resolution, nor swear; but according to his usual custom, being ready to suffer any thing rather than do a base unworthy Action, left the Forum telling them that were with him, That it was base to do any thing that is ill, and common to do well, where there is no danger; but where there is, even in de∣spite of that, to do well was the property of a good man.

50. Hereupon Saturninus put it to the Vote that the Consuls should declare Me∣tellus banished, and that none should enter∣tain him: there was enough too of the ba∣sest of People ready to kill him; and when many of the better sort were extreamly concerned for, and gathered about Metel∣lus, he would not suffer them to raise a Sedition upon his account; but more ad∣visedly left the City, saying; Either when the posture of affairs is mended, and the Peo∣ple repent, I shall be recalled; or if things re∣main in the present posture, it will be best to be absent. But how great Favour and Ho∣nour Metellus received in his Banishment, and after what manner he spent his time at Rhodes in Philosophy, we shall more op∣portunely shew you when we write his Life.

51. Marius, for this piece of Service done him, forced to connive at Saturninus, now arrived at the very height of Inso∣lence and Force, had unawares occasioned such a flame as could not now be easily quenched, but by Outrages and Massacres directly tending to Tyranny and the Sub∣version of the Government; for standing in some awe of the Nobility, and withal flattering the Commonalty, he did a very* 1.129 cowardly and dishonest Action. When some of the great men came to him at night

to stir him up against Saturninus, he let him in unknown to them at the other door; then making the same pretences of doing his necessary occasions to both, he ran from one Party to the other, and staying one while with them and another with him, he instigated and exasperated them one against another. At length, when both the Senate and Equestrian▪ Order, agreed together, and shewed their resentment at it, he filled the Market-place with Soldiers; and by cutting off the Aqueducts, he for∣ced those that retreated to the Capitol to surrender for want of Water: they in this distress submitted themselves upon the Pub∣lick Faith, whom he endeavoured all ways imaginable to preserve, but without Success; for when they came into the Fo∣rum, they were all basely murthered. Hereupon equally odious both to the Nobi∣lity* 1.130 and Commons, when the time was come to create Censors, though he were the most likely man, yet he did not petiti∣on for it; but fearing the disgrace of being repulsed, permitted others his Inferiours to be elected; yet he pleased himself in giving out, that he was not willing to dis∣oblige too many by a severe inspection into their Lives and Conversations.

52. There was now an edict preferring to recal Metellus from Banishment; this he

vigorously, but in vain, opposed both in his Discourse and Actions: yet at length desisted; for the People unanimously vo∣ting for it, and he not able to endure the sight of Metellus's Return, made a Voyage to Cappadocia and Galatia; giving out that he was to perform some Sacrifices, which he had vowed to Cybele; but had indeed another reason for his departure, which was not to be discovered to the Peo∣ple. He being one altogether ignorant of Civility and State-Affairs, had received all his advancement from the War; and then too supposing both his Power and Glory would by little and little decrease by his lying quiet and out of action, sought by all means to lay the Foundation of some new Commotions, and hoped too that by setting at variance some of the neighbour Kings, and by stirring up and exasperating Mithridates especially, who was then ap∣parently making preparations for War, he himself should be chosen General against him, and so furnish the City with new matter of Triumph, and his own House with the Plunder of Pontus, and the Riches of its King. Wherefore, though Mithri∣dates had entertained him with all imagina∣ble obligingness and respect, yet he was not at all wrought upon or softned by it; but said, O King! either endeavour to be in∣deed

more potent than the Romans, or else qui∣etly* 1.131 submit to their Commands. With which he almost astonished him, having indeed of∣ten heard the Fame of the bold speaking of the Romans, but was now first acquainted with that Impudence.

53. When Marius returned again to Rome, he built an House close by the Market-place, either (as he himself gave out) that he was not willing his Clients should be tired with going far, or that he imagined it would cause the greater Concourse at his Gates: yet this was not the true reason neither▪ but because being inferiour to others in ob∣liging Conversation and the Arts of Court∣ship, like a meer Tool and Implement of War, he was thrown aside in time of Peace. Amongst all those, whose brightness eclipsed his Glory, he was most extreamly incen∣sed against Sylla, who had received his Rise from the hatred which the Nobility bore Marius; and had made his disagree∣ment with him the first step of his Prefer∣ment. When Bocchus King of Numidia, who was stiled the Associate of the Romans, dedicated some Trophies of Victory in the Capitol, and by them the Picture of him∣self* 1.132 in Gold delivering Jugurtha to Sylla: Marius upon this was almost distracted with rage and Ambition (as though Sylla had arrogated this Honour to himself) and

endeavoured forcibly to pull down these Presents: Sylla on the other side as vigo∣rously resisted him, but the War of the Confederates then on a sudden threatning the City, put a stop to this Sedition just* 1.133 ready to break out. Now the most war∣like and best peopled Countries of all Italy conspired together against Rome, and were within a little of subverting the Empire; their chief strength consisting not only in their Weapons and the Valour of their Soldi∣ers; but standing upon equal terms with the Romans, as to the Courage and sufficiency of their Commanders.

54. This War so various as to its En∣counters, and so uncertain as to its Success, what Glory and Power it conferred upon Sylla, of so much it deprived Marius, who seeded not to be very brisk in his Charges, but was for the most part guilty of Delays, Retreats and almost Cowardice; whether it were, that his Age had quenched that heat and vigour he was formerly Master of (for he was now above sixty five years old;) or that, as he himself said, having some distemper in his Nerves, and his Bo∣dy unfit for Action, he had for meer shame ventured upon some Expeditions above his strength. Yet for all this he came off Victor in a considerable Battel, wherein he slew 6000 of the Enemies, and never gave

them any advantage over him. Nay, though he was once surrounded by the Works of the Enemy he contained himself; and though insulted over, braved, and challen∣ged, yet he seemed not much concerned at it. There goes a report, that when one * 1.134 Publius Silo, a man of the greatest Worth and Authority among the Enemies, said to him; If thou beest that great Captain Marius, come to a Battel; he answered, If you be such an one, force me to fight. And another time, when the Enemy gave them a good opportunity of a Battel; and the Romans through fear durst not charge, so that both Parties retreated; he called an Assembly of his Soldiers, and said; It is no small question whether I should call the Enemies or you the greater Cowards, for neither dare they face your backs nor you theirs.

55. At length pretending to be worn out with the Infirmity of his Body, he laid down his Command. Afterwards when the Italians were worsted, several at Rome, by the Interest of those that led the People, sued for Employment in the War with Mithridates. Sulpitius Tribune of the Peo∣ple, a bold resolute Fellow, contrary to every body's expectation bringing in Ma∣rius, declared him Proconsul and General in that War; whereupon the People were divided, some were on Marius's side, others

voted for Sylla▪ and jeeringly bad Marius go to his Baths at Baiae to cure his Body worn out, as himself confessed, with Age and Catarrhs. Now Marius had indeed there, about Misenum, a Villa more effe∣minately and luxuriously furnished than became a man employed in so many and great Wars and Expeditions. This same House Cornelia bought for 75000 Denarii, and not long after Lucius Lucullus for 250000: in so short a time did the Luxury and Effeminacy of the Romans increase. Af∣ter all this, Marius very ambitiously and* 1.135 childishly affecting to shake off his Age and weakness, went into the Field, where exer∣cising himself with the Youth, he shewed himself still nimble in his Armour, and expert in riding; though indeed he were grown less active in his Age by reason of his great belly, and his inclining to fatness and corpulency.

56. These Actions of his pleased some that went to see his vain-glory in those Justs and Exercises; but the better sort that saw him, pitied his Avarice and Ambition, that from a begger growing so extreamly rich, and from nothing becoming so great, would know no bounds of his good For∣tune, nor be content with being admired, and quietly enjoy what he had already got; but, as if he still were in extream poverty,

should at so great an Age leave Glory and Triumphs to go into Cappadocia and the Euxine Sea, to fight Archelaus and Neopto∣lemus, Mithridates's Generals. Marius's pretences for this Action of his seemed very ridiculous; for he said he had a mind him∣self to educate his Son in that War. This soon ruined the City, which had been a long time sick of such practices, when Ma∣rius had once found so opportune an Instru∣ment for the publick destruction as Sulpiti∣us's Insolence.

57. This Fellow in all other respects ad∣mired* 1.136 and imitated Saturninus; only found fault with his Cowardice and backwardness in his Designs; he therefore made no such foolish delays, but got 600 Horse about him as his Guard, which he named Anti-Senators; with these Assassines he set upon the Consuls whilst they were at the Assem∣bly, and took the Son of one of them, who fled from the Market-place, and slew him. Sylla being hotly pursued, took into Marius's House, which none could suspect (by that means escaping those that sought him, who hastily passed by there) and it is said was safely conveyed by Marius himself out at the other door, and came to the Camp. Yet Sylla in his Memoirs positive∣ly denies that he fled to Marius, but that he was carried thither to consult of those

matters, to which Sulpitius would have forced him against his Will to consent; that he, surrounding him with drawn Swords, hurried him to Marius, and re∣strained him thus, till he should go thence to the Market place, and put such a Con∣clusion to these Affairs as his Masters the People would approve.

58. Whilst these things were acting, Sul∣pitius having obtained the sole Power, de∣creed the Command of the Army to Mari∣us; who making preparations for his March, sent two Tribunes to receive the charge of the Army from Sylla. Sylla hereupon exas∣perating his Soldiers (which were six Legi∣ons, or about 5000 Horse, and 30000 Foot) brought them to Rome, who first falling upon the Tribunes Marius had* 1.137 sent, slew them; and Marius did as much for several of Sylla's Friends in Rome, and made many of the Slaves free, that he might have their assistance in the War; whereof they say, there were but three that answered his expectation. He, for some small time, made head against Syl∣la's assault, but was soon over-powred and fled; those that were with him, as soon as he had escaped out of the City, were dispersed, and Night coming on, he hast'ned to a Country-house of his, called Solonium. Hence he sent his Son to some

neighbouring Farms of his Father-in-law Mutius, to provide Necessaries; himself went to Ostia, where his Friend Numerius had prepared him a Ship, and not staying for his Son, he took with him his Son-in-law Granius, and weighed Anchor.

59. Young Marius, as soon as he came to* 1.138 Mutius's Farms, and had ordered some small matters, the day breaking, he was almost discovered by the Enemy; for there came thither a Party of Horse that suspected some such matter; whom when the Steward per∣ceived, he hid Marius in a Cart full of Beans, then putting to his Team, and driving to∣ward the City, he met those that were in search of him. Marius thus conveyed home to his Wife, took with him some Necessaries, and came at Night to the Sea-side, where going on board a Ship that was bound for Africk, he went away with it. Marius the Father, when he had put to Sea, with a good gale passing along the Coast of Ita∣ly, was in no small apprehension of one Ge∣minius, a great a man at Tarracina, and his Enemy; and therefore bad the Sea men hold off from that place: they were in∣deed willing to gratifie him, but the Wind rising at Sea, and making the Waves swell to a great height, they were afraid the Ship would not be able to weather out the Storm, Marius too being indisposed and Sea∣sick,

they with great difficulty reached the Haven at Circaeum.

60. The Storm now increasing, and* 1.139 their Victuals failing, they put to Shore, and wandered up and down they knew not whither (as it usually happens in great Distresses;) they always shun the present as the greatest evil, and relie upon the hopes of uncertainties; for the Land and Sea were both equally unsafe for them, it was dangerous to meet with People, and it was no less so to meet with none, by reason of their want of Necessaries. At length, though late first, they light upon a few poor Shepherds, that had not any thing to relieve them; but knowing Marius, advised him to depart as soon as might be, for they had seen a little beyond that place a Party of Horse that were gone in search of him. Whereupon finding himself in a great straight, especially because those that atten∣ded him were not able to go farther, being spent with their long fasting; he turned aside out of the Road, and hid himself in a thick Wood, where he passed the Night in great distress. The next day pinched with hunger, and willing to make use of the lit∣tle strength he had, before it were all exhau∣sted, he travelled by the Sea-side, encou∣raging his Companions not to desert him in the last of his hopes, for which he reser∣ved

himself, relying on the credit of some old Prophecies.

61. That when he was yet but very* 1.140 young and lived in the Country, he brought home in the skirt of his Garment an Eagle's Nest, wherein were seven young ones, which his Parents seeing and much admiring, consulted the Augures about it, who told them, that he should become the greatest man in the World, and that the Fates had decreed he should seven times be possessed of the Supream Power and Authority. Some are of Opinion that this really happ'ned to Marius after the same manner we have related it; others-say, that those men who then and through the rest of his Exile heard him tell these Sto∣ries and believed him, have recorded a Re∣lation altogether fabulous; for an Eagle ne∣ver hatches more than two; besides they give Musaeus the Lye, who speaking of the Eagle, say, That she lays three Eggs, hatches two, and nourishes but one. Whatever this be, it is certain Marius in his Exile and greatest Extremities would often say, that he had still a prospect of a Seventh Con∣sulship.

62. When Marius and his company were now about twenty furlongs distant from Minturnae, a City in Italy, they espied a Troop of Horse making up toward them

with all speed, and by chance also at the same time two Ships under sail; whereup∣on they ran every one with what speed and strength they could to the Sea, and plunging themselves into it, swam to the Ships. Those that were with Granius sei∣zed upon one of them, and passed over to an opposite Island called Aenaria; Marius himself, whose Body was heavy and un∣wieldy, was with great pains and difficulty born above the Water by two Servants, and put into the other Ship. The Soldi∣ers were by this time come to the Sea-side, and from thence commanded the Sea-men to put to Shoar, or else to throw out Ma∣rius, and then they might go whither they would. Marius besought them with tears to the contrary; and the Masters of the Ship, after some consultation, which incli∣ned first to one then to the other side, resolved at length to answer the Soldiers, that they would not throw out Marius. As soon as they were gone in a rage, the Sea-men immediately changing their resolution, came to Land, and casting Anchor at the mouth of the River Liris, where it over∣flowing makes a great Marish; they advi∣sed him to Land, refresh himself on Shore, and take some care of his discomposed body, till the Wind came fairer, which, say they, will happen at such an hour, when the

Wind from the Sea will calm, and that from the Marishes rise. Marius following their advice, did so, and when the Sea-men had set him on Shore, he laid him down in an adjacent Field, suspecting nothing less than what was to befall him. They, as soon as they had got into the Ship, weighed An∣chor and departed, as thinking it neither honourable to deliver Marius into the hands of those that sought him, nor safe to pro∣tect him.

63. He thus deserted by all, lay a good while silently on the Shore; at length, re∣collecting himself, he travelled very dis∣consolately through by-ways, till wading through deep Bogs and Ditches full of Wa∣ter and Mud, he stumbled upon the Old man's Cottage that looked after the Fens; and falling at his Feet, he besought him to assist and preserve a man, who if he escaped the present danger, would make him re∣turns beyond his expectation. The poor man, whether he had formerly known him, or were then moved with his Vene∣rable Aspect, told him, that if he wanted only rest, his Cottage would be conveni∣ent; but if he were flying from any body's search, he would hide him in a more reti∣red place. Marius desiring him to do so, he carried him into the Fens, and bad him hide himself in an hollow Cave by the Ri∣ver

side, where he laid upon him a great many Reeds and other things that were light, and would cover, but not oppress him. But within a very small time he was disturbed with a noise and tumult from the Cottage, for Geminius had sent several from Tarracina in pursuit of him; whereof some happ'ning to come that way, fright∣ned and threatned the poor Old-man for having entertained and hid an Enemy of the Romans. Wherefore Marius arising and* 1.141 uncovering himself, plunged into a puddle full of thick muddy water; and even there he could not escape their search, but was pulled out naked of Cloaths, but covered with mire, and in that pickle carried away to Minturnae, and delivered into the Ma∣gistrate's Power; for there had been a Pro∣clamation through all those Towns, to make publick search for Marius, and if they found him to kill him; however the Magistrates thought convenient to consider a little better of it first, and sent him Prisoner to the House of one Fan∣nia.

64. This Woman was supposed not very* 1.142 well affected towards him upon an old ac∣count. One Tinnius had formerly married this Fannia; from whom she afterwards being divorced, demanded her Portion, which was considerable; but her Husband

accused her of Adultery; so the Controver∣sie was brought before Marius in his Sixth Consulship; when the cause was examined thorowly, it appeared both that Fannia had been incontinent, and that her Hus∣band, though he knew her to be so, had married and lived a considerable time with her: So that Marius was severe enough with both; commanding him to restore her Portion, and laying a small Fine upon her by way of disgrace. But Fannia did not then behave her self like one that had been injured, but assoon as she saw Marius remembred nothing less than old Affronts; took care of him according to her ability, and very much comforted him. He made her his returns, and told her he did not despair, for he had met with a very lucky Omen, which was thus; When he was brought to Fannia's House, as soon as the* 1.143 door was open, an Ass came running out to drink at a Spring hard by, and looking very pertly and briskly upon Marius, first stood still before him, then brayed aloud and pranced by him. Upon which Marius making his observation, said, That the Fates designed his safety to be procured rather by Sea than Land, because the Ass neglected his dry Fodder, and turned from it to the Water. Having told Fan∣nia this Story he commanded the Cham∣ber-door

to be shut, and went to rest.

65. Mean while the Governors and Se∣nators* 1.144 of Minturnae consulted together, and determined, not to delay any longer, but immediately to kill Marius; and when none of their Citizens durst undertake the business, a certain Soldier, a Gaul or Cim∣ber (the story is told of both) went in with his Sword drawn to him; the Room it self was not very light, that part of it e∣specially, where he then lay, was dark, from whence Marius's Eyes, they say, seemed to the Fellow to dart out flames at him, and a loud voice to say, Fellow, da∣rest thou kill C. Marius? The Ruffian here∣upon immediately fled, and leaving his Sword in the place, rushed out of doors, crying only this, I cannot kill C. Marius. At which they were all at first astonished, afterwards pitied him, and reversed their Sentence, and were even angry at them∣selves for making so unjust and ungrateful a Decree against one who had preserved Italy, and whom it was base not to assist to their utmost. Let him go, say they, where he please to banishment, let him find his Fate somewhere else; we beg pardon of the Gods for thrusting Marius distressed and deserted out of our City.

66. Whilst they were taken up with such* 1.145 like thoughts, there came a great company

about him, and conducted him towards the Sea-side, where though every one was very officious to him, and all made what haste they could, yet a considerable time was spent; for there was a Grove called Marice (which the People thereabouts held sacred, and suffered nothing that is brought into it to be carried out again) this lay just in their way to the Sea, and if they should go round about, they must needs come ve∣ry late thither. At length one of the Old men cried out and said, there was no place so sacred, but they might pass though it for Marius's preservation; and thereupon first of all taking up some of the Baggage that was carried for his accommodation to the Ship, passed through the Grove, all the rest immediately with the same readiness accompanying him. [He afterwards had the Picture of these things drawn and pla∣ced it in a Temple thereabouts.] One Be∣laeus having by this time provided him a Ship, Marius there went on board, and hoisting Sail, was by chance thrown upon the Island Aenaria, where meeting with Granius and his other Friends, he sailed with them to Africk. But their water failing them in the way, they were forced to put in at Erycine in Sicily, where was a Roman Quaestor presiding over those Places, who had almost taken Marius going on

Shore, and killed sixteen of his retinue that went to fetch Water. Marius with all expedition loosing thence, passed over to the Isle Meniux, where he first heard the News of his Son's escape with Cethegus, and of his going to implore the assistance of Hiempsal King of Numidia.

67. With this News being somewhat comforted, he ventured to pass from that Isle towards Carthage. Sextilius a Roman was then Pretor in Africk; one that had never received either any Injury or kind∣ness from Marius, yet he hoped he would out of meer pity lend him some help. He was now scarce got ashore with a small re∣tinue, when an Officer was sent to him, and meeting him, said, Sextilius the Pretor forbids thee, Marius, to set foot in Africk; if thou doest, he says, he will put the De∣cree of the Senate in execution, and treat the as an Enemy to the Romans. When Mari∣us heard this he wanted Words to express his Grief and Resentment, and for a good while held his peace, looking sternly upon the Messenger, who asked him what he should say, or what answer he should re∣turn to the Pretor? Marius answered him with a deep sigh; Go tell him that you have seen C. Marius sitting upon the Rubbish of Car∣thage: very appositely applying the exam∣ple of the Fortune of that City to the Change of his own Condition.

68. In the interim, Hiempsal, King of* 1.146 Numidia, often changing his Designs, treated young Marius and those that were with him very honourably; but when they had a mind to depart, he still had some pre∣tence or other to detain them; and it was manifest he made these delays upon no good designs; however there hap'ned a strange accident (as it sometimes falls out) that made well for their preservation. The hard Fortune which still attended young Marius, who was of a very comely Aspect, nearly touched one of the King's Concu∣bines, and this pity of hers was the begin∣ning and pretence for her Love. At first he declined the Woman's sollicitations, but when he perceived that there was no other way of escaping, and that she caressed him with greater kindness than one that de∣signed only the gratifying her sensuality, he complied with her Love, and being thereupon set at liberty by her, he escaped with his Friends, and fled to his Father Ma∣rius. As soon as they had saluted each* 1.147 other, and were going by the Sea-side, they saw some Scorpions fighting, which Marius took for an ill Omen, whereupon they immediately went on board a little Fisher-boat, and made toward Cercina, an Island not far distant from the Continent. They had scarce put off from Shore when

they escaped some Horse sent after them by the King, with all speed making to∣ward that very place from which they were just retired; so that Marius thought that in all his Life he had never escaped a greater danger.

69. At Rome it was discovered that Sylla* 1.148 was engaged with Mithridates's Generals near Baeotia, whilst the Consuls from a Tumult were fallen to down-right fighting, wherein Octavius prevailing, drove Cinna out of the City for affecting a Tyrannical Government, and made Cornelius Merule Consul in his stead; but Cinna raising For∣ces in all Parts of Italy, carried on the War against them. As soon as Marius heard of this, he resolved with all expedition to put* 1.149 to Sea again, and having leavied in Africk some Maurusian Horse, and a few others that came to him out of Italy (which all together were not above 1000) he with this handful began his Voyage. Arriving at Telamone, an Haven in Hetruria, and coming ashore, he made several of the Slaves free; many of the Country-men also and Shepherds thereabouts (that were alrea∣dy Freemen) at the hearing his name came flocking to him to the Sea-side; he perswa∣ded the most warlike of them, and in a small time got together a competent Army, wherewith he filled forty Ships. Now he

knowing Octavius to be a very good man, and willing to execute his Office with the greatest Justice imaginable, and Cinna to be suspected by Sylla, and then in actual War against the established Government,* 1.150 determined to join himself and all his For∣ces with the latter: he therefore sent a Mes∣sage to him to let him know, that he submit∣ted himself to him, as Consul, in whatsoever he should command him.

70. When Cinna had very joyfully re∣ceived him, calling him Proconsul, and sending him the Fasces and other Ensigns of Authority, he said, that Grandeur did not become his present Fortune; but wearing an ordinary Habit, and letting his hair grow from that very day he first went to banishment, and being now above three∣score and ten years old, he came slowly on foot, as designing to move Peoples com∣passion; (thus his naturally rough Aspect became more so, when joined with his nasty Garb) which yet did not make him appear as though his mind were dejected, but exasperated, by the change of his con∣dition. Having performed his Ceremonies to Cinna, and saluted the Soldiers, he im∣mediately prepared for War, and soon made a considerable alteration in the posture of Affairs. He first cut off all Provision from the Enemies Ships, and plundering all the

Traders, possessed himself of their Stores; then bringing his Navy to the Sea-port Towns, took them, and at last treache∣rously became Master of Ostia too; pillag∣ed the Town, and slew a Multitude of the Inhabitants, and making a Bridge over the River, he took from the Enemy all hopes of Supply from the Sea; then marched with his Army toward the City, and posted himself upon the Hill called Janicu∣lum.

71. The Publick Interest did not receive* 1.151 so great damage from Octavius's unskilful∣ness in his management of Affairs, as from his omitting what was necessary, through his too strict observance of the Law: for he, when several advised him to make the Slaves free, said, That he would not commit the protection of his Country to Servants from which he then, in defence of the Laws, was driving away Marius. When Metellus (Son to that Metellus, who was general in the War in Africk, and afterwards banished through Marius's means) came to Rome, and was esteemed to be a much better Com∣mander than Octavius; the Soldiers de∣serting the Consul, came to him, and desi∣red him to take the Command of them and preserve the City; that they, when they had got an experienced valiant Comman∣der, should fight courageously and come

off Conquerors. But Metellus offended at it, commanded them angrily to return to the Consul; whereupon for very spight they revolted to the Enemy. Metellus too seeing the City in a desperate condition, left it; but a Company of Chaldeans, Priests and Interpreters of the Sibyls Books, perswaded Octavius, that things were in a good condition, and kept him at Rome. Now he was a man of all the Romans the most upright and just; one that kept up even the Formalities of the Law inviolable in his Consulship; but fell I know not how into some weaknesses, giving more obser∣vance to Impostors and Diviners, than to men▪ skilled in Civil and Military Affairs. He therefore, before Marius entred the Ci∣ty, was pulled down from the Rostra, and murthered by those that were sent before by Marius; and it is reported there was a Chal∣dean Inscription found on his breast when he was slain. Now it is a thing very un∣accountable, that of two such Famous Ge∣nerals, Marius should be often preserved by the observing Divinations, and Octavius ru∣ined by the same means.

72. Whilst Affairs remained in this po∣sture,* 1.152 the Senate assembled, and sent Am∣bassadors to Cinna and Marius, desiring them to come into the City peaceably and spair the Citizens. Cinna as Consul received the

Embassy sitting in the Sella Curulis, and returned a kind obliging answer to the Messengers: Marius stood by him and said nothing, but gave sufficient testimony by the sowreness of his Countenance, and the sternness of his Looks, that he would in a short time fill the City with Massacres. As soon as the Council arose, they went toward the City, where Cinna with a strong Guard entred; but Marius stay'd at the Gates, and dissembling his Rage, said; That he was then an Exile and banished his Coun∣try by course of Law; That if his Presence were necessary, they must by a new Decree repeal the former Act by which he was ba∣nished, as if he had been a religious obser∣ver of the Laws, and as if he entred into a City free from fear or oppression. Hereupon the People were assembled, but before three or four Tribes had given their Votes, he throwing off his Mask and Pretences of* 1.153 the Justice of his Banishment, came into the City with a select Guard of Slaves, which came in to him, whom he called Bardiaei. Those Fellows by his Orders murthered a great company at his express Command, and as many at his private beck. At length Aucharius a Senator, and one that had been Pretor, coming to Marius, but not being resaluted by him, they with their drawn Swords slew him

before Marius's Face; and henceforth this was their token immediately to kill all those who met Marius, and saluted him, were taken no notice of; or not answered with the like Courtesie: so that his very Friends were not without dreadful apprehensions and horrour, whensoever they came to at∣tend him.

73. When they had now butchered a great number▪ Cinna grew more remiss and cloy'd with Murders; but Marius's rage was still fresh and unsatisfied, and he daily fought for all that were any way suspected by him. Now was every street, and eve∣ry corner of the City filled with those that pursued and haunted them that fled and hid themselves; and it was remarkable that there was no more confidence to be placed, as things stood, either in Hospitality or Friendship; for there were found but a ve∣ry few that did not betray those that fled to them for shelter. Wherefore the Ser∣vants* 1.154 of Cornutus deserve the greater praise and admiration; who having concealed their Master in the House, took a body of one of the slain, cut off the head, put a Gold ring on the Finger, and shewed it to Marius's Guards, and buried it with the same Solemnity as if it had been their own Master. This trick was perceived by no body, but so Cornutus escaped and was

conveyed by his Domesticks into Gallia.

74. Marcus Antonius the Orator, though* 1.155 he too found a true Friend, had ill For∣tune. The man was but poor and a Plebei∣an, who entertaining a man of the grea∣test rank in Rome, and kindly furnishing him with what he had, sent his Servant to get some Wine of a neighbouring Vint∣ner; the Servant carefully tasting it, and bidding him draw better, the Fellow asked him what was the matter, that he did not buy new and ordinary Wine as he used to do, but richer and of a greater price; he without any design told him as his Croney and Acquaintance, that his Master entertain∣ed Marcus Antonius whom he concealed. The villainous Vintner, as soon as the Ser∣vant was gone, went himself to Marius then at Supper, and being brought into his Pre∣sence, told him, he would deliver Antonius into his hands; as soon as he heard it, it is said he gave a great shout, and clapped his hands for joy, and had very nigh rose up and gone to the place himself; but be∣ing detained by his Friends, he sent Annius and some Soldiers with him, and com∣manded him to bring Antonius's head to him with all speed. Now when they came to the House, Annius stay'd at the door, and the Soldiers went up stairs into the Chamber; where, seeing Antonius, they

endeavoured to shuffle off the Murther from one to another; for so great it seems were the Graces and Charms of his Orato∣ry, that as soon as he began to speak and beg his Life, none of them durst touch or so much as look upon him; but hanging down their heads, every one fell a weeping. When their stay seemed something tedious, Annius followed after, saw Antonius discour∣sing, and the Soldiers astonished and quite softned by it, for which he checked them severely, and went himself and cut off his head.

75. Catulus Lutatius who was Collegue* 1.156 with Marius and his Partner in the Tri∣umph over the Cimbri, when Marius had told those that interceded for him and beg∣ged his life, that he must die, shut himself up in a room, and making a great fire smothered himself. When maimed and headless Carcasses were now frequently thrown▪ about and trampled upon in the streets, People were not so much moved with compassion at the sight, as struck into a kind of Horrour and consternation.* 1.157 The outrages of those that were called Bardiaei was the greatest grievance imagi∣nable; for they murthered those that had been their Masters in their own Houses, a∣bused their Children, and ravished their Wives, and were uncontrolable in their Ra∣pine

and Murthers, till those of Cinna's and Sertorius's Party taking Counsel together, fell upon them in the Camp, and killed them every man.

76. In the interim, as by a certain turn of Fortune, there came News from all Parts, that Sylla having put an end to the War with Mithridates, and taken possession of the Provinces, was returning into Italy with a great Army. This gave some small respit and intermission to these unspeakable Calamities, when they thought that a War threatned them; whereupon Marius* 1.158 was chosen Consul the Seventh time, and appearing on the very Calends of January, the beginning of the Year, he threw one Sextus Lucinus from the Tarpejan Precipice, which was no small Omen of approaching miseries both to their Party and the City. Marius himself now worn out with Labour and sinking under the burthen of his Cares, could not bear up his Spirits flagging with the apprehension of a New War, and fresh En∣counters and Dangers, which he had by his own experience found formerly very trou∣blesome▪ He considered too that he was not now to hazard the War with Octavius or Merula, commanding the unexperienced Multitude or seditious Rabble; but that Syl∣la himself was approaching, the same who had formerly banished him, and since that

driven Mithridates as far as the Euxine Sea.

77. Perplexed with such thoughts as* 1.159 these, and calling to mind his Banishment, the tedious wanderings and dangers he un∣derwent both by Sea and Land, he fell into great Troubles, nocturnal Frights and un∣quiet Sleep, still fancying that he heard some telling him, That the Den, though of an absent Lion; is dreadful; above all things fearing to lie awake, he gave him∣self over to drinking and sotting at Nights very unagreeable to his Age; by all means provoking Sleep, as a diversion to his Thoughts. At length there came an ex∣press Messenger from the Sea, giving him such an account of Affairs as overcharged him with fresh Cares and Frights; so that what with his fear for the future, and what with the weight and tediousness of the pre∣sent, having some small disposition to it, he fell into a Plurisie, as Possidonius the Phi∣losopher relates, who says he went to, and discoursed with him when he was sick, about some business relating to his Embas∣sy. One Cajus Piso an Historian tells us, that Marius walking after Supper with his Friends, when they fell into a discourse about his concerns, and reckoned up the several changes of his Condition, that from the beginning had happ'ned to him, he said,

that it did not become a prudent man to trust himself any longer with Fortune; and thereupon taking leave of those that were with him, he kept his bed seven days, and then died.

78. Some say he very much betrayed his Ambition even in his Sickness, and fell into an extravagant frenzy, fancying him∣self to be General in the War against Mi∣thridates, acting such postures and motions of his body, as he used when he was in the Battel; with frequent Shouts and loud Acclamations, with so strong and invinci∣ble a desire of being employed in that busi∣ness as he possessed through his Pride and Emulation. He, though he had now lived threescore and ten Years, and was the first man that ever was chosen seven times Con∣sul, possessed of such a Palace, and so great Riches as were sufficient for many Kings, yet complained of his ill Fortune; that he must now die before he had attained what he desired. Plato when he saw his death* 1.160 approaching, thanked his God and Fortune; First, that he was born a man and a Grecian, not a Barbarian or a Brute, and next, that he happ'ned to live in Socrates's Age. And so indeed they say Antipater of Tarsus, in* 1.161 like manner at his death recollecting what prosperity he had enjoyed, did not so much as omit his happy Voyage to Athens; thus

returning to every favour of his indulgent Fortune with the greatest acknowledg∣ments, and retaining it to the very last in his memory, than which Man hath not a more secure Treasure. But on the contra∣ry, Persons foolish and ungrateful to God and Nature, lose the enjoyment of their present prosperity by fansying something better to come; whereas by Fortune we may be prevented of this, but that can ne∣ver be taken from us. Yet they reject their present success, as though it did not con∣cern them, and do nothing but dream of future uncertainties; and in this they have but what they deserve, for till they have by Learning and Education laid a good Foun∣dation for external Superstructures; in the seeking after and gathering them, they can never satisfie the unlimited desires of their mind.

80. Thus died Marius on the Seven∣teenth Day of his Seventh Consulship, to the great Joy and content of Rome; which thereby was in good hopes to be delivered from the Calamity of an Insolent, bloody and fatal Tyranny; but in a small time they found, that they had only changed their old Master for another young and vi∣gorous; so much cruelty and salvageness did his Son Marius shew in murthering the* 1.162 Nobility: At the first being esteemed reso∣lute

and daring towards his Enemies, he was named the Son of Mars, but afterwards his actions betraying his contrary dispositi∣on, he was called the Son of Venus. At last he was besieged by Sylla in Praeneste, where he endeavoured by all means to save his life, but in vain; for when the City was taken, there being no way of escape, he slew himself.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Descent of Pyrrhus.
• * 1.2

  Pursu'd by Enemies while an Infant hardly e∣scapes.
• * 1.3

  Glaucias surpriz'd with an o∣minous action of the Child, resolves to protect him.
• * 1.4

  Instead of upper Teeth one Bone.
• * 1.5

  He touches for the Spleen.
• * 1.6

  An early Warriour,
• * 1.7

  His exer∣cises.
• * 1.8

  Care of his Interest.
• * 1.9

  Tempe∣rance.
• * 1.10

  Builds the City Bere∣nicis.
• * 1.11

  Pyrrhus designs mighty Things.
• * 1.12

  Jealousies between Pyrrhus and his Brother-in-Law De∣metrius.
• * 1.13

  Glories in his Descent from Achil∣les.
• * 1.14

  He fights single with Pantan∣chus,
• * 1.15

  How Pyr∣rhus imi∣tated Alex∣ander the Great.
• * 1.16

  Writes Commenta∣ries of Mi∣litary Di∣scipline.
• * 1.17

  Hanni∣bal's Judg∣ment of Pyrrhus.
• * 1.18

  What he held the only Philo∣sophy of Kings.
• * 1.19

  His Marri∣ages and Issue.
• * 1.20

  His Sons all bred to War.
• * 1.21

  How Pyr∣rhus ac∣cepts the Appellation of an Ea∣gle.
• * 1.22

  Vast Prepa∣ration of Demetri∣us.
• * 1.23

  The Army of Deme∣trius re∣volts to Pyrrhus.
• * 1.24

  Himself e∣scapes with difficulty, in a mean disguise.
• * 1.25

  Ambitious Princes ill Neighbours.
• * 1.26

  Pyrrhus his Advice to the A∣thenians.
• * 1.27

  The Mace∣donians re∣volt from Pyrrhus, just as they had done before from Demetri∣us.
• * 1.28

  Pyrrhus uneasie without War.
• * 1.29

  The Occasi∣on of his War with the Ro∣mans.
• * 1.30

  Pyrrhus his great Esteem of Eloquence.
• * 1.31

  Cineas re∣presents to Pyrrhus, he had all that already, which he sought by the labours and haz∣zards of War.
• * 1.32

  Pyrrhus his Fleet dispers'd by Storm.
• * 1.33

  Himself in Great dan∣ger.
• * 1.34

  His severe Discipline unpleasing to the Ta∣rentines.
• * 1.35

  Pyrrhus his Judg∣ment of the Roman's Encamping.
• * 1.36

  His first Engage∣ment with them.
• * 1.37

  His Cou∣rage with∣out Passion.
• * 1.38

  The Ro∣man Army routed.
• * 1.39

  They not at all discou∣rag'd.
• * 1.40

  They refuse Pyrrhus his Presents and Offers of Peace.
• * 1.41

  Appius Claudius his Speech against a Peace with Pyrrhus.
• * 1.42

  The Ro∣mans reject all Over∣tures of Peace till Pyrrhus be first gone out of Ita∣ly.
• * 1.43

  The Ro∣man Se∣nate.
• * 1.44

  Caius Fa∣britius.
• * 1.45

  Contemns Riches, though ex∣treamly poor.
• * 1.46

  Much ad∣mir'd by Pyrrhus.
• * 1.47

  Discovers to Pyrrhus a Design to poyson him.
• * 1.48

  A second Engage∣ment with the Ro∣mans.
• * 1.49

  Pyrrhus's Reply to one that gave him Joy of his Victory.
• * 1.50

  Pyrrhus goes into Sicily.
• * 1.51

  The mighty personal Valour of Pyrrhus.
• * 1.52

  The Ma∣mertines.
• * 1.53

  Pyrrhus disobliges the Sicili∣ans.
• * 1.54

  They revolt from him.
• * 1.55

  He is call'd over again into Italy.
• * 1.56

  His Pro∣phetick farewel to Sicily.
• * 1.57

  A third Fight with the Ro∣mans.
• * 1.58

  The Ro∣mans now at once gain both Victo∣ry and Em∣pire.
• * 1.59

  Pyrrhus held the best Soul∣dier of all Princes of his Time.
• * 1.60

  Antigonus his Chara∣cter of him.
• * 1.61

  Returns home out of Italy.
• * 1.62

  His fresh Successes there.
• * 1.63

  Conquers Antigo∣nus.
• * 1.64

  Pyrrhus invited a∣gainst Sparta.
• * 1.65

  Here Plu∣tarch him∣self changes his style in∣to the broad Poric.
• * 1.66

  Pyrrhus too secure of Success, lo∣seth the op∣portunity of taking Sparta.
• * 1.67

  The great Resolution of the Spar∣tan Ladies.
• * 1.68

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.69

  Pyrrhus draws off from Spar∣ta.
• * 1.70

  Pyrrhus sent for to Argos.
• * 1.71

  Ptolomee one of his Sons kill'd.
• * 1.72

  Antigo∣nus's an∣swer to a Challenge Pyrrhus.
• * 1.73

  He enters the Town by Night un∣discovered.
• * 1.74

  Infinite con∣fusion on all hands in the Night.
• * 1.75

  The Sight of a Figure in the Mar∣ket-place, strikes him with hor∣rour.
• * 1.76

  A remark∣able kind∣ness of an Elephant to his keeper.
• * 1.77

  Pyrrhus almost kil∣led by a Tile thrown off an house by an old Woman.
• * 1.78

  Pyrrhus when half dead, terri∣fies a Soldi∣er so with a Look, he could hard∣ly cut off his Head.
• * 1.79

  Royal Ge∣nerosity of Antigo∣nus.
• * 1.80

  Of the Names of the Ro∣mans.
• * 1.81

  Marius's Statue.
• * 1.82

  Cisalpi∣na.
• * 1.83

  His Paren∣tage.
• * 1.84

  His Tri∣buneship.
• * 1.85

  His stand∣ing to be Aedile.
• * 1.86

  His Prae∣torship and accusation.
• * 1.87

  His Wife.
• * 1.88

  His Deport∣ment in the War against Jugurtha.
• * 1.89

  Turpilius▪
• * 1.90

  Marius an Enemy to him.
• * 1.91

  M••rius goes to Rome.
• * 1.92

  His first Consulship.
• * 1.93

  See his Speech in Salust.
• * 1.94

  Metellus's grief for giving place to him.
• * 1.95

  Jugurtha delivered to Sylla.
• * 1.96

  Sylla pro∣vokes Ma∣rius.
• * 1.97

  The Cim∣bri, though a Northern People, yet having rou∣ted Mallius and Caepio in Spain and Gallia, came im∣mediately from those Parts to Rome.
• * 1.98

  The Teu∣tones and Cimbri.
• * 1.99

  Not Thieves, though La∣trones now generally signifies in the worse sence.
• * 1.100

  S. Odyss. 11.
• * 1.101

  Marius's second Con∣sulship.
• * 1.102

  His Tri∣umph.
• * 1.103

  His disci∣plining his Army.
• * 1.104

  His good Fortune.
• * 1.105

  Hih Ju∣stice.
• * 1.106

  Treboni∣us.
• * 1.107

  Marius's Third Con∣sulship.
• * 1.108

  His Fourth Consulship.
• * 1.109

  La Fosse Mariane.
• * 1.110

  Marius's Policy.
• * 1.111

  His Soldi∣ers Com∣plaints.
• * 1.112

  Martha a Prophetess.
• * 1.113

  Vultures appear.
• * 1.114

  Other Pro∣digies.
• * 1.115

  Batabaces.
• * 1.116

  The Battel begun by Slaves.
• * 1.117

  The Fight.
• * 1.118

  The second Battel.
• * 1.119

  Marius's Fifth Con∣sulship.
• * 1.120

  He allows the fashion of the Piles.
• * 1.121

  Baeorix.
• * 1.122

  The Ro∣mans well exercised.
• * 1.123

  The Cim∣brian Wo∣men's cru∣elty.
• * 1.124

  Marius and Catulus Triumph.
• * 1.125

  How Ma∣rius got his sixth Con∣sulshiy.
• * 1.126

  His Faction with Glau∣cias and Saturni∣nus.
• * 1.127

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, seems to be a mistake for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.128

  His Design to entrap Metellus.
• * 1.129

  His double dealing with the Senate and Commons.
• * 1.130

  Why he was not Candi∣date for the Censor∣ship.
• * 1.131

  His Impu∣dence to Mithrida∣tes.
• * 1.132

  His dispute with Sylla.
• * 1.133

  The Conse∣derates War.
• * 1.134

  Or Pope∣dius.
• * 1.135

  Marius af∣fects to be thought young.
• * 1.136

  Sulpitius's Riot.
• * 1.137

  Sylla drives Ma∣rius from Rome.
• * 1.138

  Young Ma∣rius's es∣cape.
• * 1.139

  Marius's distress.
• * 1.140

  His good Hopes.
• * 1.141

  Marius is taken and sent to Min∣turnae.
• * 1.142

  Fannias's kindness to him.
• * 1.143

  His good Omen.
• * 1.144

  A Gaul at∣tempts to kill him.
• * 1.145

  He is brought by Minturnae to the Sea.
• * 1.146

  Hiempsal's designs upon young Ma∣rius.
• * 1.147

  He makes his escape.
• * 1.148

  Cinna rai∣ses a Sedi∣tion.
• * 1.149

  Marius re∣turns to I∣taly.
• * 1.150

  And joins himself with Cin∣na.
• * 1.151

  Octavius's ill Conduct.
• * 1.152

  Marius and Cinna are called to Rome.
• * 1.153

  Marius's cruelty.
• * 1.154

  Cornutus preserved by his Ser∣vants.
• * 1.155

  Marcus Antonius slain.
• * 1.156

  Catulus kills him∣self.
• * 1.157

  The villai∣nies and punishment of the Bar∣diaei.
• * 1.158

  Marius's Seventh Consulship.
• * 1.159

  His discon∣tent and death.
• * 1.160

  Plato.
• * 1.161

  Antipater.
• * 1.162

  Young Ma∣rius.