The two first books of Philostratus, concerning the life of Apollonius Tyaneus written originally in Greek, and now published in English : together with philological notes upon each chapter / by Charles Blount, Gent.

THE SECOND BOOK OF PHILOSTRATUS, Concerning the LIFE of APOLLONIUS the Tyanaean. (Book 2)

CHAP. I. Of Armenia, Cilicia, Pamphylia, Caria; and of the height of Mount Caucasus and Mycale: Likewise of Taurus, India, Scythia, Meo∣tis, and Pontus: How great the compass of Caucasus is: That Pan∣thers delight in Spices: Of a golden Chain found in the Neck of a Pan∣ther: Whence Nyseus is so called.

ABout Summer time they departed thence, riding together with the Guide, who was the King's Stable-groom of his Camels. They were plen∣tifully furnish'd by the King with all things which they wanted: like∣wise the Inhabitants of the several Countreys gave them kind Entertain∣ment; for the Camel that went foremost, bearing a golden Boss on his Forehead, gave notice to such as met them, that the King sent some one of his Friends. When they were arrived at [1] Caucasus, they say, that they smelt a sweet odour breath∣ing from the Countrey. This Mountain we may call the beginning of Taurus, which runneth through Armenia, Cilicia, Pamphylia, even to [2] Mycale, which end∣ing at the Sea where the Carians inhabit, may be accounted the end of Caucasus, and not the beginning, as some would have it. The heighth of Mycale is not very great; but the tops of Caucasus mount up to so high a pitch, that the Sun seemeth to be cleft by them. With the other part of Taurus it (viz. Caucasus) encompas∣seth also that part of Scythia, which bordereth on India, lying on the [3] Meo∣tis, and having Pontus on the left hand, for the length of about 2000 furlongs; and so far stretcheth the Elbow of Caucasus. But that which is said, that on our side Taurus is extended through Armenia, (which thing hath sometimes not been believ'd) is apparent from the Panthers, which I have known to be taken in that part of Pamphylia, that produceth Spices; for they delight in Odours, and smel∣ling

them at a great distance, they come out of Armenia through the Mountains, after the tears of Storax, when the Winds blow from that quarter, and the Trees distil their Gum. I have also heard, that there was a Panther taken in Pamphy∣lia, with a gold Chain about his Neck, whereon was written in Armenian Letters, ARSACES the King, to the Nisean God. For Arsaces at that time was King in Armenia: he, as I suppose, having seen that Panther, consecrated it to Bacchus, for the bigness of the Beast; for the Indians call Bacchus, Nyseus, from a place in their Countrey call'd Nysa: the same Appellation is also given him by all the Eastern people. That Beast which I spake of, did for a while converse with men, suffering her self to be handled and stroked; but when the Spring was come, and she stirr'd up with a desire of Copulation, she withdrew into the Mountains to meet with a Male, having the same ornament upon her. And she was afterwards taken in the lower part of Taurus, being (as we have said) allured by the odour of the Spices. But Caucasus bounding India and Media, descendeth with another El∣bow to the Red-Sea.

Illustrations on Chap. 1.

[1] CAucasus, a famous Mountain in the North part of Asia, leading from Scythia to India; it is at this day call'd by some Garamas, by others Cocas and Cochias, and by others Albsor, or Adazar. It lyes between the Euxine and Caspian Seas, is situated above Iberia and Albania on the North-side, also is part of the Mountain Taurus.

[2] Mycale, a Town and Mountain of Caria, or rather of Ionia.

[3] Moeotis; a dead Lake in the Countrey of Scythia, into which runneth the River Ta∣nais, which divideth Europe from Asia. It is call'd at this day Mardelle Zabacche.

[4] Panthers; this Animal takes its Name from its Nature, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies cruel and fierce. For the colour of this Beast, Pliny (lib. 8. ch. 17.) tells us, that the ground of the Panther's skin is white, enamell'd all over with little black spots, like eyes. They differ little from a Leopard; some think there is no difference between them, but in Sex. In Greek the general Name is Panther; the special Names, Pordalis and Pordalis. Pordalis is taken for the Male, and Pardalis for the Female. And in Latin it is call'd Pardus and Pan∣thera; where it must be again observ'd, that Pardus signifieth the Male, and Panthera the Female. Neither indeed is the difference between the Leopard and Panther only in Sex, but rather in respect of a mixt and simple Generation, for there is no Leopard or Libbard, but such as is begotten between the Lion and the Panther, or the Panther and the Lioness. This Beast hath a sweet Breath, and is very fierce and wild, in so much that some have there∣fore call'd him the Dog-Wolf; and yet being full, he is gentle enough. He sleepeth three days, (saith Munster) and after the third day, he washeth himself, and cryeth out, when with a sweet savour that cometh from his Breath, he gathereth the wild Beasts together, being led by the smell: and then, saith Pliny, doth he hide his Head very cunningly, lest his looks should affright them; whereupon, whilst they gaze upon him, he catcheth his prey amongst them. Now the Reason why these Beasts have such a sweet Breath, I take to be, in regard that they are so much delighted with all kind of Spices, and dainty aromati∣cal Trees: in so much that (as some affirm) they will go many hundred miles, in the sea∣son of the year, out of one Countrey to another, and all for the love they bear to the Spices, But above all, their chief delight is in the Gum of Camphory, watching that Tree very carefully, to the end they may preserve it for their own use.

[5] Storax; is thus described by Pliny, lib. 12. ch. 25. Storax Calamita (saith he) comes out of that part of Syria, which above Phaenicia confronts and borders next to Iury; namely, Gabala, Marathus, and the Mount Casius in Seleucia. The Tree that yieldeth this Gum or Liquor, is also named Styrax, and very much resembles a Quince-tree. It hath at first a rawish austere taste, which afterwards turns to be more sweet and pleasant. There is found within this Tree a kind of Cane or Reed full of this Juyce. Next to this Storax of Syria, great esteem is had of that which cometh out of Pifidia, from Sidon, Cyprus, and

Cilicia; but least reckoning is made of that Storax which comes from Candy. That which is brought from Mount Amanus in Syria, is good for Physicians, but better for the Perfu∣mers and Confectioners. From what Nation soever it comes, the best Storax is that which is red, and somewhat glutinous, by reason of the fattiness. The worst is that which hath no consistence and tenacity, but crumbles like Bran, being so mouldy, that it is over∣grown with a white hoary Moss. The Merchants use to sophisticate this Drug with the Rosin of Cedar.

CHAP. II. Of Prometheus, and the Bonds wherewith he is said to be bound: Why the Inhabitants of Caucasus scare away Eagles: Of men of four and five Cubits; and of a Hag chased away with Execrations: Anaxago∣ras used to contemplate in Mimas; Thales in Mycale; and others in Athos: Also how men ought rightly to contemplate.

THe Barbarians relate many Fables concerning that Mountain, which are also chanted by the Greeks: namely, how [1] Prometheus, for the kindness which he shew'd to men, was there bound. And that one [2] Her∣cules, (not he that was born at Thebes) being troubled at this sad spectacle, sho•• the [3] Eagle that fed on the Entrails of Prometheus. Now some say, that Pro∣metheus was bound in a Cave that is shewn at the foot of the Hill, where also (ac∣cording to the Relation of Damis) you may yet see the Chains fastned to the Rocks; nor is it easie to tell of what matter they are made. Others say, that he was bound on the top of the Hill, which is double, and therefore that one hand was fastned to one top, and the other to the other top, so great was his [4] stature; the space between the two tops, being no less than a furlong. The Inhabitants of Caucasus esteem Eagles as their Enemies, burning their Nests as many as they make among the Hills, and to that end, shoot fiery Arrows at them. Moreover, they set snares to take them, saying, that by so doing they revenge Prometheus, so much are they addicted to the Fable! But as they passed over Caucasus, they report, how they met with black men of four cubits high; and saw others of five [5] cubits, when they came to the River Indus. Also in their Iourney to that River, they found these things worthy rehearsing: As they travell'd in a clear Moon-shine, they saw the Apparition of an * 1.1 Empusa, one while turning her self into this shape, another while into that, and sometimes vanishing away into nothing. But Apollonius knowing what it was, both reproved the Empusa himself, and commanded his Com∣panions to do the same, as being the proper Remedy for such an Occurrence; where∣upon the Apparition fled away with a shriek like a Ghost. When they were got to the top of the Mountain, and were walking thereupon, where it was very steep, Apol∣lonius ask'd Damis, saying, Where were we yesterday? Damis answer'd, In the Plain. Apollonius ask'd him again, But where are we to day? Damis answer'd, On Caucasus, unless I have forgotten my self. When therefore were you in a lower place, said Apollonius? This is not worth the asking, reply'd Damis; for yester∣day we passed through a hollow Vale, whereas to day we are near to Heaven. Think you then, said he, Oh Damis, that yesterdays Iourney was beneath, and to days above? Yes, said Damis, unless I am out of my Wits. Do you imagine then▪

reply'd Apollonius, that these Walks do one exceed the other, or that you have something more excellent to day than you had yesterday? I conceive so, said Da∣mis; for yesterday I went where the many use to go, but to day I travel where few Passengers ever come. Even in a City, said Apollonius, you may turn aside out of the common Road, and go where few men pass. Whereto Damis answer'd, I did not speak to this purpose, because yesterday travelling through Towns and Villages, we convers'd amongst men, but to day we ascend into a divine Countrey, untrodden by men; for even now you heard our Guide say, how the Barbarians report, that this place is the Seat of the Gods. And with this word, he erected his eyes to the top of the Mountain. Wherefore Apollonius bringing him back to the first demand, said unto him, Can you, Damis, alledg any thing that you have understood of the divine Nature, since you came nearer to Heaven? Whereto he answer'd, I can pro∣duce nothing. But you ought, said Apollonius, in as much as you are mounted on so vast and so divine a Frame, to utter some clearer Opinions touching the Heaven, the Sun, and the Moon; for you imagined your self to have come so near to the Heavens, as that you could touch them with a Wand. Damis answer'd, What Opi∣nions I had yesterday concerning divine things, the same have I also to day, nor have I made an addition of any new one. Then you are still beneath, said Apollo∣nius, and have received no new Light from so great an Altitude, and are as far from Heaven as you were yesterday: wherefore the Question that I first proposed to you is pertinent; for you thought I made a ridiculous Enquiry. Certainly, said Damis, I thought I should come down far wiser, in as much as I have heard, that Anaxagoras the Clazomenian, was used to contemplate of the things in Heaven, from [6] Mimas, a Mountain of Ionia; and [7] Thales the Milesian, from Mycale, that is not far from thence: Likewise some are reported to have made use of [8] Pangeum to the same purpose; and others of Athos; but I, being gotten up into a Mountain higher than all these, am like to come down never a whit the wiser. Neither did they, (answer'd Apollonius) for such watch-Towers may per∣haps shew the Heavens more blue, the Stars greater, and the Sun arising out of the Night, which things are manifest even to the Swains and Shepherds: but how God taketh care of Mankind, and how he delighteth to be worshipped by them, and what Vertue, what Iustice, what Temperance is, neither will Athos shew to those that ascend up thither, nor the Olympus, so much renown'd of the Poets; unless the Soul contemplate and pry into those things, which will, if it come pure and un∣tainted to such Contemplation, rise higher (in my opinion) than this Caucasus.

Illustrations on Chap. 2.

[1] PRometheus was there bound, &c. This Prometheus is by the Poets feign'd to be the Father of Deucalion, and Son of Iapetus and Clymenes, or Asia, as Herodotus calls her, lib. 4. Prometheus is said to have been the first that made Man of Clay, and therefore called the Father of Men.

Fertur Prometheus addere Principi Limo coactus particulam undiq, Desectam, & insani Leonis Vim Stomacho apposuisse nostro. Horat.

Having artificially composed Man of certain parts taken from other Creatures, and Minerva being delighted with his Invention, promis'd to grant him any thing that was in Heaven, for the perfection of his Work: whereupon, Prometheus being by her means convey'd up into Heaven, and there observing how all things were animated with Souls of heavenly

Fire, did with a bundle of Sticks which he kindled at the flames of the Sun, bring down Fire upon Earth, and therewith infused Life and Soul into the man that he had form'd of Clay.

That crawling Insect which from mud began, Warm'd by my beams, and kindled into man.

This Robbery is often mention'd in the ancient Writers of Poetical Fictions; as Horace, Lib. 1. Od. 3.

Post ignem aethere â domo Subductum, &c. —

Also Virgil in Sileno:

Caucaseas{que} refert volucres, furtum{que} Promethei.

After this, it is said, that Iupiter being offended at Prometheus for his Theft, thought to be revenged on him, by laying some grievous affliction upon Mankind, in the forming of which, he so much boasted; for which purpose, Iupiter commanded Vulcan to frame a beautiful Woman; which being done, every one of the Gods bestow'd a Gift on her, who thereupon was call'd Pandora: to this Woman they gave in her hand a goodly Box full of all Miseries and Calamities, only in the bottom of it they put Hope; with this Box she went first to Prometheus, thinking to catch him, if peradventure he should accept the Box at her hands, and so open it; which he nevertheless with good providence and foresight refused. Whereupon she goes to Epimetheus, (the Brother of Prometheus) and offers this Box to him, who rashly took it and opened it: but when he saw that all kind of Miseries came flut∣tering about his ears, being wise too late, he with great speed and earnest endeavour clapt on the Cover, and so with much ado retained Hope, sitting alone in the bottom. At last, Iupiter laying many and grievous Crimes to Prometheus his charge, cast him into Chains, and doom'd him to perpetual Torment; whereupon by Iupiter's Command, Prometheus was fast bound, and fetter'd to a Pillar of the Mountain Caucasus; as our Author here men∣tions: Also that there came an Eagle every day, who sate feeding upon his Liver, which as it was devoured in the day, so grew again in the night, that matter for Torment to work upon might never decay: nevertheless 'tis said, there was an end of his punishment; for Hercules crossing the Ocean in a Cup which the Sun gave him, came to Caucasus, and set Prometheus at liberty, by shooting the Eagle with an Arrow. Moreover, in some Nations there were instituted certain Games of Lamp-bearers, in honour of Prometheus, in which they that strove for the Prize, were wont to carry Torches lighted, which who so suffer'd to go out, yielded the place and victory to those that follow'd; so that whosoever came first to the Mark with his Torch burning, won the Prize.

Now concerning the Theogeny and Parallel of Prometheus, Vossins makes him to be the same with Noah; De Idololat. lib. 1. ch. 18. The Patriarch Noah (says he) is adumbrated to us, not only in Saturn, but also in Prometheus, &c. 1. Because as under Noah, so also under Prometheus, the great Floud was supposed to happen; for so saith Diod••rus, lib. 1. That Nilus having broken down its bounds, overwhelm'd a great part of Aegypt, especially that part where Prometheus reign'd, which destroy'd the greatest part of men in his Terri∣tory; nevertheless if the Floud were universal, this Parallel holds not. 2. Prometheus is said to restore Mankind after the Floud; which (say they) exactly answers to Noah, the Father of Mankind, &c. 3. Herodotus (lib. 4.) tells us, that Prometheus's Wife was called Asia; and indeed Noah's Wife was no other than Asia, or Asiatica, an Asiatick. Again, Bochartus makes Prometheus to be Magog, the Son of Iapetus, or Iaphet: 1. In that he is styled the Son of Iapetus; as Magog was the Son of Iaphet. 2. From the eating of Prome∣theus's Heart; which Fable sprang from the Name, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Magog; which being applied to the Heart, implies its consumption, or wasting away. 3. Prometheus is said to have his Seat in Caucasus; because Magog and his Posterity planted themselves there. 4. They feign, that Fire and Metals were invented by Prometheus, as well as by Vulcan; because there are many subterraneous Fires and Metals in these places. Boch. Phaleg. lib. 1. Of this see more in Stillingfleet's Origin. S••c. lib. 3. ch. 5. and in Gale's Court of the Gentiles, lib. 2. ch. 6. part 1.

[2] Not that Hercules that was born at Thebes; there were several men of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Name,

the Ancients using to call all men of wonderful strength, Hercules: Diodorus (lib. 4.) reckons up three of this Name; Arnobius, six; and Cicero (de Nat. Deor.) as many▪ but Varro saith, there were forty three several men so call'd; whereof the most famous was Hercules of Thebes, the Son of Iupiter and Alcmena: for Alcmena his Mother having married Am∣phitrion, a Theban Prince, upon condition that he would revenge the Massacre of her Bro∣ther; whilst Amphitrion was imploy'd in a War for that purpose, amorous God Iupiter gave a Visit to Alcmena in Amphitrion's shape; and that he might enjoy the satisfaction of her company the longer without discovery, he made that night to continue longer than any other. Alcmena was then big with Iphiclus, she did nevertheless conceive Hercules from Iu∣piter's Acquaintance, and was brought to bed of them both together; but notwithstanding Amphitrion was not the Father of Hercules, yet is he by the Poets call'd Amphitrioniades.

Thus when Alcmena did her Bed defame, The lech'rous God bely'd bore all the shame; Cuckold or Bastard was a glorious Name.

Some say, that Iuno being earnestly solicited by Pallas, was so far reconciled to her Husband, Iupiter, that she gave his spurious Son Hercules suck with her own Milk; and that the little Hercules having spilt some of her Milk out of his mouth, he whited all that part of the Sky, which we call, The milkie way. Afterwards, when Hercules was come of age, the Oracle inform'd him, it was the will of the Gods that he should pass through twelve eminent Dangers or Labours; which were these: 1. He slew a great Lion in the Wood Nemoea▪ whose Skin he ever after wore. Theocrit. Idys. 25. And 2. he slew the monstrous Serpent Hydra in the Fens of Lerna near Argos, whose many Heads he cut off, and then burnt his Body: lib. 2. Apollod. 3. He slew the wild Boar of Erymanthus, which had wasted Arca∣dia. 4. He slew the Amaz••nian Centaurs. 5. He took a Stag running on foot in the Moun∣tain Men••laus, after a whole years pursuit, the Deer's Feet being made of Brass, and Horns of Gold. 6. He slew the Birds Stymphalides, which were so numerous, and of so prodigious greatness, that they darken'd the Air, and hinder'd the Sun from shining upon men, where∣ever they flew•• nay, they did often devour men. 7. (As Virgil informs us) he cleans'd the Stables of Augeas, King of Elis, wherein many thousand Oxen had dung'd continually a long time together; for turning the Current of the River Alpheus, and causing it to pass through the Stables, he by that means carried away the filth all in one day. 8. He brought a Bull from Crete into Greece, drawing him along the Sea; which Bull breath'd nothing but flames of Fire, and was sent by Neptune as a punishment amongst them. 9. He took Diomedes, King of Thrace, Prisoner, giving him to be eaten of his own man eating Horses, and after∣wards breaking the said wild Horses, he brought them to Eurystheus. 10. He took Priso∣ner Geryon and his Cattel, who was King of Spain, and reported to have three Bodies, be∣cause he had three Kingdoms. 11. He went to Hell, and brought thence with him Theseus and Pyrithous, as also the Dog Cerberus. And 12. he took the golden Apples out of the Garden of the Hesperides, and kill'd the Dragon that kept them from him. All which Acti∣ons rendred him terrible to the Tyrant Eurystheus, for whose sake he had perform'd them. Now concerning these Labours of Hercules, mention is made in Lucret. lib. 5. Ovid. Me∣tam. 9. Senec. Agamemn. 806. Hercul. Fur. 214. and 526. Herc. Oet. 15. Silius, 3, 333. Sidon, Carm. 9. Boet. lib. 4. Met. 7. Claud. praef. in lib. 2. de Raptu Pros. Moreover, from hence arose these Proverbs, Herculei Labores, signifying a Work impossible to be atchiev'd; Herculis Cothurnos; Frustra Herculem; Hercules & Simia; and Hercules Hospitator. Sui∣das interpreteth Hercules's Club to be Philosophy, whereby he slew the Dragon, i. e. Na∣tural Concupiscence. Lastly, For his Death, it happen'd, A. M. 2752. Ant. Christ. 1196. The learned Jesuit Galtru••bius (who writes his Life more at large than any one I have met with) supposes this Hercules of Thebes to have been the same that releas'•• Prometheus, con∣trary to what Philostratus here asserts; and this may proceed from the obscure Records of those Times, which attribute the Actions of all others of that Name to this Hercules the Theban, or Lybian, as call'd by some, because he conquer'd Lybia.

[3] Eagles; Amongst all Fowls the Eagle only can move her self strait upward and downward perpendicularly, without any collateral declining: Munster. This Bird is com∣mended for her faithfulness towards other Birds in some kind, though she often shews her self cru•••••••• They all stand in awe of her, and when she hath gotten meat, she useth to com∣municate

it only to such Fowls as accompany her; but some affirm, that when she hath no more to make distribution of, then she will attack some of her Guests, and for lack of food dis-member them. Her sight is sharp and quick, in so much that being in the highest part of the Air, she can easily see what falleth on the Land, and thereupon the sooner find her prey. It is said, that she can gaze upon the Sun, and not be blind, and will fight eagerly with the Dragon, who greedily coveting the Eagles Eggs, causeth many Conflicts to be between them. The Poets have call'd her Iove's Bird, and Iupiter's Armour-bearer, be∣cause she is never hurt with Lightning. She has great affection towards her young, in so much that she will endanger her own Body to secure them, bearing her young ones on her back, when she perceiveth them to be assaulted with Arrows. She usually preyeth on Hares, Geese, Cranes, and Harts; as for her practice in killing the Hart, Munster saith, it is thus: When she laboureth to destroy the Hart, she gathereth much dust as she flyeth, then sitting upon the Hart's Horns, shaketh it into his eyes, and with her wings beateth him about the mouth, till she makes him fall fainting to the ground. The Eagle buildeth her Nest-upon high places, as Rocks and Mountains; and the property of the young Eagle is, when she findeth a dead Carkass, first of all to pick out his eye. Now although the Eagle be very ten∣der over her young, yet when they be able to fly of themselves, she casteth them out of her Nest, because she would have them shift for themselves, and no longer depend upon their Dam. Moreover, Aristotle writeth, that when the Eagle waxeth old, the upper part of her Bill groweth so much over the under, that she dieth of Famine. But Augustine observ∣eth further, that when the Eagle is thus overgrown, she beateth her Bill upon the Rock, and so by striking off her cumbersom part, she recovereth her strength and eating: to which the Psalmist alludeth, Psal. 103.5. Which makes thee young and lusty as an Eagle. Swan's Specul. Mund.

[4] So great was his Stature. As for the bigness and stature of mens Bodies, it decreas∣eth nor by succession of Off-spring; but men are sometimes in the same Nation taller, some∣times shorter, sometimes stronger, and sometimes weaker; as the Times wherein they live, are more temperate or luxurious, more given to labour or to idleness. And for those Narrations which are made of the Giant-like statures of men in former Ages, (such as the Poets and Philostratus here mention of Prometheus) many of them were doubtless meerly Po∣etical and Fabulous. I deny not, but such men have been, who for their strength and sta∣ture were the Miracles of Nature, and the World's Wonder; yet may we justly suspect that which Suetonius writes, That the Bones of huge Beasts, or Sea-monsters, both have, and still do pass currant for the Bones of Giants. When Claudius with great strength entred this Island, (as Dion▪ Cass. speaks, l. 60.) he brought with him a mighty Army both of Horse and Foot, as also Elephants in great number, whose Bones being since found, have bred an er∣ror in us, supposing them to be the Bones of Men and not of Beasts, as Speed our Chroni∣cler doth. A notable Story to this purpose Camerarius reports of Francis the first, King of France, who being desirous to know the truth of those things spread abroad, touching the strength and stature of Rowland, Nephew to Charlemain, caused his Sepulchre to be open'd, wherein his Armour being found, and the King putting it on his own Body, found it so fit for him, as thereby it appear'd, that Rowland exceeded him little in bigness and stature of Body, though himself were no•• extraordinary big or tall. Likewise I have often heard my Father say, that the Coffin or Tomb-stone he saw in one of the Egyptian Pyramids, wherein it is thought one of their ancient Kings were buried, is of no greater length than his own Coffin must be. If men have decay'd in their stature since the first Ages, then by consequence the first Man Adam must have been a Giant of Giants, the highest and most monstrous Giant that ever the World beheld; whereof we have no account in Scripture. Holy Writ makes mention of Giants in the 6th. of Genesis, not long before the Floud, but long after the Creation; Ther••••••••e Giants in the Earth in those days, saith the Text. Nevertheless it is the phrase of holy 〈◊〉〈◊〉, to call such Giants as are in behaviour wicked, rude, or barbarous; And so speaks the Prophet Isaiah of the Medes and Persians, ordain'd for the laying waste of Iude••, Giants shall come, and execute my fury upon you. So that if we rest in this Interpreta∣tion, there is no necessity we should conceive these Giants to have exceeded other men in stature. Of the same opinion is St. Chrysostome, who says, Gigantes à Scriptura di••i opinor non inusitatum hominum genus, aut insolitam formam, sed Heroas & viros fortes & bellicosos, However, that some few men there have been of a prodigious stature, cannot be deny'd;

such in the Times of Abraham, Moses, Ioshua and David, are registred under the Names of Rephaim••, Zuzims, Zanzummins, Emims, and Anakims. Also the Prophet Amos found among the Amorites men of Giant-like stature, whose heighth is compared to the Cedars, and their strength to O••ks. Such also were Og, the King of Basan, and Goliah, the Phili∣stin of Gah. The like hath been found in all succeeding Ages: Florus (lib. 3. ch. 3.) men∣tions a Giant named Theut••bocchus, King of the Teutones, in Germany, (vanquish'd by Ma∣rius, the Roman Consul, about 150 years before Christ) as a spectacle full of Wonder, be∣ing of so excessive an height, that he appear'd above the Trophies themselves, when they were carried on the tops of Spears. Pliny tells us, that during the Reign of the Emperor Claud••us, was brought out of Arabia to Rome, a mighty man named Gabbara, who was nine foot and nine inches high. There were likewise in the time of Augustus Caesar two other, named Pusi•• and Secondilla, higher than Gabbara by half a foot, whose Bodies were preserv'd, and kept for a Wonder within the Salustian Gardens. Maximinus the Emperor, as Iulius Capitolinus affirms, exceeded eight foot; and Andronicus Comninus, ten, as Nice∣tas writes. Melchior Nunnez in his Letters of China reports, in the chief City call'd Pagvin, the Porters are fifteen foot high. In the West-Indies, in the Region of Chica, near the mouth of the Streights, Ortelius describes a people, whom he terms Pentagones, from their huge stature, being ordinarily seven foot and an half high; whence their Countrey is known by the Name of the Land of Giants. Of this Subject see more in Hackinit's and Smith's Voyages, and Pureas's Pilgrims; as also in Hakwil's Provid. of God.

[5] Five Cubits; A Cubit is commonly held to be the length of the Arm, from the El∣bow to the end of the middle Finger; or (after the Anatomists) to the Wrist of the Hand. Of this s••e all Authors that treat of the Weights and Measures used among the Ancients.

[6] Mimas, a Mountain of Ionia, call'd at this day, Capo Stillari; it is situate near the City Colophon, and over against the Isle Chius.

[7] Thales the Milesian, Son of Examius and Cleobulina, was the first Founder of ancient Philosophy in Greece. He was born at Miletus, the chief City of Ioni••, in the 35th. Olym∣piad, as Laertius informs us out of Apollodorus; yet others make him to be not a Milesian, but Phaenician by birth: T••ste Euseb. lib. 10. pr••par. ch. 2. and Hornius Histor. Philos. l. 3. ch. 12. Pliny (lib. 2.) says, that he lived in the time of Alyattis; and Cicero (lib. 1. de Divinat.) tells us, that he lived under As••y••ges; both of which Relations agree, in as much as these two Kings wag'd War each against other: as Vossius de Philosoph. sectis, lib. 2. ch. 5. Hyginus (in his Poetico Astronomico) treating of the lesser Bear, speaks thus: Thales, who made diligent search into these things, and first call'd this lesser Bear, Arctos, was by Nation a Phaenician, as Herodotus says; which well agrees with these words of Herodotus Halicar∣nass▪ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. This was the opinion of Thales the Milesian, by his Ancestors a Phaenician, i. e. He himself was born at Miletus, but his Ancestors were Phae∣nicians. So V••ssius de Histor. Graec. l. 3. That Thales was of a Phaenician Extract, is also af∣firm'd by Di••genes, Laertius, and Suidas. So in like manner Vossius (de Philosoph. Sect. lib. 2. ch. 1.) says, that Thales who founded the I••nick Philosophy, drew his Original from the Phaenicians, whither he travell'd from Phaenicia to Miletus with Neleus, and there was made a Citizen of that place. Some say, that Thales travell'd into Phaenicia, and brought from thence his knowledge of Astronomy, particularly his Observations of the Cynosura, or lesser Bear, as Pliny, lib. 5. ch. 17. That Thales travell'd into Asia and Aegypt, to inform himself in the Oriental Wisdom, he himself affirms in his Epistle to Pherecydes: Laert. lib. 1. That the Grecian or Ionick Philosophy owes its Original to Thales, is generally confess'd▪ for he travelling into the Oriental Parts, first brought into Greece Natural Philosophy, the Ma∣thematicks, Geometry, Arithmetick, Astronomy, and Astrology: whereupon was conferred on him that swelling Title of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. The wise man. About which time, the same Title was conferred on six others, for their more than ordinary skill in Moral Philosophy▪ and Politicks; viz. on Chilo the Lacedemonian, Pittacus the Mitylenian, Bias the Prienean, Cle∣obulus the Lindian, Periander the Corinthian, and Solon the Athenian; who with Thales made up the seven wise men of Greece, of whom see Diogenes Laertius. The Wisdom of these 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was for the most part Moral, tending to the government of humane Conversa∣tion, which they wrapped up in certain short Aphorisms or Sentences, as appears by Quin∣tilian, l. 5. ch. 11. These Sentences that they might have the greater Authority, and seem to be derived from God rather than from men, were ascribed to no certain Author.

Whence that famous Sentence, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Nosce teipsum, was ascribed by some to Chilo, by others to Thales. Concerning Thales, Apuleius (18. Flor.) gives this honourable Cha∣racter: Thales the Milesian, of those seven wise men mention'd, will easily be granted to have the pre-eminence; as being the first inventer of Geometry amongst the Greeks, the most certain finder out of the nature of things, and the most skilful contemplator of the Stars▪ by small Lines he found out the greatest things, the Circumferences of Times, the Fl••tus, or blowings of Winds, the Meatus, or small passages of the Stars, the miraculous sounds of Thunder, the oblique courses of the Stars, the annual Returns or Sol••tices of the Sun, the Increases of the new Moon, and Decreases of the old, also the Obstacles which cause the Eclipse. He likewise in his old age found a divine account of the Sun; how often (i. e. by how many degrees) the Sun by its magnitude, did measure the Circle it passed thorow: thus Apuleius. See more of the same in August. de Civit. Dei, lib. 8. ch. 2. and Lud. Vi••es.

Now to come to the particulars of Thales's Philosophy: 1. In his disquisition of the na∣tural Causes of things, he conceiv'd Water to be the first principle of all natural Bodies, whereof they consist, and into which they resolve: see Stobaeus placit. Philosoph. 2. He ac∣knowledg'd God the first of Beings, and Author of the World; asserting according to Laer∣tius, that the most ancient of all things is God. 3. He affirm'd, (as Stobaeus hath it) that the World is full of Daemons, which Daemons were spiritual Substances, and the Souls of Heroes departed: whereof there are two sorts, the good and bad; the good Heroes are the good Souls, and the bad, the bad. 4. Plutarc•• affirms, that Thales first held the Soul to be a self-moving Nature. 5. He said, there was but one World, which being form'd by God, was most beautiful; that Night is elder than Day; that the World is animated, and that God was the Soul thereof, diffused through every part of it; that the World is con∣tain'd in place; that in the World there is no Vacuum; that Matter is fluid and variable; that the Stars are earthly, yet fiery; and that the Moon is of the same nature with the Sun, being illuminated by him. 6. Thales was the Inventer of Geometry amongst the Gr••cians: 7. That he took the height of the Egyptian Pyramids, by measuring their shadow. 8. That he was the first of the Grecians that was skilful in Astronomy. 9. That he first observ'd the Tropicks. 10. That he first made known the apparent Diameter of the Sun. 11. That he first foretold Eclipses. 12. That he first distinguish'd the seasons of the year, dividing it in∣to 365 days. Lastly, He was no less famous for his Astrological Predictions, moral Senten∣ces▪ judgement in civil Affairs, and his Writings to Solon; of which see more in Laertius, Plutarch, Stobaens, and Stanly. As for his Chronology, he receiv'd the title of wise, (as Demetrius Phal. saith) when Damasias was Archon. He travell'd into Aegypt in the Reign of Amasis, and being of a great age, died in the first year of the 58th. Olympiad, when (ac∣cording to Pansanias) Erxyclides was Archon▪ He was 92 years old when he died. The most eminent of his Auditors were Anaximander, and Anaximen••s.

[8] Pang••••um, a Mountain of Thrace in the Confines of Macedonia, called at this day, Malaca, and C••stagua, Alta{que} Pang••a, &c. — Virg. Georg. ••.

CHAP. III. Of the River Cophenus, and of Camels whose Knees are inflexible: Of Wine made of Dates, yet being as able to inebriate, as that made of Grapes: Also of Hon y from Trees.

HAving now travers'd the Mountain, they light on men that rode upon Ele∣phants, and have their Habitation between Mount Caucasus, and the [1] River Cophenus: They are a very rude people, and keepers of such Cattel; some of them sate on such Camels as the Indians make use of for run∣ning, in that they will go a thousand furlongs in one day, and have their Knees

inflexible. Wherefore one of them riding upon such a Camel, when he approached somewhat near, asked the Guide whither they were going; and being certifi'd con∣cerning the cause of their Iourney, he told it to the other Nomades, who rejoycing at the News, bade them come near, and offer'd them Wine, which they by an Art they have press out of Dates; likewise Honey made of the same Tree, as also the flesh of Lions and Panthers, whose skins had been newly fley'd off. Now having received all these things save the flesh, they passed by those Indians travelling to∣wards the East; and afterwards dining near a certain Fountain, Damis tasting the Wine which they had receiv'd from the Indians, said to Apollonius, This is the Cup of Jupiter the Saviour, whereof you have not drank a long time: but I suppose you will not refuse this Liquor, as you do that which is wrung from the Grapes. Having thus spoken, he offer'd a Libation, in that he had made mention of Jupi∣ter: At this Apollonius smiling, said unto him, Do we not abstain from receiv∣ing Money? Yes, said he, as you have often made it appear. What then, answer'd Apollonius, is to be done? Shall we abstain from Silver and Gold, not being tempted with that Money, which not only private men, but even Kings themselves, exceedingly affect; and yet if any man should offer us a piece of brass Money in∣stead of silver, or a counterfeit piece gilded over with gold, shall we receive the same, only because it is not such Money as most men so greedily pursue••? For the Indians have Money made of Copper, and black Brass, wherewith all such as come into those Parts must traffick. If then the Nomades (or Shepherds) had offer'd us such Money, would you, when you had seen me refuse the same, have better inform'd me, by s••ying, that that only is to be accounted [2] Money, which the King of the Medes, or Emperor of the Romans, coyneth, and that this is another kind of thing which the Indians have devised? Now should I be perswaded with such a Reason, what would you think of me? Should I not pass for a counterfeit, and one that casteth away Philosophy, in a worse manner than Souldiers cast away their Bucklers? For he that hath done so, may get another Buckler as good as the for∣mer, as saith Archilochus; but how can Philosophy be recover'd by him, that hath once rejected or despised the same? In like manner, Bacchus might pardon me, if I wholly abstain from all sorts of Wine whatsoever; but if I prefer that made of Dates, before that which distilleth from the Grape, I know he will certainly be moved with indignation, and say, that his Gift is slighted. Neither are we far distant from him, for even now you heard the Guide say, that the Mountain Nysa is hard by, where Bacchus (as I have heard) doth many strange things. Neither doth it, Oh Damis, proceed from Grapes only that men are drunken, but also from Dates; for we have seen many of the Indians intoxicated with this sort of Wine, whereof some dance and reel, others sing and nod, as they among us who sit up whole nights a drinking. Now that you your self imagine this Drink to be Wine, is evident, in that you offer'd a Libation thereof to Jupiter, using such a Prayer as is used at a Drink offering of Wine. But these things are spoken to you Damis, only in relation to my self; not that I would disswade you, or the rest of our Compani∣ons, from drinking it: nay, I would freely also give you liberty to eat of the Flesh; for I see that the abstinence from these things would be nothing advantagious to you, whereas they are suitable to that kind of Philosophy, to the which I have addicted ••y self from a Child. The Companions of Damis heard this with delight, and were glad to be feasting, thinking they should the better perform their Iourney, if they used a plentiful Diet.

Illustrations on Chap. 3.

[1] THe River Cophenus; or Cophes, disgorges it self into the River Indus. Strabo, Mela, and other Geographers, reckon it as the chief River in India, even bigger than the River Indus it self.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Dionys. Perleg. vers. 1140. Tertius hos sequitur splendenti gurgite Cophes.

[2] Money which the Emperor of the Romans coyneth; For as much as in several places of this History, I have occasion to mention some of the Coyns of the Ancients, it will not be amiss here to reduce some of their principal Sums to our present Sterling; which finding al∣ready done to my hands by the Lord Bishop of Hereford, as well as by the Learned Dr. Hake∣will, I shall here present you with their Tables of Calculation.

The Lord Francis, Bishop of Hereford, (who lived in the Reign of King Charles the First) his Tables of Calculation.

Vnus Sestertius in masculine genere, sive unus nummus, valebat nostrae monetae Anglicanae fere			2d.
Nimirum ut 10. valeant			19d.
Viceni Sesterti	0	3	2d.
Sestertii, vel Nummi.	ll	sh.	dd.
30	0	4	9
40	0	6	4
50	0	7	11
60	0	9	6
70	0	11	1
80	0	12	8
90	0	14	3
100	0	15	10
200	1	11	8
300	2	7	6
400	3	3	4
500	3	19	2
600	4	15	0
700	5	10	10
800	6	6	8
900	7	2	6
1000	7	18	4
Sestertia. Bina H. S. vel bina Sestertia in neutro genere valebant	15	16	8
3 H. S. valebant	23	15	0
4	31	13	4
5	39	11	8
6	47	10	0
7	55	8	4
8	63	6	8
9	71	5	0
Dena H. S. sive Sestertia, vel 1000 Nummum valeant	79	3	4
Vicena Sestertia, vel XX. millia Nummum	158	6	8
30 H. S.	237	10	0
40	316	13	4
50	395	16	8
60	475	00	00
70	554	3	4
80	633	6	8
90	712	10	00
Centum millia vel C. vel 100 Sestertia vale∣bant	791	13	4
Ducenta	1583	6	8
300	2374	0	0
400	3165	13	4
500	3957	6	8
600	4748	0	0
700	5539	13	4
800	6331	6	••
Iam deinceps numerantur per adverbia, ut non dicamus mille millia, vel mille Sestertia, ••ed decies, id est, decies millena millia.
Decies continet monetae nostrae supputatione pau∣lo accuratiori	7914	13	4
Vieies	15829	6	8
T••icies	23774	0	0
Quadragies	31658	13	4
Quinquagies	39573	6	8
Sexagies	47488	00	00
Septuagies	55402	13	4
Octogies	63317	6	8
Nonagies	71232	00	00
Centies	79146	13	4
Ducenties	158298	6	8
Tercenties	237440	00	00
Quadringenties	316586	13	4
Quingenties	395733	6	••
Sexcenties	474880	00	00
Septingenties	5••4026	13	4
Octingenties	633173	0	8

Nongenties	712320	00	00
Millies	791466	13	4
Bis millies	1582933	6	8
Ter millies	2374400	00	00
Quater millies	3165866	13	4
Quinquies millies	3975333	6	8
Sexies millies	4748800	00	00
Septies millies	5540266	13	4
Octies millies	6331733	6	8
Novies millies	7123200	0	0
Decies millies	7914666	13	4
Vices millies	15829333	6	8

Talentorum apud Antiquos multa fuere genera, Atticum, Euboicum, Aeginense, Hebraicum, Babylonicum, & alia. Sed hoc observandum est, scriptores ubi Talenti mentionem faciunt abs{que} ulla adjectione, vix unquam aliud intelligere quam Atticum, quod valebat nostrae monetae Anglicanae libras, 190.

Talentum Atticum	190l.
Talenta duo	380
3	570
4	760
5	950
6	1140
7	1330
8	1520
9	1710
10	1900
Talenta 20	3800
30	5700
40	7600
50	9500
60	11400
70	13300
80	15200
90	17100
100	19000
Talenta 200	38000
300	57000
400	76000
500	95000
600	114000
700	133000
800	152000
900	171000
100	190000
Talenta 2000	380000
3000	570000
4000	760000
5000	950000
6000	1140000
7000	1330000
8000	1520000
9000	1710000
10000	1900000
Talenta 20000	3800000
30000	5700000
40000	7600000
50000	9500000
60000	11400000
70000	••300000
80000	••••00000
90000	••100000
100000	19000000
200 Millia	38000000
300	57000000
400	76000000
500	95000000
600	114000000
700	133000000
800	152000000
900	171000000
Mille millia Talentorum	190000000

But Dr. Hakewill, who differs some small matter from his Lordship's Computation, reckons a Talent to be 750 ounces of Silver, which after five shillings the ounce comes to 187 pounds. The Sestertius (saith Hakewill) was among the Romans a Coyn so common, that Nummus and Sestertius came at length to be used promiscuously the one for the other; so called it was, quasi Semis-tertius, because of three Asses it wanted half a one, and is thus commonly express'd, IIS, or H-S, whereby is understood two Asses and an half. For the value of it, ten Asses make a Denarius, or Roman penny, so termed, because it contain'd Dena aera, which were the same with their Asses; so as the Sesterce containing two Asses and an half, must of necessity be found in the Denarius four times: now the Denarius being the eighth part of an ounce, and an ounce of Silver being now with us valued at five shil∣lings, it follows by consequence, that the value of the Denarius is seven pence half-penny: also the Sesterces being the fourth part thereof, amount to penny half-penny farthing half farthing, which is half a farthing less than the Bishop's Computation. Touching the man∣ner of counting by Sesterces, a Controversie there is betwixt Budae••s and Agricola, whether Sestertius in the Masculine, and Sestertium in the Neuter, be to be valu'd alike, which Agri∣cola affirms; but Budaeus upon better reason (in my judgement) denies, and to him I

incline, believing that Sestertium in the Neuter contains a thousand Sesterties, according to my Lord Bishop's Table above receited. But here two things are specially to be noted: First, That if the Numeral, or word that denoteth the Number, being an Adjective, and of a different Case, be joyn'd with Sestertium, (by an abbreviation put for Sestertiorum) in the Genitive Case plural, then doth it note so many thousand Sestertii; for example, Decem Sestertium signifies Decem millia, or ten thousand Sesterces. Secondly, If the Numeral joyn'd with Sestertium be an Adverb, then it designeth so many hundred thousand; ex. gra. Decies Sestertium, signifies D••••ies centena millia, ten hundred thousand, or a million of Sesterces; and sometimes the Substantive Sestertium is omitted, but necessarily understood; the Adje∣ctive then, or Adverb set alone, being of the same value, as if the Substantive were ex∣press'd: as thus, Decem standing by it self, is as much as Decem Sestertium; and Decies the same. Dr. Hakewill.

Dr. Hakewill his Table of Calculation.

Sesterces are worth in English Moneys.
	l	s	d
Twenty	0	3	1	ob.
A Hundred	0	15	7	ob.
Five hundred	3	18	1	ob.
A Thousand	7	16	3	0
Five thousand	39	1	3	0
Ten thousand	78	2	6	0
Twenty thousand	156	5	0	0
Fifty thousand	390	12	6	0
A hundred thousand	781	5	0	0
Five hundred thousand	3906	5	0	0
A Million	7812	10	0	0
Five millions	39062	10	0	0
Ten millions	78125	0	0	0
Twenty millions	156250	0	0	0
Fifty millions	390625	0	0	0
A hundred millions	781250	0	0	0
Two hundred millions	1562500	0	0	0
Five hundred millions	3906250	0	0	0
A thousand millions	7812500	0	0	0

CHAP. IV. Of Nysa beset with Trees, like Tmolus in Lydia: Of Bacchus's Tem∣ple surrounded with Ivy and Vines; and of his Statue: That there be various opinions about the Countrey of Bacchus; but that by an In∣scription on a certain Quoite in Pythia, it is believ'd that he was a The∣ban: Concerning another Bacchus, Son to the River Indus; as also of the Name of the Hill Nysa: Whether Alexander the Macedonian did celebrate the Orgies of Bacchus in Nysa?

AFter this, having passed over the River Cophenus, they themselves in Boats, and their Camels on foot, in as much as the River is not there very deep, they arrived in the Continent that pertaineth to the King, where the Hill Nysa reaching all along, is set with Plantations to the very top, as Tmolus in Lydia is. It is an easie matter for any one to get up into the same, in that passages are every where made by the Husbandry there used. When they were ascended, they lighted on the Temple of Bacchus, which they say that he himself planted round about with Laurels, in a circumference of so much ground, ••s would be sufficient for an indifferent Temple: and that round about the Laurels he planted Vines and Ivy; also erected his Image in the midst, as knowing that time would bring the Bought to meet, and so frame a kind of Roof; which now is so closely compacted,

that neither can the Rain descend, nor Wind blow upon the Temple. There be also Sickles, pruning Knives, and Wine-presses, with all things belonging thereunto, made of gold and silver, and dedicated to Bacchus, as to one concern'd in the Vintage: but the Image of Bacchus being made of white Stone, resembleth an In∣dian Lad. When Bacchus begins his Orgies, and moveth Nysa, the under-lying Cities are said to hear him, and to be moved together with it. Howbeit, there is no small Controversie between the Indians and the Greeks about Bacchus; yea, the very Indians themselves are divided in their Opinions concerning him. For we say, that Bacchus the Theban made an Expedition into India, leading an Army after a mad antick fashion: to prove which, we bring many probable Conjectures, more especially the Monument in Pythia, which is there conserv'd in the Treasury of the Temple: it is a certain Quoit or Discus made of silver, bearing this In∣scription; [1] Bacchus, the Son of Semele and Iupiter, from the Indies, to Apollo of Delphos. But the Indians that dwell between Caucasus and the River Cophenus affirm, that Bacchus came out of Assyria into those Parts, and are said to be acquainted with the whole Story of Bacchus the Theban. Whereas they that inhabit the Region between Indus and Hydraotes, and the residue of that Conti∣nent, which is bounded by the River Ganges, report, that Bacchus was the Son of the River Indus, and that there came to him that other Bacchus born at Thebes, who touch'd the Leavy-spear, and communicated to him the Orgies, saying, that he was the Son of Jupiter, and was quicken'd in his Father's Thigh till his birth, and that he found a Hill near Nysa called Meros, [which signifies a Thigh.] They also report, that the Inhabitants having fetched Grape-kernels out of Thebes, plant∣ed the whole Hill with Vines in honour of Bacchus; and that Alexander celebrated the Orgies in the Hill Nysa. But those that dwell in Nysa say, that Alexander ascended not the Hill, (although he greatly desired it, as being both ambitious of Honour, and studious of Antiquity) fearing lest the Macedonians tasting of the Vines, which they had not done of a great while, should either long after home, or fall into a love of Wine, after they had so long been accustomed to Water. For these Reasons therefore he passed by Nysa, having only prayed and sacrificed to Bacchus at the foot of the Hill. Nor am I ignorant that some will be displeas'd with what I write, in that they who accompanied Alexander, and served under him, have de∣scribed these things otherwise than the truth required. Whereas I am resolv'd to fol∣low the truth above all things, which if they also had done, they would not have de∣frauded Alexander of this commendation. For I suppose it to be more glorious for him, not to have gone up into the Mountain, to the end he might the better keep his Army within the bounds of sobriety, than to go up, as they say he did, and there play the [2] Drunkard and Mad-man in celebrating the Rites of Bacchus.

Illustrations on Chap. 4.

[1] BAcchus, the Son of Semele and Jupiter; was born in the City of Thebes. The ac∣count which the Learned Jesuit Galtruchius gives us of this Fable is, that Bacchus was the Son of Iupiter and Semele, according to Orpheus:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Orph. in Hymnis.

Wherefore Homer calls him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But Hesiod saith, he was the Son of Iupiter and Proserpina:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪

Semele suffer'd her self while she was big with Child, to be deceiv'd by the perswasions of Iuno, who bore an implacable hatred to all her Husband's Mistresses; for Iuno disguising her self, came in the habit of an old Woman to Semele, and told her, that it concern'd both her Interest and Honour to have Iupiter visit her in the same manner as he did Iuno, viz. with his Thunderbolts in his hand; and that if she should request this favour of him, Iupi∣ter would soon grant it her: which Semele accordingly did, and was by this means consu∣med by fire. Now the Mother Semele being thus destroy'd, and Iupiter taking pity of the Child within her, seperated him from his dead Mother, and shut him up in his Thigh, un∣til the time of his Birth was expired; so that Iupiter doing him the office of a Mother, Bac∣chus was for that reason call'd by some Bimater.

Imperfectus adhuc infans genetricis ab alvo Eripitur, patrio{que} tener, si credere dignum est, Insuitur femori, materna{que} tempora complet. Ovid. Metam. 3.

Also Manilius, lib. 2.

At{que} iterum patrio nascentem corpore Bacchum,

Orpheus in his Hymn upon Sabazius Dionysius saith, that Sabazius inhabited Iupiter's Thigh, which Sabazius, some say, was the Son of Bacchus, and some a Daemon, though most think him to be Bacchus himself, as Orpheus doth:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. —

Theocritus Idyll. 26.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

This God had several other Names besides Bacchus; as Hedereus, Servator, Lysius, Lyaens, Nysaeus, Leneus, Dithyrambus, Briseus, Sebasius, Iacchus, Elebeus, Thyoneus, and Nyctileus; Ovid. Metam. lib. 4. He is called Vitifer, Thyon••us, Horat. lib. 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Maenoles, Me∣thymnaeus Deus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Osiris, Hebo, Calydonius, Eubulus, optimi consilii Deus, Zagreus, Edonius, in Ovid. Oreos, Viotalt, by the Arabians, &c. See Orpheus in Hymn. Dionysius. Nebrodes was another Name of Bacchus, which Bochart derives from Nimrod; but this seems very far fetch'd, and meerly in complement to sacred Chronology. As soon as Bacchus was born, he was deliver'd to Silenus and the Nymphs, and some say to Ceres, to be educated by them, who in reward of their good service were receiv'd up into Heaven, and there changed into Stars, now called Hyades.

Ora micant Tauri septem radiantia Flammis, Navita quas Hyadas Graius ab imbre vocat. Pars Bacchum nutrisse putat, pars credidit esse Tethyos has neptes Oceani{que} senis. Ovid. lib. 5. Fastor.

When Bacchus came to be of age, he passed through greatest part of the World, and made War upon the Indians, whom he overcame, and in their Countrey built the City Nisa, here mention'd by Philostratus. He is said to be the first that introduced the custom of Tri∣umphing; at which time he wore a golden Diadem about his head: his Chariot was drawn by Tygers; his Habit was the skin of a Deer; and his Scepter was a small Lance, adorn'd with branches of Ivy and Vine-leaves. He invented the use of Wine, which he gave to the Indians to drink, who at first imagined he had given them poyson, because it made them both mad and drunk. They did at first frequently sacrifice men unto him, but since his Expedition into India, he was content with other Sacrifices, such as Asses and Goats; to signifie, that those who are given to Wine, become as sottish as Asses, and as lascivious as Goats. Sine Cerere & Bacch•• frig•••• Venus. Bacchus was brought up with the Nymphs, which teacheth us, that we must mix Water with our Wine. He never had other Priests but Satyrs and Women, because the latter had follow'd him in great companies throughout his Travels, crying, singing, and dancing after him▪ in so much that they were called Baccha∣nales, Mimallones, Lenae, Bassarides, Thyades, and Menades, Names that express fury and mad∣ness.

The greatest Solemnities perform'd in honour of this God, were celebrated every three years, and call'd therefore Trieteria, or Orgya, from the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifies a transport of anger, because the mad Women cloathed themselves with the skins of Tygers, Panthers, &c. when with their Hair hanging about their ears, they ran over the Moun∣tains, holding lighted Torches in their hands, and crying out aloud, Eu hoe Evan, eu hoe Bacche, which is, Good Son, a Name given him by Iupiter, when in the War with the Gi∣ants, this Bacchus in the form of a Lion ran violently upon the first, and tore him in pieces. Bacchus was usually painted riding on a Tyger, having in one hand a bunch of Grapes, in the other a cup full of Wine, with a Mitre on his head, an ornament proper to Women, or with a bald pate, which signifies the eff••ct of the excess of Wine. He wore sometimes a Sickle in one hand, a Pitcher in the other, and a garland of Roses on his head. He did al∣ways appear young, because Wine moderately taken purifies the Bloud, and preserves the Body in a youthful strength and colour. His Temple was next to Minerva's, to express how useful Wine is to revive the Spirits, and enable our Fancy to invent; for which rea∣son, the Heathens did sacrifice to him the quick-sighted Dragon. The chattering Pye was also sacred to Bacchus, because Wine doth cause us to prattle more than is convenient: his Sacrifices were usually perform'd in the evening, and at night. Also it is reported of him, that he carried a Torch before Proserpina, when she was led to be married to Pluto the infer∣nal God. Iuno could never endure the sight of him, wherefore she labour'd to drive him out of Heaven, and to banish him from all society; he fled from her fury, and as he was re∣posing himself under a Tree, a Serpent named Ambisbaena bit him, but he kill'd it with a Vine branch, which is a mortal poyson to some Serpents. Iuno continued her hatred for him, because he was her Husband's Bastard, until she cast him into a Fit of madness, which made him undertake an Expedition against the Indians, and over-run all the Eastern Countreys: Lusus was his Companion, from whom Portugal is called Lusitania.

The truth of this Fable is; that Liber, otherwise call'd Dionysius, Bacchus, or Osiris, by the Egyptians, was a King of Nysa, a City in Arabia Faelix, who taught his people, and the Inhabitants of the adjoyning Countreys, many useful Arts, as the ordering of the Vine, and the preserving of Bees. He establish'd several good Laws, and is therefore called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He perswaded the people to sacrifice to their Gods, for the which he was much ho∣nour'd by all civil Nations. The Grecians establisht several Festival days in honour of him; the chief are their Trieteria, kept every three years, in remembrance of his Indian Expe∣dition, perform'd in that space of time; also their Apaturia, their Phallica, and their Lenaea, in the beginning of the Spring, for his blessing upon their Vines. This latter Festival was named Orgya, because his Proselytes did express in it nothing but fury and madness, although this Name is sometimes taken for all his other Festivals. The Romans had appointed the Ascolia in honour of Bacchus, at which time they carried the Statues of this God about their Vineyards, as the Papists do beyond Sea their Host, or the Priest's God about their fields, that he might bless the Fruits of the Earth. Afterwards the Procession of Bacchus did re∣turn to his Altar, where raising the consecrated Victim on the top of a Lance, they did burn it to the honour of Bacchus; then taking his Statues and Images, they hung them on high Trees, imagining, that they would contribute to the increase of their Grapes and Vines. This Festival is called the Festival of God, and was celebrated about the month of May.

Tit. Livius (lib. 39.) relates a strange Story of the Festivals of Bacchus in Rome, intro∣duced by a Fortune-teller of Greece: that three times in a year the Women of all qualities did meet in a Grove called Simila, and there acted all sorts of Villany; those that appear'd most reserved were sacrificed to Bacchus; when, that the cryes of the murder'd and ravish'd Creatures might not be heard, they did howl, sing, and run up and down with lighted Torches: but the Senate being acquainted with these night-meetings, and filthy unclean practices, banish'd them out of Italy, and punished severely the promoters of them.

Now the Beasts that were dedicated to Bacchus, were the Goats and the Dragons; the Egyptians offer'd Sows. The Trees consecrated to him were the Ivy-tree, the Oak, the Fig, the Vine, the Smilax, and the Fir-tree. It was the custom, that all those who sacrificed to Bacchus, did approach the Altars with a Branch or Grown of one of those Trees in their hands, which they offer'd unto him. Bacch••s was sometimes seen with a Garland of Daff••∣dil or Narcissus about his head. His Priests (as I said before) were Women painted in

frightful shapes, with Snakes for their Girdles, and Serpents twisted about their Hair, to represent their Cruelty. This God did (as the Poets tell us) punish all those persons who neglected or opposed his Worship: Thus Alcibous (as Philostratus writes) was transform'd into a Bat, because he would not sacrifice to him. And the Pirates of Tyre, that stole him with an intent to abuse him, were changed into Dolphins; for when they had brought him on Shipboard, he forced them into the Sea in the shape of a raging Lion. See Homer in Hymn▪ and Ovid in Metam. Now besides this Son of Iupiter and Semele, there were several other Bacchus's, of whom Cicero makes this mention, lib. 3. de Nat. Deor. Dionysos (inquit) multos habemus: Primum, F. Iove & Proserpina natum: Secundum, Nilo, qui Nysam dici∣tur interemisse: Tertium, Caprio patre, eum Regem Asiae praefuisse dicunt, cujus Abazea sunt instituta: Quartum, Iove & Luna, cuisacra Orphica putantur confici: Quintum, Niso natum & Thione, à quo trieterides constitutae putantur. At de nullo horum prope fit mentio à Poetis, nist de Iovis & Semeles filio. Lastly, Some who have a pretty knack of extorting things contra∣ry to all sense and reason, only to serve their own turns, pretend to fetch this Story of Bac∣chus, as well as all other prophane Story, out of the sacred Scriptures, some deriving the Name Bacchus, from the Hebrew word Bar-chus, the Son of Chush, i. e. Nimrod, as doth Bochartus. Others, as Vossius, make Bacchus the same with Moses. But of this see more at large in Bochartus, and in his Transcriber, Theophilus Gale, in his Court of the Gentiles; as also Stilling fleet's Origines sacrae.

Thus Learned Fops with Beard in hand debate Omnipotent Doubts, which they themselves create: As Reverend Ape with no small care and pains, Vnties those knots he made in his own chains.

[2] Play the Drunkard and Mad-man; Drink, during the operation of the Distemper▪ will act over all the Humours habitual in Mad-men: other Vices but alter and distract the Understanding, but this totally subverts both the Body and Intellect.

—Cum vini vis penetravit, Consequitur gravitas membror••m, praepediuntur Crura vacillanti, tardescit lingua, madet mens, Nant oculi, clamor, singultus, jurgia gliscunt. Lucret. lib. 3.479.

Every man's Heart is a den of Beasts, which Drink lets open: and this makes Drunkenness so much more dangerous to some than others; for if some dull flegmatick men open their dens with Drink, out will come only some silly Cur-dog, or harmless Lamb, viz. some baw∣dy Jest, ridiculous old Story, or the like. Whereas if others who have hotter brains, and more refined spirits and sense, open their dens, out comes a Lion against the State, or a Bear against the Church, or some mischievous Jest or Satyr against Superiors, which may prove their ruine. Drink does not so much create new Thoughts or Opinions in us, but rather divulge those which lay hid in us before; and he that calls you Knave and Fool when he is drunk, thinks you neither a Saint nor a Solomon when he's sober.

—Tu sapientium Curas, & arcanum ••••coso Consilium retegis Lyaeo. Horat. Lib. 3. Od. 21.

Plato writeth, That for the finding out the Dispositions of young men, Banquets were there∣fore sometimes permitted, wherein great Drinking was used, that thereby the young peo∣ple might discover their most secret Inclinations. Iosephus reporteth, that by making his Enemies Ambassador drunk, he discover'd all their Secrets. Some few I have known, who are more cautious to buy, sell, or make Bargains, when they are in Drink, than when they are sober; but such are very rare, and seldom arrive to that pitch, till they have serv'd out a Prenticeship in Drinking. Those that are of a dull, cold, flegmatick Complexion, Drink makes them stupid and sleepy, whereas the hot and sanguinary become mad and fran∣tick therewith; however both render themselves sufficiently ridiculous, not only to others, but even to themselves, when they become sober. Therefore he that thinks to drink away sorrow, does but increase it, when on the morning after the Debauch, like a Clap ill cu∣red, it returns with a violent Pox of Melancholy and ill Humour. The many and dear Fra∣ternities

that are made over the Pot, have ruined thousands; as if nothing were too great or too good for him that helps to make me a Beast. To see the Hugs, Kisses, and close Em∣braces, that pass between Pot-Companions, would be most diverting to any slander by that were unconcern'd.

For an instance of the ridiculous Fancies of men in Drink, Athenaeus (lib. 2.) tells a pleasant Story of some young men, who were so infatuated with Wine, that they fancied themselves in a Storm at Sea; whereupon they cast out of the Window into the Street, all the Bedding and Furniture that was in their Chamber, thinking to avoid Shipwrack by lightning the Vessel: now when many came running, and carrying away every one somewhat of the Goods that were cast out, and that this drunken Crew, neither all that day nor the night following, could be brought again to their right wits, there were some Officers that went into the House, where they found these Drinkers vo∣miting, as if they were Sea-sick, and giddy-headed; the Officers asking them what they were a doing, they answer'd, that the Tempest had so beaten them, that to save their Lives, they were forced to cast their Lading over-board. The Officers standing amazed hereat, one of the eldest of the Drunkards said unto them, As for me, noble Tritons, (taking them for Sea-gods) fear hath made me throw my self on this Bed, to be so much the safer in the bottom of the Vessel. The Officers pitying the madness of the poor Fel∣lows, advised them from thenceforward to drink less Wine, and so left them. The young men thanking them reply'd, If after this Storm we ever come to Land, we will acknow∣ledge you among the other Sea-gods for our Saviours, seeing you have appear'd unto us as Patrons to save and preserve us.

And ever after this House was sirnamed the Galley-Athen. lib. 2. There••ore considering the irregular motions of men in Drink, were such ca∣pable of Counsel, I should advise them, if unfortunately overtaken by such a Distemper, not to remove from the place they receiv'd it in, whereby some part of the shame, and more of the danger, may be avoided. The opinion that Coffee will recover men in Drink to their right senses, have exposed many in that condition to the laughter of a whole Coffee-house, and thereby cured them for the future, not with Coffee, but shame. The Examples of this kind of Luxury are many and famous among the Ancients, as well Greeks as Romans: Of this Art of Drinking, Alcibiades was a Master, as also Alexander the Great; and Cyrus preferr'd himself before his Brother Artaxerxes, for being the better drinker. Lipsius (in his Epistle de potoribus Antiq.) tells us of one Firmus, who under the Emperor Aurelian drank off two Buckets full of Wine. Bonosus (who lived about the same time) was much such another, being used to say, Non ut vivat natus est, sed ut bibat; and afterwards he be∣ing hang'd for some misdemeanour, they used to jeer him, saying, Amphoram pendere, non hominem; that a Barrel or Tankard hung there, not a man. Capitolinus reports of the Em∣peror Maximinus, Bibisse saepe in die vini Capitolinam amphoram, which Amphora contains of our Measure nine Gallons, counting a Gallon and a Pint to the Longius, whereof the Am∣phora contains eight. Also Vopiscus, in the Life of Aurelian, tells of one Phagon, who drank out in one day, plus Orca, which Orca (saith Lipsius) is a Wine-Vessel, much bigger than an Amphora. Nay, the Emperors themselves were so much addicted to this Vice, that Tiberius Nero, propter nimiam vini aviditatem, (saith Suetonius, ch. 42.) was nick-named Biberius Mero; also that for their great drinking, he preferr'd Piso to the Provostship of the City, and Flaccus Pomponius to be President of the Province of Syria, styling them in his Letters Patents, Iucundissimos & omnium horarum amicos. He likewise preferr'd a mean inconsiderable Fellow to the Treasurership, (before persons of great quality that stood in competition with him) only for drinking off an Amphora of Wine at a Feast. To these may be added that Epitaph which Camerarius (ch. 94.) mentioneth to be found at Rome, without the Gate Capena:

Heus, hic situs est Offellius Buratius Bibulus, Qui dum vixit, aut bibit, aut minxit; abi praeceps.

Which agrees with this other Epitaph of Timocreon the Rhodian, thus deliver'd by Lilius Gyraldus in his Poetical History:

Multa bibens, tum multa vorans, male deni{que} dicens Multis, hic situs est Timocreon Rhodius.

In fine, how far this Vice prevail'd among the Commons of Rome, may appear by that of

Macrobius: Saturn. lib. 3. ch. 17. who says, that at that time when the Lex Fannia, was made against Drunkenness, things were at such a pass, Vt pleri{que} ex plebe Romana vin••, &c. that the greatest part of the common people of Rome came loaden with Wine into the Coun∣cel-house, and when drunk, consulted of the safety of the State: much like the common Bores of this Kingdom, who at our Elections for Members to serve in Parliament, seldom know which man to choose for their Senator, till Drunkenness has enlighten'd their Under∣standings. Of this Debauchery of the Ancients, see more in Plutarch, and Pliny, lib. 4. ch. 22. Macrobii Saturn. Iuvenal, Lipsius, Camerarius, and Hakewill's Apology, lib. 4. ch. 6.

As for the manner of their Drinking, Ammianus Marcellinus (lib. 22.) writes, that their Pots were heavier than their Swords, Graviora gladiis pocula erant. Among the rest, they had a kind of Cups which Horace calls Ciboria:

—Oblivioso laevia m••ssico Ciboria imple.— Lib. 2. Od. 7.

At their drinking Assemblies they ever made choice of a Lord of Misrule, who was to judge and decide all Controversies; and this Office was won by casting Lots, wherein the princi∣pal Chance was Venus:

— Quem Venus Arbitrum Dicet bibendi.— Horat. Lib. 2. Od. 7.

Their Rules of Drinking they borrow'd for the most part from the Greeks, who were the most debaucht people of all others. Of these Rules, one was to drink down the evening Star, and drink up the morning Star, Ad diurnam Stellam matutinam potantes, saith Plau∣tus. Another commonly practised among them was the drinking of so many Healths, as there were Letters in their Mistresses Name:

Naevia sex Cyathis, septem Iustina bibatur, Quinque Lycas, Lyde quatuor, Ida tribus. Mart.

Yet Plutarch in his Symposiaks makes as if they were superstitious of drinking four Healths, perhaps because of the even Number: Aut quinque bibe, aut tres, aut non quatuor. More∣over Seneca assures us, that the Women excell'd the Men in this Vice of Drinking, saying, Non minus pervigilant, non minus potant, &c. They no less sit up late in the night, they drink no less than men; nay, they challenge men to the anointing their Bodies, and swil∣ling down of Wine, evacuating upwards what they eat and drink, as well as they: Senec. Epist. 96. Above all others, their Poets were most infected with this kind of Debauchery▪ in so much that Martial tells us of himself, that sober, he was no body for Invention, but drunk, fifteen Poets strong:

Possum nil ego sobrius, bibenti Succurrunt mihi quindeoim Poetae. Lib. 11. Ep. 7.

This made them pass that severe Censure upon Water-drinkers, when Horace says,

Nulla manere diu, nec vivere carmina possunt, Quae scribuntur aquae potoribus.—

For my own part, I never was a Poet, but I have been a Water-drinker, and must so far dis∣agree with the Ancients as to declare, that when I drank other Liquors, (which I never did, but to prevent my-self from being the spy and wonder of the Company, or out of the difficulty of procuring such Water as was good) I ever found that small stock of Understand∣ing I had much debilitated and weaken'd, even by a moderate quantity of Wine, and othe•• Liquors, whose Fumes (if men rightly consider it) render them witty only in their own conceit: neither is this all, but the Palsies, Convulsions, Feavers, and other Sicknesses, which frequently attend upon Drinking, render other Liquors as unwholsom, as Water may seem unpleasant. All hot things do in some measure destroy natural heat; and to talk of comforting a healthful Stomach with Cordials, is to talk like a Quack: since I have never known men have colder Stomachs, than some that are great drinkers of Wine and Brandy. Now as this natural heat causes our disgestion, and as all hot Liquors tend to the destroying of this natural heat, so by consequence, Water (which many besides my self, by a glass after

meals have experienc'd) must be of all Drinks the most helpful to a bad digestion. Water serving only for a Vehicle, agrees better with variety of Meats, being like the Menstruum of the Chymists, and the uniting Medium of the Lullists, which serves to re-unite all different Bodies into one alone; patiently attending their disposition without corrupting, as Wine and Vinegar doth; and without leaving behind in the Kidneys the Tartar, or Lee of Wine, which is the seed of the Stone, wherewith Water-drinkers are not so commonly troubled. Those that drink Water, have a better appetite than those that drink Wine, which is an argument that Wine helps concoction less than Water; and no wonder, since as Galen saith, Wine increases thirst instead of quenching it, as Water doth. Besides Beasts, there are a hundred drink only Water for one that drinks Wine, reckoning Tartars, Chineses, Indians, and the common people among the Turks, who are prohibited it by the Law of their Prophet. Lastly, To object the coldness of the Climate there is little reason, since as I shew'd you before, Water cherishes and not destroys the natural heat within us; nay, if Wine may be thought natural to any, I should think Nature design'd it rather for those Countreys where the Vine prospers most, as France, Italy, &c. Also the Life of man before the use of Wine, viz. before the Flood, is said to have been much longer than it hath been since. Of this see more in that excellent Treatise of Cardan de Aqua.

CHAP. V. Of the Rock Averna, fifteen furlongs broad, call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. birdless, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 privative, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Bird; also the Reason why it was so cal∣led: What a good Trooper and Souldier ought to do: Of a Boy driving an Elephant; and also of the Elephant himself.

AS for the Rock [1] Aornus, not far from Nysa, Damis writeth, that he saw it not, in that it lay something out of their way, and the Guide was afraid to turn aside out of the direct Road. Howbeit he writeth, that he heard that this place was taken by Alexander: also that it is call'd Aornus, not from its being fifty furlongs high, for the sacred Birds are seen to fly much higher than that; but because on the top of the Rock there is a certain Cleft, which draw∣eth to it self the Birds that fly near it; as may be seen at Athens, in the Porch of the * 1.2 Parthenon, and also in many places of Phrygia and Lydia: for this Rea∣son was the Rock call'd Aornus, and is so without Birds. As they were travel∣ling towards the River Indus, they light on a Lad who was about thirteen years old, and sitting on an Elephant, did grievously beat him. All admiring at this sight, Apollonius asked Damis, what he thought to be the part of a good Horse∣man? To which he answer'd, What else but sitting fast on his Horse, to govern him, to guide the Reins, and if he be unruly, to cudgel him; moreover to take care that he fall not into a Pit, Ditch, or Hole, when he passeth through a Lake, or through the Dirt. Is nothing else required of a good Horseman, said Apollo∣nius? Yes, by Jove, answer'd Damis, when he goeth up a steep place, he must let loose the Reins to his Horse; and on the contrary, when he goeth down, he must hold him in. Likewise, sometime to stroke his Main or Ears, and not always to beat him, seemeth the duty of a wise Rider; and I should commend a man that rode in this manner. But what Arts must he have that rideth a War-horse, said Apollonius? Damis reply'd, He must have not only those which I before rehears'd, but to be able also to strike the Enemy, and defend himself, as also to pursue and re∣treat, and to enure his Horse not to startle at the sound of the Buckler, or glister∣ing

of the Helmet, or at the shouting of the Enemies when they begin to fight; for these things likewise belong to good Horsemanship. What then think you (said Apollonius) of this Lad that rideth on the Elephant? Damis answer'd, He is a more admirable Rider, than those which I have described; for to command a Beast of so vast a bulk, when he himself in the mean time is of so small a Body, and to direct him with a Sheep-hook whither he pleaseth, casting (as you see) the same upon him as it were an Anchor, also not to dread the sight and height of the Beast, nor his great strength, seemeth unto me to be more than humane Art. And (so help me Pallas) I should not have believed another man, who should have told me this Story. But what if one would sell the Lad (said Apollonius) would you buy him? Yes, answer'd Damis, that I would, though I gave all I had for him. For to exercise dominion over the greatest Beast the Earth seeds, as over a high Tower that he had seiz'd on, seemeth to me a thing agreeable to none but a most ge∣nerous and noble disposition. What would you do with the Lad (said Apollonius) unless you bought the Elephant too? Damis reply'd, I would make him Comptroller over my House, and all that I have, supposing that he would order them better than I can do. But are not you your self (said Apollonius) able to manage your own Affairs? Yes, answer'd Damis, as well as you are able; for laying aside the care of my own Affairs, I go about with you, out of a desire to learn and understand the things that are done in foreign Parts. But if you had bought the Lad, (said Apollonius) and had two Horses, the one fit for the Race, the other for the War, would you set him upon both indifferently? I would set him upon the Race-horse, answer'd Damis, in as much as I see other men do so; for how could he manage a War-horse, who is not yet able to bear a Buckler, or Breast-plate, or Helmet, without which a Trooper cannot ride. Again, how could he possibly handle a Spear, who is not able to manage a Bow and Arrows, being as yet only accustom'd to Bracelets? Then is it some other thing (said Apollonius) that rules and go∣verns this Elephant, and not this Rider, whom you seem to adore for the strange∣ness of it. But what may that be, answer'd Damis, for I see nothing but the Lad upon the Elephant? This Beast (said Apollonius) is the most docible of all Beasts, and being once accustom'd to live under a man, endureth any thing from him, confor•••••••• himself to the same manners, and rejoyceth to take bread out of his hands, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 little Dogs are wont to do. And when the man is coming, the [2] Elephant fawneth with his Trunk, permitting the man to thrust his head into his Iaws, holding them open so long as he pleaseth, as we saw among the Noma∣des. But at night he is said to bewail his servitude, not with a loud voice, as a•• other times, but with a low and gentle murmur. And if a man chance to come upon him whilst he maketh moan, the Elephant presently ceaseth as if he were asha∣med. Wherefore the Beast it self (O Damis) is its own Commander, and the per∣swasion of his own Nature doth more move him, than he that rideth upon him, and directeth him. Now when they were come to the River Indus, they report, that they saw a whole Herd of Elephant, passing over the River▪

Illustrations on Chap. 5.

[1] THe Rock Aornus, or Aornis, quasi avibus inaccessa; a Hill or Rock amongst the In∣dians, fifty furlongs high, over which (as Philostratus and other Authors write) no Birds will fly:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Dionys. Perieg. vers. 1149.

This Mountain is famous amongst all those Authors that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Expedition of Alex∣ander the Great into India, as Lucius Florus, lib. 2. Quint▪ Curti••s, lib. 8. and Arrianus, lib. 4. The River Indus runs at the bottom of it, as Strabo delivers, lib. 15. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ Plutarch writes, that Alexander the Great said, he fear'd not to make himself Master of this place, it being possess'd by a timorous kind of me••. Concerning this Rock, Lucian (in Rhetor. Praecept.) thus speaks, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. There are other Places of this Name, as a Lake in Italy near Eridanus, into which Phaeton was said to be struck with Lightning.

[2] The Elephant: There is no Creature (saith Topsel) which hath so great demonstra∣tion of the Power and Wisdom of God, as the Elephant, both for proportion of body, and disposition of spirit; which though like a living Mountain for bulk, no little Dog is more easily handled, and rendred more serviceable, tame, or tractable. These Beasts (saith Pliny, lib. 8. ch. 11.) are usually bred in hot Eastern Countreys▪ for not being well able to endure cold, they delight most in the East and South, as India, and some Parts of Africa. Before the days of Alexander the Great, there were never any Elephants in Europe, but he fight∣ing against Porus, King of India, wan several Elephants from him. How many wounds these Beasts receiv'd, and how bravely they fought for their Masters, Curtius hath related, lib. 8. The Indian Elephants are most commonly nine cubits high, and five cubits broad; but in Africa, they be about eleven foot high, and of bigness proportionable to their height. Their Colour is for the most part of a Mouse-dun, or black; yet there was once one seen in Aethiopia all white. And in Pegu the King hath many of that colour, it being part of his Title, King of the white Elephants. Purchas. Pilg. lib. 5. They have a Skin so hard, (ex∣cepting on their Belly) that it is almost impossible to pierce it with any Sword or Spear. It hath on it very few hairs, and is full of Chaps or Crevises, wherein there is such a savour, as invites the Flyes to a continual Feast, when by shrinking of his skin together, he incloses them, and kills them, not being able to drive them away with his Tayl. He hath a long trunk Nose, and mighty Teeth▪ whereof four being within his mouth, serv•• to grind his meat, and two hang down from his upper Jaw. He hath a Tayl slender and short like •• Rat, but his Legs of an infinite strength. His Head is very large; but his Ears small, like the Wings of a Bat; and some have no Ears at all. Their Eyes are like the Eyes of Swine, but very red. Of their Teeth our Ivory is made. His two chief Enemies are the Dragon, and the Mouse call'd Rhinocero, which last destroys him by running up his Trunk. The Ele∣phants are long-lived, some being almost 200 years old. For the manner of taking them, Mu••ster saith, it is by cutting down a Tree against which they use to 〈…〉〈…〉 they sleep. Another way whereby they use to take them, is by setting wild Elepha•••••• to fight with those that are tame, when in the mean while during the combate they ••etter and ensnare them. These Creatures are said to be so modest and bashful, that the Male never covereth the Female but in secret, and that never but once in two years, when the Male is five years old, and the Female ten. Of this see more in Topsel, Ges••er, Purchase, and Swan's Speculum Mundi▪ also Maffaeus, lib. 1.

CHAP. VI. That there are three sorts of Elephants: Of an Elephant above four hundred years old; and that he had sometimes fought for King Porus against Alex∣ander: Also of another Elephant call'd Ajax, taken four hundred years after a certain War in Lybia: Their Opinion untrue, who would have the Teeth of Elephants to be rather Horns, than Teeth: Finally, what Teeth are blewish, what white, what great, what small, and what easie to be cut.

MOreover, that they had heard how some Elephants live in the Fens, others in the Mountains, others in the Plains; that they are taken for the use of War, and fight with Turrets on their backs, wherein ten or fifteen Indians do stand, and out of them as out of Forts they throw Darts, or discharge Arrows, against the Enemies. The Beast himself accounteth his Trunk as his Hand, and useth it to dart things away from him. And as much as a Lybian Ele∣phant is bigger than a Nysaean Horse, so much is an Indian Elephant bigger than an Elephant of Lybia. As for the Age of Elephants, and that they are very long lived, is recorded by others. But they say, they lighted on an Elephant near [1] Taxilla, (the greatest of all the Cities in India) whom the Natives anointed and crown'd with Garlands, for that it was one of them that fought for King [2] Porus against Alexander; which for the ready service that he perform'd in that Battel, Alexander consecrated to the Sun. He hath also golden Chains about his Teeth, or (if you had rather call them so) his Horns; and on the Chains, these Greek Letters inscribed [3] Alexander the Son of Iupiter dedicateth Ajax to the Sun For this Name (Ajax) he gave to the Elephant, as beautifying him being great, with a great Name. Now the Natives conjecture, that it was about 350 years from the abovesaid Fight; not relating withal how old the Elephant was when he fought in the Battel. But Juba who sometimes reign'd over the Lybians report∣eth, that the Lybian Riders mounted on Elephants, did on a time fall together by the ears, and that the one party of the Elephants had a Tower graved on their Teeth, but the other had nothing graved on theirs. Now when the night grew on, and gave a period to the Fight, that party which had the Tower graved on their Teeth being worsted, fled into Mount Atlas; one whereof he took 400 years after, and found the mark hollow in his Teeth not worn out by time. The said Juba sup∣poseth, that they ought rather to be call'd the Horns, than the Teeth of Elephants, in that they grow out of their Temples. And for that they fasten them not on any other thing, they likewise abide the same that they grew at first, without any shed∣ding or growing again like Teeth. But I assent not to those Reasons: for Horns, if not all, yet at least those of Elephants, shed and grow again. But as for Teeth, indeed those of men do shed, and grow again: nevertheless there is no Beast whose Teeth fall out of themselves, being double or standing out, or come again in the place of them that fall out; for Nature hath implanted the Teeth in their Gums, to serve them instead of Arms. Besides, the Horns do every year draw as it were a certain Circle about their roots, like Sheep, Goats, and Beeves. The Teeth spring up very smooth, and unless they be broken, remain so perpetually: for they seem to

partake the matter and substance of a Stone; likewise those living Creatures only have Horns which part the Hoof. But an Elephant hath five Claws, and a Foot parted into many clefts, that he may not fasten his foot deep in the ground, when he standeth in a moist place. Furthermore, Nature giving hollow Bones to horned Beasts, produceth likewise outwardly a Horn; whereas the Bones of Elephants are full, and every where alike: so that if any one open them, and inspect the middle of them, he shall find in the midst a little hole, such as is wont to be in Teeth. As for the Teeth of such Elephants as live in the Fens, they are blewish, porous, and hard to be wrought: for in many places there are Crannies, and in other parts certain Knobs, like to Hail-stones, which do not yield to the Artist. But the Teeth of such as live in the Mountains are less than those, yet are white enough, and capable of being wrought: howbeit the Teeth of such as live in the Plains are the best; for they are the greatest and whitest, also easie to be cut, and may with lit∣tle labour be wrought into any fashion you please.

Illustrations on Chap. 6.

[1] TAxilla, a famous City of India, in the Kingdom of Varsa, situated between the Ri∣ver Indus, and the River Hydaspes. See Pliny, lib. 6. ch. 17. Strabo, lib. 15. Al∣so Arrianus, and Curtius.

[2] King Porus, was a famous King of the Indians, against whom Alexander fought, and took him Prisoner, as both Plutarch and Curtius write: after which, Alexander asking him how he would be handled, Porus reply'd, In a Princely manner; Alexander then de∣manding of him, if he had any thing else to say, I have comprehended all (said Porus) in that word Princely. Whereupon Alexander did not only restore to him the Viceregency of his own Kingdoms, but also of many other Countreys. It is reported, that this King Po∣rus was four cubits and a shaft in height; and of bigness proportionable to the Elephant he rode. Suidas writes, that this King lived on nothing but Herbs and Water.

[3] Alexander, the Son of, &c. sirnam'd the Grea••, from the grandeur of his Acts. He was descended of the two best Families in Greece; his Father being Philip, King of Macedon, and of the Lineage of Hercules: his Mother Olympias, the Daughter of Neopt••lemus, King of the Molossians. The time of his Birth was the first year of the 106^th Olympiad, in the 6th. day of the Month 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or August, according to the Iulian Kalendar. The day of Alexander's Birth was famous for several things: 1. On that very day his Father Philip obtain'd a Victory over the Illyrians, by the good Conduct of his General Parmeni••. 2. On that very day Philip was declared Victor at the Olympick Games. 3. On that same day the Temple of Diana at Ephesus was burnt by Erostratus: as say, Plutarch. in Alexand. Pausan. S••lin. ch. 49. Cicero de Divinat. lib. 2. & de Natura Deor. From hence it was that the Magicians deliver'd, that Alexander would one day be the Firebrand of Asia. As for the manner of his Birth, it is said, that his Mother Olympia dream'd on her Wedding-night, that Lightning fell into her Belly, and that there was a great light Fire which dispers'd it self in sundry flames; also his Father King Philip, soon after he was married, dream'd that he did seal his Wives Belly with the print of a Lion: which Aristander ex∣pounded to signifie, that his Queen was with Child of a Boy who should have a Lion's heart. Some fabulous Writers say, that he was begotten of his Mother by Iupiter Ammon, in the likeness of a Serpent: wherefore as Philostratus here mentions, he was styled by ma∣ny the Son of Iupiter, as in Gyrald, lib. 1•••• Hist. Deor▪ & Varro in Fragm. also Plutarch. Both Alexander and his Father Philip were born in a Greek City named Pella, situate in the Kingdom of Macedonia, from whence they were called Pellaei, as well by Lucan as Iuvenal: Vnus Pellae•• Iuveni non sufficit orbis. Lastly, For his Person, his Complexion was white, in∣lay'd with red, his Constitution hot and fiery, his Temper ambitious, passionate and hasty, his Body of a sweet fragrant odour, and his Inclinations addicted more to Wine than Wo∣men. He was easily perswaded to any thing by Reason, but never by Force, and that even in his very youth; when as Quintilian says, Mihi detur ille puer, quem lāus excitet, quem gloria juvet, qui victus fleat.

As for the manner of Alexander's Education, at 15 years of age he was committed to the tuition of that great Philosopher Aristotle, under whose Instruction he spent 5 years, where he learnt all s••ch Sciences as are requisite in a Prince. He studied Ethicks, Politicks▪ and all other parts of Philosophy, even in Physick he exercis'd not only the Theory but Practick, administring Physick to many of his sick Friends. Leonides was also joyn'd in Commission with Aristotle for the instructing of him; nevertheless Alexander had not that affection for any of his Masters, no not for his own Father, as for his Master Aristotle; whereupon being ask'd by one of his Friends, why he set a greater value upon Aristotle than upon his Father Philip, his Answer was, Quoniam à patre accepi ut viverem, à praecep••ore vero accepi ut bene viverem: nay, King Philip himself had so great an esteem for Aristotle, that writing to him he said, Gratias ago Diis, non tam quod mihi natus est fili••s, quam quod eum nasci contigit temporibus vitae tuae; spero enim, ut à te edoctus, dignus existat & nobis, & tanto regno. Moreover he rewarded him highly, when besides other noble Presents, King Philip for his sake restor'd Aristotle's ruined Countrey Stagir••. The greatness of Alexander's Spirit appear'd in nothing more, than in his dexterous manage of that wild Horse Bucepha∣lus, which his Father Philip had bought for 13 Talents, and which no man living was ever able to ride but Alexander. This Horse by his great courage and speed, had in several En∣gagements preserv'd Alexander's life, and reliev'd him from the fury of his Enemies, till at last being slain by a Dart in his Indian Expedition, Alexander in honour of his memory did there erect him not only a famous Sepulchre, but also a great City in India, which he called after his Horse's Name Buceph••lus. Pliny, lib. 6. ch. 20. Strabo, lib. 15. Gellius, lib. 5. ch. 2.

Now for the several Alliances which Alexander (being of man's estate) contracted, they were these: He had 4 Wives: 1. Statira, the Daughter of Darius Codomannus: 2. Barsine, of whom he begat his Son Hercules: 3. Parysatida: and 4. Roxana, of whom he begat his Son Alexander. And besides these, he had 365 Concubines, as Diodorus writes. Of all his men Favourites, he had the highest veneration for Craterus, but the greatest affection for Hephaestion, being often used to say, Craterus amat Regen••, Hephaestion autem amat Alexan∣drum: The one loved his dignity, the other his person: And accordingly he conferr'd honour on Craterus, but reserv'd his private familiarity and friendship for Hephaestion: Plutarch. in Apotheg. All his Secrets he communicated only to Hephaestion, as appears by that private Letter, which having receiv'd from his Mother Olympias, he shew'd him, and afterwards plucking a Seal off from his finger, put it to Hephaestion's mouth, thereby importing his se∣cresie in that Affair. Plut. in Alexand.

Arcanis dictis linguam obsignare memento: Dictor••m non majus depositum est opibus. Lucian in Epig. lib. 3. Antilog. Tit. 51.

To begin now with the Reign of Alexander the Great, we must observe, that it lasted 12 whole years, whereof the first six were only over the Kingdom of Macedon, the rest over the whole Empire. King Philip being slain by Pausanias out of a private revenge, young Alexander succeeded to his Kingdom in the 20th. year of his Age: when he had no sooner settled himself in his Throne, and finish'd his Father's Ex••quies, but was surrounded with Troubles on every side from his Neighbours, who thought to take the advantage of his Youth, to dispossess him of his Kingdom: as did the Athenians, in their Conspiracy with Attalus, also the rest of the Barbarians, who were subject to the Kingdom of Macedon. Whereupon Alexander first reduced the Barbarians, near the River Danubius, where in a great Battel he overthrew Syrmus, King of the Triballians. 2. Having understood that the Thebans revolted from him, his next Expedition was against Thebes, as well as against the ••thenians, who were in Confederacy with the Thebans; against both these he proved very successful: the stubborn Theban•• refusing all o••••••rs of kindness from Alexander, were toge∣ther with their City utterly ruin'd and destroy'd; whereas the Athenians rendring them∣selves upon discretion, and imploring remission for their faults, were again receiv'd into his favour: it is remarkable in the subversion of Thebes, that Alexander shew'd his generous esteem of Vertue and Learning, when he preserv'd and pardon'd the vertuous Lady Timoclea, the whole Family of Poet Pindorus, together with all the Priests and Religious Orders; excepting which, he sold all the rest for Slaves. 3. By this means, Alexander having set∣tled all his Affairs at home, and being unanimously elected General of all Greece, a Council

of War was call'd, in order to the enlarging his Empire abroad: wherein it was resolv'd, that his next attempt should be upon Asia, when being interrupted his passage at the River Granicus, by some Forces of Darius Codomannus, King of Persia, he there overthrew the Persians, and forraged all Phrygia and the Asian shoar, even to Cilicia: also Diodorus writes, that he at that time subdued all Caria. Diod. lib. 17. And that in the City Gordius in Phry∣gia, not being able to untye the Bark which was wreath'd about the Chariot, he cut the knot asunder with his Sword; thereby fulfilling (as he thought) that Prophesie which said, that he who could undo that knot should conquer all the World. 4. After this, Alexander conquer'd the Paphlagonians and Cappadocians, also was inform'd of the death of Memnon, Darius's Admiral at Sea, upon whom the Persians chiefly depended for their success against Alexander. Nevertheless Darius, King of Persia, highly resenting the De∣feat which his Forces receiv'd at the River Grani••us, resolv'd to revenge it himself in person: accordingly he levy'd an Army of 600000 fighting men, which he rendezvous'd at Susa; when in the mean while Alexander remaining a long time in Cilicia, by reason of a Sick∣ness befallen him with drinking of the River Cydnus when he was hot, Darius not knowing the occasion of his delay, supposed it to have been out of fear: whereupon he began to march his whole Army towards Cilicia, in order to his encountring Alexander. At the same time Alexander moved towards Syria upon the like design to meet with Darius in the night, when happening both to miss of one another, the next day they both return'd to their se∣veral Posts. Now Dariu•• having (contrary to the advice of Amyntas) encamp'd himself in the Streights and Valleys between the Mountains, presented Alexander with great advan∣tage of ground, which put Darius upon a necessity of engaging or not engaging, according as his Enemies pleas'd, being on every side encompass'd with the Macedonian Forces from the Hills: in so much that Alexander with a much smaller Army than that of his Enemies, put Darius to flight, killing above 110000 of his men, seizing on all the Persian Camps, wherein besides the incredible Riches, he took Prisoner Sisigambis the Mother, Statira the Wife, and two Daughters of King Darius; whom he treated with all the civility imagi∣nable. This Battel was sought at Issus, wherein Alexander himself received a wound in his Thigh, and (as some say) from the very hands of King Darius. Plutarch, Arrianus, Cur∣ti••s, Diodorus. 5. After this success against Darius, Alexander sent to the City Damas, to surrender all the Men, Women, Children, and Treasure, that did therein belong to the Per∣sians, which accordingly was done; he likewise (to make himself Master of the Sea-coasts) summon'd all the Kings of Cyprus and Phaenicia, to deliver into his hands Phaenicia, and the maritime Parts adjacent, which was immediately perform'd, all save the City of Tyre; against which he began a strong Siege both by Land and Sea, annoying them with 200 Gal∣leys, till at last after a seven months Siege he became Master of the City of Tyre. 6. During this Siege, he with another part of his Army made War upon those Arabians, that dwell on the Mount Antilaban, whom he overcame, though not without much danger to his person, occasion'd by his kindness to his Tutor Lysimachus, as Plutarch saith. 7. His next Expedition was against the City Gaza, the chief City of Syria, which he wan, after ha∣ving receiv'd two wounds in his Arm and Shoulder: Di••dor. lib. 17. Curtius, lib. 4. Plut. in Alexand. Then he resolv'd to march up against Ierusalem, and lay it waste, from which design he was averted by the submissive prayers and entreaties of Iaddus their High-Priest. 8. About this time it was, that Alexander having conquer'd all Asia on that side the River Euphrates, Darius sent Ambassadors to him to require his friendship, and offer him 10000 Talents for the ransom of his captive Persians, and such Territories as did formerly belong unto him, which offers Alexander refusing, Darius began a third Expedition against him, having gather'd together an Army of 1000000 fighting men. In the mean while Alexand•••• was imploy'd in conquering Egypt, wherein after his conquest of that Kingdom, he erect•••• that famous City call'd after his own Name Alexandria. Now intelligence being brought to Alexander of the new War which Darius intended against him, he began his March to meet him at the River Euphrates: the place where this Battel was fought, is as some say Arbela, though Plutarch saith Gausameles, where both Armies being engaged, Parmenio (Alexander's Lievtenant) was at the first onset forced to retire; also the Macedonian Bag∣gage, in danger of being taken by the Bactrians, till Alexander himself coming into his re∣lief with the main body of his Army, gave so brisk a Charge upon the Persians, that they soon betook themselves to flight, also Darius himself was forced to fly for his life. Alexander

being thus flesh'd with Victory, march'd forward into the Countrey of Babylon and Ecba∣tan, where ••e made himself Master of the City Susa; from thence Al••xa••de•• proceeded in∣to Persia, whither Dariu•• was fled, putting all men that opposed him to the Sword, burn∣ing the Pal••ce of the Persian King's Persepolis, at the instigation of Tha•••• the Strumpet. 9. Alexander continuing his pursuit after Darius, Bessus (in hopes of a reward from Alexan∣der) conspired with Nab••••••anes▪ Captain of Darius's Guard, to take their Master Prisoner, which accordingly they did, when fettering him with golden Chains, and putting him in •• Chariot, Da••ius immediately died of the wounds he had receiv'd from the Conspirators. Soon after Alexander having notice of Darius's death, was much troubled thereat, and highly offended at the Traytors, in so much that he immediately commanded Bessus to be torn in pieces, which was instantly perform'd; as also the Corps of Darius nobly interr'd, and Exathr••s (Darius's Brother) made one of Alexander's chief Favourites. 10. Thus in six years Reign, Alexander having acquired to himself the universal Monarchy of all that side of the World, and having firmly establisht under his Command the Government of those Territories, which did formerly belong to Darius, his next progress was into Parthia, where some of the wild Natives robbing him of his Horse Bucephalus, he vow'd to destroy the Inhabitants, Man, Woman, and Child, unless they did forthwith make restitution of his Horse, and render themselves to his mercy; which being accordingly done, he march'd on into Scythia, where passing over the River Orexartes, he overthrew the Scythians in a Battel. At this place (it is said) that Thalestri••, Queen of the Amazons, ••••me to Alexan∣der, out of a desire to be got with Child by so brave a Prince, which request he generously granted, admitting her to his Bed for ten days together: Curtius, lib. 6. Iustin, lib. 12. Now Alexander had not been thr•••• years thus possess'd of the third Grecian Monarchy, (which may be reckon'd from Dari••••'•• Defeat) but he resolves on an Attempt upon I••dia: in order whereunto, having levy'd a numerous Army, he began his March towards the Ri∣ver Indus, from thence to the City Nysa, which he soon reduced; then marching on for∣ward into India, an Indian King Taxiles (whose Countrey was not inferior to Eg••pt) made a voluntary Alliance with Alexander, who readily embraced his friendship, for that by this means he not only increas'd his Army, but also was by Taxiles his advice throughly inform'd both of the nature of the Countrey, its most easie and safe passages, as well as of the Riches and Strength of King Porus, the chief Indian King, against whom Alexander had underta∣ken this Expedition. Now Alexander understanding that King Porus with a vast Army of Men, Horses, Chariots, and Elephants 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as encamp'd near the River Hydaspes, immediate∣ly marched thither to meet him; where passing over the River in the night, he forthwith gave Battel to the Indians, and overthrew them, taking King Porus himself Prisoner, who was four cubits and a shaft high. In this Battel were subdued the Inhabitants of 15 several Nations, 5000 eminent Cities, besides an infinite number of Villages, and thrice as many other Nations; saith Plutarch. In this Encounter it was, that Bucephalus the Horse of Alexander lost his life. 11. After this great Victory obtain'd, having settled his Affairs amongst the Indians, and built two Cities upon the River Hydaspes, the one call'd Nicaeus, in commemoration of his late Conquests, and the other Bucephalia, in honour of his beloved Horse, who was slain in that very place, he began his March forwards, when being arrived at the River Ganges, he call'd his Souldiers together, and exhorted them to pass over the River chearfully; but many of his Army with tears in their eyes requested him to put an end to his Wars, whereupon he proceeded no farther, but return'd back from the River without passing it. Notwithstanding in his March homewards, being opposed by the Malli∣ans, (the most warlike people of India) he besieged the City of Mallia, in which Siege the person of Alexander was in greater danger than ever, as well by a Fall from a scaling Ladder, as ••y several other desperate wounds receiv'd from their Darts. From hence Alexander return'd to Susa, where he disbanded great pa••t of his Army, reserving only a Guard du Corps for his person; and from Susa he march'd to Ecbatan in Media, where he diverted himself with all manner of Sports and Recreations: in which place his beloved Hephaestion died, whose death was so much lamented by Alexander, that he crucifi'd his Physician Glauci••••. 12. From Media he removed to Babylon, where after having convers'd with all the wise men of those Parts, he tasted of the highest perfection of humane Happiness, in∣dulging himself therein, till at last being seiz'd by a Feaver, he ••••parted this Life, after having reign'd 〈◊〉〈◊〉 years over Macedon, and 6 over the whole Monarchy, leaving that great

Empire, which he with so much care and trouble had acquired, to be torn in pieces after his death, for want of a Son to succeed him. Plutarch says, that Alexander died on the 10th. day of his Sickness, in the 32d. year, and 8th. month of his Age, being the first year of the 114th. Olympiad. Nevertheless Curtius, Diodorus, and Iustin, think, that he was poyson'd by Antipater. For the Burial of Alexander, Diodorus (lib. 18.) writes, that Aridaeus, the Bastard Brother of Alexander, spent almost two years about it. And concerning the place where he was buried, Historians vary: Pausanias (in Attic.) saith, that Ptolomaeus Lagus, King of Egypt, bury'd him at Memphis. Diodorus (lib. 18) writes, that Aridaeus buried him at Alexandria. The Epitaph inscribed on his Statue was this:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Terram mihi subjicio: Iupiter vero coelum habet.

CHAP. VII. The Manners of Elephants, and Love of all living Creatures towards their young: The Lioness is taken with the Love of Leopards: The Lions if they see any spotted Whelps, presently tear them in pieces, as Bastards: A Sea-Calf having brought forth a dead young one, did out of grief ab∣stain from food three days together: The Eagle her Nest with the Eagle-stone, and the Stork with the Lamp-stone, to keep away Serpents.

IF we should also describe the Manners of Elephants, the Indians affirm, that those of the Fens are foolish and light; those of the Mountains perverse and treacherous; and unless they stand in need of something from them, unfaith∣ful to men: but those of the Plains are said to be good, gentle, and lovers of Imita∣tion; wherefore they will write, dance, and ••kip at the sound of a Pipe, lifting themselves up from the ground. Now when Apollonius saw the Elephants pass over the River Indus, being (as I think) about thirty in number, whereof the least was the Guide, whilst the great ones carried-over their young ones on their out-sticking Teeth, embracing them with their Trunk, as with a Girt to hold them, he said to Damis, These living Creatures do this thing without the bidding of any one, out of a natural instinct and knowledge; for you see how like Porters they bear their young, and closely embrace them lest they should fall. I see, answer'd Damis, how wisely and prudently they manage them. What then meaneth that foolish Question of Wranglers, whether or no the [1] Love of Parents to their young be natural? for these Elephants openly proclaim that this Love cometh to them by Nature, in that they learned it not, as they have done many other things, from men, having never lived amongst them, but receiv'd it from Nature so to love their young ones. Say not this (Oh Damis) only of Elephants, for this [2] Beast I rank next after men for Vnderstanding and Prudence; but I consider likewise, how ••••en Beasts exceeding other Beasts in fierceness, do yet suffer any thing for their Cubs; also how [3] Wolves being continually intent on their prey, make the Female keep the Whelps, whilst the Male for the preservation of her young bringeth her in food. The like may be observ'd of Panthers, who by reason of their heat rejoyce to become Dams, for that they then rule over the Males, and govern the House, whilst the Males in the mean ••ime suffer all things for their Whelps sake. As for Lionesses, this Story is related of them; that they draw the [4] Leopards to love them, and

take them into the Bed of the Lions in the Champain Fields: but afterwards when the time of their Delivery 〈◊〉〈◊〉 come, they run away to the Mountains, and to the dens of the Leopards. For the young ones which they then bring forth being spot∣ted, they secretly nourish them in the Woods, making 〈◊〉〈◊〉 if they absented themselves from the Males, that they may ••unt; for if the Lions happen to spy the Whelps, they tear them in pieces as an adulterate Brood. You have also observ'd in some of [5] Homer's Lions, how ster••ly they will look, and summon up their strength to fight for their Whelps. Furthermore they report, that a [6] Tyger being a most fierce Creature, will in this Countrey, as also about the Red-sea, run to the very Ships to fetch back their young ones, and having gotten them, will retur•• with much joy; when if the Sea man sail away with them, she will howl most grievously on the shoar, and sometimes die for grief. Who likewise doth not observe the Man∣ners of Birds? how Eagles and [7] Storks never build their Nests, but they place in them the [8] Eagle-stone, and the Stork the Lamp-stone, both being to f••rther the laying and hatching of their Eggs, as we•••• as to keep away Serpents. But if we reflect on the living Creatures in the Sea, we shall not admire, that [9] Dolphins being naturally very kind, love their young ones. But how shall we not admire at [10] Whales, [11] Sea-calves, and those kinds that bring forth living young ones? when as in the Island Aege, I saw •• Se••-calf taken by Fisher∣men, so exceedingly to bew•••••• her dead young one, whom she had brought forth in the House, that for three 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ogether she abstain'd from food, though she 〈◊〉〈◊〉 other∣wise a most ravenou•• Creat••••e. Likewise the Whale hideth her young ones in the Cavities of her Throat, if she fly from a greater Fish; and a Viper hath been also seen to lick the young Serpents which she had brought forth, and so to pollish them with her Tongue.

Illustrations on Chap. 7.

[1] WHether the Love of Parents in the••r yo••ng be natural? Can a Mother forget her Child? It was lookt upon as a thing impossible, and ye•• we see there are too many evil-disposed Parents in ••his World, who con••••th themselves no further than with the getting of them. Such of old were those unnatural Law-makers amongst the Rom••ns: as Romulu••, who ••nacted, that all Children who were any ways lame or imperfec••, should be put to death: Dionys▪ Halicar••••ss. Also the Father in Apuleius, who going to travel when his Wife was big with Child, commanded her is it proved a Girl to destroy it, S•• sexus se∣quipris edidisset faetus, protinu•• q••••d••sset editi•••• necare••ur: The same Command doth Chre∣••es give to S••stra•••• in Ter••••ce, Aut••interfic••••e, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 exponere, Either to kill them, or expose them to wild Beasts: Hea••ront, Act. 4. Scen. 2. So frequent a practice wa•• this amongs•• them, that the Christian Emperors (Valentinian, V••lens, and Gra••ian) were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to interdict it by a severe penal Law, Si q••is n••candi infantis piaculum aggressus aggress••ve ••it, ••r it capitale istud malum: which Law is extant in both the Codes, as well of T••eod••sius as Iustin••••n. Of private Instances there were many amongst them to the same purpose: as Lucius Iuni•••• Brutus, who caused his own Sons to be beheaded, for that they favour'd T••rq••in•• and Cassi∣us, who put his own Son to death, out of a jealousie that he affect••d the Kingdom: Titus Manlius Torquatus, upon a complaint made by the Macedonian Ambassadors against his own Son Sila••us, condemn'd him to be put to death at which unkind se••tence of his Father's, the Son in discontent hanged himself: M. Scaur••s being put to flight by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, his Father commanded him to fall upon his own Sword, rathe•• than outlive that shame, which accordingly he did▪ in like manner did A. F••l••i••s put his own Son to death▪ for joyning with Catiline i•• the Conspiracy against his Countrey. Valer. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. 5. The Cruelty of these was mix'd with somewhat of Gallantry; but amongst us we have many no less cruel, only out of selfishness and ill nature, who boa••••••ng that they will not put off their Cl••aths before

they be ready to go to Bed, keep their Children often starving, till they be as fit for a Bed, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their Parents. Commonly we are better pleas'd with the little prattling of our Child••en▪ (which we so often repeat to others for wit) and with the apish gestures of their Infancy; than with the actions of their riper years: as if we only loved them for our pastimes, as we do Parrots and Monkeys. How often have I heard a fond Father or affected Mother, persecute a whole meals conversation, in venting to the company their own wittiness, as coming from young Master or Miss••▪ with a thousand times more care and pains, than they take to provide them Po••tions. Many that liberally furni••••t them with Toys and Rati••es while they be Children, will g••udge at every small expence for Necessaries for them when they be Men and Women. Some grieve to see their Children follow them so close at their heels, as if they solicited their deaths. Others envy them to think that they must enjoy the World after them▪ as if, since we must bequeath our Estates to some body, we had not better bestow it on a piece of our selves, than on a Stranger. It is (says Montaign) a meer piece of Injustice, to see an old, crazy, Sinew-shrunk, and half-dead Father, sitting alone in a Chimney corner, to enjoy so much Riches, as would suffice for the preferment of many Children, when in the mean while for want of Estate, he suffers them to lose their best days and years, without introducing them into any publick Employ or Acquaintance▪ whereby oftentimes being cast into despair, they seek by any means how unlawful soever to supply their own necessary Wants: this forces them to ply Women and Drink, which are the most frequent and fatal ruines that attend the young Gentry of this Nation. Tyranny in a Parent is no les•• dangerous than in a Prince: since as well Children, as Subjects, Quem metu••ni, ••den••. Again, ••n some Northern Parts of this Kingdom▪ the Parents are guilty of another sort of partial Cruelty, which extends only to their younger ••••ildren▪ when for the honour of their Name and Family, they bequeath ••ast Estates to 〈…〉〈…〉 Sons, and leave the rest in a manner Beggars, or at most but a small Annuity, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to make them their Bro∣ther's Faulconer or Huntsman, as if the vain-glorious F••••s ••alu'd the ridiculous Title of a Name or Family, more than the true Off spring of their own Body. Such a person would (for want of Children) bequeath his Estate to a drunken Porter of his own Name, rather than to his Sister's Son of another Name. Is not my youngest Son as much my own as my eldest? Had I not rather see my own Children that are immediately descended from my own Loyns prosper, than Grand-children that are three or four removes off from me? Certainly no custom can be more barbarous or inhumane than this: The Scriptures allow'd but a double Portion, and that only when the Priesthood was annex'd to the Eldership. Neither ought any man to be punish'd for that which he could not help, such as 〈…〉〈…〉 of Juniority. For my own part, not Interest but Reason inclines me to this opinion, the In∣dulgence of my Parents having been such to all of us, that none ha••e cause to complain▪ few (except themselves) have resign'd up their. All amongst their Children even in thei•• own life-time: which not out of vanity, but gratitude▪ I must ever acknowledge. So that although some there are who want this natural Affection to their young ones, which is here ascribed to Beasts, yet are they but rare, and not to be cited as an Objection against this supream Dictate of Nature, the preservation of our own Species and Children. The getting Children is to satisfie our own lustful Appetites, and no•• ou•• of consideration o•• good or ill to what we do beget, which act of generation i•• rendred ju•••• and honourable▪ according to the care we bestow upon our Children when born, since the most sinful act in Marriage is to bring Children into the World, and then to take no care of them. Nay, did not Religion teach 〈◊〉〈◊〉 otherwise, I should think, that Child who is left at another man's door in a Hand basket, had no other Parent, nor ow'd a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 duty to any, but those who were at the charge of breeding him.

[2] Elephants I rank next after men for Vnderstanding, &c. In the great Shows at Rome, Elephants were frequently seen taught to move and dance certain Dances of strange turn∣ings and changings, at the sound of a Voice▪ Arrius pro••esteth to have seen an Elephant with Cimbals tyed to his Thigh and Trunk, make variety of Musick to other Elephants whilst they danced. Also that they have been observ'd to practise their Lesso•••• with much study and care, for fear of their Master's anger. Pi••••n•• (lib. 2. d•• Hi••roglyph.) makes mention of an Elephant called Hanno, (afterwards presented by Em••nu••l▪ King of Portugal, to Pope 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 10th) who understood the advice of his Master, as well as any man 〈◊〉〈◊〉, nor could ever be perswaded or compell'd to do contrary thereunto. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (lib. 2.

hist. Medit.) saith, that the Lord of Busbeck, the Emperor of Germany's Ambassador at Constantinople, saw an Elephant play very artificially at Tennis; which is no less strange, than that Story of Terence, concerning an Elephant that walked upon a Rope. Iuba, King of Barbary reports, that when any Elephant happens to fall into those Pits that are laid for him, his Brethren will come with Stones and pieces of Timber to help him out. An Ele∣phant's Keeper in a private House in Syria, being used to rob him of half his Provender, he discover'd it thus: his Master feeding him one time himself, and giving him his whole quantity, the Elephant looking sternly on his Master, divided it in two parts with his Trunk. Another having a Keeper, who to increase the measure of his Provender, was used to mingle Stones with it, came one day to the Pot wherein his Keeper's Meat was seething, and filled it with Ashes. By all which we may justly conclude, that there is more difference in Understanding found between some men and others, than between some men and this Beast. We find mention of three sorts of Elephants, namely, of Marishes, of Mountains, and of Fields: They that are born and bred in Marishes, have more agility, but less wit; the Mountainers are wicked and trayterous; they of the Champain Countrey, are easilyest tamed, and most apt to learn; the Elephants of the Indies are the fiercest of all others, and very hard to tame; they of Lybia are the least, which cannot abide the smell nor voice of man, and fly away before the Elephants of India, as appear'd in that memorable Battel fought between the Kings Ptolomeus and Antiochus, near to Raphi••, and described by Poly∣bius, lib. 5.

[3] Wolves being continually intent on their Prey. The Wolf is a ravenous and devouring Beast, therefore rightly sirnamed Spoil-Park; those of the common sort have grizzled Hairs, being white under the Belly, with a great Head▪ long Teeth, sparkling Eyes, short prickt Ears, and Feet like the Feet of a Lion, therefore call'd Lupus, from Leopes, Quia pedem qua∣si pedes Leonis habet. Where these Creatures live, the people are much infested with them. When they come to the Sheep-folds, they observe which way the Wind bloweth, and then come marching against it, that thereby they may the better deceive the Shepherd and his Dogs. When they prey upon Goats, they hide themselves under the Leaves of Trees, that they may the more easily obtain their desires. And when they catch little Children, it is said, they will play with them for a while, (as a Cat plays with a Mouse) and at last devour them. The great cunning of this Creature appears by a Tradition they have in Ireland of a foot-Traveller; who having a Gun upon his Shoulder, and passing through a Wood, was assaulted by a Wolf, who no sooner observed his Gun, but presently quitted him; where∣upon the man being gone a mile or two from the place, far enough as he thought out of the Wolfe's reach, and meeting a Passenger, who was going the same way as he had come, he told him of the Wolf he had met, and lent him his Gun to defend himself; now being come where the Wolf was, and he spying the same Gun, immediately pursued the first Tra∣veller, whom he overtook, and being then unarm'd, tore him in pieces: which must pro∣ceed from his knowledge of the Gun, as well as from his observation, that the other must be therefore unarm'd. Pliny (lib. 8. ch. 22.) and from him Olaus Magnus write, that Egypt and Africa bring forth small Wolves, in respect of those which are in the Northern Parts of the World; for as the Elephant detests cold, so does the Wolf heat: therefore in those cold Countreys of Suetia and Norway, you may see whole herds of white Wolves upon the Mountains. Olaus Mag. lib. 18. Heretofore Ireland was much infested with them, especi∣ally the North part thereof, but of late years by the diligence of the Inhabitants, and assist∣ance of their Irish Greyhoun•••• or Wolf-dogs, they are in a manner all destroy'd: and so likewise was this Kingdom, till by our good Englis•• Laws they were extirpated. Some say, that if the Heart of a Wolf be kept dry, it will render a most fragrant smell; also in the Bladder of a Wolf is a certain Stone of a Saffron or Honey colour, which inwardly con∣taineth (as it were) certain weak shining Stars. The Ravens are in a perpetual enmity with Wolves, and the antipathy of their Natures is so violent, that if a Raven eat of the Carkass of a Beast, which the Wolf hath either kill'd or tasted of, she presently dieth. Wolves have no society but with Beasts of their own kind: and above all Creatures, they and Dogs are most subject to Madness, because their Bodies are cholerick, and their Brains increase or decrease with the Moon. Their manner of taking Fowl is by looking stedfastly on them, the piercing power of their Eye being such, as the Fowl will nod till he falls off from the Tree into his Mouth. As for seizing of Men or Beasts, they seldom fasten before,

but surrounding them, several times force them either to fall down with giddiness, or to give them an opportunity of seizing on them behind. Likewise 'tis reported, that when a Wolf thinks himself not able to set upon a Traveller singly, he will make such a hideous howling, that his Companions will presently come in to his assistance. Of this Subject see more in Gesner, Pliny, Topsel, Olaus Magnus, and Swan's Specul. Mundi.

[4] Leopard; the difference betwixt the Leopard and Panther is only in Sex; the Leo∣pard is begotten between the Lion and the Panther, or the Panther and the Lioness.

[5] Homer's Lions; of this see the 17^th Iliad, where Ajax being in a rage for Patrocles, Homer speaks thus of him:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

[6] A Tyger being a most fierce, &c. Tygers like Lions are bred in the East, South, and hot Countreys, because their generation requireth abundance of heat. It is a Beast of won∣derful swiftness: in the proportion of Body he is like the Lioness; footed like a Cat, and spotted like a Panther, excepting that the Spots be long, and all of a colour. They be ge∣nerally cruel, sharp, ravenous, and never so tame, but sometimes they return to their for∣mer Natures: but above all, in the time of their Lust, or when they be robbed of their young, they are most raging and furious. His Mustachoes are held for mortal poyson, causing men to die mad, if they be given in meat. Pliny (lib. 8. ch. 18.) describes the manner how the Hunters get away their Whelps, which is thus: They come on Horse∣back, and finding the old Tygers from home, they take up their young ones, and post away as fast as they can: and on the sudden finding themselves pursued, when the old one com∣eth near them, they let fall one of her Whelps on purpose, that whilst she is carrying that to her Nest, they may escape securely with the rest. And Munster tells us, they sometimes make round Spears of Glass, which they cast before her when she cometh, and thinking (by reason of her own shadow) that she seeth her young ones there, she rolleth it to her Den, where breaking it with her Claws, and finding her self deceiv'd, she in vain runneth again after the Hunters, who are then gone out of her reach. Topsel saith, there is an Herb near the River Ganges, growing like Bugloss, the juyce whereof is such, that if it be pointed into the mouth of their Dens, they dare not come forth, but will lye howling there till they die.

[7] Storks; the Stork is a Bird famous for his natural Love to his Parents, which he feedeth being old and feeble, as they ••ed him when he was young: the Egyptians and Thessa∣lians so esteem'd this Bird, that there was a severe Mulct laid upon any one who should kill him. His English Name Stork comes from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Greek, which is Amor in Latin; pro∣ceeding from his natural Love and Kindness to his Dam: being also humane and loving to Mankind, delighting to build on the tops of Houses and Chimneys, as is usual to be seen in Germany; so well pleas'd are they with the society of men! One reason of his being so highly esteem'd of in Thess••ly and Egypt, was his great service he did them in killing of Ser∣pents, and other venomous Creatures. Pliny calls him Ciconia; and says, that from the Stork Ibis, men first learn'd to purge by Clyster; for with his Bill he conveyeth salt-Wa∣ter up into his own Fundament, and so purgeth himself. Some have vainly reported, that Storks will live only in Republicks, which is a pretty conceit to advance the opinion of po∣pular Policies, and from antipathies in Nature to disparage Monarchial Government; but 'tis altogether false, as appears by their living in Egypt and Thessaly, Places govern'd by Kings.

[8] The Eagle-stone, or Aetites, is a Stone of divers colours, in so much that the colours of other Gems are not sufficient for it: sometimes it is black with white and yellow veins; sometimes it is as it were sprinkled with bloud; and (Proteus-like) of so many colours, that one would scarce believe it were one and the same Stone. Many other Authors as well as Philostratus write, that Eagles lay it in their Nests to preserve their young from Poyson. And Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, had one of these Gems in a Ring, wherein were the nine Mu∣ses to be seen, and Apollo with his Harp, not engraven by Art, saith Pliny, (lib. 37. ch. 1.) sed sponte naturâ ità discurrentibus maculis. He (in the same Book) shews the divers kinds of this Stone, ch. 10. affirming, that it is good against the poyson and stinging of Scorpions; and is supposed to procure Eloquence, and make men fair: Scalig. Exerc. 117. Of its

power to promote Delivery, or restrain Abortion, see Brown's Vulg. Err. lib. 2.

[9] Dolphins; than the Dolphin (call'd by some King of the Fishes) there is not any more swift, none more charitable to his Fellows, and (which is above all the rest) none more loving to men. Pliny (lib. 9. ch. 8.) hath written much of this Fish: and so also have others; affirming, that he is not only sociable, and desirous of man's company, but very much delighted with Musick: however I shall not lay any stress on that Story of Arion, which is no other than a Fable. Now besides those things related in Pliny, of a Boy feeding a Dolphin; and carried on his Back over the Waters to School, &c. othe••s have likewise written things to the same purpose: Amongst the rest, Aelian tells this Story of a Dolphin and a Boy: that a Boy being very fair, used with his Companions, to play by the Sea-side, and to wash themselves in the Water, practising likewise to swim: which being perceiv'd by a Dolphin who frequented that Co••st, the Dolphin fell into a great liking of this Boy above the rest, and used very familiarly to swim by him side by side. The Boy at first was timorous of his unwonted Companion, but through custom, he and the Dolphin grew so familiar, that they would be frequent Antagonists in the Art of Swimming: in so much that sometimes the Boy would get on the Dolphin's Back, and ••ide through the watry Ter∣ritories of Neptune's Kingdom, and the Dolphin at all times would bring him safe to sh••••r; whereof the people in the adjoyning City were frequently eye-witnesses. At last it happen'd that the Boy, being uncareful how he sate on the Fishes Back, unadvisedly laying h••s Belly too close, was by the sharp pricks growing there, wounded to death: which the Dolphin perceiving by the weight of his Body, and by the bloud which stain'd the Waters, that the Boy was dead, he speedily swimmed to shoar, where laying himself down, he died for grief. That Dolphins are crooked, is not only affirm'd by the Hand of the Painter, but commonly conceiv'd to be their natural and proper Figure: when besides the expressions of Ovid and Pliny, their Pourtraicts in some ancient Coyns are so framed▪ as will appear by some in Gesner, others in Gol••sius, and Laevinus Hulfius, in his description of Coy••s, from Iulius Caesar to Rhodolphus the second. However that great Naturalist Sir Thomas Brown (in his Vulg. Err. lib. 5.) is of opinion, that the natural Figure of Dolphins is straight, nor have their Spine convexed, or more considerably embowed, than Sharks, Porposes, Whales, and other cetaceous Animals, as Scaliger plainly affirmeth: Corpus habet non mag•••• Curvum, qu••m reliqui Pisces. Likewise Ocular enquiry informeth the same.

[10] Whales; the Whale is the biggest Fish that swims in the Sea, in so much that Iob (ch. 41. ver. 33.) saith, In the Earth there is nothing like him. His Jaws are resembled to D••ors, ver. 14. his Scales to Shields▪ ver. 15. Out of his Nostrils goeth smoak, as out of a seething Pot, or Ca••ldron, ver. 20. He maketh the Sea to ••oyl like a Pot, ver. 31. Munster (in his Cosmograph.) writeth, that near unto Iseland there be great Whales, whose magnitude equalizes the Mountains, which are sometimes publickly seen; and these (saith he) will drown and overthrow Ships, except they be affrighted with the sound of Drums and Trum∣pets, or except some round and empty Vessel be cast unto them, wherewith they may play and sport themselves, being much delighted with such things. But above all, this he af∣firmeth to be a good Remedy against such dangerous Whales, viz. that which the Apothe∣caries call Castoreum, temper'd with Water, and cast into the Sea; for by this, as by a Poy∣son, they are driven to the bottom and destroy'd. Other Authors mention far greater Whales than these: and Olans Magnus (lib. 21.) writeth, that there are several kinds of Whales; some rough-skinned and bristled, which contain in length 240 foot, and in breadth 120. Others are smooth, plain, and less, being taken in the North and Western Ocean. Some again have Jaws with long and terrible Teeth, of 12 and 14 feet in length; and the two dog-Teeth are far longer than the rest, like the Tusks of a Boar or Elephant. Pliny writeth of a little Fish call'd Musculus, which is a great Friend to the Whale; for the Whale being big, would many times endanger her self betwixt Rocks, were it not for this little Fish who directs her Conduct. Of the Whale see more in Pliny, Ola••s Magnus, and Swan's Speculum Mundi.

[11] Sea-Calves: there be Sea-Cows and Calves, so call'd, because they do much re∣semble such kind of Creatures living on the Land: the Sea-Cow is a great, strong, and fierce Monster; bringeth forth young like her self: she is said to be big ten months, and then de∣liver'd, sometimes of two, but oftenest she hath but one, and this follows her wheresoever she goeth. Olaus writeth, that the Sea-Calf is a great devourer of Herrings.

CHAP. VIII. Whether that be true which some speak concerning the breeding of Vipers: Hence that Iambick of Euripides, That the Children of all men are their very Soul, alter'd by Philostratus into this sentence, That the young ones of all living Creatures are their very Soul: Likewise the Reason why the least Elephants are the Guides in passing over Rivers: What Juba wrote concerning them: Then concerning the River its pas∣sage and breadth.

LEt us not assent (O Damis) to that foolish Story, which saith, that [1] Vi∣pers are bred without a Dam; which neither Nature doth admit of, nor Experience justifie. Whereunto Damis reply'd, Will you then give me leave to [2] commend Euripides for that Iambick, where he bringeth in Andromacha speaking thus:

The Children of all men are their Soul? Eurip.

I grant it, said Apollonius; for it seemeth to be wisely and divinely spoken: but he had spoken more wisely and truely, if he had extended that saying to all living Creatures. You seem then (said Damis) willing to have the Verse express'd in this manner:

The young ones of all living Creatures are their Soul.

Herein I assent unto you; for it is better. But (said he) did we not in the begin∣ning of this Discourse say of Elephants, that there is a Wisdom and Vnderstand∣ing in what they do? We said so indeed, reply'd Apollonius, and 'tis very proba∣ble; for did not a Mind govern this Animal, neither would he be produced, nor the Nations themselves exist, where these Creatures are bred. Why then, said Da∣mis, do they swim over so foolishly to so little advantage to themselves? for the least of all (as you see) leadeth the way, and he that is somewhat bigger followeth him, after him another, and the greatest of all last; whereas it seemeth requisite that they should observe a contrary order, that the biggest should be made as it were the Ramparts and Bulwarks of the rest. But Damis, said he, first they seem to fly the pursuit of men, whom we shall meet following them by the print of their feet; wherefore it is very necessary that the Rear should be well guarded, as we see is the custom in War: and you must imagine this Creature to be the greatest observer of Tacticks of all Beasts. Besides, should the biggest of them swim over first, their passing over would be no sign to judge by of the depth of the Water, whether all of them could be able to do the like; for perhaps they might easily pass through as being taller, whereas these could not possibly do so, as being unable to overcome the depth of the Water: but after the least of them hath passed, it is evident there is an easie passage for the rest. Moreover, should the biggest go before, they would make the Channel deeper for the less, the mud yielding and making Ditches with the very weight and greatness of their feet; whereas the lesser are no whit prejudicial to the passage of the bigger, in that they make a less Cavity in the River. Furthermore, I have found in the Writings of Juba, how the Elephants help one another in their being hunted, and defend him that fainteth; when if they bring him off, they

stand about him, and anoint him with the tears of Aloes, as if th••y were Physici∣ans. Many such like things they Philosophically discours'd of together, taking oc∣casion from such passages as seem'd most worthy their remark. As for the things re∣lated by [3] Nearchus and Pythagoras, concerning the River [4] Arcesinus, how running into the River Indus, it beareth Serpents of seventy cub•••••• length, they say they are so, as 'tis by them reported. But we will adjourn the Relation of this Matter, to that place where we intend to speak of Dragons, of whom Damis discourseth, shewing in what manner they are taken. Now being arrived near the Banks of Indus, and ready to pass the River, they ask'd the Babylonian their Guide, whether he was acquainted with the Passage? who answer'd, He had never forded over it, nor knew where it was fordable. Why then (said they) did yo•• not hire a Guide? There is one (answer'd he) b••ne present who will direct you▪ which having said, he shew'd them a Letter that should do it; for which, they say, Vardanes was much admired for his kindness and care of them: in as much as he had written this Letter to the Governour that was set over the River Indus, al∣though he was not in sub••ection to his Iurisdiction, recounting therein the many Favours he had shew'd him, but not desiring any recompence, for that 'twas not his custom so to do; only telling him, that if he did entertain Apollonius, and ••on∣vey him whith••rsoever he pleas'd, he should acknowledge the courtesie. He had also given Gold to the G••ide, that if he perceiv'd Apollonius stood in need of any thing, he should furnish him with it, that so he might not be put to ask it of others. Where∣fore the Indian receiving the Letter, said, he did much esteem it▪ and that he wo••ld shew no less respect to Apollonius, than if he had been recommended to him by the King of the Indians▪ Accordingly he sent his own Barge, wherein he him∣self was used to be was••ed, together with Vessels to c••rry over his Camels. He like∣wise furnish'd him with a Guide for all that Countrey which Hydraotes boundeth; and wrote to his own King, that he would be pleas'd to shew as much courtesie to∣wards this Greek, who was a wise and divine man, as King Vardanes had done. By this means therefore they passed the River Indus, whose breadth where it is na∣vigable reacheth about forty Furlongs. Concerning this River it is thus related▪ that it riseth out of Mount Caucasus, and runneth with a greater Current than an•• River in Asia, in his passage receiving in many Rivers▪ tha•• are navigable; like∣wise th•••• i•• [5] ove••floweth India like to Nilus, leaving a gr••at deal of Mud on the Land, which gives opportunity to the Indians to s••we their Seed after the man∣ner of the Egyptians.

Illustrations on Chap. 8.

VIp••rs ••re bred, &c. The Viper hath a Body long and slender like an Eel or Snake; a broad Head, with red flaming Eyes: As for his Teeth, they be enclosed (as it were) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 little Bladder, in which he carryeth his Poyson, from thence infusing it into the Wound 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he hath bitten▪ Pliny (lib. 10. ch. 62.) writes, that when the Vipers ingender▪ ••he Male pu••teth his Head into the Females Mouth, which ••he (being overcome with the pleasure of Copulation) biteth off; affirming moreover, that their young use to gnaw themselves out of their Dams Belli••s, which put an end both to Male and Female▪ the one ••n time of Conception, the other in time of Birth: and are therefore called Vipers, a vi pa, riendo▪ Nevertheless Aristotle (Hist. Animal. lib. ••. cap. ultim) ••aith, that the Viper put∣teth forth her young ones infolded in a Membrane, which breaketh forth the third day••▪ and that also sometimes those which are within the Bel••y issue forth▪ having gnawn asunder the fore••aid Membrane. Nichol••us Damascenus, as also Strabo, make mention of Vipers six∣teen Cubits long. Of this Serpent is made that excellent cordial Wine called Viper-Wine,

so effectual in curing Leprosies, Surfeits, &c. Of the Viper's manner of Birth, see Brown's Vulg. Err lib. 3.

[2] To commend Euripides; the Verse which Andromache speaks, is this:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Concerning this Tragedy of Andromache in Euripides, the Intrigue is: That this Princes••, after she had lost her Husband Hector, had seen her Father Priam murther'd, and the chief City of his Kingdom bur••t, became a Slave to Neop••ol••mus. Now Hermione, the Wife of this Prince, being enraged with jealousie against Andromache, determin'd to kill her: where∣upon Menelaus, Father of Hermione, causes her with her Son Astya••ax to be dragg'd to Exe∣cution. And this is the Result of the Plot. As for Euripides, he was the Son of one Mne∣sarchus and Clito, and had not (as some have reported) a seller of Herbs for his Mother: Suidas vindicates him from the disparagement of so mean a Descent, asserting, that he was of noble Birth, as Philochorus well demonstrates. He was born on that very day wherein Xerxes was defeated by the Athenians. He flourish'd in the time of Archelaus, King of Ma∣cedon, by whom he was highly esteem'd. He was at first a Painter, but afterwards became most eminent in writing Tragedies. For Rhetorick, he was the Scholar of Prodicus; and for Philosophy, the Auditor both of Socrates and Anaxagoras. He sometimes disputed with Plato; and travell'd into Egypt, to be inform'd of the Wisdom of their Priests; as Laertius testifies. His Name Euripides he took from Euripus; but for his Austerity they call'd him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a hater of Women: for as Suidas ••ffirms, he was a married man, and had two Wives, being divorced from the first for her Unchastity; neither found he the second more loyal to his Bed. He died in the 75th. year of his Age, being the 93d. Olympiad, and was torn in pieces by Dogs, as Valerius Maximus and Gellius write: or rather, as Suidas hath it, was devoured in the night by barbarous and bloudy Women. The Athenians grievously lamented his death. He wrote 75 Tragedies, for every year he lived a Tragedy: whereof he obtained five Victories, four in his life-time, and one after his death, his Brother's Son being the Actor of that Tragedy. It is a great Question which was the better Poet, he or Sophocles, though they went a different way. Quintilian says, That all moral Philosophy i•• comprehended in the Verses of Euripides. And Heinsi••s speaking of him saith, Omnium Ora∣torum non minus Pater, quam optimus Poeta. Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, were the three chief Princes of the Tragick Style, who exhibited to the people every year their Poems at some publick Solemnities, striving who should get the victory by the approbation of the Judges, who (as we may gather from Plutarch vitâ Cimoni••) were ten in number, and called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So highly esteem'd were these three Po••ts by the Ancients, that by a Law made by Lycurgus, and ratified in Athens, Aeschyl••••, So∣phocles, and Euripides, had their Statues erected in Brass, for the continuation of their memory. Neither were any permitted to act their Tragedies, without first reci••ing them to the publick Scribe: Plut. vi••a 10 Rhet. Euripides was the first who set out the Argu∣ment of the Fable in the beginning of the Tragedy, leading the Auditor (as it were) by the hand, to the last and principal point of that one Action which he would represent. The several other Judgments that have passed upon this Author I shall omit, and only touch upon some few Reflections made on him by that ingenious modern Critick, Monsieur Ra∣pin, in his Reflections on Aristotle's Poesie, which is lately rendred into the English Tongue by the no less judicious Mr. R••ymer; his Observations are these:

How much doth Eu∣ripides teach us to contemn the Favours and Grandeurs of this World, in the Character of his unhappy Queen Hecuba, who so pathetically deplores her Misfortunes? How do•••• he wean us from the unguided Passion of a too violent Love, by his Fable of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 where the Passion of Phaedra for her Son-in-law, causes the Misfortunes of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and the Disorders of Theseus's Family? What a compassion for Vertue doth the same Fa∣ble inspire us with, when one cannot see Hypp••litus die by the Plot of his Stepmother Phaedra, without being highly touched therewith, since he was a Martyr only for Chasti∣ty and Vertue? How agreeable are all his words and persons with their Characters? Po∣lyxena and Ipbigenia truely generous. How conformable are his very thoughts, as well to the Persons as Subjects whereon he treats? Thus Queen Evad••••, (in the Suppliants of Euripides) after the death of her Husband Capane••s, may be seen to express all the extre∣mity of her grief by force of a sorrow, the most generous that ever was, her affliction op∣presses

her, without extorting one word from her, that betrays the least weakness. Nay, rather than be guilty of any undecent passionate Clamours, he makes Hecuba fall into a Swound on the Stage, thereby the better to express all the weight of her sorrow, which could not be represented by words. The narration of the death of Polyxena in his Hecuba is the most lively and moving in the World. The Tragedies of Euripides have more of Acti∣on, of Morality, and of wonderful Incidents, than those of Sophocles. Nevertheless, Eu∣ripides is not exact in the contrivance of his F••bles; his Characters want variety; he falls often into the same thoughts on the same Adventures; he is not enough a R••ligious ob∣server of Decencies; and by a too great affectation to be moral and sententious, he is not so ardent and passionate as he ought to be: for this reason, he goes not to the heart so much as Sophocles; there are precipitations in the preparation of his Incidents, as in th•• Suppliants, where Theseus levies an Army, marches from Athens to Thebes, and returns on the same day. The discoveries of his Plots are nothing natural, but perpetual Machins: Diana makes the discovery in the Tragedy of Hippolytus; Min••rv••, that of Iphigenia in Ta••rica▪ Th••ti••, that of Andr••mache; Cast••r and Pollux, that of Helena and Electra; and so of others.

Lastly, Aristotle conde••••s Euripides, for introducing Menalippa, to speak too much like a Philosopher, of the Sect of Anaxag••ras, whose Opinions were in his time but new.

[3] Related by Nearchus; this Nearchus was an Officer in Alexander's Army, whom Arrianus mentions in his 8th. Book concerning the Deeds of Alexander.

[4] The River Arcesinus; of this River see Piiny, lib. 6. ch. 20. who speaks but to the same purpose as doth our Author Phil••strat••••.

[5] Overfloweth India like to Nilus; as Gang••s and Indus are the most famous Rivers of Asia, and Danubius of Europe, so is Nilus of Africk, which as Diodor••s (lib. 1.) writes▪ takes its Name from one Nileus, King of Egypt; Eustathius saith, it is so call'd from Nilus, the Nephew of Atlantis; but the most general opinion of the Learned is, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is de∣rive•• from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, quod 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. novum limum singulis annis mittat. Of this River of Nile two things have been much disputed among the Ancients, viz. its several Ostiaries, and the true cause of its Inundation. First, For its several Ostiaries; Homer hath given no num∣ber of its Channels, nor we the Names thereof, in use wit•• all Historians. Erato∣sthe••es in his description of Egypt hath likewise pass'd them over. Aristotle is so indistinct in their Names and Numbers, that in the first of his M••teors he plainly affirmeth, the Region of Aegypt (which we esteem the ancientest N••tion in the World) was a meer gain'd grou••d, and that by the settling of mud and limous matter, brought down by the River Nilus, that which was at first a continued Sea, became raised at last into a firm and habitable Countrey. Herodotus in his E••terpe makes mention of 〈…〉〈…〉 in his Geography naming but two▪ Pele••fi••eum and Canopicum, plainly affirmeth, ••••ere were more than seven: There are (saith he) many remarkable Towns within the Currents of Nile, especially such which have given the Names unto the Osti••ries thereof; not unto all▪ for they are eleven, and four besides, but unto seven, the most considerable; that is, Canopicum, Bolbitinum, Se∣lenneticum, Sebenneticum, Pharniticum, Mendesium, Taniticum, and Pelusium. Ptolomy, an Egyptian, born at the Pelusian mouth of the Nile, makes nine. Hondius in his Map of Afri∣ca makes but eight, and in that of Europe ten. And Ortelius in his Map of the Turki•••• Em∣pire setteth down eight, in that of Egypt eleven. But Maginus, Gulielmus Tyrius, and Bello∣nius, as well as all modern Geographers and Travellers say, there are now but three or four mouths belonging to the River Nile. For below Grand Cairo the River divides it sel•• into four branches, whereof two make the chief and navigable Streams; the one running to Pelusium, which is now called Damiata; the other to Canopium, that at present is named Roscetta: the other two (saith Mr. Sandys) ••un between these, and are inconsiderable. See Brown's Vulg. Err. lib. 6. The Ancients were much in the dark concerning the Head of this River, as appears by all the Writings as well of their Poets as Historians:

Nile pater, quànam possum te dicere causa, Aut quibus in ••erris occuluisse caput? Tibull. 1, 7.

Ar••anum ••••ura caput non prodidit ulli, Ne•• licuit populis pa••vum te, Nile, videre. Amovit{que} sinus, & gentes maluit ortus Mirari, quam nosse 〈◊〉〈◊〉.— Lucan, lib. 10.

Te fontium qui celat origines Nilus.— Horat. lib. 4. Od. 14.

Therefore Ammianus Marcellinus▪ (lib. 22.) saith, Origines fontium Nili, ut mihi quidem videri solet, ficut adbuc factum est, posterae quo{que} ignor 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aetates. Also Sido••. Apollin. in Panegyr▪ Aviti:.—Ignotui•• plus notus, Nile per 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ S••••ostris, Cambyses, Alexander, Philadelphus and Nero, made great enquiries after the Original of this River, but all in vain; till of late (as Dr. Hakewil in his Apology, lib. 3.) says, the head Spring of Nilus appears to be in vast Marshes, near the Mountains of the Moon, not far from the Cape of Good-hope, where is the utmost Bound of the Continent.

Secondly, For the Cause of the Nile's Inundation, there are various Opinions, and va∣rious Reasons given: Diodorus, Seneca, Strabo, and others, upon good grounds believed, that the Inundation of Nilus proceeded from the Rains in Aethiopia, and the mighty source of Waters falling towards the Fountains thereof. For this Inundation unto the Egyptians happeneth, when it is Winter with the Aethiopians, where, although they have no cold Winter, (the Sun being no farther removed from them in Cancer, than to us in Taurus) yet is the fervour of the Air so well remitted a•• it admits a sufficient generation of Vapours, and plenty of Showers ensuing thereon. This Theory of the Ancients is likewise since con∣firm'd by Experience of the Moderns, as Franciscus Alvarez; Antonius Ferdinandus, and others; and is undoubtedly the most rational account that is given thereof. That the Cause of the Increase of Nilus was the melting of the Snow, and fleeting thereof from the tops of the Mountains of Aethiopia, was the opinion not only of Auaxagora••, Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, but (as Seneca saith) of the whole Body of Antiquity, in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 opinione omnis v••tustas suit, Nar. Qu. 4, 13.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In Helen. Euripid.

But this opinion, as I conceive, is very improbable, for that the heat of the Ethiopian Cli∣mate will not so easily admit of Snow, as Rain; as Philostratus well observes in the ensuing Chapter; at least of so vast a quantity, as would be sufficient to produce so great an Inun∣dation: Therefore Lucan with good Reason calls it a vain opinion:

Vana fides veterum, Nilo, quod crescat in arva, Aethiopum prodesse nives, &c.— Lib. 10. Lucan. Pharsal.

Neither do I know any of the modern Authors adhere to this opinion, unless it be Cardan.

Again, Thales attributed the overflowing of the Nile to the Etesian Blasts, which are Easternly Winds that blow yearly about the Dog-days. Of this opinion was Pliny, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Marcellinus, lib. 22. and Lucretius:

Nilus in aestate crescit, campis{que} redundat Vnicus in terris Aegypti totius amnis. I•• rigat Aegyptum, medium persaepe calorem: Aut quia sunt aestate Aquilones Ostia contra Anni tempore eo quo Etesia flabra feruntur, Et contra fluvium flantes remorantur, & undas Cogentes rursus replent, coguntque manere. Lib. 6. de rerum Nat.

For the Increase and Inundation of Nile, beginning at the Summer Solstice, and this River running directly from South to North, from one Tropick to another, which is just the middle part of the Earth, when it comes to incline its Axis, and return the Antarctick part to the Sun, the Stream of this River, which is contrary to that motion, waxes slower; and being moreover augmented, by the continual Rains of Summer that descend from Aethiopia, swells and overflows the Plains of Egypt: which made many of the Ancients ima∣gine, that the Etesian Winds blew against the Stream at that time, and forced the Water back upon themselves. But Scaliger rejects this as a childish opinion. Democritus thought, that the Etesian Winds blowing the Snow from the North parts of Ethiopia, occasion'd this Increase of the Nile. Herodotus (as we find in Diodorus) imputed it to the very nature of

the River, which as it sunk in the Winter, when the Sun went away into Lybia, so did it rise again in the Summer at the Sun's return. Ephorus saith, it was the Sweat of the Land, which evaporating with the heat of th•• Summer, occasion'd the rise of the Water. These and many other opinions there are 〈…〉〈…〉 the Nile's overflowing, of all which, the first I here mention'd is most generally ••••••eiv'd and approved, viz. that it proceeds from the Aethiopian Rains. Now for the time when this Inundation happens, some affirm, that it constantly increaseth on the 17th. day of 〈◊〉〈◊〉; wherein perhaps a larger speech were safer, than that which punctually prefixeth a day certain: for this expression is different from the Ancients, as Herodotus, Diodorus, Seneca, &c. who deliver only, that it happeneth about the entrance of the Sun into Cancer; wherein they warily express themselves, and reserve a reasonable Latitude. Again, Were the day definitive herein, it had prevented the delusion of the Devil, nor could he have gained applause by its prediction; who notwithstanding (as Athanasius in the Life of Anthony relateth) to magnifie his knowledge in things to come, when he perceiv'd the Rains to fall in Aethiopia, would presage unto the Egyptians, the day of its Inundation. And this would also render useless that natural Experiment observed in Earth or Sand about the River, by the weight whereof, (as Mr. George Sandyes the Tra∣veller, Alpinus a Physician, Marchitus the French Consul, Elianus a Jesuit, Varrat an Eng∣lishman, and others report) they have unto this day a knowledge of its Increase. More∣over, the effects of this Inundation cannot be prognosticable with the same certainty as Eclipses, for that it totally depends upon the Clouds, and descent of Showers in Aethiopia, which having their generation from uncertain vapourous Exhalations, must submit their existence to contingencies, and endure Anticipation or recession from the moveable condi∣tion of their Causes: Therefore (as many conceive) there have been some years without any Increase at all, as the years of Famine under Pharaoh, and the like, as Seneca, and di∣vers relate of the 11th. year of Cleopatra; not nine years together, as is testify'd by Cali∣sthenes. Some years it hath also retarded, and came far later than usually it was expected, as according to Sozomen and Nicephorus, it happen'd in the days of Theodosius; whereat the people were ready to mutiny, because they might not sacrifice to the River, according to the custom of their Predecessors. For the fertility of the Egyptian Ground, occasion'd by this Rivers Inundation, I refer you to Monsieur Vanseleb, and other modern Authors▪ whereof being absent from my own Study, I want the present perusal:

Te propter nullos tellus tua postulat imbres, Arida nec pluvio supplicat berba Iovi. Tibull. Lib. 1. Eleg. 7.

CHAP. IX. Of the Snows that are said to run down out of Ethiopia; and the Hills Ca∣tadupi: Of the Sea-Horses and Crocodiles: The great Heats of India, and how they are abated: Their Arrival at Taxilla, the Royal City: The Habit of the Indians: Whence Silk groweth: A very great Tem∣ple erected before the City, wherein ar•• many Rarities, as the Tables con∣cerning the Acts of Alexander and Porus, so artificially done, that one would judge them to be the Works of Zeuxis, Polygnotus, or Euphra∣nor: Also of the Fight betwixt Alexander and Porus.

AS for the [1] Snows of the Ethiopians, and the Hills [2] Catadupi, I think not fit to gainsay them, in respect to their Authority who have rela∣ted such things. Yet do I not assent to their Relations, considering with my self, how it could be possible that [5] Indus should do like Nilus, since the Region

that lyes above it, is not cover'd with Snow. Besides I know, that God hath set the Indians and Aethiopians as the utmost Horns of the Earth, and made both swarthy, the one at the Eastern, the other at the Western part of the World; which could not be, unless they were both warm in the Winter: and if the Sun be hot there all the year, how is it possible that Snow should breed there? or that it should be in so vast a quantity, as when they melt, to cause so great Rivers to overflow? And if the Snow should descend into places so exposed to the Sun, how it should be spread into so great a Sea? or how it should suffice for a River to overflow all Egypt? In their passage over Indus they say, that they met with many [3] Sea-horses, and many [4] Crocodiles, like them that swim in Nilus. They likewise relate, that such Flowers grow about Indus, as about Nilus; and that the Seasons of the year are in India warm at Winter, but at Summer stifling: nevertheless they say, that God hath well provided against this, by causing much Rain to fall there. Further∣more they report, that they have heard the Indians say, that the King (when the Seasons of the year call him to it) goeth to the River, and offereth up Horses and black Bulls to it in Sacrifice: for the Indians prefer the black colour before the white▪ by reason (as I suppose) of their own Complexion. After the Sacrifice is ended, they say, the King sinketh a [6] golden Measure (like to that wherein they measure Corn) into the River, and that the Indians do not certainly know for what end this is done: but they suppose that the Measure is so sunk, either for the plenty of those Fruits which Husbandmen measure with it, or for the moderation of the River, that it might not too much overflow the Countrey. Now having passed the River, the Guide whom the Governour had given them, led them the direct way to Taxilla, where the King's Palace is. Moreover they report, that the men which dwell by the River Indus, are cloath'd with Linen of that Countrey, and Shoes made of the Bark of Trees, also a kind of Hat against the Rain. But per∣sons of greater quality go clad in [7] Silk, which they report, groweth on Trees, like a white Asp for growth, and Leaves like those of the Sallow. Apollonius said, he was pleas'd with the Silk, in that it resembled the duskish Philosophical [8] Pal∣lium: this Silk, they say, is brought out of India into Egypt, for many of their sacred Rites. As for Taxilla, they say, it is for bigness to be compared with the old Ninus, and walled proportionably, as the rest of the Greek Cities are: it was the Royal Seat of Mander, who govern'd that [9] Kingdom, which was formerly ruled by Porus. Before the Walls they saw a Temple erected, about an hundred feet high, of* 1.3 purple-colour'd Stone, wherein stood a Chappel, though less than a Tem∣ple, yet so large, and so beset with Pillars, that it was worthy of admiration. There were several brazen Tables hanging on the Walls, whereon were written the [10] Deeds of Alexander and Porus. Their Acts were engraven on Copper, Sil∣ver, Gold, and black Brass, together with Elephants, Horses, Souldiers, Helmets, and Shields. But the Lances, Darts, and Swords, were all made of Iron; and so artificially engraved, as if it were the Work of [11] Zeuxie, [12] Polygnotus, or [13] Euphranor, who were able to express the shadows, breath, descents, and ascents of things: so they say it appear'd there, the several matters being inserted into the Pictures instead of Colours. Nor was it an unpleasant sight, to discover the King's disposition by the Picture. For Porus set up the said Table in the Chap∣pel, after the death of Alexander, though Alexander be therein described as con∣quering and restoring Porus, whom he had wounded in Fight, and conferring up∣on him the Region of India as his own. Furthermore it is reported, that Porus wept and lamented at the death of Alexander, as being a brave and generous Prince. Likewise, after Alexander was departed out of India, Porus never spake any thing

as a King, though Alexander permitted it; nor did he rule the Indians as a King, but as a Deputy; doing and speaking all things very modestly to the honour of Alexander. I cannot in reason here omit what is related of Porus: for upon the entrance of Alexander into India, when some of Porus's Friends advised him to make a defensive League wi•••• those that dwelt near Ganges and [14] Hypasis, in as much as Alexander was not likely to engage against all India, if he perceived the Inhabitants unite together; Porus answer'd, If my Subjects be such, that I cannot be safe without the help of Associates, it will be better for me to lay down my King∣dom. To one that said Darius was call'd a King, Porus made Answer, But not a Man. When the Groom had brought the Elephant whereon Porus was to ride, and sa•••• to him, This Elephant (Oh King) will carry you; nay, rather (said Porus) I will carry him, if my strength equal my stature. To one who advised him to sacrifice to the River, that he might not receive the Macedonian Ships, nor afford a passage to Alexander, Porus replyed, It is not decent for them that take Arms, to imprecate Curses. After the Battel, (wherein Alexander judged him to be a divine man, and far exceeding humane Nature) when one of Porus's Frien••s told him, That if he had humbled himself to Alexander, he had not been overcome in Battel, neither had he caus'd so many of the Indians to be slain, nor been wounded himself; the Answer of Porus was this: When I heard how Alexan∣der was more ambitious than other men, I thought that he would esteem me a base Slave, if I humbled my self before him; whereas if I manfully opposed him, he would esteem me a King, and rather worthy of admiration, than pity: neither indeed was I mistaken; for shewing my self to be such a man as Alexander saw me to be, I in one and the same day both lost and recover'd all I had. Such an one Historians report Porus to have been; also, that he was the most lovely man of all the Indians, and of so large a stature, as no man had been since the [15] Trojan Worthies; likewise, that he was very young when he fought with Alexander.

Illustrations on Chap. 9.

[1] SNows; Snow is a Cloud congeal'd by excessive Cold, before it be perfectly resolv'd from Vapours into Water: for if it should come to the density of Water before the Congelation, then could it not fall so like locks of Wooll as it doth, but would be more closely compacted or joyned together, having little or no spunginess in it. There is little difference between the matter of Snow, and the matter of Rain and Hail; excepting (as some think) that the vapour for Snow is of an hotter quality than the vapour for Rain, and yet not so hot as that which is the material cause of Hail. For it is a Tenet among Philo∣sophers, that hot things being cool'd are apter for Congelation than cold; as is seen in warm Water taken from the fire, which will more suddenly and thorowly be frozen, than that which never felt the heat. And this comes to pass, in regard of the pores or passages made into the Water through Heat, into which the Cold entring, it both cooleth it sooner, and congealeth it the more. Neither is there any difference between white Frost and Snow; excepting that Frost is made of a Vapour before it be turn'd into a Cloud; and Snow of a Cloud before it be turn'd into Water.

[2] Hills of Catadupi, &c. Catadupa (so call'd from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Cataracta) is a place in Aethiopia, where Nilus falleth from between two Mountains with so great a noise, that the Catadupi or Inhabitants that dwell near are made deaf therewith. Of this see Pliny, lib. 5. ch. 9. Senec. Nat. Q••. 4, 2. Ammian. Marcell. lib. 22. Vitruvius, lib. 8. ch. 2. Helio∣dor. lib. 2.

[3] Sea-horses; Equus-marinus, the Sea-horse, is so called, because he hath a Head like an Horse, and will sometimes neigh; his Feet are cloven like to the Feet of a Cow, but his Tayl and hinder parts are like to other Fishes. He seeks his Repast as well on the Land

as Sea. In the Northern Seas he will sometimes sleep upon a piece of Ice, as it floateth upon the Waters; and seldom do the Fishermen desire to take him but only out of wantonness, when they want other Sport, or have taken few Whales. This Sea-monster is most frequent∣ly seen between Britain and Norway. Olaus Magn. lib. 21.

[4] Crocodiles are commonly found about the River Nilus in Egypt, and Ganges in India; and later Discoveries affirm, that they are not only in Asia and Africa, but very frequent in some Rivers of America. They inhabit as well the Land as Water, and live almost as long as men. Munster (in his Cosmograph.) writeth, that of a little thing he waxeth to be a very great Beast: in so much that in the History of Congo, we read of one Crocodile that eat up nine Slaves for his Breakfast. Purch. Pilgrimage, lib. 7. ch. 9. Gieza saith, that in the Province of Dariene, in the South part of America, a Crocodile was found 25 feet long. Ibid. lib. 9. ch. 1. His Eggs are like unto Goose Eggs, but the young which cometh of them taketh increase to 16 or 18 cubits in length. Strange it is (if true) that they tell, of the number of 60 in this Beast; as that his Age is 60 years, his Teeth 60. his Eggs and days of Hatching 160. his Back is hard, and full of Scales; his Teeth exceeding sharp, whereof two be far more terrible than the other, and much longer. Aristotle saith, that Crocodiles have no Tongues; but Experience proves this to be false, for their Tongues are very short, flat, and broad; his Eyes are said to be very dull in the Water, but marvellous quick-sighted when he is out of it, his Tayl extends it self to a great length; his Bitings are so sharp and cruel, that they can never be heal'd; his Feet are short, but Claws or Nails very sharp, wherewith he helps to catch and dis-member either Man or Beast, which he can lay hold on: nevertheless it is said, that he flyes from those that persecute him, and per∣secutes those that fly him. Aelian (Var. Hist. lib. 1.) says, that the Egyptian Dogs are so fearful of him, that they use to lap their Water running, when they come at the Nile, for fear of the Crocodiles there. And Munster writes, that when this Serpent hath devoured a man, and eaten up all but his Head, he will sit and weep over it, as if he repented him of the cruelty of the act, whereas indeed he weeps for want of such another prey: from hence came the Proverb of Lachrymae Crecodili, Crocodiles Tears. In Pegu Crocodiles are ac∣counted Holy. Strabo writes, that he saw in the Nomus, or Shire of Arsinoe, divine Ho∣nour given to a Crocodile, who being kept tame in a certain Lake by the Priests, and named Suchus, was nourish'd with Bread, Wine, and Flesh, which the Pilgrims that came to visit him offer'd. Thus the Ombites esteem'd themselves favour'd of their Crocodile God, if he filled his Paunch with the flesh and bloud of their dearest Children. And King Menas built a City called Crocodilopolis, and dedicated the adjacent Fens to their sustenance. Neverthe∣less we read, that in some Parts of China, and elsewhere, the Natives feed upon Cro∣codiles.

[5] That Indus should do like Nilus, &c. This Annual Inundation is proper to many other Rivers besides Nile; as to many Currents of Africa: for about the same time the Ri∣ver Niger and Zair do overflow; and so do the Rivers beyond the Mountains of the Moon, as Suama, and Spirito Santo. And not only these in Africa, but some also in Europe and Asia, as Menan in India, and Duina in Livo••ia; the same also is observable of the River Ior∣dan in Iudea, that it overflows all his Banks in the time of Harvest: Iosh. 3.

[6] The King sinketh a golden Measure into the River; this Custom hath some resemblance to the Duke of Venice's marrying the Sea with a golden Ring, which he once a year casts in∣to the same with much solemnity: being accompanied with the Senate and Chief of the City to the mouth of the Venetian Gulf, where this Ceremony is perform'd.

[7] Persons of greater quality go clad in Silk, &c. which Silk is thus described by Iulius Poliux: Bissina quoque, & Bissus Lini quaedam species apud Indos; nunc apud Aegyptios ex arbo∣re quaedam Lana sit, ex qua vestem confectam Lino maxime similem esse quispiam dixerit, sola densitate excepta: densior enim ex arbore fructus en••scitur nuci similis duplici munitus cortice, qua di••emta, postquam instar nucis floruerit, interius hoc, quod Lanam refert, eximitur: unde jubtegmen conficitur, stamen autem illi subtenditur Lineam.

[8] Pallium; a long Robe or Mantle, such as our Knights of the Garter wear at their In••••alment, and worn heretofore by Philosophers.

[9] That Kingdom which was formerly ruled by Porus, is thus Geographiz'd by Strabo, lib. 15. Inter Hid••spem & Acesinem est Pori terra multa sane & opulenta 300 Civitatum. Item Sylva prope Emodos montes ex qua Alexander multam abietem, & Pinum, & Cedrum, & varias

alias arbore•• in Hyd••••pe••••••de duxit, ex quibus Class••m construxit juxta Vrbes in utr••{que} fl••min••s Ripa ab eo conditas, ubi Porum vicit, quarum alteram Bucephalum nominavit, alteram Niceam.

[10] The Deeds of Alexander and Porus; which are at large recited in the 8th. Book of Q. Curtius.

[11] ••e••xis; a famous Painter of Heraclea, who lived in the 95th. Olympiad, about the time of Ar••••xer••••s M••emon, and painted Grapes so like, that the Birds flew to feed on the••. His Competitors with whom he contended in the Art of Painting were Timanthes, Androcydes, Eup••••••pus, and P••••••bafius. He acquired vast Riches by his Art. See Pliny, lib. 35. ch. 10. Cicero, lib. 2. d•• Inv••nt. and Plut. in Pericle.

[12] Polygnotus; a Thasian Painter, eminent for his great skill in Limning Shadows, and all manner of Drapery-Work. See Quintil, lib. 12. Pliny, lib. 35. ch. 9. Also Pausa∣nias, and Aelian's Var. Hist.

[13] Euphranor; a famous Isthmian Statuary, who was not only skill'd in making Sta∣tues of Brass and Marble, but also in Painting. He likewise wrote several Tracts of Pro∣portions and Colours. He flourish'd in the 104th. Olympiad.

Hic aliquid praeclarum Euphranoris— Juven. Sat. 3.

See more of him in Pliny, 35, 11. ibid. 34▪8.

[14] Hypasis; a River of India, see Pliny.

[15] Trojan Worthies; such as were Agamemnon, Menelaus, Achilles, Hector, Patroclus, Idomeneus, Ajax, Stenelus, Diomedes, Prothesilaus, Troilus, Priamus, Vlysses, Antenor, Aeneas, &c. all O••ficers, and men of Note, at the Siege of Troy.

CHAP. X. A Discourse about Pictures and Colours; also of the Picture Ajax, th•• Workmanship of Timomachus.

WHilst they stay'd in the Temple, which was some time, till the King was made acquainted with their coming, Apollonius turning himself to Damis said, Do you think that there is any Art of Painting? Yes, said Damis, if there be any truth of the things themselves. But what doth this Art perform, said Apollonius? Damis answer'd, It mixeth Colours together, as blew with green, white with black, and red with pale. Whereto Apollonius re∣ply'd, For what end doth it mingle these Colours, since it is not meerly for Shew? Yes, said Damis, it is done for Imitation's sake, as to resemble a Dog, a Horse, a Ship, a Man, or any other thing that the Sun shine•• on: it also setteth forth the resemblance of the Sun himself; sometimes as if he rode on a Chariot drawn with four Horses, as 'tis said he is to be seen in this place; sometimes again as bearing a Torch in the Heavens, when he describeth the very Sky and House of the Gods: wherefore, Oh Damis, Painting is a certain Art of Imitation, said Apollonius. Whereto Damis answer'd, It is nothing else; for if Painting cannot perform this, it will seem very ridiculous, as making Colours to no purpose. Then said Apolloni∣us, What will you say to those things which are used to appear upon the separating of Clouds, as Centaurs, and * 1.4 Hirco-cervi, nay even Wolves and Horses? Are not these wrought by some Art of Imitation? To me it seeems so, said Damis. Then will God himself be a Painter, answer'd Apollonius, and leaving his winged Cha∣riot whereon he rideth, and ordereth divine and humane things, he will sit a sport∣ing and painting these things, as Children make Shapes in the dust. Hereat Damis

blush'd, his Discourse appearing to conclude in such an Absurdity. But Apollo∣nius not casting any Contempt upon him, (for he was not bitter in reproving) said to him, I suppose Damis you intended not to speak any such thing; only that for as much as concerneth the Deity, those many things are carried up and down through the Air casually, and without any intended resemblance, but that we, who natural∣ly have in us the principle of Imitation, do frame and devise such Forms. Let us therefore, Oh Apollonius, rather believe it to be so, said Damis, for this is the best and most likely opinion. Whereto Apollonius answer'd, There is a two-fold Art of Imitation: one whereof doth with the Hand and Mind imitate whatsoever it pleaseth, and this is the Art of Painting; the other doth with the Mind alone frame Similitudes▪ Not two-fold, said Damis; but that there is a more perfect sort of Painting, which both with Mind and Hand doth express the Similitudes of things: and that the other is but a part of the same, since by it a man can only con∣ceive and imitate with the Mind, being not skill'd in Painting, nor able to ex∣press things by his Hands. Is it, said Apollonius, because his Hand hath been maim'd with some Blow or Distemper? No verily, answer'd Damis, but because he never used to handle a Pencil, or other such Instrument, or Colours, being un∣skill'd in the Art of Limning. In this therefore, said Apollonius, we both agree, that the faculty of Imitating proceedeth from Nature, but that of Painting, from Art: the same thing may also be said of Carving and Moulding. But you seem to imagine, that a Picture it self consisteth not of bare Colours, in as much as the old Painters were contented with one Colour, whereas the modern have used four, and so by degrees a greater number. Moreover, they sometimes Limn with meer Linea∣ments, and without Colours, which kind of Pictures we ought to say consist only of Shade and Light; for in them the similitude of things appeareth, the Form, Mind, Modesty, and Boldness, although such things have no Colours. And however they express not the Bloud, the colour of the Hair, nor the Down on the Chin, yet do they with one simple kind of Draught represent the similitude of a tawny or white man. Nay, if we describe an Indian in this manner, with white Lineaments, yet will he be conceiv'd as swarthy: for the flatness of the Nose, erected Curles, flaggy Cheeks, and Stupor, (as it were) about the Eyes, do blacken the Picture, and to them that view it without judgment, demonstrate the person to be an Indian. Where∣fore without any absurdity I may aver, that they who behold Pictures, have also need of the Imitative faculty; for none can rightly commend a painted Horse or Bull, but he that beholdeth those Creatures in his Mind, whose likeness is presented in Picture. Neither indeed can any man judiciously view the [1] Ajax of [2] Ti∣momachus, represented in his mad Fits, unless a man conceive in his Mind some Idea of Ajax, and how having slain Sheep and Oxen at Troy in his rage, he sate down by himself very pensive, consulting how to make away with himself. But now these curious Works which were made at the Command of Porus, are not only the Work of Graving, for they are like to Pictures; nor on the contrary, the Work of Painting only, in that they be made of Brass: but they were wrought by the same man, who was skill'd both in Painting and Graving, such as [3] Vulcan is re∣presented in [4] Homer, where he describeth the making of Achille's Arms; for there every place is full of such as kill and are killed, and you would say, that it were the very Earth colour'd with bloud, though it be made of Brass.

Illustrations on Chap. 10.

[1] AIax, the Son of Telamon, by Hesione, was, next to Achilles, the most valiant War∣rier in the Grecian Army, that fought against the Trojans. He, for anger that the Judges had conferr'd Achilles's Armour upon Vlysses, and not upon himself, grew mad, as Philostratus here mentions; when having slain many Sheep and Oxen in his mad Fits, he at last slew himself, and (as is feign'd) was turn'd into a Flower of his Name, dict. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. à Lugendo. Sophocl.

[2] Timomachus, a famous Painter of Greece, Contemporary with Iulius Caesar. This Timomachus drew the Picture of Medea and Ajax, which Iulius Caesar bought of him for 80 Talents, and afterwards dedicated it to the Temple of Venus. See Athen. lib. 14.

[3] Vulcan, was said to be the Son of Iupiter and Iuno, and that when Iupiter saw how ill-shaped and ugly he was to behold, at his first coming into the World, he kickt him down from Heaven, so that the poor Babe fell upon the Earth, and broke one of his Legs, where∣of he ever after halted. Homer saith, that he was cast down into Lemnos, an Island on the Aegaean Sea:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Iliad. 1. vers. 590.

That he was sometime Resident in Lemnos, Cicero writes in his Nat. Deor. where speaking of the several Vulcans, he saith, Vulcani item compl••res: Primus Coelo natus, cujus in tutela Athenas antiqui Historici esse voluerunt: Secundus Nilo natus, Opas, ut Aegyptii appellant, quem Custodem esse Aegypti volunt: Tertius ex tertio Iove & Iunone, qui Lemni fabricae tradi∣••ur praefuisse: Quartus Maenalio natus, qui tenuit Insulas prope Siciliam, quae Vulcani•• nominan∣tur. Lucian (in his Dialogue de Sacrific.) makes merry with this Story of Vulcan's being kickt out of Heaven. Apollodorus saith, that Iupiter kickt him down from Heaven, because he offer'd to rescue his Mother Iuno out of Iupiter's hands. Others feign, that he was thrown out of Heaven for his Deformity. He was educated by Eurynome, the Daughter of Oceanus and Thetis; he is said to be the God of Fire, the Master of the Cyclops, and chief Thunderbolt-maker in Ordinary to Iupiter. He made Hermione's Bracelet, Ariadne's Crown, the Chari•••• of the Sun, the Armour of Achilles and Aeneas; &c. He would have married Minerva, but she refusing him, he took to Wife Venus, whom having caught in Bed with Mars, he threw a Net over them, and exposed them to the publick view of all the rest of the Gods. Now as these things made him be thought most skilful in the Blacksmith's Trade, and gave a reputation to his Forge above all others, so likewise (as Diodorus writes) ano∣ther Accident more strange, attributed to him the invention of Fire; for (saith he) some of the Egyptian Priests do hold for certain, that Vulcan, the inventer of Fire, reigned first in Egypt, and for the benefit ensuing was made Commander over the Egyptians, which was thus: A Tree on the Mountains of Egypt being set on fire by Lightning from Heaven in the Winter-time, the flame thereof caught hold on the neighbouring Woods, which fell likewise a burning, whereat Vulcan rejoyced, in regard of the heat which it yielded, but perceiving the fire begin to fail, he added fresh matter unto it, by which means the fire be∣ing continued, he called many other men to see it, as a thing by him found out and invent∣ed. Diod. Sic. lib. 1. ch. 2. Again, Diodorus (lib. 5.) writes, that by Vulcan, as they say; was invented the fabrication of Iron, Brass, Gold, Silver, and all other Metals, which re∣ceive the operation of Fire; as also the universal use thereof, as imploy'd by Artificers, and others: whence the Masters of these Arts offer up their Prayers and sacred Rites to this God chiefly; and by these as by all others, Vulcan is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Fire; and having by this means given a great benefit to the common Life of men, he is consecrated to immortal me∣mory and honour. Diod. lib. 5. Now because Tubal-Cain is said to be (Gen. 4.22.) an In∣structer of every Artificer in Iron and Brass, &c. hence Bochart (in Pref. to his Phal.) will have Vulcan and Tubal-Cain to be the same; and that the Character given us here of Tubal-Cain, agrees exactly with Sanchoniathon's Character of Vulcan▪ See Bochart. Can. lib. 2. cap. 2.

[4] Represented in Homer: Concerning Homer several things may be consider'd: His Name, Person Countrey, and Parents; the Age wherein he lived; his Life and Death; and Writings; with the various Censures that pass'd upon him.

First then, As to his Appellation or Name of Homer, he was so called, saith Nepos, (in libris Chronic.) from his Blindness, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Ionian Language signifying blind, by the Figure Metathesis: nevertheless Plutarch gives us another account of his Name Homerus, viz. that the Lydians in Smyrna being infested with the Aeolians, so as they thought to leave the City, and being all summon'd to march by a Herald at Arms, Homer (who was then but a Child) cryed out, that he would also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, sequi; from whence, saith Plutarch, he receiv'd the Name of Homer. But his proper Name was Melesigenes, from the River Me∣letes, near which some think he was born: though others have call'd him Meonides, as sup∣posing him to be descended from Maeone.

In the next place, For his Person, Countrey, and Parents; whereof to begin with his Person, Spondanus saith, His Statue teacheth what the Person of Homer was; which Ce∣drenus thus describeth, before it was consumed with fire at Constantinople: There stood (saith he) the Statue of Homer, as he was in his old age, thoughtful, and musing, with his Hands folded beneath his Bosom, his Beard untrimm'd and hanging down, the Hair of his Head in like manner thin on both sides before, his Face with Age and Cares of the World wrinckled and austere, his Nose proportion'd to his other parts, his Eyes fix'd or turn'd up to his Eye-brows, like one blind, (as 'tis reported he was) though not born blind, which (saith Velleius Paterc.) he that imagines, must be blind of all Senses himself; upon his un∣der-Coat he was attired with a loose Robe, and at the Base beneath his Feet hung a Chain of Brass. Another famous Statue of his (saith Lucian in Encom. Demosth.) stood in the Temple of Ptolomy, on the upper hand of his own Statue: which is also mention'd by Aelian, lib. 13. ch. 22. who says, that Ptolemaeus Philopat••r having built a Temple to Homer, erected a fair Image of him, and placed about that Image those seven Cities which contend∣ed for his Birth; according to these lines of the Poet:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Septem Vrbes certant de stirpe insignis Homeri; Smyrna, Rhodus, Colophon, Salamin, Chius, Argos, Athenae.

Neither did only these seven lay claim unto him, but three times seven, if we may credit either Plutarch or Suidas, amongst which Rome is very urgent, that he may b•• ••ccounted hers: in so much that Appion the Grammarian invoked his Ghost to come forth from the dead, and declare which was his Countrey▪ that so the Controversie might be ended. Con∣cerning his Countrey and Age, there is so great variation amongst Authors, that no Questi∣on about Antiquity seems more difficult to be resolved: Some make him a Native of Aeo∣lia, and say, that he was born about 168 years after the Siege of Troy; Aristotle (in 3. de Poetic.) affirms, he was born in the Isle of Io; Michael Glycas places him under Solomon's Reign; but Cedrenus saith, that he lived under both Solomon and David; as also that the Destruction of Troy happen'd under Saul. Nevertheless, that Book of Homer's Life, which follows the ninth Muse of Herodotus, (and whether composed by him or no, is very ancient) makes the Labour of those men very ridiculous, who even at this day pretend to so much certainty of Homer's Countrey, which was not then known: But of this Leo Allatius hath written a distinct Treatise. Neither is there less uncertainty concerning his Parentage: Aristotle affi••ms, he was begot in the Isle of Io by a Genius, on the Body of a Virgin of that Isle, who being quick with Child, for shame of the deed) retired into a Place call'd Aegi∣na, and there being seiz'd on by Thieves, was brought to Smyrna, to Maeon, King of the Lydians, who for her Beauty married her; after which, she walking near the Floud Mele∣tes▪ being on that shoar overtaken with the Throws of her Delivery, she brought forth Homer, and instantly died; the Infant was receiv'd by Maeon, and brought up as his own, ti••l he himself likewise died. Alex. Paphius (saith Eustathius) makes Homer to be born of Egyptian Parents, Dmasagoras being his Father, and Aetbra his Mother; also that his Nurse was a certain Prophetess, and the Daughter of Oris, one of Isis's Priests, from whose Breasts Honey often flow'd in the Mouth of the Infant; after which, in the night, he is reported to utter nine several Notes or Voices of Birds, viz. of a Swallow, a Peacock, a Dove, a Crow,

a Partridge, a Wren, a Stare, a Blackbird, and a Nightingale: also that being a little Boy, he was found playing in his Bed with nine Doves. Others make him the Son of Maeona and Ornithus; and others the Off-spring of some Nymph, as Gyraldus writes, Hist. Poet. Dial. 2. But the opinion of many is, that he was born of Critheis, Daughter of Melanopus and Omy∣ris, who after her Father and Mothers death, was left to a Friend of her Fathers at Cuma, who finding she was with Child, sent her away in high displeasure to a Friends House, near the River Meles; where at a Feast among other young Women, she was deliver'd of a Son, whose Name she call'd Melesigenes, from the Place where he was born. That Critheis went with her Son to Ismenias, and from thence to Smyrna, where she dressed Wooll, to get a Livelyhood for her self and her Son: at which Place the Schoolmaster Phemius falling in Love with her, married her, and took her Son into the School, who by his sharpness of Wit surpass'd all the other Scholars in Wisdom and Learning: in so much that upon the death of his Master, Homer succeeded him in teaching the same School, whereby he acquired great Reputation for his Learning, not only at Smyrna, but all the Countreys round about; for the Merchants that did frequent Smyrna with Corn, spread abroad his Fame in all Parts where they came. But above all, one Mentes, Master of •• Leucadian Ship, took so great a kindness for him, that he perswaded him to leave his School, and travel with him, which he did, and was plentifully maintain'd by Mentes throughout their Travels. Their first Voy∣age was to Spain, from thence to Italy, and from Italy through several Countreys, till at last they arrived at Ithaca, where a violent Rheum falling into Homer's Eyes, prevented his farther progress, so that Mentes was fain to leave him with a Friend of his called Mentor, a person of great Honour and Riches in Ithaca, where Homer learn'd the principal Matters relating to Vlysses's Life: but Mentes the next year returning back the same way, and find∣ing Homer recover'd of his Eyes, took him along with him in his Travels, passing through many Countreys, till they arrived at Colophon; where relapsing into his old Distemper, he quite lost the use of his Eyes: after which he addicted himself to Poetry; when being poor, he return'd back again to Smyrna, expecting to find better Entertainment there, whereof being disappointed, he removed from thence to Cuma, in which passage he rested at a Town called New-wall, where repeating some of his Ve••ses, one Tichi••, a Leather-seller, took such delight to hear them, that he entertain'd him kindly a long time. Afterwards he proceeded on his Journey to Cuma, where he was so well receiv'd, that some of his Friends in the Se∣nate did propose to have a Maintenance settled on him for Life, though others opposed the rewarding so great a man. Some will have it, that at this Place he first receiv'd the Name of Homer. Now being denied Relief at Cuma, he removed from thence to Phocaea, where lived one Thestorides, a Schoolmaster, who invited him to live with him; by which means Thestorides procured some of his Verses, which he afterwards taught as his own at Chios. Whereupon, Homer hearing how Thestorides had abused him, immediately followed him to Chios▪ and by the way falling into discourse with a Shepherd, who was keeping his Master's Sheep, the Shepherd was so taken with Homer, that he reliev'd him, and carried him to his Master, where he lived some time, and taught his Children; till being impatient to dis∣cover Thestorides his Cheat, he went to Chios, which Place Thestorides left when he heard of Homer's coming; who tarried there some time, taught a School, grew rich, married, and had two Daughters, whereof one died young, and the other he married to the Shepherd's Master, that entertain'd him at Bollisus. When he grew old, he left Chios, and went to Samos, where he remain'd some time, singing of Verses at Feasts, and at new-Moons, at great mens Houses. From Samos he was going to Athens, but (as some say) fell sick at Ios, where dying, he was buried on the Sea-shoar. And long after, when his Poems had gotten ••n universal Applause, the people of Ios built him a Sepulchre, with this Epitaph upon it, (••s saith Suidas:)

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Hac sacrum terra caput occultat••r Homeri, Qui canere Heroum praestantia facta solebat. Melancthon.

Or rather as Gyraldus renders it:

Sacrum hic terra caput divinum claudit Homerum, Her••um at{que} virum cecinit qui fortia facta. Hist. Poet. Dial. 2.

This is the most rational account of his Death, and not that he pined away, upon the Rid∣dle of the Fishermen, as others would have it; and so saith Herodotus, or whoever it was that wrote that Book de Vita Homeri: Ex hac aegritudine (inquit) extremum diem clausit Homerus in Io, non (ut arbitrantur aliqui) Aenigmitatis perplexitate enectus, sed morbo. Ne∣vertheless Solinus reports him to be buried in Chios; Martianus Capella in Naxes: and Pliny in this matter varies from himself, one while saying, he was bury'd in Io, another while in Scyros. Also Sotades apud Stob. hath it, that he died for Hunger: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ And Polycrates writes, that Homer lived to 108 years of age. And Plutarch (Vita Sertorii) affirms, that he was born in Io, and died in Smyrna. Some will have it, that Orpheus and Musaeus were more ancient than Homer; but the learned Gerr. Vossius plain∣ly shews the contrary, saying, that the Poems of Orpheus are no older than the Age of Pifi∣stratus, and that Musaeus was a Grammarian under the Roman Empire, wherefore (says he) Nihil nunc Antiquius habere Graecos Poematibus Homeri & Hesiodi: also he further says, that Homer lived about the beginning of the Olympiads, or a little after, near the Times of Ro∣mulus. Voss•• de Poet. Graec. ch. 2.

Now for the Writings of Homer, and those Censures that pass'd upon him, 'tis well known to all men, that he never wrote any thing (at least that is now extant) but Poe∣try: He wrote in 24 Books the Wars of Troy, which he calls his Iliads; and in as many more the Travels of Vlysses, which he names his Odysses. It was (saith Aelian) long after Lycurgus, that the Lacedemonians first brought Homer's Poetry into Greece from Ionia, whe∣ther he travell'd; nevertheless Plutarch (Vitâ Lycurgi) affirms, that Lycurgus himself first brought them to light amongst men. They were digested into that order we now have them, not by himself, but by other men, and (as Suidas and Aelian report) chiefly by Pi∣sistratus the Athenian Tyrant: for he wrote sundry Poems scatter'd here and there in the Countreys where he travell'd, which may be one reason why so many Countreys should challenge him to be theirs, they having the original Copies of some of his Works, which in succeeding Times were gather'd together to make up compleat Poesies, and were called from hence Rapsodia. Two of these Poems are observed to comprehend the two parts of man: the Iliads describing the strength and vigor of the Body; as doth the Odysses, the subtilty and policy of the Mind: by the one, he first represented Tragedy; by the other, Comedy. The particular Subjects of the several Books, as well of his Iliads as Odysses, I had design'd to have given you a Compendium of, but find Mr. Hobbs has anticipated me therein, by his English Translation of Homer, therefore shall only give you the Judgements that some of the best Authors, as well ancient as modern, have passed upon him, and so conclude.

That the Poems of Homer were highly esteem'd of by the Ancients, is evident from all their Writings: Aelian (lib. 13. ch. 14.) tells us, that the Ancients sung the Verses of Homer, divided into several parts, to which they attributed particular Names; as the Fight at the Ships, the Dolonia, the Victory of Agamemnon, and the Catalogue of the Ships. Moreover, the Patroclea, and the Lystra, (or redemption of Hector's Body) the Games in∣stituted for Patroclus, and the breach for Vows; comprehended in his Iliads. Now as con∣cerning the Odysses; the Actions at Pytus, the Actions at Lacedemon, the Cave of Calypso, the Boat, the Discourses of Alcinous, the Cyclopias, the Neucia, and the Washings of Circe, the Death of the Woers, the Actions in the Field, and concerning Laertes. The same Au∣thor (lib. 12. ch. 48.) also writes, that the Indians sing the Verses of Homer translated in∣to their own Language, and not only they but likewise the Persian Kings. Morever, (lib. 9. ch. 15.) he says, that the Argives give the first Palm of all Poetry to Homer, making all other second to him; and at all their Sacrifices invoked Apollo and Homer to be present with them. Nay, Pindar affirms, that when unable to give a Portion with their Daugh∣ter, they bestow'd on her some of his Poems. Alcibiades used to strike that Schoolmaster on the Ear, who wanted Homer in his School; as if a man should find a Fanatick's Study without any of Hildersham's, Dodd's, Baxter's, Owen's, or Vincent's Books in it. Alexander the Great having taken that vastly rich Cabinet from Darius, could find out no better use for it, than to make it a Repository for Homer's Works, which he carried with him where∣ever he went. Arcesilaus could never take his rest at night, till he had read some portion of Homer; and so soon as he was up in the morning, he used to say, Se ad Amasium ire, meaning, that he was going to his beloved Homer. Aelian writes, that Plato at the begin∣ning

studied Poetry, when having composed certain heroick Poems, he compared and exa∣mined them by Homer's, but finding them far short of his, he tore them in pieces. Plato in Ione calleth him, Poetarum omnium praestantissimum & divinissimum▪ in Phaedone, Divinum Poetam. Neither did Aristotle less esteem him, being (as Plutarch hath it) used to say of him, That Homer was the only Poet, who made and devised words that had motion; so empha∣tical were they, and so lively express'd. Also Plutarch saith, That Homer of all other Poets doth excel, using such discretion in his Speeches, that at one and the same time he repre∣hends the evil, and recommends the good. Lucian (in Encom. Demosth▪) affirmeth, all Poets celebrated Homer's Birth-day, and sacrificed to him the first Fruits of their Verses. Cicero speaking of him saith, Homero nemo similis. And Velleius Paterculus (lib. 1 ch. 5.) calls him, that most bright and matchless Wit, who both for the greatness of his Work, and perspicuity of his Verses, did alone deserve the Name of Poet, in whom this is most glorious, Quod neque ante illum, quem ille imitaretur, neque post illum▪ qui eum imitari possit▪ inventus est. Cleomenes (as both Plutarch and Aelian write) used to say, that Homer was the Poet, of the Lacedemonians, declaring how men should fight; but Hesiod of the Slaves, instructing men how to till the Ground. Pliny (lib. 25.) calls Homer the Father and Prince of all Learning and learned men, as well as the best Author extant for Antiquity. Likewise Pliny (lib. 7. ch. 21.) tells us out of Cicero, that the whole Iliads of Homer were written in a Parchment so small, that it might be contain'd in a Nut-shell. And Cedr••nus also writes of a Library in Constantinople, wherein (amongst other Curiosities) was the Gut of a Dra∣gon 120 foot long, on which, in Letters of Gold, the Iliads and Odysses of Homer were in∣scribed; which Rarity was consumed by Fire in Basiliscus the Emperor's Time. Dionysius Halicarnasseus calls Homer, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. the Top of all, whence every River, Sea, and Foun∣tain springs: no wonder there••ore if the Painter Galaton pictured him vomiting, and all the other Poets like so many Dogs, licking up what he had spued out: To which may be apply'd that of the Poet:

Aspic•• Meoniden, à quo seu fonte perenni Va••um P••eriis ora rigantur aquis. Ovid.

As also Manilius to the same purpose:

—Cujus{que} ex ore profusos Omnis posteritas latices in carmina duxit. Lib. 2.

Montaign mentions three men, who in his opinion seem'd to exceed all other; whereof the first is Homer; from whom (saith he) Virgil seems to derive his Sufficiency; that Homer was his Schoolmaster and Guide; and that but one only sentence of the Iliads▪ hath given both Body and Matter to that great and divine Poem, Virgil's Aeneads. I am often (saith Montaign) amazed to think, that he who by his Authority hath brought so many Gods in credit with the World, should not be reputed one himself:

Adde Heliconiadum comites, quorum unus Homerus Astr•• potitus.— Lucrer. lib. 3.

Notwithstanding his Blindness and Indigency▪ and that he lived before Sciences were ever observed, or reduced into a method, yet had he so perfect a knowledge of them, that all who have since establish'd Policies▪ founded Commonwealths, undertaken Wars, or writ∣ten either of Religion, Philosophy▪ or Arts, have made use of him and of his Books, as of •• Seminary or Magazine of all kinds of Learning:

Qui quid sit pulchrum, quid turpe, quid utile, quid non, Plenius ac melius Chrys••ppo, ac Crantore dicit. Horat. Lib. Epist. 23.

Homer▪ (says Monsieur R••pin) who had a Genius accomplish'd for Poetry, was bless'd with the vastest, sublimest, and most universal Wit that ever was: 'Twas by his Poems that all the Worthies of Antiquity were formed; from hence the Legislators took the first plat∣form of their Laws; the Founders of Monarchies and Commonwealths from hence took the Model of their Polities; hence Philosophers learnt the first principles of Morality▪ which they taught the people; Homer is the occasion, and almost the only Subject of Plato's Dia∣logue of Inspiration; hence Physicians have studied Diseases and their Cures▪ Astronomers

have learned the knowledge of Heaven; and Geometricians of the Earth; Kings and Prin∣ces have learn'd the Art to govern; Captains to form a Battel, to incamp an Army, to be∣siege Towns, to fight and to gain Victories; from this great Original, Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, came to be Philosophers; Sophocles and Euripides took the haughty Air of the Theatre, and Idea's of Tragedy; Zeuxes, Apelles, and Polygnotus, became such excellent Painters; nay, one of the most famous Painters of this Age, used to make Homer be read to him to heighten his Fancy, when he disposed himself to draw; he made Alex••nder the Great so valiant. In fine, Homer has been (if I may so say) the first Founder of all Arts and Sciences, as well as the Pattern of wise men in all Ages. And as he has been in some measure the Author of Paganism, the Religion whereof he establish'd by his Poems, one may say, that never Prophet had so many Followers as he: yet notwithstanding, this so universal Genius, this Wit so capable of all things, he applied himself only to Poetry, which he made his business. Homer is the most perfect Model of the heroick Poesie, and he only saith Aristotle, deserves the Name of Poet; 'tis certain, never man had a more happy Geni∣us; he is the first Copy a Poet should propose to himself, that means to write well: for never person wrote more purely nor natural than he; 'tis he alone that ever found the Se∣cret of joyning to the purity of Style, all the sublimity and greatness that heroick Poesy is capable of; for which reason, Longinus always proposes him as the most just and exact Rule for the sublime Style. Neither can any thing be more passionately exprest than Androma∣che's Adieu to her Husband Hector, when going to his last Combate with Achilles, Iliad 6^th. Diony••ius Halicarnass••us commends him chiefly for the contrivance of his Design, the great∣ness and majesty of his Expression, the sweet and passionate motions of his Sentiments. The design of Poetry is to delight, and that doth Homer, who is delightful even in the de∣scription of L••ertes's Swineherd's Lodge, in his Odysses. Homer was never guilty either of Obscenity or Impiety, but sweet and vertuous as a Philosopher: he begets in his Readers a veneration for Piety, and an abhorrence for Vice, when he makes them esteem Achilles, and contemn Therfites. Homer and Virgil are the only two Poets that ever knew how to leave a thing when 'twas well, without being hurried by their Poetical fury beyond the mark of Judgement. Now as each regular Poem must consist of Truth and Fiction; so is Truth the foundation, and Fiction the accomplishment of all Homer's Poems: Thus the Fable of Ho∣mer's Iliad is the Anger of Achilles, who by his presence or absence from the Grecian Army, (Almanxor-like) determines the good or ill success of his whole Party; the Anger of this Prince, which proceeds of the discontent he receiv'd from Agamemnon, is the Truth of the History, which is adorn'd with all the Episodes, and variety of Adventures, that enrich this Poem, and give delight; which he could never do, if he had nothing to say but Truth. Again, As the Painter draws Faces by their Features; so must the Poet represent the Minds of men by their Manners: And thus we see he makes Achilles retire from the Grecian Army, to shew his discontent; also the Silence of Ajax in Hell, (lib. 11. Odyss.) declares some∣thing more noble and glorious, than all he could have said. Homer hath excell'd all others in the pleasant Numbers of his Verse; whether the nature of his Language was favourable to him; by the variety in the Numbers, and by the noble sound of the Words; or that the delicacy of his Ear made him perceive this Grace, whereof the other Poets were not sensible. Athenaeus pretends, that nothing is more proper to be sung than the Verses of Homer; so natural is the Harmony of them: Virgil himself could not imitate him herein, by reason of the harshness of the Latin Tongue. He above all others makes the deepest impression upon the Heart; Homer animates, and Virgil heats, in comparison of whom all the rest do (as it were) freeze their Auditors. Another Excellency of Homer's is, that in the vast throng of Objects which he represents, he is never guilty of the least confusion; never was Poem more charged with Matter than his Iliad, yet never any thing appear'd more regular, easie, and natural. How artificial, unconstrain'd, and delightful, are all his Narrations? Homer, great Speaker as he is, amuses not himself (saith Lucian) to discourse of the unhappy in Hell, when Vlysses descended thither; though this was a fair occasion for him. How just and reasonable are all his Encomiums? He praises not Achilles, but by the simple and bare narration of his Actions. And lastly, With what wonderful Art and Cunning doth he con∣trive his Fictions, taking from the most common and mean Subjects, a Character of great∣ness and sublimity? Thus, from Thetis's prostrating her self at Iupiter's Feet, the Gods assemble in Council, where great Debates arise, their Spirits grow warm, and all Heaven

is in a Mutiny, only because Achilles's Mistress is taken from him, which at the bottom is but a Trifle. 'Tis likewise by this great Art of Fiction, that all the Voyages, and indeed every step that Telemachus made in the Odysses, to seek his Fathe•• Vlysses, became considera∣ble, because Minerva is of his Retinue, and of his Council; and all became remarkable, by the ••mpression they receiv'd from the Conduct of a Deity that presides over Wisdom. Ra∣pin's Reflect▪ on Arist. Poes. But to conclude this point, The greatest Excellency of Homer lyes in his Invention, in his Moral••ty, in the Elegancy of his Words, in his Epithets, and Adverbs, wherein he surpasses all others. Yet notwithstanding all this that hath been said, some Exceptions have been rais'd against him; ex. gr. that by the Fable of his Iliad, he has disgraced his Countrey, in taking for his Hero, a person who occasion'd the destruction of so many gallant Officers, whom he sacrificed to his grief and discontent. That Homer's chief Hero, Achilles, is made subject to great weaknesses and imperfections below his Character, when (according to the Pourtraicture Horace hath left of him) Achilles is a Bravo, but withal hasty, impetuous, furious, passionate, violent, unjust, inexorable, a contemner of Laws, and one that places all his Reason in his Sword:

Impiger, iracundus, inexorabilis, acer, Iura negat sibi nata, nihil non arrogat armis. Horat. Arte Poet.

Achilles is cruel even towards the Body of Hector, so far as to take pleasure in exercising vengeance upon it, and out of an unparallel'd Avarice, sells to his affl••cted Father the Body of his Son. I shall not say any thing of his quitting (with a Lightness not to be pardon'd) that great and generous Enterprize, made by a general Combination of all Greece, upon the occasion of a she-Slave, for whom he abandons himself to tears and complaints, with ma∣ny discoveries of weakness. That if the Action and principal Subject of Homer's Iliad be the War of Troy, (according to the judgement of H••race, who therefore calls him, Troj••ni belli scriptorem) then that Action is defective and imperfect, in as much a•• that War has not in the Iliad either beginning or end; according to that Verse of the Poets:

Infaelix operis summa, qui ponere totum Nesciat— Horat. Epist. ad Pison.

But if the principal Subject be the Anger of Achilles, as is more likely, and as Homer him∣self acknowledges by his Proposition; that Anger has indeed a beginning, but neither end nor middle: for it is thrust out of doors by another animosity of the same person against Hector, for the death of Patroclus; so as there are two Angers, one upon the loss of his Friend, the other upon the taking away of his Mistress. But the greatest defect is, that the rest of the Poem has no connection with that Anger; and Homer during the space of 18 Books, thinks no more of it, as if he had clearly forgot his Proposition and Design; but during that long Interval speaks only of Sieges, Battels, Surprizes, Consultations of the Gods, and all things that relate to the Siege of Troy; which made Horace (as I said before) think, that the Subject of the Iliad was the War of Troy, according to the Name it goes under: So that which way soever we look on that Poem, it will in that part appear defective: Neither is the Odyssey an Action more correct than that of the Iliad: it begins with the Voyages of Telemachus, and ends with those of Vlysses. All is made for Telemachus in the four first Books; Menelaus, Nestor, and the other Greci••n Princes, relate to him the Adven∣tures of Troy, without any thought at all of Vlysses, which is the principal Action: so that the four first Books of the Odyssey are neither Episode, nor part of Action, nor have any con∣nexion with the rest of the Work: in so much that the Fable of the Odyssey is apparently double. Take them as they are, and one knows not what to make of them. In the Repre∣sentation of those Games and Pastimes, which Achilles (in the 23d. Book of the Iliads) makes upon the death of Patroclus, there are abundance of things utterly incredible. Also Homer introduces Miracles and Machines without any just occasion: when Priamus hath lost Hector, Iupiter sends the Goddess Iris his Messenger, to caution him to take care of his Son's Body, and redeem it from Achilles; as if his Father (who had so great a tenderness for his Son) could not think of it himself, without a Machine to put him in mind that he was a Father? If Telemachus in the Odyssey go to find out Vlysses in the Courts of Greece, he cannot stir a foot (forsooth) without the assistance of his Governess Minerva to lead him up and down by the Sleeves? Nay, this Machine hath not so much as any appearance of pro∣bability,

in as much as Minerva conducts Telemachus to seek for Vlysses all over Greece, save only to the place where he is, which she ought not to have been ignorant of, upon the score of her Divinity, from which nothing should be conceal'd. And yet this is Homer's way to imploy the Gods upon all trifling matters, as so many Porters, without any regard to their rank: thus Mercury becomes Coachman to Priamus, as well as his Scout. Again, Homer's Episodes are forced. His Kings and Princes speak as scurrilously of one another, as so ma∣ny Plowmen could do: Thus Agamemnon in the Iliad treats Chryses the High-Priest as an extravagant impious person, when he only demands with much respect, nay, and with Presents, his own Daughter, which Agamemnon had taken away from him by force. In like manner, the Priest forgetting all Charity, did out of revenge implore Apollo to destroy the Greeks. Vlysses, whom Homer proposes as an exemplar of Wisdom, suffers himself to be made drunk by the Pheacians; for which Aristotle and Philostratus condemn the Poet. How extravagant was it in that accomplisht Sage, so soon to forget so vertuous a Wife and Son, for the dalliances of his Prostitute Calypso, to run after the famous Sorceress Circe, and be∣ing a King as he was, so far to debase himself, as to go to Fifty-cuffs with a rascally Beggar, named Irus? Priamus, in the 24th. Iliad, does not speak like a Father, when he wishes all his Children dead, so Hector were alive again; his grief might have been express'd some other way. How barbarous was the Inhumanity of Achilles upon the dead Body of Hector? How immodest and undecent was the long though accidental interview between Vlysses, and the Daughter of Alcinous, in the 6th. of the Odysseys? In fine, There is but little obser∣vance of Decorum in Homer's Poems: Fathers cruel and harsh; Heroes weak and passionate; Gods subject to miseries, unquiet, quarrelsom and mutinous, &c. What can be more ridicu∣lous, than the Discourse which Antilochus's Son, Iliad 23. makes to his Father's Horses, telling them, His Father Nestor will turn them out of his service, or cut their Throats, if they do not do as they should do? Truly a most pathetick Orator to bruit Beasts! The like does Hector in another place. How comical is the Entertainment which he gives the Gods at a Comedy, Odyssey 8. some of whom he makes Buffoons, by introducing Mars and Ve∣nus, surprized in the Nets laid for them by Vulcan? The Battel between Irus and Vlysses, (Odyss. 18.) savours strongly of the Burlesque humour; as does also the Character of Therfitis, and the wounding of Venus in the Iliad. How undecent is that comparison of Homer's, of an Ass feeding in a Wheat-field, which the Children would drive out with Poles and Staves, to be compared to Ajax in the midst of an Engagement, overwhelm'd with a shower of the Enemies blows, as it is in the Iliad? 'Tis but one degree above the filthy expression of a great man in these late Times, who sitting as Commissioner in the Star-chamber, had so mean a conception, that in open Court he was fain to fetch his comparison from a Tinker and his Trull. The Descriptions of Homer are too childish, too long, too affected, and too often used: as the description of Alcinous's Garden, in the 7th. and that of the Port of Ithaca, in the 13th. of the Odysseys▪ the description of the Port; and that of the Grotto in∣habited by the Nymphs, which takes up 18 Verses. Homer is reprehended even by the Greeks themselves, for his intemperance and tediousness in Discourse. Neither in his Iliad is the unity of Action so perfect as to be without blame, where after the death of Hector, which ought to have closed the Action, there are still two Books to come; the 23d. which comprehends the Exercises celebrated for the death of Patroclus, and which contribute no∣thing to the principal Action; and the 24th. which contains the Lamentation of the Tro∣jans, and the ransoming of Hector's Body, which have no connexion to the principal Acti∣on, that being compleat without it. Nay, it may further be objected, why a Poem that had no other design but to celebrate the Honour of the Greeks, should be closed with that Honour, which is done to Hector's Funeral Solemnities, which was the chiefest of their Ene∣mies? Was it not a mistake in him, thus to forget the design he proposed?

—Amphora caepit Institui, currente rot à cur urceus exit? Horat. Art. Poet.

Again, He is sometimes accused for want of Variety and Surprize: Thus in numbring the Grecian Fleet in the 2d. Iliad, all the Squadrons are for the most part terminated in one Verse:— 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And all the Banquets of the Iliad are serv'd up in the same fashion, without any variety. Nay, Vlysses's being known by his Wife Penelope, in 23d. of the Odyssey, though so fit a Subject to set all the Subtleties of Art on work, has nothing in

it but flat and simple Surprizes, cold and heavy Astonishments, with very little of Delicacy. Last of all, Some would likewise make Homer seem a Plagiary; Aristotle makes mention of a small Iliad (attributed by Suidas to one Antimachus) which was the abridgement of a greater, upon which, some conceive it possible that Homer might frame his Work: Besides, we read in Athenaeus (lib. 3.) that one Hegesianax had wrote in Verse before Homer, what had passed at the Siege of Troy. Cicero also makes mention of one Callisthenes, living in the time of Alexander, that had written upon the same Subject of Troy; who, although 'twas some Ages after Homer, 'tis to be conceiv'd, had and made use of some other Collections different from those of Homer. Suidas affirms, that one Corinnus, a Disciple of Palamedes, had also written an Iliad in Verse, about the time that Troy was taken: and that another Poet contemporary with Homer, named Syagrus, had likewise written upon the same Sub∣ject; but that all those Works were suppressed by the Endeavours of Homer, by which means, his alone were transmitted to Posterity. Of this and the Premisses, see Suidas, Sc••∣liger, Spondanus, Eustathius, and Didimus, but more especially a little comparison between Homer and Virgil, written originally in French, and extreamly in favour of Virgil. Others there have been, that reprehend some few things in Homer: Rapin confesses, he is not alto∣gether so scrupulous and regular in his Contrivances, as Virgil is; his Machins are less just; and all the Measures he takes to save the probability, are less exact. In short, Homer has more Fancy, Virgil more Discretion and Judgement; so that if I should choose rather to have been Homer than Virgil, I should also much rather wish, that I had written the A••neid▪ than the Iliad and Odyssey; for which, I have the Approbation of Propertius to justifie me:

Cedite Romani scriptores, cedite Graii, Nescio quid majus nascitur Aeneide.

Hakwil objects against the ridiculous Fable of the Pigmies, and their mann•••• of fighting with the Cranes in Homer. Scaliger (who is no Friend to Homer) objects against the long Narrations, which Homer makes his Heroes speak in the heat of Fury and Battel, as neithe•• natural nor probable. Philostratus objects against his Pourtraicts. Longinus cannot endure the Wounds, Tears, Adulteries, Hatred, and other Weaknesses, to which he makes the Gods obnoxious, contrary to their Character: I cannot, saith Longin, but think, that at the Siege of Troy, he endeavour'd to make his men Gods, and his Gods men. Longinus also writes, that the Odyssey, which is as it were an Epilogue to the Iliad, was written long af∣ter the Iliad, when the Poet's Fancy being drain'd, the Poem (viz. the Odyssey) became flat and thoughtless, consisting of tedious Speeches and Relations, the symptoms of a decayed Fancy: In his Iliad his Discourses are like the Beams of the Sun at mid-day, short but vi∣gorous; in his Odysses like the Sun a setting, when her shadow is long, and vigor small. Yet notwithstanding all this, I look (saith Longin) upon the faults in Homer, as small insigni∣ficant mistakes, which (his thoughts being intent on great things) were carelesly let slip; and that if all the faults which are in Homer, Demosthenes, Plato, and those other famous Wri∣ters, were summ'd up, they would not amount to the thousandth part of the good things they have said. It is not (saith Casaubon in Entheus. ch. 5.) so much want of Wit and Ca∣pacity, that maketh so few in these days admire the Wisdom of Homer, as our present Igno∣rance of former Times: An old Hat, Ruff, or Fardingal, will make any one now seem ri∣diculous; no wonder therefore if so ancient a Poet as Homer, seem contemptible in the eyes of many of our young Masters, who are better read in the Fashions of the Times, the mo∣dish Cravat and Perriwig, than in ancient Books.

[5] Where he describeth the making of Achilles's Arms: This is in the 18^th Iliad.

CHAP. XI. Apollonius is brought to the King of the Indians: A Description of the Houses of the City, and of the Temple, whose very Pavement was adorned with Pearls: What Conference passed between Apollonius and King Phraotes: The King's Modesty, Temperance, and Skill in the Greek Tongue.

WHilst he is thus busied in Discourse, certain Messengers come from the King, bringing an Interpreter with them, and tell them, that the King had invited Apollonius to be his Guest for the [1] space of three days, in as much as Strangers might not longer abide in that City: wherefore they conducted Apollonius to the Palace. With what Walls the City was encom∣pass'd, we have before declared. They say, it was evenly and regularly divided in∣to Streets, after the Attick fashion. And that it was built of such Houses, as if a man look on the outside of them, seem to be of but one Story; whereas if you enter into them, you will find as many Rooms under ground as above. They likewise re∣port, that they saw the Temple of the Sun, wherein the Image of Ajax carv'd in Ivory was erected, the Statue of Alexander in Gold, and others of Porus in black Brass. The Walls of the [2] Temple are built of a red Stone, wherewith Gold be∣ing artificially mingled, seemeth to dart out Rays. The Pavement was inlaid with Pearls, in a kind of Checquer-work, which was much used in the Temples of the Barbarians. But they say, that in the King's Palace they found no sumptuousness of Building, nor [3] Guards, nor Halbardiers; but as in the Houses of the best Citizens, a few Domesticks, and such as desired to discourse with the King, being in number but three or four at most. With which Shew they were far more delighted, than with that pompous one at the Court of Babylon; and much more when they were entred in: for the Lodgings, Galleries, and whole Court was under discipline, which was a sufficient argument to Apollonius, that the Indian King was addicted to Philosophy. Wherefore speaking by the Interpreter he said, I am glad (Oh King) to see that you study Philosophy. But I (said the King) am much gladder that you have such an opinion of me. Then answer'd Apollonius, saying, Are these things appointed and enjoyn'd by your Laws, or have you your self reduced your Kingdom to this good order? The King replied, Though our Laws be modest, yet I use greater modesty than our Laws enjoyn, and possess more than other men, yet need very little, esteeming the greatest part of my Wealth to belong unto my [4] Friends. Happy are you, said Apollonius, who enjoy such a Treasure, pre∣ferring your Friends, from whom so many Benefits ac••rue to you, before Silver and Gold. Nay, said the King, I impart my Riches to my very Enemies: for I as∣swage and subdue with [5] Money, the Barbarians that sometimes infested my Kingdom, making Incursions into my Confines, in so much that I now use them as Guards to defend my Kingdom, for they do not only abstain themselves from in∣vading me, but also hinder other neighbouring Barbarians (who are very dange∣rou••) from molesting me. When Apollonius asked, Whether Porus was used to give Presents to them, the King answered, Porus was a lover of War, but I of Peace. With these Speeches he so ravish'd Apollonius, that when on a time he re∣buked one Euphrates for not studying Philosophy, he said, Let us reverence the

Indian Phraotes; for that was the King's Name. A certain Nobleman, for the many and great Favours he had receiv'd from the King, desired to set a golden Mi∣tre adorn'd with several Iewels on his Head; the King made answer, Though I were one of those who are taken with such things, yet would I not admit them now, but in the presence of Apollonius throw them from my Head. Yet for as much as I have never heretofore used such Ornaments, how should I now assume them, as not knowing my Guest, and forgetting my self? When Apollonius also demanded of him, What kind of Diet he used, his answer was, I drink only so much Wine, as I sacrifice to the Sun; and for the Quarrey which I take in Hunting, others eat it, the exercise it self being enough for me; my Diet is Herbs, with the tops and fruit of Dates, and whatsoever things the River makes my Garden bring forth. I have also many Dishes from these Trees, which with my own hands I dress. As these words Apollonius was overjoy'd, often turning his Eyes towards Damis. After∣wards, when they had discoursed sufficiently concerning his Iourney to the Brack∣mans, the King commanded the Guide that came from Babylon to be entertain'd as his Guest, in such a manner as he was used to receive those that came from thence; but the Guide who was sent by the Governour, was dismissed, having re∣ceiv'd Provision for his Iourney. Then the King himself taking Apollonius by the hand, and commanding the Interpreter to depart, asked him, whether he would admit him into his company at Meals? Apollonius being amazed hereat, and asking the King, why he did not speak to him thus in the beginning, the King re∣ply'd, It was that I might not seem over-bold, as not knowing my self, nor that it had pleased Fortune to make me a Barbarian. But now being overcome by you, in as much as I perceive you to take delight in me, I could not any longer conceal my self; and how full I am of the Greek Tongue, I will manifest to you in many things. But why (said Apollonius) did not you invite me to a Feast, but had rather be invited by me? Because (said the King) I judge you to be the better man: for Wisdom is a more royal thing than all others. Thus having spoken, he led Apol∣lonius and the rest of his company to the Bath, wherein he himself was used to wash. The place was an Orchard about the length of a Furlong, in the midst whereof was a Fountain digged, that received into it self certain Springs of cool and potable Water. On either side were places to run in, where the King was used to exercise himself with the Launce and Discus [6] after the Greek fashion, for his Body was strong, having used such Exercises, and being but 27 years of age. Now when he thought he had exercised himself enough on Land, he was used to leap into the Water, and there exercise himself in Swimming.

Illustrations on Chap. 11.

[1] To be his Guest for the space of three days: This Custom was, I conceive, practised amongst them, ever after Alexander's Conquest over them, and that for no other Reason, but to prevent Strangers from being made acquainted either with their Strength or Riches. Notwithstanding other Countreys have used the like Caution upon other Induce∣ments; as the Iaponeses, who denied any admission to the Christians for their Religions sake; and the Turks, who suffer not any but Mahometans to approach within such a distance of Mecca; also the Chineses, who permit not any Trade with the Portugueses, nor at this day with the English, by reason of our Alliance with Portugal. Nevertheless, be it upon what Motive it will, any such Custom is an infallible impediment to any City's Wealth or Power; as on the contrary, nothing can be more advantagious to a Kingdom, and would be so to this of ours, as to make it a free Port, rendring his Majesty a full compensation for the loss of his Customs some other way. Nay, had his Majesty no other recompence made him for the

expiration of that branch of his Revenue, (which however would be very hard and unrea∣sonable) yet am I well assured, that what he lost in the Penny one way, he would gain in the Pound another, and soon find the benefit of a free Trade far to exceed that of a Custom-house, with the chargeable Attendants belonging thereunto. Where there is no Commerce▪ there can be no Wealth, nor increase of People; therefore the Lacedemonians never arrived to any manner of Greatness; nor could they with all their valour and military Disciplin••▪ have kept their State so long as they did, but for two Reasons, which seldom meet together: One was, that they using none but Iron money, were so poor, as gave no temptation to an Invader, who would in that case be like one that should set upon a Ship of Algiers, be sure to get nothing but blows: The other was, that in those days all Greece was divided into petty Republicks, whose mutual Jealousies made them assist one another against any others growing Greatness; for States are so rapacious, and Princes so ambitious, as there is no protection against them, but either Poverty or Power.

[2] The Walls of the Temple, &c. Templum anciently signified only that space or portion of the Heavens, which the Augur design'd or marked out with his Lituus; after which, it was used to signifie those Buildings we call Churches. Clemens Alexandrinus is of opinion, that the first Original of their Temples was the erecting of an Edifice to the Honour of the deceas'd. Concerning the vastness of some of them, that place is very remarkable of Plato's Critias, who sets down Neptune's Temple to be a Furlong in length, and three Acres broad, with the heighth proportionable. The outward parts towards the top of the Buildings were adorn'd with massie Silver, and the Studs or Spokes themselves with Gold. The Roofs within were made of Ivory, Gold, Silver, and (Aurichalcum, or mixt Mettal, like) Copper. As for the Walls, Columes, and Pavements, they were inlaid also with Copper, and in some parts engraved. Besides this there were many other Temples of great renown in the World: such as the most famous Temple of Ierusalem built by Solomon, whose Riches were inestimable, and whereof no man verst in History can be ignorant: Iosephus (lib. 5. ch. 14.) saith, that it had several golden Pinacles or Studs, which were therefore made so sharp in the point, that no Bird could rest his foot thereon to defile it. Whereupon a learned Author among the Papists makes this Objection, how our Saviour could stand upon them, or St. Iames be precipitated from them, unless there were some place behind the said Pina∣cles whereon they might stand, which is not yet mentioned by any Author. Another fa∣mous Temple was that of Iupiter Capitolinus at Rome, the Beauty and Riches whereof was so great, that one writing of it says, that the Sun never shined on the like: This did far exceed those Temples mention'd by Ovid, when he says,

Templa m••nent bodie vastis innixa columnis, Per{que} quater deno•• itur in alta gradus.

The ascent of this Temple being an hundred steps. There was likewise another at Delphos whither all the Kings of the Earth sent gifts of the most precious things they had: witness Craesus King of Lydia. That also of Iupiter Ammon, whose situation in the Deserts, did not in the least impede the excellency of its composure in Marbles, and other precious Stuffs, with a contribution of all the Princes and People, which sent thither for the maintenance of it; and likewise that of Diana at Ephesus, which all Authors have reckon'd among the seven Wonders of the World; together with many others very much renown'd for Anti∣quity: But never any Temple yet equalized that which Philostratus here represents, which makes me a little uncertain of the truth of this Discourse; for we do not find this Temple to be so highly reputed any where but in Philostratus: whereas if it were so excellent as 'tis here mention'd to be, methinks it merited some little place of Remark in the Writings of those ingenious men, whose ambition was only to take notice of and observe all the Rarities of the Universe: this being not less worthy of record, than the Sepulchre of Simandius in Egypt, concerning which they have treated so at large.

[3] In the King's Palace they found no Guards nor Halberdiers. This is almost as great an Error as a Prince can possibly commit: Not that these Guards are able to protect him against a Rebellion at home, or Invasion from abroad, but that such a splendid Equipage about him dazles the Peoples eyes, as if he were something more than man, and so preserves him from contempt; which certainly is one of the most dangerous Characters a Prince can lye under: for all other kind of Infamy may by way of terror, give an ill Prince not only obe∣dience,

but some measure of safety, whereas being grown contemptible, men will not only slight his Commands, but in time make bold to assault him: Thus when the Senones Ga••li had taken Rome, the common Souldiers entring the Senate, found the Senators sitting with much gravity adorn'd in their Robes; whereat they stood in a great amazement ready to adore them, till a Souldier stroking one of their long white Beards, the Senator up with his Cane, and broke the Souldier's head; whereupon finding them to be but men, and sub∣ject to Passion like other Mortals, they presently made bold to put them all to the Sword. Now as Contempt more than any other thing exposes a Prince to be disobey'd, and tram∣pled on by their Subjects; so will a high veneration for him, make men obey him awfully, fight for him confidently, and every way support and secure his Throne. Wherefore it is observable, how at this day all wise Princes are careful to preserve a solemn Deference to their persons in publick, appearing but seldom abroad, and then not without Royal Robes, stately Guards, and other magnificent Equipage; ad popul••m phateras: for certainly, did they frequently converse amongst us, and render themselves cheap in the eyes of their people, the Commonalty would soon grow faw••y, and then dangerous; for that overmuch famili∣arity breeds contempt. Nevertheless, as a decent Retinue or Guard du Corps is necessary, so on the other side is a standing Army no less dangerous as well to the Prince as People, where∣of we see divers Examples in the Ianizaries of Turky, and Praetoriax Bands of Rome. How often have they pluckt down one Prince to set up another? What havock did they make in the old Roman Empire, in so much that the Emperors themselves seem'd to have held their Diadems by no stronger Title, than their Armies good will and pleasure; being not half so arbitrary over their People, as their Militia is over them. In effect, the General of the Ar∣my is the only King, and the person that above all others I should most fear to offend, did I live in such a Government.

[4] Esteeming the greatest part of my Wealth to belong unto my Friends. This opinion of communicating ones Wealth with ones Friends, if it be not restrain'd with due prudence and moderation, makes a man to be like a Tree, with a great many young Succours grow∣ing out of its Roots, which if they be long suffer'd, will draw away that Juyce which should maintain the Tree, and make it decay, so that instead of a fair Tree, there will remain only a few Shrubs. Wherefore the natural conduct of our Life seems most properly to be taken, from observing the ways of Nature in all her Works; who (we see) has framed every par∣ticular man like a little World separate from others, and compleat ••n himself: he lives not by the meat which others eat, but by that which he himself eateth; he sees not with other mens eyes, but with his own; and in effect, every man is charged with the care of himself; which if he either through softness of mind, or other impertinent diversions, neglects, he is a Traitor to himself, and sins against Nature: Nor is the punishment of this sin deferr'd to the next Life, but always most severely punish'd in this both with poverty and scorn; scorn, I say, even from those who have been cherish'd by his bounty,

Prodigus & Stultus donat quae sper••it & o••it▪ Haec seges ingratos tulit▪ & feret omnibus 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Hor. Lib. 1, Ep. 7.

Who betrays you in your Bed? your Friend; for your Enemy is not suffer'd to come to your House. Who betrays you in your Estate? your Friend; for your Enemy is not made your Trustee. And who betrays you in your Reputation, but your Friend? for your Ene∣my is not believ'd against you. What greater Lying, Treachery, Backbiting, and Dissimula∣tion, is there seen under Heaven, than in some private Families betwixt Brothers and Si∣sters, to supplant one another in the affections of the good old wealthy Parents? What ob∣sequious bribing and caressing the favourite Servant, only to win him to their Party, and make him whisper their Lyes into his old Master's or Lady's Ears, to the disadvantage of the other Children? Therefore (saith Osborn) let not the Titles of Consanguinity betray you into a prejudicial Trust; no bloud being apt•••• to raise a Feaver, or cause a Consumpti∣on sooner in your Estate, than that which is nearest your own. Likewise, how often have we Examples of the Infidelity of Servants towards their Masters, as well as Favourites to∣wards their Princes? Thus did Perennius conspire against Commodus, Brutus against Casar, Pl••uti••nus against Severus, and Seianus against Tiberius: neither is hardly any private Gen∣tleman's Family without its Seianus, as well for Perfidiousness, as Power. The nature of Friendship is well decipher'd in Aesop's Fable of the Lark and her young ones, who hearing

the Master of the Harvest invite his Friend to help him reap on such a day the Corn wherein they lay, yet nevertheless removed not their Lodging upon this invitation, well knowing how uncertain Friends are; neither would they stir the next day, when the Master had or∣der'd his Servants to go to reaping, as knowing also the falseness of Servants; but on the third day when they heard the Master give out that he would trust neither Friends nor Ser∣vants, but go and reap it himself, then the Larks thought it high time to be gone, and ac∣cordingly took their flight. True Friendship is so rare a thing, that 'tis scarce ever to be met with; even the best Friends we have are made so out of Love, not to us, but to them∣selves:

Hunc, quem mensa tibi, quem Coena paravit amicum, Esse put••s fidae pectus Ami••i••iae? Aprum a••at, & Mullos, & Sumen, & Ostrea: non••e. Tam bene si coenem, noster amicus erit. Mart. Ep. 14. Lib. 9.

Cosmus, Duke of Florence, had a desperate saying against perfidious Friends, as if those wrongs were unpardonable: You shall read (saith he) that we are commanded to forgive our Enemies, but you never read that we are commanded to forgive our Friends. The most famous Example of true Friendship whereof the Ancients boasted was that of Pylades and Orestes; nevertheless the Italians boas•• to have exceeded this and all other Stories of Friendship, in the late Example of Barbadicus and Tarvisanus, two Gentlemen of Venice, who rendred them∣selves not a little ridiculous thereby.

[5] I subdue with Money the Barbarians, &c. This whereof King Phraotes here boasts as a liberal and politick Act, seems the most abject and base condition a Prince can be in, when he is fain to hold his peace with his Neighbours by paying them Annual Pensions: it shews he is in fear of them; nor will this hold long, but when a fit opportunity shall present it self, they will infallibly make a prey of him. The Roman State whilst it flourish'd, and after it came under such Emperours as were wise and military men, were so far from securing their peace by way of Presents, that they ever kept the Borders of their Empire well guard∣ed with standing Forces: We read that when the Romans were besieg'd in the Capitol, though they were in expectation of Relief from the Veji and Camillus, yet Famine constraining them, they proposed a Parley with the French, and were to pay a sum of Money for their Liberty; the Articles were sign'd, all things concluded, and Commissioners sent to receive the Money; when on a sudden Camillus appears with his Army, as if Fortune had done it, (says Livy) ut Romani auro redempti non viverent: and it is observable in the whole progress of the Affairs of that Commonwealth, that they never got Town, nor made a Peace with Money; till at last when living under bad Emperours, they began to degenerate and neg∣lect their military Discipline, they began to be Pensionaries, first to the Parthians, then to the Germans, and so by degrees to all the rest of their Neighbours; which course held not long, but they on all sides were invaded and ruin'd by Inundations of those Barbarians, who would no longer rest contented with Presents, but rather took the whole. Vid. Machiav. disc. lib. 2. ch. 30. A Prince who in this manner takes up Peace upon Interest, will fare like the man in the Fable, who being bit by a Dog, was advised to dip a piece of Bread in the Wound, and give it to the Dog that bit him, to eat▪ which would have made all the Dogs in the Town do the like, in hopes of the same reward: so that the Remedy is worse than the Disease; since in buying off one Enemy, you make ten.

[6] Discus after the Greek fashion; the Discus was a round Stone in manner of a Bowl or Quoit, made sometimes of Iron, or Brass, the which whosoever could cast farthest got the victory; the players thereat were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to dart or cast out any thing. Rom. Antiq▪ Godwin; lib. 2. Sect. 3.

CHAP. XII. Apollonius went with the King to a Feast; What manner of Feast it was; The Indians Skill in Shooting; What Philosophers are in India; What in Greece; At what year of the Age young men begin to study Philosophy in India; That they must be free from all Vice; Some are appointed to examine them, to see whether they are worthy to be Philosophers, which, as the King related at the Feast, is chiefly to be known from their Eyes, Eyebrows, and Cheeks.

WHen therefore they had bath'd, they went crown'd to the Feast; for that is the custom in India, as oft as any drink at the King's Palace. It is also worth the while not to o••it the fashion of their [1] Feasting, which is plainly described by Damis. The King sitteth down on a Bed of Leaves and Grass spread on the Ground, and near to him some of his Kindred, at most but five; the rest feast together sitting on Seats. A Table is erected in the middle like an Altar about the height of a man's Knees, which is able to contain about thirty men round it, as a Chorus. On the Table Laurels are strew'd, and other Boughs like to a Myrtle, which produce sweet Oyntments for the Indians use. Fish and Fowl are set upon the Table, as also whole Lions, Goats, and Boars, with Legs of Tigers; for the Indians refuse to feed on the other Ioynts of this living Creature, because it is reported that when he is first born, he lifteth up his fore-feet ••owards the Sun-rising. He that is bidden riseth up out of his own Seat, and cometh to the Table, where having taken or cut off a piece of that which lyeth on it, returneth to his own Seat, eating ever now and then some Bread with it. When they are almost satisfied with eating, Bowls of Silver and Gold are brought in, each of which may seem sufficient for ten men to drink off, and out of these they stooping down drink as if they were watered at some River. As they are drinking, they introduce some Sports that are hazardous, though full of Skill and Exercise; for a certain Lad like one of those that use to dance on the Stage, suddenly skippeth out into the mid∣dle, whilst an Arrow is shot up on high over his Head; but he in the mean time tumbleth, and as the Arrow is ready to fall on the Earth, shifteth very nimbly out of the way, as knowing that if he mi••••'d but a little in his tumbling, the Arrow would fall upon him and pierce him. The Archer before he discharge his Arrow, carrieth it up and down in his Hand, shewing the head thereof to all the Guests, permitting any one that is skill'd to try it. Moreover, they are so expert at Sling∣ing, that they will hit to an hair. * 1.5 They will likewise shoot so evenly, and stick their Arrow•• so artificially, as shall resemble the visage of a young man, as well as a Painter could draw it with a Coal. These Exercises are practised by the Indians at their Feasts, and though they be sometimes drunk, yet will they perform them well enough. When Damis and his Companions saw these things, they were ama∣zed, admiring at their great Dexterity in shooting evenly. But Apollonius sit∣ting by the King, who used the same Diet that he did, gave little regard to these Feats, but said to the King, Tell me (O King) how 'tis you have the Greek Tongue so ready, and the (2) Philosophy that you have about you, how it came here? for I suppose you are not beholden to Masters for it, in as much as 'tis not likely

that there be any Masters of such things amongst the Indians. Whereat the King smiling, answer'd, Our Ancestors asked all them that came in Ships to these Parts whether they were Pirates, so common did they think this Vice, though so mischie∣vous: But you Greeks seem to me to ask them that come to you whether they be Phi∣losophers, as if you thought that this which is the divinest of all things among men, may without distinction be found equally in all men, and I know that this is with you the same thing as Piracy. For they say that there is no man to be met with like to you; but the most of you having spoyled others of their Philosophy, do as it were cloathe themselves with a garment that doth not fit them, and walk haughtily in others Robes: Also as Pirates who know themselves lyable to Iustice live very luxu∣riously, so in like manner your [3] Philosophical Pirates are found to give them∣selves up to Gluttony, Venery, and fine Cloaths. Now I suppose your Laws to be the cause of this evil; for if any man coyns false money he is put to death; or if any man defraud an Orphan, or commit any the like crime; But there is no Law that I can hear of, to restrain the counterfeiters or corrupters of Philosophy, neither is any Ruler appointed over these. Whereas amongst us there are very few that addict themselves to Philosophy, and they are try'd in this manner: The young Candi∣date being 18 years old, (for this I suppose is ripeness of age with you) must come unto those Men near the River Hyphasis, for whose sakes you undertook your Iourney into these parts; Before them he must openly profess that he will addict himself to the study of Philosophy, and they have power to prohibit him if he come not pure. And pure I call him; first, in reference to his Father and Mother, if no reproach appear concerning them; and then to their Ancestors to the third Generation▪ and upwards; whether any one of them were an Injurious Person, or Incontinent, or an unjust exacter of Gain: When no blemish, or mark of Infamy is found upon them, then a diligent inspection is to be made into the Young Man himself; and he is to be tryed, first, whether he be of a good Memory, and naturally Modest, not faining himself so to be. Next, whether he be a Drunkard, Glutton, Boaster, lover of Laughter, Railer, or Head-strong; and whether he be Obedient to his Father, Mother, and Teachers; or whether he abuseth his good Feature. And of what Parents every one is born, and who were their Progenitors, is attested by sufficient Witnesses, and Writings, which are upon Publick Record. For when any one of the Indians dyeth, then cometh a certain Magistrate (hereunto by the Laws appointed) to the door of the Deceased, to set down in writing how he liv'd: If any one of which Magistrates is taken telling a Lie, or erring through the Lie of another, by the Laws his Punishment is, that he shall never after bear any Office, as having depraved the Life of a Man. They that are appointed to exa∣mine the Youths, collect many things from their Aspect; For the Eyes discover much of Mens Disposition; and much lyeth in the Eye-brows and Visages, whereby Wise Men, and skilful Naturalists behold their Minds and Tempers as Images in a Glass. For in as much as Philosophy is in high Honour amongst the Indians, it is fit that they should be thorowly tryed, who addict Themselves to the study thereof: In what manner therefore Young Men are examined, before they are assign'd to their Masters, hath been sufficiently declared.

Illustrations on Chap. 12.

[1] THe fashion of their Feasting, &c. This Description of the Indian Feasts, is so full of barbarous and foolish Customs, as deserves neither imitation nor praise. Neither is it a pattern of the ancient Feasts, which were so various both for Times and Countryes,

that no one History can describe them: but generally full of Luxury and Excess; and for the most part, not without some Superstition, which Parasites to render themselves wel∣come did expound to be ingenious. But this passage of the Boy and the Arrow, was so sot∣tish and dangerous, as might well spoyl all their mirth; only their admirable skill in Shoot∣ing (especially where the Bow was a military Weapon) deserv'd highly to be encourag'd: In like manner that exquisite dexterity in Slinging mention'd in the Old Testament, de∣serves great applause, since thereby little David slew the mighty Goliah, which in effect gave the Israelites victory over the Philistine Army: and by the same skill the Baleares were of greatest use in the Roman Militia: Thus at this day in most Cities of the Venetian State, on every Holiday there are Tryals of Skill, both of small and great Artillery; the charge of Powder, with reward to the Victors, being allow'd out of the publick Treasu∣ry; and would be a custom worthy of imitation in other Countreys. The number of Guests at this Feast Philostratus tells us were at most but five; in like manner at the Roman Feasts they seldom exceeded nine: whence Gellius (Noct. Att. lib. 13. ch. 13.) saith, that the num∣ber of the Guests should begin with the Graces, and end with the Muses, that is, they must not be fewer than three, nor more than nine. This also hath been the reason of that Adage, Septem Convivium, novem Convitium faciunt. Heliogabalus seemeth to have been delighted with the number eight, whence he invited to supper octo Calvos, octo Luscos, octo Podogrosos, octo Surdos, octo Ra••••os, octo insigniter Nigros, octo insigniter Longos, octo Praepingues, & octo insigniter Nasutos, delectans illo Graeco Proverbio 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Of this see more in Stukio de Con∣viv. Rosini Rom. Antiq. Athenaei Deipnosoph. Alexand. ••b Alexand. &c.

[2] And the Philosophy that you have, &c. Apollonius being himself by Profession a Philo∣sopher, seems much to glorifie the King for his study of Philosophy: Thus every man is apt to magnifie in others those qualities, wherein himself is reputed eminent. But if we consider things aright, we shall find Philosophy to be a silly study for a Prince; whose chief or indeed only vertue should be to govern his People wisely▪ and not vain-gloriously, so as they may flourish in peace and plenty, free from doing injury among themselves, and receiving injury from abroad; whereof, the one is perform'd by true Justice; the other by a well ordering their Forces at Sea or Land, according as the situation of his Countrey most properly re∣quires. To do this, he need not trouble his head with Plato or Aristotle, but rather observ•• the several Humours of his own People, and Interests of his Neighbours: so that he become a great Master in that Art which our wise King Iames was used to call King-Craft:

Tu regere imperi•• popul••s Romane memento, Hae tibi ••runt artes.—

And as for Philosophy, if it signifie any thing, (which the uncertainty and contradictions found therein make men doubt) it is fitter to be assign'd for a diversion to private persons, who having little to busie their heads about, might otherwise contrive mischievous devices, if they were not entertain'd in such harmless speculations; which are as necessary a diver∣tisement for the Men, as Books of Devotion and Needles for the Women: for which reason▪ the setting up Universities is not amiss; although amongst us, who are Islanders, the Art of Navigation were more worth than all the seven Liberal Sciences. Nevertheless, some of the wisest Politicians have thought it the Interest of Princes to discourage and stifle all kinds of Literature whatever, as desiring to keep their Subjects in a tame unthinking Ignorance; and perhaps upon this account it was, that Ninus burnt those 14 Pillars, whereon Z••ro after had engraven the seven Liberal Sciences. Now whether this act of his deserved commenda∣tion or no, may be disputed; the noblest and most plausible opinion runs high for Learning▪ and in most flourishing Kingdoms and Common wealths there are publick Schools and Uni∣versities endow'd to propagate it: Also if we look into Examples, Alexander the Great, Iulius Caesar, Marcus Antoni••us, and many other famous Princes were persons of a very learned education; as likewise many great Generals▪ I'le name only one who may stand for many, and that is Xenophon. Yet on the other side if we depend upon Examples, there are upon record a far greater number of Princes and Worthies, who neither had Learning them∣selves nor promoted it in others; to instance only in two: One the greatest that ever was upon Earth, (I mean as appears by any History not fabulous) is T••merlain; the other the craftiest doubtless that ever the World knew, was M••homet; neither of these did so much as seem to regard it, and yet were no ways rude or weak in the management of their affairs.

Nay Mahomet's Institutions are totally averse to all vain Philosophy, and Liberal Sciences whatever; and not only so, but to explain what kind of Life he best approv'd of, he en∣joyns every man (not excepting the Emperour himself) to learn some handicraft Trade. And ever since, the Turk finding Learning and Printing to be the chief Fomenters of Divisi∣on in Christendom, hath hither to kept them out of his Territories; neither were the Ma∣hometan Princes ever found to have been outwitted by us of Christendom, who think our selves so much more learned and knowing. The vanity of our knowledge is in nothing more evident than this, viz. that our Students can easier ••••art ten Errours than kill one: more∣over, learned Men do most commonly resemble wanton Boys, who rather than be unem∣ploy'd, will do mischief. Sedition or Idleness are the chief results from our multitude of Grammer Schools, whither (as Mr. Osborn well observes) all come that are but able to bring a Bag and a Bottle; no unfit Emblem of the future poverty of their Trade: wherein like •• Lottery, ten take their chance of Beggary, for one that meets with a Prize. Licinius (though no considerable Author, yet an Emperour of Rome) would often say, that Learn∣ing was the very Pest of all Commonwealths; and among the Goths there were severe Laws against it. Nay in the very wisest and best govern'd Times of the Roman State, as also un∣der most of the Emperours, Philosophers were banish'd Rome, as corrupters of good man∣ners, and diverters of youth from spending their time in things of more advantage both to the publick and themselves. As for the publick, those who get their Living by some parti∣cular Art, that is for the most part useful to the publick: as he that knows how to make a Plow or a Cart, is forty times more useful to his Countrey, than he that only knows what is Latin▪ Greek, or Hebrew for a Plow or a Cart: or if in such an Employ he advantages not others, yet each man who thereby maintains himself, doth in so doing increase the number of people without wrong to any; but he who spends his days in Contemplations, which produce no useful or real effects, neither assists the publick nor himself; and if he have no paternal Inheritance to support him, must either starve, beg or steal: nor could any mode∣rate Estate suffice to maintain that idle Humour wherewith Philosophers are possess'd, who speculate into all things, but their own most necessary Concerns, and understand every thing better than their own Estates. The most prudent Scepticks have sufficiently invalidated those mens Opinions, who spend their time, Deliri veteris meditantes somnia vana; or who with Brutus, after they have all their Life-time studied the praises of Vertue, (till thereby with a bookish false Idea thereof they have destroy'd their Countrey and themselves) are forced at last when 'tis too late with him to cry out▪

Te col••i virtus ut rem, ••st ••u nomen ina•••• es: Vertue a•• real, I ador'd thy Fame, But now I find thou art an empty Name!

Think therefore if such men had not better have been Shoomakers, Taylors, or the like; wherefore in this point the Institution of our Universities is exceedingly to be commended, where such as have but little means of their own to trust to, are maintain'd to learn some Profession beneficial to themselves and the publick, as Divinity, Physick, or Civil-Law. However, those whose Fortunes are able to subsist without a Vocation, need not enthral their Genius, but indulge it in any Philology, what they most affect: And for such, if they read History cursorily, it may make them discourse well; but if they study it considerately, it tends much to instruct them in the Humours and Interests of men, thereby teaching them the true Art of managing their Lives and Affairs: when although few Examples square in all particulars, yet (as a skilful Taylor) though he never made a Suit for one of your size, can after taking measure of you, fit you by his old skill. Lastly, As for Philosophy, hear what Cicero speaks of its Professors, Nil tam absurd•• dici potest, quod non dicatur ab aliquo Philosophor••m. We are made to live in the World, and not to trouble our selves about any thing that conduces not to our subsistance; Quod supra nos, nihil ad nos: and he that throws away his time upon Speculations in Natural Philosophy, does by the Pleasures of Life, as one did by his Entertainment as a Feast: who being seated at Table, and a Knife lying before him, this Philosophical Guest took it up, and begun to consider the Origine of it, whereof it was form'd; First, He made a speculation into the Handle, which led him to the nature of Ivory, that to the Elephant's Tooth, and from thence to the nature of Elep••••••ts. In the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 place he undertook the Blade, which led him to the nature of Iron,

and that to the nature of Mines, when after a long consideration thereof, he at length re∣duces his Reasoning either to Ignorance or Uncertainty, and then bethinks himself of eat∣ing, when he finds the Cloath taken away, his Companions to have dined, and his own Dinner lost. Which Character (as I conceive) of a Natural Philosopher.

Quod est ante pedes, nemo spectat: Coeli s••rutantur plagas. Cicero divin. lib. 2.

Last of all, to shew how much disadvantage and danger a State receives by an over-great esteem of Learning, no Age ever gave such a remarkable Example as this wherein we now live, I mean that of China: That great and rich Empire was totally govern'd by learned persons▪ none being admitted to any considerable Office or Magistracy, but such as after a most strict examination of their Learning were made Graduates in their publick Schools of Philosophy; this learned Nation about some five and thirty years ago was invaded by the most illiterate rude Tartars, and by them over-run and subdued. Thus were the Greeks overcome by the less learned Romans, and the Roman Empire when flourishing in all Arts and Sciences, was destroy'd by the ignorant Goths and Vandals: which shews, that to main∣tain an Empire, a Sword is a better Instrument than a Pen. If this great Example of China were not sufficient to shew how mischievous a thing too much Bookishness is in a People, mark it more particularly when it possesses the persons of Princes or other great Comm••nders themselves: The Greek and Asiatick Principalities afford very many Examples, where (ex∣cept only Zenophon and two or three more) scarce any of them govern'd with ordinary com∣mendation; but either weakly like Pedants, or at best with scandalous Avarice, and very often extreamly cruel, but usually point blank contrary to their profess'd Doctrines, like Seneca in his vehement Invectives against Riches, when he himself was of any under the de∣gree of a King held to be the richest man of that Age. Finally, In all Professions it is by ex∣perience found, that the Theory and Practice are two distinct Faculties, with little real in∣fluence one upon another: Thus many have proceeded Doctors of Musick, who could lear∣nedly discourse of Harmony, with the several Keys and Scales of Musick, but not play half so well as any common Countrey-Alehouse-Fidler: so in most contemplative Sciences, Dis∣cimus Scholae, non Vitae. Nothing does more betray the Vanity of Philosophy, than the In∣sufficiency of man's Reason, which as St. Paul says, is foolishness before God: for he that thinks he knows any thing, that man knoweth nothing; which made the wise Socrates confess, Hoc scio me scire nihil. I shall conclude this Discourse with so many lines as are to my purpose, out of a late ingenious Copy of Verses written upon this Subject, by a Person of Honour; which are th••se:

Were I (who to my cost already am One of those strange prodigious Creatures Man) A spirit free to choose for my own share, What case of flesh and blood I pleas'd to wear, I'de be a Dog, a Monkey, or a Bear; Be any thing but that vain Animal, Who is so proud of being rational; The senses are too gross, and he'l contrive A sixth, to contradict the other five; And before certain Instinct will prefer Reason, which fifty times for one does err; Reason, an Ignis fatuus in the mind, Which leaving light of Nature, sence, behind, Pathless and dangerous wandring ways it takes Through Errours, fenny Bogs, and thorny Brakes; Whilst the misguided follower climbs with pain Mountains of Whimsies, heap'd in his own Brain; Tumbling from thought to thought falls headlong down Into Doubts boundless Sea, where like to drown Books bear him up a while, and make him try To swim with Bladders of Philosophy. In hope still to o'retake th' escaping light, The vapour dances in his dazled sight, Till spent, it leaves him to eternal night.

Then old age and experience hand in hand Lead him to death, and make him understand, After a Search so painful and so long, That all his Life he has been in the wrong. Huddled in dirt the Reas'ning Engine lyes, Who was so proud, and thought himself so wise. Pride drew him in, (as Cheats do Bubbles catch) And made him venture to be made a wretch. His wisdom did his happiness destroy, Aiming to know that World he should enjoy. This supernatural gift that makes a mit•• Think he's the Image of the Infinite. This busie puzling stirrer up of doubt, That frames deep myst'ries and then finds them out: Trifling with frantick Crowds of thinking Fools Thos•• Reverend Bedlams, Colledges, and Schools; Born on whose wings each heavy Sot can pierce The fla••ing Limits of the Vniverse: So cheating Oyntments make an old Witch fly, And bear a crippled Carkass through the Sky. 'Tis the exalted power whose busines•• lyes, In Nonsence and Impossibilities. This made a whimsical Philosopher Before the spacious World his Tub prefer. And we have modern cloyster'd Coxcombs, who Retire to think, 'cause they have nought to do. But thoughts were given for Actions government, Where Action ceases thought's impertinent. Our Sphere of Action is Life's happiness, And he who thinks beyond, thinks like an As••. Satyr against Man.

[3] Philosophical Pirates give themselves to Gluttony, Vene••y, &c. It was ever the Re∣proach of the ancient Philosophers, that their Lives were no way correspondent to their Doctrines, and that Probitas laudatur & alget. Their long Robes, great Beards, and af∣fected Gravity, were so notoriously defamed by their Avarice and dishonest Lives, as made them often banish'd from several States, and at last quite ruined the profession. In those Times the Heathen Religions did little meddle with Morals, but especially with the Rites and Ceremonies of divine Adoration, leaving the moral part of humane Conversation to be managed by moral Philosophers, who with their loud prayses of Vertue gull'd the World for many Ages; till after notorious and universal experience of their lewd Lives and gross Hypocrisie, it was found that such talkative Vertue was but •• Chimaera, or Nomen inane. Lucian in his Dialogue concerning the Manners of Philosophers brings in Menippus speaking thus of them: Because I was (saith he) uncertain what course of Life to hold, I thought good to go to the Philosophers and take their advice, that they might direct me herein, not considering, that as the Proverb saith, I cast my self out of the frying-pan into the fire; for I found amongst them all things more uncertain than amongst any sort of men▪ in so much that the Life of the veriest Ideot, seem'd unto me more happy than theirs. For when I beheld their Lives, I per∣ceived they were clean contrary to their own precepts and doctrines; those who taught that Money and Riches were to be contemn'd, did gape after nothing more than Gain, lending to usury, teach∣ing for hire, and doing all for money; those who in words seem'd most to contemn glory, referr'd all the whole course of their Lives thereto; and finally, those that openly spake most against voluptuous∣ness and pleasure, secretly sought and embraced nothing else. Thus far Lucian▪ But to justifie this by Example, let us reflect upon some few of the most eminent amongst them. What can be more absurd than the Laws of Plato, wherein (following the Doctrines of his Masters Socrates and Pythagoras) he not only tolerates but enjoyns community of Women, and a promiscuous generation, also that young Men and Women should be stark naked when they perform'd their Exercises at the Gymnasian Games? Likewise what shall we say of Aristotle,

Plato's Scholar, whom divers that lived in the same Age did testifie to be a most wicked man? Cephisodorus the Disciple of Isocrates charg'd him with Delicacy, Intemperance, and Gluttony; Lieon the Pythagorean said he was so covetous, that he used to sell the Oyl wherein he bathed himself; Demochares objected against him, that he betray'd his own Countrey Stagira to the Macedonians; and finally, one of his Followers, who undertook to defend him against others, confesseth, that two things commonly reported of him were probable, that is to say, that he was ungrateful to his Master Plato, and that he secre••ly debauch'd the adopted Daughter of his Friend Hermias the Eunuch and married her, of which Eunuch he had been also before so much enamour'd, that Eubulides saith, he made a kind of Marriage with him; and Theocritus of Chio wrote an Epigram of their bruitish Love and Conversation. Euseb. contra Philosoph. Lastly, Let us examine the Laws of Aristotle, than some of which, no∣thing could be more barbarous: One was, that if a man had any lame or deform'd Child, he should cast it out like a Whelp, and expose it to perish: Another Law of his was, that if a man had above such a certain number of Children, (which number he would have de∣termined according to every man's ability) that then his Wife should destroy the fruit in her Womb, when ever after she conceived; than which nothing could be more inhumane: Neither can I forbear to mention another Constitution of his, which was no less absurd or ridiculous; when prohibiting the use of lascivious Pictures for fear of corrupting the Youth, he nevertheless in the same Law excepteth the Images and Pictures of certain Gods, in whom (saith he) the custom alloweth Lasciviousness. Again, Aristotle, who hath written so exactly of all moral Vertue in his Book de Ethicis or de Moribus, and was himself the Prince or Head of the Peripatetick Philosophers, was forced to fly privately out of Athens, for fear of being punish'd for his wicked Life; he most ungratefully (as some say) poyson'd his best Benefactor Alexander the Great, who had restored to him his Countrey, and trusted him with his Life; he deny'd to the Soul any place of Joy after this Life▪ he collected the Wri∣tings of others▪ whose several other Copies having stifled, he publish'd them under his own Name; and last of all running mad out of an immoderate desire of Knowledge, he is said to be the Author of his own Death. And so much for Aristotle. See Agrip. vanit. scient. In the next place, Our great Seneca, whom notwithstanding St. Ier•••••• would have inserted in∣to the Catalogue of Saints, as little deserv'd it as either Plato or Aristotle; for I do not think any of the Heathens lived worse than he did, as we may find if we trace him right: In the time of the Emperor Claudius we find he was banish'd for suspi••ion of Incontinency with Iulia the Daughter of Germanicus; and if it be said, that this proceeded meerly from the spight of Messalina, why then did she not cause him to be put to death, as well as she did the other, who was her Husba d's Neece? But 'tis most certain, what-ever his Life were, he had paginam L••scivam, as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 appear by what he hath written de Speculorum usu, l. 1. Nat. Qu. cap. 16. which (admitting it may in a Poet, yet) how it should be excused in a Philosopher, I know not: In his exile he wrote his Epistle de Consolatione to Polybius, Clau∣dius's Creature, and as honest a man as Pallas or Narcissus) wherein he extolls him and the Emperor to the skyes, seeking a discharge of his exile by so fordid a means, whereby he lost much of his Reputation. Upon Claudius's Marriage with Agrippina, he was recall'd from Banishment by her means, and made Praetor; when, having no need of him, he forgets the Emperor, labouring all he can to depress him, and the hopeful Brittanicus, also procured his Pupil Nero to be adopted Successor, and the Emperor's own Son to be disinherited; likewise against the Emperor (whom he so much prais'd when he had need of him) after his Death he writes a scurrilous Libel. In Nero's Court, how ungratefully doth he behave himself towards Agrippina! who although she were a wicked Woman, yet she deserved well of him. Also towards Nero himself what a treacherous part did he play, in becoming an as∣sociate in Piso's Conspiracy. No•• must we here omit his vast Riches and Avarice. More∣over, He doth in extremo actu defic••re, when he must needs perswade his excellent Lady Pau∣lina to die with him, which according to his opinion (for he believ'd not the Souls Immor∣tality) could be no advantage to her. Last of all, The Philosopher Theodorus, who was honour'd with the title of a God, deliver'd i•• as his opinion, that wise men would not stick to give their minds to Thieving, Adultery, or Sacriledge, when they found a seasonable op∣portunity; that none of these are evil by Nature; and that setting aside the vulgar opinion, there is no Reason but a Philosopher might go publickly to a Whore without Reproof. Ma∣ny more Instances could I produce, to shew not only the ill precepts which were taught but

likewise the evil Lives which were led by many of the ancient Philosophers, whose practices have continually run counter to their Theory. Now from hence it is, that the wisest Go∣vernments grew to manage the Peoples Conscience rather by Religion than Philosophy, since the terrors of Hell and hopes of Paradise would more effectually reform mankind, than any Philosophical Notions: And whereas the Philosophers were so multiply'd into Sects, as St. Austin out of Varr•• reports them to have been almost 300. and in effect, each giving the other the Lye; now Religion seemed likely to be more agreeable to its own Doctrine, and more united in it self. Yet in after▪ Ages, even that divided into so many Schisms, as made a kind of necessity of setting up one supream Judge, whose Dictates (right or wrong) should decide all Controversies about Religion, and regulate the manners of the Clergy; this rais'd the Pope over the Christians, and Mafti over the Mahometans: Yet in both of these (so prone is flesh and bloud to corruption) that many times the greatest Doctors are forced to bid men do as they teach, and not as they do; which nevertheless is apt to discre∣dit the very Doctrines themselves among vulgar people, who are more inclin'd to believe what they see, than what they hear. But to speak as a moral man, their pretended Reli∣gion and Philosophy consisted in this:

Compositum Ius, fas{que} Animi; Sanctos{que} recessus Mentis & incoctum gener••so pectus honesto. Pers.

CHAP. XIII. The Narration of King Phraotes touching his Parents and himself; namely, how his Father being in his youth cast out of his Kingdom, studied Philo∣sophy amongst the wise men; and how he himself being instructed by his Father in the Greek Tongue, was sent to the same wise men to be taught Philosophy; but after the death of his Father was recall'd by his Father's Friends to the Kingdom.

AS for my self, this is the History of what hath befallen me. I am descended of a Grandfather who was a King, and of the same Name with me; but my Father was a private man: for being left very young, two of his near kindred were according to the Laws of India made his Guardians, and managed the Government for him very tyrannically. Whereupon they appear'd grievous to the Subjects, and the Government was evil spoken of; in so much that many of the Nobility conspiring together against them, did at the great Solemnity when they were sacrificing to the River Indus, set upon them, and kill them: when seizing on the Government, they shared it amongst themselves. Wherefore my Father's kinsmen being very solicitous of his safety, when he was not yet 16 years old, sent him to the King that reigneth near the River Hyphasis; which Kingdom is far greater than that which I possess, and the Countrey much more pleasant. When the King would have adopted him his Son, my Father refused it, saying, that he was unwilling to strive against Fortune, who had already deprived him of Rule. Where∣fore he entreated the King to give leave that he might be brought up in Philosophy by the wise men of that Countrey, which would make him the better undergo his dome∣stick evils. Now when the King was willing to restore him to his own Kingdom, my Father answer'd, If you perceive me to be a true and genuine Philosopher, you shall restore me; if not, suffer me to continue as I am. When the King heard this, he himself went with him to the wise men, promising to bestow no small Benefits on them, if they used their utmost diligence in educating that Youth who was by nature

so generous. They discerning something more than ordinary in him, very freely as∣sented to communicate their Wisdom to him, and readily instructed him, who was as fully intent upon Learning. After 7 years were expired, the King falling sick of a Disease which ended his Life, sendeth for my Father, and maketh him co-partner with his own Son in the Kingdom, giving him his Daughter (then mar∣riageable) to Wife. But he, when he perceived the King's Son to be overcome by Flatterers, Drinking, and such like Vanities, as also to have a suspicious eye over him, said to him, Take your Estate to your self, and order it how you please; for it is a ridiculous thing, that he who is not able to recover his own Kingdom, should boldly intrude into anothers: grant 〈◊〉〈◊〉 only your Sister, for this alone of all your Estate will satisfie me. Wherefore taking his Wife, he withdrew into those Places that are near to the wise men, wherein he had 7 very pleasant Towns which the King gave to his Sister for her privy Purse. Now I being sprung from this Marriage, and my Father having instructed me in the Greek Learning, he brought me to the wise men sooner perhaps than was fitting, (for I was but 12 years old) however, they took me and bred me up as their own Child, for they shew far greater kindness to such as are skill'd in the Greek Tongue before they receive them, in as much as they are more capable of their Instructions. My Parents afterwards dying soon af∣ter one another, the wise men brought me to my Towns, that I might look to my own Affairs, as being now about 19 years of age. But my good Vncle had by this time taken away the 7 Towns, so that he did not so much as leave me the Fields which my Father had purchased, saying, that they all belong'd to his Kingdom, and that it was a favour he suffer'd me to live. Wherefore having gather'd up a small stock from my Mothers freed men, I lived poorly, having but four Attendants. In this condition as I was reading the Tragedy called Heraclidae, there came a Messenger to me from this Place, bringing a Letter from a certain Friend of my Father's, who bade me pass over the River Hydraotes, and consult with him about recovering this Kingdom, for there were great hopes for me that I might easily attain it, if I were not wanting to my self. I thinking that some of the Gods had brought that Tra∣gedy into my thoughts, follow'd the Presage. Now when I had cross'd the River, I heard that one of them who had usurped the Kingdom was dead, and that the other was besieg'd in his Palace. Wherefore complying with these things, I came with open mouth in all the Towns wheresoever I pass'd, crying out, that I was the Son of such a one, and that I came to possess my own Government. Whereupon they received me with very great joy, and thinking me to be very like my Grandfather, embra∣ced me, and accompanied me with Swords and Bows in great numbers, which con∣tinually increas'd. Wherefore coming to the Gate of the City, those that were here receiv'd me so chearfully, that they lighted Torches at the Altar of the Sun, where∣with came to the Gates, and conducted me hither, singing praises of my Father and Grandfather. As for that Drone within, they thr••w him over the Walls, notwith∣standing I interceded for him, that they would not put him to such a death.

Illustrations on Chap. 13.

[1] TO strive against Fortune, &c. It is a very fa••n•• Opinion for any man▪ although For∣tune hath given him one shrewd Blow, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to despond; or though in a great Design his second or third Attempt be ••oyl'd, yet the works of Destiny are kept so se∣cret from us till enlighten'd by time, as for ought we know, that success which is deny'd to our first, second, or third Attempt, may be reserv'd to a fourth; nothing is more ••••••∣ally seen, than in the sealing the Walls of strong Place••, after one or two desperate repul∣ses,

an obstinate perseverance carries them: and so in mens civil Undertakings, perseveranti dabitur; for in persevering, many times strange and unthought of Accidents are found to come in, by means whereof the success is beyond what could have been imagined; for God does as well disappoint our Fears as our Hopes. Therefore in the old Roman way of such as slew themselves, if they did it out of scorn to endure any base disgrace, then it was set upon the score of Magnanimity; or if it was to ease them of some grievous pai••, then it excused it self upon that Dictate of Nature, Of Evils choose the least; but if in case of adverse For∣tune, and an over-hasty Despair, it was certainly then the effect of a pusillanimous Spirit, which had not courage enough to hold out till a better condition might appear.

[2] The Tragedy of Heraclidae; this Tragedy was written by Euripides.

[3] I would not be wanting to my self, &c. The main Reason why there are so few gallant Exploits done among men, and how it comes to pass that they suffer such base Oppressions as they do, is for the most part because they are wanting to themselves; that is, they either see not the opportunities they have of helping themselves, or else they want the courage to undertake them: The Reason of the first is, not so much the daily diversion of their minds upon pleasures or other impertinencies, as a meer thoughtlessness and stupidity, wherein we pass most of our time in thinking seriously upon nothing. This perhaps is a great cause of pub∣lick Quiet, in not observing those Emergencies which more vigilant and hot Heads would lay hold of for turbulent Attempts; and therefore in our Institutions is not censured: but Mahomet has by an express Edict prohibited it as a mortal sin; and I am of opinion, that his strict Injunction for such perpetual Meditation and Advertency, is one great cause of the daily growth and progress of his Church and Empire. Yet indeed were I a Prince, especially if I did not exactly govern as the Peoples good required, I should not much fancy my think∣ing Subjects, lest observing things too narrowly, their thoughts might not be to my ad∣vantage. The second way wherein men usually fall, is want of Courage, Magnis conatibus obstat impunitatis ••••pido: If man were not a Creature as timid as he is crafty and malicious, how could one man or a few enslave a whole Nation? Yet most certainly it was the great wisdom of God to plant this fear of Death in the heart of man; without which, the poor would rifle the rich, the People would disobey their Governors, and every superstitious Fool would to escape Purgatory, murder whomsoever his Confessor bid him. Now besides these two Deficiencies, men are wanting to themselves in many other Points, but above all in Industry; how many appear in the Streets half naked, and begging for a farthing, when others, as feeble as they, support themselves by Labour; and others who lye tortu∣red with Diseases, have usually fail'd themselves in point of Temperance, when rather than restrain their Gluttony or Drunkenness, they choose as the easier, to fall a praying:

Poscis opem nervi••, corpus{que} fidele senectae Esto age, sed patinae grandes, Tuceta{que} crass•• Annuere his superos vetuere Iovem{que} morantur.

Thus in all kind of Afflictions that men endure, upon a severe scrutiny they shall find, that their endurance, or at least their long endurance, proceeds from their being wanting to themselves one way or other.

[4] Receiv'd me with great joy, &c. The Case in brief was thus: This King Phraotes his Father came young to the Crown, which being by some great men usurp'd from him, he not long after dying, they still deta••n'd it from his young Son Phraotes, who thereby was constrained to live poor in exile, till after that the Usurpers had with much oppression for some years exasperated the People: they then revolted from the Usurpers and sent for the right Heir Phraotes, and settled him in the Throne of his Ancestors. The People are so basely in love with their own ease and safety, as they many times suffer horrid Injuries to be done to their Prince, although he never offended them; but when any hope arises of Re∣venge, then they are apt enough to assist: Thus when our Richard the III. murther'd with his own hand King Henry the VI. and caused the two young innocent Princes to be de∣stroy'd, all was quiet, until the next He••r landed, although with but a handful of men; then People flockt in to him in such numbers, as soon enabled him to overthrow the Usur∣per; who although in his short Reign had very wisely enacted divers popular Laws, to win the Love of his People, yet all would not suffice; for he being observ'd to be bloudily revengeful and false, it was believ'd, if he was once settled, his good Laws would not have

long prevail'd against his Tyranny: But if instead of those good Laws, he had begun with Violence and Oppression, then infallibly he had not been endured so long, nor found so ma∣ny to assist him as he did. This plainly appear'd in the case of Rehoboam, who though he was the right lawful Heir, yet because he would not give any way to the Peoples Petition, ten parts of twelve fell from him, and God Almighty owned the thing to have been from him; not that God is the Author of Rebellion, but that by the Instinct of Nature which God has planted in all men, there is a desire to live comfortably; when if they perceive all hope of that to be taken from them, and no hopes in obedience, then what courses that despair will drive men into, may easily be foreseen by any who observe the proceedings of uncatechized Nature, which teaches more what men formerly have done, what they do, and what hereafter they will do, than what by the Rules of Duty they should do. When a People is oppress'd by a Prince, they should make use only of their Preces and Lachrymae; however some are so mutinous as to fly to their Sword, and others so treacherous, as by opposing all Petitions from the People, they take away their Preces, and leave them only their Lachrymae. Now this want of softning and easing the Government was the ruine of these Usurpers, and is the usual Rock upon which most Usurpers split; for their many Ene∣mies and want of Title makes them keep a standing Army, which sooner or later brings in∣evitable Ruine to the Government: first by their Rapine they make the Prince odious; for all men hate the Master who sets his Dog upon them, more than they do the Dog himself; and then when he is odious to all men, he is totally at the Souldiers mercy: and if you ob∣serve, the usual Method of the old Pretorian Bands, was to knock their Emperor on the head, and set the Crown at sale to who will give most, the People all the while looking on with applause. And we who have seen the late Tragedy acted by our Usurpers on the Scene of England, do well know, that His Majesty's Restoration and the Usurper's Ruine was (next under God) brought to pass by their own Army under the Command of General Monck, who was since for his special Service created Duke of Al••••marle.

CHAP. XIV. Of the Oxydracks, and their impregnable City; That they chase away their Enemies, not with Arms, but with Thunder and Lightning sent from Jupiter, which were heretofore made use of against Hercules and Bac∣chus; That the Egyptian Hercules came to Gades, not the Theban; A long Dispute whether the Drinkers of Wine or Water be the best Sleep∣ers; Of Medicines provoking Sleep; And of the Prophet Amphiaraus.

APollonius hereunto replying, said, You have indeed acted the Return of the Heraclidae, and the Gods are to be prais'd for their good will, that they concurr'd to the Voyage of a good man returning to his own. But I entreat you to tell me whether these are the wise men which were with Alexander, and be∣ing brought to him discours'd to him Philosophically concerning the Heavens? The King answer'd, They were the [1] Oxydracks, which Nation liveth free, and is trained up to War; moreover they pretend to [2] wisdom, but know nothing that is good. The true wise men inhabit in the midst between Hyphasis and Ganges, into which Parts Alexander never came, not that he stood in fear of them, but was (I suppose) prohibited by sacred Presages. For if he had cross'd Hyphasis, and been able to seize on the Territories of that People, yet the Tower which they inhabit he could never have taken▪ though he brought with him ten thousand Achilles's, and thirty thousand Ajaxes; for neither do they fight with those that come against

them, but with prodigious Tempests and Thunderbolts chase away the Enemies, as being themselves accounted sacred and beloved by the Gods. Howbeit they relate, that the Egyptian Hercules and Bacchus, who march'd with their Armies through India, did both come against that People, and frame all manner of Engines, and attempt the Place; notwithstanding the Citizens seem'd to make no resistance, but to remain unmoved, till the Enemy came close to the Tower, and then [3] fiery Tempests beat them back, with Thundrings descending and falling upon their Ar∣mies. At which time Hercules is reported to have flung away his golden Buckler, which those wise men did for a Monument hang up in the Temple, as well out of an opinion they had of Hercules, as for the Sculpture of the Buckler it self; for Hercu∣les was thereon pictured, setting Bounds to the Earth near Gades, and erecting Mountains as Pillars to exclude the Ocean: from whence it may manifestly be ga∣ther'd, that it was the Egyptian Hercules, and not the Theban that came to [4] Gades, and there prescribed Limits to the Earth. As they were discoursing in this manner, the sound of singing with a Pipe began to be heard. And when Apollonius asked what this mirth meant, the King's Answer was, That the Indi∣ans do by such kind of Musick admonish the King when he goeth to Bed, that he have good Dreams, and that he arise kind to and careful of his Subjects. In what manner (said Apollonius) are you (O King) affected towards such things, for they play on the Pipe, and sing of you? The King answer'd, I deride not such things; for one must admit of them for the Law's sake, although I stand not in need of any such admonition; for in what a King shall do modestly and kindly, he shall more gratifie himself than his Subjects. Having thus discourst together, both betook themselves to sleep. After the day began to appear, the King came to the Chamber where Apollonius and his Companions lay, when having found out his Bed, he saluted the man, and ask'd him what he was musing upon; for I suppose (said he) that you are not now sleeping, in as much as you drink Water and deride Wine. Whereto Apollonius answer'd, Do you not think they sleep who drink Water? Yes, said the King, but very gentle sleep, such as we say seizeth only on the Eyes and not on the Mind. Nay, said Apollonius, they sleep both with Eyes and Mind, but most perhaps with the Mind; for unless the Mind be quiet the Eyes can take no rest: wherefore mad-men cannot sleep by reason of the continual agitation of their Mind, which leaping from one thing to another, they look somewhat terrible and staring, as sleeping Dragons. Therefore O King, that we may manifestly declare what sleep worketh, and what it signifieth to men, let us enquire what it is that ma∣keth the sleep of Water-drinkers to be lighter, than that of drunken persons? I pray you (said the King) do not play the Sophister; for I will grant you if you suppose a man to be drunk, that he sleepeth not, because his Mind being in a drun∣ken fury causeth him to tumble to and fro, filling him with divers perturbations: for all that go to sleep in a drunken Fit, think that they are one while toss'd up to the roof of the house, another while thrust down to the ground, and whirl'd about in the same manner that [5] Ixion is said to be. Wherefore I spake not of such a drunken man, but of one who hath drunk some Wine, but continueth sober, to con∣sider whether such a one will not sleep much better, than he that drinketh no Wine at all. Apollonius having heard this, called out to Damis, saying, I am dis∣coursing with an acute man, and one that is very well exercised in disputing. I see it, said Damis, and this perhaps is that which is hinted in the common Pro∣verb, To fall into Hucksters hands. And indeed I am much moved with the Reason which he alledged; wherefore it will be time when you are got up to finish this Discourse about Sleep. Thereupon, Apollonius having erected his Head a

little, said, I will according to your advice now shew what sweeter sleep we take that drink Water, than those that drink Wine. That the Mind of Drunkards is tossed with many perturbations, and vex'd as it were with Furies, I confess was well declared by you; for we see them that are distemper'd with Wine think they behold a double Sun, and double Moon, whereas they that are sober have no such appre∣hension, but enjoy great tranquility of mind and delight, though many times they be of mean Fortunes. But on the contrary, drunken persons fall a making Orati∣ons, whereas they never pleaded in the Court so much as once, and boast of their Riches, whereas they are not worth a Gr••at. These, O King, are frantick Di∣stempers, for meer joy 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wont to transport the mind: as I have seen men, who ha∣ving lighted on good Fortune, are not able to sleep, but suddenly start up; which is a sufficient Argument that even good things afford care and anxiety. There have been also certain Medicines invented to procure Sleep, which if any man drink or anoint himself therewith, they sleep stretching themselves out at length, as if they were dead: afterwards they rise with a certain oblivion, and be rather somewhere else, than where they seem to be. Now that Potions procure to the Body neither proper nor natur••l Sleep, but either so profound, that they seem half dead, or else so light, that any the least noise will break it, I suppose you will soon grant, (though they should be good) unless you had rather be obstinate, than a fair Disputant. But those that drink as I do, see all things as they are, nor do they [6] fancy or feign to themselves things which are not; nor are they light, or dull and sottish, or more jocund than is meet; but they are steady and rational, being still the same, whether in the morning, or at noon. For such men will never fall asleep, although they do business till it be late at night; neither doth Sleep violently force them as a Master bowing down their Neck enslaved by Wine, but they are always free and erect; and when they betake themselves to sleep with a pure and quiet Soul, they take a gentle Nap, being neither elated with prosperity, nor depress'd with adversi∣ty; for a sober Soul is moderate in both, and not overcome with either perturbation: besides he sleepeth most sweetly and undisturb'd, not startled out of his Sleep. Fur∣thermore, a Soul that is not suffocated with Wine, doth more easily discern Divi∣nation by Dreams, which is amongst men accounted a most divine thing, recei∣ving it sincerely, and clearly perceiving it. Wherefore the Interpreters of Visions▪ whom the Poets call Oneiropolists, are never wont to interpret any Vision, till they have first enquired the time wherein the man saw it: for if it were early, and of the morning Sleep, they then thought that they might make a good conjecture thereof, in that the Soul was then fitted for Divination, as being dis-encumbred from Wine. But if in the first Sleep, or at midnight, whilst the Soul was as yet suffocated and drown'd in Wine, they being wise, refused to give any Interpretation thereof. Moreover I will briefly demonstrate, that the Gods themselves are of this opinion, and send their Oracles rather unto sober minds. There was heretofore amongst the Greeks a Prophet call'd Amphiaraus. I know it, said the King; for I suppose you mean the Son of Oecleus, who returning from Thebes was by the Earth swallow'd up alive. This very man (reply'd Apollonius) doth even at this time give Oracles in Attica, and send Dreams to those that consult his Oracle: but the Priests taking him who doth so consult, keep him one day from Meat, and three days from Wine, that he may in a clear Soul receive the Oracles deliver'd. Now were Wine a fit Medicine for the procuring of Sleep, certainly the wise [7] Am∣phiaraus would have commanded those that frequent the doors of his Temple, that having prepared themselves in a contrary manner, they should go into the Sanctu∣ary like Vessels fill'd with Wine. I could likewise relate sundry other Oracles very

famous both amongst the Greeks and Barbarians, wherein the [8] Priest after he had drunk Water, and not Wine, gave his Answers from the Tripos: where∣fore, O King, imagine me and other Water-drinkers to be fitted for reception of the divine Influence, possest by the Water-Nymph, and transported with Sobriety, as the Worshippers of Bacchus with their Furies. Whereto the King answer'd, But you shall initiate me into the same Society. So I will, said Apollonius, unless you shall seem too troublesome to your Subjects: for Philosophy being profess'd by a King in a moderate and looser way, produceth an admirable Temper, as appeareth in you: but being accurate and strain'd to the utmost, it becometh somewhat irkesome, and below the Character you bear; moreover, envious persons are used to debase it with the imputation of Pride and Arrogancy. Having discours'd in this manner, and it being now broad day, they went forth.

Illustrations on Chap. 14.

[1] THe Oxydracks; Plutarch in the Life of Alexander the Great reports, that it was in this City of the Mallien Oxydracks, where that Prince receiv'd so many Wounds, and amongst the rest a Blow with an Arrow, that every one thought would have cost him his Life. Strabo (lib. 15.) says, that the Lands near this City abound with Vines, and all manner of Provision. Arrianus (lib. 6.) makes the Malliens and the Oxydracks two distinct People, but near Neighbours and Allies.

[2] They pretend to Wisdom, but know nothing, &c. This Character of the wise men among the Oxydracks, does not really belong to them alone, but perhaps to most of the so∣lemn pretenders to Wisdom throughout the whole World. We have all an ambition to be highly esteem'd among men; but this we strain more or less, according as we are more or less vain. Many are so irrational, as to extend it beyond their Life, when they shall never so much as hear of it: one principal way to attain to this high Honour, is by setting up for wonderful skill in some notable Science: Thus some value themselves upon their Natural Philosophy; others upon their Astrology; others upon their Magick; others upon their having read History and Poets, and being thorow•••• versed in the seven Liberal Sciences: With these and the like pretences, they make a great Parade, and glorifie themselves as far wiser than the vulgar; but if you search to the inside of this Wisdom, you will find it very impertinent and of no use, I mean either to the publick or private: We see those which these learned Fops do so much despise as illiberal, are able to maintain themselves, and do good to their Countrey; as the Mariner for Navigation; the Plowman for tilling the ground; the Shepherd for Wooll and Sheep; and the Bricklayer for building Houses; so that in one kind or other, the very meanest Trade does both support the Artificer, and accommodate the rest of Mankind. But these contemplative Monsieurs spend their time in waking Dreams, and the imaginary Whimsies of other men, who were no more admitted to the inside of Heaven and Earth than we are. And it is more than probable, that neither they nor we ever understood the business of the heavenly Luminaries, more than the Sparrows do the Statutes and Designs of Parliaments, when they see the Members sitting in the House. Therefore considering the uncertainty of all humane Knowledge, the wisest way to value each kind, is by the profit it brings to Life; and so I reduce it to that Touchstone, which the wise Lord Bacon borrow'd from Ovid to make a Motto both for his Study and Life: Vi∣derit Vtilitas. Last of all, to conclude this point, and as a further demonstration how much a submissive Ignorance is to be preferr'd before this pretended Wisdom, the learned Erasmus in his ingenious Moriae encomium, shews even out of divine Writ it self, that Igno∣rance is the Mother of all true Devotion.

It is not (saith he) without ground, that Fools are so acceptable with God: the Reason perhaps may be this, that as Princes carry a suspicious eye upon those that are over-wise, and consequently hate them; as Caesar did Brutus and Cassius; Nero, Seneca; and Dionysius, Plato; in like manner Christ ever ab∣hors and condemns (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 istos) such as confide in their own wisdom: and this St. Paul evidences, when he said, (Quae stulta sunt mundi, &c.) God hath chosen the foolish things

of this World. And when Christ gives him thanks that he had conceal'd the mystery of Salvation from the Wise, but reveal'd it to Babes and Sucklings, that is to say, Fools: for the Greek word for Babes is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. Fools. To this appertains that throughout th•• ••ospel you find him ever accusing the Scribes, Pharisees, and Doctors of the Law, but dilig••••tly defending the ignorant multitude; for what other is that Woe to ye Scribes and Pharisees, than Woe to ye wise men? and seems chiefly to be delighted in little Children, Women and Fishers: Besides, among bruit Beasts he is best pleas'd with those that have least of the Foxes subtlety; and therefore he chose rather to ride upon an Ass, when if he had pleas'd, he might have bestrid the Lion without danger; and the Holy Ghost came down in the shape of a Dove, not of an Eagle or Kite. Add to this, that in Scripture there is frequent mention of Harts, Hinds, and Lambs; and such as are destined to eternal Life, are call'd Sheep, than which Creature, there is not any thing more foolish; and yet Christ professes to be the Shepherd of this Flock, and is himself delighted with the Name of Lamb; according to St. Iohn, Behold the Lamb of God! And what does all this drive at, but that all Mankind are Fools? And Christ himself that he might the bet∣ter relieve this Folly, being the Wisdom of the Father, yet in some manner became a Fool, when taking upon him the Nature of Man, he was in shape as a Man; and thus was he made Man, that he might heal Sinners: Nor did he work this Cure any other way, than by the foolishness of the Cross, and a company of fat Apostles, not much bet∣ter; to whom also he carefully recommended Folly, giving them Caution against Wis∣dom, and drawing them together by the Example of little Children; Lillies, Mustard∣seed, and Sparrows, things sensless and inconsiderable, living only by the Dictates of Na∣ture, and without any Craft or Care. Moreover to the same purpose it is, that that great Architect of the World, God, gave Man an Injunction against his eating of the Tree of Knowledge, as if Knowledge were the bane of Happiness; according to which, St. Paul disallows it as puffing up, and destructive. But to speak briefly, All Christian Reli∣gion (saith he) seems to have a kind of Alliance with Folly, and in no respect to have any accord with Wisdom; of which, if ye expect proofs, consider first, That Boys, old Men, Women and Fools, are more delighted with Religious and sacred things than others, and to that purpose, are ever next the Altars, which they do by meer Impulse of Nature. In the next place, You see that those first Founders of it were plain simple persons, and most bitter Enemies of Learning. Lastly, There are no sort of Fools seem more out of the way, than are these, whom the Zeal of Christian Religion has once swallow'd up; in so much that they waste their Estates, suffer themselves to be cheated, put no difference between Friends and Enemies, abhor Pleasure, are cramm'd with Poverty, Watchings, Tears, Labours, Reproaches, abhorrence of Life, and wish Death above all things: In short, They seem sensless to common Understanding, as if their Minds lived elsewhere, and not in their Bodies; what else is this but to be mad? For which Reason, you must not think it so strange, if the Apostles seem'd to be drunk with new Wine, and if Paul ap∣pear'd to Fe••tus to be mad. For holy men, their Minds being taken up with those things that are most repugnant to these grosser Senses, seem bruitish and stupid in the common use of them: whereas on the contrary, the ordinary sort of people are best at these, and can do least at t'other; from whence it is, that some of these Zealots have by mistake drunk Oyl instead of Wine. Finally, Haec Stultitia parit Civitates, hâc constant Imperi••, Magistratus, Religio, Consilia, Iudicia; ne•• alind omnino est Vita humana, quam stultitiae Lusus quidam: Thus far Erasmus, Moriae Encom. Children and old Men (says Montaign) are found to be most susceptible of Religion, as if it were bred and held her credit from our Imbecillity: as likewise sick men, when their Intellects are weaken'd by pain, are more devout than at any other time. In like manner (says Agrippa) we find in the Gospel how Christ was receiv'd of Idiots, of the vulgar people, and of the simpler sort, while he was rejected, despised and persecuted even to death, by the high-Priests, Lawyers, Scribes, Doctors, and Rabbies: for which cause, Christ chose his Apostles, not Scribes, not Doctors, not Priests, but unlearned persons of the vulgar people, void of knowledge, un∣skilful, and Asses.

Vanit. scie••. Now the sum of all this is, that worldly Wisdom is foo∣lishness before God, since the reveal'd Will of God does surpass the comprehension of man's Wisdom, and therefore unintelligible to the wise men of this World. Wherefore these foremention'd Quotations, as spoke in the person of Folly, I thought fit to insert, as be∣ing

to my purpose, and already severally printed under the Authority of an English Li∣cense.

[3] Fiery Tempests beat them back with Thundring, &c. This Report of these Oxydracks's defending their Walls with Thunder and Lightning, is verily believ'd to have been the use of Guns; which although in these Parts of the World unknown, till invented by Bartold Swartz, (though others will not have his Name to be now known) about 300 years ago, yet perhaps in those remotest Parts of India, they might have been above 1000 years before, without our hearing of them: for neither the Romans or any other (excepting Alexander the Great) ever went so far into India; nor was the use of the Loadstone invented much above 300 years since; so that our Commerce by Navigation did not reach so far in those Times. Furthermore it may be observ'd, that by this Computation Guns were here with us invented within less than 100 years after the Seaman's Compass; so that within one Age after, our Navigation might reach to those Parts, and not before. Nevertheless it has been observ'd, that divers men in far distant Times and Countreys have happen'd to light upon the same Invention, where the latter never heard of the former; as for example, in that most ingenious Engine for raising of Water, call'd with us the Water-Screw, first found out by Archimedes, who was thereupon so ravisht with joy, that he ran up and down the Streets crying 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I have found it, I have found it. The very same manner of Engine Cardan writes to have been in his Time invented at Millan by a Blacksmith, who had never heard either of Archimedes or the Engine, but was so unlearned as he could nei∣ther write nor read, and was so overjoyed at his Invention, as his Brains were never well settled again: Thus is it not impossible but Swartz might light upon the Invention of Gun∣powder, although it had been before in India and he never heard of it. The Accident is said to have been thus: He having set a Pipkin over the fire wherein was a mixture of Brimstone, Saltpeter, and powder of Coal for a Medicine, the bottom of the Pipkin grow∣ing too hot, and the Stuff taking sudden fire, blew up the Cover of the Pipkin with great vehemency; whereof he being a contemplative man consider'd, and made further Experi∣ments thereof, till by degrees he improved the Invention in long Barrels of Iron, and so devised Guns. Hereby we may observe, how prodigiously Chance does excel the Wit of man in producing of new and rare Effects! For if all Mankind had set their Wits on work to invent an Engine of greater force than any of the old ones, they would have confined their thoughts to the old Idea's, but with addition of more strength or weight; or else by transposition of some parts; but it would never have entred into their heads to have grounded it upon the Fundamentals of Nature: first to avoid vacuum; then to avoid pe∣netration of Bodies without enlargement of room; and lastly to imploy Fire as the fountain of violent motion: for thus when the corns of Powder open'd and swell'd by Fire require more room, which being deny'd them by the narrow Iron or brass Barrel, there will be a most furious eruption, which finding the least resistance from the Bullet, drives that before it with such violence, as no other Engine could ever do the like: Facile est inventis addere. This prodigious Invention doth at this instant take universally, and to several Uses not thought upon, till daily Experience had improved it: As first to Mines, which experienc'd Artists will now spring so exactly both for time and distance, as if they wrought above ground without any disturbance: Their Bombs shoot with a perfect certainty where to fall, and at such an Elevation, as the highest Wall or Castle cannot intercept: And now of late the hand-Granadoes disorder in a moment all ranks and files of Horse and Foot, so that the exactest Roman Discipline if it were again upon Earth, would be at a loss: And then for Sea, it is dreadful to behold what execution it does both upon Men and Ships, when some∣times a great Bullet without touching any man, kills and maims several by the Splinters it makes▪ so ingenious are men to destroy one another▪

Sed jam Serpentum major concordia: parcit Cognatis maculis fimilis fera. Quando Leoni Fortier eripuit vitam Leo? quo nemore unquam Expiravit Aper majoris dentibus Apri? Ast homini ferrum Lethale, &c.— Juven. Sat. 15.

[4] Gades; call'd by Ptolomy, Gadir••▪ by Strabo, Erythia and Gaddir, or Cadiz, (and not Cales) is an Island without the Straits of Gibral••ar, at the South-part of Spain, in

length twelve miles, in breadth three, the Riches whereof hath been the Magazine of Spain: it was sack'd one day by the English, under the Conduct of Essex, Nottingham, and Raleigh, A. D. 1596.

[5] Whirl'd about like Ixion, &c. Ixion, the Son of Phlegyas, or as Hyginus will have it, of Leontius, having s••ain his Son-in-Law Erion••us, or Deione••s, (as some call him) when he could not be absolv'd either by God or man, was at length pityed by Iupiter▪ who took him up into Heaven, and expiated him. But Ixion after his purgation remaining among the Gods, fell in Love with Iuno, and solicited her to Unchastity, which the making known to Iove, he form'd a Cloud in the shape of Iuno, and I••cion thinking to have been the God∣dess, embraced, and thereon begat a Race of Centaurs. When being soon after sent down to the Earth, he every where boasted that he lay with Iuno, for the which being struck down to Hell with a Thunderbolt, he was there condemn'd to be always rolled on a Wheel. Hereto several of the Poets refer; As Ovid,

Volvitur Ixion, & se refugitque fug••t que. Metam 10▪

And Claudian,

Non rota suspensum praeceps Ixiona torquet. De Raptu Pros.

[6] Nor do they fancy to themselves things which are not, &c. When I observe Ovid's Me∣tamorphosis, and other the strange Fictions of the Heathen Poets, which our Mythologists undertake to expound mystically, but vulgar Heathens believ'd historically, and so had need of a Faith as strong as an Ostrich's Stomach, that can digest Iron; I verily think they might as really and truly expound the every days Dialogues at Bedlam: Nor could those monstrous Fictions ever have been devis'd or believ'd any where, but in Countreys where the Liquors which they usually drank had intoxicated and depraved their Brains; for to clear Under∣standings, they appear nothing but Frenzies. Yea, although you have read Natalis Comes, or the ingenious Lord Bacon his Wisdom of the Ancients, you could never receive them with∣out an habitual previous infatuation of your Judgement. Therefore Mahomet after he had most wisely prohibited the drinking of Wine, was fain to be more circumspect what Fables he deliver'd, as knowing they would never pass with Water-drinkers. We daily see many Songs pass with great applause among our Drunkards, that in the Poet's head had some lit∣tle intentional sence, and by himself esteem'd a Rapture, which if one should (as Horace ad∣vises) turn into Prose, and then examine the strength of the Fancy, you would evidently perceive to be flat and vulgar. So that before a man can admire them, he must first drink as much Wine as the Poet did when he made them, and so wind himself up to the same pitch to fit him for the Consort: Aut bibe, aut ubi.

[7] The wise Amphiaraus, the Son of Oecleus, was a famous Greek Prophet, whom King Adrastus desired to go along with him to the War of Thebes, but Amphiaraus foresee∣ing it would cost him his Life absconded himself, till being betrayed by his Wife Eriphile, who was bribed by a golden Bracelet, he was forced to go, and the first day he came to The∣bes he was swallow'd up alive by the Earth. Of this see Homer's Odys. 15. After his Death, he was worshipp'd for a God. See his History at large written by Diod. Sicul. lib. 5. ch. 5. Cicer. lib. 1. de Divin. Pausan. in Attic. Stat. Theb. & Plut. in Paral.

[8] The Priest after he had drunk Water, and not Wine, gave his Answers: The Priests of Amphiaraus, whose Oracles were of great repute in old Time, had a constant Custom, that before the Priest declared the Oracle to those who came for Counsel at their Temple, to ab∣stain three days from Wine, and one day from Flesh, that so he might have his Understan∣ding the better prepared to receive the pretended Inspiration; which otherwise he was not thought so capable of, while his Brain might be clouded and darkned with the gross Va∣pours, which by a full Diet might ascend from his Stomach to his Head. This was certainly a very wise Institution; for he being upon each Demand to consider what Answer was fit to be given, as most safe for the reputation of his Order, and withal satisfactory to the Supply∣ant, he had need to keep his Wits about him▪ and to enable him so to do, nothing was bet∣ter than a thin Diet: for the Brain is much of the nature of a bright Looking glass, which if moisten'd by Mists, cannot represent an Object clear. Also, as the Devil is said to imi∣tate God, as Apes do Men, so it may be they had heard of the Prophet and divine Law∣giver Moses, who by God's own appointment had commanded as a perpetual Ordinance, that the Priest when he entred into the Tabernacle of the Congregation, should that day drink neither Wine nor strong Drink.

CHAP. XV. Apollonius sacrificeth to the Sun, whilst Phraotes tarryeth for him, that he might be present, and give his advice touching a Field that had been sold, and which was now in Controversie, by reason of Treasure found therein, which Field by the Sentence of Apollonius was adjudged to the Buyer, because he was a good and just man, and pious towards the Gods, whereas the Seller was evil and impious, and a contemner of the Gods; The Story of the white Camels, and the King's Letter in behalf of Apol∣lonius to Jarchas his Master, one of the wise men; A Description of the Gates whereon were the Statues of Alexander and Porus; Concer∣ing the Altars inscribed with an Epigram; Also of the Pillars whereon was engraved this Sentence, Alexander here made a Stand.

WHen Apollonius perceiv'd that the King was now to give Answers to Embassies, and such like Matters, he said to him, Do you, O King, those things that pertain to the government of your Kingdom, and leave me at this time to the Sun, for I must pray my accustomed Prayers unto him. And let him hear your Prayers, said the King, for he delighteth in all that love Wis∣dom; and I will in the mean time wait your Return, for I must determine certain Controversies, at which if you be present, you will be very assistant to me. The Morning being well spent, Apollonius returns, and asks the King, What those things were which he had determined? To whom the King made Answer, That he had determin'd nothing that day, in as much as the service of Religion did prohibit him. Apollonius reply'd, Do you then perform the service of Religion before you determine Causes, as well as before you undertake a Iourney, or an Expedition with an Army? Yes, said the King, because here also is danger, if he that determines Causes be turn'd aside from what is right. Wherefore Apollonius judged that the King spake well; and further ask'd him, What that Controversie was which he was that day to determine? For (saith he) I see you in suspence, and doubtful on which side you should pass sentence. Whereto the King answer'd, I confess I am in no small doubt, and therefore make you my Adviser: A certain Man sold a piece of Land to another, wherein Treasure had been hidden, but was known to no man; and not long after the Earth being opened, was discover'd a Pot of Gold: The Seller of the Land claim'd it, in that he would not have sold the Land, had he known that such Wealth had layn therein: The Purchaser on the contrary said, that all was his which he found in the Land that he had bought: The Plea of both seem'd to have some Right in them; neither should I avoid the imputation of Folly, should I command them to share the Gold between them; for such a decision any old Woman would give. Hereunto Apollonius answer'd, That these men are not Phi∣losophers is apparent, in that they contend about Gold. But I suppose you will pass a right sentence, if you thus reckon with your self, that the Gods take an especial care of them who are both Philosophers and vertuous men; but they regard them in the second place who are not vicious, and not used to wrong any one: wherefore they grant to the Philosophers, that they may rightly know divine and humane things; but to other good-natured men they afford a sufficient Estate, lest at any

time for want of Necessaries they should become unjust. Wherefore my opinion is, O King, that the Parties be as it were [1] weigh'd one against another in a Bal∣lance, and the Life of both be accurately scann'd: for neither do I think that the Gods would have taken away the Land from the one, had he not been a vicious Fel∣low; nor on the other side have given to the other even the things hidden under the ground, were he not better than the Seller. Wherefore on the morrow both Parties came to plead their Cause, and the Seller was convicted to be a contumelious Fellow, and one that slighted the Sacrifices that were to be offer'd unto the Gods in the Earth; the other appear'd to be a ••••ld just man, and one who worshipt the Gods most religiously: Wherefore the sentence of Apollonius prevail'd, and the good man went away, as having obtain'd those things of the Gods. When therefore the Controversie had been decided in this manner, Apollonius coming to the King, said, This is the third day that I have been your Guest, and therefore according to your Laws, I must depart from you to morrow. But the Law reacheth you not as yet, said the King, for you may also stay to morrow, because you came after Noon. I rejoyce (answer'd Apollonius) at your Hospitality, in that you seem more sub∣tlely to interpret the Law for my sake. Certainly, said the King, might I break the Law, I would do it for your sake. But tell me this, Apollonius, Have not the Camels whereon you rode brought you as far as from Babylon? Yes, said Apol∣lonius, for we receiv'd them from Vardanes. Think you then, said the King, that they are able to carry you further, when they have already gone so far as from Ba∣bylon? Hereat Apollonius held his peace. Wherefore Damis interrupting him, said to the King, This Man, O King, doth not yet understand our Iourney, nor to what People we shall afterwards come, but as if he should find every where such men as you and Vardanes are, he thinks it a sport to travel through the Indies, and therefore doth not tell you in what case the Camels are; for they are so ill disposed, that we are forced rather to carry them, than they us, so that we have great need of others; for should they fail in the Desarts of India, we must of necessity abide there, driving away the Vultures and Wolves from the Camels, but there will be none to drive them away from us, and so we must perish. I (said the King) will remedy this, for I will give you others; four I suppose you want; and the Gover∣nour over the River Indus shall send back to Babylon the four Camels that you brought; now I have by Indus Camels that are all white. But will you not also give us a Guide, said Damis? Yes, answer'd the King, and I will give a Camel to the Guide, and Provision for your Iourney. I will also write to Iarchas the el∣dest of the wise men, that he would courteously entertain Apollonius, being a man nothing inferior to himself, together with you also, as Philosophers and Companions of a divine man. Having said thus, he commanded Gold to be given them, with precious Stones, and linen Garments, and a thousand other such things. But Apollonius replyed, that he had Gold enough already, Vardanes having given it privately to our Guide. As for the linen [2] Garments I shall willingly receive them, in that they seem very like to the Garments of the old Athenian Philoso∣phers. Then taking up one of the Iewels in his hand, he said, O rare Stone, how opportunely have I lighted on thee, not without the Favour of the Gods? seeing, as I suppose, some secret and divine vertue in the Stone. But Damis and his Compa∣nions though they took no Gold, yet took plentifully of the precious Stones, as intend∣ing to offer them unto the Gods, when they return'd home into their own Countrey. Now when they had tarried there that other day, (for the King permitted them not to go thence) he giveth them a Letter to Iarchas in these words:

King Phraotes to Iarchas his Master, and to the wise men that are with him, sendeth greeting.

APollonius being himself a very wise man, but thinking you to be wiser, is coming to you, that he may be acquainted with your Discipline. Send him therefore away from you instructed in whatsoever ye know, as being assured that none of your Learning shall be lost. He is the most eloquent of all men, and hath an ex∣cellent Memory. Let him also see the Throne wherein I sate when you Father Iarchas gave to me my Kingdom. Furthermore, his Companions deserve much praise, in that they love such a man. Farewel.

Then departing from Taxilla, and being gone two days Iourney, they came to the Place where Porus is reported to have fought with Alexander. And they also say, that they there beheld certain Gates, not erected to shut any Place, but only as a Trophy, and that on them Alexander is set up riding on his Chariot with four Horses, so as he stood at Issus among the Nobles. They further relate, that there are two other Gates, not far distant from one another, whereof on the one standeth the Statue of Alexander, on the other that of Porus, as they met together after the Fight, as I conceive: for Alexander seemeth to embrace, and Porus to do obei∣sance. Afterwards, having passed over the River Hydraotes, and travers'd ma∣ny Nations, they came to the River Hyphasis. But thirty Furlongs off, before they came to the River, they lighted on certain Altars with such Inscriptions, To Father Ammon, and to Brother Hercules, to Provident Minerva, to Olympian Iupiter, to the Samothracian Cabiri, to the Indian Sol, and to Brother Apollo. They say also, that there was a brazen Pillar in the same Place erected with this Inscription, Alexander here made his Stand. And we suppose that the Altars were Alexander's Work, gracing the Bounds of his Empire: but I conceive that the Pillar was consecrated by the Indians beyond Hyphasis, glorying over Alexan∣der, that he came no farther.

Illustrations on Chap. 15.

[1] THe Parties be as it were weigh'd: Justice ought to have no regard to Persons; but to state the Case upon its own Merits, without any reflection upon the Parties; and according to our old English Proverb, Give the Devil his due: Wherefore Apollonius his Judgement in this Case of the found Treasure, or as our Lawyers call it Treasure Trove, was most unjust, I mean upon unjust grounds, although by meer luck he did adjudge it to him whose Right it was: for according to the Parable in the Gospel, and also to right Reason, the man who bought the Field wherein lay the hid Treasure carried it clear, as right owner by his purchase, notwithstanding that he secretly knowing of it conceal'd it from the Sel∣ler: which circumstance were perhaps to the Buyer's disadvantage, if the Parties Integrity were to have been taken into consideration. But here Apollonius not minding the absolute transferring of Right, which a Purchase makes, looks only at the Parties, and passes Sen∣tence on his side who seem'd the most devout, as if mens Proprieties in their temporal Estates,

were grounded upon Godliness, rather than upon a legal Right. This Position that Domi∣nium fundatur in Gratia, is more or less own'd by all Religions at this day in the World, ex∣cepting only the Protestants: ex. gr. to begin with Mahometism, although it professes to force no Conscience, yet the pretences of all their Wars are only to enlarge the Mahometan Faith. And the Church of Rome declares more openly in this Tenet, affirming all States and Princes that are not Roman Catholicks to be at the Pope's disposal. In like manner the Anabaptists in Germany pretending to be those meek ones who should inherit the Earth, took Arms, and had undoubtedly proved successful, but that Charles the V. and the Duke of Alva prorogued the Prophesie to a further day. For as all particular men have each man his private Interest separate from the rest, in so much that most of the greatest Governments, Assemblies, and Conventions of Mankind, notwithstanding all their grave pretences of the publick Good, are nothing but a commerce of private Interests; so has each Religion (ex∣cepting only ours) a particular Interest of their own Hierarchy. This perhaps is that which the Apostle calls the Mystery of Iniquity; and if mankind could be so clear-sighted as to discern this Mystery of Iniquity, and sever it from the pure Conceern of mens Souls, in the worship of God in spirit and truth, then perhaps all such as are neither very malicious nor barbarous, would be of one mind, serving God in simplicity and singleness of heart▪ But while men are men and not Angels, they will have a main respect to their great Diana, and that Interest which the craftiest of them understand well enough, doth through educa∣tion and long practice so dazle ordinary Capacities, as they will verily imagine themselves to be in the right, and are by that means intentionally honest.

[2] As for the linen Garments, I shall, &c. Though Apollonius to save his Reputation with the King refused his Gold, yet he accepted the linen Garments, as being like those of the old Athenian Philosophers. He likewise himself and his Followers took plenty of the rare precious Stones, pretending at their return into their Countrey to offer them up to the Gods. Here is plain to be seen, that although Vain-glory and Hypocrisie may sometimes seem to refuse offer'd Riches, yet Quis nisi mentis inops oblatum respuit aurum; Do what we can, when the Booty is important, and the Opportunity fair, Nature will be nibbling: and as the Dog that dares not eat the Shoulder of Mutton before him, will now and then give a lick at it; so here to excuse the matter, they wanted not to alledge Curiosity for the Garments, and Devotion for the Jewels: Thus according to the old Proverb, It is ill Wool that will take no Dye.

The End of the Second Book.

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Notes

• * 1.1

  A suppo∣sed Spirit.
• * 1.2

  Or Miner∣va's Shrine
• * 1.3

  Or Shell∣stone.
• * 1.4

  A mix∣ture of Goat and Hart.
• * 1.5

  In this place the Greek is either cor∣rupted or defective.