The two first books of Philostratus, concerning the life of Apollonius Tyaneus written originally in Greek, and now published in English : together with philological notes upon each chapter / by Charles Blount, Gent.

THE FIRST BOOK OF PHILOSTRATUS, Concerning the LIFE of APOLLONIUS the Tyanaean. (Book 1)

CHAP. I. Concerning the Rites and Silence of Pythagoras; also of Empedocles the Agrigentine.

THey who commend [1] Pythagoras the [2] Samian, do generally relate that he was not at first an Ionian, but [3] Euphorbus the Trojan, and dying (as Homer writeth) did afterwards revive again. Furthermore they report, that he refus'd to wear any Garment made with the skin of that Creature which died of any Di∣sease; also that he abstain'd from [4] eating living Creatures, being of opinion, that no such thing ought ever to be [5] sacrificed, nor that the Altars of the Gods should be defiled with blood; but rather that Wafers made with Honey, Frankincense, and singing of Hymns should be rendred up unto them: For such were the only Sacrifices that he himself did offer unto the Gods; asserting, that he had ever found them to be far better pleas'd with those kind of of∣ferings, than in any [6] Hecatomb, or Knife with a Basket. For having been con∣versant with the Gods, he had there learnt what things were pleasing, and what dis∣pleasing to them. From hence he likewise gave out, that he had learned those Prin∣ciples which he used to deliver concerning the Nature of Things; and that whereas

other men treated of divine Matters only by conjecture, (most of them [7] contra∣dicting one another) yet that Apollo had appear'd to him, and told him plainly he was Apollo: As also Pallas and the Muses, (not declaring who they were) together with other Gods, whose Shapes and Names were yet unknown to men. And that whatsoever he deliver'd was by his Disciples not only observ'd as a Law, but also be himself was revered as coming from Jupiter. They also observ'd [8] Silence concern∣ing Things divine; for that they heard many sacred Mysteries, which were hard to understand, for those that had not first learn'd that to be silent is a kind of Reasoning. It is likewise reported, that Empedocles the Agrigentine was addicted to the same kind of Philosophy, as is evident from this passage in his Poems:

Comrades adieu; from henceforth I shall be, (God-like) exempted from mortality.

And in another place:

I have already been both Boy and Girl.

Also the [9] Ox, which he (having made Wafers) is reported to have sacrificed in Olympia, was a Testimony of one that esteem'd the Doctrine of Pythagoras. And many other things do Historians report concerning the Followers of that Philoso∣pher's Manners; which I must here omit, in that I hasten to my intended Discourse. For Apollonius, who exercised things near of kind to these, and yet came nearer to divine Wisdom than Pythagoras himself, is not yet known among men, by that true Wisdom which he followed solidly and like a Philosopher, though he lived nei∣ther very long ago, nor yet very lately: But of him one commendeth this, another that.

Also there are some, who because he conversed with the Magicians of Babylon, the Brachmans of India, and the Gymnosophists of Aegypt, account him likewise a Magician: and slander him for obtaining his Wisdom by indirect means. Such a misrepresentation had they of so great a Man! whereas Empedocles, Pythagoras, and Democritus, notwithanding their frequent Converse among the Magicians, were never censured for that Art. Plato also travelling into Aegypt, and intermix∣ing many Doctrines of their Priests and Prophets in his Writings, or like some cu∣rious Painter laying Colours on a rude Draught, did never yet incur the least suspi∣cion of Magick, although for his singular Wisdom he was not a little envy'd.

Illustrations on Chap. 1.

[1] VIr fuit hic ortu Samius: — Ovid Metam. 15. lib. Pythagoras by Birth a Sa∣mian, and Son to Mnesarchus the Jeweller, was a great Hearer of Pherecydes the Syrian, till removing from S••mos to Babylon, he there set up for the study of Astrolo∣gy; where it is reported, that he had no less than 600 Auditors fled unto him in one night: Among which were the famous Archytas Tarentinus, Alcmaeon Crotoniata, Hip∣pasus Metapontinus, and Philolaus Crotoniata. Afterwards returning back again into his own Countrey, he continued not long there, (by reason of the Tyrannical Government of Polycrates) but departed from thence into Italy, where he set up School; and was from thence call'd, Italicae Philosophiae Princeps. See Plutarch de Philosoph. Opinion. lib. 1. chap. 3. who calls him the first Author of the Name of Philosophy. Pythagoras first taught the Doctrine of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Transmigration of Souls into other Bodies, when speaking of himself, he said, He was at first Euphorbus, (who being slain in the Trojan War) he was then Hormotimus, next Pyrrhus a Fisherman, and now last of all Pytha∣goras the Philosopher. He learnt this Opinion (as both Herodotus and Plutarch write)

from the Aegyptian Priests; according to which Doctrine, if a Man of a fierce and fiery Disposition dies, then his Soul goes into some Lion, Bear, or other ravenous Beast, pro∣portionable for so ravenous a Spirit: However this Principle bred in them an amicable Friendship and Hospitality for all living Creatures, not knowing to the contrary, but that in shewing kindness to an Horse, or a Dog, they oblige their dead Father or Grandfather, whose Souls might happen to be invested with their Bodies. This made Pythagoras so kind to the Inhabitants of the Ocean, that having purchased a draught of Fish of the Fishermen, he turn'd them all loose again into the Sea. Plut. Symp. lib. 8. Qu. 8. He re∣strain'd his Disciples from nothing more than from Cruelty to dumb Beasts, which made him so great an Enemy to Fowlers, Fishermen, and the like. Concerning Pythagoras's Precepts, most of them were abstruse, resembling the Aegyptian Hierogliphicks; he held that the Principle of all things were Numbers, and their Proportions. But of this see more in Plutarch's Morr. as also in Diog. Laert. lib. 8. Pythagoras founded his Sect of the Pythagoreans, A. M. 3360. about the time that Ierusalem was besieged by Nebu∣chadnezzar.

[2] Samos is an Island in the Ionian Sea, call'd Cephalenia, wherein is a Town of the same Name, but now it is call'd Porto-Guiscardo; Laertius tells us, that this was the Birth-place of Pythagoras.

[3] Euphorbus a Nobleman of Troy, that was slain in the Trojan War by Menelaus. This Euphorbus's Soul Pythagoras affirm'd to have been transmigrated into his own Body, according to that of the Poet:

Ipse ego (nam memini) Trojani tempore belli Panthoides Euphorbus eram.* 1.1— Ovid Met. lib. 15.

Pythagoras held that God was the Soul of the World, and that from him each Creature receiv'd his Spirit, and return'd it to him again at his Death; so that afterwards the Al∣mighty did bestow the same Soul upon other Men, or other Beasts, according to his divine Will and Pleasure: But of this I have treated more at large in the last Chapter of Philo∣stratus's 8th▪ Book, concerning Apollonius.

[4] Heu quantum scelus est in viscere viscera 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Congesto{que} avidum pinguescere corpore corpus, Alterius{que} animantem animantis vivere Letho? &c.

Ergo ne pietàs sit victa cupidine ventris, Parcite, vaticinor, cognatas caede nefandas Exturbare animas: nec sanguine sanguis alatur▪

Ovid. Metam. lib. 15.

Thus Ovid in the 15th. Book of his Metamorphosis, gives us a full and admirable Chara∣cter of all Pythagoras's Tenents, whereof the abstaining from Flesh-meats was one: how∣ever not out of Superstition, as some would have it, but rather (as Laertius observes) for conveniency and healths sake, as thinking all those sanguinary Meats too gross and stupifying for the Brain; and therefore most disagreeable with the study of Philosophy.

[5] Mankind being for the most part ill-natur'd, and unapt to oblige others without some reward, as also judging of God Almighty by themselves, did at fir••t conceive the Gods to be like their Eastern Princes, before whom no man might come empty-handed. And thus came the original of Sacrifices. Now the crafty Sacerdotal Order (who (like Swine fatten'd with trough) were maintain'd and made rich out of the Follies and Passi∣ons of men) did above all things improve and propagate this Opinion, and that because great part of the Offerings fell to the Priests share. Wherefore they soon left off Pytha∣goras's poor Institution of Frankincense, Fruits, Flowers, &c. which lasted till their Gods (or to speak truely, their Priests) grew so covetous, that nothing but the Blood of Beasts could satiate them; and so fell to sacrificing, first Beasts, then Men, Women and Children, and the very Gods themselves if they could have got them. And all this was to bring Rost-meat to the Priests. But one of the wisest among the Heathens, who was guilty neither of this Folly, nor this Impiety, sings you another Song, saying,

Non Bove mactato coelestia Numina gaudent, Sed quae praestanda est vel sine teste fides. Ovid.

But if you would discover the whole Roguery of these Priests in this matter, you may

find it written at large in a Piece that is lately stolen forth, under this Title, Great is Di∣ana of the Ephesians, or the Original of Idolatry, and politick Institution of the Gentiles Sa∣crifices.

Cum sis ipse nocens, moritur cur victima pro te, Stultitia est morte alterius sperare salutem.

[6] A Hecatomb was a Sacrifice, wherein were offer'd up an hundred Beasts of a sort all at one time, as an hundred Oxen, an hundred Sheep, or an hundred Swine:

Vota Iovi Minos taurorum corpora centum Solvit.— Ovid Met. 8.

This Sacrifice is said to have been first instituted by the Lacedemonians, who having sub∣dued a hundred several Cities, made an Offering of Oxen, proportionable to the Towns they had conquer'd.

[7] If Preachers, Teachers, and Pastors of the Church, disagree about Matters, which they preach up as necessary points of Faith, they deservedly lose all their Credit and Au∣thority; for who will believe Witnesses on their own words, if they disagree in their Te∣stimony?

[8] One chief Command which Pythagoras imposed upon his Disciples, as well as upon himself, was a five years silence: In all which time, though they were to refrain from speaking themselves, yet might they receive company, and hear others discourse to them.

Asserit haec Samius post docta Silentia Lustri Pythagoras.— Sidon. Apol.

Again,

At non Pythagorae monitus, anni{que} silentes. Claud.

Now this refraining from Discourse, did not only corroborate the Memory, but heighten'd the Fancy, and improv'd the Understanding, by such a constant and uninter∣rupted Meditation, far beyond any Converse or Study: For that Reading is like E••••ing, and Contemplation like Digestion, where (if we observe) out of all the twenty four hours, two only are sufficient for Eating, and all the rest for Digestion. Nor are any men so considerable in a Kingdom, and so odious to a dissolute Prince, as such thinking Subjects, who must needs contemn him in their hearts.

[9] Among all the Beasts of Sacrifice, none was higher esteem'd for that purpose than the Ox, who at all such times was offer'd up with great Pomp and Ceremony, as you may learn from the Poet:

Victima Labe carens, & praestantissima forma (Nam placuisse nocet) vittis praesignis, & auro Sistitur ante aras, audit{que} ignara precantem, Imponi{que} suae videt inter cornua fronti, Quas coluit fruges.— Ovid Metam. lib. 15.

After all things were in readiness, and the Priest had ended his Prayers to God Ianus, and the Goddess Vesta, (without whose Intercessions they might not have access to any other Gods) then did he lay upon the Beast's Head a little Corn, together with a Cake made of Meal and Salt, call'd in Latin, Mola, Spange salsa cala taurorum mola. Sen. Oedip. Act. 2.* 1.2 Then giving a long crooked Knife to under-Officers, (call'd from thence Cultrarii) they kill'd the Beast therewith.* 1.3 See Rosin. Antiq. lib. 3. chap. 33.

CHAP. II. How Apollonius having foretold many Things, was accused for Magick; when at the same time Plato, Socrates, and Anaxagoras, were not taxed with the like Crime, although they were likewise divine Men, and foretold the most remote Things.

IT would be a very [1] unjust thing for any Man to tax Apollonius with such a Crime, only because he foresaw and foretold sundry Things: In as much as [2] Socrates will come under the same Condemnation, for the Things which he foreknew by the help of his Genius; as also [3] Anaxagoras, for the many Things which he by his Wisdom foretold would come to pass. For who knoweth not, that Anaxagoras at Olympia (when there was no sign of Rain) came into the Stadium with a furr'd Garment, and presently after there succeeded a vehement Shower? Likewise foretelling that a certain House would fall to the ground, he was in the right, for it fell: Also predicting that the day would be turn'd to night,* 1.4 and that [4] Stones should fall down from Heaven about the River [5] Aegos, he told true. And yet they who have ascribed these things to the Wisdom of Anaxagoras, will not allow Apollonius to foresee things by Wisdom, but say that he did such things by Magick Art: Wherefore thinking it convenient to remove so great igno∣rance out of the minds of many, and to search diligently of this Man both the times when he said, or did any of these things, as also the kind of Wisdom, by which he acquired to himself the reputation of so divine a Person. Now whatever I here propose to write concerning him, is collected partly from those Cities which enter∣tain'd him, partly from the Writings of those Priests with whom he had convers'd, or rather from those Temples whose Rites he had restored, and partly from those things which others have reported of him. He wrote also Epistles to Kings, Sophi∣sters and Philosophers, at [6] Elea, [7] Delphos, [8] Aegypt and India, concerning their Gods, Customs, Manners and Laws, among whom he reform'd whatsoever was done▪ But the most certain I have thus collected.

Illustrations on Chap. 2.

[1] SElf-love is so predominant in mankind, that no person how good or how just soever can be exempt from partiality to himself and his profession: 'Tis that which ren∣ders Mahumetanism so odious to Christians, and Christianity so contemptible to the Turks, as also Popery to the Protestants, and the Protestant Religion to the Papists. This made Hierocles the Heathen so much extol Apollonius above Christ, and Eusebius the Christian so highly prefer Christ before Apollonius. Apollonius is by many accused of Magick, and so was Christ himself by Celsus and others: Therefore whether one, both, or neither, did justly merit such accusation, ought to be impartially examined without any regard either to Interest or Religion; since whatever person tryes matter of fact by his own Catechise, gives the same reason to his enemies Negative as to his own Affirmative, and so leaves the contest in statu quo prius. Therefore he who would indifferently judge between both, must consider three things, 1. Their Doctrine. 2. Their Miracles. And 3. Their Evidence: After which, if you find them equal in all three points, then how to prove that one acted by a diviner spirit than the other, is a work too difficult for any but he that can remove Mountains, which grain of Mustard-seed I pretend not to: Nor do I need it, for that I am satisfi'd in Christ's preheminence. Most men are apt to flatter

their own Party, calling that Religion in themselves which in others they term Irreligion or Superstition; how often have I heard a pretended Zealot call the same passion Love in himself and Lust in another, the same noise chiding in himself and scolding in others. Concerning this Partiality we have frequent Examples in ancient History, as well sacred as prophane: For instance, how mightily can Tertullian inveigh against the Heathens for persecuting a few Christians, but never exclaim against Vespasian for murthering so many hundred thousand of the Iews; and why, because whoever is our enemy, we also make him to be God's enemy, that we may have the better pretence to kill him. Again Ter∣tullian in his Apology denies the Divinity of the heathen Gods, because says he, had they had the power of making themselves, they would never have been born men, and subjected themselves to mortality, when they might have enjoy'd so much a more excel∣lent condition; which Argument is not only partial but dangerous, when the wicked Heathens urge the same Objection even against Christ himself, saying, How then was he a God, who subjected himself to far more miseries both in life and death, than ever any of the heathen Gods underwent; which according to his Rule he must never have done, had he been a God. Tertull Apol. chap. 11. Furthermore Tertullian in the same Chapter speaking of the heathen Deities, says, He knows not what need God has to communicate himself to men; that 'twere an injury to the Divinity to require the assistance of any person living, much l••ss that he should imploy to so excellent an end the ministry of dead men, &c. which Argument the wicked Pagans are too apt to retort. So that nothing can be of a more pernicious consequence than such an over-active and partial zeal, which snatching up all weapons to defend its Cause, most commonly lights upon one with a double edge. If you believe the Monks, such as Suidas and others, Lucian was torn in pieces by Dogs which scandal they rais'd upon him for being an enemy to their Religion; notwithstanding other Historians tell us he died in much honour, being Procu∣rator of Egypt. They will also tell you, that Iudas was blear-ey'd, hump-shoulder'd, and crook-legg'd, because he betray'd Christ: Again, that the Iews (notwithstanding their mixture with other Nations renders it impossible) have a particular ill savour, be∣cause of their aversion to Christianity; not distinguishing whether a Iew converted, or a Child begot between a Iew and a Christian, shall retain its ill scent, if such an one there be? Thus (like some of the primitive Christians with their piae fraudes) many do still pro∣pagate their Religion and Interest with lyes. Dare we not say a Thief is handsom, if he really be so? or that a Woman hath a good Breath, because she is dishonest? or that a Lawyer pleads well, because he is for my Adversary? Many are so zealous to help their Prophet into the Saddle, that they endanger tumbling him over and breaking his Neck. Will you (says Iob) talk deceitfully in God's Cause, and tell a lye for his sake? No, we mi∣stake, 'tis not for God's sake, but for their own. I have heard the Heathens object it as a stumbling-block, that David, who murther'd his Friend Vriah, and then lay with his Wife, should be accounted a man after God's own heart; whereas (say they) if one of us had done so, we should have been counted worthy of death here, and damnation hereafter: And when I told them of David's Repentance, they reply'd, that so much was usual in all Malefactors at the hour of condemnation. But to conclude this Dis∣course, we must have great care lest (like Esop's Ape) when we too much commend our selves, we procure that laughter at our selves which would otherwise never have happen'd: For 'tis a great mistake to think, that our own Opinions or the custom of our own Countrey is always infallibly the best; and it betrays a narrowness of fancy in us, when our Party infects our understanding.

[2] Of Socrates••s Genius I have spoken more at large in another place. See the Index.

[3] Anaxagoras the Philosopher, Son of Hegesibulus, was born in the 70th. Olympiad at Clazomenae; in the 20th. year of his Age (at the time of Xerxes Expedition into Greece) he travell'd to Athens, there to study Philosophy, where he continued 30 years, partly under the instruction of Anaximenes. He relinquish'd his Patrimony and Estate, converting himself from civil Affairs to the knowledge of Things. Cicero Tusc. Quest. 5. Suidas affirms, that he left his Grounds to be eaten up by Sheep and Camels; and that therefore Apollonius Tyanaeus said, he read Philosophy to Beasts rather than to Men. Plato derides him for quitting his Estate. Hipp. mai. But Laertius reports, he assign'd it to

his Friends; whereupon being by them accused of Improvidence, why (answer'd he) do not you take care of it? One reproving him for taking no care of his Countrey; wrong me not (said he) my greatest care is my Countrey, pointing to the Heavens. Another asking for what end he was born, he answer'd, to contemplate the Sun, Moon and Heavens: Laertius. So eminent was Anaxagoras in natural Philosophy, that they honour'd him with the title of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Mind, as being the first that added that principle to Matter: He first held the order and manner of all things to be directed by the power and reason of a Spirit infinite. Plutarch (in the Life of Nicias) says that Anaxagoras first found out the Lunary Eclipse: It was his opinion of God (says Polyd. Virg.) that he was Infinita mens, quae per seipsam movetur. Many eminent Persons were the Scholars and Auditors of Anaxagoras, viz. Pericles Son of Xantippus, Archelaus Son of Apollodo∣rus, Euripides Son of Muesarchus, Socrates Son of Sophroniscus, and some amongst these mention Democritus. After having lived 30 years at Athens, he went to Lampsacum, where he dwelt 22 years more, and then died. Laertius and Clemens tell us he was the first Philosopher that ever put forth a Book: The Inhabitants of Lampsacum buried him magnificently, with this Epitaph, which Mr. Stanly thus translates out of Laertius:

Here lyes, who through the truest paths did pass O'th' World caelestial, Anaxagoras.

[4] Pliny 5.58. tells that the Graecians celebrate Anaxagoras the Clazomenian, for that he foretold by his Learning and Science, in the 2d. year of the 78th. Olympiad, on what day a stone would fall from the Sun, which happen'd in the day-time in Thrace at the River Agos, which stone (says he) is at this day shewn about the bigness of a Beam of an adust colour. Plutarch tells us that this stone was in his time not only shewn, but reverenced by the Peleponesians. For the time of its fall, the most certain account is gi∣ven us by that Marble of Arundel-House, (graven about the 129th. Olympiad) which says that it fell in the 4th. year. of the 77th. Olympiad, when Theagenides was Archon. Aristotle gives us but a very slender account hereof, saying, that it was a stone snatch'd up by the Wind, and fell down again in the day-time: However Plutarch in the Life of Lysander presents us with a large Relation of it. Charimander undoubtedly meant this stone, when in his Book of Comets he saith, that Anaxagoras observ'd in the Heavens a great and unaccustomed Light, of the bigness of a huge Pillar, and that it shined for ma∣ny days. Senec. quaest. 7.5.

[5] Aegos potamos, i. e. Caprae fluvius, Anglicè Goatsbrook. At the entrance into this River the Athenian Fleet was taken by Lysander. Pliny (as I said before) mentions this to be the place where Anaxagoras's stone fell from the Sun.

[6] Elea, a City of Greece, lying near the Hellespont, wherein Zeno the Philosopher was born. There is another City of this Name in that part of Italy which was called Lucania.

[7] Delphos, a City of Phocis in Greece, (now call'd Salona and Castri, Ortel.) seated on Parnassus, where the Temple of Apollo stood. But of this see more in the Index.

[8] Aegyptus, the Countrey of Egypt, so call'd from Aegyptus, the Brother of Dana∣us, that slew him, and reign'd there 68 years. Egypt is scituated in Asia, however Pto∣lomy places it in Africa. It is bounded on the East with the Red Sea, on the West with Cy∣rene, on the North with the Mediterranean, and on the South with Habassia. Long. 58. Lat. 30. It is by Mela divided into two parts; the upper call'd heretofore Thebais, and now Sahid; the lower call'd Delta. Egypt, call'd by the Hebrews Misraim and Chus, hath ever been famous for the invention of Arts and Learning, from whose Fountain, Ho∣mer, Pythagoras, Solon, Musaeus, Plato, Democritus, Apollonius, and many others, enrich'd themselves and their Countreys all with Egyptian Knowledge: For which reason (as Crinitus writes) Egypt was ever honour'd with the Name of Terrarum parens, or as Ma∣crobius sometimes calls her, Artium matrem. Saturn. 1.15. Many and great Disputes have there been amongst the Learned concerning the Antiquity of this People: Some with Iosephus, Bochartus, and others, make the Israelites more ancient than them; others, as with Apion, Manetho, &c. prefer the Aegyptians, and say, that the Israelites receiv'd their Learning from Egypt, which to me seems most probable, by what I gather out of such ancient Historians, which write neither for favour nor affection; neither ought any

Iewish or Egyptian Testimony to be taken in this matter, since as our Saviour says, If I bear record of my self, my record is vain▪ However for your further satisfaction in this point, I refer you ••o that modern excellent Treatise call'd Cronicus Canon Aegyptiacus, written by the Learned Sir Iohn Marsham. This Country is famous for its fertility, occa∣sion'd by the River Nile, which supplies that want of Commerce which other Nations enjoy.

Terra suis contenta bonis, non indiga mercis, Aut Iovis, in solo tanta est fiducia Nilo. Lucan.

[9] India is a name now applied to all far distant Countries, not only in the extreme limits of Asia, as the Ancients describe it, but even to all America, through the errour of Columbus, and his Comrades; who at their first arrival in the Western World, mistook, and thought that they had met with Ophir, and the Indian Regions of the East. But the Ancients comprehended under this name, a huge Tract of Land, no less in the Judgment of Alexander's Followers in his Eastern Invasions, than the third part of the Earth: Ctesias accounted it one half of Asia. Yea a great part of Africa is also comprehended under that name: So Turnebus in his Adversaria, says, that not only the Bactrians and Parthians are call'd by that name in Virgil, but also Thebes, Ammons Temple, and Aethio∣pia, are placed in India by Higinus. But to limit India more properly, Dionysius bounds it with Caucasus and the Red Sea, Indus and Ganges. Dion. Afer. And to this purpose speaks Ovid; — Qua cingitur India Gange. Ptolomy and other Geographers did usually divide India by the River Ganges into two parts, one on this side Ganges, and the other beyond. The Indies are commonly now distinguish'd by the names of East and West; the East, being divided by the River Ganges, was that wherein Apollonius travell'd: the West, comprehending all America, is that new-found India discover'd and so call'd by Colum∣bus. Megasthenes reckoneth up an hundred twenty and two Indian Nations: but Arria∣nus wonders how he could make any certain account in a thing so difficult to be known. Arrianus in his 8^th Book, gives us a large description of this Indian World. See more concerning this subject, in the first Chapter of Philostratus his sixth Book.

CHAP. III. Of Damis, Apollonius's Companion; as also of the Commentaries con∣cerning the Sayings and Actions of Apollonius, in reference to the Empress Julia.

THere was a certain ingenious man call'd Damis, (sometimes dwelling in the ancient City of [1] Niniveh) who applying himself to the Philosophy of Apollonius, wrote both his [2] Travels, (wherein he saith he was his Companion) and also his Sentences, Sayings, and Predictions. One that was an in∣timate Acquaintance of this Damis's, brought the Empress Julia to the knowledge of his Commentaries, which till then had not been publish'd: (this Empress Julia was much addicted to the study of [3] Rhetorick) therefore I conversing frequently in her Court, she commanded me to transcribe those Commentaries, and bestow some pains on the Relations contain'd in them: for Damis had given a plain, but un∣eloquent description of them. I had moreover the Assistance of one Maximus an Aegean his Book, wherein was contained all the Deeds of Apollonius in the City of [4] Aegis. There is likewise a Testament written by Apollonius himself, where∣by it plainly appeareth, how much he was enamour'd with Philosophy. Neither is there any credit to be given to Moeragenes, who writing four Books concerning Apollonius, seemeth to be altogether ignorant of his Actions. In what manner therefore these dispers'd Relations of Apollonius were gather'd together into one

Volume, as also the cause which incited me to compose these Books, I think is suffi∣ciently declared. Now this Work procureth both Honour to the person of whom such things are written, and Benefit to such as are lovers of Learning, for that they may by this means attain to the knowledge of things whereof they were before ignorant. Apollonius had for his Country the Greek City [5] Tyana, scituated in the Coun∣try of [6] Cappadocia: his Father was of the same name with him, and descended from a very ancient Family, wherein there had been many famous men: for Wealth he exceeded most of his fellow Citizens. When his Mother was with Child of him, there appeared unto her a Vision of the Egyptian God [7] Proteus, who (as Homer reports) used to transform himself into divers shapes. The Woman not being terri∣fy'd hereat, ask'd the Apparition what she should bring forth? to whom Proteus answer'd, Thou shalt bring forth me. Whereupon she further demanding of him, Who he was? I am (said he) the Egyptian God Proteus. Now of what great Wisdom Proteus was, I think it superfluous to relate, especially to them who have read the Poets: for out of them, I suppose, every one can tell how various Proteus was, shifting himself one while into this form, another while into that; so as it was very difficult to seize him. Also how he seem'd to know and fore-know all things. And indeed it was very material to make mention of Proteus in this place; be∣cause the sequel of our discourse will demonstrate, that Apollonius fore-knew more things than ever Proteus did. He likewise unriddled many Mysteries, and ex∣pounded things that were most difficult to be understood, not failing in any one; more especially at the time of his death.

Illustrations on Chap. 3.

[1] NIniveh (so call'd by the Ancients, though now Mosul) is an ancient City of the Assyrian•• built (as some say) by Ninus the Son of Belus, of whom it took its name, to be call'd either Ninus, as we read in Pliny, or after the manner of the He∣brews, Ninive. Others will have it, that Ninus (whom the Scriptures call Ashur) only repair'd it, and that Nimrod or Belus (whom I take to be the same) first founded it: But all agree that this City was very spacious; some say, three days Journey, others 480 furlongs in circuit. Volateranus affirms, that it was eight years a building, with above 10000 men continually at work upon it. Diodorus tells us, that the Walls of it were 100 foot high, and the breadth capable to receive three Carts on a row: also that they were adorn'd with 1500 Turrets. This City was water'd with the River Tigri••: It stands for Long. 78. Lat. 36. hither was Ionas the Prophet sent to preach.

[2] It is more the business of Travellers to learn, than to teach; wherefore 'tis not amiss for all Travellers to imitate Damis, in keeping a Journal of all things remarkable that occur in their Travels. Now as Travelling does much advantage Wise men, so does it no less prejudice Fools; adding Affectation to Folly, and Atheism to the Curiosity of many not well principled by Education: Such wanderers imitating those Factors of So∣lomon, who together with Gold, returned Apes and Peacocks; Osborn, 3. The Ancient Philosophers were most of them addicted to Travel, as knowing how much it enlarges mens minds, to know the different manners of Countries remote from their own. For my part, the too great indulgence of my Parents heretofore, and the concerns of my Family now, hath deny'd me that happiness which I so much envy in others, and must endeavour to repair by my Studies. They only advantage themselves by Travel, who well fraught with the experience of what their own Country affords, carry over with them large and thriving Talents, as those Servants did commended by our Saviour: for he that hath nothing to venture, hath nothing to improve, and will hazard losing his small parts, either in the French Levity, Spanish Pride, or Italian Treachery: Because, not being able to acquaint himself abroad of more prudence then what he meets with in the Streets, or other publick places, the Activity of his Legs and Arms may possibly be

augmented, and he by tedious Complements become more acceptable in the eyes of silly Women; but altogether useless, if not pernicious to the Government of his own Coun∣try, in creating doubts and dislikes by way of a partial Companion. I have never met with more ridiculous subjects for Laughter, than are most of our young Sparks newly come out of France, tyed to their Swords with a broad Belt upon their Loins, like a Monkeys Chain; when with their Hat under one arm, and the other hand at their Cod-piece, you shall hear nothing but of what they did in the French Camp, or at St. Ger∣mans, beginning each sentence with a Iarné, or Mort de Dieu; and when they speak to their Lacqueys, ever mistaking Garçon, for Boy: nothing can be more insipid, than such a Coxcombs discourse; he magnifies Tyranny, because he convers'd with none but the Commanding party; and extols Popery, for its Pageantry: and this is all that most of our young Gallants profit by their French Voyage. Travelling (says Montaign) is very necessary, not only (as half-witted men use) to report how many yards the Church of Sancta Rotonda is in length or breadth, or what rich Garments, costly Stockings or Gar∣ters such a great Lady weareth; or as some do, nicely to dispute how much longer or broader the face of Nero is, which they have seen in some old ruines of Italy, than that which is made for him in other old Monuments elsewhere: But they should principally observe, and be able to make a certain relation of the Humours and Fashions of those Countries they have seen, that they may the better know how to correct their own Wits, by those of others. Certainly nothing can be more pleasant or profitable, than to be∣hold variety of new Objects, and to propose to ones self the diversity of so many other mens Lives, Humours and Customs. As it is more pleasant to Travel up and down ones own Country, than always to remain in ones own Parish; so is the pleasure no less heightned in Travelling into other Countries: for which purpose, he that can shelter himself under the protection of an Embassador, as one of his Retinue, will Travel the safest, cheapest, and have more respect shew'd him upon all occasions. Concerning this subject, see those two admirable discourses in the Lord Bacon's Essays, and Mr. Osborn's Advice to his Son.

[3] Rhetorick is nothing else but an Artificial help, call'd by some the Mystery of Flattery, by others downright Lying, whereby they endeavour what they cannot gain by Truth, to effect by the flourishing varnishes of fine Languag•••• in so much that Pliny reports of Carneades, that whilst he discours'd, it was hard to discern what was true, and what not. Whether Rhetorick be an Art or no, remains to this day a dispute amongst the Learned: Socrates in Plato demonstrates it to be neither an Art, nor a Science, but a certain kind of Subtlety neither noble nor honest, but low, illiberal and servile Flat∣tery: which made the Lacedemonians altogether refuse it, believing that the speech of good men ought to proceed from sincerity of Heart, and not from the hypocrisie of stu∣died Artifice. The first who ever taught or wrote of Rhetorick, were Thisias, Coraces, and Gorgias; however there were many others among the Ancients, who through the strength of their natural parts, became very famous for Eloquence: whereof the chief were these, Antiphon, Isocrates, Demosthenes, Aeschines, Lysias, Demades, Cicero, Marcus Seneca, Petronius Arbiter, Hermogenes, Quintilianus, Lucianus, Aelianus, Aristides, Sym∣machus, &c. The force of Eloquence may be proved by sundry Examples, whereof this one may suffice, concerning Hegesias the Cyrenian; who representing the miseries of this Life, made so deep an impression upon the hearts of his Auditors, that many of them cast away their own Lives voluntarily: in so much that King Ptolomy (a•• Valerius in∣forms us) forbad him to dispute any longer upon that subject. We read that Thucydides being ask'd by Archidamus (King of Sparta) whether he or Pericles was the best Wrestler, made answer, Your question, Sir, is very hard to be decided; for if in wrest∣ling with him, I give him a fall, with his fair words he perswadeth those that saw him on the ground, that he never fell, and so getteth the Victory. Ariston doth wisely de∣fine Rhetorick to be a Science to perswade the common people: wherefore if we ob∣serve, it succeeds so much no where as in Commonwealths, and those Governments wherein the ignorant vulgar people have had the greatest Power, like that of Athens, Rhodes, and Rome: in which places few arrived to any Grandeur, without Eloquence; Pompey, Caesar, Crassus, Lucull••s, Lentulus, Metellus, have taken their Rise from hence. However it was found by experience, that these Orators were very pernicious to the

Government, in so much that that most wise Roman, Marcus Ca••••, prohibited those three Athenian Orators, Carneades, Critholaus, and Diogenes, to be admitted to publick Audience in the City, being men endued with such acuteness of wit, and eloquence of speech, that they could with great ease make evil good, and good evil. For this reason Cicero was at Rome call'd King, because he ruled and guided the Senate which way he pleas'd by his Orations. For my own part, I confess my self to be a great enemy to all long formal Speeches, which seldom have wit or fancy sufficient to make amends for the tediousness of the Discourse: For

Brevity is always good, be it, or be it not understood. Hudib.

We read in Dion Cassius of an Orator who was allow'd two hours to plead in behalf of a Prisoner his Clyent; whereof the first hour he spent in lamenting his want of time to plead in such a Cause; the second hour he spent in his Exordium ad captandam benevolen∣tiam; and so the time being expired before he came to the merits of the Cause, the Council was suffer'd to speak no longer, and his Clyent fairly hang'd. Most of these Orators do so much study words, that they little at all regard either sence or matter: Nor can any thing be more insipid and impertinent than such a Sir Formal Trifle, who is at best but the stately figure of a Fool: The most eloquent of these Discourses are like our Syllabubs, little else but froth. Whenever I hear any Author of a Book, or Orator, spend much time in complaining of his own weakness, I always take him at his word, and so listen no more to what he says. Rhetorick presents all things by a false light, when (like the magnifying Glass) it makes small things appear great. When I hear a Physician thunder out his Terms of Art, I always suppose him an ignorant Quack; however it gives them a Reputation with Women: which made Pliny observe, that Physicians get their Living by Rhetorick. Montaign says, That Rhetorick is little better than a Chamber∣maids Tittle-tattle; when (like fine Cloaths upon a Monkey) Orators do generally en∣deavour to repair the deformity of a bad Cause, with multiplicity of words. This Art of Rhetorick, saith Diodorus, was first invented by Mercury; however Aristotle declares, that Empedocles was the first Author of it.

[4] Aegis; See my Notes upon the foregoing Chapter.

[5] Tyana (call'd heretofore Thoanau) a City of Cappadocia, lying almost in the middle between Caesarea and Tarsus. This place is chiefly famous for the Birth of Apol∣lonius, from whence he is call'd Tyaneius.

—Ostendit adhuc Tyaneius illic Incola de Medio vicin••s corpore Truncos. Ovid Metam. 8.

[6] Cappadocia (so call'd from the River Cappadox) is a spacious Countrey in Asia the Less, otherwise named Leuc••syria, Amasia, or Genech, and anciently Moga. This Coun∣trey is exposed to the Euxine-Sea, between Galatia and Armenia, also to the Confines of Cilicia, being separated by the Mountain Taurus; wherein the most eminent Cities were Trapezus, Comana Pontica, Comana Cappadociae, and since Amasea, Caesarea, Tyana, and Se∣baste, or Satala. This Countrey was ever esteem'd famous for its Breed of Horses: Terra ejus ante alias Nutrix Equorum; as both Solinus and Isidore write. The Inhabitants of Cappadocia were esteem'd to be of a poysonous nature, in so much that if a Snake should draw bloud of a Cappadocian, the mans bloud would poyson it.

[7] Proteus, the Son of Oceanus and Thetis, esteem'd by the Ancients a God of the Sea, for that reigning in the Isle of Carpathio, and in Egypt, he chiefly inhabited moorish watry places, by the assistance of which Waters, he preserv'd himself from the fury of the Scythians: He sometimes dwelt in the Pharos, or Tower of Alexandria. It is report∣ed by all the Ancients, that this Proteus used when he was asleep to be transform'd into divers shapes, into wild Beasts, Serpents, Birds, Trees, Water, Fire, &c. from whence arose that Proverb, Proteo mutabilior: The Author of which Fable Homer is thought to have been; for so he writes in his Odysses:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪

To the same purpose hath Virgil written, Georg. 4.

Fiet enim subitò sus horridus, atra{que} Tigris, Squamosus{que} draco, & fulv•• cervice Leaena; Aut acrem flammae sonitum dabit, at{que} ita vinclis Excidet, aut in aquas tennes dilapsus abibit. — Ille suae contra non immemor artis Omnia transformat sese in miracula rerum, Ignem{que} horribilem{que} feram, fluvium{que} Liquentem.

Most of our ancient Poets have written to the same effect: As Horace, lib. 2. sat. 3. Ovid Metam. lib. 8. and Silius Italicus, lib. 7. Horace compares the unconstancy of vulgar people with this of Proteus:

Quo teneam vultus mutantem Protea Nodo?

Some report the original of this Fiction to be the Diadem which Egyptian Kings used to wear, whereon were engraved divers shapes of all kinds of things. Natalis Comes says, that this Proteus (or as some call him, Vertumnus) reign'd four years before the Trojan War, An. Mundi 2752. and that Paris having ravisht Helena, fled to Proteus for shelter, which both Herodotus and Diodorus affirm.

CHAP. IV. Where Apollonius was born; also concerning the marvellous Vertue of a certain Water.

APollonius is reported to have been born in a certain Meadow, near unto which there is now a Temple erected to him; therefore let not the manner of his Birth be unknown, as something worth relating: That when his Mother was near the time of her delivery, she was admonish'd by a Dream to go forth into a Meadow to gather Flowers; which accordingly she did the day follow∣ing: Where having stay'd somewhat long, and her Maidens being all dispers'd and imploy'd in gathering Flowers, she her self fell asleep in the Grass. Whereupon the Swans that fed in the Meadow encompass'd her round in a Circle whilst she slept, and clapping their Wings, (as their manner is) fill'd all places round about with a great noise, a South-west Wind blowing gently at the same time over the Mea∣dows. Now she being awaken'd from her sleep with the singing of these Swans, was presently brought to bed of a Boy; any fright being apt to make a Woman fall in la∣bour before her time. Moreover the Inhabitants of that place say, that at the time of her [1] delivery, a flash of Lightning fell down from Heaven upon the Earth, which was no sooner seen, but immediately ascending up on high into the Air, it vanish'd quite away: This very thing (as I conceive) portending that the new∣born Child should transcend all earthly things, and dwell near unto the Gods; they foreshewing a brightness above all things below, with a vicinity to the Gods, and all the greatness this man arrived to. Now there is near unto Tyana a [2] Water for Oaths, consecrated (as they report) to Jupiter, which the Inhabitants call [3] Asbestos, that is to say, such as will not be consumed by fire. The Spring it self is very cold; however it boyleth and bubbleth up like a Kettle over the fire. This Water (as they say) is mild and sweet to the taste and sight of all such persons as are just and careful in keeping their Oaths; but unto them that are false and [4] perjured, it is a present punishment; in so much that having drank thereof, it

seizeth their hands, eyes and feet, taking them with Dropsies and Consumptions. Nor are they able to depart from thence, but abiding by the Water-side, they there confess their perjuries, and lament their calamity. The Inhabitants of that place acknowledge Apollonius to be the Son [5] of Jupiter, notwithstanding he him∣self affirm'd that he was the Son of Apollonius. Now in process of time, being grown up to those years that are capable of Discipline, he soon gave remarkable Te∣stimonies of his great Wit and Memory. He used the Attick, nor would he so far comply with the custom of the place to use any other. He drew the eyes of all men upon him for his incomparable Beauty.

Illustrations on Chap. 4.

[1] TIs well known to all men that have search'd into the Records of ancient Time, how necessary it hath ever been esteem'd for Heroes to have a Birth no less mi∣raculous than their Life; as it appears by the several Histories of Semiramis, Cyrus, Romu∣lus, and many of the heathen Gods. We have a common saying, That a good begin∣ning makes a good ending; and a miraculous Birth goes half way towards the making of a Prophet. A seventh Son (because unusual) without any Daughters between, is naturally born with a healing Hand, according to the Vulgars opinion. A Prodigy at any persons Birth (like a Comet hanging over a Kingdom) hath ever been esteem'd an Omen. Thus was Plato's swarm of Bees that lighted upon him in his Cradle, lookt upon with admiration; although perhaps, had not his Life been so eminent, it would never have been regarded or remembred. Now when Poets or vain Historians do tell of such prodigious Births of great persons. I conceive that such Wonders may be Lyes that have been added after their Deaths, to compleat the strangeness of their Lives: since no Sto∣ry loses by its carrying; for every man improving his Talent in those Cases, desires to make his Tale more wonderful. I have heard the Story of a Bastard-child, that being cast off London-bridge in a Hand-basket, was miraculously caught and saved by a Boat, that was accidentally going underneath: The strangeness of this Child's preservation, gave many curious persons great expectation what he would come to; but he disappoint∣ed them all; for he was no sooner grown up to be a lusty young Fellow, but he was hang'd for stealing; verifying that old Proverb, He that's born to be hang'd, will never be drown'd. This matter of Fact is certainly true, and happen'd in Queen Elizabeths Reign. But to conclude this Subject, I question not but Hierocles in his Parallel, did impiously compare this Miracle of the Swans and Lightning, at Apollonius's Birth, with that melody of holy Angels, and new Star appearing at Christ's Nativity, as being both equally strange, but not alike true. For to believe any Stories that are not approved of by the publick Authority of our Church, is Superstition; whereas to believe them that are, is Religion.

[2] Not only Groves and Woods, but Waters, such as Rivers, Lakes and Fountains, were often consecrated by the Ancients, having some God or Nymph of their Name: The River Nilus was worshipped as a God by the Egyptians, and so was the River Gan∣ges by the Indians, by reason of the benefit which both Countreys receiv'd from them. Many and famous are the Stories of the consecrated Pagan Waters: As for instance, There is a Lake in the Lesser Armenia call'd Arethusa, wherein it is said nothing will sink, and that the River Tigris (though it runs through it) mixeth not with it; the Fable con∣cerning it is this: That one Arethusa, a Virgin and Favourite of Diana's, being beloved by Alpheus, and unable to escape his violence, was by Diana transform'd into a Fountain of that Name; when le••t she should be mixt with Alpheus, she ran under the ground by secret Channels, and brake out again about Syracusa; however Strabo writes, that it sinks not at all, but disgorges it self into the Adriatick Sea. By which Story of Alpheus's following Arethusa, the Ancients express'd the Souls pursuit of Vertue. In the same manner write they of Aesculapius, a Well in Athens, that rendered up again, (whatso∣ever was thrown in there) at Phalerium, a City of Hetruria. Also Lycus, a River of

Phrygia, swallow'd by the Earth, not far from Colossus, ariseth 8 furlongs off, and falls into Menander. And Erasinus flowing from the Arcadian Lake Stymphalides, sinks and conceals his current, until he ascends in the Field of Argos; thither convey'd (as 'tis feign'd) by Iuno. Moreover many Vertues and distinct Operations are assign'd unto particular Waters: Styx is a Lake in Arcadia, the Water whereof is so cold and veno∣mous, that it killeth any thing that drinks of it; it corrodeth Iron and Brass, nor cannot be contain'd in any thing but the Hoof of a Mule: Some say Alexander was poyson'd with it by Antipater, at the request of Aristotle. The Poets feign this to be a River of Hell, over which all must pass that travel to the infernal Region; and that Charon is the Ferry-man that wafts th••m over. They esteem this Styx so sacred to the Gods, that if any of them swear by it, and violate their Oaths, he shall be deprived of his God-head, and drink no Nectar for an hundred years. Acheron is said to be of the same nature with Styx, and belonging to the same Ferry-man Charon. Also another famous Water esteem'd of amongst the Ancients, was the River Lethe in Africk, that runs by the City Berenice, whereof if any one drinks, it will make him forget all things that are past. Anigrus, a River in Thessaly, was at first sweet, and afterwards became bitter, as they feign, by the Centaurs washing in it their wounds, which they had received from ••ercu∣les. Antigonus relates, that in Athamania, near a Temple dedicated to the Nymphs, there is a Fountain exceeding cold of it self, yet heats whatsoever hangs over it, setting dry Wood, or any combustible matter on fire. And Pliny writes of the like in Epicus▪ Crathis and Sybaris, two Rivers of Calabria, change other colour'd Hair into yellow. There are Lakes in Aethiopia, which procure to the drinker at least a Lethargy, if not down-right madness. Among the Cicones, a people of Thrace, there is a River which congeals the Bowels of all who drink thereof, and converts whatsoever it receives into stone: Neither are we without many such Springs in England, which will in a short time petrefie any Stick. Likewise in divers parts of Christendom we have Waters of great vertue, as well to use inwardly as outwardly, such is the Spaw in Germany, the Waters of Burbon, and in England our mineral Wells of Tunbridge, Epsom, Barnet, North-hall, and Astrup; also to apply outwardly, the Bath, and St. Winnifreds Well, whereof the Papists (in imitation of their Predecessors the Heathens) have made a Saint the Patron. We read in Scripture of the Pool of Bethesda, so famous to heal the Bodies of men diseas'd; wherefore our Hero Apollonius to outdo the other, pretends a Cure for the Soul, by pu∣nishing all dishonesty and perjury; for the truth of which, it is much easier and more reasonable to deny, there was ever any Tyanaean Water had such a vertue, than either to justifie or confute it by Reason; because in all storms of Credulity, he that would avoid those two dangerous Rocks of malice on the one side, and folly on the other, his safest way is to put into the Harbour of Scepticism.

[3] Asbestos signifies no more then inextinguibile, or that which cannot be consu∣med by Fire; we read that the Ancients had amongst them a certain kind of Flax of the same nature, (call'd by the Greeks Asbestinum, by the Latines Linum vivum) where∣of were made whole pieces of Linen Cloath, and Garments, which were not only exempt from the Tyranny of Fire, but being cast into the same, and taken out again, became more pure and white, than any Water could have wash'd it. They frequently used to burn the Bodies of their Kings and Emperors in Sheets made of this Linen, to prevent the Ashes of their Bodies (when burnt) from mingling with the Ashes of the Wood. Pliny (lib. 19. ch. 1.) tells us, that this Flax is esteem'd above all other Flax in the World; that 'tis rarely to be found, and as difficult to be woven, by reason of the shortness thereof; and that in price it equall'd the most excellent Pearls. Nero is re∣ported to have had a Garment of the same, but at this day it is not any where to be met with. I have seen a small piece of Mineral, (as I suppose) though resembling a grey Stone, and of an equal hardness, which my Father brought with him out of Italy, had the same quality not to be consumed with Fire; but whether it were of this Flax, or that Flax of Cyprus which Podocatanus (a Knight of Cyprus) brought to Venice, Anno Dom. 1516. I know not, for as much as that Cyprus Flax would likewise prevail against the Fire. This Flax proceedeth from no Plant, as ours does, but from the Stone Amiantus, which being found in Cyprus, and broken with a Hammer, the Earthy dross purged from it, there remains fine hairy threds like Flax, which are woven into Cloath.

See Porcachio, Tabula 2. Funeralium. Damasus in the Life of Pope Sylvester, writes, that Constantine ever made them mix some of this Linum vivum in the Lamps of his Chappel. Furthermore, Lud••vicus Vives in his Notes upon St. Aug. de Civit. Dei, lib. 21. ch. 6. saith, that he saw Lamps at Paris whose light never consumed: but this may proceed from another cause, whereof I shall speak in another place. Lastly, Pancirollus (who mentions most of what I have written upon this subject) tells us, that at Lovaine a Napkin taken from the Table at •• Feast, and thrown into the Fire, and being red as a Coal, was taken out again, cool'd, and restored to the owner, more white than if it had been wash'd with all the Water and Soap in Town.

[4] Perjury is the highest degree of Lying, wherein we vouch God for the truth of what we say; each mans Oath being recorded as well in Heaven as upon Earth: A Prince that is made Mediator in any Treaty of Peace, resents the violation of such a Peace for so high an affront to his Mediatorship, that he immediately thinks his Honour engaged to fall upon them that first break it. Even a private person receives it as a baffle and dis∣respect, to elect him Arbitrator, and afterwards to recede from his Arbitrement. What then can we think of our selves, when we dare to do that to God, which we fear to do unto man? Wherefore Montaign well observes, that he who tells a Lye, is bold towards God, and a coward towards man; for a Lye faces God, and shrinks from man. The Lord Bacon well observes, that the mixture of falshood with truth, is like an allay in gold or silver Coin, which may make the Mettal work the better, but still it embaseth it; such winding and crooked courses being like the goings of the Serpent, basely upon his belly, and not on his feet. No vice is so destructive to humane society as falshood, nor would the greatest Lyar, Iesuit, or St. Omers Evidence, but be ashamed to justifie that perjury which he so much practises. In this late feign'd Presbyterian Plot, how many worthy innocent Gentlemen had lost their Lives, how many noble Estates had been unjustly forfeited, and how many of the bravest Protestant Famili••s had been bar∣barously ruin'd and undone, had not God of his mercy detected their Iesuitical forgery? The Greeks (who in opinions as well as honesty, differ little from the Papists) have al∣most undone one of the greatest Cities in the World, viz. Grand-Cair••, by their false Oaths, which render all manner of Commerce with that place unsafe, for Strangers that have any Wealth to lose: in so much that the Turks were forced to make a Law, that the Evidence of three Christians, should but equal one Turk; nor would it be un∣just or unreasonable, if we had the same Law here amongst us, in reference to the Pa∣pists, since by sad experience we find, that their false Oaths are no less dangerous than their Daggers or Poyson. Some will go to extenuate this Vice of Lying, by softning its name, and calling it breaking ones word; however the thing is the same, no better or worse, a Lye. Whoever is given to this Vice, ought to have both prudence and me∣mory, le••t he saves other men the labour, in giving himself the Lye. The French, as Montaigne writes, receive not the Lye from any man without Duelling him, as finding themselves more conscious of that Vice, than any other Nation. But now on the other side, we must not lay down too general a Rule in this case, in making all Falshoods alike: when to pacifie my Children, I tell them stories of a Cock and a Bull; or when to illustrate my discourse, I make use of a Fable in Esop; or like the Holy Writers, I mention some Parable for Argument sake, I cannot think any of these Falshoods com∣prehended in the Ninth Commandment, or equal to an Oath, whereby I endanger my Neighbours Life, Limb, or Estate. Nay (if Christianity did not teach me otherwise) I should think I might, in some cases, do evil that good might come of it, and save my Friends life from a Murtlierer, by denying even upon Oath (if it be required) that I know where he is. Also that a King is not obliged to keep his Covenant with a Foreign Prince, when 'tis to the ruine of his Kingdom; for that he is intrusted only with the power of doing his People good, but not with power to ruine them: However, let not any Prince break his word with hi•• own People, though he doth it with Foreigners; because he must live by the one, and not by the other. To conclud•• this subject, giv•• me leave to cite one story out of Exodus, Chap▪ 1. and that is of the two Hebrew Mid∣wives, Shiphrah and Puah, who to save as well their own lives, as the lives of the young male Children, pacified King Pharaoh with a Lye; whereupon it is said, that those Midwives feared God, and that God dealt well with them for so doing, vers. 20. This in

my poor Judgment seems to make it lawful for any one to save an innocent persons life, though by a false Testimony: Perjury, in the extremity, cannot produce any thing worse than Murther, wherefore Murther is the worst of the two; and if so, then Nature bids us of two Evils choose the least. Also Self-preservation tells me 'tis all one, whether I cut my Friends throat with a Knife, or with an Oath.

[5] Apollonius we see in this Chapter refuses that honourable Title which the people would confer upon him, of being Iupiter's Son: Now whether he did this out of mode∣sty, like Mahomet, who says that God has no Sons; whether out of a distrust of succeed∣ing in this pretence, thinking Iupiter's other Children might obstruct the same Trick from passing twice; or whether out of Cowardice, fearing lest he might be knockt on the head, as Sarpedon was; I shall leave my Reader to judge. However his Parents were too rich, and too well known to suffer such a Fiction to pass; for nothing is so great an assistant to a Divine Birth, as obscure and mean Parents: this made Alexander the Great render himself ridiculous, when he pretended himself of the Iupitrean Family▪ because his Father Philip was so well known. Nay the Iews were so wicked to make this ob∣jection against the true Son of God, Christ Iesus, saying, Was not this the Carpenter's Son? &c. And Minu••ius Felix hath some notable passages upon this subject, where Octavius decrying the Heathen Deities, says,

Of those that dye, none be Gods, because God cannot dye; and no Gods are born, because whatsoever is born, must dye; and that only is Divine, which hath neither birth nor death: and if there were Gods born, why are not some born in our days? unless Iupiter be now grown old, and Iuno left off Teeming.

CHAP. V. Apollonius being 14 years of age, was by his Father brought first to Euthydemus the Rhetorician, and afterwards to Euxenus.

WHen he was arrived to 14 years of age, his Father brought him to [1] Tarsus, there to be instructed by that famous Rhetorician Euthy∣demus the Phoenician. Apollonius well approved of his Masters dis∣cipline, but thought the manners of that City absurd, and not fit for one to study Philosophy amongst▪ in that the Citizens being very much addicted to Luxury, Scoffing and Insolence, resembled the Athenians only in their outward Garb, but not in their Wisdom and Manners. The River [2] Cydnus runneth thorow this City, on whose Banks the Citizens are used to fit like Water-Fowl. Apollonius therefore wrote to them in an Epistle, that they should give over making themselves drunk with Water. When having obtain'd leave of his Father, he removed his Master to Aegas, a City not far distant from Tarsus; where was not only a fit ac∣commodation for the study of Philosophy, but also such exercises as were suitable to Youth, together with the Temple of [3] Aesculapius, wherein Aesculapius himself did sometimes appear unto men. He there came acquainted with divers Sects of Philosophers: having the conversation of Platonists, Chrysippeans and Peripa∣teticks. He likewise made an inspection into the Doctrine of Epicurus, thinking that even that was not to be despised. But for the Pythagoreans, he had little or no opportunity to learn their abstruse Tenents, in that his Tutor was not very studi∣ous of that kind of Discipline, nor cared much to conform the Actions of his Life thereunto; for totally resigning up himself to Gluttony and Lust, he rather seem'd to frame his Life after the prescript of Epicurus: his name was Euxenus of [4] Heraclea in [5] Pontus. As for the Opinions of Pythagoras, he [6] knew

them no otherwise then Birds do the sentences which they have learn'd from men: sometimes uttering such like expressions as these, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, God save you; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, God speed you; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, may Iupiter be favourable to you, &c. not know∣ing what they say, nor apt for converse with men, but only taught a certain modula∣tion of the Tongue. Wherefore as young Eagles, when first taught to fly by their Parents, dare not stir far from their sides, but when they are grown strong of wing, do oftentimes fly higher than their Parents, especially if they perceive them to he given to their belly, and stooping after their prey: even so Apollonius whilst he was a Child, submitted to the government of Euxenus, but when he was once arri∣ved to 16 years of age, he fell in love with a Pythagorical course of life, being wing'd for an higher flight by some better Master. Nevertheless he c••ased not to express his love to Euxenus, but having begg'd of his Father an House in the Sub∣urbs, accommodated with pleasant Gardens and Fountains, he bestow'd it upon him, saying, Live thou after thine own [7] humour; but for me, I will conform to the Institution of Pythagoras. Euxenus perceiving him to be of so great Spirit, asked him how he would begin such a course of Life? to whom Apollonius answer'd, He would begin as Physicians used to do; who having first purged the Entrails, prevent some from falling into diseases, and cure others that are already fallen into them. And having said this, he began to abstain from eating the flesh of living Creatures, as being impure, and stupifying to the understanding. Wherefore he fed only on Fruits and Herbs; saying, that such meats were pure, which the Earth did afford unto men. He was also of opinion, that Wine was a pure kind of drink, as proceeding from a mild Plant; yet nevertheless he esteem'd it an enemy to the settled state of the mind, in respect that it sometimes disturb'd the Air of the Soul.

Illustrations on Chap. 5.

[1] TArsus a City in Cilicia, now called Terassa, Hama, or Hamsa, Long. 60. Lat. 38. is at this day possess'd by the Turks, and esteem'd to be the capital City of all Cilicia or Caramania, Strabo lib. 15. it is pleasantly situated amongst spacious Fields, and water'd with the River Cydnus. Solinus reports, that it was built by Perseus the Son of Danae, saying, Matrem Vrbium habet Tarson, quam Danais proles nobilissima Perseus locavit; Solin. cap. 14. from whence sings Lucan, lib. 4. Deseritur Ta••ri{que} nemus, Per∣sea{que} Tarsos. Others, as Athenaeus lib. 12. will have this City to be founded by Sarda∣napalus, and that it was so express'd in the inscription on his Tomb-stone, in these words, Anchialen & Tharsam uno die à Sardanapalo conditas. Strabo called it the Mother of Cities, from the great Learning which flourish'd therein, surpassing as well Athens as Alexandria. In this place resided many great and famous Philosophers of the Sect of the Stoicks, as Antipater, Archelas, Nestor, and the two Athenodoru••'s: Nor is it less famous for being the Country of St. Paul, as he mentions of himself, when speaking to the Tribune, he says, Acts 21.39. I am a man which am a Iew of Tarsus, a City of Cilicia, a Citizen of no mean City. As also for that famous Council which was held in it under the Emperor Valent▪ mention'd in Sozom. Hist. Ecclesiast. lib. 6. ch. 12. This City for its Antiquity was freed from the Roman yoke. Now concerning its Name, some think it was called Tarsus from the dryness of its Soyl, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifying siccare; or because that those parts were first freed from the Waters after Noah's Floud. Besides this Tarsus of Cilicia, there were many other Towns bore the same Name; whereof one was situated in Spain, near the River Betis, and two miles distant from Corduba, being built by the Phaenicians, who Traded into those parts; Strabo lib. 3. & Polybius lib. 3. it was to this City many think that Solomon sent his Vessels, with those of Hyram, as it is written 2 Chron. 9.21. For the Kings ships went to Tarshish, with the servants of Huram; once every three years came the ships of Tarshish, bringing Gold and Silver, Ivory and Apes, and

Peacocks. Hesychius will have Tarsus to be a City of Syria; Ptolomy, that there is one of that name in Hungary; and Strabo, that there is a River so called in Tr••as: Also Arria∣nus, that there is a Promontory named Tharsus in Persia.

[2] Cydnus a River in Cilicia, (now called Carasu) which issuing out of the Mountain Taurus, runneth through the City Tarsus. Quintus Curtius, lib. 3. speaking of this Ri∣ver Cydnus, saith, That it is most famous, not so much for its greatness, as for the clear∣ness of its Water; which from its original Fountain runneth clearly thorow all the Country, without any other River mixing with it, to disturb the pureness of the Stream; for which cause it remaineth always clear and cold, by reason of the Woods that do shadow all the Banks. This River, as Vitruvius writes, is famous for curing the Gout; Cydnum podagrae mederi docet, cruribus eo mersis, Vitruv. 8.3. however Alexan∣der the Great had like to have received his death from it; who (as both Curtius and Iustin write) when he arrived at Tarsus, being much delighted with the pleasantness of the River Cydnus, having unbuckled his Armour, and being cover'd with sweat and dust, he cast himself into the River, which was extremely cold: whereupon immediately so great a numbness and chilness invaded every Joynt, that being speechless, his danger boaded nothing less than present death: However by the assistance of one of his Physi∣cians, whose name was Philip, Alexander was recover'd to his health again. Iust. lib. 11. Curt. lib. 3. Solinus writes, that this River took its name from its whiteness and clear∣ness; Quicquid candidum est (inquit) Cydnum gentili linguâ Syri dicunt. Dionys. vers. 868.

Tibul. lib. 1.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

At te Cydne canam, tacitis qui leniter undis Caeruleus placidis per vada serpis aquis.

Ovid. 3. de Arte Am.

Vel prope te nato, lucide Cydne, croco:

[3] Aesculapius is most commonly said to be the Son of Apollo, and the Nymph Coro∣nis; he lived about the year of the World 2710. a little before the Trojan War. He was so famous for his skill in Physick, that he was worshipped for a God, especially among the Epidauri; from whence he was called Epidaurius. Pausanias in his Corinthiac. tells us, that Phlegya the Father of Coronis, not knowing that his Daughter Coronis had con∣ceiv'd by Apollo, carried her along with him to Peloponesus; and that she being brought to bed of a Boy in the Confines of Epidaurus, exposed the young Child in a Mountain, which from that accident was afterwards called Titthias: however others report this happen'd in the Fields of Telphusium; in which place the Infant being suckled by a Goat, was discover'd by a Dog that had wandred from the Flock which he was keep∣ing; whereupon the Master of the Flock returning, and finding many of his Herd missing, search'd all up and down the Pastures, till at length he found both the Child, the Goat, and his Dog. And that observing flashes of Fire to evaporate out of the head of the Infant, he supposed it to be of a Divine extraction, and soon spread the fame thereof all over those parts. Some there be who report, that when Coronis was with Child, she lay with Ischyis the Son of Ela••us; which Diana resenting, as an high affront done to her Brother Apollo, she put her to death for the same: And that after she was dead, either Mercury or Phoebus took Aesculapius out of his Mothers belly; as the Poet mentions:

Non tulit in cineres labi sua Phoebus eosdem Semina: sed natum flammis, utero{que} parentis Eripuit, gemini{que} tulit Chironi•• in antrum. Ovid. Met. lib. 2.

Lactantius reports, that he was born of unknown Parents; and then being exposed, was found by some Huntsmen, and committed to Chiron's care, who instructed him in Phy∣sick; and that by Birth he was a Messenian, but dwelt at Epidaurus. From whence, as St. Augustine writes, he came to Rome; that so expert a Physician might practise with the greater credit in so famous a City. He was numbred amongst the Gods, (saith Celsus) for adding such excellency and lustre to that Art, which before was but rude and undi∣gested. The Epidaurians therefore consecrated a Temple unto him without the Walls of their City, where he had his Statue in the form of a Physician, holding his long Beard in

one hand, and a Staff involved with a Serpent in the other. For the Serpent was sacred unto him, not only (as Macrobius says) for the quickness of his sight, but because he is so restorative and soveraign in Physick: Serpens Epidaurius: Horat. So the brazen Ser∣pent, the Type of our eternal Health, erected by Moses, cured those who beheld it. And here Aesculapius is said to have converted himself into that form, because by health men seem to renew their youth, like a Snake that hath cast her Hackle. In this shape, saith Lactantius, he sail'd to Rome, and is said by Pherecides to have Serpentine feet. He chose his Seat in the Isle of Tyber, and then vanish'd out of sight; where his Temple was built, and his Festivals kept in the Calends of Ianuary. And now in the Hortyards of St. Bar∣tholomeus at Rome, there is a Ship of Marble to be seen, with a Serpent on the Hatches, in memorial of his Transmigration. Epidaurus, a City in Peleponnesus, was famous for the Shrine of Aesculapius, to which all sick persons that did resort, were (as both Strabo and Iamblicus write) inform'd in their sleep what Medicine would cure their Distemper. When the Romans were afflicted with the Pestilence, they sending Ogolenus to consult Apollo's Oracle at Delphos, he directed them to his Son Aesculapius at Epidaurus, with Orders to carry him to Rome; but the Epidaures were unwilling to part with their God, (or rather his Image) yet notwithstanding Aesculapius in the form of a Serpent went aboard one of the Roman Ships, and so along with them to Rome. Orpheus writes, that Iupiter struck Aesculapius with his Thunderbolts, because he had restored to life Hyppoli∣tus, who had been torn in pieces by his own Chariot-Horses, when he fled from the fury of his Father, as we may see in the Story of Theseus. And that Apollo being much af∣flicted at the death of Aesculapius, but not being able to revenge himself upon Iupiter, he kill'd the Cyclops, that had made the Thunderbolts wherewith his Son had been slain. Orph. de Aesculapio in Hymn. Heraclit. de Incred. The Moral of this is, that Aescula∣pius was said to be begot by Apollo, in that the Sun is the Author of Health.

[4] Heraclea Ponti, the Metropolitan City of Bythinia, called at this day Penderachi; it lyes at the mouth of the Euxine Sea, near the River Lycus: It took its ancient Name from Hercules, as Mela informs us. And our Author distinguishes it by the Name of Ponti, for that there are divers other Cities known by the same Name: As for instance, There is one in the Confines of Europe; another in Italy, between Siris and Aciris; ano∣ther in Sicily, near Lilibaeum; another in Narbon, by the River Rhodanus; another in Caria, now by the Turks call'd Ergel; another in Creete; and another in Lydia, from whence the Touchstone takes its Name of Heracleus Lapis: All which several Towns were heretofore call'd Heraclea.

[5] Pontus, a Kingdom of Asia the Less, so called from a King whose Name was Pontus. Strabo tells us that it is bounded, on the West with the River Haly, on the East with Colchos, on the South with the Lesser Armenia, and on the North with the Euxine Sea. But Ptolomy (lib. 5.) says it is limited on the West with the Thracian Bosphorus, on the South with Asia, and on the North with part of the Euxine Sea· Sit. zon. temp. Clim. This Countrey is famous for producing Poysons, which gave occasion to Medea in the Fable to bring all her Poysons from hence.

Has herbas, atque haec Ponto mihi lecta venena, Ipse dedit Maeris; nascuntur plurima Ponto. Virg. Eccl. 8.

[6] Philostratus tells us, that Euxenus knew no more of Pythagoras's Philosophy, than Birds do the sence of those words which they learn by rote: And this is the very case of vulgar people in Religious matters, who hold the Articles of their Faith like their tem∣poral Estate from their Predecessors, having a title of Tradition for the one, and of Inhe∣ritance or Fee-simple for the other. Most Men (like Carriers Horses) follow one ano∣ther in a Track, where if the fore-Horse goes wrong, all the rest succeed him in his errour; not considering that he who comes behind, may take an advantage to avoid that pit, which those that went before are fallen into. If the primitive Christians had been so little curious or inquisitive, how could Christianity ever have been received in the World? when they should have persisted in the blind Heathenish Idolatry of their Forefathers, esteeming Christ rather as an Upstart and Innovator, than what he really was, the only legitimate Son of God. The generality of men are but like so many Religious Parrots, who are taught to say they believe the Scriptures, but why or wherefore they know not, only

that Mr. A. the Minister of their Parish bids them. For my part, neither Socrates, Plato, or Aristotle, shall perswade me, if my Judgment be not convinced by Reason of what they say; Reason is the only Mistress I court, and to her alone will I pay my Devotion. Those Arguments which will deceive in a false Religion, cannot instruct in a true one; but the beginning at Faith, and ending at Reason, would deceive in a false Religion; therefore it cannot instruct in a true. What proceeds from common Reason we know to be true, but what proceeds from Faith we only believe it; and there is a vast difference between knowing and believing. I will never embrace an Opinion, only because a great many hold it; because then I must turn Turk, that Religion being the most universal of any we know. Neither will I build my Religion upon that weak Basis of Antiquity, lest some Iew or Pagan come and supplant me. Nor upon Martyrs, lest the Indians of Ben∣gala (who crush themselves to pieces under the wheels of their Idol) compare with me, or lest the Hereticks we our selves have put to death, put in their claim to a share in the Crown of Martyrdom. Nor will I altogether depend upon Miracles, lest Simon Magus, Pharoah's Magicians, Apollonius, and others, pretend to be my Rivals. Nor to those Rules of Self-denial, Mortification, and Patience, which our Doctrine teaches, since Monsieur Tavernier gives us an account of some Indians that may likewise exceed us in that way. No, I will rely wholly upon my Reason, and yet not obstruct my Christianity. Men do not any where more easily err than where they follow a guide, whom they think they may safely trust; and the greatest part of the World is led rather with the Names of their Masters, and with the reverend Respect they bear their Persons and Me∣mories, than with the soundness and truth of the things they teach. For as Vadian saith in his Paradice, Magnos errores magnorum virorum autoritate persuasi transmittimus. Whilst we are young, our Judgment is raw and green; and when we are old, it is fore∣stalled: so that Inter Iuvenile Iudicium, & Senile Praejudicium, veritas corrumpitur. I cannot but laugh at those Pedants, who have no stronger Argument for the truth of what they say, than to alledg, 'tis a Maxim; as if their Maxims are more certain than their other Propositions. However, I'le believe them when they shew me a Philosophy, whose Principles can neither be question'd nor doubted of, and wherein all the World agrees; otherwise 'tis ridiculous: for 'tis easie to prove any thing, when one adjusteth Principles to Opinions, and not Opinions to Principles. Again, one main Argument which I have often heard used, is that St. Ierom or Thomas Aquinas says so: In the same manner one told Dr. Harvy, that Galen was of a contrary opinion to him; whereupon he wisely re∣plied, I have read as much, and lived longer in the World than ever Galen did, therefore he is no Authority to me. Moreover, how do we know but that those Ancients no more than we, have not always written what they believed? The Law and Religion of their Countrey, may have often obliged them to accommodate their Precepts to the Politicks of their Government; for as Montaign well observes, The wisest man must write some∣thing contrary to his own Genius to get his Book Licensed. All men ought to reverence Antiquity, but not conclude it infallible: yet (says Mr. Osborn) I should take her word sooner in Divinity, than any other Learning, because that is clearest at the beginning; whereas all other Studies more muddy, receive clarification from experience. How∣ever, we may likewise in these matters, for fear of running upon infidelity, split upon credulity: Therefore let us remember, that when Livy says, the Gods made an Ox speak; in not believing the miracle, 'tis not the Gods, but Livy we disgrace. For al∣though God can do every thing, yet I am not bound to believe he does all things that men report; Enim à posse ad esse non valet consequentia.

[7] Every man in his humour, makes all things easie and pleasant, as well in Conver∣sation as Religion; for it is neither Policy, Reason, nor Religion, to persecute men for conscience sake, so long as they disturb not the publick Peace. First, That it is not Po∣licy, appears, for that the greatest people of the World in their most flourishing condition, have always permitted it. As for instance, The Romans that had conquer'd the greatest part of the then known World, made no scruple of tolerating any Religion whatsoever in the City of Rome it self, unless it had something in it that could not consist with their Civil Government: nor do we read that any Religion was there prohibited, save only the Iews; who (thinking themselves the peculiar people of God) held it unlawful to acknowledge subjection to any mortal King or State whatsoever. The Inquisition-Princi∣ples

of Persecution lost Holland from the Spaniard, notwithstanding all the Power of Spain, and Treasure of the Indies. All wise Princes, till they were over-born with Faction, or solicited by peevish persons, gave toleration to differing Sects, whose Opinions did not disturb the publick Interest. And the experience which Christendom hath had in this last Age is Argument enough, That toleration of differing Opinions is so far from disturbing the publick Peace, or destroying the Interest of Princes and Commonwealths, that it advantages the publick, and secures peace; because there is not so much as the pretence of Religion left to such persons to contend for it, being already indulged to them. When France fought against the Hugonots, the spilling of her own bloud was Argument enough of the imprudence of that way of promoting Religion, together with the prosperity she hath enjoy'd, ever since she gave permission to them. The Affability and Clemency of Margaret of Parma had almost extinguish'd that flame, which afterwards the Duke of Alva made greater than ever, when by managing the matter of Religion with Fire and Sword, his Religion and his Prince too had almost both been turned quite out of the Countrey: for the being restrain'd and made miserable, mutually endears the discontent∣ed persons, creating more hearty and dangerous Confederations. In England, although the Pope had as great power here as any where, yet there were no Executions for mat∣ter of Religion known till the time of Henry the Fourth, who (because he usurped the Crown) was willing by all means possible to endear the Clergy to his purpose, by de∣stroying their enemies. Secondly, Persecuters, like men always in a passion, have sel∣dom Reason on their side; for the great God and giver of Reason, is not to be found either in the Whirlwind of Passion, or i•• the Earthquake of Persecution, but in the still voice of Love and mutual forbearance. Grotius (in his Book de Iure Belli & Pacis) saith, It is unreasonable to punish any man for not assenting to the things of the Gospel, since they cannot possibly be discover'd by the light of Nature, but must be made known by Revelation. As for us, the very Revelation, whereby we have a knowledge of them, is not so clear, as that a man should incur civil punishment for doubting of it: since this Revelation, though at first confirm'd by Miracles, and so infallible to them that saw those Miracles; yet is it not so to us, for that both the Miracles and Doctrine come down to us only by Tradition. And Christ says, Had I not done these things among ye, (observe those words, among ye) your want of faith had not been imputed to you for sin. To the same purpose speaks Salvianus, Bishop of Marcelles, who (concerning the punishment of the Arrians for denying the Divinity of Christ) saith, They are Hereticks, but against their knowledge; they are so in our opinion, but not in their own; for they think themselves so far Catholick, that they defame us with the title of Hereticks; therefore what they are in our opinion, we are in theirs: We say they do wrong to the divine Generation, in saying the Son is less than the Father, and they believe we do wrong unto God the Fa∣ther, in saying the Son is equal unto him: We say the Truth is with us, but they say the Truth is with them: The Honour of God is with us, but they think they honour the God∣head more: They are impious, but they think it true Piety: They err, but they err with a good mind, not out of hatred, but out of affection to God, believing that by this they honour and love the Lord: Though they have not the right faith, yet they think theirs the perfect love of God; and how they are to be punish'd at the day of Judgment for this errour of a false Opinion, none knows but the Judg himself: In the mean time, as God lends them his patience, so may we lend them ours. Tertullian tells us, that no∣thing has more advantaged Christianity than Persecution; for, says he, the Romans by every cruel act did but tempt others to come over to their Party; the oftener they were mowed down, the faster they sprang up again; the bloud of Christians making the Churches soyl more fat and fertil. Tertul. Apol. Nor is Persecution less powerful to ad∣vance a false Religion than a true. There is no Religion, saith Lactantius, so erroneous, which hath not somewhat of wisdom in it, whereby they may obtain pardon, having kept the chiefest duty of man, if not in deed, yet in intention. Thirdly, It does no ways advantage Religion; for the Apostles themselves, although they were infallibly assured of their Doctrine, and could also make their Hearers assured of it by Miracles, yet never desired that the Refractory should be compell'd to embrace it. Therefore I could wish, that men would use one another so charitably and so gently, that no errour or violence tempt men to hypocrisie, rendring sincerity both troublesom and unsafe. For credulity

breeds hatred and malice against unbelievers, whereas incredulity does only pity belie∣vers; so that by how much malice is worse than pity, by so much is credulity worse than incredulity. How vain a thing is it for men to pretend every Opinion necessary in so high a degree, that if all said true, or indeed any two of them in 500 Sects, (and for ought I know there may be 5000) it is 500 to one but that every man is damned; for every Sect damns all but it self, and that is damned of 499. and it is excellent fortune then if that escape. For 'tis natural to all Zealots to call their own enemy God Almigh∣ty's enemy, and we may as well hang all men that are not like us in feature, as in opinion.

CHAP. VI. Of Apollonius's Garment, and of the wonderful Concourse of men that followed him, after he had been commended by Esculapius: Also of an Assyrian Youth whom Apollonius cured of a Dropsie.

AFter such a retrenchment of his [1] Diet, he also regulates his [2] Ha∣bit, so as to go bare-footed, and to wear linen Clothing, refusing all such as came of living Creatures; he likewise suffer'd his [3] Hair to grow long, spending most part of his time in the Temple, where all the Officers and Priests admired him; also Aesculapius himself rejoyced to have Apollonius a [4] witness of his Cures. There resorted to Aegas the Cilicians, and all such as dwelt round about those parts, to see Apollonius: in so much that it became a common Proverb amongst them, Whither go you so fast? to see the young man. Here I conceive it will not be improper to relate what then happen'd in the Temple; for that I have undertaken to give you a Narrative, containing the Deeds of such a man as was in esteem with the very Gods themselves. An Assyrian Youth that came to Aesculapius, was riotous even whilst he was sick, and liv'd (or rather died) in Drunkenness. He was taken with a Dropsie, but pleasing himself with his Drinking, he took no care of curing his Drought. Whereupon the God neglected him, and would not so much as appear to him in a [5] Dream; and when he complain'd of this hard usage, Aesculapius appearing to him, said, If thou wilt con∣sult Apollonius, thou shalt have ease. Accordingly the young man going to Apol∣lonius, demanded of him what benefit he might receive from his wisdom, for (saith he) Aesculapius commanded me to come unto thee. To whom Apollonius answer'd, That he knew something would be much worth to him in that condition: for that (as he thought) 'twas only Health which he wanted. Whereupon the man replied, That (indeed) was the thing which Aesculapius did promise, but not perform. Be favourable in your words, I pray, (said Apollonius) for he always bestows Health upon such as are willing to have it; but thou dost those things which are contrary to thy Disease: for addicting thy self to Debauchery, thou satiatest thy moist and almost rotten Entrails with delicious Food, thereby adding Mud to the pre-existent Water. And herein he deliver'd his mind plainer than the Wis∣dom of [6] Heraclitus, who told one that came to him for the same Distemper, That he must turn wet Weather into dry: which words were obscure and diffi∣cult to be understood. Whereas Apollonius did more easily explain his wise Ad∣vice, and recover'd again the young man to his health.

Illustrations on Chap. 6.

[1] CErtainly there is nothing doth more conduce to the Study of Philosophy than a thin spare Diet, which gave the old rhyming Monks occasion for that jingling saying, Impletus venter non vult studere libenter; A full belly makes a dull understanding: And in all our Courts of Judicature, as well at our Assizes as Sessions, I have ever observ'd the great dispatch of Business to be in the Morning, and little or nothing considerable done in the Afternoon. How many men of all Professions are there daily undone by that un∣happy custom of a Mornings Draught? Therefore St. Paul tells us, They that are drunk, are drunk in the night: And we see how the Dutch grow rich and prosper in following this Rule: for notwithstanding they are so much given to that Vice, yet they ••ver do their Business first and drink afterwards. The drinking a little Wine for the Stomachs sake, hath made as many good Fellows, as the Thief upon the Cross, Highway-men. Nor is over-eating ones self any other than a dry Drunkenness; which equally stupifies the under∣standing: and was more used by the Ancients than the other; although both were suffi∣ciently practised by them. However at present I shall speak only of their Diet. To un∣derstand good Eating was then as commendable as now; for which quality Apicius was very remarkable, who, laying up ninety millions of * 1.5 Sesterces for his Kitchin, and fear∣ing that would not suffice, poyson'd himself for fear of starving: which Martial very wittily scoffs at in this Epigram:

Deder as Apici, ter trecenties ventri, Sed adhuc supererat centies tibi Laxum, Hoc tu gravatus, ne fam••m & sitim ferres; Summa venenam potione duxisti, Nil est Apici tibi gulosius factum. Mart. l. 3. ep. 22.

'Twas an usual thing to devour a whole Patrimony at one sitting, as the Poet tells us:

— Vna comedunt patrimonia mensa. Juven. Sat. 1.

What can be more lewd (saith Seneca) than a sumptuous Supper, wasting a Knight's Revenues? frequently standing (those that are most frugal) in 300000 Sesterces. Sen. Ep. 96. Suetonius reports of Tiberius, that he spent a whole night and two days in no∣thing but eating and drinking, Noctem continuum{que} biduum epulando, potando{que} consumpsit: And of Nero, Epulas è media die ad mediam noctem protrahebat, He held out his Feast from noonday till midnight. Also of Vitellius, That he feasted usually three or four times a day, every sitting being valued at 400000 Sesterces, being able to go through them all by constant vomiting: Vomunt ut edant, edunt ut vomant; epulas, quas toto orbe conqui∣runt, nec concoquere dignantur: saith Seneca de consol. ad Albinam, ch. 9. the number of their Courses at a sitting were usually seven▪ and that sometimes when they eat privately:

— Quis sercula septem Secreto caenavit avus?— Juven Sat. 1.

But that Monster Heliogabalus had served in at one Feast two and twenty several Courses: Lampridius. And Suetonius tells us, That Vitellius had a Supper made him by his Bro∣ther, In qua duo millia lectissimorum piscium, septem avium apposita traduntur. And Ma∣crobius speaking of Anthony, saith, He devoured with his Chaps and Teeth, whatsoever the Sea, Earth, or Air brought forth, as if all had been born only to satisfie his Luxury. Saturn. 3. and 17. The furniture of two Dishes was very famous among the Ancients; whereof, one was Vitellius's, filled with the Brains of Pheasants and Peacocks, the Tongues of Phaenicopters, and the Melts of Lampries, brought from the Spanish and Carpathian Seas: The other Aesop's, the Tragaedian, which he furnisht out with the ra∣rest singing Birds, or such as best imitated mans Voice, which cost him 6000 Sesterces a piece, and the whole Platter, 600000. Val. l. 9. ch. 1. Sen. ep. 96. The Example of these kinds of Luxury, together with the ill consequences thereof, may have been a great Motive to induce the wisest of the Philosophers to such a kind of Abstinency. As for Fast∣ing

or Feasting, I am extremely well pleas'd with the order and discipline of our Church, which prescribes both; since as the one advances Health, so doth the other Religion, many of the Common people holding their Christianity by no stronger Tenure, than that of Mine'd-pyes and Plum-pottage. Asclepiades rejecting the use of Medicaments, re∣duced all Cure to the order of Diet, observing the quantity, quality, and seasoning of Meats. Gellius, citing out of Varro the most delicate Meats used by the Ancients, pre∣sents us with this Bill of Fare; the Samian Peacock, the Phrygian Turkey, the Ambracian Kids, the Tartesian Mullet, Cranes from Melos, Trouts from Pessinuntium, Tarentine Oysters, Crabs from Chios, Tatian Nuts, Aegyptian Dates, and Iberian Chesnuts. For my own part, I ever eat rather out of necessity, than pleasure; and as Montaign says, hate a multitude of Dishes, as much as any other throng, being no Friend either to deli∣cacy or variety; and am naturally apt to give God thanks as well when I empty my self, as at my Meals; since a man may as well live without eating, as without evacua∣ting. Nor do I ever receive a bag of Money without as solemn a Thanksgiving, as over a dish of Meat, since without the one, I could not enjoy the other. As for the times of Eating, let them that can do it, comply with the custom of their Country; but for my self, neither in this nor any other thing will I ever be a slave to Presidents, but by eating when I am an hungry, and drinking when I am a dry, enjoy more satisfaction in one Meal, than in ten eaten without an Appetite. However, were I to choose any one time for my chief Meal, it should be at six in the Evening, like the ancient Romans, since I can by no means approve of that great interruption of Business occasion'd by our Dinners; when we break off at Mid-day, and most commonly render our selves unapt for action all the day after.

[2] The mighty influence which Custom hath over mankind, appears in nothing more than in the several Fashions of mens Apparel, which becomes agreeable or unpleasant to behold, according to the usage of the Country. As for fine Cloaths, were all men wise, nothing would appear more ridiculous, but the folly of the Vulgar renders them in some measure necessary; for they, being only able to judge of the outside, set an estimate upon the man, according to the number of his Tags, Laces and Ribbons. I never see any persons wear Cloaths above their quality, but I fear they come dishonestly by them, and either receiv'd them from a Gallant, or run on the score for them: And whether they paid for them or no, yet they are little to be trusted; since he that lives above his Fortune, is generally tempted to feed his own extravagancy with dishonest and indirect dealing. The Ancients were much addicted to this Vice; Pliny (lib. 9. ch. 35.) speaks of the great abundance of Pearl and Purple that was worn as well by men as women: First, as for the men; we read that when a Praetor (being to set forth a magnificent Show) came to Lucullus to borrow of him some short Cloaks, he lent him (as saith Plutarchus in Lucullo) two hundred out of his own Wardrobe, ducentas accipere jussit: But Horace speaketh of a far greater number, no less then five thousand;

— Chlamydes Lucullus ut aiunt Si posset centum scenae praebere, rogatus, Qui póssum tot: ait? tamen & quaeram, & quot habebo Mittam, post paulo scribit sibi millia quinque Esse domi chlamydum, partem vel tolleret omnes. Hor. Ep. 6.

Marcellinus (lib. 28.) says, that they had a rich loose upper Garment, of which when they went to the publick Baths, they had so many brought after them as might well suffice a dozen men to carry. And at publick Feasts they often changed them, only for ostentation to shew their variety, at least so often as the several Courses were serv'd in:

Vndecies una surrexti Zoile coena, Et mutata tibi est Synthesis undecies. Mart. lib. 5. Ep. 81.

Neither was the price less considerable than the number; for ten thousand Sesterces were frequently given for a Cloak:

— Millibus decem dixti Emptas lacernas munus esse Pompillae. Mart. lib. 4. Ep. 61.

And in another Epigram,

Emit lacernas millibus decem Bassus▪ Mart. lib. 2. Ep. 10.

Now that which rais'd them to such an immoderate price, was the rich dye which they borrowed from Shell-fish; Quibus eadem mater luxuria paria pene etiam marga∣ritis pretia fecit, which our Luxury (saith Pliny, lib. 9. c. 35.) hath brought to prizes almost equal to those of Pearls. A pound of Violet Purple was sold for an hundred pence, in the time of Augustus; as witnesseth Cornelius Nepos, who lived and wrote during his Reign. Another extravagancy whereof they much boasted, was the wear∣ing a multitude of Rings, in so much that we find both Pliny and Seneca thus com∣plaining: We garnish our Fingers with Rings, and upon every Joynt shines a precious Stone. Senec. Nat. Quaest. lib. 7.31.

Per cujus digitos currit levis annulus omnes. Mart. 5.63.

Again,

Sardonychas, Smaragdos, Adamantas, Iaspidas uno Versat in articulo Stella, Severe, meus. Mart. 5.11.

At the Battle of Cannae, the Carthaginians gather'd from the Fingers of the slaughter'd Romans who died in that Battel, three Modii; which by Hannibal were sent to Carthage, as a token of the greatness of his Victory. And Nonnius the Senator, being proscribed by Anthony, carried with him in his flight no other Goods but only one Ring, wherein was set an Opal, valued at twenty thousand Sesterces, Pliny lib. 37. ch. 6. Nay, they were so vain to have some Rings peculiar for the Summer, and others for the Winter▪ as Probus writes: Luxuria invenerat alios annulos aestivos, alios verò hyemales. To the same purpose writes Iuvenal, Sat. 1.

— Cum verna Canopi Crispinus Tyrias humero revocante Lacernas, Ventilet aestivum digitis sudantibus aurum, Nec sufferre queat majoris pondera gemmae.

Nor were their women less extravagant in these matters▪ than their men; as you may see by this of the Poet:

Matrona incidit census induta Nepotum. Prep. lib. 3. Elog. 11.

Again,

Perque caput ducti lapides, per colla manusque, Et pedibus niveis fulserunt aurea vincla: Manil. lib. 5.

Suetonius (ch. 50.) tells us, that one Pearl which Iulius Caesar bought for Servilia the Mother of Brutus, cost him sixty hundred thousand Sesterces. Their Ropes of Pearl were so rich, that St. Ierom tells us, uno filo villarum insunt pretia, upon one Rope hang the prices of divers Lordships: in vita Pauli Eremitae. But they exceeded most in Jewels they wore in their Ears; Quare uxor tua locupletis domus censum auribus gerit? saith Seneca; Why doth thy Wife wear in her Ears the Revenues of a rich Family? Seneca likewise telleth us, (de Benef. 7.9.) that the women wore Silken Cloaths, if they may be called Cloaths, wherewith neither their Bodies nor Shame are covered; which a woman wearing, cannot safely swear that she is not naked: exposing no less to the publick view abroad, than they do to their Lovers in bed. Which immodesty is thus taxed by Horace:

Cois tibi pene videre est Vt nudam. —

They painted not only their Faces, but their very Eye-brows:

Scitis & inducta candorem quaerere cera, Sanguine quae vero no•• rubet, arte rubet; Arte supercilii confinia nuda repletis, Parva{que} sinceras velat aluta genas: Nec pudor est oculos tenui signare favilla, Vel prope te nato livide Cydne croco. Ovid. de Rom. Amor.

They likewise dyed their Hair:

Foemina canitiem germanis inficit h••rbis, Et melior vero quaeritur arte color. Ibid.

They also wore Hair which they bought of others, instead of their own:

I••rat capillos esse quos unit suos Fabulla, nunquid illa Paule pejerat?

They used Artificial Teeth, in defect of Natural:

Thais habet nigros, niveos Leucania dentes, Quae ratio est? emptos haec habet, illa suos. Mart. lib. 5. Ep. 43.

Lastly, they were furnish'd with Paint of divers colours, to conceal their deformities:

Pyxidas invenies, & rerum mille colores, Non semel hinc stomacho nausea facta meo. Ovid. de Medic. fac

There is no modern Folly or Vice which was not parallel'd by the Ancients; amongst whom this Luxury of wearing rich Apparel was much in use by all, excepting either those whose poverty denied them the opportunity, or those whose Philosophical wisdom shew'd them the vanity of it: as we see Apollonius's did. Diodorus writeth, that Pallas first taught the use of Cloathing and Apparel. Eusebius saith, that one Vso, a Sicilian born, was the first that made Cloathing for men of Beasts Skins. However the History of Faith deduces Cloaths from Adam's green Breeches. Boethoius invented the Shoomakers Art. Attalus first taught men to weave Gold in Cloaths. And the Phrygians invented Imbroy∣dering. The Greeks devised the Mantle. And the Hetrurians, Robes of State. There is no time in my opinion so ill spent as that of Dressing and Undressing, which like Penelope's Web is nothing but doing and undoing, with a Parenthesis of ten hours betwixt the one and the other. Nor are other Creatures to be a little envy'd in this respect, whom Na∣ture hath exempted from this trouble. Montaign is of opinion, that our Skin may as well bear nakedness as theirs: witness divers Nations, which yet never knew the use of Cloaths. The ancient Gauls were but slightly apparell'd. No more were the wild Irish, in so cold a Climat. Nor do I believe the ancient Britains receiv'd any great warmth from their Woad, the only guard they had from the cold. If there be any weak part in us, which in likelihood should seem to fear cold, it ought to be the Stomach, where dis∣gestion is made: and yet our Forefathers used to have them bare, and our Ladies are many times seen to go open-breasted. Z••leucus endeavouring to correct the excessive prodigality and finery of the Locrines, took a very ingenious course, worthy all Princes imitation; for he enacted a Law, that no Woman of free condition, should have any more than on•• Maid-servant to follow her when she goeth abroad, unless when she be drunk; and that she might not go out of the City by night, nor wear any Jewels of Gold or precious Stones, or Goldsmiths Work, or Imbroidery about her, except she be a pro∣fess'd Whore: Also that it should be lawful for none but Pimps and Panders to wear any gold Rings, or rich Garments, &c. Now by this means he reform'd their Manners, with∣out any Tyranny or Cruelty. In fine, The be•••• method is for all men to go dress'd accor∣ding to their Quality and Estate; but for my self, I desire never to be remarkable either for the fineness or meanness of my Garments.

[3] The Hair of a Man (though no other then an Excrement) hath been more taken notice of, than any part of the Body, in so much that several Laws have been produced about it. Heretofore in Greece, as also in most of the Eastern Countreys, it was esteem'd for a great punishment to have the Head or the Beard shaven. In many places the punish∣ment of Fornication was to have the Beard cut off, as a mark of the highest Infamy. N. Boyer saith, that it was the custom in France, (also Ta••itus writeth the same of the Germans) that the Wife being convicted of Adultery, should be shaven, and her Cloaths cut off round about her to the middle of her Waste, in which posture she should be car∣ried through the Towns and Villages to be seen of all people. Also Gandinus (de malefic. in tract. poen. nu. 56.) reports, that in Lombardy the Thieves and Firers of Forrests, were for the first offence poll'd on the top of their Heads; but for the second, had all their Hair cut off. Thevet (in his Cosmography) tells us, that 'tis at this day a punishment in the Isle of Candy to cut off any mans Beard. The Salick Law (saith Camerarius) setteth a Fine upon them that shall shave young Boys or Girls. We read also among the ancient Laws of the Germans, made in the time of Clotarius, this Edict: That if any one cuts off the Hairs of a Freeman against his will, let him pay him twelve shillings to make

him amends; and six shillings if he makes his Beard be shaven. Again, By an Ordinance of the Emperor Frederick it was enacted, That if any person shall pluck off the Hairs of anothers Head or Beard, he shall forfeit ten pounds to the party offended, and twenty pounds more for the satisfaction of Justice. Plutarch speaking of the custom of the Sicili∣ans, saith, That the Conquerors were mounted upon Horses crowned with Bays, and that the Prisoners being shaved, were led in triumph. Heretofore among the French, the Subjects were shaved in token of Vassallage, but the Princes wore long Hair as a mark of Ruling: And this appears by the Pictures of their Kings in the Churches of St. Denis, and St. Germain des prez.. In former times likewise, the Turks were used to let the Hair of their Heads and Beards grow to a very great length; for we read in their Histories publish'd by Leonclavius, that to cut the Beard with Scissers was not a thing in use. The Counsellors and Bassaes of the Sultan wore very long Beards; and if the Sultan were dis∣pleased with any one, he presently caus'd his Beard to be cut off for a shame and punish∣ment: as Leonclavius reports the Sultan Emir Suleyman did by Chassan, a Captain of the Ianizaries; Anno Dom. 1512. This custom of wearing Beards or Whiskers may be more necessary in those Parts, than in our more cold and Northern Climates, where that brutish Vice of carnal Copulation with our own Sex is not so usual, nor by consequence a smooth Chin in so much danger. Moreover there have been others who were enemies to long Hair: As we see Alexander the Great, when ready to joyn Battel, expresly com∣manded his Macedonians to shave their Beards, that so their Enemies might want that hold, when they grappled with one another. Alexander of Alexandria writeth, that the Abantes and the Mysians, a People of Arabia, did the same thing in time of War, and for the same reason. The like also do the Americans, and other West-Indians at this day. St. Paul followed this Rule, as most conformable to wisdom and reason, when he saith, (1 Cor. 11.14.) that it is a dishonour to the man to wear long Hair. Plutarch telleth us, (Vita Thesei) that the custom of the young men was, when they came to full age, they went and shaved their Hair in the Temple of Delphos. And that for a man to swear by his Beard, was esteem'd a most holy and Religious Oath. Now whether our Philoso∣pher Apollonius neglected his Hair, and let it grow, out of superstition, affectation, or la∣ziness, is uncertain; but if I might judg by my self, I should guess the latter. Where∣fore the invention of Perriwigs is of so great use, and saves men so much trouble, that it can never be laid aside: It helps to disguise the Thief; to make an ill Face, tolerable; the tolerable, handsom; to ease the lazy of trouble; and to make men their Vassals, if women would but wear them.

[4] Aesculapius himself rejoyced to have Apollonius a witness of his Cures; that is, the Priests of the Temple were exceeding glad to have so crafty a man as Apollonius was, confederate with them in their Cheat: he being of no less service to them, than Sergius the Monk was to Mahomet. Apollonius did as it were bind himself Apprentice to the Mi∣racle-Trade, when being one of the Sacris Initiati, and so receiving his freedom from Aesculapius, he afterwards (as we see) set up for himself. If I bear record of my self, my record is vain, therefore in all such cases the testimony of others is requisite. For two conspiring, one to seem dead and buried in a hollow Vault, (which is easie to be done) and the other to raise him again, will deceive many; but many conspiring, one to be dead, the other to bring him to life, and all the rest to bear witness, will deceive more. So that the main stress of all these things relyes upon the nature of the Evidence. And here∣in is to be examined the Interest and Credit of the Witnesses: First, For their Interest; some out of vain-glory think to acquire to themselves no small reputation, by being re∣corded in Story for a Companion to a God, or any such divine Person: We see how fond half-witted men are of conversing with such as are eminent either for Wit, Quality, or Courage, boasting of the Honour they had in being acquainted with such a Poet, Author, Lord, or General. Again, Others affect to cause admiration by relating wonderful Sto∣ries; but in such a case, which is most rational to believe, either that an old Woman flew through the Air in a Sieve, or that he who related it, told you a Lye. Nay, 'tis possible for a man to tell that Tale which he made himself so often, till at last the Author of it really believes it true. Furthermore, Some have got vast Revenues by professing a Doctrine to be true: and like Knights of the Post make money of their Evidence: which Lye being at first planted out of policy, is afterwards believ'd out of folly, and

believed even unto Martyrdom. Others have gone so far in their false Testimony, that they could not with Honour dis-engage themselves; and so before they were aware, have been drawn into a forfeiture of their own Lives, rather than recant. In the next place, Let us consider the Credit of the Witnesses, that they be neither Women, Chil∣dren, or Fools, that is to say, rude, ignorant, common people, such as are susceptible of belief: who believe all things Miracles that are above their understanding, taking in∣genious men for Conjurers, and think that God never shews his Power, but when he al∣ters the course of Nature, building their Religion upon some monstrous Birth, or the like: Were those men to write the Life of Archimedes, they would have presented you with another Dr. Faustus. Should any man go to London-bridge with one of Sir Samuel More∣land's Trumpets, and from thence proclaim Destruction to the City, I question not but many silly Watermen and Fishermen would receive it as a Voice coming from God. Now the more easie they are to be imposed upon, the less credit ought their Testimony to have.

[5] God appear'd to him in a Dream; that is, he dream'd that God appear'd to him: for so the Malmsbury Philosopher very ingeniously expounds it. Dreams (saith he) are the reverse of our waking Imaginations; beginning at one end when we are asleep, and at the other when we are awake: For instance, As Anger when we are awake, heateth such and such parts; so if when we are asleep we over-heat the same parts, it produceth angry Dreams: Also as Fear when we are awake causeth a palpitation of the Heart; so if by lying on our left side, those humours which flow to the Heart causes the like palpi∣tation, there likewise succeed frightful Dreams. The Ancients were very superstiti∣ous concerning Dreams, as we may see by the many remarkable Observations which were made of them: Herodotus tells us, that a Vision appear'd two several times to Xerxes in his sleep, and by threats constrain'd him to make War upon the Graecians: whereof his Uncle Artabanus being inform'd, he making slight of it as a Dream, and perswading his Nephew to Peace, the same Vision came likewise to him, with a pair of burning Tongs in his hands, as if he would have put out his eyes, for opposing the Coun∣sels of War. Herod. lib. 7. Xenophon writes, that one time as Cyrus lay asleep in his Pa∣lace, an Apparition came to him resembling an old man, with a venerable and divine Aspect, bidding him, Prepare thy self O Cyrus to go a Journey, for shortly thou must go to the Gods; which Dream awaking him, gave him warning of his death, which soon followed. Much such Stories as these, are those Dreams of Artorius, Physician to Au∣gustus, of Calpurnia, Wife to Iulius Caesar, of the two Consuls, Decius Mus, and Man∣lius Torquatus, of Titus Atinius, of Cicero, of C. Gracchus, of Aterius Rufus, of Annibal, of Alexander of Macedon, of the Poet Simonides, of Cassius Parmensis, of Craesus, of Astyages, Cyrus's Grandfather, of Himera, of Dionysius's Mother, of Amilcar, the Car∣thaginian General, of Alcibiades, and of the two Arcadian Friends, all mention'd in Va∣lerius Maximus; lib. 1. ch. 7. Also the Dreams of Dio, the Syracusan, related by Plu∣tarch in his Life. And of Iulian the Apostate, written in Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. 20. But that which is the most remarkable Story of all, is that of Marcus Brutus, related by Plutarch, and thus descanted on by Hobbs: We read (saith he) of Marcus Brutus, (one that had his Life given him by Iulius Caesar, was also his Favourite, and yet notwith∣standing murther d him) how at Philippi, the night before he gave Battel to Augustus Caesar, he saw a fearful Apparition, which is commonly related by Historians as a Vision: but considering the Circumstances, one may easily judg to have been but a short Dream. For sitting in his Tent pensive and troubled with the horror of his rash Act, it was not hard for him, slumbering in the cold, to dream of that which most affrighted him; which Fear, as by degrees it made him wake; so also it must needs make the Apparition by de∣grees to vanish: and having no assurance that he slept, he could have no cause to think it a Dream, or any thing but a Vision. And this is no very rare Accident; for even they that be perfectly awake, if they be timerous and superstitious, possess'd with fearful Tales, and alone in the dark, are subject to the like fancies; and believe they see Spirits and dead mens Ghosts walking in Church-yards; whereas it is either their fancy only, or else the knavery of such persons as make use of such superstitious fear, to pass disgui∣sed in the night, to places they would not be known to haunt. From which ignorance how to distinguish Dreams and other strong Fancies from Vision and Sense, did arise the

greatest part of the Gentiles Religion in times past, that worshipp'd Satyrs, Fawns, Nymphs, &c. and now adays the opinion that rude people have of Fairies, Ghosts, Gob∣lins, and Witches. Leviath. ch. 2. part 1. Sleep is a time wherein we are naturally apt to imagine those things which are not: however I must for my own part acknowledge, that the last Superstition from which I dis-engaged my self, was my resentment of Dreams; by reason of the many strange predictions that as well my self, as my acquain∣tance, have received from them: which however, I esteem accidental. The first ex∣pounding of Dreams, Pliny ascribeth to A••phiction, and Trogus to Ioseph the Son of Iacob; but Clement saith, the Telmessians first invented it, Polyd. Virg. l. 1. ch. 19. But whosoever first invented it, yet the Priests alone made themselves the Interpreters of Dreams, in which Art none were thought more skilful than the Chaldeans. Plato saith, it is the Office of Wisdom to draw Divining Instructions from them, against future times; wherein I see nothing but the wonderful experience, that Socrates, Xenophon and Aristotle (men of unquestionable Authority) relate of them. This Art was heretofore call'd On••irocritica, whose Interpreters were properly call'd Conjecturers, according to that Verse in Euripides:

He that conjectures least amiss, Of all, the best of Prophets is.

Many great Philosophers have been given up to this delusion of Dreams, as Democritus, Aristotle, and his Follower Themistius, as also Synesius the Platonick, so far building upon examples of Dreams, which some accident hath made to be true, that from thence they endeavour to perswade men that all Dreams are real. Macrobius distinguishes Dreams into five several kinds: 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 5. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Nay the distinction of Dreams was so accurate, that in the making of them Somnus was feigned to have no less than three Servants wait upon him: for if he would have a Dream that should concern Men, he made use of Morpheus; if Beasts, of Phobetor, (as men called him) or Icolos, (as call'd by the Gods;) if inanimate Creatures, of him whose name was Phantasos. As to the external or internal causes of Dreams, there are different opinions: For Aristotle refers the cause thereof to common sence, but placed in the fancy: the Platonicks reckon them among the specifick and concrete Notions of the Soul: Avicen makes the cause of Dreams to be, an ultimate intelligence moving the Moon in the middle of that light, with which the fancies of men are illuminated while they sleep. Averroes places the cause in the imagination; Democritus ascribes it to little Images, or Representatives separated from the things themselves; but Iulius Caesar Vaninus, together with all Physicians, refer the variety of Dreams, to the variety of Meats we eat, imputing the cause thereof to the vapours and humours which ascend up to the Brain. Montaign saith, that Dreams are the true Interpreters of our Inclina∣tions, proceeding from the cares and affections predominant in persons when they are awake; according to that of the Poet:

Res quae invita usurpant homines, cogitant, curant, vident, Quae{que} agunt vigilantes, agitant{que} ea ficut in somno accidunt Minus mirandum est.—

Historians say, that the Inhabitants of the Atlantick Isles never dream, who feed on no∣thing that hath been slain; which might perhaps be the reason. The Ancients had many Ceremonies relating to this exposition of Dreams, which are too tedious here to be in∣serted: Sometimes they would go and sleep in the Temple, with Laurel about their heads, and sacrifice to Brizo the Goddess of Dreamers. Also the Lacedemonians kept men of purpose to sleep in the Temple of Pasithia, to watch for Dreams: as silly people use amongst us to go watch at the Church-door, and know who should dye the next year: The like was done in Egypt, in the Temple of Serapis: Also Pluto in Aristophanes did the same. In fine, there were great advantages accrued both to the Priest and Civil Magistrate hereby; who were not only paid for their exposition, but also made such In∣terpretations as ever rendred them serviceable to the publick. Many have written upon this subject of Dreams, whereof the most eminent are Artemidorus and Daldianus. Some Books of this subject go about under Abraham's Name, whom Philo in his Book of the Gyants, asserts to have been the first practiser hereof: however, Pausanias attributes it

to Amphiaraus. Plutarch mentions other Books concerning this Art, which were found in Mithridates's Study. Artemon Milesius wrote two and twenty Books of it himself; and there is a Copy of about fourscore Senarii Verses in Greek, shewing the signification of such or such a sight in a Dream. Other Treatises there are, falsifyed under the Names of David and Solomon, containing nothing but Dreams upon Dreams: however Marcus Cicero in his Book of Divination, hath given sufficient Reasons against the vanity and folly of those that give credit to Dreams.

[6] Heraclitus was a Philosopher of Ephesus, sirnamed by Suidas 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, obscurus, from his affecting dark sayings: he lived in the time of the last Darius, A. M. 3447: ant. Nat. Chr. 501. his affections were contrary to those of Democritus; for he always wept at the miseries of this World, whereas Democritus continually laugh'd at them. Some report, that he never had any Master to instruct him, but that he acquired all his knowledge by his own labour and industry. He held Fire to be the Principle of all things; that the World was full of Spirits and Daemons; that the Sun was a resplendent Flame, not being any bigger then it appeared to our eyes; that all things were govern'd by Destiny: besides many other strange opinions, concerning the production of Natural things, all mention'd in Diogenes Laertius, lib. 9. also in Cic. lib. 4 de Quaest. Acad. In his old age he fell into a Dropsie, but would not use the help of Physicians: at last, having fallen into some dirt, and then lying in the Sun to dry himself, he fell asleep, and (as some report) was devour'd by Dogs in his sleep. Suidas tells us, that he had for his Disciples Pythagoras, Hesiod, and Xenophon. Pliny says of him, that for his Rigour and inflexible roughness of Nature, he was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a man without passion. He was stiled by Epicurus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an Ape or Mimick; as also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, mero-bibus. He used to say of himself, that when he was young he knew nothing, and when he was old he was ignorant of nothing. There were four others of this name, besides this Philosopher, viz. the first, a Lyrick Poet; the second, of Halicarnassus, a man of great Eloquence; the third, a Lesbian, who wrote the Macedonian History; and the fourth, a person emi∣nent for nothing but his Folly.

CHAP. VII. Of a very rich Cilician, who sacrificing to Aesculapius for the Restaura∣tion of his lost Eye, and shewing the occasion of his losing it, was thereupon, by the command of Aesculapius, excluded the Temple.

APollonius on a certain time beholding much Bloud sprinkled on the Altar, and Sacrifices laid thereon, together with Egyptian Oxen and Swine of a vast bigness lying slain, some fleying them, and others cutting them into pieces; also two Golden Bowls dedicated, wherein were placed most incomparable and precious Indian Stones, he went to the Priest and ask'd him what was the meaning of all this? saying, surely some magnificent person is liberal towards the God. To whom the Priest answer'd, But you would more wonder, if you consider, that this man hath yet made no Request, nor stayed the usual time, nor received health from the God, nor had that which he desires; for he came but yesterday, and yet sacrificeth so generously. Moreover, he promiseth to sacrifice and dedicate more largely, if the God will but grant him his request: for he is very rich, and possesseth more Wealth in Cilicia, than all the rest of the Cilicians put together. Now his Petition to the God is, to restore him his Eye that is lost. Apollonius (as his manner was, even in his old age) having fix'd his eyes upon the ground, enquired what was the mans name? which being told him, he reply'd to the Priest, That

it was unfitting such a Fellow should be admitted into the Temple, as being of a de∣praved Spirit, and one that had procured this blemish by no good: wherefore that he should be so prodigal in his Sacrifices, before he had obtained any thing at the hands of the God, argueth that he doth not so much Sacrifice, as expiate his own base and criminous actions: Thus far Apollonius. But Aesculapius appearing by night to the Priest, said unto him, Let this rich man be gone, having according to his deserts; for he deserves to lose his other Eye which remains. The Priest therefore having enquired of the man, found that this Cilician had a Wife which had a Daughter by a former Husband, with whom this Cilician being extremely ena∣mour'd, was accustom'd to lye with her; so as it was no longer conceal'd, for the Mother coming suddenly to their Bed, with Needles prick'd out both her Daughters eyes, and one of her Husbands. Hereby he taught this piece of Philosophy, That it becometh not them who Sacrifice, or offer Gifts unto the Gods, to exceed a medium.

Illustrations on Chap. 7.

IN this whole Chapter we find but two things remarkable: the first, concerning the extravagancy of the Gentiles Sacrifices; the second, of their Gods appearing to them; both which were the main support of their Idolatry, and gives me a just occasion to in∣spect the same. Now the original of all the false Doctrine, Idolatry and Superstition among the Heathens, proceeded from these causes: First, Revelations from above, devi∣sed and forged by their Priests. Secondly, Oracles of the same stamp. Thirdly, ambi∣guous Prophecies, (such as those of the Sybils) either applied to future events, or coun∣terfeited after them; thereby to gain Authority for any thing they would have credited by the people. Fourthly, Interpretation of Dreams in what sence they pleased. Fifthly, doing things which seem'd Miracles to the Vulgar, only by Natural means, or otherwise by the confederacy of Priests and Impostors amongst themselves. Sixthly, by intruding Traditions of great Persons or Actions in former times, without alledging any certainty of them. And lastly, by adventuring to tell more Fables and Lyes, because the foolish could not, and the wise durst not contradict them. Out of all which they extracted and composed a Doctrine of Rites and Ceremonies, (such as Sacrifices, Oblations, and the like) according to their own fancy, and possess'd the easie people therewith; who re∣ceived them as coming from God himself. Nothing was more usual among the ancient Priests, than to affirm to the people, that while they watch'd in the Temple their seve∣ral Gods reveal'd several things to them, (as we here see Aesculapius is reported to have done) which they were commanded to communicate to the people; while for the rest, the said Priests (being of great Authority and esteem as well with the Magi∣strates themselves, as with the Vulgar) did with much gravity (for it behoved them to keep their countenances) communicate to their Auditors the said supposed Revela∣tions; adding, that it concern'd both People and Magistrates to take notice of, and obey those counsels and precepts which they gave. In the mean while the Vulgar, not presu∣ming so much as to question the least syllable of what was told them, neither heard with their own ears, nor saw with their own eyes; in so much awe did Religion hold them: For the Priests did interest themselves in almost all manner of publick business, especially in the times of War, and publick calamities, well knowing that all men are more Pro∣phane in prosperity, and more Superstitious in adversity, as being less apt to give thanks, than to ask pardon. Who but their Priests had (I do not say Wit to invent, but) Au∣thority to introduce Novelties into Religion? Who (but those that got by it) would be so wicked to withdraw men from the practice of a Godly life, such as many of their Philosophers taught, to a barbarous and sottish form of Rites and Ceremonies, more be∣coming a Puppet-shew, than the Service of God? Again, could any else get thereby but the Priests, who profiting themselves more by mens ignorance, than knowledge, and by mens vices, than their virtues, cared not how often and how much they imposed and multiplied their Commandments; that so the Prevaricators might be more obnoxious

to their censure and punishment. That which is of a Divine Nature, (like the Deity it self) admits of neither mixture nor pollution from any gross and Elementary substances; therefore it is not to be believed, that those necessary and Divine Truths which do really come from God, can be any more shaken in mens minds, or defiled by any Superstitions, than the Sun-beams could be defiled by shining on a Dunghill: the Heathen Religion was mixed, alter'd and corrupted; therefore did it not come from God, as a necessary and Divine Truth. Universality is esteem'd a main Argument of a true Church; now the several Sects in any Religion, takes away this Universality. Another Argument that Priests make use of to prove a true Religion, is Antiquity: and here, that Priest who begins his Religion at a later time than the beginning of History, comes short of this mark of Antiquity, and casts a blemish on Gods providence for the former times. Campanella in his Atheismus Triumphatus, reduces the wicked Objections of our modern Atheists against Christianity, into six principal Quaeries, whereof the first reflects upon the Antiquity of our Religion: however because they are short, and of no force, I will here venture to insert them, just as I find them in him. 1. Si Christus est Deus provi∣dus, cur prioribus non venit saeculis, ad salvandum homines? 2. Et cur nunc tam innumerae damnantur Gentes? Ergo vanus fuit adventus ejus; Et cur alias multas perire absque re∣medio permisit postmodum in altero Hemisp••aerio, quod vocant Novum orbem? 3. Et cur creat Animas, quas praenovit esse damnandas, & plures salvandis? 4. Et cur unius pomi morsus tantum invexit malorum, ut totus exitio sic debeatur Mundus ex tam levi crimine, quod Deus necesse habeat incarnari, & redimere eum per gravius crimen, in sua morte ab ho∣mine commissum. 5. Si enim homo ob tantillum inobedientiae tanta passus est mala, nunc quia occidit Deum ipsum, quanto majora pati debet, nec salvari illius sanguine, sed irreparabilius damnari? 6. Et cur hodierno tempore Diabolus locupletior & potentior est quam Christus inter homines. But these Arguments are so weak and futilous, that they need no Answer, as appears by the very first: for all men that understand Christianity, know that we hold Christ to have been from all Eternity, and so he speaks of himself; before Abraham was, I am, Iohn 8.58. But to proceed: The definition of Religion, according to St. Austin, is that which prescribeth the reverence and ceremony of some superiour Nature, which they call Divine. Lactantius distinguisheth Superstitious persons, from those we call Religious, thus; the Superstitious are those who reverence the surviving memory of the Dead, or who out-living their Parents, adore their Images at home, as their Houshold Gods: which many of the Heathens did. Plutarch defines them to be such, who are by fear brought to believe Daemons or Gods. But Mr. Hobbs makes Religion to be Tales publickly allow'd, and Superstition to be Tales that are not allow'd of by publick Authority. Now he that will examine all the Religions in the World, must in the first place cast off all menaces and threats; Secondly, he must comfort himself with the assurance that God is the communis Pater of all mankind; and Thirdly, he must learn how to distinguish the True, from the Likely, the Possible, and the False, in all Religions. First, there are holy precepts for a good Life, in honour of the Supreme God, contain'd in the Alcoran. Secondly, which cannot come but from one extraordinarily endued with Gods holy Spirit. Thirdly, and were delivered to Mahomet by the conveyance of the Angel Gabriel. Fourthly, therefore constituted so perfect a Religion, that without it none can be saved. Here the first proposition is true. The second, a••most, is but likely; for Mahomet might have many of his Doctrines to that purpose 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ancient Philoso∣phers, and perhaps from Moses himself, by the help of Sergius the Monk, with whom it is said he advised. The third, is po••sible only; since though God might (if he so pleased) by the ministry of the Angel Gabriel, inform Mahomet of the Doctrines he taught; yet this is not likely, since there is no Testimony for it, but Mahomet's single word, who was no other than an Impostor, as appears by his addition of divers points of his own inven∣tion; and that therefore this Article is more remote than the former. As for the fourth proposition, it is absolutely false; there being a more perfect Religion than Mahomets, (since it contains many absurdities) and therefore not such as in it men can only be saved. Mr. Hobbs tells us, that in these four things, opinion of Ghosts, ignorance of se∣cond causes, Devotion towards what men fear, and taking of things casual for Progno∣sticks, consisteth the natural Seed of Religion; which by reason of the different Fancies, Judgments, and Passions of several men, hath grown up into Ceremonies so different,

that those which are used by one man, seem ridiculous to another. Now the first foun∣ders of Religion amongst the Gentiles, whose ends were only to keep the people in peace and obedience, have in all places taken care; First, To imprint in their minds a belief, that those precepts which they deliver'd, might not be thought to proceed from their own device, but from the dictates of some God, or else that they themselves were of a higher nature than meer mortals, thereby to have their Laws more easily received: like the first King of Peru, who pretended himself and his Wife to be the Children of the Sun. Secondly, They have had a care to make it be believ'd, that the same things were dis∣pleasing to the Gods, which were forbidden by the Laws. Thirdly, To prescribe Cere∣monies, Supplications, Sacrifices, and Festivals, by which they were to believe the anger of the Gods might be appeas'd; and that ill success in War, great contagions of Sick∣ness, Earthquakes, and each mans private misery, came from the anger of the Gods; and their anger from the neglect of their Worship, or the forgetting or mistaking some point of the Ceremonies required. And though among the ancient Romans men were not forbidden to deny, that which in the Poets is written of the pains and pleasures after this Life; which divers of great Authority and Gravity in that State have in their Ha∣rangues openly derided; yet that belief was always more cherish'd than the contrary. By these and such other Institutions, they obtain'd in order to their end, (which was the peace of the Commonwealth) that the common people in their misfortunes, laying the fault on neglect or errour in their Ceremonies, or on their own disobedience to the Laws, were less apt to mutiny against their Governours. Also being entertain'd with the pomp and pastime of Festivals, made in honour of their Gods, they not only imbibed their Religion, (by drinking the Founder's Health, as is usual at such times) but likewise needed only Bread, to keep them from discontent, and murmuring against the State. And thus you see how the Religion of the Gentiles was a part of their Policy. Leviath. ch. 12. part 1.

CHAP. VIII. Whether or no the Gods know all things? And how we are to pray? Also what things are due to men from the Gods? And last of all, the words of Apollonius to Aesculapius.

WHen upon the repulse given to the Cilician, many flock'd to the Temple, Apollonius demanded of the Priest, whether the Gods were just? The Priest answering they were most just, Apollonius further ask'd him, whether they were wise? What (said the Priest) is wiser than God? Then he again asked him whether they were acquainted with humane Affairs, or whe∣ther▪ they were ig••••rant of them? To which the Priest replied, that therein the Gods seem'd most of all to excel men; for that they through the weakness of their Vnderstandings do not sufficiently know their own Affairs, whereas the Gods know not only their own, but also the Affairs of men. You have answer'd very well and truly, said Apollonius to the Priest; wherefore seeing the Gods know all things, it seems very reasonable that he who cometh to the Temple of God, should [1] pray after this manner: O ye Gods, give me that which I ought to have! Now to good and holy men, good things are due, but to wicked, the contrary. Ac∣cordingly the Gods, when they find a man to be sound and untainted with sin, send him away crown'd, not with a golden Crown, but with all manner of good things; whereas if a man be polluted, stain'd or corrupt, they give him over to punishment: being the more offended at him, for daring to approach their Temples in his impu∣rity.

Apollonius having spoken this, and looking back upon Aesculapius, he said, Thou, O Aesculapius, dost practise such a kind of Philosophy as is abstruse and agreeable to thy self, not permitting the wicked to have access here, no, not though they should present thee with all the wealth of the Indians and Sardians; for they do not sacrifice or offer up these things because they honour the Deity, but for that they would buy off that vengeance, which because you are most just, you will never yield unto them. Many such pieces of Philosophy did Apollonius utter, whilst he was but a Youth, and lived at Aegas.

Illustrations on Chap. 8.

[1] WE find in the holy Scriptures that Prayer was from the beginning; for Abel prayed, and so did Noah, Abraham, Isaac, Iacob, with the other Patriarchs, pray unto God in all their doubtful Affairs, and returned thanks for their good success. Also Moses and Aaron, with others, as Hannah the Wife of Elcanah, shewed us an exam∣ple of Prayer. But Christ was the first that ever instructed us in any set form of Prayer, as appears by St. Matthew's Gospel. Afterwards, when men began to count their Pray∣ers, as though God were indebted to them for begging of him, there were devised, by one Petrus Heremita, a French-man of the City of Amiens, Beads, whereby to number them: Anno Domini, 1090. Now for the custom of turning our faces towards the East when we pray, that (as Folyd. Virgil observes, lib. 5. ch. 7.) is taken from the Hea∣thens, who Apuleius tells us, used to look Eastward, and salute the Sun. The actions of divine Worship are signs of our intention to honour God: and such are Prayers and Thanksgiving. First, Prayers; for not the Carvers, when they made Images, were thought to make them Gods, but the people that pray'd to them. And so sings the Poet:

Mart. lib. 8. Epig. 23.

Qui fingit sacros auro vel marmore vultus, Non facit ille Deos, qui rogat, ille facit.

'Tis not the Workman, nor the precious Wood, But 'tis the Worshipper that makes the God.

Secondly, Thanksgiving; which differeth from Prayer in divine Worship, no otherwise, than that Prayers procede, and Thanks succeed the Benefit; the end both of the one and the other, being to acknowledg God, for Author of all Benefits, as well past as future. However, I cannot but prefer Thanksgiving above Prayer; for that every man would serve his own turn by Prayer if he could, but few are so generous to give thanks when their turns are served. In giving thanks I serve God, in praying I serve my self: there∣fore of the ten Cripples, nine prayed, and the tenth praised God, and him our Saviour regarded most. To this purpose Cyrus told his Father Cambyses, That he shall more easily obtain any thing of the Gods, who doth not fawn upon them in distress, but in prosperity calls most upon them. Xenoph. lib. 1. ch. 8. The Heathens together with their Sacrifices made use of solemn forms of Prayer for the invoking those Gods, whom the Priests in∣tended to propitiate. These Seneca calls Sacrificae preces. This custom was general, not only among the Romans and Greeks, but the E••yptians themselves; as Diod. Sicul. relates. In some Countreys, the praise of the present King or Magistrate was set forth; but this was not ordinarily used. Iamblicus saith, that Prayers were not the least part of Sacrifi∣ces, since by them the Sacra were fulfill'd and perfected. And in another place he writes, that nothing can be done in the Worship of God ritè & auspicatò, without Prayers and Supplications. Plato in Alcib. That the most sumptuous Sacrifices that could be made, were not so acceptable to the Gods, as Supplications offer'd with a pious Soul. The word precari, which more properly than orare signifies to pray, is yet taken in an ambiguous sence; for unless the Preces be limited with either bonae or malae, it is not easie to know in what sence they are taken: therefore the ancient Iews were used to say, Bonas preces precamur. The bonae preces were address'd in a most solemn manner to Iupiter optimus maximus, and the Dii Deae{que} immortales. The malae preces or Curses were used in night-Sa∣crifices

to Pluto, and the Dii inferi: for, that Imprecations or Curses were used against Enemies in Prayer, may appear even from David's Psalms, where much mischief is wish'd to his Enemies: Put to shame that wish, &c. Psal. 42.14. The Ancients when they came to pray to their Gods, presented themselves Capite obvoluto, or their heads cover'd with woollen, and an Olive-branch in their hands, casting themselves down at the feet of the Image of that God to whom they address'd their Prayers and Vows. Petitioners both to the Gods and Men used to go with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Garlands about their necks, or green Boughs in their hands, to beget respect, and amuse the beholders, as the Scholiast on So∣phocles observes. In those Boughs they put Wooll, (as we do Silk in Posies) and so cal∣led them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Vittatas laureas. The Wooll was not tyed, and so fasten'd to the Boughs, but only wreath'd and wrapped up in them: from whence (it may be) Aethea, in the Tragedy of the Theban Women Petitioners (v. 31.) called it, The Tye without a Knot. The Italians likewise used such Boughs; for Virgil says,

Iamque oratores aderant ex urbe Latina Velati ramis oleae veniamque rogantes.

Also Livy speaks of the like practice of the people of Rhodes; their Boughs were either of Laurel or Olive: Vittatae Laurus, & sup••••icis arbor Olivae. Stat. Theb. l. 12. for the Lau∣rel was a sign of prevailing, and the Olive of peace and good will, as Lactantius says, Per quam pax petitur supplicando. Now the custom was with these Boughs, if they were doubtful of prevailing, to touch the Knee of the Statue of the God. It is said by Pindar in his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that when they desired the parties consent, they touched the Head, to have it annuere; when his help, his Hand; and when success, the Knee. Their usual gesture in praying was to hold up their arms towards Heaven, as you may see it in Eurip. Helen. v. 1200. and to rest their hands as far as they could upon their Wrists: according to that of Eschylus, where he says of Prometheus, that though the Gods had tyed him fast to the Hill, his stomach was so great, that he said he scorn'd to submit or pray manibus supinis, with bended hands, like Women and Children: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Another cu∣stom when they presented themselves before their Gods, was, that as they saluted and adored them, turning their bodies to and fro sometimes to the right hand, and some∣times to the left, they prostrated themselves, when putting their right hand to their mouths they kiss'd it, and afterwards sate down: Quò me vortam, nescio: Si Deos salutas, dextro vorsum censeo. Plaut. in Curculi. Now sometimes if they obtain'd a Request which was of consequence, you should have them relate it to the Priest of the Temple to be regi∣stred; or write it down in a Table, and leave it behind them for a Testimony. In the an∣cient Prayers of the Romans, Ianus and Vesta were first preferr'd, (as Fabius Pictor hath it) because they first taught the Religious use of Corn and Wine; and as they were first used in Sacrifices, so they had the first place, though not the chiefest, which was ever reserved for Iupiter optimus maximus. After them, the several other Gods had their par∣ticular Carmina & Precationes, addressed to them; and some Priests for that purpose ap∣pointed to say or sing them in a certain Tone, (like our Te Deum in the Cathedral Churches) whilst others stood by to assist them. At the same time another commanded the people Favere Linguis, or to be silent, whilst the Tibicen or Musician play'd by fits on the Pipe. Furthermore, Prayers to the Gods were used not only in Temples but also at Sepulchers, the words of them being for the most part barbarous and obsolete, there∣by to seem the more mysterious: although some Prayers may be found fitted to the pre∣sent occasion, and deliver'd in good language. In some Countreys much clamour and loud speaking was used when they called upon their Gods; which we see Elias wisely derided in the Priests of Baal. The Poets used to say, that Prayers were the Daughters of Iupiter, but lame, because they did not always obtain what they desired. There are hardly any forms of publick Prayer made by their Priests extant; and if any, they are too obscure to be understood. I have never read but of one, which was the form of Prayer used by the Athenians, and mention'd by that learned Emperor Antoninus, in these words: O rain, rain, good Jupiter, upon all the Grounds and Fields that belong to the Athe∣nians. Which Petition had in it so little charity for others, that Antoninus well observes, either we should not pray at all, or pray more absolutely and more charitably. For Pray∣ers made by private men in Temples, (whether for themselves alone, or for the publick)

Plato recommendeth to us that wise Petition of the Poet Ion, who used to pray thus, Zeus, &c. O Jupiter, give us good things whether we ask them or no; but those things that are evil give us not, though we crave them never so much. Plat. in Alcib. For as the Poet well observes:

Stulti haud scimus, frustraque scimus; quum quod cupienter dari Petimus nobis, quasi quid in rem sit possimus n••scere, Certa amittimus dum incerta petimus, atque hinc venit In labore atque dolore ut mors obrepat interim. Plautus in Pseudolo.

Other Examples of this kind may be found among the Ancients, as in Virgil, Cicero's Prayer to Iupiter Stator in the name of himself and the Romans; (where after repetition of what he had done) he begins thus; Imperii Statorem, &c. I beseech the stay of the Empire, that he would be pleas'd to give assistance to the Commonwealth, the whole State, and my Fortunes. Also Romulus when his men ran away pray'd thus; (saith Livy) At tu Pater, &c. But thou O Father of Gods and Men, chase the Enemies from hence, take away terror from the Romans, and stop their shameful flight, &c. Scipio going also against the Carthaginians, used this following Prayer out of the Pretorian or Admiral∣ship, in presence of his Souldiers, in these words; Dii, Deaeque, &c. Ye Gods and God∣desses that possess both Sea and Land, I pray and beseech you, that those things which during my Command have been, are, or shall be done, may succeed well to me, to the people of Rome, to our Allies, and to the Latine Name, who follow my Command and Conduct: As also to the people of Rome both by Sea and Land; may you give them all prosperity; increase their Numbers; bring them home again in safety, laden with spoyls, and triumphing over their conquer'd Enemies; grant likewise both to me and the people of Rome, to do such Feats against the City of Carthage, as the City of Carthage thought to have done against our City: Of this kind you may find divers in Livy, Valerius Maximus, Velleius Paterculus, and others. I shall give two Examples more of the Vestal Virgins, one whereof carried Water in a Sieve to the Temple of Vesta, after using these words, Vesta si sacris, &c. O Vesta, If I have always imploy'd chaste hands in thy sacred Rites, grant that I may with this Sieve draw Water out of Tiber, and carry it into thy Temple. Another of a Vestal mention'd in Suetonius's Tiberius is remarkable, if it be true: That ••he alone drew after her a great Boat that stuck in the Sands or Mud. But these were only private Prayers, and not the publick used at dedication of Temples, and making of the more solemn Sacrifices, and which were used in the morning, at mid-day, and at night, after great Victories obtain'd, when sometimes Supplications, or Prayers, with Thanksgivings, were made for the space of fifteen days; as you may see in Cael. Rhodig. The order and manner of celebrating them, were set down in their Books called Rituales.

Now in Prayer there are two things to be consider'd: First, The person petitioning; and Secondly, The thing petition'd for. As to the first, The person petitioning was re∣quired to be clean, pure, and without guile. Wherefore Cicero says, (de Legib. lib. 2.) Let men that approach the Gods, be chaste and Religious, for they that do otherwise, shall be punish'd of God himself. Again also, Let not the wicked presume to pacifie the wrath of God by Presents. This made Bias, one of the seven wise men of Greece, forbid the wicked Mari∣ners to call upon God in a Storm, saying, Hold your peace, for fear lest the Gods should know you are here. Plut. Mor. Pliny (lib. 18. ch. 3.) saith, That all things are better ac∣cepted, when they come from honest and pure hands. Also Plato interdicted all wicked men from attempting to appease the Gods: Plato de Legib. Upon this Consideration, the Ancients took care, that those Women who were imploy'd about their sacred places and Temples, should abstain from all filth and pollution nine days and nights, before they were admitted to that Office. Thus were Cybeles Priests gelded with a sharp Stone, only to preserve them chaste. Also in Athens they drank Hemlock, to allay their desires of coming to their Wives; and the Women that vow'd a Religious Life, lay upon a sort of Leaves, that were proper for the same purpose. Demosthenes likewise speaking of the chief Priests and Overseers of the holy Ceremonies, saith, I am of opinion that he who handleth sacred things, and taketh care of what belongs to the Service of the Gods, ought to be chaste and continent, not only such a number of days, but that in his whole Life, he abstain from all dishonesty. Thus also the Emperor Iustinian in his Institutes,

(Novell. 9. Collut. tit. 16. ch. 5.) strictly enjoyneth Godliness and Chastity to all Friers and Nuns. Methinks Chrysostom in his Sermon of Covetousness, hath a pretty similitude upon this subject: The face of the Soul (saith he) is the Conscience; and as a fair face delighteth those that behold it, so is a clean Conscience no less beautiful in the eyes of God. When an impious suppliant makes his address to God, instead of expiating his for∣mer crimes, he aggravates them, by presenting him with an heart full of irreverence, sin, and malice, to whom we should sue for grace and forgiveness: Therefore Xenophon pru∣dently advises us very rarely to pray unto God; for that it is not easie to settle our minds often in so regular and so devout a frame, as is required when we pray aright and effectually. Much more of this subject you may find in all the Fathers, but more espe∣cially in Lactantius.

The second thing to be considered in Prayer, is the Boon petition'd for: and herein great caution must be used, that it be such a thing as is fit for God to grant, and us to implore. Now as Montaign (lib. 1. ch. 56.) well observes, many men invoke the Divine assistance, to abet their greatest Villanies; according to that old saying, In nomine Do∣mini incipit omne m••lum; endeavouring (as much as in them lies) to make God a confe∣derate, or accessory at least to all their wickedness. Thus the Covetous man prayeth for the vain increase and preservation of his superfluous ill-gotten Treasure; det vitam, det opes, Horat. The Ambitious petitioneth for Honours and Victories, to satisfie his un∣satiable pride; cupit hic Regi proximus ipsi, Senec. in Herc. The Envious imploreth Re∣venge; like that hot angry Prophet, who cursed the poor little Children, and made them be destroyed with Bears, only for calling him Bald-pate, 2 Kings 2.23. The Lover prays to satisfie his Lust; and he that hath purchased Bishops-Lands or Crown-Lands, prays for the ruine of Episcopacy and Monarchy: He that is possess'd of Abby-Lands, prays devoutly for the downfall of Antichrist; as I do my self, upon the same occasion. The Thief, the Pyrate, the Murderer, nay and the Traytor all call upon God, all implore his aid, and all solicite him to give them courage in their Attempts, and constancy in their Resolutions, to remove all obstructions and difficulties that in any sort withstand their wicked Executions; and sometimes they give him thanks if they have met with good success: the one, if he have met with a good booty; the other if he return home rich; the third, if no man see him kill his Enemy; and the last, if his Treason took effect with∣out discovery. The Souldier, (if he goes to Fire a Town, batter a Castle, force a Reli∣gious House, storm a Fort, or enter a City that would not surrender, to put Man, Woman and Child to the Sword, or any such villanous act) before he attempt it, prayeth to God for his assistance, though his intentions and hopes are full of nothing but Cruelty, Mur∣der, Covetousness, Luxury, Sacrilege, and the like; according to that of the Poet:

Da mihi fallere, da justum sanctum{que} videri; Noctem peccatis, & fraudibus objice nubem. Hor. lib. 1. Ep. 16, 59;

Paraphrased;

Grant me, to play the Rogue, and act the Saint; Conceal my Vices with Grimass and Cant.

Margaret Queen of Navarre maketh mention of a young Prince, who going about an amorous Assignation to lye with an Advocates Wife of Paris, and his way lying through a Church, he never pass'd by that Holy place either going or coming, without offering up his prayers to God to be his help and furtherance. He that calleth upon God for his assistance in such a sin, does like that Cutpurse who should summon a Justice of Peace to his help; or like those who produce God in witness of a Lye:

— tacito mala vota susurro Con••ipimus. — Lucan. lib. 5.94.

There are few men would dare to publish to the World those secret requests they make unto God; wherefore the Pythagoreans very wisely ordain'd them to be made in publick, that all might hear them; and that no man should dishonourably invoke God, or require any undecent or unjust thing of him. Now such kind of Petitioners were not only un∣successful, but many times severely punished for their impious requests: We see how severely the Gods dealt with Oedipus, in granting him his request; for his prayer was,

that his Children might between themselves decide his succession by force of Arms: and he was taken at his word. Dr. Brown is of opinion, that it is not a ridiculous Devotion to say a prayer before a Game of Tables; because (saith he) in Sortiligies and matters of greatest uncertainty, there is a settled and pre-ordered course of effects: and so there is in Murder; but yet I should think it a presumption to implore the Divine assistance either in one, or the other.

Again, some there are, who without any evil intent, but merely out of their own igno∣rance, pray for such things which (if granted) would certainly prove their ruine: This foolish desire of men the Poets signifyed by the Fable of Phaeton, who having by his im∣portunity obtain'd o•• his Father Phoebus the conduct of his Chariot, set both the World and himself in a flame. Also Cicero expresseth the same by another Fable of Theseus, who craved of Neptune three wishes, whereof one was the d••struction of his own Son Hippo∣litus. The same Moral may be likewise drawn from the Fiction of Midas, to whom God Bacchus (for restoring to him his Foster-Father Silenus) granted his wish; which after∣wards proved his punishment, in having all things that he touch'd converted into Gold:

Hic Deus optanti gratum, sed inutile fecit Muneris a••bitrium, gaudens altore reeepto: Ille male usurus doni••, a••t, effice qu••cquid Corpore contigero fulvum vertatur in aurum. Annuit optanti, nocituraque munera solvit Liber, & indoluit quod non mel••ora petisset, &c. Ovid. Met. lib. 11.

Now to preven•• any of these misfortunes, let us always follow God, and never go before him; for which purpose, I think the best of Christians may herein follow this Divine advice of the Poet:

Juv. Sat. 10.

Nil ergo optabunt homines? si consilium vis, Permittes ipsis expendere numinibus, quid Conveniat nobis, rebus{que} si. utile n••stris, Nam pro jucundis, ap issima quae{que} dabunt Dii. Charior est illis homo quam sibi: nos animorum Impulsu, & coeca, magna{que} cupidine ducti Co••jugium petimus, partum{que} uxoris. At illis Notum qui pueri, qualis{que} futura sit uxor.

Shall men wish nothing? be advis'd, referre That choice unto the Gods, (who cannot erre;) For better then our selves, our wants they know, And will, instead of Toys, things fit bestow. Man's dearer to the Gods, than to himself; Mov'd by the strong impulse (of Love, or Wealth) We Wife and Sons desi••e: But only Jove Knows what this Wife, and how those Sons may prove.

We are taught by many of the Ancients, what requests we ought to make at prayer; Solomon begg'd for Wisdom. That best of Poets Iuvenal advises, Orandum est ut sit mens sana in corpore sano. But that learned Emperor Antoninus says, Whereas one prayeth that he may compass his desire to lye with such a Woman; pray thou, that thou mayst not lust to lye with her: Another, how he may be rid of such a one; pray thou, that thou mayst so patiently bear with him, as that thou have no such need to be rid of him. Another, that he may not lose his Child; but pray thou, that thou mayst not fear to lose him. To this end and purpose let all thy prayers be, and then see what will be the event.

Some few of the Heathens used no prayers at all, as we may gather from that old verse of Ennius; Desine fat a Deum flecti sperare precando: or at least no other then, Thy will be done; and that rather by way of Acquiescence, than Petition: But all other enlargement of request they declined, partly because they thought not the Deity flxanimous, to be won by entreaty, or bribed by Sacrifice; and partly because they held it a presumption in man to direct God what to do, and what to forbear; thinking that such a boldness

would be but slenderly excused, by an additional clause of submission to his Will. From hence Cardan took his Notion, when he writes, Deum non flecti precibus, esset quasi unus è nobis, passionibus & doloribus obnoxius. Of this boldness in directing God, I know not any amongst us so guilty as those gifted Brethren,

— Who with short Band and Hair, Do belch and snuffle to prolong a Prayer.

These are the men who pray by the Spirit, till the Dinner is spoil'd, and their Auditors almost starved with hunger and cold; for the Spirit will neither feed us within, nor warm us without. I do not find anciently either among the Iews or Gentiles, that long Prayers were approved of, or publickly permitted, especially according to the Spirit (that is, the Fancy) of him that prays. Nay our Saviour himself (whose example we ought to imitate in this, as well as in all other things) teaches us the contrary, by his short, but Divine Prayer. Besides, in these long ex tempore Prayers, how many Tauto∣logies, Irreverences and Undecencies are they guilty of! for all Prayers and Thanks∣givings ought to be made in words and phrases, not sudden, nor light, nor plebeian, but beautiful and well composed; or otherwise we do not honour God as much as we can. Who would go into a Presence-Chamber to make a Petition to his Prince, without think∣ing before-hand what he had to say? besides let us remember, that God is in Heaven, and we upon Earth, therefore should our words be few. However, Prayer in general is most commendable; for what can be greater relief and comfort to a man in affliction, than to have a God to flee to in his distress? The greatest ease in sorrow, is to have a Friend to break our mind to; and if so, how much greater relief and satisfaction must it be for an afflicted man to have God for his refuge, who is so well able to counsel, direct and assist him! Wherefore Tertullian saith, that a Christian while he is at his Prayers with his hand lift up to God, is insensible of all punishment. Take a Dog (says the Lord Bacon) and mark what courage he assumes when back'd by a man, who is to him as a God, or melior Natura: now of the same use is confidence in God to men; for it animates them with that assurance, as ever renders them successful. Of the power of Prayer, hear what the generality of the Ancients thought:

Et dominum mundi flectere vota solent.

Mart. lib. 8. Ep.

Flectere iratus, voce rogante, Deus.

Ovid. lib. 1. de Arte Am.

Sed solet interdum fieri placabile numen, Nube solet pulsa candidus ire dies.

Ovid. lib. 2. de Tristib.

Moreover, if Historians do not lye for Gods cause, we have many famous examples of the powerful effects of Prayer: as was that of the Plague in Rome, stopt by the prayers of Gregory the Great, A. D. 590. at which time an Angel with a flaming Sword in his hand, is said to have appeared on the top of Moles Adriani, from thence call'd ever after the Castle of S. Angelo. Also how Constantinople when besieg'd by the Saracens and Ara∣bians, A. D. 717. was freed, and the Siege rais'd, by the Prayers of St. German▪ then Patriarch of the said City. With many others of the like nature, too long here to be produced.

CHAP. IX. A Cilician being captivated with the Beauty of Apollonius, as also with his discourse, solicited him to Incontinency: whereupon within three days he died.

ONe of the Principal men among the Cilicians, being very infamous, and much addicted to his Lusts, no sooner heard of [1] Apollonius's Beauty, but setting aside all other concerns, went immediately from [2] Tarsus (where he was at that time upon business) to Aegas; pretending himself sick, and that he wanted Aesculapius's assistance. Therefore coming to [3] Aesculapius, as he was walking alone by himself, he intreated him to introduce him to the God. Whereupon Apollonius answer'd, What need have you of one to introduce you, if you your self be a good man? for the Gods are ready to entertain such as are virtuous, without an [4] Advocate. But (replied he) the God hath made you his Guest, but not me as yet. 'Tis true, said Apollonius, the study of Honesty and Virtue hath gained reception for me; when by practising that (as far as a young man is capable) I am the Servant and Friend of Aesculapius: wherefore if you be likewise addicted to Honesty and Virtue, you may go with confidence to the God, and ask whatsoever you desire. By [5] Jupiter, said he, I will do it, after I have made one request to you. What may that be which you would request of me, said Apollonius? Even the same, answer'd he, that is frequently begg'd at the hands of such as are beautiful; namely, that they would not envy others the fruition of their Beauty, but freely com∣municate it to them. And this he spake very effeminately, watering his Cheeks with Tears: for there is nothing so mean or base, to which such vicious and infamous men will not condescend. Then [6] Apollonius looking upon him with a stern countenance, said, Oh vile wretch, thou art mad! Whereupon the other falling into a Rage, threatned to cut off his Head. At which Apollonius smiling, cryed out, [7] Oh that pleasant day! for indeed within three days after, the Villain was slain upon the High-way by the Executioners, (or Lictors) for being in a Conspiracy with [8] Archelaus King of Cappadocia, against the Romans. These and many other such like things are written of him by Maximus the Aegean. Moreover Kings them∣selves vouchsafed to write Letters to Apollonius, by reason of his great Fame.

Illustrations on Chap. 9.

[1] APollonius's Beauty: It is very probable that we know not yet what Death either in Natural, or in General, is, since we attribute so divers forms to Humane Beauty: of which if there were any certain Standard whereby to know it, we should not give those several descriptions of handsom and ugly, according to our several Fan∣cies. We in these Northern Climes represent Hell for a place of extraordinary heat and burning; whereas on the contrary, I have heard of some Indians inhabiting hot Sou∣thern Countries, that describe those Torments to be extremity of cold: and so amongst them the blackest complexion is the handsomest; but with us, the fairest skin is the greatest Beauty. In Peru the greatest Ears are ever esteem'd the fairest; those of Mexico esteem the least Foreheads, the most beautiful. And blubber'd thick Lips, with a broad flat Nose, is generally beloved amongst the Indians; as also Teeth spotted with black or red, and long great Dugs, wherewith they may give their little ones suck over their Shoulders. The Turks love great saucer Eyes, in so much that one pleasure which

Mahomet promises men in his Paradice, is the enjoyment of Wenches with great Eyes. In Spain the chiefest Beauty is lean and slender; in Italy fat and corpulent: the soft, de∣licate and flattering please the one; the strong, vigorous, fierce and imperious the other.

Vt natura dedit, sic omnis recta figura: Turpis Romano Belgicus ore color. Propert. El. 18. lib. 2.

In Beauty, that of Favour is more than that of Colour; and that of decent and graci∣ous Motion beyond that of Favour. A man shall often see Faces, that if you examine them part by part, you shall find never a good feature, and yet all together agreeable enough. That is the best part of Beauty which a Picture cannot express. Aristole speak∣ing of Beauty, saith, That Dominion appertaineth to those that are beautiful: that they are most venerable next unto the God•• themselves, and that all who are not blind are touched with it. Cyrus, Alexander and C••sar, those great Commanders, have made much use thereof in their greatest Affairs; yea even Scipio the best of them all. Fair and Good are near Neighbours, and express'd by the self-same words both in Greek and in the Scriptures. Many great Philosophers have attained to their Wisdom by the assistance of their Beauty. Bacon's Essays, and Charron of Wisd. Deformed persons are generally even with Nature, and as Nature hath doneill by them, so do they by Nature, being for the most part void of natural affection. Certainly there is a consent between the Body and the Mind, and where Nature erreth in the one, she ventureth in the other: Vbi peccat in uno, periclitatur in altero. Deformed persons, saith the Lord Bacon, chiefly endeavour to free themselves from scorn, which must be done either by vertue or malice: therefore let us not wonder, if there have been persons eminent not only for Beauty, but also for Deformity, that yet have been both eminent for Vertue. Augustus Caesar, Titus Vespasian, Philip le belle of France, Edward the 4th. of England, Alcibiades of Athens, and Ismael the Sophy of Persia, were all high, great Spirits, and yet the most beautiful men of their Times. On the contrary, Tamerlain, Agesilaus, Zanger the Son of Solyman, Aesop, Gasca President of Peru, Socrates, and Crasus, all men remarkable for their Deformity, and yet were no less eminent for their extraordinary Vertue. Wherefore I cannot but condemn that Law of Aristotle as barbarous and unjust, who thinking all lame and deformed Chil∣dren not worth the rearing, ordained them to be exposed and destroyed. For (as Senec•• saith) Ex casa vir, &c. An eminent man may come out of a poor Cottage, and a beau∣tiful high Mind out of a low and deformed Body. It's true, a crooked Body is often in∣habited by a crooked Mind: and because they are not good enough to be esteem'd in this World, they for that reason promise themselves happiness in the next: making Lame∣ness, Crookedness, Squinting, great red Nose, Pimples, or Carbuncles, to be infallible marks of Election, or divine Grace: Deformed enough to be a Saint: They owe their Vertue to Necessity; and as an ugly Face is an Antidote to anothers Venery, so is it a Call to their own Chastity. In a great Wit Deformity is an advantage to his Rising: for in ancient Times (as well as at this present in some Countreys) Kings were used to put great confidence in Eunuchs; because they being envious towards all, are more obnoxi∣ous and officious towards one. The first distinction which is thought to have been amongst men, and the first consideration that gave pre-eminence to some over others, 'tis very probable was the advantage of Beauty; as the Poet seems to hint:

— agros divisere atque d••dere Pro facie cujusque & viribus ingenioque: Nam facies multum valuit, viresque vigebant. Lucret. lib. 5.

The Aethiopians and Indians (saith Aristotle) in choosing of their Kings and Magistrates, had special regard to the Beauty and Talness of their persons: for that it breedeth a re∣spect in his Followers, and a fear in all his Enemies, to behold a proper handsom man walking at the head of his Army.

Ipse inter primos praestanti corpore Turnus Vertitur, arma te••ons, & toto vertice suprà est. Virg. Aen. lib. 7.

The chief Vice whereof the Beautiful are guilty, is Pride; Sequitur superbia formam; as vainly esteeming themselves upon the meer liberality of Nature: which nothing but the Addresses, Courtship, and Admiration of others make them understand in themselves.

However, methinks this vain-glory should cease when they consider, Simia quam similis, turpissima bestia nobis! Ennius Cic. Nat. Deor. lib. 1. But if any Countrey under Heaven may boast of this natural Endowment, I may without vanity say 'tis England, whose Court is never without a Cleopatra, equal for Beauty to Anthony's Egyptian Queen.

[2] Tarsus, a City in Cilicia, now called Terassa, Hama and Hamsa. Long. 60. lat. 38.

[3] Aesculapius, the God of Physick, and feigned to be the Son of Apollo.

[4] The Gods entertain such as are vertuous without an Advocate. This shows, that the most wise and honest amongst the Heathens opposed the Doctrine of a Mediator betwixt God and Man▪ for they wanting the Light of our Gospel, and being altogether igno∣rant of our blessed Intercessor Christ Jesus, might perhaps oppose the Mediatorship of all others, for these Reasons: First, Thinking it unnecessary, Misericordia Dei being suffici∣ens Iustitiae suae. Secondly, God must have appointed this Mediator, and so was really reconciled to the World before. And that thirdly, a Mediator derogates from the infi∣nite Mercy of God, equally as an Image doth from his Spirituality and Infinity. Now these Reasons prevailed with many of the wisest of the Heathe••s▪ but for the vulgar and generality of those who were subject to the Idolatry of their Priests, they believed other∣wise of this matter, and swallow'd without chewing those pills of Faith, which were accommodated to the Sentiments of Mankind. Thus therefore, besides their particular and Topical Deities, they moreover acknowledged one supream God; not Iupiter of Crete, but the Father of Gods and Men. Only they said, that this supream God being of so high a Nature, and there being other intermediate Beings betwixt God and Mankind, they were to address themselves to them as Mediators, to carry up their prayers, and bring down his blessings: so as the opinion of a Mediator, was the foundation of the Heathens Idolatry; they not being able to go to the Fountain of Good it self. And thus we see, this invocation of Saints which is now peculiar to the Church of Rome, was no other than an old Relick of the Heathen Idolatry, and taken from their invocation of Daemons: who as St. Augustine says, are Interpreters and Messengers between God and Men, that hence they might carry our Petitions, and thence bring us down supplies, be∣cause those Daemons excel us m••n in merits. Aug. Civit. Dei, lib. 8. ch. 22. Thus also do the Papists urge the merits of the Saints in their Prayers, as in the Prayer of St. An∣drew it is thus, Oh Lord, let the holy Prayer of B. Andrew, make our Sacrifice pleasing to thee, that being solemnly exhibited to his Honour, it may be acceptable by his me∣rits, through our Lord, &c. in Festo S. Andreae. But for the Heathens invocation of their Daemons, hear what Plato says of it: God is not approached by men, but all the commerce between him and them is perform'd by the mediation of Daemons, who are Reporters and Carriers from Men to Gods, and from Gods to Men, &c. Plato's Symbolum. Also Ap••leius in his De Deo Socratis. And St. Aug. Civit. Dei, lib. 8. ch. 24.

[5] By Iupiter. The manner of Swearing in old time was thus: He that should swear, took a Stone in his hand, and said, If I wilfully deceive you, may Iupiter banish me out of all good mens company, as I now ca••t away this Stone from me. Polyd. Virg. lib. 4, 8. Pliny writes, that it was not lawful for any man to bear an Office five days, unless he were sworn: as amongst us at this day, such Officers are obliged to take such and such Oaths, before they are admitted into any Office of Trust in the Government. The Em∣peror Iustinian first appointed that men should swear by the Gospel: and now adays, all that swear, lay their hand on the Book and kiss it, saying, So help me God, and the holy Gospel: because as the Gospel of our Religion and Faith may for no cause be violated, so neither ought an Oath to be broken. However, considering the dull apprehensions of the Vulgar, I could wish that some more execrable form of words were inserted in our Oaths, which might (I am perswaded) more terrifie the unthinking Crowd, than the phrase we now use. I have my self known a silly old Woman, that having taken her Oath in one of the Courts of Westminster, and being afterwards asked by the Judges whether she was sworn, told them, no, ignorantly believing that those words, You shall swear the Truth, and nothing but the Truth, were only preparatory, and in order to some horrid Execration which she was afterwards to take. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an Oath, (the Son of Eris, and yet the end of all contention) was of two sorts, viz. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the greater and the less. The greater Oath was either of Men by the Gods, or the Gods themselves by the Stygian Lake. Hesiod▪ Epist. ad Heb. 6.16. Wherefore some fetch the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an Oath, from

Orcus, Hell. This Oath was then invented by Iupiter, and prescribed by him to the rest of the Gods, when he had the assistance of Styx and his Sons against the Tytans; or when he drank of the Water to quench his thirst in the Fight. Servilius says, (out of Or∣pheus) that if any God had sworn false, or broken his Oath, when he swore by Styx, he was to be punished for it in Hell nine thousand years. Which Order even Iupiter himself submitted to; and therefore took the more care how he sware, as Minutius says, De∣stinatam enim sibi cum suis cultoribus poenam praescius perhorrescit. Also sometimes it was their custom to add an imprecation of some evil, wherewith he knew them able to punish him, if he swore false: as Telemachus doth in Homer; saying, By Iove, and the sor∣rows of my Father. Iupiter was the proper Custos Iuramentorum; however, they swore by many of the other Gods, as also by their own men lately dead: as we see Demosthe∣nes swore by those that valiantly died in the Battel of Marathon. Some swore by the Name of Hephaestion; and C. Caligula esteem'd Drusilla to be the most sacred Name he could swear by. Sueton. in Calig. ch. 24. The Lacedemonians used to swear by their own two Gods, Castor and Pollux, and some by the whole Jury of Gods. But in the Marker∣place in buying or selling they commonly swore by Mercury. When they took any great Oath in publick, they used to lift up their hands, as Apollo in the Poet bids Lachesis, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. This Ceremony Menelaus in Euripides demanded of Helena. Helen. v. 834▪ Also at the time of their Swearing they sacrificed either a Boar, •• Ram, or a Goat; and sometimes one of each. Aristoph. in Lysist. The Romans at the confirmation of any League or Truce, used to sacrifice Pigs, because Iupiter was nursed by a Sow. Now the Flesh that was used to be eaten at other Sacrifices, was not at this, unless it were by the Worms or the Fish; for either they buried it in the ground, or else threw it into the Sea: as Tal∣thybius did the Sow, which was sacrificed at Agamemnon's Oath. Aristoph. in Lysist. and Eustat. in Hom. Il. Radamanthus (the justest man that ever lived) had expresly forbid them to swear by the Gods, but instead thereof, allowed them the use of a Dog, a Goose, a Ram, or such like Creatures. Sometimes they swore by the Ground, as Hippolytus does in Euripides, vers. 1025. Sometimes by their Head, as he does in Virgil, Per Caput hoc Iuro, per quod Pater ante solebat. Ecc. lib. 2. which was the reason (says Athenaeus) why they esteem'd the Head holy and sacred. Now as well amongst the ancient Heathens as Christians, he that made conscience of swearing right was esteem'd Religious, whereas on the contrary, they express'd a wicked man by the Name of perjurious. Both Minutius and Tertullian write, that they esteem'd it a more hainous crime to swear false by their Kings than by their Gods; and were more severely punish'd for it. St. Augustine tells us, that it was a custom amongst the Christians of the Primitive Church, to decide matters in controversie by Oaths at the Tombs of Martyrs. August. Ep. 137. which makes me wonder at the Quakers, who with their Yea and Nay, refuse all lawful Oaths before a Magistrate; when at the same time, in a godly manner, (as they call it) they speak less truth than other men. Some desire to trade with men of that perswasion before any other, but for my own part I have never met with greater Fourbs than those Quaking Saints, who cheat by the Spirit. One of that Sect I knew who was a notorious Lyar, and always began his Lyes with a Verily, verily, I say unto thee. We read amongst the Gentiles, that Witnesses used to be examined upon Oath, and that Xenocrates was the only person whose bare word was accepted: Tantae Authoritatis & fidei fuisse Xenocratem, ut quantumvis alios ad Testimonium dicendum nemo absque juramento, admittendus fuit. The ancient Romans, as well their Senate as Magistrates, were most exact and punctual in the observation of Oaths and Promises, even to their very Enemies, for the regard they had not only to Justice, and to their own Reputation, but also to the consequence of their good Example in the Commonwealth. To which purpose we may alledg the Exam∣ple of that worthy Consul Marcus Attilius Regulus, who being taken Prisoner by the Car∣thaginians, and dismissed upon his Oath, (promising either to procure the delivery of cer∣tain Prisoners, or to return himself to Carthage) was sent back by the Senate with his own consent, they being unwilling either to release the Prisoners, or to retain the Consul contrary to his Oath. The like may be also cited of T. Veturius, and Spurius Posthumus, Consuls; likewise of T. Mutius, and Q. Aemilius, Tribunes of the people, who wer•• deliver'd Prisoners to the Samnites, because the Senate would not ratifie the Peac•• which the said Consul and Tribunes had made with them. Cicero, lib. 3. de off. Sextus Pompeius,

Pompey the Great's Son, having Wars with Antonius the Triumvir, and meeting him at the Sea-side upon a Treaty of Peace, invited him to Supper in his Galley, giving him his Oath for his assurance, and being demanded secretly by Metrodorus the Pirate, whe∣ther he would have him weigh Anchor▪ and set Sayl, and so make himself the Lord of the World, he answer'd, That he was not used to forswear himself, esteeming it neither ho∣nourable nor profitable to gain the Empire of the World by Perjury. Plat. in Anton. Of no less Honour and Fidelity was Lycurgus, Brother to Polydectes, King of Lacedaemon••a, whose Widow offering to stifle the Child in her Womb, (begotten by the late King Poly∣dectes) if Lycurgus would marry her; he not only refused it, but also proclaim'd the young Child (his Nephew) King, so soon as it was born. Plat. in Lyc. Also for the Ho∣nour of the Romans, no less famous is that Story of Fabricius; to whom his Enemy's Phy∣sician coming, and offering to poyson the King his Master, and thereby to render Fabri∣cius victorious; he not o••ly refused his Treason, but also seized the Traytor, and s••nt him bound in fetters to his Master, with a full discovery of his treacherous intentions against him. Eutrop. Brev.

Romani Scelerum semper sprevêre ministros. Noxia pollicitum domino miscere venena Fabricius regi nudat a fraude remisit; Infesto quem Marte pe••it, bellumque negavit Per famuli pa••rare nefas, ductosque Camillus Trans murum pueros obsessae reddidit urbi. Claud. de bello Gild.

Cicero tells us, that Fides est Fundamentum Iustitiae. Wherefore we see how Plutarch in∣veighs against Alexander the Great, (for killing certain Indian Souldiers, that had ren∣dred themselves upon his word) saying, that that one act had spotted and stained all his glorious Conquests, and other royal Vertues. Plat. in Al. Also in Thucydides, (lib. 3. de bello Pelep.) We see how Paches the Athenian Captain is condemned for violating his Faith with Hippias. So sacred were Oaths and Faith given among the Ancients, that on many of their old Coyns for Testimonies of Faith kept, we see two hands joyned together with this Inscription, Fides Exercituum, or Fides Legionum, and sometimes Fides Roma∣norum. The Stoicks say, Faith is derived of the Verb fac••re, to do; because all things that are faithfully promis••d, ought to be executed. But still provided there be no com∣pulsion; for if a Thief on the High-way should with a Sword or Pistol at my Throat, make me swear to pay him on such a day all the Money I have in the World, I think no man will presume to say this Oath is binding either in honour or conscience; neither could I avoid taking it without running into a greater evil, and rendring my self Felo de se.

Quid? si me Tonsor, quum stricta novacula supra est, Tunc libertatem, divitiasque roget; Promittam? nec enim rogat illo tempore Tonsor, Latro rogat: res est imperiosa Timor. Mart. Epig. lib. 11.

Which may be thus paraphrased, in imitation of Martial.

If Shaver Howard with Razor at my ear The Author of Bucks Ballad should enquire; A Rogue, not Howard, imposes on my fear, I'de promise, but not grant him his desire.

However, for any man to violate his Faith or Oath, when made upon just grounds, no∣thing can be more dishonourable or more destructive to humane Society. And if we be∣lieve Historians, those violaters of Faith have been oftentimes severely punish'd for so doing: First, In sacred Writ, we find how Simeon and Levi were cursed by their Father Iacob, for violating their League with Sichem, Gen. 49. How Saul's posterity were pu∣nish'd for his breach of the League with the Gibeonites, 2 Kings ch. 21. How Andronicus, a Favourite of King Antiochus, was punished for his Treachery to Onias the high-Priest, 2 Machab. ch. 4. Also we see the great regard that Ioshua had of his Oath and League with the Gibeonites; saying, (when the Children of Israel murmur'd against it) We have sworn unto them in the Name of the Lord God of Israel, and therefore may we not touch them,

lest the wrath of God fall upon us for breaking our Oath, Joshua 9. Neither is prophane Hi∣story less filled with Examples of this nature: for Plutarch to the same purpose instances in that Story of Cleomenes King of Lacedaemonia, who making a Truce with the Argives for seven days, set upon their Camp in the night, excusing himself with this Equivocation, that the Truce was made for the days, and not for the nights: however this perfidious∣ness was his ruine, as the sequel of the Story shews. Plut. in Apoth. Lacedaem. The same Author likewise tells us of one Calippus, who being justly charged with a Conspiracy against Dion of Sicily, and having denied it with many solemn Oaths in the Temple of Ce∣res, was deservedly slain with the same Dagger wherewith Dion was killed before by his consent. Plut. in Dion. And many other notable Examples of this kind are recorded amongst the Writings of the Ethnicks, who were highly sensible of that Vice: in so much that when Tissaphernes the Persian broke his Truce which he had made with the Grecians, Agesilaus rejoyced at it, saying, We are beholden to Tissaphernes for making the Gods his Enemies, and our Friends, wherefore let us boldly give him Battel: which he did, and over∣threw him. Polian. lib. 2.

Ah Miser, & si quis primo perjuria celat, Sera tamen tacitis poena venit pedibus. Tibull. Eleg. 9. lib. 1.

[6] Then Apollonius looking on him with a stern Countenance. This Chapter gives not only a sufficient Testimony of Apollonius's great Chastity, but also of his wonderful Pati∣ence, when he returned so high an affront with so much modesty and gentleness: rendring himself a fit pattern for all good Philosophers and Christians to imitate.

[7] Oh that pleasant day! This expression, as well here as throughout the History, ever relates to the time to come.

[8] Archelaus King of Cappadocia: There were several Kings of this Name; one of Macedonia; one of Iudea; and two of Cappadocia, whereof one was overthrown by Sylla, and the other kept prisoner at Rome by Tiberius. But the person mention'd here by Philo∣stratus, I take to be the same Archelaus mention'd by Iosephus, in his Wars of the Iews; (lib. 1. ch. 17.) who married his Daughter to Alexander the Son of Herod and Mariamne. There was also a Milesian Philosopher of this Name: who was himself Scholar to Anax∣agoras, and Master to Socrates.

CHAP. X. Of the death of Apollonius's Parents, and the plentiful Estate that his Father left him; also by what means he reclaim'd his vicious Bro∣ther; And lastly of his wonderful Chastity.

SO soon as he receiv'd intelligence of his Fathers death, he went away to [1] Tyana, and there with his own hands interred him near the Sepul∣cher of his Mother, who died not long before. The Estate being very large, he divided with his Brother, who was a very intemperate young man, and much given to drinking, being twenty three years of [2] age, which by the Law rendred him above the protecti••n of a Tutor: whereas Apollonius being but twenty years old was under the discipline of Tutors. Therefore returning again to his Philosophical Studies at Aegas, he there instituted both a Temple and a [3] Lycaeum: for there was in him an Eccho of all manner of Philosophy. In a short time after, being arrived to full age, and become Master of his Estate, he return'd to Tyana, where when one told him that it was his duty to reclaim his Brother, and reform his In∣temperance, Apollonius replied, Truly this would argue great confidence in me; for how should I being a younger, reform an elder? Nevertheless, I will endeavour as

well as I am able to cure him of these Distempers. Therefore in the first place, he bestows on his Brother half his own Portion, saying, that he wanted many things, whereas himself needed but little. Then insinuating himself into his company, and wisely alluring him to yield to one that would reform him: our Father (said he) who used to instruct and admonish us, is now departed; it remains then, that you admonish me, and I you. By this means, as men are used to do when they break Colts, he by little and little prevail'd with him to reform his Life, and give over his numerous Vices, being addicted to Dicing, Drinking and Whoring, and so proud of his Hair as to dye it, walking in a haughty and stately manner. Now he had no sooner reform'd his Brother, but he began to work ••pon his other Kindred; and to render them the more observant of his Admonitions, he bestow'd on such as were in want the remaining part of his Estate, reserving but very little to himself. For he was used to say, that [4] Anaxagoras the Clazomenian spending his Estate on stocks and herds of Camels, was a Philosopher for Sheep rather than for Men: And that [5] Crates the Theban, who threw his Money into the Sea, was useful neither to Men nor Cattel. And Pythagoras being famous for this say∣ing▪ That a man should inwardly converse with none but his own Wife, Apol∣lonius reply'd, This I conceive was spoken unto others; but as for me, I am re∣solv'd never to marry, but to abstain from the company of all Women whatsoever. In which respect he seem'd far to surpass that of [6] Sophocles, who being grown old, said, that he was deliver'd from a mad and fierce Master. Whereas Apollo∣nius by his own vertue and temperance, was not overcome by him even in his youth: for being both youthful and of a strong Body, he master'd and subdued that mad passion. Yet some still accuse him of Venery, as following the errors of Love, and for that very reason continuing one whole year among the Scythians; whereas in∣deed he did never go into Scythia, nor was he ever captivated with the passions of Love. And therefore notwithstanding Euphrates hath composed false Accusations against him, yet did he never accuse him of Venery; as we shall demonstrate, when we come to speak concerning the business of Euphrates. This Euphrates had a quar∣rel with Apollonius, because he jeer'd him for his love of Money, and endeavour'd to withdraw him from the study of gain, and from making merchandize of Wis∣dom. But let us adjourn these Matters to be treated of in their due place.

Illustrations on Chap. 10.

[1] TYana; a City of Cappadocia, famous for the Birth of Apollonius.

[2] Three and twenty years of Age, which by the Law rendred him above a Tu∣tor. The Ancients divided the Age of man into seven parts, which they resembled to the seven Planets: comparing our Infancy to the Moon, wherein we seem only to live and grow as the Plants; the second Age or Childhood to Mercury, wherein we are taught and instructed; the third Age or Youth to Venus, the days of Lust, Desire, or Vanity, at which time being wrapt in the third Heaven of Love, we there both see and do things not fitting to be utter'd; the fourth to the Sun, the most strong, flourishing and beautiful Age of man's Life; the fifth to Mars, in which we seek Honour and Victory, travelling to ambitious ends; the sixth to Iupiter, wherein we begin to take an account of our Times, to judge of our selves, and to perfect our undestanding; the seventh and last to Saturn, wherein our days are sad and overcast with old age, sickness, and infirmities. Ro∣deg. 10.61, 62. Macrobius in his first Book of Scipio's Dream, (chap. 6.) extolling the singular effects of the septenary Number, expresses the remarkable changes of Nature every seventh year in the course of man's Age: As casting of the Teeth in the first seven; springing of the Pubes in the second; of the Beard in the third; the utmost period of

Growth and Stature in the fourth; of Strength in the fifth; a Consistence in the sixth; and a Declination in the seventh. Philo Iudaeus (in that excellent Book of the Work∣manship of the World) affirms likewise, that at the end of every seventh year there is some notable change in the Body of man; and for better proof thereof, he produces the Authority of Hippocrates, and this Elogy of Solon's:

Impubes pueri septem volventibus annis, Claudunt enatis dentibus eloquium: Post alios totidem Divorum numine dextro, Occul••um pubis nascitur indicium. Annus ter septem prima Lanugine malas Vestiet aetatis robore conspicuus, &c.

The Ancients had great respect for Old Age, vainly judging of mens wisdom by the length of their Beards; in so much that they had their particular years prescribed for such and such undertakings: The Age of one and twenty, freed them from the Tyranny of Masters and Tutors; therefore Philostratus here tells us, that Apollonius's Brother being 23 years of Age, was exempt from the Jurisdiction of a Tutor. They had also their particular years wherein they were capacitated for Marriage, and publick imploys: the Iewish Talmud, as also the Civil Laws and Canons of the Church, allow a woman to be married at twelve; Hesiod, at fifteen; Xenophon, and the Comedian, at sixteen; Aristotle, at eighteen; and Plato, at twenty: of all which, I conceive the marrying at twelve to be the most unreasonable; first, because there is not one in a hundred but what is fitter for a Joynted ••aby, than to look after the concerns of a Family, at that Age: and secondly, because it seems very unfit that she who by the Law has not a Testamentary power to bequeath an old pair of Shoes, should yet at the same time have power to dispose of her own Person and Fortune in marriage. The Lex Papia, made by Tiberius, prohibited such men as were past sixty, or women above fifty, to marry, as be∣ing unapt for Generation; the chief end of marriage: which Law was repeal'd in part by Claudius, but more fully by Iustinian. The blessed Virgin, when she brought forth our Saviour Christ, was but fifteen. Secondly, for publick imploys, particular Ages were required, and that both in Church and State: Lancelot in his Institutions of Canon Law, saith, No man ought to be made a Bishop till he be 30 years of Age, for as much as we read that Christ was baptized, and preach'd not till that Age. St. Chrysostom was made a Bishop at 43 years of Age: Savil'•• Preface. Thomas Becket was made Archbishop of Canterbury at 44; Mat. Parker, Antiq. Brit. Venerable Bede (our Countryman, who lived 800 years since) was by his own Testimony made Deacon at nineteen. And Ori∣gen, by the Testimony of Eusebius, was made Catechist at 18 years of Age. In the next place, for publick imploys in State: The Gauls put their Sons in Arms, and prepared them to War, at fourteen. The Gracchian Law ordain'd, that none should be levied un∣der seventeen. The Athenian Laws only commanded men to follow the Wars from 18 to 40; but as well they, as the Romans, seldom exceeded 45, as both Dionysius and Po∣lybius speak. Seneca in his last Chapter de brevitate vitae, saith, that the Law doth not compel a Souldier to serve after 50, nor a Senator after 60. To which Law Pliny alludes, in his Epistle to Pomponias Bassus, in these words; Ipsae leges majorem annis 60, otio red∣dunt. Romulus, according to Plutarch, began his Reign at 12; Alexander had in a man∣ner conquer'd the World at 33; Augustus enter'd upon the Consulship at 20, and re∣ceiv'd Virilem Togam at 16▪ Su••••on. We read in Baronius, of a Pope not above 12 years of Age. Cicero pleaded in publick before the Senate at 23 years old. Some men are sooner ripe than others; and when I read a Book, I never examine the Author's age. He that writes a foolish Book, makes his Reader but little amends by prefixing in the Fron∣tispiece Aetatis suae 60: neither on the contrary is Nonage any sufficient Plea in an Au∣thor, since he that thinks himself old enough to write a Book, can hardly excuse the Folly that is in it by calling himself Child.

[3] Lycaeum was the name of a School which Cicero erected at his Mannor of Tuscu∣lum; calling it so, after the name of Aristotle's School near Athens, which stood without the Walls in a Grove. L••ertius speaking of Aristotle's arrival at Athens, says, that the Academy being prepossess'd by Xenocr••tes, Aristotle made choice of the Lyceum; which,

as Suidas writes, was situated in the Suburbs of Athens, and first built by Pericles for the exercising of Souldiers. In this place he taught and discours'd of Philosophy to such as frequented him, walking continually every day till the hour of anointing, which the Greeks usually did before Meals; from whence he and his Followers are called Peripateticks:

In{que} Academiâ umbriferâ nitido{que} Lycaeo Fuderunt claras divini pectoris artes. Cic. Acad.

So that in imitation of this Lyceum at Athens, Apollonius erected such another at Aegas.

[4] Anaxagoras the Clazomeni••n; of whom I have written at large in my Notes upon the second Chapter of this first Book, Note 3. pag. 6, 7.

[5] Crates the Theban, Son of Ascandas, was a Cynick, and one of the most eminent of Diogenes's disciples, as both Laertius and Suidas write: however, Hippolytus saith, he was not the disciple of Diogenes, but of Bryso the Achaean. The original of the Cynicks was from Antisthenes the disciple of Socrates, who after the death of his Master Socrates, made choice of the Cynosarges, a School at Athens just without the Gates. The chief Professors of Cynicism were Antisthenes, Diogenes, Crates, and Demetrius. However, Cra∣tes had many eminent Auditors, as his Wife Hipparchia, her Brother Metrocles, Menippu•• the Phoenician, and Zeno the Father of the Stoicks, from whence sprang that great frater∣nity and communion betwixt the Cynicks and the Stoicks; in so much that (as Laertjus says, lib. 6.) the Stoicks themselves acknowledged Cynicism to be a short way to Virtue. Nevertheless he that well examines this Sect, together with the Manners and Behaviours of those who professed it, will find that Philosophy appears so fantastical in no dress as in Cynicism; differing in its pride, ill-nature, moroseness and slovneliness, from all other Sects of Philosophy, just as a rigid Calvinist differs from all other Professors of Christia∣nity. And this was the chief motive that induced Zeno to quit the Cynick Sect▪ for being commanded by Crates to do some undecent actions, his modesty made him refuse, and quit Crates's School: whose Cynick impudence was so great, that we read how Crates lay with his own Wife in publick, before a great number of people.

This Theban Philosopher flourished about the 113^th Olympiad, A. M. 3620. Pasicles, the disciple to Euclid, was his Brother. Now the account which Laertius gives us of Crates, is this: Antisthenes (saith he) in his Successions relates, that being at a Tragedy where Telephus was represented, carrying a Basket in a sordid condition, he after that betook himself to the Cynical Philosophy, and selling all his Estate, (for he was very rich, having got together above two hundred Talents) he distributed it amongst the Citizens, and was so constant a Professor of this Philosophy, that Philemon the Comick Poet takes notice of it in these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. thus rendred by the ingenious Mr. Stanley in his Lives of the Philosophers:

By him in Summer a thick Coat was worn; In Winter time (so Temperate) a Torn.

Diocles (as also our Author Philostratus) reports, that Diogenes perswaded him to part with his Estate, and to throw all the Money he had left into the Sea; saying, Abite pessum malae cupiditates, ego vos mergam, ne ipse mergar a vobis; for he thought that none could have Riches and Virtue together. Some of his near Friends that came to disswade him from this course of Life, he beat away; being of a most resolute Spirit: his House was from Alexander, and his Wives from Philip. Furthermore Demetrius the Magnesian saith, he deposited some Money in the hands of a Banker, upon this condition, that if his Sons betook themselves to any Civil imployment, it should be repaid to them again; but if to Philosophy, that it should then be distributed amongst the people, for as much as a Philosopher stands in need of nothing. Eratosthenes likewise relates, that Crates ha∣ving a Son named Pasicles by his Wife Hipparchia, so soon as he arrived at mans estate, he brought him to the house of a young Maid that was his Slave, saying, this is an Here∣ditary Matrimony to you: but those who commit Adultery, are according to the Tra∣gedians punished with banishment or death; and those who keep Concubines, were ac∣cording to the Comedians, by luxury and drunkeness transported to madness. He was exceeding invective against all Common women, thereby (as some say) to exercise

himself to bear rayling from others. Beholding one time at Delphos a golden Image of Phryne the Curtezan, he cryed out, This is a Trophy of the Graecian Intemperance! Another time, being beaten black and blue in the Face by Nicrodomus the Lutenist, he pasted a piece of Paper on his Forehead, wherein was written, Nicrodomus did this. Also at Thebes, being beaten by the Master of the Gymnasium, or as others say at Corinth, by Euthicrates, he laughed, saying, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.

He by the Foot him drew, And o're the Threshold threw. Mr. Stanly's Transl.

Alexander asking Crates, whether he would that his Countrey should be restored or no? Crates answer'd, To what end, seeing there will come perhaps another Alexander and destroy it. Again, The Athenian Magistrates blaming him for wearing a long Robe, I will shew you (saith he) Theophrastus in the same Attire; which they not believing, he brought them to a Barber's Shop, where Theophrastus was sitting to be trimm'd. Zeno in his Chrias saith, that he sowed a Sheeps-skin on his Cloak to appear the more deformed; however of himself he was very unhandsom, and always whilst he discours'd, laughd. In his old age he grew crooked, to which he alludes, when looking upon himself, and perceiving Death's approach, he said, — 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.—.

— And dost thou go old Friend, To the next World, thou whom old age doth bend?

He died old, and was buried in Boeotia. The Epistles of Crates are extant, wherein (saith Laertius) he writes excellent Philosophy, in a style resembling Plato. He wrote like∣wise divers Tragedies full of deep Philosophy. Stanly his Lives of the Philosophers; Sui∣das; Laertii lib. 6. Stobae. Serm Plutarch. Mor. Gale's Court of the Gent. part 2. Crates is much commended by Plutarch, for that he had no sooner read upon that Monster Sar∣danapalus's Tomb these Verses,

(Haec habeo, quae edi, quaeque exsaturata Libido Hausit: at illa manent multa & praeclara relicta.) Chaerill. Poeta.

But he extempore made this addition to them;

(Haec habui, didici studio quae pulchra; Camaenae Me quibus instruxere.)—

I cannot present you with a true Character of this Philosopher's Vertue, without ren∣dring it morose and ill natured to the brisk and airy, affected to the complaisant, ful∣som and unclean to the nice, clownish to the well-bred, prodigal and extravagant to the covetous, and unimitable to the licentious and youthful; however, since his Vertue (which consisted in a self-denying temperance) was great, the custom and discipline of his Sect, may justly attone for all his other ill-bred errors. Now besides our Theban Phi∣losopher, (whom Philostratus here speaks of) there were other eminent men of the same Name, viz. Crates, an ancient Comick Poet of Athens, a Disciple of Polemon the Phi∣losopher: Suidas. And Crates the Grammarian, (under Ptolomy Philom. Contemporary with Aristophanes) sirnamed Criticus, or Homericus, for that he wrote fifty nine Books of Comment▪ upon Homer's Iliads and Odysses: Suidas. He also first brought the Study of Grammar to Rome, as Suetonius says; for being sent by King Attalus to the Senate, he made many Narrations upon the death of Ennius, during the time of his Embassy. There was likewise another Crates of Pergamus, that wrote a Book containing the wonderful Curiosities of many Countreys; of whom Pliny (lib. 7.2.) and Aelian (de Animal. 17.9.) make mention.

[6] Sophocles, the Prince of Tragick Poets, by Birth an Athenian, and Son of Sophilus, was born in the second year of the seventy first Olympiad, whilst Philippus was Archon, as Anonym. in descript. Olymp. and the Scholiasts upon Sophocles say. However, Suidas and others write, that he was born in the seventy third Olympiad, which account makes him to be seventeen years older than Socrates; about A. M. 3520. and Ant. Christ. 428. Suidas says, that he died six years after the death of Euripides, but yet is preferr'd be∣fore him, for the majesty of his Style, though not for the number of Sentences. He was

Co-partner with Euripides and Pericles in the Office of Praetor. He wrote, as Suidas in∣forms us, one hundred and twenty three Tragedies: and in his contention for the Lau∣rel with other Poets, he obtain'd no less than twenty four Victories, whereof there were three most eminent. The first was the Victory which he got in his youth over Aeschylus, for the which, (as some say) Aeschylus retiring into Sicily, did there die of grief. Plu∣tarch. in Cimone. The second was, when his own Sons accused him in his old age for want of Wit before the Judge; whereupon Sophocles producing a Tragedy which he had lately written, and asking the Judg's opinion, whether that seem'd to be the Work of an Idiot? The Judg did so highly esteem of it, that reproving his Sons very severely, he dismiss'd them with disgrace, and their old Father with honour. Cicero, Cato Maj. 20. The third and last Victory of Sophocles was that which cost him his life, as some say; for being very ancient, and having rehears'd a Tragedy at the publick place for tryal of Wit, after a long Dispute, remaining at last Victor by one voice, he died for joy that he had won. Valer. Maxim. lib. 9. ch. 12. From hence it was that Cicero (calling him the di∣vine Poet) says, That he wrote Tragedies to the very last period of his old age. Cicero, Cato Maj. 20. Nay, Pliny is so Romantick in his commendation of Sophocles, that he brings a Miracle to honour him after his death, saying, (lib. 7. ch. 29.) that when Sophocles, the Prince of all Tragical Poets, was dead in Athens, it being at the same time that the Ci∣ty was besieged by the Lacedaemonians, God Bacchus appear'd several times by way of vi∣sion in a Dream to Lysander their King, admonishing him to suffer that person in the World whom he most delighted in, to be interred: Whereupon the King enquiring, what person was lately departed this Life in Athens, by relation of the Citizens soon found it to be Sophocles whom the God meant, for that he was the last man that had died amongst them; therefore he permitted them to bury him in peace, and to perform his funeral Ob∣sequies without any molestation or trouble▪ Concerning Sophocles's rejoycing at his old age, as a means to extinguish his Lust, which Philostratus here mentions, the same is al∣so spoken of by Plutarch and Cicero, who say, that Sophocles being on a time demanded familiarly by one of his Friends, whether he could yet keep company with a Woman if need were; answer'd, God bless me, my good Friend, talk no more of that I pray, for I am long since free from those matters, and by the benefit of my old age, have escaped the servitude of such violent and furious Mistresses. Plut. Mor. de Avaritia, ac etiam de Senect. & Sympos. lib. 1. & Cicero, Cato Maj. 43. Sophocles writing a Tragedy upon the Story of Antigone, Daughter to Oedipus King of Thebes, was so happy and successful both in his Fancy and Expressions, that the Athenians bestow'd upon him as a reward, the Go∣vernment of Samos. From whence that Proverb came, Sophocles est, He is a happy Ora∣tor. Sophocles introduced many new things for the reforming of the Stage; such as leav∣ing out the action of the Poet, by reason of his own ill voice; (for before his time, the Poet himself always acted;) he invented white Shoes, which the Actors and Dancers wore; he augmented the Chorus of Youths to fifteen, which before were but twelve; and likewise fitted his Tragedies to the Natures of his Actors. Also Vossius writes, that he first made use of Tribus Histrionibus, by adding, as Eschylus a second, so he a third Actor, who was therefore called Tritagonista, viz. an Actor of the third and last part. Concerning his death, notwithstanding what has been said before, Lucian writes, that he was choaked with a Grape-stone; which opinion is likewise confirm'd by that Verse of S••tad. apud Stobaeum:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Suidas saith, that besides his Tragedies he wrote likewise Elegies, Pa••ans, and some Prose. Cicero tells us, that a great golden Platter being taken out of the Temple of Hercules by theft, the God appear'd unto Sophocles in a Dream, and told him who had done it; the first and second time he slighted the Vision; but upon its frequent soliciting him, he cre∣dited it so far, as to inform the Magistrate thereof: who commanding that person to be apprehended whom Sophocles had accused, he was no sooner charged with the Fact, but he voluntarily confess'd it, and brought back the Plate. Cicero de Divinat. lib. 1.50. Ca∣roli Stephans Edit. Sophocles▪ resided very much at Colonus, a place near Athens, from whence Oedipus living there an Exile was called Colon••us; at this place Neptune was worshipp'd▪ Cicero de Finib. lib. 5.2. Concerning the true Character of Sophocles, I find

the Ancients had a great Veneration for him: Pompey when he was betray'd to the Egyptian shore by Sempronius, no sooner discover'd his error, and grew jealous of his own ruine, but he (though too late) reflected on the great wisdom of Sophocles, and repeated to himself (saith Appian, lib. 2. de Civil. Bell. Rom) these Lines of his:

To Tyrants Courts, the Valiant and the Brave, Though free they enter, soon become their Slave. Sophocl.

Vell. Paterculus says, that one Age, and that not consisting of many years, did enoble the Tragick Buskin, by means of those Divine-spirited men Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides; lib. 1. Polemon the Athenian Philosopher, was so delighted with Sophocles, and with Homer, that he would frequently say they were both endued with equal wis∣dom; calling Homer, Heroical Sophocles; and Sophocles, Tragical Homer: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Diog. Laert. lib. 4. How much Vir∣gil esteem'd him, appears sufficiently in his Eclogues, when he says,

Solo Sophocleo tua Carmina digna Cothurno. Virg. Eclog. 8.

The wise Simonides terms him, the Flower of Poets: his stile was so sweet, that Suidas tells us he was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Bee: his Verses masculine and lofty, as may be inferr'd from this Line of Iuvenals;

Grande Sophocleo carmen bacchamur hiatu. Sat. 6.

He left behind him five Sons, viz. Iophontes, Leosthenes, Aristones, Stephanus, and Mene∣clides. Opsopaeus (in Greek Epigram 3. upon the Sepulchre of Sophocles) prefers Sophocles much before either Aeschylus or Euripides. We read in Plutarch, (de vitis X. Orator.) that Lycurgus enacted for a Law in Athens, That at the publick expence of the City, there should be erected Statues of Brass for Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides; also that their Tragedies should be exemplified, and fairly engross'd, for to be kept in the Cham∣ber of the City: that the publick Notary of the City should read them unto the Players, and that otherwise it were unlawful to Act them. Some think that Sophocles first intro∣duced upon the Stage 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the Painting of Scenes; which Horace seems to aim at, when he says, Modicis instravit pulpita signis: but I rather find this Ornament to be first invented by Aeschylus, and afterwards perfected by Sophocles.

CHAP. XI. What Apollonius answer'd to him that ask'd him, why he did not commit somewhat to writing? And of his five years silence, wherein he did not utter so much as one word: but yet by Nods, and other signs, did very much good. Also concerning the Sanctuary of Tiberius.

[1] WHen Euxenus ask'd Apollonius, why he did not commit somewhat to writing, being so good a Philosopher, and able to write so appro∣ved and quick a stile? his Answer was, That he had not yet exer∣cised Silence; and from that time he began to think it his duty to [2] practice Silence. Wherefore laying a restraint upon his Tongue, yet nevertheless both with his Eyes and Mind reading many things, he committed all that he either heard or saw to his memory; by which exercise of his memory, when he was even an hundred years of Age, he was thought to excel [3] Simonides. He did likewise sing an * 1.6 Hymn in praise of memory, wherein he saith, that all things are faded by Time; and that Time it self never groweth old, but is immortal through the memory. However, during the time of his Silence, he was no unpleasing Company; for his eyes and hands, as also the nodding of his head, signified something to all that was

said: nor was he found unpleasant or morose, being of himself a lover of his Friends, and of an agreeable conversation. Moreover he affirm'd, that this course of Life which he continued for five years together, was very irksom to him: being one who had many things to say, yet not to say them, that heard many exaspe∣rating speeches, yet not to hear them; and when provoked to reprove sundry things, only to say within himself, Be quiet Heart and Tongue! for he received with silence many opprobrious terms against himself. Now all this time of his silence he resided partly in [4] Pamphilia, and partly in [5] Cilicia; where notwith∣standing he lived amongst such a soft and effeminate people, yet did he never speak one word. Sometimes when he came into a City that was full of sedition and divi∣sion about vain Shows, he going to the People, and presenting himself to them in publick, would by his hands and looks express that reproof which he intended against them, and thereby appease their discords; making them as mute as if they were conversant about the mysteries of Religion. For when men are at variance about such small matters as Shows or Horses, it is no great difficulty to pacifie them; because they who are disorderly about such things, with blushes recollect themselves, and come to their right mind at the sight of any [6] grave person amongst them. Nevertheless when a City is oppress'd with [7] Famine, it is no easie matter to ap∣pease their wrath, with ever so powerfull restraining words: But the meer silence of Apollonius was able to work such an effect; for coming to [8] Aspendus, (the third eminent City of Pamphylia, which is situate by the River [9] Eurymedon) he there found nothing to be sold but Vetches, and such kind of mixt Grain, whereon so many people fed; because whatsoever Corn there was, a few Rich men that were of Power in the City, had hoarded it up, that so it might be sold adulterate out of the Country. Whereupon a great number of people of both Sexes, and of all Ages, flock'd to the Governour, and carrying Fire along with them, threatned to burn him alive, notwithstanding he were fled to the Emperor [10] Tiberius's Statues; which were a more reverend and a safer Sanctuary, than those of Jupiter himself in [11] Olympia: in so much that one was thought to be impious, because he beat his own Servant, who had about him a Silver drachm signed with the Image of Tiberius. Wherefore Apollonius coming to the Governour, made signs to him to know what was the matter: The Governour answer'd, he had done nothing unjustly, but was unjustly wronged together with his people; and that unless he had reason done him, both he and his people should be destroyed. Vpon this, Apollonius turn∣ing himself to those that stood about him, and admonishing them by his Becks to hear what their Ruler could say for himself, they not only kept silence, but also depo∣sited the Fire upon the Altars that were there. Then the Governour taking courage, said, It is this and that man (naming several of the Citizens) who are the Authors of this Famine, by hoarding up the Corn some in one place, and some in another. The Aspendians hearing this, and encouraging one another to fall upon their Farms, Apollonius prevail'd with them by signs, not to do that, but rather to sum∣mon those who were accused, and receive Corn from them of their own accord. Wherefore they being come to him, he had much ado to forbear relating his resolu∣tion of Silence, by perswading them with an Oration to do what he would have them: For he was exceedingly moved with the Tears of Women, Children, and Old men, who bewailing their misery, complain'd that they should speedily perish with hunger. Nevertheless Apollonius holding firm to his resolution of Silence, dictated in a Writing-Table this Reproof, which he deliver'd to the Governour to be read. Apollonius to the Aspendian Corn-Merchants, sendeth Greeting: The Earth is the Mother of all, for she is just; but ye being unjust, have made

her to be your Mother only: So that unless you desist, I will not any longer suffer you to continue upon her. Being affrighted at these things, they reple∣nish'd the whole Market with Corn, whereby all people were relieved.

Illustrations on Chap. 11.

[1] NOtwithstanding Monsieur Morellus, in his Latine Translation of Philostratus, places this Letter of Apollonius to the Corn-Merchants, in the succeeding Chapter; yet finding it related more particularly to the subject of this 11^th Chapter, I thought it most proper to insert it here: and since, upon the perusal of Monsieur Vigi∣nere's French Translation of the same, I ••••nd he hath done the like.

[2] He began to practice Silence; this Doctrine of Silence he learnt from the Princi∣ples of Pythagoras, who enjoyn'd it with so much rigour to his disciples, as an Art where∣by to procure himself the more respectful attention: or rather, as Clemens Alex, says, that withdrawing themselves from things sensual, they might the more clearly and in∣nocently contemplate upon God, Strom. lib. 5. of all Creatures, they had the greatest respect for Fish, by reason of their silence, says Athenaeus, 20. That Pythagoras received this Principle from the Egyptians, see Caelius Rhodig. Lect. Ant. lib. 15. ch. 23. The Go∣vernment of the Tongue (saith Iamblicus) is of all most difficult, lib. 1. ch. 31. where∣fore Apuleius writes, That the first founder of Philosophy, first taught his disciples to hold their peace; and his first meditation in order to the procuring wisdom, was to bri∣dle the Tongue, and keep our words within the wall of our Teeth, &c. Apul. Florid▪ 15. Quintilian (Declam. 19.) says, he thinks there is no Virtue more difficult, than that of Silence. Laertius tells us, that the Pythagorean Novices kept silence five years, only hearing Pythagoras's discourses, but not seeing him, till they were fully approved of; and then they became of his Family, which he calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Systeme, Laert. lib. 8. also Servius on Virgil, Aen. 10. However Aulus Gellius (lib. 1. ch. 9.) writes, that this five years silence was not required of all, but of some more, of some less; yet that none were enjoyn'd less than two years silence, as none more than five. The like Apuleius in his Florid tells us, that some were silent for a lesser space, especially such as were more Grave; but those who were more Talkative, were enjoyned a quinquennial silence. The Pythagoreans for this their silence continued in great honour even to Isocrates's time, who in his Busiris says, That men more admired the Pythagoreans, who held their peace, than others who had obtain'd the greatest glory by speaking. Furthermore, Pythagoras enjoyn'd his disciples some kind of perpetual silence; for he taught, 1. That we ought to be silent, or to speak things better than silence: and 2. To comprehend many things in few words, and not few things in many words; whence Zeno blamed such, who in∣stead of being 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, lovers of Learning, were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, lovers of Words. 3. and lastly, Pythagoras forbad his Scholars declaring his mysteries to others; Theoph. Gale, Court of the Gent. lib. 2. ch. 6. This Pythagorean silence answers that of Iob, ch. 6.24. Teach me, and I will hold my Tongue. Pythagoras held this to be the first rudiment of Wisdom, medi∣tari condiscere, loquituri dediscere; as Pancirollus hath it, Tit. 10. de Horolog. Cardan speaking of Pythagoras's silence, wonders at the occasion of it; nisi (dixit) ut intelligere∣mus, nihil esse nocentius lingua; unless (saith he) we should thereby understand, that no∣thing is more mischievous than the Tongue, Tom. 2. l. 2. ch. 8. de Mut. Nulli tacuisse nocet, nocet esse locutum. How many men for one word speaking, have incurr'd banish∣ment, imprisonment, poverty, disgrace, the ruine of themselves and their Families, the anger of their Prince, the imputation of foolish, wicked, impudent or dishonest, and sometimes the loss of their very Lives! Nay, Princes themselves (as the Lord Bacon well observes) have sometimes given Fire to Sedition, by witty and sharp speeches which have fallen from them. Caesar did infinitely prejudice himself by that speech, Scylla nescivit literas, non potuit dictare: for it did utterly cut off that hope, which men had entertain'd, that he would at one time or other give over his Dictatorship. Galba undid himself by that speech, Legi à se militem, non emi: which put the Souldiers out of hopes of the Donative. Probus likewise by that speech, Si vixere non opus erit amplius Romano imperio militibus, gave great despair to the Souldiers. And many more of the like I

could instance; in so much that I may safely say, of all those that are killed for private Quarrels, (excepting such as dye in the Wars) there is hardly one in four that suffers for any other cause, but words inconsiderately spoken. Simonides used to say, that he had often repented himself of his speech, but never of his silence. Plut.

Quid de quo{que} viro, & cui dicas saepe caveto; Percontatorem fugito, nam garrulus idem est: Nec retinent patulae commissa fideliter aures; Et semel emissum volat irrevocabile verbum. Horat. lib. 1. Ep. 18.

This would be a very fit Inscription for the doors of all our Coffee-houses, wherein you can seldom behold a dozen persons, without their Iudas amongst them. The Dutch Knight that was Fined in our late Kings time, for some words that he had spoken, would have made a rare disciple for Pythagoras ever after, when he desired leave only to Tickle it with tinking. Words make all sorts of men our Enemies, and none but Fools our Friends; therefore, Vir sapit, qui pauca loquitur. He that makes others afraid of his wit, ought himself to be afraid of their memory: for as much as I have known many men, who (though they could not break a Jest) could break a Head. So that whether it was to avoid these inconveniences of speech, or whether to enjoy the benefit of a tacit contemplation, that the Soul retiring into her self, might be diverted from all external objects and irregular passions; whether for the one reason, or the other, yet evident it is from all their own Writings that the Ancients as well Pythagoreans as others, did greatly esteem silence. Lycurgus obliged the Spartans to initiate their Children to silence from their very youth, Coel. Rhod. Lect. Antiq. lib. 13. ch. 5. Ammianus Marcellinus (lib. 21.) tells us, that Silence amongst the Persians was worshipped as a Deity. Plu∣tarch says, that Silence argueth deep and profound Wisdom, it implyeth Sobriety, is a mystical Secret, and Divine Virtue: Mor. of Intemperate speech. The same Author like∣wise tells a story of Zeno, who dining at a Feast in company of some Persian Ambassadors, and not having spoken a word all Dinner-time, they (by way of jeer) asked him what account they should give the King their Master of him? Marry (said Zeno) you may only tell him this, that there is an Ancient man at Athens, who can fit out a whole Meal without saying any thing: and so turn'd the laughter upon them. Hesiod says, that the Tongue ought not to be spent upon every body, but reserv'd as a Treasure. And of later times we find an Institute of Iustinians, (in Oratione ad Antecess.) commanding all Stu∣dents of the Law their set times for silence, and for speaking, after the Pythagorean man∣ner; Loqui ignorabit, qui tacere nescit, Auson. But of all the Scholars that ever Pytha∣goras had, there never was any comparable to our Hero Apollonius, who not only perse∣vered in his resolution, but also during the time of his silence, he did more works of piety and charity without speaking, than any other Philosopher ever did with it: besides those many opprobrious terms and provocations which were daily offer'd unto him, though not with more malice then his great patience could bear.

[3] Simonides; There were several eminent men among the Ancients that bore this Name, as the learned Gerardus Ioannes Vossius writes. There was one Simonides who wrote the History of Dion and Bion, and lived soon after Euclid. Another Simonides Ceus, the Son of Leoprepes, who living before the Expedition into Persia, was born in the fifty sixth Olympiad, and died in the seventy eighth, being eighty nine years of age: he wrote a Scheme of Cambyses and Darius Government in the Dorick Dialect, as also Xerxes Sea-Engagement, and his Fight at Artemisium, in Elegiack Verses; but the Battel of Salamina he described in Lyrick Verse. And many other things he did, as you may find in Suidas, Lilius Gyraldus, and Anonymus ad Olymp. 62. an. 2. There was also Simonides Magnesius, the Son of Sipylus, and Co-temporary with Antiochus Magnus, whose Acts he relates in Verse: more especially his War with the Galatians, wherein Antiochus's Ca∣val••y was routed by the Elephants. Likewise another Simonides Amorginus Crinei, men∣tion'd by Strabo, lib. 10. and by Eustathius, in his Comment upon Dionysius. But the person mention'd here by Philostratus, was another Simonides Ceus, Grandson by the Mothers side to Simonides the Lyrick; this Simonides was sirnamed Melicerta, and is said to have invented the Art of Memory. He lived about the 82. Olympiad, and flourish'd just before the Peloponesian War. Suidas says, that he wrote three Books 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or de

rebus inventis: also three Books more of Genealogies, from whence 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by the Scholiast, upon the 11th. Book of Apollonius. Gerard. Ioann. Vossius de Histor. Graec. Pliny tells that he dwelt five years at Meroe, (an Island upon the Nile, at this day called Naulelate) where he wrote the History of Aethiopia. Natur. Hist. lib. 6. ch. 29. He further says, that the Art of Memory was first devised and invented by this Simonides Melicus, and afterwards brought to perfection by Metrodorus Sepsius; whereby a man might learn to rehearse the same words of any Discourse whatsoever after once hearing: Thus King Cyrus was able to call every Souldier that he had in his whole Army by their own Names. L. Scipio could do the like by all the Citizens of Rome. And Cineas (Ambassador to King Pyrrhus) the very next day he came to Rome, both knew and saluted by Name all the Senate, Gentry, and Cavalry throughout the whole City. Cicero Tusc. Quaest. lib. 1. Likewise King Mithridates, reigning over two and twenty se∣veral Nations of different Languages, did himself give every one of them Laws, and administred Justice to them in their own proper Tongues, without the assistance of an In∣terpreter, and in making his Orations, still varied his Language according to the peo∣ple's he spoke to. Also one Charmidas, or Charmadas, a Grecian, (whom both Cicero and Quintilian call Carneades) had so singular a Memory, that he was able to deliver by hear•• the Contents word for word of all the Books that a man would call for out of any Libra∣ry, as if he had read the same within Book. Pliny Nat. Hist. lib. 7. ch. 24. Furthermore Pliny speaking of Simonides, says, that he made an addition to the Greek Alphabet of these four Letters, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Eustathius says he added but these three, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Also, that to the Harp or Lute, Simonides added the eighth String, and Timotheus the ninth. Pliny Nat. Hist. lib. 7. ch. 24. and Plut. Mor. Sympos. lib. 9. Cicero speaking of the Nature of God, saith, Roges me quid aut qualis sit Deus? Auctore utar Simonide: who being ask∣ed by King Hiero to shew him what God was, desired one days time to consider of it; the next day being come, and the King thinking to receive his Answer, Simonides pray'd to have two days more for consideration; which two days being expired, he then pray'd for three; and so often as the King required his Answer, he still increas'd the number of days; whereat the King being amazed, enquired of him the reason why he did so? To whom Simonides replied, Because the more he consider'd of the thing, the more obscure and intricate it appeared to him. De Natura Deor. lib. 1.42. Ca••. Steph. Edit. Now the great veneration that Simonides had for God, might perhaps procure him that great share in his providence, which it appears by these two Stories he had. One time Simonides be∣ing at supper with Scopas at Cranon a City of Thessaly, news was brought him, that two young men were at the door earnestly desiring to speak with him; whereupon going to the Gate, he found no body there; but in the mean time, the Roof of the Dining-room fell down and kill'd Scopas, with all his other Guests. So beloved of the immortal Gods was Simonides, to be preserv'd from so eminent a danger, as Valer. Max. well observes, lib. 1. ch. 8. de Miraculis. Another time, Simonides having been a Voyage at Sea, and newly come on shore, he found the dead Body of a man lying unburied, whereupon out of charity he buried it, and was by the same Body admonish'd that night in a Dream not to set sail the next day; which he giving credit to, stay'd ashore: but those that went to Sea were all cast away. Whereof being informed, he was not a little glad, that he had committed his life to the security of a Dream, rather than to the mercy of the Sea: and being mindful of the benefit receiv'd, eterniz'd the memory of the dead person in a living Poem, &c. Val. Max. lib. 1. ch. 7. and Cicero Divin▪ lib. 1.52. Simonides offering to teach Themistocles the Art of Memory, he refused it, saying, He had more need of forgetfulness than memory, for that he remembred what he would not, but could not forget what he would. Another time, Simonides having requested of Themistocles a thing that was unjust for him to grant, Themistocles told him, That no man could be a good Musician that plays without time, nor a good Magistrate that governs without Law▪ Simonides used to say, That a man's Reputation is the last thing that's buried of him, unless we speak of such whose Honour and Vertue die before themselves. Plut. Mor. Simonides being ancient, and disabled from all other carnal and corporeal pleasures by reason of his years, he entertain'd one still which fed and maintain'd his old age, and that was the delight which he took in getting and hoarding up money; wherefore he is reproach'd for Covetousness, as we see in Plutarch. Mor▪ de Senect. He was a great lover of Silence, being used to say, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That he had often repented of his speech, but never of his silence. Cael. Rhod. lib. 13▪ ch. 5 Pliny (Nat. Hist. lib. 35. ch. 11.) speaks of a famous Painter of this Name, who acquired great reputation by drawing two Pictures, the one of Agatharrus the famous Racer; the other of the Goddess of Memory, called Mnemosyne.

[4] Pamphylia, a Countrey in Asia the less, on the East-side of Cilicia, by the Moun∣tain Taurus. It is called by Pliny, Monsopia; by Girava, Settalia; by Thevet, Zina; and by Nigrus, Caraman. The ancient Poets often mention it:

Hunc quo{que} per{que} novem timuit Pamphylia messes. Stat. lib. 1.

Also Lucan:

—Pamphylia Puppi Occurrit Tellus.— lib. 8.

There is also Pamphylia, a City of Media, Stephan.

[5] Cilicia, a Countrey of Asia the less, bounded on the West with Pamphylia, on the East with Syria, on the North with the Mountain Taurus, and on the South divided from Cappadocia by the Cilician Sea. At this day it is commonly called Caramania or Cara∣manta, and not Turcomania, as Ortelius writes. It is divided into two parts, Campestris and Trachea, that is, the plain and the rocky. In this Countrey St. Paul was born. The Inhabitants are much inclined to Lying and Stealing, from whence the Proverb comes, Cilix non facile verum dicit. Scituated for Long. 69. Lat. 37. Clim. 4. This place abounds much with Saffron, as you may learn from the Poets:

Et cum scena croco Cilici perfusa recens est. Lucret. lib. 2. Quotve ••erat dicam terra Cilissa crocos. Ovid in Ibin.

The Cilicians being eminent for Pyracy, were overcome by Pompey, and afterwards made use of by him in his Sea-Fights against Caesar.

It{que} Cilix justa non jam pirata carinâ. Lucan. lib. 3.

Arias Montanus saith, that Cilicia was by the Hebrews called Chalab. And Stephanus con∣jectures from Herodotus that the Inhabitants of this Countrey were heretofore call'd Ach••ians. The derivation of its Name Cilicia was taken from the Hebrew Challekim, or Challukim, i. e. Lapidibus, for that the Countrey is full of Stones.

Hinc Cilicis Tauri saxosa cacumina vitet. Sil. Ital. lib. 13.

Heretofore it was one of the most wealthy Provinces belonging to the Roman Empire; and eminent for its Proconsul Cicero.

[6] Come to their right mind at the sight of any grave person: That the gravest Bird is an Owl, and the gravest Beast is an Ass, was the observation of a great modern Wit, here∣by ridiculing Formality and Gravity in men; as if Gravity was an essential qualification both for Knave and Fool; 'tis the Ceremony of the Face, as all other Equipage and Ce∣remony is the Gravity of the Body, and peculiar as well to Offices and Imployments as to men. Gravity in a Prince consists of his Crown, his Robes, his Guards, his Presence-Chamber, his Councils, Officers, Ministers of State, Retinue, &c. In a Nobleman, 'tis his Title, his Coronet, gilt-Coach, fine Cloaths, numerous Pages, Lacquies, &c. In a Lawyer, 'tis his Robes either of black or scarlet, his Coif, his under-Officers, &c. In a Clergy-man, 'tis his Surplice, black Scarf, or Lawn Sleeves, his Clerk, or Lecturer, and saying Awmen with a laudable voice. In a General, 'tis his great Scarf hanging at his back-side, his Commanders Staff, his under-Officers, his Drums, Trumpets, Colours, rich Furniture of his Horse, &c. Also for Places, the Gravity of a Court consists in the many Accesses to it, the several Centries, Guard-Chambers, Chairs of State, Chambers of Pre∣sence, &c. Courts of Judicature, In the high Throne whereon the Judges and Justices sit above the rest of the people, in the Bar whereat the Prisoners hold up their hands, in the Cryer, Tip-staves, Gaoler, under-Officers, &c. Churches, In the high, gloomy, painted Windows, Altars richly furnish'd with Plate, as great silver Chalices, and Candle∣sticks, in Organs, in long Wax Tapers, a fine Ring of Bells, &c. These are the several kinds of Gravity which influence the silly vulgar people into an awful veneration and

obedience; though being the greatest part of the World, Mankind may (in effect) be said to be govern'd by Rare Shows. Sir Formal Trifle, with his little Hat sitting on one side, his short Hair, short Band, great Ears, short black Cloath-Cloak bobbing at his tail, stroking his Gloves through his hands betwixt his Fore-finger and his Thumb, as also his Eyes drawn awry with squinting at Heaven, his Nose shrivled up with speaking the god∣ly Dialect, is the true Character of the peoples Favourite, who think Gravity and Good∣ness always go together. This made not only Philostratus, but also the wise Florentine Secretary write, that nothing is more conducive to appease a popular Tumult, than some grave person of Authority appearing amongst them; and so sings Virgil:

Tum pietate gravem, ac meritis si forte virum quem Conspexere, silent, arrectis{que} auribus adstant.

If in their Tumults a grave man appears, All's hush'd, and nothing stirring but their ears.

He therefore who commands in a mutinous Army, or seditious City, and desires to ap∣pease either the one or the other, ought (in my judgment) to present himself with the most grace and advantage that he can; adorn'd with all the ornaments of his dignity, and whatever else may render him venerable to the people. Thus in the year 1505. Pope Iulius the 11th. marching unarm'd into Bologna, being accoutred with all his Pontifical habits, accompanied by his Cardinals array'd in scarlet, and carrying along with him the holy Sacrament, did with that Formality and Ceremony overcome the wickedest of men, Iohn Pagolo Baglione, who had been guilty both of Parricide and Incest; for notwith∣standing his Guards were sufficient to have resisted the Pope, yet were not his resolutions strong enough to withstand the solemnity of that Ceremony: because, as Machiavil ob∣serves, Men are as seldom perfectly bad, as perfectly good. Machiav. discours. lib. 1. ch. 27.

[7] A City oppress'd with Famine it is no easie matter to appease, &c. The Causes of Se∣ditions and Tumults (saith the Lord Bacon) are Innovation in Religion, Taxes, alterati∣on of Laws and Customs, breaking of Priviledges, general Oppression, advancement of unworthy persons, Strangers, disbanded Souldiers, Factions grown desperate, and Dearths, or Famines. Bacon's Essays, ch. 15. Now of all these, Famine is the most prevailing Mo∣tive; and that is occasion'd three ways: either by War, Weather, or ill Government. First, By War, when an Army or City through a long siege is reduced to that scarcity of Provisions, as necessitates them to feed upon Dogs, Cats, Rats, Mice, man's Flesh, and the like; as we read of the City of Ierusalem when besieged by Titus, wherein a bushel of Corn was sold for a Talent, and Sinks raked to find old dung of Oxen to eat: Also of a certain Noblewoman that sod her own Child for meat. Of which you may read more at large in Iosephus de bell•• Iud. lib. 6. ch. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11. Also of the Famine amongst the Carthaginian Army; Titi Livii Decad. 3. lib. 9. The Famine amongst the Africans; C••s. C••••. lib. 1. The Famine in C••esar's Army; C••es. Comment. lib. 7. The Famine of the Ro∣••ans besieged in the Capitol. Livius, lib. 5. And many others as well ancient as modern; such as was at the siege of Colchester in our late Civil Wars, wherein I have heard a great Officer say, he once dined at an Entertainment, where the greatest delicacy was roasted Horse-flesh, a Starch Pudding, and a dish of fryed Mice: to so great extremities does War oftentimes reduce! Secondly, Unnatural Seasons, or Weather, does often produce a scarcity of Bread-Corn, even to a Famine: In King Numa's Reign, the Poet assures us, that the Earth answer'd not the labour of the Husbandman, but miscarried some∣times by reason of an excessive drought, and at other times by reason of too much wet.

Rege Numa, Fructu non respondente Labori Irrita d••c••pti v••ta colentis erant, Nam m••d•• siccus erat gelidis Aquilonibus annus, Nunc ager assidua luxuriabat aqua. Ovid. lib. 4. Fast.

During the Reign of Valentinian, there was so sharp a Famine throughout Italy, that Fa∣thers were forced to sell their Sons, Vt discrimen mortis effugerent. Nov. Titl▪ 11. apud Cod. Theod. Under the Emperor Honorius, so great was the scarcity of Victuals even in Rome it self, that the cry of the Market was, Pon•• pretium hu••an•• Carni, Set a price up∣on

man's Flesh. Zozimus, 6. Annal. lib. 4. And long before, when L. Minutius was first made Overseer of the Corn, Livy reports, Multos è plebe, ne diutinâ fame cruciarentur, capitibus o••volu••is sese in Tyberim praecipitasse. What a miserable De••rth was that in Aegypt, (held by the Ancients to be the Granary of the World) when for want of Bread, their greatest Noblemen were forced to sell, not only their Estates but themselves, and become Bondslaves to Pharaoh? Gen. 47.23. How universal was that which Agabus predicted, and came to pass under Claudius Caesar, whereof both Dion and Suetonius bear record with St. Luke, Acts 11.28. Also here in England, (though being an Island Droughts can never much hurt us, yet) have excessive Rains produced as ill effects: for, A. D. 1314 about the beginning of Edward the Second's Reign, there was so uni∣versal a Dearth over ••his Land, that a Parliament was fain to be summon'd on purpose to moderate the prices of Victuals; and upon St. Laurence-Eve, there was scarcely Bread to be gotten for the King's own Family: Also the year following, it increas'd so violent∣ly, that Horses, Dogs, yea Men and Children were stolen for Food, and what was more terrible, the Thieves newly brought into Goals were torn in pieces, and presently eaten half alive by such as had been longer there. Thomas de la Moor. Likewise in the year 1317. in the 10th. year of the same King, as well the Famine, as a general Murrain amongst all kind of Cattel, continued no less violent than before. Sam. Daniel. But to conclude this Tragical Discourse, the third and last thing which produces a Famine, and scarcity of Victuals, is many times the ill Government, wherein Monopolies are suffer'd, by which means some few rich men engrossing all, the rest are left to perish for want, as was the case of the poor Aspendians mention'd in this Chapter. Wherefore above all things, care should be taken, that the Treasures, Moneys, and Manufactures of a King∣dom, be not gather'd into a few hands; for otherwise, a State may have a great Stock, and yet starve: for Money, like Muck, is not good except it be spread. Now this is done, by suppressing, or at the least keeping a strait hand over the devouring Trades of Usury, Ingrossing, great Pasturages, and the like. Bac. Essays, ch. 15.

[8] Aspendus, (the third mos•• eminent City of Pamphylia, su••ated upon the River Eury∣medon) was built by the Argives. The Inhabitants of this City used to offer up Swine in Sacrifice to Venus, because Mopsus at his arrival there vowing to offer up the first thing he met, it happen'd to be a Sow. Stephanus, as also Dionysius (vers. 851.) write, that this Town was founded by one Aspendus, from whom it derives its Name.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Where 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cannot signifie Maritimum, as Hen. Stephens renders it, unless there be manifest in the Poet, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For Aspendus is reckon'd by Ptolomy amongst the Me∣diterranean Cities of Pamphylia; and by him said to be far distant from the Sea: lib. 5. ch. 5. Also Strabo affirms it to be 60 stadia distant from the Sea: lib. 14. Nevertheless Montanus thinks that it is a Town hanging over the Sea, from that word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and that being situated on a Hill, it might overlook the Sea, and yet be some distance from it. Mela 1.13. Now Aspendus has the prospect of that Sea, wherein happen'd the great Engagement of the Athenians, under the Convoy of Admiral Cimon, against the Medos and Persians, mention'd in the first Book of Thucyd. As also by Dionysius.

9. Eurymedon, a River that rises out of the Mountain Taurus, and runs thorow the middle of Pamphylia: Mel••. Wherefore Ptolomy errs in placing the City Aspendus re∣mote from the River Eurymedon; as he doth in his Tables.

[10] Tiberius's Statues: It is no doubt (saith Polyd Virgil. lib. 1 ch. 5,) but that in the Infancy of Government, men did highly advance their first Kings honour and praises, when either for their wonderful courage and virtue, or to flatter the condition of their dignity, or for some special benefit from them receiv'd, they magnified them as Gods; erecting Images to them, and taking pleasure in beholding the same. Macrobius writes, that Hercules was the first inventer of Statues or Images. Lactantius attributes them to Prometheus; and Diodorus, to the Aethiopians or Aegyptians. Rachel when her Husband fled out of Mesopotamia, from his Father-in-Law Laban, did steal away her Fathers Gods or Statues. And some think that men took occasion from God to make Images, who willing to shew to the gross wits of men, some representation of himself, took on

him the shape of men, and appear'd to Abraham and Iacob: from whence men receiv'd the manner of making Images of God, to keep him fresh in their memory. Thus Spurius Cassius in Rome erected the Image of Ceres in Brass. Afterwards the Statues of Men were made, to excite others to Noble enterprizes: And for that cause the Athenians set up the Images of Hermodius and Aristogiton, who slew and expulsed the Tyrants. Leontinus Gorgias made himself an Image of pure Gold, without any hollowness, and erected it at Delphos in the 78^th Olympiad. Likewise Pharnaces caused one to be made of Silver like himself, which Pompey in his Triumph removed. In Italy M. Atilius Glabrio erected the first Statue of Gold on Horse-back, in remembrance of his Father. There were also Images made of Brass, Ivory, Wood, and Marble. See more at large of this Subject in Pliny's Natur. Hist. lib. 34. The manner of the Romans was to set up their Ima∣ges cover'd, but the Graecians form'd them all naked. These Statues of Tyberius menti∣on'd by Philostratus, might be those which Tacitus speaks of in the 14th. Book of his Annals, ch. 8. as also in the 3d. Book of his An. ch. 8. where it is said, That every wick∣ed Fellow, if he could but catch hold on Caesar's Image, might freely and without punish∣ment injure honest men, &c. At first there was no Statues nor Pictures in the Christian Church, but they crept in by little and little, and men made private Images of the Cross of Christ, and him upon it, after the Example of Moses, who set up the brazen Serpent; as also of Agbarus, Duke of the Edissenians, who sent a Painter to draw the Image of our Saviour Christ; but not being able to behold the brightness of his Face, Christ laid a Napkin thereon, wherein by his divine Power he printed the resemblance of his Visage, and so sent it by the Painter to the Duke. Polyd. Virg. lib. 6. ch. 10. We also read that St. Luke had the Image of the Virgin Mary in a painted Table. But Images were never publickly receiv'd and worshipped in the Church, till, about the year 630. (in the sixth Council held at Constantinople, by the Command of Constantine, and Iustinian the 2d. his Son) it was so decreed.

[11] Olympia, a City near the Hill Olympus, wherein Iupiter Olympius had his Tem∣ple; it is now call'd Langanico, or Stauri, as Castaldus writes; and not far distant from Elis and Pisa, two Cities of Greece. This City was famous for its Celebration of the Olympick Games every fifth year. Strabo tells us, that it was anciently called Arpina, lib. 8.

CHAP. XII. How Apollonius's time of Silence being expired, he went to Antioch; Also concerning the Temple of Apollo-Daphnaeus, and of Daphne, and the great concourse of the Assyrians that followed him: Like∣wise his Precepts to his Disciples, and what they were to do the whole day.

AFter this, the time of his Silence being expired, he came to [1] Anti∣och, sirnamed the Great, and there entred into the Temple of [2] Apol∣lo-Daphnaeus, to whom the Assyrians apply the Arcadian Fable, assert∣ing that Daphne, the Daughter of the River Ladon, was born there; for there is indeed a River with them called Ladon, and they revere the Laurel, in comme∣moration (as they say) of the Virgin Daphne. Also, Cypress Trees of an im∣mense heighth stand round about the Temple, and the Countrey yieldeth pleasant and gentle Springs of Water, wherein they report Apollo uses to bathe himself. The Earth of that place yields also a Grove of Cypress Trees, in memory (as they say) of [3] Cyparissus, an Assyrian Youth: and truly the beauty of the Tree gives

credit to the Metamorphosis. But perhaps I may seem to recite too youthful Stories, whilst I mention these [4] Fables; which nevertheless I do, not for the Fables sake, but in order to my following Discourse. Now Apollonius, observing the Tem∣ple to be pleas••nt, but without any discipline, being inhabited by men half barba∣rous, said, Oh Apollo, change these dumb men into Trees, that they may at least make a noise like the Cypresses. Furthermore, observing the Springs how quietly they ran, without making any manner of noise, he said, The silence of this place is such, as it doth not permit so much as the Springs to speak. And when he beheld [5] Ladon, he said, Not only thy Daughter, Oh Ladon, is changed into another form, but also thou thy self, in that of a Greek and Arcadian, thou art become a Barbarian. After this, when he minded to discourse with them, he refused the rude and disorderly manners of the Inhabitants, saying, That he had need of Men and not of Clowns. Yet nevertheless, if he saw any civil persons, and such as were of good behaviour, he admitted them into his Conversation. He dwelt amongst the Priests, and at Sun-rising perform'd certain Religious Rites in private, which he communicated only to those who had exercised four years silence with him. But af∣terwards if he happen'd to be in any Greek City, where the Religious Rites were made publick, he would discourse Philosophically with the Priests of the Temples concerning the Gods, and correct what errors he found amongst them. But if he came into any barbarous City, that had peculiar Manners of their own, he always enquired who were the Founders of their Rites and Customs, as also how long they had continued in that discipline; and then endeavour'd to perswade them to change for the better. Afterwards applying himself to his Disciples, he command∣ed them to ask whatsoever they would; and told them, that whosoever would Phi∣losophize so as he did, should in the * 1.7 morning first converse with the Gods; then as the day grew on, discourse concerning the Gods; and last of all, consult of hu∣mane Affairs. Now when he had answer'd all such Questions as were asked him by his Companions, and was satisfied with their Converse, he would then apply him∣self to the multitude; yet never in the forenoon, but only towards the evening. And when he had discours'd with them so much as he thought convenient, he would be [6] anointed; and afterwards being rubbed, he went into cold Water, saying, that [7] Hot Baths were the old age of Mankind: from which, when the Antio∣chians were expell'd for their enormous vices, Apollonius said, the King hath grant∣ed to you long life for your wickedness. Also the [8] Ephesians being about to stone the Master of the Baths for not making them hot enough, Apollonius said unto them, Ye accuse the Bath-master because you do not bathe well, but I accuse you for that you bathe at all.

Illustrations on Chap. 12.

[1] ANtioch, sirnamed the Great: There were divers Cities among the Ancients which bore this Name: One the chief City of Pisidia, lying in the lesser Asia, and now by the Turks called Versacgeli; Long. 61, 20. Lat. 39, 36. Another upon the Mountain Cragus, being a City of the Cilician shore, bordering upon Pisidia and Pamphylia, and lying between Selinuntes and Nephelis, two adjacent Cities; Long. 62, 30. Lat. 38, 30. Another of Margiana, which (as Pliny writes) was called by some Alexandria, by others Seleucia, but at this day named Indion. Another in Caria, now called Pythopolis Another near the Mountain Taurus, a Bishop's See; Long. 68, 40. Lat. 39, 20. This Ci∣ty took its Name from Antiochus the Great, who fled from Syria to that place, when he was overcome by the Romans; herein St. Luke the Evangelist was born. Another which is the Metropolitan City of Mesopotamia, call'd at this day Nisibis, founded by

King Seleucus, who therefore Christned it after the name of his Father Antiochus; it stands upon the River Tigris. There were likewise seven other Cities called by the An∣cients after this name, which being inconsiderable, I shall here omit. But Antioch the Great, mention'd in this place by Philostratus, was a famous City of Syria, built by Seleu∣cus Nicanor, (to whom, in honour of his memory, in Mount Casius they observed sacred Solemnities, as to a Demi-god;) this was sometimes the Seat of the Syrian Kings, third City of the Roman Empire, third Seat of the Christian Patriarchs, and place where the first Council w••s held, also wherein men first receiv'd the name of Christians; Long. 68.10. Lat. 36.20▪ This City was called by some Epiphan••, by others Reblatha, or Rebla, by others Theopolis, or the City of God, and by others the Daphnean Antioch, because it is but five miles distant from the Sacred Daphne. Villonovanus calleth it Aleppo, upon which indeed it bordereth; and by others it is named Alexandria, however in our common Maps they appear to be three distinct Cities bordering upon one another. Strabo in his Geography (lib. 16.) tells us, that there were four Cities (viz. Antioch near Daphne, Seleucia in Pieria, Apamea and Laodicea) which by reason of their concord were called Sisters; he saith, that all four were built by Seleucus Nicanor, who named the first An∣tioch the Great, from his Father Antiochus; the second Seleucia, from his own name; the third Apamea, from his Wives; and the fourth Laodicea, from his Mothers. No City was more famous amongst the Ancients, than this of Antioch, and none at present more de∣solate and ruinous: Boterus calls it, the Sepulchre of it self; and Niger, a great Wilder∣ness, being left but a small Village in the midst of its own Walls.

[2] Apollo-Daphnaeus; so call'd, from that Fable of Daphne, which you may read at large in Ovids Metamorph. lib. 1. Daphne was the Daughter of the River Paneus, or Ladon, with whom Apollo being violently in Love, and she refusing his unchast embraces, he pursued her to ravish her by force; whereupon Daphne being unable to outrun him, pray'd to her Father the River, that by some Transformation he would rescue her from Apollo's violence, who immediately thereupon transform'd her into a Laurel:

Vix prece finita torpor gravis occupat artus, Mollia cinguntur tenui praecordia libro, In frondem crines, in ramos brachia crescunt. Pes modo tam velox pigri•• radicibus haeret, Ora cacumen habent, remanet nitor unus in illa.

Ovid. Metam. lib. 1.

Having pray'd, a numbness all her Limbs possest, And slender films her softer sides invest: Hair into Leaves, her Arms to Branches grow, And late swift Feet are standing Roots below; Her graceful Head a leafie Top sustains, One beauty throughout all her form remains.

Thus Daphne is said to be changed into a never-withering Tree, as an Emblem of what immortal honour a Virgin obtains by preserving her Chastity inviolable. She is call'd the Daughter of Paneus, because the Banks of that River abound with Laurel; to be beloved of Apollo, in that the fairest grew about his Temple of Delphos; to fly his pur∣suit, in that they affect the shadow; and to resist the Fire of Lust, in not being scorched by the Sun, nor by Lightning. About five miles from Antioch (as I said before) stood this fair and sacred Daphne, which Ortelius in his Theatre hath presented to the view of his Spectators, with a peculiar description thereof; Sozom. lib. 5. ch. 18. It was ten miles about, being on all sides environed with many stately Cypresses, and other Trees, which suffer'd not the Sun to salute the Earth. It was replenish'd with variety of Flowers, according to the Season, and with great diversity of Waters. One Spring there was, deriving (as men suppose) her water from the Castalian Fountains, to which Super∣stitious Antiquity attributed a Divining faculty with like name and force to that of Del∣phos. Here were erected sumptuous Buildings: the Temple of Apollo Daphneus, with a stately Image therein; the Work (as was thought) of Seleucus: also Diana's Chappel and Sanctuary; Niceph. lib. 10. ch. 18. Evagr. lib. 1. ch. 16. Strabo, lib. 16. Iulius Ca∣pitolinus writeth, that Verus a voluptuous Emperor spent four Summers here, and Win∣ter'd

in Laodicea and Antioch. Severus put to death certain Tribunes, by whose negli∣gence several Souldiers were suffer'd to Riot here. The Oracles added great renown to this place, which were deliver'd out of these Daphnean Waters, by a certain breathing wind. From hence is Hadrian the Emperor reported to have receiv'd the faculty of Divining▪ by dipping a Cypress-leaf in that Fountain; and for the same purpose Iulian did frequently resort hither: also before he began his War against the Persians, he first sent to enquire of these Daphnean Oracles, what his success should be? who return'd him this Answer, That the Bones of one Babylas a Bishop, and other Christian Martyrs, being interr'd amongst them, their Divining power was ceased: whereupon Iulian comman∣ded the Christians to remove them; which (saith Theodoret) was accordingly done with a most solemn Procession, and singing of Psalms; making this the burthen of each Verse, Confounded be all they that worship graven Images: whereat Iulian being enraged, began his Persecution against the Christians. Nicephorus (lib. 16.23. & 17.14.) speak∣eth of the continuance of this Daphnean Grove, honour'd with Buildings and Spe••tacles by Mammianus and Chosroes. Apollo's Image placed therein was made of Wood, cover'd over with Gold: Theodosi••s forbad the cutting of any of those Cypresses. This place had many Names; Iulian called it, the Habitation of the Daphnean God; Claudian, Apollineum Nemus, and Sacra Tempe; Dionysius, Optima Tempe; and sometime it is called, Constantiniana Daphne.

[3] Cyparissus an Assyrian Youth, is feign'd to be the Son of Telephus, and Inhabi∣tant of Caea, one of the Cycladian Islands; the Fable of him is at large described by Ovid in his Metamorphos. lib. 10.

Affuit huic Turbae metas imitata Cupressus, Nunc Arbor, puer ante — &c.

How Cyparissus was a lovely young Boy, and Favourite of Apollo: who killing by chance a Stag, pined away with sorrow; and desiring the Gods that he might remain a perpe∣tual mourner, was transformed into that Funeral Tree. He is feign'd to have been be∣loved of Apollo, for that he was studious in Poetry; and because the Cypress Tree being cut down or Lopt, (as Man, by the Sythe of Death) re-flourisheth no more, it was therefore used at Funerals: yet only at the Exequies of the more Noble. Urns were also wrought of the same, to enclose the Bones of them who died for the Publick good: thinking it preserved them from putrefaction. The branches they stuck at the doors of the deceased, lest any ignorantly entring, should be polluted with the dead Body; ac∣cording to the Levitical Law: wherefore Pliny writes, that the Cypress is consecrated to Pluto, lib. 16. ch. 33.

[4] Fables; The Antiquities of the first Age were buried in oblivion and silence: which silence was succeeded by Poetical Fables; and those Fables supplanted by the Records we now enjoy: So that the mysteries and secrets of Antiquity were distinguish'd and separated from the evidence of future times, by the Veil of Fiction, which interposed it self between those things which perished, and those which are extant. If we seriously reflect upon the mendacity of Greece, we shall find, that a considerable part of the An∣cient times was by the Greeks themselves term'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, made up of Fables. And surely, the fabulous inclination of those days, was greater than any since; which swarm'd so with Fables, and from such slender grounds, took hints from Fictions, poy∣soning the World ever after; wherein, how far they amplified, may be drawn from Palephatus his Book of Fabulous Narrations. That Fable of Orpheus, who by the melody of his Musick drew Woods and Trees to follow him, was rais'd (saith Dr. Brown, Vulg. Err. lib. 1▪ ch. 6.) upon a slender foundation; for there were a crew of mad women retired into a Mountain, from whence being pacified by his Musick, they de∣scended with boughs in their hands; which gave sufficient occasion for those Fabulous times to celebrate the Magick of Orpheus's Harp, as having power to attract the sense∣less Trees about it. That Medea the famous Sorceress could renew Youth, and make old men young again, was nothing else but that from the knowledge of Simples, she had a Receipt to make white Hair black, and reduce again old Heads into the Tincture of Youth. The Fable of Gerion and Cerberus with three Heads, was this: Gerion was of the City Tricarinia, that is, of three Heads, and Cerberus of the same place was one of his

Dogs, who running into a Cave upon pursuit of his Masters Oxen, Hercules by force drew him out of that place; from whence they affirm'd, that Hercules descended into Hell' and brought up Cerberus into the Land of the Living. Upon the like occasion was rais'd the figment of Briareus, who dwelling in a City called Hecatonchiria, they reported him to have an hundred hands. They gave wings to Dedalus, because he stealing out of a window from Minos, sailed away with his Son Icarus; who steering his course wisely, escaped; but his Son carrying too high a Sail, was drown'd. That Nio••e weeping over her Children, was turn'd into a Stone, is nothing else but that during her life she erected over their Sepulchres a Marble Stone of her own. When Acteon had ruined his Estate with Dogs, and the prodigal Attendants of Hunting, they made a solemn story of it, how he was devoured by his own Hounds: and upon the like grounds was raised the Anthropophagie of Diomedes his Horses. Also upon such a slender foundation was erected the Fable of the Minotaur; for one Taurus a Servant of Mino••, got his Mistress Pasiphae with Child; from whence the Infant was named Minotaurus, and Pasiphae accused of admitting conjunction with a Bull: which gave a hint of depravity to Domitian, to act the Fable in reality. In like manner, Diodorus presents us with such another Nativity of that famous Fable of Charon; who being no other but the common Ferryman of Egypt, that wasted over the dead bodies from Memphis, was made by the Greeks to be the Ferryman of Hell, and many solemn Stories rais'd of him. Likewise that the generation of Castor and Helena was out of an Egg, because they were born and educated in an upper room, according to the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which with the Lacedemonians had the same sig∣nification. That Romulus and Rhemus were suckled by a Woolf, because Acca Laure••∣tius Nursing them, and she being an infamous Strumpet, was called in derision Lupa; Lupanaria amongst the Romans signifying Brothel-houses, and Lupa a Strumpet: And many more of the like nature could I instance, quas nunc prescribere longum est. The lear∣ned Herbert Baron of Cherbury saith, the original of Fables was this: That the several Countries and Ages having their several Gods, and the people, to magnifie their own, raising Lyes on one anothers Gods, feign'd them to be guilty of Rapes, Murthers, Frauds, &c. instancing particular Stories of them, which were afterwards deliver'd to posterity by the Greek and Roman Poets: Wherefore to furnish men with a right opinion of the Gods, as also purge Divinity from all these absurd Notions, Romulus did in his time order a publick Reformation of Religion, as Dion▪ Halicarnass▪ writes, lib. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. quae ita vertit interpres: Caeterum fabulas de ipsis (Graecis) a majoribus tradit••s, probra eorum continentes, ac crimina impr••••a, censuit, in∣utiles{que} ac indecentes, ac ne probis quidem viris dignas; nedum Diis sup••ris; repudiat is{que} his omnibus, ad bene & praeclare de Diis sentiendum ac loqu••ndum cives suos induxit, ni••il iis affingi passus quod beatae illi naturae parum esset consentaneum. Ne{que} enim Coelus à suis liberis exectus apud Romanos traditur. Ne{que} Saturnus proprios natos abolens m••tuensque, ••e ipsorum appetatur insidiis: non Iupiter Saturnum Patrem regno dejectum Tartareo includens carceri: nec item Deorum Bella, vulnera, vincula servitutesve apud homin••s: nullum apud ••os Festum atratum, aut Lugubre agitur, in quo mulieres sublatos è medio Deos planctibus & lamentis prosequantur: qualia sacra Graeci faciunt, raptam Pr••ferpinam ••asus{que} Bacchi r••∣ferentia, & id g••nus alia. Yet notwithstanding all this, the Greek Fables soon after pre∣vail'd amongst the Romans. Natalis Comes in his Myth••logie, (lib. 1. ch. 2, 3, 4.) treat∣ing of the Fables of the Ancients, divides his discourse into five parts▪ 1. d•• fabularum utilitate; 2. de fabularum v••rieta••e; 3. de fabularum scriptoribus; 4. de Apol••gorum fa∣bularum{que} differentia; & 5. de partibus fabu••••rum. Which I shall here reduce into three: 1. de fabula••um utilitate; Plato (de Respub. lib. 2.) commands all Parents to instruct their Children the first thing they do, in the knowledge of good and virtuous Fables▪ for that the hidden mysteries of all the Heathen Gods, and Heathenish Religion, are comprehen∣ded in their Fables: thus were the Vulgar terrify'd into good manners, when aw'd by Iupiter a Thunderbolts, Neptu••e's Trident, Cupid's Darts, and Vulcan's fiery Torch. Un∣der most of the Ancient Fictions, lay couch'd certain Mysteries and Allegories, even from their first invention: Therefore says the Lord Bacon, (Wisd. of the An••.) who can be so stupid and blind, as (when he hears how Fame, after the Gyants were destroy'd, sprang up as their younge•••• Sister) not to refer it to the murmurs and seditious reports of both sides, which are wont to fly abroad for some time after the suppressing of Insur∣rections?

rections? Or when he hears how the Gyant Typhon, having cut out and brought away Iupiter's Nerves, which Mercury stole from him, and restored again to Iupiter; doth not presently perceive, how fitly it may be applied to powerful Rebellions, which take from Princes their Sinews of Money and Authority; but so that by affability of speech, and wise Edicts, (the minds of their Subjects being in time privily, and as it were by stealth reconciled) they recover their strength again? Or when he hears how (in that memo∣rable Expedition of the Gods, against the Gyants) the braying of Silenus's Ass, conduced much to the profligation of the Gyants, doth not confidently imagine, that it was in∣vented to shew how the greatest enterprizes of Rebels, are oftentimes dispersed with vain rumours and fears? Moreover, to what Judgment can the conformity of Names seem obscure? seeing Metis, the Wife of Iupiter, doth plainly signi••••e Counsel; Typhon, Insurrection; Pan, Universality; Nemesis, Revenge; and the like. Another Argument to prove that these Fables contain'd certain hidden and involv'd meanings, is, seeing some of them are so absurd and foolish in the very Relation, that they do as it were pro∣claim a parable afar off: for such Tales as are probable, may only seem to be invented for delight, and in imitation of History; but as for such as no man would imagine or re∣late, they seem to be sought out for other ends. Therefore in the first Ages, (when Hu∣mane inventions and conclusions, which are now common and vulgar, were new, and not generally known) all things were full of Fables, Aenigma's, Parables, and Similes of all sorts, whereby they sought to teach and expound knowledge to the Vulgar: for as Hieroglyphicks preceded Letters, so were Parables more ancient than Arguments. Dion. Halicarnass. lib. 1. says, è Graecis fabulis nonnullae sunt hominibus perutiles: ••liae siqui∣dem sunt, quae naturae opera sub allegoriis contineant; aliae humanarum calamitatum habent cons••lationem; aliae terrores, animorum{que} perturbationes à nobis depellunt, opiniones{que} parum honestas destruunt; aliae alterius cujuspiam utilitatis causa fuerunt inventae. First therefore, some of these Fables contain'd in them many secrets of Nature, as that where Venus is said to be born of Froth, and where Phoebus is said to have kill'd the Cyclopes because they made Thunderbolts for Iupiter. Other Fables shew the inconstancy of Fortune, and teach us to bear adversity with courage, as those things which are reported of Phoebus's looking after Admetus's Cattel; others reform us from all wicked principles, Cruelty, Perfidiousness and Lust, as the Fable of Lycaon. Again, some deterr men from Vice, as Ixion's punishment in Hell; others exhort men to Courage, as the Fable of Hercules; others withdraw us from Avarice, as the Thirst of Tantalus; others condemn all sudden Rashness, as the misfortune of Bellerophon, and blindness of Marsya; others induce us to Virtue, Piety and Religion, as the wonderful pleasure of the Elysian Fields; and lastly, others deterring men from wickedness, as the infernal and cruel Triumviri judging and condemning the Souls of men departed: And this may suffice to shew the great use the Ancients made of their Fables. 2. de fabularum varietate; there are several kinds of Fables, whereof some take their names from the places where they were invented, some from the Authors of them, and some from the nature of the subject: as those of Cyprus, Libya, Cilicia, Arcadia, and Sybaris, from the place; those of Homer, Aesop, &c. from the Authors; and those many subjects of Tragedy and Comedy, from the Nature of the subject. 3. de fabularum scriptoribus; there were many writers of Fables among the Ancients, whereof Aesop the Samian was ever esteem'd the most ingenious; and besides him, Hesiod composed in verse a Fabulous History of the Original of the Gods: And Eu∣sebius tells us, that P••rphiry wrote several Books, wherein he endeavoured to accommo∣date the Genealogies of the Gods to Reason and Nature. Also Cicero (in his Nat. Deor.) saith, that Zeno, Cleanthes, and Chrysippus composed many Books of Commentaries upon the ancient Fables, which are now lost. As likewise Orpheus, Musaeus, Mercurius, Linus, Phurnus, Palephatus Stoicus, Dorothaeus, Evantes, Ponticus Heraclides, Silenus Chi••s, An∣ticlides, Evartes, and many other Mythologizers, out of whose Writings Ovid compiled his Metamorphosis. More of this subject may be read at large in Natalis Comes, Apollo∣dorus, and others.

[5] Ladon, a River of Arcadia, near which the Poets feign'd the Nymph Syringa to be transform'd into a Reed. The greatness of this River is mention'd by Calli••achus; its length, by Dionysius; its clearness, by Pausanias; and its rapacity, by Ovid. Ar••ades hunc L••donq▪ rapax. Fast. 2.

[6] He would be anointed; Oyntments (as Iosephus writes) were used long before the Trojan War, though Pliny saith the contrary; for we read that Iacob sent them to his Son Ioseph in Aegypt: and Moses, that was 350 year before the Siege of Troy, maketh men∣tion of Oyntments, concerning the Sanctification of the Tabernacle, and Priests of the Old Testament: however it is not known who was the first deviser of them. Pliny and Solinus report, that Alexander when he wan the Camp of Darius, found among other Jewels and Spoils, a Cask of rich Oyntments, that very much delighted him. But Hero∣dotus doth declare, that it was in frequent use before Darius's time: For Cambyses, Son to Cyrus, sent Embassadors to Aethiopus King of the Macrobians, with great Presents, whereof a Box of Oyntments was one. I know not the certain time when they were first introduced into Rome, but we read in Pliny (lib. 13. ch. 3. Nat. Hist.) that the 565^th year of that City, Antiochus being vanquished, and all Asia subdued, P. Livinius Crassus and Iulius Caesar being then Censors, commanded that no Foreign Confection of Oyntments should be sold in the City of Rome. Pancirollus tells us, that the Romans derived this custom of Anointing themselves, from the Greeks; who after they had washed the Body with Water, ever anointed it over with perfumed Oyntments, kept in a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Vessel so call'd, which they had for that purpose: Now the reason of this was, (as the Scholiast in Aristoph. hath it) to close up the pores again, after they had been opened by the hot weather; or by anointing before they went into cold Water, to keep out the cold; as we see Apollonius did. We read also, that both Greeks and Romans used to anoint their Heads, — habent unctae mollia serta comae, Ovid. which they did either to keep out any Fumes ascending thither from drink, or to open the pores that so they might eva∣cuate the sooner: wherefore it was generally used at great Entertainments. He that would read more concerning the virtue, several kinds, and manner of using these Oynt∣ments, let him look into Athenaeus Dipnos. lib. 3. ch. 14, 15, &c.

[7] Baths were used by our Forefathers as constantly before Meals, as we use Water to wash our hands; nor was there any extravagancy wherein the Ancients did more ex∣cell, than in that of their Baths. So magnificent were the Roman Baths, so stately and glorious were their Fabricks, that they resembled so many Cities. But above all, the two most famous were the Antoninian and Dioclesian: the Antoninian Baths (as Palladius in his Antiq. Vrb. Rom. saith) were built by Alexander, being of a prodigious height, and adorned with great Marble Pillars; the Dioclesian, which were also of a vast height, had 140000 men employ'd for many years together in building them. These Baths alone were so capacious, as they contain'd for the use of washing, 1600 several Seats, and those all of polished Marble: an accurate description whereof, is already given us by Vitru∣vius, lib. 5. ch. 10. Agrippa, as witnesseth Pliny, built (during his Aedilship) for the free use of the Publick, one hundred and seventy Baths; and the same Author likewise adds, that at Rome in his time their number was infinite: And for the largeness, some of them, saith Olympi••dorus, were ingenti, or as Cassiodorus writes, mirabili magnitudine. Ammia∣nus (lib. 16.) saith, that their Baths were in modum Provinciarum extructa, built in the manner of Provinces. Neither were their insides less glorious than their outsides: for Seneca (in his 86 Ep. lib. 13.) describes the common Bathing-rooms to be rather like the Palaces of Princes, than places only for the washing off sweat and filth of their Bo∣dies; and accordingly Statius agrees, in this his description of them:

Nil ibi plebeium, nunquam Temesaea notabis Aera, sed argento foelix propellitur unda, Argento{que} cadit, labris{que} nitentibus instat, Delicias mir••ta suas. — in balneo Etr••sci.

Rosinus in his Chapter de Thermis, affirms, they used to anoint the very Walls of their Baths, with rich odoriferous Unguents; and that even of such Baths that were but for the use of Servants, Rosin. Antiq. Rom. But as Dr. Hakewell observes, the most considerable expence about their baths was, the charge which they were at in heating the Water, especially being so large, that one of them contain'd at least ten times so much in compass as the Kings Bath in Bathe, and that to be heated so hot as they could hardly endure their Bodies in it: which Plutarch testifieth in the 8th Book, and 9^th Chapter of his Symposiachs. Hakewel•• Apol. for Provid. lib. 4 ch. 8. Moreover Plutarch saith, that while they were in them, they drew in Air that was mingled as it were with Fire and Water; whereas in

ancient times men could sleep, eat, and drink in their Baths, without over-heating their Bodies. Now however some few among them used Bathing for their health sake, yet Artemidorus tells us, that a Bath in his time was little else but a passage to Supper; so as they which eat often, wash'd as often: it being therefore observed of Commodus the Em∣peror how often he eat, by his Bathing seven or eight times in one day. And among the Christians, Sisinius a Bishop was censured as intemperate, for washing twice in a day. Many there have been, saith Plutarch, (in his Precepts of Health) who have brought themselves to this pass, that they could neither eat nor drink unless they had first either Bathed, or sweat in a Stove; among whom Titus the Emperor was one, as they did te∣stifie who had the cure of him when he lay sick. And in the same Book, he bringeth in Zeuxippus giving precepts of Diet, and perswading men not to think it strange, if they come now and then to the Table without having been at the Bath or Hot-house before: so common a thing was it in those days at Rome, to make use of their Baths before they came to their Meals. Many have declaimed against Bathing in excess, and some have preferr'd hot Baths, and others cold Baths, as we see Apollonius did, but few have ever decry'd them altogether. Clemens Alexandrinus reckons up the several good effects of Bathing, as cleansing, warming and comforting the Body, besides the great pleasure of it. Suidas says, that Baths are uncertain cures for pains, but certain guides to pleasure; which agrees with that old Inscription which was written over the Baths:

Balnea, Vina, Venus corrumpunt corpora nostra; Sed vitam faciunt Balnea, Vina, Venus. Coel. Rhod. lib. 28.

Camerarius (in his Hor. Succisiv. lib. 2. ch. 14.) demonstrates, that the Pagans have been more modest in their Stoves and Baths, than many of the Christians were: for though under the Rule of that monster Heliogabalus, the Baths of Rome were open both to men and women promis••uously, yet both before and since it was a thing prohibited by the Roman Laws; and was then only practised for a time, Regis ad exemplum: for Romu∣lus, the first King of the Romans, ordained, that whatever man should suffer himself to be seen naked by a woman, should dye. Plutarch speaking of the modesty of M. Cato, writeth, That in old time Fathers were ashamed to bathe before their Children, and the Father-in-Law before his Sons-in-Law: he further addeth, that Cato was as much asha∣med to utter an unhandsom word in his Sons presence, as in presence of the Vestal Vir∣gins: that they never bathed together, for that the Sons-in-Law being out of counte∣nance to uncover their Bodies before them, never met in Baths or common Stoves with their Fathers-in-Law. To this we may annex the Speech of Cyrus to his Sons a little be∣fore his death: If any of you (saith Cyrus) desire to take me by the hand, or to see my eyes, let him come while the breath is in me; for after I am dead and cover'd, I command you, my Sons, not to let my Body be uncover'd or looked on, either by your selves or any one else; Xenoph. lib. 8. And as I have been inform'd, Maximilian the first Emperor of that name, did the same. It is written that the Emperor Adrian made a Law, That men should have their Baths apart from the women: which Law was confirm'd by Alexander Severus, and afterwards followed by Iustinian. Moreover the ancient Canons admitted not of this ignominy, for in them it is forbidden that men should bathe and wash with women, because the very Pagans were against it: notwithstanding to our shame we see it allow'd amongst the Christians of this Age. Finally now, to conclude this discourse of Baths, let me not be unmindful of those hot ones at Bath, which providence hath fur∣nish'd this Nation with, and which by relation are no way inferiour to any of the An∣cients, curing many distempers of all sorts, and that as well inward as outward, espe∣cially since they take to drinking them, which of late years they have done; in so much that Nechams Verses, may as justly be verified of their goodness at this present, as they were 400 years since, about which time he is said to have written them in these words:

Bathoniae Thermis vix praefero Virgillanas, Confecto prosunt Balnea nostra Seni. Prosunt attritis, c••llisis, invalidisque, Et quorum morbis frigida causa subest.

[8] Ephesians, a people of Asia the less, and Inhabitants of that great and famous City Ephesus, which is now called Alt•• Luoco; but of this more hereafter.

CHAP. XIII. What kind of speech Apollonius used; and what Answer he made to the Question of a Logician. Also of his departure from Antioch to the Indies; and how coming to the City Ninus, he there met with Damis; who ad∣miring Apollonius, became his perpetual Companion; intending accurately to commit to writing all his Sayings and Deeds.

APollonius used a kind of speech neither [1] Dithyrambical, or swelling with Poetical expressions, nor on the contrary very Refined and [2] Hy∣perattick; for he esteem'd such expressions unpleasing as exceeded the [3] Attick mediocrity: Neither in his discourse did he affect curious niceties. No man ever heard him speak [4] Ironically, or act the [5] Peripatetick to his hearers; but as out of the [6] Tripos, when he discours'd he said, This I know; or, Thus it seemeth to me; To what purpose are these things? You must know, &c. His sentences were compendious and smart; his words very signifi∣cant, and fitted to the things themselves; also what he utter'd, carried the sound of Authority with it, as if enacted by the Scepter. Being asked by a certain Logi∣cian, why he did not seek and enquire; his answer was, That he sought when he was a Youth, and that now it became him no longer to seek, but to teach the things which he had found. When he further ask'd him, how therefore a wise man ought to speak; he answer'd, as a Law-giver; for a Law-giver must make those things Injunctions to the people, which he himself is first perswaded of. This was the manner of his behaviour at Antioch, whereby he drew unto him even those that were the least given to Learning. Afterwards he resolved to take a longer Iourney, and go to the Indies, that he might there talk with those wise men, who are called [7] Brachmans and Hyrcanians: for he said, that it chiefly concerned Young men to Travel abroad into the World. He likewise expected to learn many things by the way, of the Magicians of Babylon and [8] Susa; and therefore dis∣cover'd his resolution to his disciples, who were seven in number. They endea∣vour'd to divert him from it; but he said unto them, I have consulted with the Gods about this affair, and told you now what I resolved upon, only to try whether you be hardy enough to undergo the same things with me: therefore since ye disco∣ver your selves to be soft and effeminate, farewell! do you study Philosophy, but I must go whither both Wisdom and the Gods lead me. Thus having finish'd his discourse, he departed from Antioch with only two Servants, who were his Country men; one of which could write a very swift, and the other a very fair hand: with whom he travell'd along to the ancient City of [9] Ninus, wherein he beheld a Statue erected after a barbarous fashion: it was [10] To the Daughter of Inachus, having little horns ready to shoot out on both sides her forehead. Now as he was admiring this Statue, and variously contemplating about that and other things which he had heard from the Priests and Prophets, there came to him one Damis a Citizen of Ninus, whom I before * 1.8 mentioned in the beginning of this discourse, say∣ing, that he travell'd together with Apollonius, and was a partner with him in his trading for all kind of Philosophy, as also one that committed to writing many of his remarkable 'Deeds and Sayings. Now this Damis admiring Apollonius, also having a desire to travel with him, he said unto him, Oh Apollonius, let us travel

together, thou following God, and I following Thee! Moreover thou mayst think me worthy of esteem; for, though I should know nothing else, yet am I well ac∣quainted with the way to Babylon, knowing both how many Cities there be, and the Towns wherein the best accommodation is to be had, it being not long since I return'd from thence. Likewise how many [11] Languages are spoken by the Bar∣barians, such as the Armenian, Median, Persian, and Cadusian, all which I un∣derstand perfectly well. To this Apollonius replied, My Friend, I am well skill'd in all these, notwithstanding I never learned any one of them. Damis being in admiration at this, Apollonius said further to him, Do not wonder that I pretend to [12] understand all the Languages of men, for I can tell even those things which they conceive in their very thoughts. When the Assy••ian heard this, he pray'd unto him, and respected him as a God: also resigning up himself to his discipline, committed to memory all that he could learn. This Assyrian had a reasonable Talent of expressing himself, though no great Elegancy in writing, being educated amongst the Barbarians: but for discourse, converse, and whatsoever he saw or heard, he could well enough describe, and compose Memoirs thereof, being practised therein, as appears by the Books which he composed of the Acts and Sen∣tences of Apollonius; wherein he omitted none of those things that were either said or done by Apollonius, though never so trivial. And here it will not be amiss to insert what Answer he gave to one that found fault with this his Commentary: an impertinent and envious Fellow carping at him, said, That in other things Damis wrote well, when he described the Sentences and Opinions of Apollonius; but when he took notice of flight things that casually dropt from him, he did like Whelps who eat that which falleth from their Masters Table. To whom Damis replied, If the Gods have any Feasts, or eat at all, they have Serviteurs who take care that the least fragments of Ambrosia be not lost. Such a Companion and Friend had Apol∣lonius to accompany him the greatest part of his Life.

Illustrations on Chap. 13.

[1] DIthyrambick (Greek) signifies any lofty high strain, in imitation of an ancient Hymn sung in honour of God Bacchus, which was so called.

[2] Hyperattick (Greek) is no more then an Eloquence exceeding that of Athens.

[3] Attick mediocrity; for that Athens was endued with the justest measure of Eloquence.

[4] Ironically; is when by that Rhetorical Figure called Irony, a man in a jesting way speaks quite contrary to what he thinks: Contra 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sentit solet Ironia jocare.

[5] To act the Peripatetick; is meant in this place, to study words more than matter: for we read, that after the death of Theophrastus, the School of the Peripateticks remitted much of their application to Natural Philosophy, for the study of Eloquence.

[6] As out of a Tripos; that is, he spoke like any Oracle: Tripus was sometimes cal∣led 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Callimachus hath it; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. This Tripod belonging to the Delphick Oracle, is by some reported to have been a great Vessel fill'd with Powder, out of which the Spirit of Prophecy ascended: but most Authors say it was a three-legg'd Stool, whereon Pythia used to sit whilst she deliver'd her Oracles; also that that part of the Tripod whereon she sat, was called Holmon: for which reason Sophocles names Apollo, Enholmos; and Prophets, Enhol••••ides. Iamblichus (in his Myster. Aegypt.) writes, that the Sybil of Delph••s had two several ways of Divining: one, by a certain Spirit, or gentle Fire which ascended up under her Coats from a hollow Vault; the other was sitting upon a brazen Stool, which had three or four Legs on it; and in both these postures ••he deliver'd her Divinations with a Divine Spirit. Lactantius the Grammarian upon that Verse of Papinius, (Salve prisca sides Tripodum, primo Thebaid.) says, that a

Tripod is a kind of Laurel with three Roots, consecrated to Apollo by reason of its Divi∣ning power. Now Apollonius is here said to speak like an Oracle, in that he used short sentences and monosyllables in his discourse, which way hath ever been affected by Ora∣cles, as well as by Kings, Princes, and men of Authority, who would be thought to weigh every word they utter, and therefore not over-liberal of them. All Law-givers and other eminent men have ever had some particular affectation in expressing them∣selves; the ancient Hebrews were much given to circumlocution, when instead of say∣ing, He spake; they would in a most tedious manner cry, And he opened his mouth and said: for fear perhaps lest we should mistake him for a Ventriloquer, or one that spake not with his Mouth, but his Belly. Iulius Caesar Vaninus (whether his design was good or bad, I shall not determine, but Charity bids me think the best of all men) gives us many instances of our Saviour Christ's most wise and prudent converse, together with the many Divine Answers and Replys, that he made to those ensnaring Questions that were asked him; in all which he seem'd far to excell the wisdom of Apollonius, or any other Law-giver that ever lived upon the Earth. As for example:

Christ (saith he) being asked by the Iews, whether the Adulteress was to be stoned? denieth it not, be∣cause the Law hindred: nor affirmeth it, because in so doing he had given an example of a cruel mind, which might probably have seduced away many from his Law; there∣fore to prevent the ill consequence of either, he wisely answer'd, Let him of you that is without sin, cast the first stone at her: whereupon none durst to condemn the Adulte∣ress. Another time, the Scribes ask'd him, whether they were liable to pay Tribute to Caesar? He fear'd to deny it, lest he should render himself guilty of Treason; neither would he affirm it, because it overthrew the Law of Moses: therefore not to incurr the penalty either way, he asked them, Whose is this Image? to which they answer'd, Caesars; whereupon he concludes, Render therefore to Caesar the things that are Caesars, and to God the things that are Gods. Another time also, when the Pharisees demanded by what power he taught? he observ'd himself to be in a streight on either side; for if he had said, by Humane Authority, they had convinced him of falshood, he not ha∣ving been initiated in the Iewish Holy Orders: neither durst he openly affirm that Au∣thority was given him from God, for fear of the Iews; therefore he subtlely demand∣ing, with what power Iohn the Baptist did baptize, put the Pharisees in a like streight; for Reason of State forbad them to attribute the preaching of Iohn to God, because therein they had presently condemned themselves, who had opposed: nor durst they say the Baptism of Iohn was an Humane invention, for then they had brought the wrath of a credulous multitude upon themselves. These are some of the most wise Acts of Christ: But that which surpassed them all, was the Prophecy which he made concerning Antichrist, whereby the Eternity of the Christian Law was best provided for; and herein he excell'd the Ancient Law-givers: For they foretold, that the Messias ••••ould be a great man, adorn'd with all the endowments of Virtue, and most worthy of Reverence and Worship; whereby they gave occasion for many to feign themselves to be the Messias, that they might acquire those high praises which tickle the minds of all men: But Christ, ••••e wisest of Prophets, foretold that a new Law∣giver should come, an adversary to his Law, hate••••l to God, the Devils Agent, the Sink of all Vices, and desolation of the World; so that none will feign himself Anti∣christ, since he can gain from thence nothing but disgrace or infamy: and while Antichrist is absent, the Law of Christ must stand. Vanini Dialog. lib. 4. Dialog. 1. de Religione Ethnic.

[7] Brachmans and Hyrcanians, a Sect of Philosophers or Divines in India, who live only upon Herbs and Fruits. But of this Philostratus discourses more at large in his third Book.

[8] Susa, a famous City of Asia, and Metropolis of the Countrey Susiana, in the Per∣sian Empire. It is situated between the River E••l••ns and Selencia Westward; Persaepolis Eastward; and Ecbatan towards the South. This City was first built by Memnon, as saith Dionysius. Strabo writes, that when Cyrus and the Persians had subdued the Medes, they establish'd their Palace Royal at Susa, as well for its vicinity with their new acquests, as for the beauty and magnificence of the Place. It is at present under the Dominion of the Sophy of Persia, being now call'd Ch••s, and the Countrey round about it Chusistan,

or as Marcus Paulus the Venetian hath it, Curdistan: It hath been subject to the Kings of Persia ever since Apollonius's time. In all ancient Writers, Susa and Ecbatan are ever men∣tion'd together, for that the Persian Kings have ever resided at Susa all the Winters, and at Ecbatan all the Summers. So Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 8. Strabo, lib. 15. Plutarch. de Exil. Athenae, lib. 12. Eustath. in Dionys. Aristid. in Orat. de Roma. This Place hath ever been famous for Archers,—Armantur Susa sagittis. Prop. lib. 2. as also for Magicians, since it appears both in Daniel, Herodotus, and Plutarch, that the most eminent in that Science, were ever to be found in this Court, both under Nebuchodonozor, Baltazar, Cambyses, Artaxerxes, and Alexander the Great; and that with them the Kings consult∣ed in all arduous Cases.

[9] Ninus, or Niniveh, and now call'd Mosul, was an ancient City built by Ninus, the Son of Nimrod, or Belus. Of this, see lib. 1. ch. 3.

[10] Io, the Daughter of Inachus, having little Horns ready to shoot out on both sides her forehead; Io, or Isis, a Goddess of the Aegyptians, was (as the Poets inform us) the Daughter of Inachus, also a professed Whore, and yet the Priest of Iuno. She per∣swaded Iupiter to yield to her Lust; but Iuno's jealousie pursuing after her Husband found them together, Iupiter in the form of a Cloud, and Ino in the form of a white Cow, for Iupiter had transform'd as well her as himself, that he might not be suspected of his Wife, who nevertheless discover'd his subtlety. Wherefore she begg'd the Cow of Iupi∣ter, who being afraid by his refusal to discover the intrigue, granted her Iuno, which she presently committed to the custody of Argus with his hundred eyes; where she continu∣ed in much misery and persecution, until Mercury was sent from Iupiter to deliver her, who playing Argus asleep with his Musick, intended to steal away▪ the counterfeit Cow; but an unlucky Boy, named Hierax, giving notice to Argus, awaked him as the other was departing with his prize. Whereupon Mercury seeing no remedy, but that he must either neglect Iupiter's Command, or kill Argus, he took up a great Stone, and knock'd him dead upon the place, also changed Hierax into a Hawk for his ill office. Iuno was not a little displeas'd at the loss of her faithful Servant, therefore she transform'd him in∣to a Peacock, which yet retains the number of his Eyes in his Feathers. Also she sent some Creatures to vex Isis, in so much that she became mad, and ran up and down the World, swimming over the Seas into Ionia, unto which she left her Name; as also to the Sea that bounds that Countrey. At last she return'd back to Egypt, where she married Osiris; her Son by Iupiter was called Epaphus. After her death, she was adored by the Egyptians; her Hair being preserv'd as a sacred Relique in her Temple at Memphis. She was honour'd as the Goddess of Weather and Navigation. Her Statue was (as 'tis here mention'd) with Horns on a Cows head, or as others say, a Dogs head, unto which Ovid alludes, calling her Latrator Anubis▪ The Romans had a great veneration for this Goddess, notwithstanding they banish'd her, because her Priests had consented to defile her Temple with Whoredoms, (as you may read in Iosephus) but afterwards she was ad∣mitted again. Her Priests were initiated with Bloud and Water, they had their Heads and their Beards shaven, and did all wear white linen Garments. At the entry into her Temple was the Statue of a Sphynx, to signifie that she was a mysterious Goddess: for her sake the Egyptians did keep i•• a corner of her Temple a white Cow; which when it died, they did all mourn, as for a Prince, until another was substituted in its room. See Ovid's Metam. lib. 1. Nat. Com. lib. 8. This Fable hath an Historical allusion unto Argus, that old and prudent Argive King, who was slain by Mercury, in hopes to succeed him: and when banish'd for that fact by the Greeks, fled into Egypt. But Allegorically, in that skill and industry is more available in Husbandry than the influence of the Stars; the Cow wandring through many Regions, is the propagation of that knowledge; and in that Egypt exceeds all other Countreys in the richness and fertility of its soyl, Io is there feign'd to recover her own Figure. Others have wrested this Fable to Morality: That Iupiter, the mind of man falling from Heaven, and joyning with Io, the Body in a Cloud is turn'd into a Beast, as forgetful of its own original, and captivated by his vices; but when of more maturity in age and judgment▪ Mercury is sent to kill Argus, in that Rea∣son bridles and subdues the exorbitancies of the Affections: and then Iuno is said to let loose her Furies, which are the stings of Conscience. As for Inachus, the Father of Io, he was the first that ever reign'd in Argos, and being accidentally drown'd in Carmanor, that River was afterwards called by his Name.

[11] Likewise how many Languages are spoken by the Barbarians, such as the Armenian, Median, Persian, and Cadusian. Mr. Leigh (in his Religion and Learning) divides all Lan∣guages into Oriental and Occidental: 1. Oriental; which contains the Hebrew, Chaldee, Samaritan, Syriack, Arabick, Aethiopick, Persian, Armenian, and Coptick. 2. Occidental; which also comprehends the Greek, Latin, Spanish, French, Italian, German, English, and Slavonick, which is spoken very generally. And of all these, the three principal or learned Languages are the Hebrew, Greek, and Latine. The Oriental Tongues are all (ex∣cept the Aethiopick and Armenian) written and read from the right hand to the left. Also the Graecians did at first write forward and backward, from whence arose that phrase, Literas exarare, and Linea are called Versus. Now to treat of all these Languages sepa∣rately, we will begin with the Oriental; and of them, first with the Hebrew, because it is esteem'd not only the most ancient, but was also the most pure without any mixture or corruption, whereas there is no other Language which had not certain words derived and corrupted from the Hebrew, and others, as we shall shew hereafter. The Hebrew Language was the first most ancient and only Language before the building of the Tower of Babel, for which presumption, (as Iosephus and others write) God sent a confusion of Tongues among the Workmen, so as rendred them unable to proceed in their Work. Wherefore the Nation and Language of Israel borrow their Name (Hebrew) from He∣ber, whose Son was called Peleg, (Division) relating to the Division of Babel. And this I take to be a more probable account than that of Arias Montanus, who derives the Name of Hebrews from Abraham, as if they were call'd Hebraei, quasi Abrahaei. The same Author likewise telleth us, that this Name of Hebrews was not appropriate to any Family, but common to all such as having pass'd over the River Euphrates, fixed their Tents, and inhabited between that River and the great Sea. Gesner in his Book of many Languages, which he styles Mithridates, (because Mithridates was said to understand twenty two several Languages) writes, that the Hebrew Tongue is the fountain of all others, viz. of the Indian, Persian, Babylonian, Armenian, Syriack, Arabick, Egyptian, and Aethiopi••k. Also Beckman shews, that many Greek words are deriv'd from it: and that the Punick Tongue was the Canaanitish or old Hebrew Language, which was vulgar∣ly spoken among the Iews before their Captivity. For as the learned Breerwood in his Enquiries observes, the old and right Hebrew remain'd (after the Iews Captivity in Ba∣bylon) only among the learned men, being taught in Schools, as among us the learned Tongues are accustomed to be. Breerw. ch. 9. Among the Christians, for above 1000 years after Christ, the Iews were so much hated, that their very Language suffer'd for their sake: in so much that Origen was upbraided for learning the Hebrew Tongue. Thus that Language continued without any regard had to it until the year of Christ, 1440▪ when by the invention of Printing all Arts and Sciences began to flourish Now among the Restorers of the holy Tongue, Reuclin was esteem'd the first; for the Ice being bro∣ken by him, Hebrew Bibles were printed first at Pisanna, after at Venice, and in Italy▪ Nay Martinius was so industrious as to compose an admirable Grammar of that holy Tongue. Many famous men of all Countreys have excell'd herein; but one of the first that taught it here in England was Wakefield. Neither ought we here to forget the learn∣ed Dr. Pocock, who is at present the glory of this Nation for his great skill in the Oriental Tongues. Now for the Pricks wherewith the Hebrew is at present read, Martinius says, that they were invented by the Masorites to supply the want of Vowels, lest by inserting new Letters they might have alter'd the ancient original Text: whereof they were so careful, that they tell of a certain Rabbi who was slain by his Scholar Ioab, because he had read Zacár for Zécer. As for the Masoreth, it was a most faithful and ancient Tra∣dition of all the divers readings that were ever extant of the Hebrew Bibles. But to say no more of this Subject, Arias Montanus (in his Preface to his Book de Hebraicis Idiot.) giv•••• this Character of the Hebrew Tongue, that it comprehends much matter in a few words, is very significant, hath gravity, sweetness, vivacity, and marvellous efficacy in its words and Periods. However the scarcity of words hath sometimes gravell'd its In∣terpreters, when one word many times hath two contrary Expositions, as Blessing and Cursing.

Secondly, The Chaldee is as it were a Dialect of the Hebrew, differing not much more than the Dorick from the common Greek, or than the Northern and Western Speech from

plain English; nevertheless it is nearer related to the Syriack, in so much that Mercerus makes them to be both one. Now during the seventy years Captivity of the Iews in Baby∣lon, there was a mixture of the Hebrew and Chaldee Languages, as is evident by the Wri∣tings of the Prophet Daniel, composed of both, as Ierom hath well observ'd in his Preface upon that Prophet, as also by the Writings of Ezra, and more evidently by the Chaldee Paraphrases. This Language is much used by the Learned in Aegypt and Aethiopia. You may find in Iob, the Proverbs, Ieremiah, and elsewhere, a mixture of some Chaldaick words. Many Christians in Syria use this Language in Grammaticis & sacris, about the Mountain Libanus.

Thirdly, The Samaritan Language hath no other Letters or Characters proper to it, but those of the Hebrew: the Samaritans therefore used only twenty two Letters, as the He∣brews did, until Ezra (after the restauration of the Temple under Zorobabel found out other Letters, which we now use. Many of the Iews dwelling at this day in Syria, but more particularly in the Town of Sichem, are called Samaritans, and speak this Samari∣tan Language.

Fourthly, The Syriack Language, (which is call'd, Isa 36.11. Lingua Aramaea, or according to the new Translation, the Syrian Language; according to the old, the Ara∣mites Language) is certainly thought (saith Masius in Praef. Gram. Syr.) to have had its beginning in the time of the Iews Captivity in Babylon, while they were mingled among the Chaldeans; in which long revolution of seventy years, the vulgar sort of the Iews for∣got their own Language, and began to speak the Chaldee; but yet pronouncing it amiss, and framing it somewhat to their own Countrey fashion, in notation of Points, Affixes, Conjugations, and some other properties of their ancient Speech, it became a mixt Lan∣guage of Hebrew and Chaldee: a great part Chaldee for the substance of words, but more Hebrew for the fashion, and so degenerated much from both: especially after our Savi∣our's time, when it likewise receiv'd much mixture of Greek, also some of the Roman and Arabick words, as in the Ierusalem Talmud gather'd about 300 years after Christ by R. Iochanan, is apparent, being far fuller of them than those parts of the Chaldee Paraphrase on the S. S. which were made by R. Ionathan a little before Christ; and by R. Aquila, (whom they call Onkelos) not long after. Breerw. Enq. ch. 9. Fabricius clearly demon∣strates, that the vulgar Tongue of Iury (in the days of our Saviour's pilgrimage here upon Earth) was Syriack. Waserus (in his Comment upon Gesner) writes, that Christ with his own lips did consecrate this Language, as also that his Apostles did sometimes use it, as appears from these words, Abba, Aceldama, Bar, Barrabba, Bar-Iesu, Barjona, Bar-Timi, Bel, or Beel, Beelzebub, Bethabara, Bethania, Bethesda, Belial, Benerehem, Ephphata, Gabbatha, Genesara, Golgotha, Korbona, Mammona, Rabbi, Talitha-Kumi, and others, all which occur in the New Testament, and are meerly Syriack. In this Language there is likewise extant a most ancient and elegant Translation of the New Testament, which is much esteem'd of among the Learned. Crinesius much commends the Syriack Grammar of M••sius, Mercer, and Tremellius, but especially Wafer's. De Dieu's is likewise highly extoll'd.

Fifthly, Arabick, is now the common Language of the East, especially among such as embrace the Mahumetan Religion: This Language in the first division of Tongues ac∣cording to Epiphanius, was begun by Armot, the first speaker and Author thereof. Epiph. contra Sethian. It is now the most universal in the World, as Bibliander, Postellus, Scaliger, and Claude Duret, (in his Histor. del Origine des Langues) do prove at large, from the Herculean Pillars to the Molluccas, and fro•• the Tartars, and many Turks in Europe▪ un∣to the Aethiopians in Africk, extending it self. Bree••wood (Enquir. ob. 8.) says, that in the East part of Cilicia beyond the River Pyramus, as also throughout Syria, Mesopotamia, Palestina, Arabia, Aegypt, and so Westward, in all the long Tract of Africk, that ••••ten∣deth from Aegypt to the Strait of Gibraltar, I say, in all that lyeth betwixt the Mo••••tain Atlas and the Mediterranean Sea, (now term'd Barbary) excepting Morocco, and ••here and there some scatter'd remnants of the old Africans in the Inland parts, the Arabick Tongue is become the vulgar Language, although somewhat corrupted, and varied in Dialect, as among so many several Nations it is unpossible but it should be. And although I be far from their opinion, who (like Postellus) write, that the Arabian Tongue is in use in two third parts of the inhabited World, or more, yet I find that it extendeth very

far, and especially where the Religion of Mahumed is prosessed; for which cause (over and besides the parts above mention'd, wherein (as I said) it is the native Language) moreover in all the Northern part of the Turkish Empire, lying Northward from the Me∣diterranean Sea, as also among the Mahumetan Tartars, (though not the vulgar Tongue) yet is it familiar with very many, both because the Alcoran and all their Religion is writ∣ten only in that Language, and for that every Boy which goeth to School is taught it, as amongst us Latin and Greek: in so much that all the Turks write their own Language in Arabick Characters. Ioseph Scaliger (Annotat▪ in Euseb. Chron.) writes, that neither this Language, the Hebrew, or Syrian, are capable of Geometrical Measures by quanti∣ties of Syllables. Now this Arabick Tongue is to be esteem'd not only for its Extent, but also for its Antiquity, Elegancy, and Profitableness. 1. For its Antiquity, whereof St. Ie∣rom testifies in his Comment upon Isa. as likewise Erpenius in his first Orat. Ling. Arab. 2. For its Elegancy, whether we consider the plenty of words, and force of signification, or the sweetness of the Phraseology, or the facility and gravity of the whole Language. Mr▪ Greaves saith, it exceeds both the Greek and Latin in number of words: also he com∣mends it for its facility, as having no Dialects, turnings of Elections, nor Anomalies. 3. and lastly, It is a profitable Language, since he that hath the knowledge thereof, may without an Interpreter travel almost all over Africa and Asia. There are many words in the Hebrew Bible and in the Chaldee Translation of it, with sundry manners of speaking, whose signification and sence cannot be had but out of this Language. Neither are the Opinions of Mahomet to be faithfully learnt without it. Moreover this Arabick Tongue gives great light to the Syriack, Aethiopick, Persian, and other Languages; as also to the Mathematicks, they having invented Algebra, and having amongst them Mathemati∣cians more accurate than Ptolomy; also to Physick, Avicenna, Mesua, Serapio, and Rasis, were famous Arabian Physicians. Neither will that Platonist, Avicenna, or that Ari∣stotelian, Averroes, appear less eminent in Philosophy to them who shall consult their two Tracts de Anima, which I have with much satisfaction perused; not to mention their larger Volumes. Likewise many famous Poets and Historians have they had amongst them; as Mr. Greaves in his Oration informs us. Finally, Mercer, Ioseph Scaliger, Rophe∣lengius, Isaac Causabon, Iunius, Tremelius, Clenard, Golius, and our Pocock, and Greaves, did highly prize this Arabick Language, and promote the study thereof.

Sixthly, The Aethiopick or Indian Language is so near (saith Bibliander de Rat. Ling. ch. 2.) to the Hebrew, Chaldee, and Arabick, that there is scarce any Diction which is not found in some of them. The Aethiopians write from the left hand to the right. This Language (which differs only in Characters from the fore-mention'd Tongues) is used very much through all the Kingdom of Aethiopia and Africk, which is of great extent. Some think the Prophets were written in the Aethiopick Tongue, from the times of our Saviour Christ and his Apostles; also that the Eunuch (who was Treasurer under the Queen of Candace) read it, by which Eunuch all Aethiopia was afterwards converted to the Faith of the Gospel.

Seventhly, The Persian Language (saith Bibliander) is of all others the most easie. There are many footsteps of this Language in the Scripture, especially in Esther, as Ahasuerus, Esther, Hammedatha, Phur, or Phurim, Gaza, Susa, Zeres, Mordochai, and others. Mr. Greaves saith, that at this day the Persian Language is much used through∣out all Asia: but more especially in Eastern Princes Courts by the Grandees and better sort, as amongst us the French is.

Eighthly, The Armenian Language is the most difficult of all others, as Bibliander writes. Agrippa saith, 'tis a corruption of the Chaldee. Sixtus Senensis informs us, that St. Chrysostome being by the Emperor's Decree banish'd into Armenia; he did there tran∣slate the holy Scriptures into the Armenian Tongue; which Translation is at this present in solemn use amongst them: they likewise exercise their common Divine Service in the Armenian Tongue. But of this see more in a late Treatise publish'd upon this Subject by Mr. Paul Ricaut.

Ninthly and lastly, The Copticks, or Christians of Aegypt, in their Liturgy use the Chaldaean Language, but read the Gospel in the Arabian. And thus much for the Orien∣tal Tongues.

In the next place being to speak of the Occidental, I shall begin with the Grecian.

First then, The Greek Tongue came in esteem by its Elegance, Sweetness, and Richness, as also by the Philosophy, Arts and Sciences, which hath therein been handled; it hath likewise been propagated by the Navigations, Commerce, and Colonies of the Athenians▪ as well as by Macedonian Arms, which ruling in Asia, Syria, and Aegypt, made their Lan∣guage known in many Countreys. Likewise the New Testament being first written in Greek did not a little promote it. It would be too prolix and tedious here to insert the many Provinces and Countreys that were acquainted with this Language, therefore in that matter I refer you to Breerwood's Enquiries, chap. 1. only in general I must acquaint you, that Cicero declares in his time the Greek Tongue was read almost in all Nations. Now in this great glory and splendor continued the Greek Tongue in the Eastern parts, till by the inundation of the Saracens of Arabia, it came to ruine in those Provinces, about 640 years after the Birth of Christ, in the time of the Emperor Heraclius, when the Ara∣bians introduced their Language together with their Victories into all the Regions they subdued: even as the Latin Tongue is supposed to have perish'd by the inundation and mixture of the Goths, and other barbarous Nations in the West. So that at this day, the Greek Tongue is very much decay'd; and that not only as touching the largeness and vul∣garness of it, but also in the purity and elegancy of it. Now the greatest part of the corruption of that Language ha••h been bred at home, and proceeded from no other cause than their own negligence or affectation. As for Example: First, By mutilation of some words, pronouncing and writing 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. Secondly, By compaction of several words into one, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Thirdly, By confu∣sion of sound, as making no difference in the pronouncing of three Vowels, viz. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and two Dipthongs, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; all which five they pronounce by one letter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they pronounce Icos, Icon, Stithi, Lipi. Fourthly, By translation of Ac∣cents from the Syllables, to which in ancient pronunciation they belong'd to others. All which four kinds of corruption, are very common in their Language, and may have produced the unelegant variation in the Greek Tongue. The Greek Language (more especially in their Poets) is difficult, by reason of the several Dialects, viz. the Attick, which was the purest of all, and used only at Athens; the Dorick, which was the most gross; the Eolick, and Ionick; which three last were used in other Greek Countreys re∣mote from Athens. But the Greeks are now at this day (by reason of their slavery to the Turk) so ignorant and unlearned, that they have (saith Cabasilas) about 70 Dialects of the modern Greek, whereof the purest is at Constantinople, and the most barbarous of all at Athens. I think I may say without vanity, that both for understanding and pro∣nouncing of the pure ancient Greek, there is at this day no people under Heaven more expert at it than the English, which all Travellers acknowledg. Wherefore having so eminent Grecians amongst us, and since by the French example we see how much good Translations benefit a Language, I cannot but lament to see such noble Authors as Plu∣tarch, Josephus, Appian, and others, translated into English at second hand out of the French Translations, and not out of the original Greek: a thing not only highly scanda∣lous to our Nation, but also unfaithful and prejudicial to the Authors themselves; since notwithstanding the French are sometimes to be commended for their Notes, Print, Cuts, and Paper, yet I have known very great Judges which will not allow their very best Translations to be any other than Paraphrases; nor will their Language admit of so com∣pendious and exact a Version as ours. But to proceed; there is no Language of more use than the Greek: First, For that there is none so happy in composition, nor so fit in joyning and coupling one word with another as the Greek, which Iulius Pollux a Greek Author in his Onomasticon fully demonstrates. Aul. Gell. lib. 11. ch. 16. All the Hebrew and Latin Eloquence, know not with their mystery and gravity how to express and utter so properly and naturally many Nouns and Verbs, as are to be found frequently in the Books of Greek Authors. Turneb. Animadvers. lib. 5. ch. 19. Greek Books, saith the lear∣ned Causabon (Enthus. ch. 2.) are best able to make a man wise and learned. Secondly, Many terms of Art both in Grammar, Logick, Physick, Rhetorick, Musick, Arithmetick, Geometry, Chronology, and Mathematicks, derive their original from the Greek: so that Ignoratis terminis, ignoratur & Ars.

The next of the three Learned Tongues, is the Latine, in comparison of which, all others are said to be barbarous. Some hold that the flourishing pure, and incorrupt Age

of the Latine Tongue, was from Terence to the times of Quintilian: for in that Age lived Terence, Pacuvius, Lucretius, Virgil, Horace, Propertius, Tibullus, Catullus, Ovid, Persius, Seneca, Silius Italicus, and Martial, Poets; Varro, Cicero, Iulius Caesar, Salust, Columella, Livy, Quintus Curtius, Historians and Orators. The Latine Tongue grew to perfection by degrees, and in Caesar's and Cicero's times, (whereof the one for purity, the other for copiousness, were the best that ever writ) it came to the highest flourish, together with the Empire under Augustus Caesar. Among the Poets, Plautus, Naevius, Accius, Pacu∣vius, Ennius, and Virgil most refined it; among the Orators and Historians, M. Cato, Sisenna, Caesar and Cicero. Both Iulius and Ioseph Scaliger held, that many Originals of the Latine Speech were deduced from the Greek; however Crinesius derives the Latine from the Hebrew. Mr. Breerwood in his Enquiries, produces five several examples to prove the variation of the Latine Tongue, before any Foreign inundation happen'd: First, because Quintilian records, that the Verses of the Salii which were composed by Numa, could hardly be understood by the Priests of later times in the Commonwealth, as Quintilian writes, Instit. Orat. lib. 1. ch. 6. Secondly, For that Festus (in his Book de Verb. significat.) who lived in Augustus's time, declares, that the Latin Speech (so na∣med of Latium) was at that time so much changed, that (saith he) scarcely any part of it remain'd in knowledge. Thirdly, In as much as the Laws of the Roman Kings, and of the Decemviri, (called the Laws of the 12 Tables, and collected by Fulvius Vrsinus) if compared with the later Latin, will testifie the same. Fourthly, Because Polybius (lib. 3.) writes, that the Articles of a League betwixt the people of Rome and Carthage, made soon after the expulsion of the Roman Kings, could in his time very hardly be understood by the best Antiquaries in Rome. Fifthly and lastly, For as much as there remaineth at this day in the Capitol at Rome, though much defaced by the injury of time, a Pillar (called Columnam rostratam) dedicated to the memory of a Roman Consul, upon a Naval Victory which he obtain'd in the first Punick War: the words inscribed on the Pillar, together with the later Latin under them, are these, and thus written:

Obsol. Lat. Recen. Lat. Exemet. Leciones. Macistratos. Castreis. Exfociont. Pucnandod. Exemit. Legiones. Magistratus. Castris. Effugiunt. Pugnando. Cepet. Enque. Navebos. Marid. Consol. Primos. Ornavet. Navebous. Cepit. Inque. Navibus. Mari. Consul. Primus. Ornavit. Navibus. Claseis. Poenicas. Sumas. Cartaciniensis. Dictatored. Altod. Socieis. Classes. Punicas. Summas. Carthaginiensis. Dictatore. Alto. Sociis. Triresmos. Naveis. Captom. Numei. Navaled. Proedad. Poplo, &c. Triremes. Naves. Captum. Nummi. Navali. Proeda, Populo, &c.

Where you may see in many words, e for i, c for g, o for u, and sometimes for e, also d, superfluously added to the end of many words: Breerw. Enquiries, ch. 6. Now that the Roman Tongue did refine and vary from the impurity of its Original, we cannot op∣pose: neither by any thing I have yet read or heard, do I see any just grounds to recede from that common opinion, which supposeth, that the mixture of the Northern barbarous Nations among the ancient Inhabitants, was the cause of changing the Latin Tongue, in∣to the Languages which now they speak, the Languages becoming mingled, as the Na∣tions themselves were. Now from hence two things are observable; First, The Persons who thus over-ran Italy: and they were the Huns in Pannonia, the Vandals in Africk, the East-Goths and Longobards in Italy, and the West-Goths in Aquitain and Spain. The second thing to be observ'd, is the time of the dissolution of the Empire, which happen'd in Europe and Africk, in the time of Valentinian the third, and about the year 450. be∣ing caused by the barbarous Nations of the North: as afterwards the like dissolution of the same Empire happen'd in Asia by the Arabians, in the time of Heraclius, about the year 640. when together with the Rule of the Empire in the West, by the inundation of the said barbarous Nations, the Latin Tongue became likewise corrupted.

The Spanish Tongue as now it is, consisteth of the old Spanish, Latin, Gottish, and Ara∣bick, as there is good reason it should, Spain having been so long in the possession of the Romans, Goths, and Moors: of which, the Latin is the greatest part, and next to it the Arabick, wherefore they themselves call their Language Romance. And Breerwood him∣self says, that he hath seen an Epistle written by a Spaniard, whereof every word was

both good Latin and good Spanish; also an example of the like is to be seen in Merula: Cosmog. part. 2. l 2. But the Language of Valentia, Catalonia, and part of Portugal, is much temper'd with the French. Now the ancient and most general Language used in Spain before the Roman Conquest, without question seemeth to have been the Cantabrian Tongue. See more of this in Breerwood's Enqu. ch. 7.

The French Tongue, what it was of old remaineth doubtful, some thinking it to have been the German, others the Greek, and some the Welsh. But these suppositions were grounded upon an error, of thinking that one Language was vulgar throughout all France; whereas both Caesar and Strabo record, that divers Languages were spoken in the several parts of France. Strabo tells us, that the Speech of Aquitain had much affi∣nity with the Spanish: as also that part in Caesar call'd Belgia upon the Rhine, did partake much of the German Tongue: And the Celtae who inhabited the middle of France, (as Hottoman, and from him Breerwood, are of opinion) used (as now they do) a Language compounded half of a Latin Original; and the other half made up of the German, Greek, and British, or Welsh words, with an equal proportion of each. Of the deduction of the French words from the Greek, you may read Perionius, Postellus, and others: of those from the German, Tschudus, Goropius, Isacius, &c. of the Welsh, Lhuid, Cambden, &c.

Italy was heretofore divided into many ancient Tongues, (as well as Dialects) accor∣ding to its several Provinces: In Apulia, the Mesapian Tongue; in Tuscany and Vmbria, the Hetruscan, now quite perish'd, (whereof some few Monuments (though understood by no man) are registred by Gruter and Scaliger in the Book of ancient Inscriptions;) in both the higher and lower Calabria, as also far along the Maritime Coast of the Tyrrhene Sea, the Greek; in Latium, (now Campagna di Roma) the Latin; in Lombardy and Li∣guria, the old French Tongue, whatsoever it was. And though besides these five, we find mention in ancient Writings of the Sabine, the Oscan, the Tusculan, and some other Tongues in Italy, yet were they no other than differing Dialects of some of the former Languages; as may be easily proved out of Varro, Festus, Servius, Paulus Diaconus, and others. Now people speak the best Spanish in Castile, best French in Blois and Orleance, and best Italian in Hetruria. The modern Spanish Tongue is near to the Italian, and seems to come nearer the Latin than the French, but not so near as the Italian. The Language of the Spaniards is said to be Manly, the Italian Courtly, and the French Amorous. Sca∣liger prefers the French Language for its elegancy and sweetness, before either the Spa∣nish or Italian. But for my own part, I have as ill an opinion of the French Tongue as Peo∣ple; since the very Language it self is a Cheat, being written one way, and pronounced another: moreover that which they call the beauty and grace of their Language, seems altogether tedious and impertinent to me. Ioseph Scaliger saith, the Latin Tongue was the Mother of the Italian, French, and Spanish, all which in a barbarous manner were called Romanse instead of Roman.

The German Tongue hath also divers Dialects, or Idiomes; the chief whereof are the Dutch, Saxon, and Danish.

The Slavonick Tongue is the vulgar Language of many Nations in Europe, and some in Asia. It is also much spoken in the Turk's Senrail at Constantinople, as well as by his Jani∣zaries and Souldiers.

Now concerning the Antiquity of Languages in general: Herodotus (lib. 2.) tells us, that one Psamneticus, King of Aegypt, caused two Children to be closely brought up by a Shepherd, with order to suckle them with Goats Milk, and not ever suffer them to hear any humane Voice: whereupon after two years spent in this Education, the Chil∣dren utter'd these words, Bec, Bec, having learnt so much from the Goats; which the King finding to signifie Bread in the Phrygian Language, and not knowing how they had learnt it, very weakly concluded the Phrygian Tongue to be the most ancient.

[12] I pretend to understand all the Languages of men: Philostratus herein thinks not only to outvy the Gift of Tongues, which the Holy Ghost bestow'd on the Apostles, by entitling his Prophet Apollonius to the same power; but likewise to exceed them, in ma∣king Apollonius acquainted with the most secret thoughts of mens hearts.

CHAP. XIV. When Apollonius came into Mesopotamia, what Answer he made to one that asked him, What Wares he brought along with him; con∣cerning Mesopotamia, why it was so called; and of the Rivers Tigris and Euphrates: Also how great the Fortitude and Wisdom of Apollonius was.

AFter these things, coming into [1] Mesopotamia, the [2] Publican who was set over the Bridge, carried them to the Tole-book, and asked them what Commodities they had brought along with them? To whom Apollonius an∣swer'd, That he brought with him Temperance, Iustice, Vertue, Continency, Forti∣tude, Exercise, and many other Vertues, which he call'd by Feminine Names. Whereupon the Publican being intent upon his gain, said, he would set down the Maids Names; to which Apollonius replied, You may not do so, for I bring them not as Maids but Mistresses. Now [3] Tigris and [4] Euphrates running out of Armenia from the bottom of [5] Taurus, * 1.9 give the Name to Mesopotamia, encom∣passing the Countrey, in which there are some Cities, but for the most part Villages. The people are [6] Armenians and [7] Arabians, who being environ'd with the said Rivers, do for the generality wander up and down in Tents without any certain abode. They likewise esteem themselves to be so much Islanders, that they say they go down to the Sea when they descend to the Rivers, thinking those Rivers the bounds of the Land; for when the said Rivers have encircled the whole Countrey, they eva∣cuate themselves into the Sea. There are some who report, that a great part of Eu∣phrates is swallow'd up in a certain Lake, so that its course is finish'd in the Earth. But * 1.10 others undertake a bolder Assertion, viz. That after it hath run a long way under-ground, it ariseth up again in Egypt, and mixeth with the Nile. For curio∣sities sake, and that I might not omit any thing which Damis described, I were wil∣ling thus to relate what he did amongst the Barbarians. Now although my Relation doth hasten towards more great and admirable Subjects, yet not so as to neglect these two things: First, The Fortitude of Apollonius, in travelling through [8] barba∣rous Nations that were addicted to Robbery, and unsubdued by the Romans: and secondly, His Wisdom, in that after the manner of the Arabians, he came to under∣stand the several Voices of living Creatures: for this he learned of the Arabians, who understand and practise it the best of any; also it is yet common to the Arabi∣ans to hearken to the Voice of Birds, as foretelling whatsoever Oracles can. This Converse with irrational Creatures they gain by eating (some say) the Heart, (others say) the Liver of Dragons.

Illustrations on Chap. 14.

[1] MEsopotamia, a large Countrey of Asia, limited on the East with the River Tigris, on the West with the River Euphrates, on the South with Babylon, and on the North with Caucasus. It is call'd Mesopotamia (as Philostratus here observes) from its situ∣ation between the two Rivers Tigris and Euphrates. By the Hebrews it is called Aram Naharaim, i. e. Syria fluviorum duorum. Heretofore it was named Seleucia, as Pliny in∣forms us, lib. 6. Olivarius saith, it is at present known by the Name of Halapia: though

others call it Apamia, some Adiabene, and some Azamia. Arrianus names the Inhabi∣tants of this Countrey, Incolas inter amnes, lib. 3. Cicero says, that the River Euphrates makes it very fertil, Natur. Deor. lib. 6.

[2] Publican, a Farmer of publick Rents or Revenues belonging to the Crown, such as we call an Excise-man.

[3] Tigris is a River in Asia, so call'd from the swiftness of its current, alluding to the swift flight of a Dart or Arrow, which in the Median Tongue was call'd Tigrin, viz. Sa∣gittae. Strabo Geogr. lib. 11. It runs with such an impetuous and speedy current thorow the Lake Arethusa, that neither the Waters nor the Fish mingle with those of the Lake. It runs into a hole on the side of the Mountain Taurus, and rising out again on the other side of the Mountain, continues its course, till running into Mesopotamia it there divides it self into two branches, whereof one evacuates into the Persian Gulph, and the other into Euphrates. For its Original, Iustin and Solinus derive it from the Armenian Mountains. But of this see Iustin, lib. 42. Solin, ch. 40. Lucan, lib. 3. verse 256. Boetius de Consol. lib. 5. Arrianus (lib. 7. de Exped. Alex.) writes, that this River was heretofore called Sylax; Eustathius and Plutarch, Sollax. Arrias Montanus say, the Hebrews name it Hi∣dekel. Iosephus calls it Diglath, and Pliny, Pasitigris. But at this day Castaldus saith, it is known by the Name Tegil.

[4] Euphrates, a famous River of Mesopotamia, arising (as saith Strabo) out of Nipha∣tes, a Hill in Armenia; this is one of the Rivers that cometh out of Paradise, and passeth through Babylon. I conceive it takes this Name (Euphrates) from the Arabick Tongue, wherein Pharata signifies inundare, to overflow. Some will have its Name from the He∣brews, Hu-perah, Gen. 11.14. Boetius will have it, that Tigris and Euphrates have both but one head:

Tigris & Euphrates uno se fonte resolvunt.

This River far exceeds Tigris in magnitude; Strabo, lib. 2. As well Lucan as Cicero takes notice how much this River conduces to the fertility of Mesopotamia:

—Sparsus in agros Fertilis Euphrates Phariae vice fungitur undae. Lucan, lib. 3.

Of this River you may see a description at large in Pliny, Nat. Hist. lib. 5. ch. 24. Also in Strabo, lib. 16. There was a famous Philosopher of this Name, who lived under the Emperor Adrian, till being troubled with some grievous Disease, which rendred his life burthensom, he (with the Emperor's consent) did voluntarily, by a mornings draught of Hemlock, pass into the other World.

[5] Taurus, the most famous Mountain of Asia; which beginning at the Indian Sea, stretches out its two arms Northward and Southward, also Westward to the Aegean Sea. In which manner extending it self through many Countreys, it receives in each a several Name: Thus in Cilicia it is call'd Taurus,— Taurus{que} Cilix—Ovid, Met. 2. in Lycia, Cragus; in Pamphylia, Coracesius, and Sarpedon; in the Lesser Armenia, Antitaurus; in the Greater Armenia, Moschicus, and Pariedus; in Mesopotamia, Chaboras; in Syria, Amanus; in the Confines of Mesopotamia and Armenia, Niphates, or Gordiaeus; in Colchos, Coraxi∣cus; in Iberia, and Albania, Caucasus; in Media, Zagrus; in the Confines of the farther Assyria, Orontes, Iasonius, Coronus, and Choatras; in Parthia, Paracoathras; in Carmania, Strongylos; in Bactria, Paropamisus; in Scythia, Imaus; between Scythia and India, Emo∣dus; all which were in general by the Greeks call'd Ceraunios; in the Word of God it was called Ararat: So that we see this Mountain through each Countrey it ran, receiv'd a new Name. However Q. Curtius seems to make Taurus and Caucasus two distinct Mountains: Taurus (especially in Cilicia) is at this day called Cambel, Bacras, and Giulich.

[6] Armenia, (so call'd, as Strabo affirms, (lib. 11.) from the Name of one of Iason's Companions, which followed him in his Navigation out of Harmenia, a City of Thessaly; or as others say, from Aram, the Son of Sem) is a Countrey of Asia, divided into two parts, the Greater and the Lesser: The greater hath a part of Cappadocia and Euphra••es on the West; Mesopotamia on the South; Colchis, Iberia, and Albania, on the North; the Ca∣spian Sea and Media on the East. Part of this greater Armenia is now call'd Turcomania, and the other part contain'd in Georgia. Ptolomy reckoneth many principal Mountains in it, as the Moschici, Paryarges, or Pariedri, Vdacespes, Antitaurus, Abos, and the Gordaei,

which the Chaldaean Paraphrast calleth Kardu; Quintus Curtius, Cordai; and Berosus, Cordyaei. On these Hills it is said the Ark rested; and Haithon (one of the same Countrey) calleth this Mountain Arath, little differing from the Scripture Appellation, Ararat. Now for the lesser Armenia, (which is call'd Prima) it is divided from the greater, or Tur∣comania, by Euphrates on the East; it hath on the West Cappadociae; on the South Cilicia, and part of Syria; on the North the Pontick Islands. It was sometimes reckon'd a part of Cappadocia, till the Armenians by their Invasions and Colonies alter'd the Name. The Armenian Countrey being conquer'd in the year of our Lord, 1515. by Selimus the first, was annext to the Ottoman Empire, and subjected to its Tyranny. The Armenians are now much dispers'd all over the Turks Dominions, through the encouragement of Traffick and Commerce, to which they are much addicted. As for their Constitutions, the Men are naturally of healthy, strong, and robustious Bodies, their Countenances commonly grave, their Features well proportion'd, but of a melancholy and Saturnine Air: On the contrary, their Women are generally ill-shaped, long-nosed, and not one of a thousand so much as commonly handsom. The men are in their Humours covetous and sordid to a high degree, heady, obstinate, and hardly to be perswaded to any thing of Reason; being in most things of a dull and stupid Apprehension, except in Merchandize and matters of gain, wherein they understand nothing but their advantage. The Turks give them the Name of Bokegees, and the Iews esteem them to have been of the ancient Rac•• of the Amale∣kites, being a people whom they envy, because they will not easily be cheated. Many ascribe their heaviness of Complexion to the Air of their Countrey, which is imprison'd in the vast Mulberry Woods, as also thicken'd by the Vapours of their Fens, and Marshes, and Winds, from the Caspian Sea, together with the ungrateful steams arising from the Cauldrons, wherein they boyl their Silk-worms. As for the Rites and Ceremonies of this Church, whilst subjected to the Roman Empire, they were the same with the Grecian, maintaining the same Doctrine, and acknowledging the Patriarch of Constantinople for the Head of their Church, till afterwards, Differences arising in Government, have divi∣ded them both in Doctrine and Discipline. The Armenian Church (as Mr. Ricaut informs us) is at present govern'd by four Patriarchs, whereof the chiefest resides at Etchmeasin in Persia; the second at Sis in Armenia minor; the third at Canshahar; and the fourth at Achtamar: for those Armenian Patriarchs which remain at Constantinople, are only titu∣lar, made to please the Turks. As for the Doctrine of the Armenian Church, they allow and accept of the Articles of Faith in the Council of Nice; they also make use of the Apostles Creed. Notwithstanding they have made a Creed or confession of Faith of their own, which is as follows:

I confess that I believe with all my heart in God the Father uncreated, and not begotten, and that God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost, were from all eternity; the Son begotten of the Father, and the Holy Ghost proceeds only from the Father. I believe in God the Son increated and begotten from eternity. The Father is eternal, the Son is eternal, and equal to the Father; whatso∣ever the Father contains, the Son contains. I believe in the Holy Ghost which was from eternity, not begotten of the Father but proceeding, three Persons, but one God. Such as the Son is to the Deity, such is the Holy Ghost. I believe in the holy Trinity, not three Gods but one God, one in Will, in Government, and in Judgment, Creator both of visible and invisible. I believe in the holy Church, in the remission of sins, and the communion of Saints. I believe that of those three Persons one was begotten of the Father before all eternity, but descended in time from Heaven unto Mary, of whom he took bloud, and was form'd in her Womb; where the Deity was mix'd with the Huma∣nity, without spot or blemish. He patiently remain'd in the Womb of Mary nine months, and was afterwards born as Man, with Soul, Intellect, Judgment, and Body, having but one Body, and one Countenance; and of this mixture or union resulted one composition of Person. God was made Man without any change in himself, born with∣out humane Generation, his Mother remaining still a Virgin: And as none knows his Eternity, so none can conceive his Being or Essence; for as he was Jesus Christ from all eternity, so he is to day, and shall be for ever. I believe in Jesus Christ, who convers'd in this World, and after thirty years was baptized according to his own good will and pleasure, his Father bearing witness of him, and said, This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased; and the Holy Ghost in form of a Dove descended upon him; he was

tempted of the Devil, and overcame, was preached to the Gentiles, was troubled in his Body, being wearied, enduring hunger and thirst, was crucified with his own will, died corporally, and yet was alive as God, was buried, and his Deity was mixed with him in the Grave; his Soul descended into Hell, and was always accompanied with his Deity; he preach'd to the Souls in Hell, whom after he had releas'd, he arose again the third day, and appear'd to his Apostles. I believe that our Lord Jesus Christ did with his Bo∣dy ascend into Heaven, and sits at the right hand of God; and that with the same Body by the determination of his Father, he shall come to judge both the quick and the dead; and that all shall rise again; such as have done good shall go into Life eternal, and such as have done evil into everlasting Fire.

This is the sum of the Armenian Faith, which they teach their young Children and Scholars, also is repeated by them in the same manner as our Apostles Creed is in our Divine Service. But he that would read more of their Fasts, Feasts, Ceremonies, Penances, &c. let him peruse that late excellent Treatise, call'd, The present State of the Armenian Church, written by the ingenious Mr. Paul Ricaut, who conversed sometime amongst them.

[7] Arabia is called by the Hebrews, Arab; wherefore some derive the Name Arabia from the Hebrew word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Arabah, which signifies a Desert, for that Arabia is full of Deserts Others ascribe the Name to Arabus, the Son of Apollo and Babylonia. Some will have it that Homer call'd the Arabians, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, quasi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. nigros. But of this see Strabo, and Magnum Etymologicum. Arabia is a very large Countrey of Asia, lying be∣tween two Bays or Gulfs of the Sea, the Persian on the East, and that which from hence is call'd the Arabian on the West; on the South is the Ocean; and on the North is Syria and Euphrates; it confines on Iudaea on the one hand, and Aegypt on the other. Now Arabia is commonly divided into three parts, Petraea, Deserta, and Faelix. And the forged Berosus of Annius telleth, that Ianus Pater sent one Sabus into Arabia Faelix; Arabus in∣to Arabia Deserta; and Petreius into Petraea; all Nephews of Cham, or rather, Sons of Annius his Brain. Arabia Faelix call'd at this day by some Aimon, but by the Turks, Gemen, or Giamen) comprehends the Southerly parts of Arabia, and receiv'd the Epithet Faelix from its fertility. Arabia Petraea (call'd by Pliny and Strabo, Nabathae, but now at this day Barraah, or Bengaucal) receiv'd the Name of Petraea, (as saith Arrias Mont.) from Petra, the Seat Royal, afterwards call'd Arach, of Aretas the Arabian King. Lastly, Ara∣bia Deserta (now known by the Name of Beriara) was so call'd from the nature of the place, being in great part without Inhabitants, by reason of the barrenness of the Soyl; as is also great part of that which is call'd Petraea. Of this read at large in Purchas his Pilgrimage, lib. 3. ch. 1. This Countrey is famous for rich odoriferous Spices and Un∣guents: Arabia odorum fertilitate nobilis Regio, says Curtius, lib. 5. Likewise all the anci∣ent Poets express the same.

[8] Barbarous Nations that were unsubdued by the Romans: For the Romans professing themselves to be the only Masters of Humanity, did (as we may find by their Historians) esteem all people barbarous, that were not subject to their Empire. And so likewise did the Greeks; for when King Pyrrhus came into Italy, after he had survey'd the discipline of the Army which the Romans had sent against him, I know not (said he) what barbarous men these are, but the conduct of their Army is nothing barbarous. The like also said the Grae∣cians of that which Flaminius sent into their Countrey. But nothing could be more arro∣gant or more unjust than this: They are savage and barbarous, as we call those Fruits wild, which Nature of her self and of her ordinary progress hath produced; whereas those natural productions which we by our Arts and devices have alter'd, might more justly deserve that term of Barbarous.

Corn, Wine, and Oyl, are wanting to this ground, With which our Countreys fruitfully abound; As if this infant World yet unarray'd, Naked and bare, in Natures Lap were laid. No useful Arts have yet found footing here, But all untaught and salvage does appear: As we by Art unteach what Nature wrought, So all their Customs are by Nature taught.

There Nature spreads her fruitful sweetness round, Breaths on the Air, and broods upon the Ground; There Days and Nights the only Seasons be, The Sun no Climate does so gladly see; When forc'd from thence, to see our Parts, he mourns, Takes little Iourneys, and makes quick returns. Mr. Dryden.

These Nations therefore seem barbarous to me, because they have receiv'd little im∣provement from Humane wit; whereas if we rightly consider'd it, they ought the more to be valued, as being so much the nearer to their pure original Nature, without any allay of Art or Custom. Nature is the work of the Almighty, and Art the work of Man; so at most but Natures Bastard. We have by our inventions so much overcharg'd the beauties and riches of Nature, that we have in a manner choak'd her:

Et veniunt hederae sponte sua melius, Surgit & in solis formosior arbutus antris, Et volucres nulla dulcius arte canunt.

Propert. lib. 1. El. 2.10.

Ivies spring better of their own accord, Grounds unmanur'd much fairer Trees afford, And Birds untaught much sweeter Notes record.

All our Wit or Art (says Montaign) cannot so much as represent the contexture, beau∣ty, and use of the least Birds Nest, or Spiders Web. On the other side, those words that import Lying, Falshood, Treason, Dissimulations, Covetousness, Envy, Detraction and Pardon, were never heard of amongst them: Hos Natura modos primum dedit. Whilst we detract from others, we flatter and dissemble with our selves; and whilst we condemn them for eating men that are dead, we forget how much worse it is to crucifie, torment, and roast men alive, which the Spaniards have done under the name of Christians. So that to me this Calumny seems to be grounded rather upon envy, than any thing else: as we often see it in private Families, where if one Brother hath more wit or sense than the rest, the others shall presently conspire together against him, thinking to repair their own folly or weakness, by traducing him with Lyes, and slanders of debauchery, wickedness and intemperance:

Nor can weak Truth his Reputation save, The Fools will all agree to call him Knave. Sat. against Man.

In him the smallest Trip, is adjudged a Stumble; the least Mote, a Beam; and if upon any extraordinary accident, he be guilty of the least act of intemperance, they shall re∣cord it to all posterity, as if they boasted of that equality of understanding which they had with him, when he was in drink, and they sober; for Fools are drunk by Nature. Again, if he never so strictly keeps and observes the Moral part of the Christian Law, and omits but the least point of the Ceremonial, he shall presently be decryed for an Atheist; when in the mean while they who so accuse him, lending their outward man to the Church, and their inward to the Devil, covet, lye, back-bite, censure, envy, detract, and violate the most sacred Oaths, Vows, and Contracts made before God and man; when yet notwithstanding, by the help of reading a few Psalms and Chapters, or repeating daily a few Prayers, they think they have expiated all their other failings, which at the most they will allow to be only Sins of infirmity. The word Atheist is now used, as here∣tofore the word Barbarous was; all persons differing in Opinions, Customs or Manners, being then term'd Barbarians, as now Atheists.

[9] He came to understand the several Voices of living Creatures: as that best of Satyrs, Hudibras, speaks of Squire Ralph••;

He understood the speech of Birds, As well as they themselves do words: Could tell what sub••lest Parrots mean, That speak and think contrary clean; What member 'tis of whom they talk, When they cry Rope, and Walk Knave, walk. Canto 1.

Pliny (lib. 10. ch. 49.) amongst other fabulous Narrations, tells us of a vain report, that Dragons taught Melampus, by licking his Ears, to understand the language of Birds. Also Democritus mentioneth certain Birds, of whose bloud mingled together and suffer'd to corrupt, there is engendred a Serpent, which whosoever eateth shall understand the speech of Birds. Porphyrius (lib. 3 de Abstinentia) writes, that if you will give credit to Antiquity, there have been and were in his time several that understood the languages of Birds and Beasts; as amongst the Ancients, Melampus and Tyresias: Also he says, that a Friend of his had a Boy who understood the speech of Birds; that the Arabians under∣stood the language of Crows, and the Tyrrhenians the language of Eagles. Now that Apollonius had this gift, not only Philostratus, but also Porphyry, Eunapius, and others affirm. Likewise if you observe his gift of Tongues, and other Miracles, I see no reason why you should doubt of this; Faith being like a piece of blank Paper, whereon you may write as well one Miracle as another.

[10] It is yet common to the Arabians to hearken to the voice of Birds, as foretelling what∣soever Oracles can; which Converse with irrational Creatures, they gain by eating (some say) the Heart, (others say) the Liver of Dragons: Those Princes and Commonwealths (says the most wise Florentine) who would keep their Government entire and incorrupt, must above all things have a care of Religion and its Ceremonies, to preserve them in due venerati∣on; and that not only in the beginning of a Government, (as Numa did, whereby he re∣duced a martial and fierce people to civil obedience) but also in any Government esta∣blish'd, for that Irreligion introduces Luxury, and Luxury Destruction. Whatsoever therefore occurs, that may any way be extended to the advan••age and reputation of the Religion establisht, (how uncertain or frivolous soever it may seem in it self) yet by all means it is to be propagated and encouraged by prudent Magistrates; this course ha∣ving been observed by wise men, has produced the opinion of Miracles, which are celebra∣ted even in those Religions that are false: for let their Original be as idle as they please, a wise Prince will be sure to promote them, and his Authority recommends them to every body else. A Prince therefore, to those that see and hear him, ought to appear all Good∣ness, Integrity, Humanity, and Religion, which last he ought to pretend to more than or∣dinarily, because more men do judge by the eye than by the touch; for every body sees, but few understand; every body sees how you appear, but few know in reality what you are; and those few dare not oppose the opinion of a multitude, who have the Majesty of their Prince to defend them. Solon Lycurgus, Numa, and all other heathen Law-givers, were fain to crave the assistance of Religion in the establishment of their new Govern∣ments. Now the Religion of the Gentiles ran much upon the Answers of Oracles, Divina∣tions, and Soothsaying, upon which all the rest of their Sacrifices, Rights, and Ceremo∣nies, did depend; for they did not doubt, but that the same thing which could presage your fortune, (be it good, or be it bad) could as easily confer it. Among other kinds of Foretellers, we read of three principally used in former times, namely, Auruspices, Au∣spices, and Augures; all which we English, Soothsayers, though the Latin words do im∣port a main difference: for the Auruspices did divine or foretel things to come, by be∣holding the Entrails of Beasts sacrificed; whence they had their Name, ab Aras inspicien∣do, from beholding the Altars. The Auspices did foretel things by beholding the flight of Birds; so that Auspices are said quasi Avispices, ab Aves aspiciendo. Lastly, The Augures did divine from hearing the chattering or crowing of Birds; as Philostratus here says the Arabians did; whence they are called Augures, ab Avium garritu, from the chirping and chattering of Birds; which Art (as our Author here says) they learn'd, by eating the Heart or Liver of Dragons; also Solinus affirms, that for this purpose the Arabians used to eat Serpents. Now for the particular kinds of Soothsayings, I shall not trouble you with here, but refer you to Caelius Rhodiginus, Rosini Antiquitates Romanae, Godwin's Antiquities, and others, who describe the manner of them at large; I shall only give you some short hint of their politick Institution, and so conclude. First then, Iulius Caesar Vaninus (dial. 56. lib. 4) saith, that the Soothsayings of the Ancients are the fables and illusions of Priests, to get money and praise, as also the figments of heathen Princes, to keep the people in awe with the fear of a supream Deity. If Auguries foretel future events, then they are either their causes or effects; for thus Astronomers give judgment by the Stars, the effi∣cients of sublunary things; and Physicians by effects; but Auguries are none of those

things, wherefore they are vainly used to the foreknowledge of things to come. Among the Gentiles▪ Auguries were a great part of their Religion, and (as the wise M••chiavil ob∣serves) they contributed not a little to the well-being of the Roman Commonwealth; for which reason the Romans esteem'd them above any other Ordinance, and made use of them in the creation of Consuls, in the undertaking of Enterprizes, in drawing out their Ar∣mies, in their Battels and Engagements, and in every other business of importance, whe∣ther Military or Civil; nor would they ever begin an Expedition, till they had possess'd the Souldiers that the Gods had promis'd them success. Among the several Orders of Au∣spices, they had one call'd the Pullarii, who were to give their Presages ever before they fought the Enemy: If the Pullen over which they had inspection, eat, it was a good Omen, and they might with confidence engage; but if they did not eat, it was an ill sign, and they were obliged to forbear. Thus the Chickens who refused their meat, and flew out of the Coop, foretold the overthrow of Ma••cinus by the Numantines, and of L••cius Papy∣rius, in the Battel against the Samni••es. Wherefore (as V••••inus observes) to prevent any such dis-encouragement to the superstitious Army, when the Commanders were very de∣sirous of giving Battel, and the Souldiers unwilling for fear of danger, that they might ex∣cite them to fight manfully▪ they endeavour'd to engage them not with humane, but di∣vine counsel; and therefore kept Chickens long fasting, and afterwards brought them al∣most famish'd out of the Coop, who greedily devoured the meat that was cast before them: Then the Augurs being clad in their solemn Robes, did with much gravity and stroaking their Beards, in the name of the Gods promise victory to the Army▪ and so en∣flamed the credulous multitude to fight, to the destruction of their Enemies. On the con∣trary, when the General was unwilling to hazard a Battel, he offer'd meat to the Chic∣kens when their bellies were full, and when they refused it, the Augurs who were ever of the secret Council of War, did beseech the Souldiers by the bowels of the Gods, not to engage the Enemies, for that the Gods being angry for the sins of the Army, did threaten their ruine; whereupon all obeying those Admonitions of so great an high-Priest, ab∣stain'd from Battel; neither was that attributed to the cowardise of the General, but to destiny. Also when they were vanquish'd or put to flight, that it might not reflect on their valour, they feign'd that they fought contrary to the Answers of their Augurs. Thus Flaminius perish'd together with his Army for not being obedient to the Augurs. The chief and most eminent Office among the Romans was that of the Augurs; the vene∣ration and honour given to them was so great, that they were look'd upon not only as the Gods Interpreters, but also as Messengers and Agents betwixt them and mankind. Besides, they were ever advanced to the Senate, and the rather as is conceiv'd, because from the first foundation of Rome, until the change of the Government, Kings themselves were Augurs, as thinking it unsafe to dis-joyn from the Regal Power, a discipline so full of Authority: like as our King here in England is Head as well of the Church as State, which Power in Catholick Countreys is divided between the King and that old Roman Augur, the Pope. Now the chief end of Auguries, was to encourage Souldiers to fight with more alacrity and confidence, which contributed much to their success; nor was any Magistrate chosen till they were first consulted:

Those who to Empire by dark paths aspire, Still plead a Call to what they most desire. Mr. Dryden▪

Thus (as Livy informs us) Romulus and Numa could receive their Scepters only from the Augurs hands. Neither did they begin to build Cities, till they had first por'd into the En∣trails of Beasts: for if they were found, they argued the temperateness and fruitfulness of the Soyl; but if they were lean and shrivell'd, that shew'd the Clime to be unhealthy: for many times they drew their Conjectures from other natural Causes, and yet ascribed them to Augury. Now this Art of Augury is very ancient, especially in Italy, Greece, and Asia minor, where one Car or Cara is said to have invented it, and Orpheus to have am∣plified it; for as they then wanted the knowledge of Divination by the Stars, in such per∣fection as the Egyptians and Chaldeans had it, so they devised these Arts to make them∣selves esteemed Prophets; as if the Counsels of the Gods were hidden in the filthy dung∣hill of the Livers and Entrails of dead Men and Beasts: for we read, that both Heliogaba∣lus and Iulian sacrificed men for this purpose, as thinking, that from their bowels the most

knowing and fatal Divinations might be gather'd. Moreover these Auguries were ne∣ver undertaken without much Solemnity and Ceremony, at which time a Procession was made by the Patrici••, and better sort of People, all crown'd with Bays; before whom, the Po••••i••ex Maximus walk'd in great State, accompanied behind with all sorts of People: which Ceremony I could not but call to mind some years since, when out of curiosity I beheld a Catholick Procession at St. Iames •• Chappel, thinking the Papists had taken that Custom from the ancient Heathen Augurs; it being but a politick and wise part to conform their Religious Rites (as much as is possible) to the practice of the ancient Roman Empire, without innovating more then needs must. Now that these predictions by Augury were only credited by the Vulgar, and therefore countenanc'd by the Wise, we may learn both from Pliny and Cicero, whereof the first says, That Au∣guries signifie nothing, and gain force only from our Imagination, wherefore he de∣nieth that they pertain to an incredulous person. And the other (viz. Cicero) writes, That he wonders how one Augur can behold another without laughing, when they think how they cozen the people; miror c••r Haruspex Haruspici vide••s, non rider? (which sentence a prophane person of my acquaintance did ever make use of, when he beheld two Priests together.) Finally, when a Roman General deferr'd to give the Sig∣nal of a Battel, because the Soothsayers Chickens forbore to eat, a young Nobleman standing by, told him, He wondred he would omit so great an opportunity, for so small a thing: to whom the General reply'd, These things seem small, but our Fore-fathers by regarding these little things, have made this Empire great.

CHAP. XV. How Apollonius leaving Ctesiphon, came into the Confines of Babylon; and what Answer be made to a certain Governour that demanded who he was, and whence he came. Also, how afterwards becoming intimate with the Governour, he refused Treasure and other rich Presents offer'd to him, accepting only of Bread and Herbs.

AFterwards Apollonius going above [1] Ctesiphon, passed into the Confines of Babylon; where the King had placed a Guard that suffer'd not any to pass without enquiring who and whence he was, also what his business was there. The Governour set over this Guard, was (in my opinion) as an Eye to the King: for the Median King being new come to the Kingdom, thought not himself secure, but fearing as well Chimaera's as real Dangers, lived with conti∣nual Trembling and Apprehensions. Therefore Apollonius and his Companions are brought before this Governour, who had made himself a Tent on a Waggon, and was riding abroad; but seeing a man in a very sordid Garb he cry'd out like any timorous Woman, and hid his face. But afterwards with much ado looking up upon him, he asked him, as if he had been some Daemon, From whence art thou sent to come among us? Apollonius answer'd, From my self; to try if you can be∣come men even against your wills. The Governour ask'd him again, Who he was that durst thus enter the Kings Territories? To which Apollonius reply'd, The whole Earth is mine, and I have liberty to pass thorow the same. Hereupon the Governour threatning to put him to torture, unless he answer'd more plainly those things which he ask'd him, Apollonius said to him, If thou touch me, thou shalt be tormented with thine own hands. The Eunuch amazed at him, for that he saw him want no Interpreter, but understanding his speech with ease, and without any

trouble, spake now more mildly to him, and changing his Tone, asked him, In the name of the Gods, who art thou? Apollonius answer'd, For as much as you now ask me in a fair and courteous manner, hear thou who I am! I am Apollonius the Tyanaean, and my Iourney is to the King of the Indians, that I may see the things there: I would also willingly be admitted to your King, because such as have been with him say, he is no bad man; if it be [2] Vardanes, who hath lately reco∣ver'd the Kingdom which he had lost. It is the same (said the Governour) O thou divine Apollonius, of whom we have long since heard the same, and he would yield his very Throne ••o a wise man; no doubt therefore but he will send you to India, every one with his Camel. As for me, I make you my Guest, and give you leave (shewing him a great Treasure of Gold) to take of this what you please, not only once, but ten times over. Now Apollonius refusing his Money, the Gover∣nour said unto him, Nevertheless you shall accept this Vessel of [3] Babylonish Wine, whereof the King himself doth drink to the ten Governours. You shall like∣wise take these pieces of roasted P••rk, and Goat, together with Flower, Bread, and whatsoever provision else you please: for in the greatest part of your Iourney you will meet with none but small Villages, wherein good accommodation is not to be had. The Governour had no sooner utter'd these words, but he reprov'd himself, saying, How extremely have I been mistaken, to entertain a man that neither eat∣eth of living Creatures, nor drinketh Wine so absurdly and clownishly. To which Apollonius reply'd, Notwithstanding my Diet is slender, yet, Sir, you may Feast me with Bread and Fruits. That (said he) I will willingly do, for I will present you with leaven'd Bread, and great yellow Dates; together with all sorts of the best Herbs that the Gardens of Tigris produce. But those Herbs and [4] Fruits (said Apollonius) are sweeter to me that grow wild of their own accord, than those that are forc'd and produc'd by Art. Those Herbs (reply'd the Governour) are indeed the sweeter: but our ground about Babylon being full of [5] Wormwood, brings them forth unpleasant and bitter. Wherefore he accepted of such Herbs as the Governour proffer'd him, and at parting said unto him, Oh thou good man, be not only courteous at the end, but also in the beginning: implicitely upbraiding him with the Torments that he had before threatned; as also, for the other [6] Barbarous Language he at first receiv'd from him.

Illustrations on Chap. 15.

[1] CTesiphon, a Town of Assyria lying upon the Shore of Tigris, and built by the Parthians, where in the Winters their Kings used to spend some time, by rea∣son of the Temperateness ••f that Air. Pliny (lib. 6. 26.) writes, that Ctesiphon was the head City of the Babylonish Empire. Also Ammianus Marcellinus, reckoning up the three most famous Cities of Assyria, mentions this as one of them, viz. Babylon, Selencia, and Ctesiphon; lib. 23.

[2] Bard••nes, or Vardanes, was the Son of Artabanus, whose Story we read in Tacitu•••• his Annals, lib. 6. & lib. 11. Artabanus dying, left behind him several Children, viz. Ar∣saces, Darius, Bardanes, Gotarzes, Orodes, Vol••geses, Pacores, and Tiridates, besides one Daughter whereof we have no farther mention. Now Arsaces having the Government of Armenia given him by his Father, was there kill'd by his own Subjects, being suborn'd so to do by Mithridates and Pharasin••••, two Princes of Spain▪ Darius was sent in Hostage to Rome, to the Emperor Tiberius; whereupon the third Son Bardanes, (of whom Philo∣stratus here speaks) came to the Crown by his Fathers Will, by reason of his two older Brothers misfortune, which happen'd to them during Bardanes's Life. Of his Wars you may see an account at large in Tacitus, as also of his unlucky death.

[3] Babylonish Wine: Strabo (lib. 16.) speaking of the fertility of the Province of Ba∣bylon, says, that this Country produces greater store of Corn then any other, in so much that it is said to render 300 for one; and for all other necessaries requisite to the sub∣sistance of man, their Palms supply them with▪ as Wine, Honey, Vinegar, and Cloathing, which they extract from the Palm-Tree; together with Nuts, which serve their Smiths and such as make use of Fire, instead of Coals: also these Nuts being steep'd in Water, serve to fatten their Sheep and Oxen Pl••ny (lib. 14) writes, that all the East used no other Wines but what are made of Palms. Athenaeus (lib. 14. ch. 26.) saith, that the Persian Kings used only to drink the Calybonia•• Wine, which (as Possidonius affirms) grew only in Damascus of Syria, for that the Persians had there planted Vines. He that would know more of this Subject, let him peruse Pliny's 14^th Book, as also Athenaeus, wherein you may find all the several sorts of Wine extant in the World, together with their ori∣ginal growth and encrease.

[4] Those Fruits are sweeter that grow wild; Apollonius esteem'd them so, as admiring the simple works of God and Nature, beyond all the Art and improvement of Man. How much sweeter are the wild Notes of the Nightingale, than any Artificial ones which we teach our tame Birds? How much more beautiful are the colours of the Rainbow, than any we can imitate? and we find by daily experience, how much sweeter many of our Fruits are which grow of their own accord, than such as we nurse up with our hot Beds in Gardens.

[5] Wormwood is call'd in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, quasi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, impotabile, ob amaritudinem; vel ingustabile, quia illud non tangunt animalia in Depascendis herbis. Dioscorides calleth it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, à profundo amarore. Dioscorides and Galen make mention but of three sorts of Wormwood; the one a common sort, well known by all men, whereof the best grows in Pontus and Cappadocia; the other Sea-wormwood, or Seriphium; and the third San∣tonicum, of the Country beyond the Alpes in France. Nevertheless, there hath since been found out many Herbs accounted to be kinds or sorts of them, both for their like∣ness of Face, and Virtues. Absinthium vulgare, or the common Wormwood, is of an heating and binding property, it purgeth Choler that cleaveth to the Stomach or Belly. But of this see more in Parkinson's Theatrum B••tanicum, Tribe 1. ch. 36. also Pliny lib. 27. ch. 7.

[6] Barbarous Language; Charron (who is but an imitator of Montaign, wearing his Thoughts at second hand) tells us, (in his Treatise of Wisdom) that Speech is the in∣terpreter and image of the Soul, animi index & speculum, the Messenger of the heart, the Gate whereby all that is within issueth forth; in so much that an ancient Philosopher said once to a Child, Speak, that I may see thee; that is to say, the inside of thee. As Vessels are known whether they be broken or whole, full or empty, by the sound, and Metals by the touch; so Man by the sound of his Tongue, or Speech. Of all the visible parts of the Body which shew themselves outward, that which is nearest the Heart is the Tongue, by the root thereof; so that which comes nearest unto our Thought, is our Speech: for from the abundance of the heart, the mouth speaketh. Life and Death are in the power of the Tongue: so that there is nothing better, and nothing worse than the Tongue. Hearing and Speech are the two Gates whereby the Soul does traffick: at the one all things enter in, and at the other all go forth. But Hearing is the first Gate, through which all must first pass; for there can nothing come forth of the Soul, but that which first entreth: and therefore he that by Nature is born deaf, the same is likewise dumb. Now from the communication of these two, as from the stroke of two Flints or Irons together, there comes forth the sacred Fire of Truth. The Tongue, like other be∣nefits of Nature, is bestow'd upon us as a singular blessing; yet nevertheless, as with those Legs which are given us to walk about our necessary occasions, we may leap into a River, or off from a Steeple; or with those Hands which are lent us by providence for our defence and service, we may cut our own Throats; so likewise our Tongues, though an eminent gift of Nature, may (if irregularly managed) prove our destruction; as I have already shew'd in the 11th Chapter of this Book. A man's wit should serve rather for a Buckler to defend himself by a handsom reply, than a Sword to wound others, though with never so facetious a Reproach; remembring, that a word cuts deeper than a sharper weapon, and the wound it makes is longer in curing. A sudden blow is the

effect of an inconsiderate Passion; but a disgraceful Speech, is the result of a low and base esteem settled of the party in your Heart: Therefore nothing blows up Anger into mischief, like Bitterness of words, especially if they be aculeate and proper; for com∣munia maledicta are little resented. No sharp expressions are so much allow'd of, as smart Repartees, which being both ex tempore, and on the defensive part, are not only pardonable, but commendable: wherefore all applauded that Nobleman, who being given the Lye by a Physician, told him he had rather take that of him, than Physick. I must confess there is nothing for the which I have a greater aversion, than foul words, in so much that I can sooner Study with twenty Drums beating about my ears, than with two people a Scolding; for not only the noise, but also the curiosity to hear what they say, too much commands my attention, and that out of an opinion I have, that there is not so much Truth spoken any where, as at Billinsgate, when the Orange∣wenches call one another Whore, Thief, &c. 'Tis the same reason induces me to peruse those Polemical Books, which are written in a more refined Billinsgate Dialect, such as the Friendly Debate its several Parts, the Books in Answer to Mr. Hobbs, Marvel's and Parker's several Contests, as the Rehearsal Transpos'd, &c. in all which, an impartial Reader may discover the several Rogueries (if there be any) of each Sect; whose Pastors (though all Christians) agree in no one Article so Catholically, as in that of paying them Tithes. We have a saying, That when Knaves fall out, honest men come to their Goods; and so likewise in these clamorous and verbal accusations, when one Sect upbraids anothers Folly, a wise man discerning the Folly of both, comes to the knowledge of Truth.

CHAP. XVI. Of a huge Lyoness slain by Huntsmen, and of eight Whelps found in her Womb; also what is reported concerning the Birth of Lyons: Likewise Apollonius's Prediction from the Lyoness and her Whelps: Also of the eight Birds and their Dam that were devoured by a Dragon in Aulis.

THey had not travell'd above twenty Furlongs, before they light on a Lyoness slain in hunting; the Beast was of so vast a proportion, as they had never seen before. There was a great Outcry of [1] Huntsmen about her, as well as of others, who from the neighbouring Villages stockt in, as seeing some wonder∣ful thing in the Beast: And there was indeed a strange thing; for her Belly being ript open, they found eight Whelps in her Womb. Now it is reported, that a [2] Lioness bringeth forth in six months, and that but thrice in all her life: At the first time, three Whelps; at the second, two; and at the third, one; which last is (I suppose) more big and fierce than ordinary. For we must not give credit to * 1.11 them who say, that when the Whelps are grown to perfection, they tear the Womb of their Dam, and so come forth: for that which doth breed, and that which is bred, seem naturally to be serviceable to one another, for the conservation of their kind. Apollonius therefore casting his eyes upon the Beast, and with-holding his speech a long time, at last said, O Damis, the time of our sojourning with the King will be a year and eight months; for neither will he let us go sooner, neither will it be easie for us to depart sooner: and this I conjecture from the number of the Whelps, each of which signifieth a month, and the Lyoness her self a whole year; for perfect things are to be compared with things that are perfect. But what will the [3] Sparrows in Homer say to this, (answer'd Damis) whom, being eight in number, the Dragon

devoured, taking also the Dam for the ninth? which [4] Calchas interpreted to sig∣nifie the nine years that Troy should be besieg'd. Look to it therefore, lest (accor∣ding to the determination of Homer and Calchas) our residence be prolong'd for nine years. Whereunto Apollonius reply'd, Homer did rightly compare the eight Birds when they were hatch'd unto years; but why therefore should I liken unto years such unperfect Beasts as were not yet born, and perhaps would never have been born? for such things as thwart the course of Nature, are either never brought forth, or if they be, do soon perish. But confide in what I have said, and let us be upon the march, making hereafter our prayers to the Gods, who shew us these things.

Illustrations on Chap. 16.

[1] HVntsmen: That Hunting is a Princely Recreation, we find by the Testimony of Cyrus, Alexander, and all other Princes, both ancient and modern, who have used it. Also that this Pastime is of great use and advantage to all Princes that follow it, we have the judgment of that wise Florentine, Machiavil, who says, (in his Prince, ch. 14.) A Prince ought to inure himself to Sports, and by Hunting, Hawking, or such like Recrea∣tions, accustom his Body to hardship, hunger, and thirst; also at the same time inform him∣self of the Coasts and Situation of the Countrey, &c. Hunting (saith a modern Author) is a Recreation commendable not only for Kings and Princes, but likewise for private Gentlemen: And as it is a noble and healthy Pastime, so it is a thing which hath been highly prized in all Ages; for that it trains up youth to the use of manly Exercises in their riper age, being encouraged thereto by the pleasure they take in pursuing either the ge∣nerous Lyon, the stately red or fallow Deer, the wild Boar, the cunning Otter, the crafty Fox, or the fearful Hare. This Exercise neither remits the mind to sloth, softness, or effe∣minacy, nor (if used with moderation) doth it yet harden it to inhumanity. It is no small advantage to be inured to bear hunger, thirst, and weariness, from our Childhood; to take up a timely habit of quitting ones Bed early; and loving to sit well and safe upon a Horse. What innocent and natural delights are they, when we see the day breaking forth with those Blushes and Roses, which Poets and writers of Romances only paint, but the Huntsman truly courts? When he heareth the chirping of small Birds pearching their dewy boughs? When he draws in the fragrancy and coolness of the Air? How jolly is his spirit, when he suffers it to be transported with the winding of Horns, and noise of Hounds, which leap up and play round about him? Nothing doth more recreate the Mind, strengthen the Limbs, whet the Stomach, and clear up the Spirit when it is heavy, dull, and overcast with gloomy cares, than Hunting. Mr. Osborn is an enemy to this Sport, who from Sir Philip Sidney's example, next to Hunting likes Hawking the worst. As also the learned Cornelius Agrippa, who (in his Satyrical Invectives) saith, Hunting is a most dete∣stable Recreation, a vain Exercise, unprosperous and unhappy Sport, with so much labour and watching night and day to rage and make War against the poor Beasts; a Pastime cruel, and altogether tragical, chiefly delighting in bloud and death. And therefore from the beginning it was ever esteem'd the chief Exercise of the worst of men; for Cain, La∣mech, Nimrod, Esau, and Ishmael, are reported in Scripture to be mighty Hunters: Nor do we read of any one in the New Testament that was given to Hunting; nor of any Nati∣ons that were greatly addicted to that Sport, unless the Ishmaelites, Idumeans, and other people that did not know God. Hunting was the first original of Tyranny, which cannot find a fitter Author, than such an one, as by continual sporting himself in Bloud and Mur∣ther, has learn'd to despise God and Nature. The Persian Kings however esteem'd it as an imitation of warlike Exercises: For Hunting hath in it self something fierce and cruel, while the poor Beast overcome at length by the Dogs, becomes a spectacle of delight, in having its bloud shed, and bowels torn out; at which the barbarous Hunter laughs, whilst the foe Beast routed with an Army of Dogs, or entangled in a Toyl, is carried home by the triumphant Huntsman, with a great troop at his heels, where the fatal prey is cut up in bloody terms of Art, other than which it is not lawful to use. A strange madness of such kind of men, where they themselves casting off their humanity, become Beasts,

when by perverting of their manners, like Acteon, they are changed into irrational Crea∣tures. Now the Inventers of this fatal Exercise are said to be the Thebans, a Nation fa∣mous for Fraud, Theft, Perjury, and Incest; from whence the practice thereof was trans∣mitted to the Phrygians, a Nation equally abominable, foolish and vain, which therefore the Athenians and Lacedemonians had in great contempt. Afterwards when the Athe∣nians had repeal'd their Law against Hunting, and that the exercise was admitted pub∣lickly among 'em, then was the City of Athens first taken; which makes me wonder to find Hunting so much commended by Plato Prince of the Academicks; unless the Event, honesty of the Invention, or Necessity should be the occasions of its commendations: Thus Meleager slew the Caledonian Boar, not for his own pleasure, but to free his Coun∣try from a common mischief: and so likewise Romulus hunted Deer, not for pleasure sake, but to get food; Agrip. Van. ch. 77. Thus much Agrippa produces against Hunt∣ing, which in my opinion he did, rather to shew his wit in inveighing against that which is generally approved of, than for any other reason. I have my self been sometimes Master of a Pack of Hounds, and although I must acknowledge that had its inconve∣niences, (which all other things have) yet the ••••od doth far exceed the evil of it; and the only thing which makes this exercise so lit•••••• esteem'd of in Books, is, for that the Learned (who are the chief Authors of our publick Writings) have seldom had lei∣sure to be acquainted with this Recreation. As for my self, (who profess not to be one of those, and who never laid Pen to Paper, but for want of something else to do) I have ever found the advantage of Hunting, far to exceed the inconveniences of it: it's true, the expence and ill company may in some measure be objected, yet a prudent man may so manage himself, as not to be incommoded with either. Rising early is troublesom, but yet 'tis wholesom; and, provided the young Bride suffers not for it,

(— manet sub Iove frigido Venator tenerae conjugis immemor. Hor. lib. 1. Od. 1.)

not to be discommended. A speculative man, may observe in Hunting many things not unworthy his contemplation: as the natural instinct of Enmity and Cunning, whereby one Beast (being as it were confederate with Man, by whom he is maintain'd) serves him in his designs upon others: The perfect scent and smell of the Hound, who never leaves it, but follows it through innumerable changes and varieties, even over the Wa∣ter, and into the very Earth. Again, how soon will the Hound fix his eye on the best and fattest Buck of the Herd, single him out, and follow only him through a whole Herd of Rascal Deer, without changing, and not leaving him till he kills him. The wonder∣ful knowledge of Dogs, who coming to three several ways, shall try two of them, when not finding the scent there, shall betake themselves to the third, without laying their Noses to the ground: as if they argued within themselves, since he is not here, nor here, he must be there. Moreover, the docibleness of Dogs is as admirable as their under∣standing; for as a right Huntsman knows the Language of his Hounds, so do they know his: also the meaning of their own kind, as perfectly as we can distinguish the Voices of our Friends and Acquaintance, from Strangers. When an old Stanch Dog cries it, how will all the others run in to him; whereas if a young Whelp that is newly enter'd doth the like, the others will take no notice of it. Again, how satisfy'd is a curious mind to observe the Game fly before him, and after it hath withdrawn it self from sight, to see the whole Line where it hath pass'd-over, with all the doublings and cross-work which the amazed Beast hath made, recover'd again, by the intelligence of the Dogs. Neither is it less curious to observe the several passions of the Huntsmen, when one for singling a ••at Buck out of the Herd, values himself upon his Horsmanship; another for closing in with the Deer when he is at Bay, for his Valour in saving the Hounds; a third, by unkennelling a Fox in a brake of Bushes, tells you but for him you had gone with∣out sport that day; a fourth, by hunting the Foyl, boasts that you had lost the Hare if he had not hollow'd her; a fifth, to shew his great learning in finding a Hare, reproves you for not riding abreast, and at an equal distance; then the Huntsman, with his green Coat, and that by his side which belongs to many a greater persons head, shews his ex∣traordinary skill, in reproving you with much violence for riding upon the Dog••; as also having rated a Dog, tells you they had gone away with a wrong Game, had not he rid

hard for it. Neither are all these several humours and passions of the Huntsmen more diverting to observe, than the pleasant relations they give of their Pastime, when the Ceremony being over, they retire to some Country-Alehouse, to debauch in Cheese and Ale; there you shall hear how Iowler led it in such a Field, how Tomboy cry'd it in such a Wood, how Boman recover'd it in such a Lane, and how Rockwood hit it off at such a Path; as also how boldly such a man (crying Neck or nothing) took such a Gate, Hedge, or Ditch; how successfully another headed the Game from the Wood in such a place, &c. All which repetitions must be highly diverting even to the most wise obser∣ver, who from thence may reflect on the weakness of mans Passions, when each one stands up for the honour of his Favourite Dog, with no less heat and zeal then for his Religion, nay then for his Mistress: so that all these things consider'd, Hunting (when used with moderation and discretion) is a very innocent and commendable Recreation. Now the sort of Hunting which our Author here mentions, is that of Hunting the Lion: Pliny tells us, that they used to hunt him with Dogs, and that the Huntsmen rid armed with Darts, wherewith when they had an opportunity they wounded him, and then the Dogs pluckt him down. Also speaking of the Generosity of this Creature, he saith, tha•• be there never so many Hounds and Hunters following after him, so long as he is in the open Plains where he may be seen, he seems to contemn both Dog and Man; retiring with honour, and sometimes making head at them: but having once gain'd the Woods and Thickets out of their sight, he then skuds away, and makes what haste he can to save his Life by his flight; as knowing full well, that the Trees and Bushes conceal the dishonour of his Retreat. The same Author likewise reports, that the way of taking them in old time was by Pit-falls; but that in the Emperor Claudius's time, a Getulian Shepherd taught the Romans another manner of catching them, which seem'd at first very incredible; it was by throwing any Mantle or Covering over his head, and that his eyes being cover'd, his Spirit and Strength fail'd him, in so much that you might seize him, fetter him, or do what you pleased with him. Pliny lib. 8. ch. 16.

[2] It is reported that a Lioness bringeth forth, &c. Herodotus writeth, (what our Author here mentions as Fabulous) that the young Lions in their Dams Bellies, tear their way out with their Claws; as also that a Lioness brings forth but one in all her life time. To which the Fable of Aesop alludes, where the Lioness being upbraided by the Fox for bringing forth but one Whelp in her whole life, replies, It is true, but that is a Lion. Solinus and Aristotle write, that Lions have five young ones the first Litter, four the second, three the third, two the fourth, and one the last, all which is in the space of five years, and after that, bears no more: but this doubt, saith Camerarius, (Medit. Hist. par. 1. ch. 22.) is now clear'd, for that in Parks and Chases of Lions be∣longing to the Princes of Germany, the Lioness brings forth young oftentimes, without any certainty of Number or Time. Now concerning the Nature and great Courage of this Beast, we read many wonderful and almost incredible things. The Whelps at first (saith Pliny, lib. 8. ch. 16.) are without shape, like small Gobbets of flesh, no bigger than Weasels; for the two first months they stir not at all, and when six months old they can hardly go. Africa breedoth the most and the greatest Lions; now the colder the Climate is, the gentler they be: Lions are the most lustful of all other Creatures, and in time of their coupling, eight or ten will follow one Female, whereupon arise very terrible and bloudy Battels among them. The Lion knows by the scent and smell of her Pard, when the Lioness hath play'd false with him, and layn with another, for the which (if he disco∣vers it) he chastizes her very severely: whereupon, after she hath jilted him in that man∣ner, she either goeth to the Water, and washeth away the rank savour of the Pard, or else keepeth some distance off from the Lion, that he might not smell her. They engender backward, and ••o doth the Camel, Elephant, and Tiger. Their Nature is highly generous and grateful; for their Generosity makes them spare Women rather than Men, and prey not at all on Infants, unless in case of extream hunger; and albeit the Lion be a fierce and cruel Beast, yet is he said to shew great clemency to the humble▪ and such as submissively prostrate themselves before him. They naturally are apt to set upon the best man in the company, as we see by the Lion that set upon Alexander himself, not medling with Lys••∣machus, or any other of the company▪ Quint. Curt. lib. 8. The Lioness or she Lion is the fiercest, and always the most cruel. Their Tail is a token of their inward meaning; for it

it stirreth not, he is gentle and peaceable; but moving, he is angry. These Beasts will keep revenge in mind a long while, either against Man or Beast that hurt them; witness the memorable example in the Story of Iuba, King of Mauritania; for this King having in his Train a young Gentleman of Quality, that march'd with his Army by the Desarts of Africa, this Gentleman meeting in his Journey with a Lion, wounded him with an Ar∣row; whereupon the Lion laying wait for his return, did among so many several Troops pick out this very man, and to••e him in pieces, notwithstanding all possible means were used to save him. In like manner, they will as long be mindful of a Benefit, and do their best to express their gratitude: as is famous by those Stories of Mentor the Syracusian, An∣drodus the Roman Slave, and Helpis the Samian; which are thus related in History. First, As for Mentor the Syracusian, he happening in Syria to meet with a Lion, who in an hum∣ble manner seem'd to fawn and lye down before him, was very much surpriz'd thereat, and began to fly away from him; but the Beast still pursuing, and in a loving manner lick∣ing the very tracks of his Feet, Mentor looking back upon him, espy'd a great Wound and Swelling in the Lion's Foot; whereupon taking courage, and gently lifting up the Beast's Foot, he gave him great ease, by plucking out a Splinter of Wood that had gotten into it, and occasion'd the Sore; for the which the Lion express'd much thanks, by his gentle and innocent carriage towards him. Pliny, lib. 8. ch. 16. Secondly, Concerning Androdus, he flying from his Master, for some hard usage that he had receiv'd at his hands, by chance happen'd to take up his Lodging in a Cave which (unknown to him) was a Lion's Den; where having been lodged some time, a little before night the Lion came in from hunt∣ing, and having gotten an Hurt upon his Foot, he no sooner espied the trembling man, but going gently to him, he stretch'd forth his Foot, and made moan, as though he desired help. The poor Slave at the first expected nothing but death, till at last perceiving what the matter was, he took the Lion by his Paw, search'd the Wound, pull'd out a Thorn, bound up his Foot, and gave him ease; which kind office being perform'd, was first of all requited with a daily portion of provision which the Lion brought in for his Guest, and the poor helpless Slave roasted in the Sun as well as he could, and then eat it. But being weary of this kind of Diet, as well as of his solitary Life, he one day when his Host was gone abroad to forage, stole away; for whose absence the Lion (as himself could hear) made great mourning and lamentation: Now this man was no sooner parted from Charybdis, but he fell into Scylla, and was apprehended by some whom his Master had sent to seek him, whereupon he was condemn'd to be torn in pieces by wild Beasts in the Amphithea∣ter. But it happen'd that in the interim this very Lion was likewise taken; who being brought into the Theatre, greedily devour'd such Malefactors as were thrown to him, till at last his old Guest Androdus coming to suffer in his turn, the Beast forgot his fury, and turn'd it into fawning, whereby the poor Slave perceiv'd what Lion it was, and thereupon gather'd up his spirits, renewing again his acquaintance with his former Friend, even to the admiration of all spectators: Whereupon the whole matter being made known and related to Caesar, he had not only pardon for his Life, but the Lion also was bestow'd upon him; so that he ever after got his livelyhood by leading him up and down, and shewing him; which made the people where-ever he came cry out, Hic est Leo Hospes Hominis; Hic est Homo Medicus Leonis: Here goeth the Lion which was the Man's Host; and there is the Man who was the Lion's Physician. This Story is related both by Appian, who was an Eye-witness of it, also by Aelian, and Aulus Gellius, in his Noct. Attic. lib. 5. ch. 14. The third Instance of this nature, is that of Helpis the Samian; who upon a certain Coast of Africa, having drawn out a Bone that stuck in a Lion's Throat, was in recom∣pence of that Cure, fed and maintain'd by the Lion's hunting, so long as his Ship lay at Anchor on that Shore. Pliny. lib. 8. ch. 16. And this may suffice to shew the generous Nature of this Beast; of which you may read at large in Pliny, Leo Africanus, Camerarius, and Gesnerus. The male Lion useth not to feed with the female, but either of them apart by themselves. Aelian (Var. hist. lib. 1.) writes, that when a Lion is sick, nothing will cure him but to eat an Ape. And some say, that a Lion trembles at the crowing of a Cock; but Dr. Hakewill tells us, that King Iames upon tryal found this to be fabulous. Apol. for Provid. lib. 1.

3. The Sparrows in Homer, &c. This passage, according as Philostratus here cites it, is in the second Book of his Iliads thus described:

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Thus rendred by the Translator:

Illic apparuit magnum signum, draco dorso sanguine us, Horribilis quem ipse Olympius misit in Lucem, Quum ex altari prosiliisset ad Platanum porrexit: Ibi erant Passeris pulli, parvi filii Ramo in extremo sub foliis volitantes, Octo: sed mater nona erat, quae peperit filios. Ibi ille hos miserabiliter comedit stridentes: Mater autem circumvolabat lugens dilectos filios: Hanc circum actus ala pre••endit circum-clamantem. Sed post quam filios devoravit passeris & ipsam, Hunc quidem clarum fecit Deus qui ostendit: L••pidem enim ipsum fecit Saturni filius versuti. Nos autem stantes admirabamur quod factum erat: Vt igitur terribilia portenta deorum subiêre hecatombas: Calchas autem statim postea vaticinans dixit, Cur multi facti estis comati Achivi? Nobis quidem hoc ostendit signum magnum prudens Iupiter; Serum, quòd tarde persicitur, cujus gloria nunquam peribit. Vt hic filios devoravit passeris, & ipsam, Octo, sed mater nona erat, quae peperit filios: Sic nos tot annos bellabimus hîc: Decimo autem civitatem capiemus Lativiam. Ille sic interprebatur: haec jam nunc omnia perficiuntur: Hom. Il. 2:

[4] Calchas interpreted: This Calchas, a Grecian, (the Son of Thestor, and therefore call'd by the Poets Thestorides) was a wise and experienced Soothsayer, whose counsel the Greeks follow'd in all their Exploits against the Trojans. When the Grecian Navy was de∣tain'd in Aulis by tempestuous Weather, occasion'd (as they feigned) through the indig∣nation of Diana, he taught Agam emnon away how to pacifie that Goddess. Also from the foremention'd Prediction of the Sparrows, he shew'd them that the Siege of Troy would last ten years before the City would be ta••en▪ Afterwards the Pestilence raging

amongst the Army, he shew'd them how to stop it, by appeasing the anger of Apollo, in sending home Hyppodamia to her Father Chryses, who was one of Apollo's Priests; and from whom Agamemnon had taken her by violence, to revenge himself upon Achilles. This Calcha•• is said to have died for grief, in that he was overcome by Mopsus in his own Art of Divination: for that after the taking of Troy, he travelling with Amphilo∣chus towards Colophus, (a City of Greece) out of a desire to visit the Temple of Apollo▪ happen'd to fall into the company of one Mopsus, a famous Augur; who questioning Calchas how many Figs such a wild Fig-tree might bring forth, he stood mute, as not being able to give him an Answer; whereas Mopsus, without any hesitation, told him the certain number, not miscounting one; which is thus mention'd in Hesiod:

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Quos grossos haec ficus habet miror, licet illa Parva sit: an numerum posses mihi dicere eorum?

Respondit autem illo tacente:

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Mille quidem decies numero: mensura medimni est. At superest unus, quod non percurrere posses. Sic ait, est numerus verè hinc compertus eorum. Calchanti aeterno clausit mors lumina somno.

Concerning this, see Hom. Iliad. lib. 1. Virgil. Aen. lib. 1. Hesiod. & Natalis Comes Mythol.

CHAP. XVII. The Dream of Apollonius in Cissia, with the Interpretation thereof. Also the History of the Eretrians; and the Epistle of Apollonius to the Clazomenian Sophister. Likewise how the Eretrians came out of Eu∣boea into Media; and what Apollonius said whilst he repaired their Sepulchres: together with his Request to the King in behalf of the Eretrians.

BEing now come into the Country of [1] Cissia, and near unto Babylon, he receiv'd from God in a dream a Vision to this purpose: Certain Fishes being driven ashore, and lying panting on the ground, seem'd to complain like Men, lamenting that they had come from their proper habitation They also seem'd to implore a Dolphin, swimming hard by the Land, to help them, being as fit ob∣jects of pity, as men bemoaning themselves in a strange Country. Now Apollonius being nothing terrified at this Vision, consider'd with himself what it might signi∣fie. Nevertheless, intending to frighten Damis, for as much as he knew him to be timorous, he related the Vision to him, and made as though he himself was afraid of what he had seen, as ominous. Whereupon Damis, as if he had seen the same things himself, cryed out, and disswaded Apollonius from going any farther; say∣ing, Let us beware lest we our selves (like the Fishes) being cast out from our own Country, should suffer much hardship, and utter many sad complaints in a Foreign

Land, when falling into inextricable distress, should at length extend our suppliant hands to some King or Potentate, who might slight us, as the Dolphin did the Fishes. Whereat Apollonius smiling, said, Tou are no right Philosopher, being afraid of such things as these: therefore [2] I will turn Prophet, and explain what this dream portends. The [3] Eretrians inhabit this Country call'd Cissia, being formerly transplanted by [4] Darius out of [5] Euboea into these parts, almost 500 years ago: And these, like the Fishes in the dream, are said to lament and mourn at their Captivity, being all (as it were) taken in a Net; Therefore the Gods seem to enjoyn me, in as much as I am come into these parts, to take care of them so far as I am able. And perhaps the Souls of those Greeks who lost their Lives in these parts, may by a certain destiny have drawn me hither for the bene∣fit of the Country. Wherefore let us a little go aside out of our way, and enquire for that Well, by which they only inhabit: For they say it is mixed with Bitumen, Water, and Oyl; so that if any one drawing Liquor from thence, poureth out the same, they separate and may be discern'd severally. Now that Apollonius came into Cissia, he himself testifieth in his Letter to the [6] Clazomenian [7] Sophist: For Apollonius was so kind and desirous of commendation, that so soon as he had seen this, he gave an account thereof to the Sophist, as also what he had done for the sake of the Inhabitants, exhorting him through the whole Epistle to take pity of the Eretrians, and that when ever it happen'd that he spoke in their behalf, he would not forbear to shed tears for them. And herewith agreeth that which Damis wrote concerning the Eretrians; for they dwell in the Kingdom of the Medes, not farther from Babylon then an able Footman can travel in one day. The Country hath no Cities, for Cissia is all Villages; There are also a sort of the [8] Nomades dwelling amongst them, who live almost continually on Horse-back: but the Village of the Eretrians is situated in the middle of the Country, encompass'd with Ditches cut out of the Rivers, which they are said to have cast up about the Town instead of Walls, to secure them from the incursion of Barbarians. The Country is full of Bi∣tuminous Waters, wherefore Plants do not ••ell prosper there; neither are the In∣habitants long-liv'd: for Waters tainted with Bitumen, infect the Entrails. They are nourish'd chiefly by a certain Hill near the Village, which being rais'd up above the other Land, they sow, and esteem good Ground. The Natives report they have heard how above 780 of the Eretrians were taken Prisoners, not being all fit to bear Arms, also for that amongst them there were Women, Old men, and I suppose some Children: for a great part of the Eretrians had fled to [9] Caphareus, and the mountainous parts of Euboea; but about 400 men, and 10 women, made their escape in Ships; whereas the rest (beginning from Ionia and Lydia) did all pe∣rish, being driven into the upper parts. But their Hill giving them opportunity for the digging of Stone, and many of them being skilful in the hewing of Stones, they erected Temples after the Greek fashion, together with a [10] Forum, suitable to the condition of the place. They likewise set up Altars, two to Darius, one to [11] Xerxes, and several to [12] Daridaeus. They lived after their Captivity unto the time of Daridaeus, above 88 years. They write their Letters, as also the inscriptions upon their ancient Monuments, in Greek Letters, which Epitaphs seldom contain any more than this, Here lyeth such a one, the Son of such a one: The Letters are Greek, but they say they never saw such before. They reported likewise that Ships were engraven on the Tombs, according as every one had lived in Euboea, either as Ferryman, or Fisher for Purple, or of some other Sea-faring employment. They also relate, that there is an Elegie written upon the Sepulchre of the Mariners and Pilots:

We who th'Aegean Sea did coast 'ere while, Lye now entomb'd i'th' midst of Ecbatane: Farewell Eretria, our once famous Soyl, Farewell to Neighb'ring Athens, and the Main.

Furthermore Damis says, that Apollonius with his own hands repair'd and shut up those Sepulchres which were decayed; also that he made such Libations and Offer∣ings as were accustomed, excepting that he would kill nothing, nor make any expia∣tion. That he shed Tears, and being fill'd with an inward impulse, express'd him∣self thus: O ye Eretrians, who were brought hither by the appointment of Fortune, though ye be far removed from your Native Country, yet wanted ye not Burial: whereas those that cast you hither, perished about your Island, lying ten years after you Vnburied; for the Gods declare what hath been done in hollow Euboea. Again, Apollonius in the end of the Epistle which he wrote to the Sophist, saith, I being yet but a young man, have nevertheless taken care of your Eretrians, and have afforded them what help I was able, both to the living and to the dead. But in what manner did he assist the Living? even thus: When the Eretrians had sown the Hill, (whereof I spake before) the Barbarians adjacent coming upon them about Harvest time, used to prey upon the ripe Corn: whereby the Eretrians were likely to perish with hunger, whilst they had labour'd for other men: Thereupon Apollonius made a good motion to the King when he came into his presence, that he would grant to the Eretrians the sole use of the Hill.

Illustrations on Chap. 17.

[1] CIssia; Strabo (lib. 15.) gives this name to all the Country of Susa, deriving its name from Aeschylus the Mother of Memnon; who was called Cissia. Yet nevertheless that part of Susa wherein is the Persian Gulph, and part of the Red-Sea, may most properly be call'd Cissia, or Cussia, and which at present is named Chusistan.

[2] I will turn Prophet, and explain what this Dream portends; Notwithstanding, as St. Paul writes, Humane wisdom is Foolishness before God, yet the impudence of some is so great, that they will presume to penetrate into the most secret Councils of Heaven: Nor can any thing less than, I am that I am, deliver'd by God himself, give a stop to the audacious progress of their curiosity; for because the Omnipotent Being can inspire whom he pleases with this Spirit of Prophecy, as we see he really did the Writers of Holy Writ; therefore upon all occasions, to satisfie our own turns, we set up for an equal knowledge with them, and from the two Spirits of Impudence and Dishonesty, assume to our selves the pretended power of expounding Dreams, interpreting Visions, Pre∣dictions of things to come, and the like: from hence arose those many Prophets among the Heathens, such as Calchas, Mopsus, Firesias, Helenus, Cassandra, Polybius, Ampharaus, Corinthus, Epimenides, Socrates, Anaximander, Diotyma, and Galanus the Indian; also the Magi among the Persians, ••rachmans among the Indians, Gymnosophists among the Aethiopians, Draids among the Gauls, and Sybils among the Romans: nay and one that lived but the other day, in comparison of any of these, viz. Nostredame, whose Prophe∣cies of the Firing of London, and of the Pa••e Kings untimely death, are no whit inferiour to any thing deliver'd by the Ancients. But with what certainty or credit could these pretend to Prophecy, when (as Corneli••s Agrippa observes) the Writers of Holy Writ, notwithstanding they were fill'd with the Holy Ghost, did sometimes stray from the Truth; which they did not willingly, but through Humane frailty: Thus Moses fail'd in telling the people he would bring them out of Aegypt, and carry them into the Land of Canaan; for though he brought them out of Aegypt, yet did he not bring them into the Land of Promise. Ionas fail'd in predicting the destruction of Niniveh within fourty days, intended; but delay'd. Elijah fail'd in foretelling many things to come to pass

in the days of Ahab, which yet were not fulfill'd till after his death. Isaiah fail'd in fore∣telling the death of Hezekiah the next day, when his life was prolonged 15 years after∣wards. Many other Prophets also failed, and their predictions are found either not to have come to pass at all, or else to have been suspended. Amongst 400 Prophets of whom the King of Israel asked counsel concerning the War he made against Ramoth-Gilead, only Micaiah was a true one. The Prophet that was sent to Prophecy against the Altar set up by Ieroboam, (though a true Prophet, and that by two miracles done in his pre∣sence appears to be sent from God) was yet deceiv'd by another Old Prophet, that per∣swaded him as from the mouth of God, to eat and drink with him. So that if one Pro∣phet deceive another, what way is there of knowing the Will of God, but by Reason? The Apostles and Evangelists also fail'd: Peter fail'd, when he was reprehended by St. Paul for telling a Lye craftily. Matthew also fail'd, when he wrote, that Christ was not dead till the Lance had pierced his side. From whence it follows, that all Prophets and Writers in some things seem to fail and erre, according to the Scripture which faith, all men are Lyars. Now the occasion of this failing may be, for that the Holy Spirit did sometimes leave them: This Spirit was sometimes with Moses, but when he struck the Rock, it was departed; it was with Aaron, but departed when he made the Calf; it was with Miraim their Sister, but not when she murmur'd against Moses; and so like∣wise was it with Saul, David, Solomon, Isaiah, &c. but rested not constantly with them. Neither are Prophets always Prophets, or Seers, or Foretellers of things to come; nor is Prophecy a continual habit, but a Gift, Passion, or transient Spirit. The Prophecies in the Old Testament concerning the coming of a Messias, are certainly more exactly and truly fulfill'd in the Birth, Life, and Death of our Saviour Christ, than ever any Prophe∣cies or Predictions were: yet the Iews do most impiously object against them. Some of their Manuscripts I have now by me, amongst which there is one of so remarkable a subject, that I thought fitting here to insert it; it being a Dialogue between a Turk and a Iew, where the Turk (invading that Province which of right belongs only to the Chri∣stians) doth in a very extravagant manner attempt to prove his Prophet Mahomet to be the true and only Messias prophecied of in the Old Testament, whilst the Iew opposes it out of the same, as follows.

Turk.

The last time we discours'd together upon Religion, I remember you put a Question to me, What I thought of the coming of the Messias? whereupon my Answer was, That I thought him already come.

Iew.

You did so; and I likewise call to mind, how that at the same time I ask'd you, In whom that Prophecy was fulfill'd? and you reply'd, In Mahomet: after which we were immediately interrupted, therefore now proceed with your Argu∣ment.

Turk.

The chief Arguments I shall produce, are the ancient Hebrew Prophecies, con∣tain'd in the Old Testament. And of them, we will first begin with that of Deut. 13.4. where Moses bids them hearken unto the Prophet whom the Lord their God should raise up unto them from amongst their Brethren: whereby Mahomet seems to be poin∣ted at, according to my apprehension.

Iew.

I cannot allow of that: For first, although it is a sin not to hearken to God's voice, yet doth it not therefore follow, that they were to listen to every one that pre∣tended himself a Prophet, since Experience taught, that there arose up many false Pro∣phets amongst them. Secondly, To believe that Moses promised Mahomet, as the only Prophet to whom they should hearken, is without any grounds from Moses's words, and rather a subversion of them, as will appear, if we consider the end for which Moses said, a new Prophet would come; also if we examine the Directions he gave them to know if the Prophet spake in the Lord's Name, or presumptuously. First, For the end of this Prophet's coming, Moses knowing they desired God himself might not speak to them, told them, that God would raise up a Prophet, putting his words into his mouth, and he shall speak to you, viz. direct you in the right way, and tell you of your sins. Secondly, This Prophet should be from among them, which we are no where told that Mahomet was; and if (as some Arabick Historians write) his Mother was a Iew, yet that doth not argue his Father of the same Tribe, since ever after the Captivity the Israe∣lites married amongst Strangers. Thirdly, Moses promis'd his people to receive great

peace and plenty from the coming of this Prophet, whereupon the Christians so much startle us, when they tell us of Augustus's peaceable Reign during Christ's abode upon Earth; but for Mahomet, his Doctrine is supported only by the Sword; also there were never more Frauds, Thefts, Wars, Massacres, Murders, and Bloudshed, known in the World, than since the first planting of the Mah••metan Religion: So as Moses seem'd ra∣ther to point at those Prophets which were raised unto our Forefathers, when they came into the Land and possess'd it, than at your Prophet Mahomet.

Turk.

If Murder and Bloudshed are such heavy Crimes, what made you crucifie that good and holy man Christ Jesus?

Iew.

Because we have a Law amongst us which says, that if any Prophet teaches contrary to that Covenant which God hath made with us at Mount Sinai, that Pro∣phet shall be stoned to death, for endeavouring to withdraw them from the Lord their God, Deut. 13. Wherefore the Iews thought to stone Jesus for Blasphemy, that he be∣ing a Man made himself God, Iob. 10.33. for, said they, we have a Law, and by that Law he ought to die, in that he made himself the Son of God, Iob. 18 7.

Turk.

We have the same Law amongst us; but what made you falsly accuse him be∣fore Pilate for speaking against Caesar, whereof he was innocent?

Iew.

Because being under the Roman Power, and so unable to exercise our own Go∣vernment, we could not take away his life for that other offence committed against our Religion, and therefore made use of this device.

Turk.

A pretty Religion indeed, which (like Popery) regards only the directing your intentions; so that if the end be good, you care not for the means, though you wade through innocent Bloud to attain it. But to proceed. The Lord God in making a new Covenant, hath destroyed the old; wherefore though ye were to hearken to Moses, and the Covenants which God made with him at Mount Sinai, so long as ye lived in the Land God gave you to possess; yet notwithstanding you had broken that Covenant, and the Prophet had said in the Name of the Lord, he would make a new Covenant with you, not according to that which he had made with your Fathers; and therefore you are now to hearken and walk according to the new, and not to the old; which new I conceive to be that Covenant which the Lord made by his Prophet Mahomet.

Iew.

To this we answer, by considering, 1. With whom the Lord will make this new Covenant. 2 The Covenant it self. 3. The manner of it. And 4. the time when it was made. But first, with whom the Lord will make this new Covenant. The Prophet Iere∣my saith, ch. 31. v. 31. Behold, the days come, saith the Lord, and I will make a new Cove∣nant, &c. So as here he promises to make a new Covenant with the house of Israel and Iudah, a people to whom he had given his Laws by the hand of Moses; but they having transgress'd those Laws, the Lord had brought evil upon them, and suffer'd them to be led away captive out of the Land which he had given them: but then God raising up his Prophet Ieremiah, at the time when he did these things to his people, it pleased the Lord to reveal unto Ieremiah their Return after 70 years, ch. 29. So as this Prophecy seems only to point at the new Covenant which the Lord design'd to make with them, after their Return from their 70 years Captivity, Ier. 30.3. Secondly, By considering the Covenant it self, which was, that God would write his Laws in their hearts, that he would give them hearts to know him, that they should be his people, and he would be their God; and this is the Covenant it self which the Prophet foretold the Lord would make with his people after their Return from Captivity. Thirdly, By considering the manner and not the matter of this new Covenant, which consists in giving them hearts capable to receive this Law, eyes to see it, and ears to hear it, so that he never made them fitting to receive it till now. The 4^th and last thing is to consider the time when the Lord would make this Covenant, which will the better appear, if we observe that after he had promis'd to write his Laws in their hearts, he gives this Reason for it, be∣cause I will forgive their iniquities, and remember their sins no more: Now the time when he forgave their iniquities was, when he caused them to return from their Captivity, as 'ti•• wri••ten, ch. 33.7. ch. 50.20. Ez••k. 36.25. It was then therefore that the Prophet said, the Lord would make his new Covenant with them, and write his Laws in their hearts. From hence we may conclude, that this Prophecy makes no promise of a new Law, but only of new hearts to receive their old Law, which Prophecy also seems to

have been fulfill'd after their Return from Captivity, and so to have no tendency either to Mahomet, or his Alcoran.

Turk.

Did not the Iews look for a Messiah, or new Prophet, and did not Moses write of him?

Iew.

Some of them did look for a Deliverer, or Saviour, such an one as God had for∣merly raised up to deliver them out of the hands of their enemies and destr••yers, to re∣store to them their Kingdom again, as they thought their Forefathers and Prophets had testified. Fear thou not, O my servant Israel, for I will save thee from afar, and thy seed from the Land of their Captivity, and Iacob shall return, and shall be in rest, and in quie••, and none shall make him afraid. Though I make a full end of all Nations whither I have scat∣ter'd thee, yet will I not make a full end of thee, Jer. ch. 30. v. 10, 11. For I will restore health unto thee, and I will heal thee of thy wounds, saith the Lord, because they call thee an Outcast, v. 17. So that with the Prophet to be here rais'd, was to save them from their enemies, that they being deliver'd, might serve him upon earth without fear, in holiness and righteousness, all the days of their life. Also those Prophesies of Ieremiah do hold forth, that God would raise up to David a righteous Branch, and that a King should reign and prosper, executing iustice on the earth, &c. and in his days Iudah shall be sa∣ved, and Israel dwell safely. None of which was fulfill'd in Mahomet, but all of it was accomplished, when God caused them to return from their Captivity in Babylon into their own Land; for it is said in the next Verse, The days come, saith the Lord, that they shall no more say, the Lord liveth which brought up, &c. but which led the seed of Ia••ob out of the North Countrey, and from all the Countreys whither I had driven them, and shall dwell in their own Land. By this we see, that a Saviour and Deliverer they look'd for, but such an one as might deliver them from the hands of their enemies, &c.

Turk.

Did not Moses write of him, when he speaks of that enmity which God put be∣tween the Serpent and the Womans seed, saying, that the Womans seed should break the Serpent's head?

Iew.

If you think that Prophecy hath relation to Mahomet, sure it is very far fetched; nor would a reasonable man (as I conceive) expound it otherwise, than that the Serpent should be in subjection to man, and that there should be a perpetual enmity betwixt them, which should excite the children of men, to endeavour their destruction where∣ever they met them. This I conceive to be the sole intent of that Curse upon the Ser∣pent, and no other; and this likewise we see daily put in execution. Nevertheless I have known some ingenious men wonder, why the whole species should be cursed for the Devils assuming their shape upon himself, which was no act nor error of theirs; however the Lord hath done it, and 'tis marvellous in our eyes.

Turk.

The next Text of Scripture which seems to make for Mahomet, is Gen. 22.17. where in the Oath made to Abraham, when he commanded him to go to the Land of Canaan, as also Isaac and Iacob, ch. 26.3, 4. ch. 28.13, 14. it is said, that in their seeds shall all the Nations of the Earth be blessed; which words are thought to point at Ma∣homet: Also when it is said, Gen. 12. that he should be a blessing, and in him should all the Families of the Earth be blessed: Again, that Abraham (Gen. 18.18.) should be a great and mighty Nation, &c. which Prophecy seems to mark out the great and large extent of the Mahometan Religion and Empire.

Iew.

In the time that Solomon reign'd over the house of Israel, was the seed of Abra∣ham a great and mighty Nation, 1 Kings 3.8, 9. So as then it is probable this Oath or promise was fulfill'd, according to the 72. Psal. 17. Again, the same thing was promis'd to Iacob, as you make it appear, not in his seed only, but in him and his seed, &c. To which purpose we read, that Laban was bless'd for Iacob's sake; and that the Lord bless'd Potiphar's house, and all that he had, for Ioseph's sake. And indeed did I not think that this promise of the Nations being bless'd in Abraham or his seed, had reference to him or his seed, as a mighty Nation, I should conclude that it had been fulfill'd, when there came people from all Countreys to buy Corn of Ioseph. Now what the blessing was that Abraham's seed should enjoy, see Deut. 28. from the beginning to the 15th. Verse; also the 33d. Chapter throughout.

Turk.

What say you to that Prophecy in Gen. 49.10. which says, The Scepter shall not depart from Iudah, &c. till Iudah come, and to him shall the gathering of the people be? for by Shiloh I understand Mahomet.

Iew.

From what ground you can extort that Interpretation, I understand not; but this I am sure of, that the Table which is said to contain the true signification of the He∣brew, Chaldee, Greek and Latin words, printed in the year, 1608. as indeed all other Expositors, Englisheth Shiloh, dissolving, or destruction; and this was Iacob's meaning, viz. that the Government should not depart from Iudah, till dissolving come, that is, Destruction, as Balaam afterwards foretold, Numb. 24 24. for Dissolving and Destructi∣on is there the same▪

Turk.

Well Sir, I find you have made it your business to study these points more than ever I did; therefore not being Book-learned my self, we will (if please you) adjourn this Dispute till the Afternoon, when I will bring with me a learned Christian to enter Combate against you, and if you can convert him, you shall have me into the Bargain. Adieu my dear Rabbi.

Now the Iews (however a credulous people) would never hear a man pretend to pro∣phesie, but did always require a Sign of him: First, Because in so doing, they imitated their faithful Father Abraham, who did the like, as we read, Gen. 15. and Gideon Judg. 6. and Hezekiah, 2 King. 20. Secondly, 'Twas the manner of the Prophets to confirm what they spoke in the Name of the Lord by a Sign, witness Exod. ch. 4. and Exod. ch. 16.6, 7, 8. the 1. Sam. 10.2, 3, 4. the 1. King. 13.3. &c. Thus Moses and Aaron said to the Children of Israel; At Even shall ye know that the Lord hath brought you out of the Land of Egypt, and in the morning shall ye see the glory of the Lord; viz. when the Lord shall give you in the evening Bread to eat, and in the morning Flesh to the full. And this I con∣ceive was the reason why the Iews required a Sign, as 'tis written, Iob. 6. when the Iews ask'd him, What Sign he shew'd to prove himself to be sent from God, as the Prophets of old did? saying, Our Fathers did eat Manna in the Wilderness, &c. To set up for a Prophet, the chief thing necessary is a lively strong Fancy and Imagination They who have the strongest Imagination, are least apt to understand things clearly; as on the contrary, they who have more Understanding, and chiefly esteem that, retain the imaginative power dis∣creetly, as it were with a Bridle, not to confound the Imagination with the Intellect: wherefore they who study to find out the wisdom and knowledge of things Natural and Spiritual, from the Writings of Prophets, are mistaken. All Prophets have express'd things Spiritual by Corporal, making God like our selves, knowing this to be more natural to our Imaginations, for that there is nothing in the Understanding, which is not first in the Senses. Thus we see Michaias makes God sitting▪ Daniel makes him an old man cloath'd with a white Garment; Moses makes him walk in the Garden in the cool of the Evening, as also ask Adam, Where art thou? Ezekiel makes God a Frier; Those who were with Christ, made the Holy Ghost a Dove; The Apostle made it consist of Fiery Tongues; And last of all St. Paul represents God as a great Light. Spinosa (in his Ingenious Tractat. Theolog. Politic.) observes, that the Signs given of the Prophets, were according to the ca∣pacity of each particular Prophet, and therefore they varied in them all, according to their several humours, and temperament of their Bodies. If the Genius of the Prophet was merry and chearful, his Revelations were always of Peace, Victory, and things that produce Mirth; on the contrary, if he was melancholy and splenatick, he reveal'd nothing but Wars, Miseries, Pestilences, Overthrows, and the like. Also if the Prophet was a man of Elocution, he receiv'd the Dictates of God in an elegant style; and so the contrary, if he was uneloquent. The same Rule may likewise be observ'd in their Revelations or Visi∣ons: thus if the Prophet had receiv'd a Countrey Education, his Visions were most of Cows and Oxen; if he was a Souldier, his Visions were of Armies, Wars, Battels, Sieges, and the like; if a Courtier, of Princes, Palaces, &c. As we see to the Magi (whose chief Study is Astrology) was therefore reveal'd the Nativity of Christ, from an imagination of a Star arising in the East, Mat. 11. Now to justifie the premisses, you may read, that when Moses was angry, God reveal'd unto him that dreadful destruction of the First-born, Exod. 11.4, 5. When Ieremias was sad, and troubled with a Taedium vitae▪ he prophesied▪ of the Calamity of the Iews. Also Michaeas never foretold any good to Ahab throughout his whole Life, but always evil, whereas other more chearful Prophets told him other∣wise, 2 Chron. 18.7. Also you may observe how the style of the Prophesies varied, accor∣ding to the Eloquence of the Prophet that deliver'd them, if you compare the ••ough style of Ezekiel and Amos, with those eloquent Writings of Esaias and Nahum, and so of the

rest. All which being well consider'd, it will soon appear, that God had no peculiar style of expressing himself, but only according to the Learning and Capacity of the Prophet he spoke to.

We find in 1 Kings 22.19, 20, &c. it is said, that Micaiah saw God sitting on his Throne, and all the Host of Heaven standing on his right hand and on his left; and that after debate had concerning Ahab, God sent a Lying Spirit into the Prophets of Ahab, perswading him to go up to Ramoth Gilead, to the intent he might fall and perish there. Upon which, I have heard this wicked Syllogism raised: Whatsoever God commandeth, is good, just, and fit to be done; but God commanded a Lying Spirit, in the manner above-recited; ergo, it is good, just, and fit to be done. Here the Major is unquestiona∣bly true; but concerning the Minor, much may be consider'd. First, whether Micaiah's single Testimony concerning this Vision, could bind his Auditors to an undoubted belief thereof, in a point so unusual that no other History can parallel it. Secondly, that this his Testimony, for inducing us to believe that God sate on a Throne, having a right hand and a left, is contrary to the notions we have of Gods Infinity, even by our Divines own confession. Thirdly, that he sent a Lying Spirit in the manner aforesaid; since it seems inconsistent not only with his attribute of Faith, but also of his Goodness. Besides, I conceive my self bound to believe, that God had many other means to destroy Ahab, then in such an oblique way as this. I would gladly know therefore, whether the Minor may be reputed of equal validity and force with the Major, for framing a good Conclu∣sion to this Syllogism? It may be answer'd, That we find (in the Book of Iudges, ch. 9.15. & Isa. 19.14.) something to this purpose in the point of Gods imploying wicked Spirits: which also will not seem so strange, if we consider, that in some cases God may imploy them as his Ministers, for the execution of Justice, as the Prince does the Hangman, for the punishment of Malefactors. But as concerning the particular of Micaiah's saying, that he saw God sit on his Throne, and that the Host of Heaven was on his right hand, and on his left, unless it be taken otherwise than in a Literal sence, I hope I may (without offence) so far declare my self, as that I should not easily give the Minor in the ballance of Reason at least, an equal poize with the certainty of the Ma∣jor, unless our Divines help it out with some Allegorical Interpretation. Especially when I consider'd, that the narrative part of Micaiah's Vision (as was said before) depended only on his single Testimony, and seem'd to be approved of no otherwise, than by one sin∣gle event in the fall of Ahab, which in a Battel might yet happen upon many occasions. Others, and particularly the Adversaries of our Faith, will more boldly object, that Ahab's Prophets being confident, that the Armies of Iudah and Israel when joyn'd together would get the day, perswaded the King to fight, whilst themselves according to their usual manner, stay'd at home and prayed; and that it was not unlikely that all things might come to pass as they did, without God's sending a lying Spirit into the mouths of Ahab's Prophets. And finally, because God had so many ordinary ways to procure Ahab's distraction, they would say, that it seems incongruous for the divine Wisdom and Good∣ness to choose this. For which, and many other Reasons also, if they rejected not the nar∣rative part as improbable, they would however not allow it to go in equal ballance with the Major. Nevertheless in this, as in all other controverted points, it were good to con∣sult our Divines, before any thing be determined: Now the Reason why many false Pro∣phets have deliver'd most of their Precepts Aenigmatically and Parabolically, is either upon the same account as the Heathens did their Oracles, that they might be expounded several ways, according to several Interests, and so likely to speak truth one way or t'other; or else that some might get their Living by expounding them, knowing that all who live upon their Doctrine, will not fail to speak well of the giver of it, as we see by Mahomet's Priests. Prediction or Prognostication are in a manner the same with Prophe∣sie, differing only as Credulity and Faith, whereof the former is usually applied to tem∣poral things, and the latter to things divine. Now Prognostication is thought by many to be but a happy guess, which from the vast experience of what is past, directs its Pro∣spect to judge of things to come, when meeting with the same actions and circumstan∣ces, as in former times, (also well knowing that mankind ever was, is, and will be the same, and subject to the same Passions) they have reason to expect the like success for the future. Now of all sorts of Prophesies, those which respect general Things, and remote

Times, are most of all to be suspected: To foretell that such a Kingdom shall be invaded, or embroyled in Wars, as (were we now at Peace throughout the whole World) to pro∣phesie that there should be great Wars between the French and the Spaniards, or that in time the Mexicans and West-Indians should revolt from the Dominion of Spain, that such an Empire should be destroy'd, such a Countrey infested with the Plague, or such a great City fir'd, are things that require little Art or skill; for that (unless some time be limited wherein these things should happen) such a Prophesie can never be proved false, until it be fulfill'd, which in all probability (if they be any of the foremention'd things) will come to pass once in a thousand years. Again, To prophesie of the end of this World, or of the other World, (without some divine confirmation by a Miracle) renders the truth of such a Prediction very uncertain, and makes men jealous that the Prophet spoke of so re∣mote a time, and laid the Scene of his Prophesie at such a distance, only that he might not live to see himself contradicted, well knowing, that whilst the World endured, no man could disprove him.

Cur Mundi finem propriorem non facis? ut ne Ante obitum mendax arguerere? sapis.

Owen upon Napier.

Prithee, why plac'd you not the Worlds end nigher? Lest 'ere you dy'd you should be prov'd a Lyar. 'Twas wisely done. —

Prognostications and Prophecies do often help to further that which they foretell, the silly people wilfully running into such a predicted Fate, as if inexorable, because fore∣told: Again, others as craftily may endeavour to fulfil a Prophecy which is to their advantage, so that the first Prophecy may produce a second Prophet: as some of the Ancients receiv'd their titles of Wise, only from the Oracles. But without some of these helps, you will find little more credit to be given to Prophecies, (except the Sacred ones) than to our common Almanacks, of which, as Montaign observes, where they say warm, should you say cold; and in lieu of dry, moist; ever setting down the contrary of what they foretell. Were I to lay a wager of one or t'others success, I would not care which side I took; except in such things as admit no uncertainty, as to promise extreme heat at Christmas, and exceeding cold at Midsummer, &c.

Prudens futuri temporis exitum Caliginosâ nocte pre••it Deus, Ridet{que} si mortalis ultra Fas trepidat. — Horat. lib. 3. Od. 29.

For my part, this ignorance of my own Destiny, I look upon to be one of the greatest blessings Almighty God hath bestow'd upon me. I would not know the time or manner of my death, for the World: if I knew the time, I might not (as perhaps I now may) live with that joy, content and pleasure, till the very hour before my death; nay it might then he irksom to me some years before it happen'd, when I could positively say, on such a day, in such a year, and such a month, I must certainly dye: so that the un∣certainty of the time, doth in some measure extenuate the certainty of the suffering. Neither would a certain knowledge of the manner and place of my death, be less irk∣som to me: for if I knew it was to be by some fall out of a Coach, or off from a Horse, it might disable me from travelling either way, lest the first time I rid so, might prove the fatal hour. Again, if I knew I should dye at such a Relations House, this might ter∣rifie me from visiting him, for fear of making his Habitation my Sepulchre. So that the All wise disposer of all things, who doth nothing in vain, hath for the good of mankind conceal'd this prescience from us.

[3] Eretrians; were the Inhabitants of Eretria, which was a famous City of Euboea. They are said to take their name from Eretrius the Son of Phaeton. Herodotus (lib. 6.) speaking of these Eretrians, says, that Datys and Artaphernes being arrived in Asia, took these Eretrians Prisoners, and sent them away captive to Susa, for that they had exaspe∣rated Darius in making War upon him wi••••out any provocation: where being pre∣sented before Darius, he planted them at Anderica in Cissia, about 210 furlongs distant from Susa.

[4] By Darius; This Darius was the Son of Hystaspes, who got the Crown of Persia by the Neighing of his Horse at Sun-rising: for his Groom Oebares having the Night be∣fore let his Horse cover a Mare at that place, the Horse was no sooner brought thither the next morning, but he immediately fell a Neighing in remembrance of his past plea∣sure, and by that means won his Master the Crown, after the death of Cambyses. He married Atossa the Daughter of Cyrus, for the strengthning of his Title. He recover'd Rebellious Babylon by a Stratagem of Zopyrus, one of his Noblemen, who cutting off his own Lips and Nose, and miserably disfiguring himself, got in with the Babylonians to be their Leader against the Tyrant his Master, who as he pretended had so martyr'd him; which done, he betray'd to his Master Darius. After this, he march'd against the Scy∣thians, who in derision presented him with a Bird, a Frog, a Mouse, and Five Arrows, which by Hieroglyphical interpretation signified, that if the Persians did not speedily depart from them, flying as Birds in the Air, or ducking themselves as Frogs in a Marsh, or creeping as Mice into Holes, then they should have their Arrows in their sides to send them packing; which was soon done with shame. Upon his being defeated by the Scythians, the Greeks rebell'd against him, and were subdued: which encouraging him to think of conquering all Greece, and thereupon marching with 600000 men against it, he was shamefully overthrown by Miltiades the Athenian, who brought but 10000 against him, in the Field of Marathon, and register'd (as Plutarch saith) by almost 300 Histo∣rians. In this Fight Themistocles the Athenian gave sufficient proofs of his valour; wherein also one Cyneris (a common Souldier) was so fierce, that when both his hands were cut off, he fasten'd his Teeth upon a flying Ship of the Persians, as if he meant to stay it. Afterwards, Darius thinking to repair this ignominious loss, the Rebellion of the Aethiopians, and quarrel between his Sons for the Succession, brought him to his end: for Artabazanes his eldest Son claimed it as Heir, but (in regard he was born whilst his Father was but a Subject) the younger Son Xerxes carried away the Crown, he being Grandchild to Cyrus by Atossa. Of this Prince you may read at large in Hero∣dotus, lib. 3, 4, 5, 6. also in Iustin, lib. 1, 2. in Valerius Maximus, Aelian, and others. He began his Reign An. Mund. 3431.

[5] Euboea; an Isle in the Aegean Sea, on the side of Europe over against Chios; it is sever'd from Achaia by a little Euripus: by the Ancients it was sometimes called Macra, Macris, Chalcis, Chalcodontis, Aesopis, Oche, Ellopia; and by Homer, Abantis; and the Inhabitants, Abantes: It is now called Negropont••, or Egriponte; and by the Turks (who won it from the Venetians, An. Chr. 1470.) Egribos, and Eunya.

[6] Claz••menian Sophist; so called from Clazomenae, a City of Ionia in Asia, built by Paralus; it was afterwards called Gryna; it lies near Smyrna. This Clazomenae was the Country of Anaxagoras; it borders upon Colophon.

[7] Sophist; a Sophism is a cunning evading Argument, or Oration; in Logick it is when the form of a Syllogism is not legally framed, or false matter introduced under colour of Truth: whence a Sophist is in plain English but a subtle Caviller in words. Thus we read that Protagoras (the Disciple of Zeno, as also of Democritus) wanting Solidity, endeavour'd to be Subtle, and coming short of a Philosopher, set up for a Sophist.

[8] Nomades; were a certain people of Scythia Europaea, said to be descended from those that follow'd Hercules in his Expedition into Spain; Salust. They were called Nomades, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, à pascendo, in that they spent their time chiefly in feeding Cattel, and lying amongst them. Dionys. vers. 186.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.

Also Virgil mentions the same, Aen. lib. 4. & 8. They are also thought to be people nigh Polonia, and Russia; as likewise of Numidia in Africk, otherwise called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and Numida. Also people of Asia, by the Caspian Sea, now call'd Daae, and Parni.

[9] Caphareus; a high Mountain of Euboea towards Hellespont, by which place the Greeks Navy were sore afflicted for the death of Palamedes, (Son of Nauplius, King of that place) who was slain by Vlysses. Homer (Odys. 4.11.) and Ovid (Met. lib. 14.) represent to us a famous Shipwrack which the Grecian Navy suffer'd in their return from Troy:

Euboicae cautes, ultorque Caphareus. Virg. Aen. 11.

[10] Forum; So call'd by the Romans, was a Market-place, or Common Hall, where∣in they kept their Courts of Judicature.

[11] Xerxes; This Xerxes was the Son of Darius Hystaspes, who (in the third year of the third Olympiad) succeeded his Father to the Crown, and was the 4^th King of the Em∣pire, drawing his Title thereunto from Cyrus his Grandfather, by the side of his Mother Atossa. Now his Father Darius having at the time of his death prepared all things in rea∣diness for a War with the Aegyptians, his Son Xerxes had nothing left to do but to begin his March; wherefore his first Expedition was against the rebellious Aegyptians, (who had revolted from his Father) wherein proving successful, he returns, and makes that great Feast mention'd in the Book of Esther, who becomes his Queen in place of Vasthi. His second Undertaking was to revenge his Fathers Quarrel upon Greece, against which he is said to have led the most numerous Army that ever was yet heard of, consisting, as Herodotus writes, of 1700000 Foot, and 80000 Horse, besides Camels and Chariots; Di∣odorus writes of 800000 Foot; Trogus, Iustin, and Orosius, mention 1000000 in all, also 1207 Ships of War; all which numerous Army was entertain'd by one Pythius at Sardis, who besides presented Xerxes himself with 2000 Talents in Silver, and in Gold four mil∣lions. Now having from Sardis sent into Greece to demand Earth and Water, in token of subjection, he afterwards march'd from thence with his Forces, making Mount Athos an Island for the convenient passage of his Fleet, also passing his Army over the Hellespont by a Bridge of Boats; which Bridge happening one time to be broken by a great Tempest, his pride and folly was so great, that he commanded 300 stripes should be given to the Sea, as also a pair of Fetters to be cast into it, in token of Servitude; and causing the Heads of the Workmen to be chopt off, order'd other Bridges to be made. Soon after this Xerxes lost 20000 of his Army at Thermopyle, by the opposition of Leonidas, and 300 Lacedaemonians; upon which followed (as one misfortune seldom comes alone) a defeat of his Navy at Artemisium, in the Straits of Euboea. This was also seconded with another overthrow by Themistocles, at Salaminis; as also by another from Pausanias, had against Xerxes's General and Favourite, Mardonius, at Plateae; as also by the great rout which Leutychidas the Athenian, and Xantippus the Lacedaemonian Admirals, gave his Fleet the same day by Sea, near Mycale, a Promontory in Asia. All which happening together, so terrified this mighty Tyrant over both Sea and Land, that he was forced to return to∣wards his own Countrey over the Hellespont, in a small Cock-Boat; where after his sacri∣legious assaulting the Temple of Delphos, and barbarous dealing with his Brother, and his chast Wife, for their opposing his incestuous designs, as also prostituting himself to all vil∣lany and baseness, he was at last treacherously slain in his Bed by his Uncle Atabanus, leaving his Son Artaxerxes (whom he had by his Queen Esther) to succeed him, Anno Mun. 3587.

[12] Daridaeus; was a Persian King, that lived in the Reigns of the Emperors Tiberius and Claudius; he was the present King of their Countrey when Apollonius was amongst them.

CHAP. XVIII. How great the Walls of Babylon were; Also concerning the River Euphra∣tes, and the large Bridge over it; Likewise of the stately Palace, Lodg∣ings, and other things therein; together with something of the colour of the Saphir; and concerning the Magicians.

AS for the Deeds of Apollonius in Babylon, and what things there are re∣markable, I find this brief Account of the same. In the first place they re∣port, that the [1] Walls of Babylon are so great, that they are 480 Fur∣longs in compass; the heighth one Acre and an half; the breadth little less than an

Acre▪ the River Euphrates runs exactly thorow the midst of the City, under which is made an admirable Bridge, joyning so as it cannot be perceiv'd: the Royal Pa∣laces stand on each side the River; for it is reported, that a [2] * 1.12 Woman of the Median Race, who sometimes reign'd in Babylon▪ did make a curious Bridge un∣der the River, the like whereof was never seen in the World: for she caused Stones, Brass, Bitumen, and all other materials requisite for the joyning things in Water, to be brought to the River side, and so turn'd the course of the River into the Fens, when having dryed up the Channel of the River, and digg'd a Trench of * 1.13 two Fa∣thoms deep, she afterwards artificially cover'd it, that there might be a passage tho∣row it, as on firm Land, from the two Palaces that stood on each side of the River, one to the other, the heighth of the Arch being equal to the bottom of the Channel. Thus the foundation of the Walls and the hollow Trench went on; but the Bitumen requiring Water to petrifie it, and make it firm, the Euphrates was let in over the moist Roof, and so the Bridge was finish'd. The Palaces are cover'd with Brass, and glister with it; also the Chambers both of Men and Women, together with the Porches, are adorn'd, some with Silver, some with Tapistry of Gold, and some with beaten Gold, instead of Pictures. Their Hangings are also adorn'd with Greek Stories, so that in every place you may behold [3] Andromeda, [4] Amy∣mone, and [5] Orpheus; for the Inhabitants take great delight in Orpheus▪ ad∣miring his Turbant and Slops; as for hi•• skill in Musick and Poetry, they were little taken therewith. You might there likewise behold [6] Datis drawing N••xos out of the Sea, and Artaphernes besieging Eretria, together with all the [7] Victo∣ries of King Xerxes. Nor were Athens and [8] Thermopylae left out, together with the more proper Acts of the Medes, their drying up the Rivers, making a Bridge over the Sea, and cutting through Mount [9] Athos They further report, that Apollonius came into a Chamber, which had a Roof in form of an Arch, re∣sembling Heaven, cover'd with Saphire stone, which stone is sky-colour'd like the Heavens; aloft in this Room stood the Images of their reputed Gods, in imitation of Gold and Air. Now this is the place where the King sitteth in Iudgment; there hang down from the Roof four golden Birds called * 1.14 Torquillae, representing the Goddess of Vengeance, and admonishing the King not to elevate himself above the condition of men. It is said, that the Magicians, when they first c••me into the Chamber, commanded those Pictures to be made, calling them the Tongues of the Gods. As for the Magicians that are there, Apollonius spake that which he said he thought sufficient, saying, that he convers'd with them, and taught them many things, as also learnt some things of them. But Damis saith, that he knew not what discourses he had with the Magicians, in that Apollonius forbad him to go along with him when he was going among them. Howbeit Apollonius was accustomed to confer twice every day with the Magicians, namely, at mid-day, and about mid∣night; so that Damis once asked him, what the Magi were? To whom Apollonius reply'd, that they were indeed wise men, though not wise in all things. But of these things more hereafter.

Illustrations on Chap. 18.

[1] WAlls of Babylon; Ninus the Husband of Semiramis being dead, and the Em∣pire lest solely to her possession, she being a Woman of an high spirit, d••sires nothing more than to surpass her Husband Ninus in Glory; for the accomplis••ment whereof, she first resolves to erect a m••gnificent City in the Province of Babylon, (called at this day Ba••det) and for that p••rpose having assembled the best Architects from all

parts of the World, as also made provision of materials requisite for so great a Fabrick, she imploys three millions of men about it, which she had summon'd together from all parts of her Dominions; and that it might be the sooner built, dividing it into several Fur∣longs, she committed the care of each particular Furlong to some one of her Confidents, supplying them continually with money wherewithall to defray charges. This City was founded (as Philostratus here writes) on each side the River Euphrates, which ran through the midst of it: the Walls whereof were in circuit 22 Leagues and an half, (as Diodorus tells us) all planted thick with high Turrets, and the breadth of them such as six Chariots might pass afront on them, besides their heighth almost incredible, if you will believe C••e∣sias; but according to others, so broad that two Chariots might go on breast: As for the length, it had so many Furlongs as there were days in the year, their manner being on each day to erect a Furlong of Wall, saith Diodorus Sic. lib. 3. ch. 4. Herodotus, Pliny, Solinus, and our Philostratus say, that these Walls of Babylon were 480 Furlongs in compass, be∣ing situate in a large four-square Plain, environ'd with a broad and deep Ditch full of Water; Strabo saith, the compass of the Wall was 380 Furlongs; and Curtius will have it but 358. whereof only 90 Furlongs inhabited, and the rest allotted to Husbandry. Again, Concerning the thickness and heighth of the Walls they also disagree: The first Authors affirm the heighth 200 Cubits, and the thickness 50. and they which say least cut off but half that sum; so that well might Aristotle esteem it rather a Countrey than a Ci∣ty, being of such greatness, that some part of it was taken three days by the Enemy, be∣fore the other heard of it. Lyranus out of Ierom upon Esay affirmeth, that the four-squares thereof contained 16 miles apiece, wherein every man had his Vineyard and Garden to his degree, wherewith to maintain his Family in time of Siege. The Fortress or principal Tower belonging to this Wall, was (saith he) that which had been built by the Sons of Noah; and not without cause was it reckon'd among the Wonders of the World. It had an 100 brazen Gates, and 250 Towers. This Bridge which Philostratus mentions, was 5 Furlongs in length. The Walls were made of Brick and Asphaltum, a shiny kind of Pitch which that Countrey yieldeth. She built two Palaces, which might serve both for Ornament and Defence: one in the West, which environed 60 Furlongs with high Brick Walls; within that a less, and within that also a less Circuit, which con∣taineth the Tower. These were wrought sumptuously with Images of Beasts, wherein also was the game and hunting of Beasts display'd; this had three Gates. The other in the East, on the other side the River, contain'd but 30 Furlongs. In the midst of the City she erected a Temple to Iupiter Belus (saith Herodot. lib. 2.) with brazen Gates▪ and four-square, (which was in his time remaining) each square containing two Furlongs, in the midst whereof is a solid Tower, of the heighth and thickness of a Furlong, upon this ano∣ther, and so one higher than another, eight in number. In the highest Tower is a Chappel, and therein a fair Bed cover'd, and a Table of Gold, without any Image. Neither (as the Chaldaean Priests affirm) doth any abide here in the night, but one Woman, whom this God Belus shall appoint, (and she I presume a very handsom one, because his Priests had the custody of her;) some say the God himself used to lye there, which Report I conceive was given out only to make way for such another Story, as was that of Paulina, in the Temple of Isis, (recorded by Iosephus, and which I shall mention hereafter at large) where if she was modest, they lay with her in the dark, and heightned her fancy with the con∣ceit that 'twas God Belus himself had gotten her Maidenhead; and if she happen'd to conceive, her spurious Issue was honour'd with the title of a young Iupiter. But to pro∣ceed. Diodorus affirms, that in regard of the exceeding heighth of this Temple, the Chal∣daeans used thereon to make their Observations of the Stars. He also addeth, that Semira∣mis placed on the top thereof three golden Statues: one of Iupiter, 40 foot long, weigh∣ing a 1000 Babylonian Talents, till his time remaining; another of Ops, weighing as much, sitting in a golden Throne, with two Lions at her feet, and just by her side many huge Serpents of Silver, each of 30 Talents; the third Image was of Iuno standing, in weight 800 Talents; her right hand held the Head of a Serpent, and her left a Scepter of Stone. To all these was in common one Table of Gold, 40 foot long; in breadth 12. in weight 50 Talents; also two standing Cups of 30 Talents, and two Vessels for Perfumes of like value▪ likewise three other Vessels of Gold, whereof one dedicated to Iupiter weigh'd 1200 Babylonian Talents; all which Riches the Persian Kings took away when they con∣quer'd

Babylon. Of this see more in Herodot. lib. 2. Pliny, lib. 6. ch. 26. Solin. ch. 60. Dio∣dor. Sic. lib. 3. ch. 4. Strab. lib. 16. Quint. Curtius, lib. 5. Aristot. Polit. lib. 3. ch. 2. Daniel 4.

[2] A Woman of the Median Race; who this Woman was, is already expounded by Herodotus, when speaking of the Kings of Babylon, he saith, there were many Kings who contributed to the adorning of Babylon, both in its Walls and Temples, and amongst them, two eminent Women, whereof the first was called Semiramis, who reign'd five Ages be∣fore Nitocris, the other, and from a Level raised a most magnificent and stupendious Wall, which encompassing the City round, did very much preserve it from those frequent In∣undations of Water, wherewith it was before infested. Herod. lib. 1. Likewise Ovid confirms the same, saying,

Coctilibus Muris cinxisse Semiramis urbem.

Concerning the Original of Semiramis, Historians vary: Reineccius (in his Syntagmate He∣r••ico, p. 47▪) will have her to be the Daughter of Sem. But Diodorus Siculus writes, that she was born at Ascalon, a Town in Syria, and presents us (lib. 3. ch. 2.) with this Fable of her Original: There is (saith he) in Syria a City named Ascalon, and not far from it runs a Lake well stored with Fish, near unto which stands the Temple of the Goddess Derceto, who having the Face of a Woman, is all over her Body like a Fish; the occasion whereof, is by the Inhabitants fabulously related to be thus; viz. that Venus meeting one day with this Goddess Derceto, made her fall in Love with a beautiful young man, that sacrificed unto her, who begot on her a Daughter; but the Goddess asham'd of her mis∣fortune, banish'd the Father from her sight, and exposed the Child in a desart place full of Rocks and Birds, of whom by divine providence the Child was nourish'd. Yet however the Mother being conscious to her self of what she had done, went and drown'd her self in the Lake, where she was metamorphosed into a Fish; for which very reason the Assyrians have (says Diodorus) even to our time abstain'd from eating those kind of Fishes, adoring them as Gods. Furthermore they tell another miraculous Narration, viz. that the Birds sustaining the Child on their wings, fed her with Curds, which they stole from the Shep∣herds adjoyning Cottages; and that when the Child was a year old, in regard that she then stood in need of more substantial meat, they nourish'd her with Cheese taken from the same Cottages, which the Shepherds having discover'd by the continual pecking of their Cheeses, they soon found out the Child which they had educated amongst them, and afterwards for her exce••lent beauty presented her to Simma, the King's Superintendent over the Shepherds of that Province, who having no Children of his own, with great care educated her as his own Daughter, calling her Semiramis, after the name of those Birds which had fed her, and which in the Syrian Tongue are so called, and were from that time adored by the Inhabitants of that Countrey as so many Gods. And this, saith Diodorus, is the account which Fables give of Semiramis's Birth, which, as Sabellicus observes, very much resembles the Fictions which Posterity invented of Cyrus and Romulus, not to men∣tion the true and sacred Narrative of Moses. Now Semiramis surpassing all other Virgins in beauty, and being then marriageable, Menon, the Governour of Syria, (who had been sent by the King to take an account of his Cattel, and residing at Simma's House) fell in Love with her, and married her; then carrying her back with him to the City of Nini∣veh, he there had two Sons by her, Iapetes and Idaspes. Now her beauty did so totally in∣fluence Menon, that wholly resigning up himself to Semiramis, he would do nothing with∣out her advice. But Fortune (who envies nothing so much as the happiness of Lovers) would not permit them long to enjoy this mutual and calm satisfaction; for the Prince is engaged in the Fields of Mars, and the Subject must not lye sleeping at home in the Em∣braces of Venus: King Ninus is storming the City Bactria and Menon his Officer must no longer absent himself from the Camp. Therefore leaving Venus for Mars, his Semiramis for the War, Menon posts away to the King, who was then besieging Bactria; where he had not continued long, but impatient of his Wifes absence, he sends for Semiramis to ac∣company him in the Camp. Thereupon, she being a most prudent Woman, and endued with more courage than is usually found in that Sex, making use of this opportunity of shewing her extraordinary vertue, undertakes the Journey, in obedience to her Husband, notwithstanding it was long and tedious. But to render it the less difficult, she attires her

self in such a Garment, as she might pass either for Man or Woman upon occasion, and which would not only protect her from the heat of the Weather, but was withall so light, as it could no ways incommode her, in case of any Action; which Habit was so generally approved of, that first the Medes, and afterwards the Persians, (when they possest the Asiatick Empire) did for a long time use no other than this Semirian Garment. Now in this Dress she arrived incognito at the Assyrian Camp, where having observ'd the posture of the Siege, as also the situation of the City, she discover'd that the Castle (naturally strong, and difficult of access) was therefore neglected, and unprovided of men for its Guard, the Bactrians at that time being wholly imploy'd in defending the Outworks of the City, which the Assyrians only assaulted, as looking upon the Castle impregnable. Whereupon Semiramis having privately made this observation, selects out of the whole Army a Detachment of such men, as were best skill'd in climbing up steep Rocks and Mountains, who with much difficulty ascending up thorow the rough and narrow passa∣ges, made themselves Masters of one part of the Castle; when to amaze the Enemy, she makes a dreadful noise, withall giving notice to the Besiegers that the Castle was taken; whereat the Besieged within were so terrified, that evacuating themselves, they abandon∣ed the defence of the Town, and attempted nothing more but the saving of their own Lives by flight. The City thus taken, and Semiramis discover'd, all persons were in admi∣ration of her heroick Vertue and Beauty; in so much, that King Ninus himself (who is call'd in the Scripture, Ashur) falling desperately in Love with her, did first by fair means require her Husband Menon to resign up his Wife to him; which he refusing to do, the King at length threatned him with the loss of both his Eyes: to prevent which Torture, Menon (desiring of Evils to choose the least) did with his own hands strangle himself. Hereup∣on the King married his Widow Semiramis, by whom he had one Son called Ninus the second, or Ninyas; and soon after died, leaving the Government both of his Son and King∣dom to Semiramis. There are various Reports concerning this Ninus's Death; for some with Orosius and Reusnerus will have it, that he died of a Wound receiv'd by a Dart in the Bactrian War: but Diodorus tells us, that the Athenians and other Historians affirm, that Semiramis presuming upon the influence of her Beauty, requested Ninus that she might be invested with the Royal Robes, and rule absolutely but for five days; whereunto he assent∣ing, she after having made experiment of the Fidelity and Obedience of some of her Guards, commands them to imprison the King her Husband, which immediately they per∣form'd, and by this means she assumed the Government of the Empire. Herewith like∣wise both Aelian and Plutarch agree, differing only in these Circumstances, that whereas Diodorus saith, she imprison'd him, they affirm, that she kill'd him: also whereas Diodorus and Aelian write, that she requested to rule five days, Plutarch says, her petition was but for one day. Now for Semiramis's Government after her Husband's Death, Iustin gives us this Account of it; That Ninus himself being slain, and his Son Ninus but young, Se∣miramis not daring to commit the Government of so great an Empire to a Boy, nor open∣ly to exercise the Command of it her self, (so many and so powerful Nations being scarce∣ly obedient to a Man, would be much less to a Woman) did counterfeit her self to be the Son instead of the Wife of Ninus, and a Boy instead of a Woman. They were both of a middle Stature, their Voice but soft, their Complexion and Features of Face, as likewise the Lineaments of their Bodies were alike both in Mother and Son: she therefore with Rayment cover'd her Arms and Thighs, putting a Tire on her Head; and that she might not seem to conceal any thing by her new Habit, she commanded the people all to be cloath'd in the same Attire, which that whole Nation have ever since observ'd: having thus counterfeited her Sex, she was believ'd to be a young Man. After this, she made her self famous by great Atchievements, by the magnificence whereof, when she thought sh•• had overcome all Envy, she confess'd who she was, and whom she had counterfeited; neither did this detract from the dignity of her Government, but rather increas'd her ad∣miration, that a Woman not only surpass'd her own Sex, but also the bravest of Men, in Vertue. She builded Babylon, (as I shew'd before) and being not contented to defend the bounds of the Empire obtain'd by her Husband, she not only made an addition to the same of all Aethiopia, but also carried the War into India, which (besides her self and Alexan∣der the Great) never any invaded. At last, when she desired to lye with her own Son, she was kill'd by him. Thus far Iustin, lib. 1. Arrianus, and others, allow her a more

honourable death, and say, that marching against the Indians with an Army of 3000000 Infantry, and 50000 Cavalry, besides 100000 Chariots, she was overthrown by Stanro∣bates upon the Banks of Indus, and there slain; or as some will have it, turn'd into a Dove, Venus's Bird: whence the Babylonians ever after carried a Dove in their Banners, and worshipped her for a Goddess under that shape:

Quid referam ut volitet crebras intacta per urbes Alba Palaestino Sancta Columba Syro. Tibul. 1.7.

Semiramis first invented Eunuchs: she was a woman of great Lust and Venery, witness her design upon her own Son, mention'd by Iustin, Berosus, Diodorus, Plutarch, and Sui∣das. She was one of an unbounded Ambition, as her many Conquests in Aegypt, Aethio∣pia, Arabia, and Bactria evidence; Plutarch, Orosius, Iustin, and Diodorus. She had much of Vain-glory in her, as may be seen by her magnificent Structures; amongst all which Strabo recites the Obelisk of Babylon, as the most eminent, Geog. lib. 16. She was highly Revengeful, for some report that the reason of her Expedi••ion against Sta••robates the Indian King, was to be revenged of him for some reflective Censures that he had pass'd upon her Lust. Lastly, she was a woman of great Expedition, as appears by that Story which Valerius Maximus relates of her, saying, that News being brought her when she was a dressing, that Babylon was revolted from her, she with half her Hair hanging about her Ears, went immediately to besiege the Town, and totally reduced it, before she gave her self time to finish the dress of her head; Val. Max. lib. 9. ch. 3. She reigned 42 years, as saith Berosus, Diodorus, Plutarch, and Suidas.

[3] Andromeda, was the Daughter of Cepheus King of Aethiopia, and of his Wife Cassiopeia. This Andromeda was for the Pride of her Mother Cassiopeia, (who presumed to contend with the Nymphs for beauty) condemn'd by advice of the Oracle to be bound to a Rock, and exposed to the mercy of a Sea-Monster, which Neptune (out of anger to Cassiopeia for her presumption in contending with the beautiful Nereides) had sent to infest that Country, devouring both Men and Cattel. From this Monster Andro∣meda being afterwards freed by Perseus, as he was returning into his own Country, she married him. The Fable further says, that after her death, Andromeda was placed among the Stars, by the benignity of Minerva; and that (according to the Astrologers) the influence of her Constellation is malign, denoting Imprisonment and Banishment:

Andromede monstris fu••rant devota marinis, Haec eadem Persei nobilis ••••or erat. Propert. lib. 2.

Upon this subject of Andromeda, Euripides wrote that most excellent Tragedy whereof Athenaeus so much boasted, an Episode out of which Alexander sung in the last Banquet of his Life: This Tragedy wrought wonderful effects in the City Abdera, when it was Acted there by Archel••us, under the Reign of Lysimachus. The two Parts of Perseus and Andromeda, the misfortunes of this Princess when exposed to the Sea-Monster, and all that moved terrour and pity in this Representation, made so strong and violent an im∣pression on the people, that they departed, saith Lucian, from the Theatre possess'd (as it were) with the Spectacle; and this became a publick malady, wherewith the imaginations of the Spectators were seiz'd. See Ovid. Metam. lib. 4. Natalis Comes Mythol. lib. 7.

[4] Amymone, was one of the fifty Daughters of King Danaus: she being shooting in a Wood, by accident hit a Satyr, who was coming with violence to ravish her; it is feign'd, that she call'd upon Neptune for help, who to save her, threw his Trident or three-fork'd Dart at the Satyr, and hit a Rock out of which sprang a Fountain, quem Neptunus à nomine adamatae puellae Amymonem appellavit. Nevertheless, Neptune is said to have done that to her, which the Satyr himself design'd, and to have got her with Child, on whom he begot Nauplius; Strabo lib. 8. Pliny lib. 4. ch. 5. Also a Well in Argos near Lerna, so call'd from this Amymone the Daughter of Danaus:

Argos Amymonen, — &c. Ovid. Met. lib. 2.

[5] Orpheus, a Musician of Thrace, was (as some say) the Son of Apollo and Calliope; as others, the Son of Eagrus and the Muse Polymnia. It is said that Apollo or Mercury gave him a Harp, whereon he play'd so sweetly, that he caused the very Birds, Beasts,

Stones, and Trees to follow him: also that having lost his Wife Eurydice, (who running away from Aristaeus, was stung to death by a Serpent) he went down to Hell to bring her back again; where by his Harp he so charmed Pluto and Proserpina, that they suffer'd her to depart with him, on condition that he should not look back till he were quite out of Hell; but he did look back, and so went without her▪ whereupon in discontent he disswading all men from womens company and marriage, was for so doing torn in pieces by the Thracian women. The Application or Moral of this Fable is thus rendred by the Lord Bacon, in his Wisdom of the Ancients:

Orpheus's Musick (saith he) is of two sorts; the one appeasing the Internal Powers, the other attracting Beasts and Trees: whereof, the first may be fitly apply'd to Natural Philosophy; the second, to Moral or Civil Discipline. The most noble work of Natural Philosophy, is the restitution and renova∣tion of things corruptible: The other (as a lesser degree of it) the preservation of Bodies in their estate, detaining them from dissolution and putrefaction▪ And if this gift may be performed in Mortals, certainly it can be by no other means, than by the due and exquisite Temper of Nature, as by the melody and delicate Touch of an In∣strument. But seeing it is of all things most difficult, it is seldom or never attain'd unto; and in all likelihood, for no other reason, more than through curious diligence and untimely impatience. And therefore Philosophy, hardly able to produce so excel∣lent an effect in a pensive humour, (and that without cause) busies her self about Humane objects, and by perswasion and eloquence, insinuating the love of Vertue, Equity, and Concord in the minds of men, draws multitudes of people to a Society, makes them subject to Laws, obedient to Government, and forgetful of their unbridled affections, whilst they give ear to Precepts, and submit themselves to Discipline: whence follows, the building of Houses, erecting of Towns, planting of Fields and Or∣chards with Trees, and the like; in so much that it would not be amiss to say, that even thereby Stones and Woods were call'd together, and settled in order. It is also wisely said in the Fable, that Orpheus was averse from the love of women and marriage, be∣cause the delights of Wedlock, and the love of Children, do for the most part hinder men from enterprizing great and noble designs for the publick good, holding Posterity a sufficient step to Immortality, without Actions.

Of the attractive power of Orpheus's Musick, all the Poets write: 1. Of his taming the Winds, saith Seneca, (in Medea de rebus Orpheis) Siluere venti; and Antipater, (lib. 3. Antholog.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. ven∣torum impetum domitat. 2. Of his moving the Trees, saith Euripides, (in Bacchis de Or∣pheo) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. conduxit arbores. Dio Chrysost. writes, concurrisse arbores ad illum, una cum fructibus & floribus; Orat. 73. Seneca in Medea, Sylvas trahit. Ovid, (Eleg. 1. lib. 4. Trist.) cum traheret sylvas Orpheus; and Horace, insecu••ae Orphea sylvae. 3. Of his taming wild Beasts, Euripides (ibid.) amongst the things that Orpheus sub∣dued, enumerates 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, feras sylvestres. Dio Chrysost. (Orat. 32.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, feras mansuefecit.

Saeva feris Natura redit, metuensque Leonem: Implorat Citharae vacca tacentis opem. Claud.

4. Of his attracting Stones, speaks Seneca in Medea, saying, Qui saxa cantu mulcet: also Ovid in his Arte Amandi, lib. 3. Saxa, ferasque Lyrâ movit Rhodopeius Orpheus: and lib. 3. Amor. Dura{que} percussam saxa secuta Lyram. 5. Of his moving Rocks and Moun∣tains, Orpheus himself speaks, in Argon:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. —

Cassius Parmensis.

Convulsosque suis scopulos radicibus egit.

And Sidonius Apoll. in Panegyr. Anthemii Aug. writes, Qui cantu flexit scopulos: 6. Of his charming the Infernal Furies in Hell, Virgil Georg. 4.

Quin ipsae stupuere domus, at{que} intim•• Lethi Tartara, caeruleos{que} implexae crinibus angues Eumenides, tenuit{que} inhian•• tria Cerberus ora.

Also Silius Italicus;

— Pallida regna Bistonius vates, flammis{que} Acheronto sonantem Placavit plectro, & fixit revolubile saxum.

Again, 7. Of his altering the motion of the Stars, Sil. Ital. writes,

Tunc silvas & saxa trahens, nunc sidera ducit.

And 8. Of his stopping the current of Rivers:

Ars quae praebuerat fluminibus moras. Seneca.

Lastly, Of his charming the Gods:

Auditus superis, Auditus manibus Orpheus. Sil. Ital. lib. 11.

This Orpheus was an excellent Philosopher, as well as Musician, being the first that re∣commended a solitary Life, and abstinence from Flesh: wherefore Plato calls a solitary harmless life, entertain'd by Herbs and Roots, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He was the first that in∣troduced the Bacchinalia into Greece, call'd by some for that cause, Sacra Orphica. Horace in his Arte Poetica tells us, that

Sylvestres homines sacer interpres{que} Deorum Caedibus & victu foedo deterruit Orpheus, Dictus ab hoc lenire Tigres, rabidos{que} Leones Dictus &, &c.

He was the first that in Thracia caused men to live under Laws and Government, redu∣cing them from their rude and barbarous Life, to a more gentle and civilized. Some say that he prophecied of the Worlds continuance, and that Aetate in sexta cessabit Ma∣china Mundi.

[6] Datis drawing Naxos, and Artaphernes besieging Eretria; Darius Hystaspes in his Expedition against Greece, (having taken away Mardonius's Commission, by reason of his unprosperous Voyage near the Mountain Athos) bestow'd the same upon this Datis, a Mede, and Artaphernes his Brothers Son, creating them two Admirals in chief, as well as Generals at Land. To these Darius gave in charge to lay waste Athens with Eretria, and bring the Inhabitants thereof Prisoners into his presence. In their passage they burnt Naxos, took some Forces and Hostages out of those Islands, and then Landed their Horse upon the Coasts of Eretria; Herodot. lib. 6. Naxos was one of the Cycladian Islands in the Aegean Sea, heretofore call'd sometimes Strongyle, and sometimes Dia: its name of Naxos it takes from one of their Captains of the same name; but at this day it's called Nicsia, and is seven miles distant from D••los. This Island is famous for the delicate white Marble it produces. Pliny very highly magnifies the fertility of this place, either in re∣spect of its Wine, or Women; for besides the great plenty of Vines it bears, there is also a Fountain that is said to run nothing but Wine; and their Women go but eight months with Child. 'Twas in this Isle of Naxos the Poets feign that Ariadne (being left by Theseus) was married to Bacchus, where after having receiv'd her Crown, she was translated up amongst the Stars:

Bacchatamque jugis Naxum, viridemque Donysam: Virg. Aen. 3:

[7] Victories of King Xerxes; this Xerxes was the Son of Darius Hystaspes, of whom we have spoke before. His first Victory was over the Egyptians; his Army was so nu∣merous, that it drank up whole Rivers: one day as Xerxes was upon the Bridge which he had erected over the Hellespont, looking back upon his vast Army, he fell a weeping, and being ask'd the cause why he did so, his answer was, That it was upon the conside∣ration of Man's mortality, to think that of so many hundred thousand Valiant men, not one of them would be left alive once in an hundred years:

Xerxes with weeping eyes survey'd his numerous Host, Thinking by deaths surprize how soon they would be lost:

Concerning this King Xerxes, I have written at large in my foregoing Chapter.

[8] Thermopylae, a Mountain in Greece, where Leonidas King of Sparta only with 400 men, defeated 100000 of the Persians; 'tis call'd at this day Scelos.

[9] Mount Athos, a Mountain lying between Macedony and Thrace, the shadow whereof reacheth unto the Isle of Lemnos. This Mountain lies upon the Aegean Sea, through which Xerxes cut a Channel for his Fleet to sail through:

Cum Medi peperer•• novum mare, cum{que} Iuventus Per medium classi barbara a novit Atho. Catull.

This Mountain was once famous for the great number of Hares bred in it, which makes the Poet say, Quot Lepores in Atho, quot Apes pascuntur in Hyblâ? Ovid. 2. Art. Amand.

CHAP. XIX. Apollonius being enter'd into Babylon, would not worship the Kings Golden Image: His words to the Kings Officers; and how he was brought before the King; as also concerning the Kings dream.

WHen therefore Apollonius had made his entrance into Babylon, the Officer that guarded the great Gates, having heard that he was come only to see the City, presented to him the [1] Kings Golden Image, which if any one refused to worship, he might not be admitted entrance; only those that came Embassadors from the Roman Emperors, were exempted from this Ce∣remony. But with that Barbarian, if any one came only to view the Country, it was an affront for him not to worship the Image; so foolish Customs have great Officers set over them among the Barbarians. Apollonius therefore beholding the Image, asked who it was? and when they told him, it was the King; Apollonius reply'd, This man whom ye worship in this manner, if I commend him as appearing to be a good and virtuous person, it shall be a great honour to him. And having thus spoken, passed thorow the Gates; but the Officer admiring at the man, fol∣lowed him, and taking him by the hand, asked him by an Interpreter, what was his Name? his Family? his Employment? and the cause of his coming into those parts? Then setting down Apollonius's Answer in a Writing-Table, together with his habit and feature, he bad him stay, when running to the men that are called the Kings Ears, he describeth Apollonius to them, telling them that he would not wor∣ship the Kings Image, and was unlike to other men. Whereupon they commanded the Officer to bring him in an honourable manner before them, and to offer him no affront. Who being come, the Eldest man ask'd him, what it was that made him thus slight the King? whereto he answer'd, I have not yet slighted him. The man asking him, But would you slight him? By Jove, I may do so (said Apollonius) if by conversing with him, I find him not to be a good and virtuous person. Do you bring the King any Presents? said the man. I bring (said Apollonius) Forti∣tude, Iustice, and the like. Do you (said the other) bring these to the King as supposing him destitute of them? By Jove, (said Apollonius) only as to one that shall learn how to use them, if he hath them. The King (saith the man) hath by the use of such Virtues, both recover'd his lost Kingdom which thou seest, and regain'd his Palace, not without much Toyl and Trouble. How many years is it since he re∣cover'd his Kingdom? said Apollonius. The other answer'd, Two years and two months. Hereupon Apollonius raising his voice, (as he in like cases was used to do) said, O Keeper of the Kings person, (or by what Title soever you are call'd) [2] Darius the Father of Cyrus and [3] Artaxerxes, having possess'd this King∣dom

about 60 years, when he suspected that the end of his Life drew near, is re∣ported to have sacrificed to Iustice, and to have said these words, O Lady, who∣soever thou art! as having a long time been a Lover of Iustice, but not yet know∣ing her, nor possessed her; in that he educated his Children so foolishly, as that they waged War upon one another, and one was wounded, the other slain. But you (though the King perhaps scarcely knoweth how to sit in the Kingly Throne) suppose him to have already acquired all kinds of Virtue, and so puff him up beyond mea∣sure: if he become better than he is, I bring profit to you, and not to my self. Whereupon another Barbarian standing hard by, looking upon Apollonius, said, This man was brought hither as a Present of the Gods: For so good a man as this, conversing with so good a man as the King, will make him far better, more modest, and of a sweeter disposition; in as much as he seemeth not a little to surpass other men. Wherefore they ran to divulge the good news to all, that there stood at the Kings doors a certain Greek, who was a Wise man, and an excellent Counsellor. It happen'd when this News was brought to the King, he was offering up Sacrifice in the presence of the Magicians; (for Sacred Rites are perform'd by their di∣rection:) wherefore calling one of them, he said to him, I perceive my Dream is out, which I related to you this day, when you came to visit me as I lay in bed: For such a Dream as this had happen'd to the King; * 1.15 He seem'd to himself to be [4] Artaxerxes the Son of Xerxes, and that his countenance was changed to be like him. Wherefore the King was much afraid, lest his affairs should fall into some alteration, interpreting to that purpose the change of his countenance. But when he had further heard that the Stranger which was come was a Greek, and a Wise man, he call'd to mind the ‡ 1.16 Story of [5] Themistocles the Athenian, who sometime coming out of Greece, convers'd with Artaxerxes, and did improve the King, as well as shew his own worth: Wherefore stretching forth his right hand, he bid them call in the man, that so he might both sacrifice and pray with him.

Illustrations on Chap. 19.

[1] THe Kings Golden Image, which if any one refused to worship; this manner of Ado∣ration was anciently much used among the Eastern people, who paid the highest Veneration to the Statues of their deceased Princes. This Ceremony which our Author here mentions, was much for the same purpose as our Oath of Allegiance, to shew their Respect and Fidelity to the Prince. The sacred Images of the Heathens, were a great part of their Religion; to them they address'd themselves, when many times their Imaginations were so much stronger than their Reasons, that they fancied they either heard the Image speak, saw her Nod, or found her Sweat, &c. like timerous persons, who in looking stedfastly on a dead corpse, fancy they see its Eyes open, or its Lips or Nose move. Thus at the sacking of Vrii, some of the Roman Souldiers entring into the Temple of Iuno, accosting her Image, and asking it, vis venire Romam, will you come to Rome? to some of them she seem'd to becken by way of consent, and others fancied she said Yes; For those men being more then ordinary Religious, (as Titus Livy infers from the Devotion, Reverence, and Quietness wherewith they enter'd the Temple) fancied they heard that Answer, which 'tis possible they expected before; and Camillus, with the other Magistrates of the City, promoted their belief. The reason why many of these Images have been observ'd to sweat, (saith Vaninus) is either from the warmth of the Air, or from Candles melting the colours of the Image, or else the Priests did secretly die the Skin of the painted God with the bloud of a Beast or Man, or privately convey a small stream of bloud by certain Pipes to the Eyes of the Idol; whereupon when the doors of the Temple were open'd, the people that came thither were amazed, and not understanding or considering the Natural cause of the Event, said it was a

Miracle. Now when any one was in danger of his Life, he presently made his address to these Images, with Vows, Supplications and Prayers; then if perhaps he obtain'd his wish, he thought himself bound by his Vow to return thanks for it to the Gods, other∣wise he was declared by the Priest to be guilty of breaking his Vow: and if the thing did not succeed according to his wish, and the Votary as yet survived, the Priests did then inculcate, that his own wickedness was the cause why his Prayers were not heard by the Gods. Again, if a pious man was deluded, they endeavour'd to perswade him to acknowledge the mercy of the Gods, who chastise in this life those whom they Love; but if he that had Vow'd, did perish, there would none be then left to raise any such ob∣jections against the Gods: Careat successibus opto quisquis ab eventu, &c. and by these frivolous Superstitions the Priests deluded the People. It's true, some object that Pyr∣rhus King of Epirus, having taken money out of the Treasury of Proserpina Locrensis, was punish'd with the calamity of Shipwrack: To which it may be answer'd, that after Dionysius had robbed the Treasury of the same Proserpina Locrensis, he sail'd with a pro∣sperous Gale, and jeering the Gods, spake to his Companions in this manner: See what a prosperous Voyage is given by the immortal Gods to Sacrilegious persons! Vanini Dialog. 55. Now to pray to, to swear by, to obey, to be diligent and officious in ser∣ving; finally, all words and actions that betoken fear to offend, or desire to please, i•• Worship. Also an Image in the largest sence, is either the Resemblance or the Represen∣tation of something visible; wherefore there can be no Image of an Infinite, because it is not visible: Thus there cannot be made any Image of God, nor of the Soul of Man, nor of Spirits, but only of Bodies visible; therefore when Poets describe their Centaurs, although such Monsters were never yet seen, yet however they compose the Figure of parts that they have seen, adjoyning to the Body of a Man, the Feet, Tail, or Horns of a Beast; for Nil fuit in intellectu, quod non fuit prius in sensu. Having thus therefore shew'd you the signification of the two words Worship and Image, we may infer from thence, that to worship an Image, is voluntarily to do those external Acts which are signs of honouring either the Matter of the Image, (which is Wood, Stone, Metal, or some other visible Creature) or the Phantasm of the Brain, every man applying a men∣tal and whimsical Image of his own making, over and above that which is visible to his Eyes. Now this kind of worshipping Images, is that Idolatry which God so strictly for∣bad in his Commandments; being not only a dishonour to the Infinite Being, (as much as in them lies) to attempt to make his Image, but also it was a means to withdraw them from the worship of the True God, for a False. Images were used as well by the ancient Heathens, as by our modern Catholicks, of which you may read 2 Kings 10.26, 27. And Mons. Daillée (in his most excellent Treatise call'd, La Religion Catholique Romain instituée par Numa Pompile) demonstrates with great Learning and Wit, that the Papists took their Idolatrous worship of Images, as well as all their other Ceremo∣nies, from the old Heathen Religion; so that they may justly plead for the Antiquity of their Church-worship, it being many hundred years older than Christ himself. The Trojans had their Paladium, or Statue of their Goddess Pallas, in whom they confided: The Rhodians dedicated to Apollo that famous Colossus of Brass, 800 foot in height, which was broken down by the Saracens, Anno Dom. 684. We read also of the Statue of Iupiter Olympias, made by Phydias, 150 cubits high; Apollo Capitolinus, that stood at Rome, cum multis aliis, &c. Eusebius (Eccles. Hist. lib. 7. ch. 17.) affirms, that Images are taken from the Pagans, who were wont to honour after this manner such as they accounted Saviours: Also Arnobius spends most of his sixth Book in confuting this practice of Images. Now to compare the use the Romanists put their Images to, with the use the Heathens made of theirs, let us consider; First, how the Heathens adorn'd their Images? they deckt them with Silver and Gold, as you may see, Ier. 10.4, 5. Isa. 30.22. Also Tursellinus mentions several Garments richly embroider'd and adorn'd with Gold and Jewels, presented by Princes and Noblemen for the Blessed Virgin: Iustus Iusteius Earl of Verona, gave to the Lady of Loretto a Garment of Cloth of Gold, faced with costly Skins and Furs, gotten at the Games of Florence▪ the Dutchess of Cleves presented her with a Chain of Gold, and other rich Jewels; Hist. Lauret. lib. 6. ch. 13. Secondly, the Heathens dedicated their Images with Prayers and Solemnities, before they paid any Veneration to them; Dan. 3.2, Then Nebuchadnezzar the King

sent to gather together the Princes and Governours, to come to the Dedication of the Image which he had set up; and Arnobius mentions as much, lib. 1.6.8. Minucius, Tertullian, and others: Also the Romanists do as much at the Consecration of their Saints; for which (it being too tedious here to insert) I shall refer you to Pontif. Rom. pag. 367. Thirdly, the Heathens paid great honour to the Statues and Images of their Gods, which they express'd several ways: As first, by cringing, bowing, and kneeling, adorant simulachra in terram prostrati, saith Arnobius, lib. 6. Secondly, by kissing them, as it is 1 Kings 19.18. Yet I have left me seven thousand in Israel, all the knees which have not bowed unto Baal, and every mouth which hath not kissed him. Now the Papists do as much as this; for the Council of Trent speaking of Images, (Sess. 25.) saith, We kiss them, uncover the head, and fall down before them. Fourthly, the Heathens lighted Candles▪ and burnt Incense before their Images, Baruch 6.19, 21. and Arnobius tells us, that the Images perfumed and discolour'd with Smoak, grew black, lib. 6. Now the Papists use the same; for Thomas Ar••ndel (Archbishop of Canterbury) in his Provincial held at Oxford, A. D. 1408. made this Constitution: From henceforth let it be taught com∣monly, and preached by all, that the Cross and Image of the Crucifix, with the rest of the Saints Images in memory and honour of them whom they represent, as also their Places and Reliques, ought to be worshipped with Processions, bendings of the Knee, bowings of the Body, Incensings, Kissings, Offerings, lighting of Candles, and Pilgri∣mages, together with all other manners and forms whatsoever, as hath been accusto∣med to be done by our Predecessors; Lindwoods Constit. Provinc. lib. 5. ch. de Haret. Durantus also speaks of these Rites used in the Roman Church, de Ritib. Eccles. Cath. lib. 1. ch. 9. n. 11. Fifthly, the Heathens pray'd before their Images, Isa. 44.17. He falleth to it, and saith, Deliver me, for thou art my God: also Minucius witnesseth the same. And thus do the Papists; Whosoever (being in the state of Grace) shall devoutly say these seven Prayers before an Image of Piety, with seven Pater Nosters and Ave Maria's, shall merit a Pardon for 56000 years; which was granted by three Popes, Gregory the 14. Nicholas the 5. and Sixtus the 4 Hor. B. Virg. secund. usum Sar. p. 67. Also hear the Prayer they use before Veronica: Hail holy Face impress'd in Cloth, purge us from every spot of Vice, and joyn us to the Society of the Blessed, O Blessed Figure, &c: Chemnit. Exam. Conc. Trident. de Imaginib▪ And thus you see the Romanists give the very same Adoration to the Images of their Saints, as the Pagans did to the Statues of their Gods. I know they object, that the Heathens worshipped the very Images them∣selves, whereas they pretend only to adore the thing represented, and not the Image: To which I answer, First, the Heathens did no more, as you may see it in Arnobius, where it is said, We worship only the Gods by these Images; for we do not believe the sub∣stance of Brass, Silver, Gold, or any other thing whereof these Statues are made, to be in themselves Gods, but we worship the Gods in these; Arnob. lib. 6. Secondly, the Papists however do more than this: for Suarez (one of their own Writers) tells us, That the Image may and ought to be worshipp'd with the same Adoration with the Original: moreover the Authority of the seventh General Synod, as also the Council of Trent, part 3. say, That 'tis the constant opinion of Divines, that the Image is to be honour'd and worshipp'd with the same honour and worship, which is due to the person whereof it is an Image; Azor. Inst. Moral. Tom. 1. lib. 9. ch. 6. This made Ludovicus Vive•• (a learned Catholick) confess, that there could be found no other difference be∣tween Paganish and Popish worship before Images, but only this, that Names and Titles are changed; Comment. in Aug. Civit. Dei, lib. 8. ch. 27. for as the Italian Proverb hath it, They are both one Broth, only mutatis Nominibus: so that when the Spaniards con∣quer'd the West-Indies, they pull'd down one Idolatry, to set up another; and in my opinion, the New was worse than the Old.

[2] Darius, the Father of Cyrus and Artaxerxes; this was Darius Nothus, the 6^th King of the Persians, and Son of Artaxerxes Longimanus, as some say, by a Concubine; or as others say, he was Longimaenus's Son-in-law, by marrying of his Daughter Parysatis; Philip Melancthon (lib. 2. p. 137.) and Sleidan believe, that this Parysatis was the Sister of Longimanus, and accordingly that Darius Nothus was by Marriage his Brother-in law. But Plutarch (in the Life of Artaxerxes) writes, that Parysatis was the Daughter of Longimanus, and that she was incestuously married to her Brother Darius Nothus. This

Darius had two Brethren, Xerxes and Sogdia••us, that reign'd before him, but their Beha∣viour was so unworthy, and their Reign so short, (ending within the compass of one year) that there is little notice taken of them in History. So that this third Brother (who was at first call'd Ochus, and afterwards Darius Nothus) took possession of the Throne, wherein he was no sooner seated, but by the advice of his Wife Parysatis, (who was a Woman of great cunning and cruelty) he endeavour'd to get into his possession another of his Brothers, call'd Secundianus, who was yet alive, (as thinking it his safest way to spend and destroy all such of the Blood Royal, that might contend with him for Title.) Wherefore alluring Secundianus by fair promises and oaths, he at last prevail'd with him to trust himself in his hands, notwithstanding M••nostanes the Eunuch had disswaded him from so doing. Now Darius Nothus had no sooner gotten Secundianus into his power, but he immediately put him to death. This King had one policy beyond his Ancestors; for see∣ing his Forces had been often routed, he chose rather to bribe and conquer with the Purse, than to fight upon an uncertainty with the Pike. The old observation was, that no Town is so strong, but an Ass loaden with Gold might enter therein. The corruption of mens Natures is so great, that all honesty depends upon who bids most. This will (I fancy) in time render all strong holds and fortifi'd places useless, since if any one of the Officers within the same be dishonest, (and what principles can such men have, who live upon Rapine, Fire, and Sword?) the place is lost. Moreover, if Princes consider'd the lives of their common Souldiers when lost in their service, any more than dead Dogs or Crows, they would all follow the example of this Darius, and rather purchase a Fort with the Bribe of 10000 l. than with the loss of 10000 mens lives. But of this more hereafter. Now Darius by this means closed with the stout Lacedemonians, and recover'd most of what his Predecessors lost in Asia. In Scripture it is said, that he promoted the building of the Temple, which by his Father had been interrupted, Ezra 6. His chief Favourites were three Eunuchs, Artoxares, Artibarxanes, and Athous; but his chiefest Counsellor was his Wife Parysatis, by whom he had thirteen Children, whereof only his Daughter Amistris, and his three Sons, Artaxerxes his first Cyrus his second, and Oxendras his third, outlived him. Ctesias writes, that Arsites, the King's own Brother, together with Artyphi∣us, the Son of Megabyzus, joyn'd with the Greeks in a revolt, whereupon they were both taken by Darius's General Artasyras, and immediately by Parysitis's advice put to death, both being cast into ashes; which manner of death, Valerius Maximus saith, was invented by Darius, the Son of Hystaspes, though others attribute it to this Darius Nothus. Now soon after this, P••sathnes, Governour of Lydia, began another Rebellion, which succeeded as the former; for Darius's General Tissaphernes, by corrupting with money some of Pisathnes's men, took him Prisoner, and cast him into ashes; whereupon Darius bestow'd the Government of Lydia upon Tissaphernes. Afterwards follow'd the Treason of Artox∣ares, (a great Favourite with Darius) who conspired about killing him, and transferring the Kingdom to himself; for which purpose, he being an Eunuch, caus'd his Wife to dis∣guise him with a counterfeit Beard: but this Plot being detected, Parysatis had him put to death. At this time it was, that Artaxerxes (Darius's eldest Son) married Statira, the Daughter of Idarnes, a man of great quality among the Persians; and Terituch••es (the Son of Idarnes) married Amistris, Darius's Daughter, which cross Match proved very unhappy; for Terituchmes falling in Love with his Sister Roxana, (a Woman of great Beauty, and well skill'd in Shooting) detested his Wife, in so much as he resolv'd to mur∣der her by the help of 300 men, with whom he also practised to revolt. In the mean while, Vdiastes (a man that had great power with him, being promised a high reward if he could preserve Amistris from the danger of her Husband) slew his Master Terituch∣mes: but the Son of this Vdiastes, (who was Armour-bearer to Terituchmes, and not pre∣sent at his death) after he had notice thereof, cursed his Father, and seizing upon the City Zaris, deliver'd it up to Terituchmes's Son. Thereupon Parysatis did bury alive the Mother, Brethren and Sisters, of Terituchmes, also commanded Roxana to be cut in pieces alive. Darius would have had her to have made away Statira his Daughter-in-law, as well as all the rest; but through the importunity of her Husband Artaxerxes, she gave her her life; of which Darius told her she would afterwards repent, and it fell out accor∣dingly. Against this Darius Nothus the Medes rebell'd, but were after some time reduced again into obedience. At this time the States of Greece being embroyl'd in the P••l••ponesian

War, he made great advantages by siding with the Lacedemonians against the Athenians, who did him much hurt in Asia by their great skill in Navigation. In the 17th year of his Reign, he dispatch'd away his second Son Cyrus (who was born since he came to the Government) down to the Sea-side, as Satrapa, or Lievtenant-General over all his For∣ces, which were used to muster at the Plains of Castolus▪ with orders to assist the Lacede∣monians in their War against the Athenians; by whose assistance, they recover'd all that they had formerly lost. Cyrus had not continued in this Employ above a year or two, be∣fore he grew so high, that he kill'd his two Cosin-germans, Autobaesaces and Mittraeus, because they came not to him with their hands folded under their cloaths; which Cere∣mony was only observ'd in the presence of a King. Their Parents making complaint of this Cruelty to the King his Father, he summon'd Cyrus to come before him, alledging he was not well. Whereupon, Cyrus leaving the Command of all his Cities, Treasure, and Tributes, to Lysander the Spartan, he began his journey, taking along with him Tissapher∣nes as his Friend, and 300 Greeks for his Guard, under the Conduct of Xenias the Parrhasi∣an. His Father lived not long after his Arrival; and in the time of his sickness, Parysatis his Wife (having ruled him all his life, and loving her younger Son Cyrus above her el∣dest) endeavour'd to make her Husband leave Cyrus his Successor, as Darius the Son of Hystaspes did Xerxes; for that he was born to him when he was a King, and the other when he was but a private person. However, Darius not thinking it just, refused to do it, and therefore left Cyrus only those Cities whereof he had made him Governour, but his Kingdom he left solely to his eldest Son Artaxerxes; and so died after he had reign'd 19 years; in the 4th. year of the 93d. Olympiad; the 27th. of the Peloponesian War, then end∣ing; A. M. 3600. and 403 years before the Birth of Christ. From the 2d. year of this Darius Nothus's Reign, Sulpicius Severus, Ioseph Scaliger, Lively, Iunius, and other learned men, reckon the beginning of the 70 weeks of Daniel. Our Author Philostratus differs from all other Chronologers, in making Darius possess the Kingdom of Aegypt 60 years. Now as Apollonius here accuses Darius Nothus of his indiscreet education of his Chil∣dren, so Plato (lib. 7 de Legib.) did condemn Cyrus the Great, and Darius Hystaspes, for the same crime, in that they educated their Children so weakly, as gave occasion for their future Animosities and Wars.

[3] Cyrus and Artaxerxes; this Artaxerxes (the Son of Darius Nothus, and Grand∣son of Artaxerxes Longimanus) was in his minority call'd Arsa••es, or as Plutarch hath it, Darses: but afterwards he receiv'd for his sirname, Artaxerxes Mnemon; Artaxerxes, from the great vertue of his Grandfather; and Mnemon, or Memor, so call'd from the ex∣cellency of his Memory. He had many Wives, and many Concubines. We find mention in Story but of three of his Wives, viz. Statira, the Daughter of Idarnes, Atossa and Ame∣stris, his own two Daughters. The first of these, Statira, was poysoned by her Mother-in-law Parysatis, for that she had been so great an enemy to her Son Cyrus, as also had so great power with her Husband Artaxerxes. His second Wife was Atossa, his own Daugh∣ter, whom (being moved by the excitements of his own incestuous Lust, as well as by the obsequious recommendations of his impious Mother Parysatis) he married. Plut. in Artax. His third Wife was another of his own Daughters called Amestris, who was at first married to one Tirabazus, but afterwards to this her own Father Artaxerxes Mne∣mon. Some will have this Prince to be the same with Ahasuerus, and so give him Vasthi or Esther to Wife, but Matthius, and other Historians, have sufficiently quash'd this er∣••our: for Esther was divorced from Ahasuerus, which none of Artaxerxes's Wives were, Esth. ch. 1.19: Also Queen Esther was an Hebrew by Birth, which neither Statira, Atossa, nor Amestris were, for they were all Persian Women, Esth. 2.17. Plutarch (Vitâ Artax.) writes, that Artaxerxes had 360 Concubines, whereof Aspasia being the most eminent for Beauty and Wit, is the only one that is mention'd by Name: she was at first his younger Brother Cyrus's Concubine, but when he was dead, the elder Brother receiv'd her into fa∣vour, to the misfortune of his whole Court. Aelian, lib. 12. ch. 1. Artaxerxes Mnemon had many Children, as well legitimate as illegitimate: of those that were legitimate, three Sons and five Daughters; Darius the eldest Son, who was executed for a Rebellion; Ariaspes the second, and Ochus the youngest. Pl••t. in Artax. Of his Daughters, Atossa was the eldest, whom afterwards he married; Amestris the second, whom he also marri∣ed; Sisygambis the third, who married her natural Brother Arsames, Rhodagune the fourth,

married to Orontes, General of all the Land-Forces in Persia; and Apame the fifth, married to Pharnabazus, Admiral of the Persian Navy. Plut. in Artax. O•• his illegitimate or na∣tural Sons there were many; Plutarch saith, 160. and Iustin (lib. 10.) saith, 115. whereof only Arsames is mention'd by Name. The Ingratitude of his Sons was so great, that when Artaxerxes had made his Son Darius King in his life-time, thinking to make him sincerer to his paternal Interest, nevertheless the same Darius was so inhumane, to enter into a Conspiracy with 50 of his Brethren to kill their Father; wherein (as Iustin observes, lib. 10.) two things are most prodigious; first, the occasion of Darius's Conspiracy, which was to commit Incest with Aspasia, who had been formerly a Concubine to their Uncle Cyrus, and was now the same to their Father Artaxerxes. And the second thing remarkable is, that in so great a number, the Parricide should not only be agreed on but conceal'd, and that amongst 50 of his own Children, there was not one ••ound, whom either the majesty of a King, reverence of an ancient Man, or indulgence of so kind a Father, could recall from so horrible an act: bu•• this execrable Treason being detected, they were all most de∣servedly put to death, together with their very Wives and Children, Ne quod vestigium tanti sceleris extaret, ••aith Iustin, lib. 10. As for Aspasia, when the old man first heard their demands, he had put her into a Religious House call'd, The Temple of the Sun, which so exasperated Darius into this unnatural Revenge which soon after broke his Fathers heart. Having thus therefore described the several Marriages and Children of Artaxerxes, give me leave in the next place to acquaint you with the Dissentions betwixt his younger Brother Cyrus and him, occasion'd (as I said before) by the Legacy of their Father Darius Nothus, who bequeath'd to Artaxerxes his Kingdom, and to Cyrus those Cities whereof he was before Lievtenant. For Cyrus thinking this Legacy unequal, as also being encoura∣ged by his Mother Parysatis, did secretly prepare to levy War against his Brother; where∣of Artaxerx••s having notice, sent for him; who pretending his great innocency, immedi∣ately surrendred himself, and was by his Brother bound in Chains of Gold, also had been put to death had not his Mother interceded for him: as having likewise design'd to have murder'd his Brother, whilst he was shifting his Robes in the Temple, whereof Tissaphernes was the discoverer. But Cyrus being thus dismiss'd; did now again begin to levy War up∣on his Brother, not clandestinely, but openly▪ therefore with some Auxiliary Greeks to en∣courage his own Forces, he marches up boldly to engage his Brother, who was at the head of a far greater number; yet nevertheless Cyrus his men, and especially the Greeks, had the better of the day, till by the fatal wound and unhappy death of Cyrus, the scales were turn'd; some say, he receiv'd the wound from Artaxerxes own hand, but Ctesias Cni∣dius (who was the King's own Physician) writes, that it was given him by a Caunian of mean condition. Now Cyrus being thus slain, Artaxerxes commanded his Head and his right Hand to be cut off; after which, marching to plunder his Camp, he there ••eiz'd on his Brother's Phoc••an Concubine Aspas••a, and took her for his own; as I have already shew'd. After this, the King beginning his March homewards, and Parysatis the Queen-Mother being inform'd of her beloved Son Cyrus's death, medi••ated upon nothing else but how to be revenged on those that were the chief Instruments of it. Wherefore the Caunian and one Mithridates being both condemn'd to die, (each of them for bragging that they had kill'd Cyrus with their own hands, because thereby they robb'd the King of that honour, which he pretended unto himself) Parysatis begg'd to have the torturing of them, which Artaxerxes granting her, she perform'd with such feminine cruelty, that they were 17 days in dying. The next Tragedy she acted was upon Megates the Eunuch, whom having won of Artaxerxes at Dice, she caused to be f••ea'd alive, for that he was the person who cut off the Head and Hands of her Son Cyrus. Afterwards her Revenge fasten'd upon the Queen Statira, with whom although she carried it fair outwardly, yet she hated mortally, partly by reason of her former enmity to Cyrus, partly for her great interest with the King her Husband, and partly upon the account that she had put to death many of those, who by Parysatis's means had formerly murder'd her Brother Terituchmes, and her other Relations; wherefore being at Supper together, Parysatis cutting a Bird in the middle with a Knife that was poyson'd on one side, gave that part which was next the Poyson to Statira, who seeing Parysatis her self eat of the same Bird suspected nothing, nevertheless Statira died of the same with great Torment and Convulsions: some time before she died, she began to suspect the true cause of her illness, and acquainted the King

with it; who knowing the implacable malice of his Mother, soon credited it, and there∣upon tortured her nearest Servants; but she kept one Gygis, a waiting Woman, who had been accessary to the fact, and would not deliver her up to him, till at length having no∣tice that she design'd to escape by night, he surpriz'd and condemn'd her to have her Head bruis'd to pieces between two Stones, which is the Persian Law for Poysoners. As for his Mother Parysatis, he hurt her not in the least, either in word or deed, but she desiring to go to Babylon, he sent her only with this farewell, that then he would not see that City so long as she lived. And this is the true state of the domestick Affairs of Artaxerxes. Plut. in Artax. Xenoph. exped. Cyri, lib. 6. lib. 7. Artaxerxes after the overthrow of Cyrus, sent down Tissaphernes (and not Pharnabazus, as Diodorus writes) to the Sea-coasts to recover them again into his power, which belonged to him, both by Inheritance from his Father, and by Conquest from his Brother: all which readily submitted to his Summons. Soon after the Greek Cities, under, Thymbro their Captain-General, declared against the King, and from a small power grew very considerable, and successful, chiefly from an Emulation and Dissention between the two Persian Generals, Tissaphernes and Pharnaba∣zus: which produced frequent Miscarriages abroad, and Accusations at home, one of another, to the King, till at last Agesilaus obtaining a considerable Victory over the Persi∣ans near the River Pactolus, for want of their Foot, which was occasion'd by Tissapher∣nes's absence, they accused him to the King of Treachery, which Accusation being vigo∣rously prosecuted by Parysatis, (who bore him a mortal grudge upon the account of her Son Cyrus) Artaxerxes made Tithraustes General in his stead, with a particular Commis∣sion to put to death Tissaphernes, which accordingly was done; for Ariaeus alluring him to Colossus in Phrygia, under pretence of a new Commission for him, did there seize Tissapher∣nes in the Baths, and send him Prisoner to Tithraustes, who forthwith cut off his Head, and sent it to the King, also the King sent it as a Present to his Mother Parysatis, who greatly rejoyced at the sight. Of this read more in Plutarch, Xenophon, Diodorus, and Pausanias. Now concerning this King's Reign Historians vary; Plutarch makes his Rule to be 62 years; others say, 55 years; others, 49. and others 43. or 44. but the most credible opini∣on is that of Beda, in his six Ages of the World, and of Eusebius, in his Chronicle, who say, that Artaxerxes for grief of his Sons wickedness, died in the 43 d. year of his Reign, being Anno Mundi, 3610. ante Christi Nativit. 361.

[4] Artaxerxes, the Son of Xerxes, whose sirname was Longimanus, so call'd, à Longi∣tudine manus, for that as Strabo tells us, (lib. 15.) his Hands and Arms were so long, that standing straight and upright with his Body, his Hands reach'd down below his Knees. But Plutarch (Vita Artaxerx.) saith, that he had one Hand longer than the other, excepting which blemish, he was the most beautiful man of his time. Xerxes, the Father of this Prince, being murder'd by his Uncle Artabanus, left behind him three Sons, viz. Darius, Hystaspes, and Artaxerxes Longimanus; at the time of Xerxes's death, the eldest and the youngest were resident in his Court, but Hystaspes was absent, as being then Go∣vernour of Bactria. Now Artabanus having murder'd their Father, went immediately in the dead time of the night to Artaxerxes the third Son, and made him believe that his el∣der Brother Darius was the person that had kill'd his Father, out of an ambition to reign himself, as also that he had a design upon his life; whereupon Artabanus promising him the assistance of his Guards if he would kill his Brother Darius, Artaxerxes giving credit to all that he had said, did forthwith put Darius to death. When this was done, Artabanus calling his Sons together, told them, that if ever they thought to obtain the Kingdom, then was the time, and that it could only be done by Artaxerxes's death. Hereupon they drawing their Swords with a design to kill him, Artaxerxes receiving but one slight wound, defended himself so bravely, that he slew Artabanus on the place, as some will have it; though others with more reason defer the time of Artabanus's death, to whom also seven months in the Empire are attributed by Eusebius. Now by this means, Darius being slain, Artaxerxes came to the Empire in his youth, being the 4th. year of the 78th. Olym∣piad, or in the beginning of the 79th. Lysitheus being then Archon at Athens, A.M. 3540. and 463 years before the Birth of Christ. Those Author•• who write, that Artabanus sur∣vived his first Conflict, say also, that he made a second Attempt upon Artaxerxes's Life, which design he communicated to Megabyzus, who had married the Daughter of Xerxes, and for her loose life was fallen into a discontent; which Artabanus did, as thinking no∣thing

would make a man more valiant and desperate than an ill Wife: accordingly Me∣gabyzus took an Oath of secresie, yet nevertheless soon after discover'd the whole business, so that Artabanus was instantly put to death for the same; at which time, all his other Treasons came out, concerning the Murder of X••rxes and Dari••••. After A••tabanus's death, (which is at large describ'd by Iustin) great Troubles ensued, his Party being very strong and numerous, till at length by the courage of Megabyzus, (who was dangerously wounded in the Conflict) three of Artabanus's Sons being kill'd, the Tumult ceas'd. The next Disturbance that alarm'd Artaxerxes was a Revolt of the Bactria••s, occasion'd, as some say▪ by his Brother Hystaspes their Governour, out of indignation, to see his youngest Brother preferr'd before him. Two Battels were fought in this Quarrel, in the latter of which, the Wind blowing in the Faces of the Bactrians, Artaxerxes became victorious, and reduced all that Countrey to his obedience. After this, Artaxerxes had no sooner ••ett••ed the Affairs of his Kingdom, and removed all such Officers as were not for his turn, but the Aegyptians having heard of the Disorders in Persia upon the death of Xerxes, began to think of recovering their Liberty▪ for which purpose, setting up Inarus King of Lybia, and Son of Psammetichus, for their Prince, they began a Revol•• under his Conduct: they furthermore sent to crave aid of the Athenians, who desiring as well to get ••ooting in Aegypt, as to reduce the power of the Persian Monarch, furnish'd them with 300 Ship••▪ Against these Preparations Artaxerxes dispatch'd (besides a great Fleet) also an Army of 3 or 400000 Foot, under the Command of Achaemenid••s, who (as Ctesias saith) was his Brother, but (as Diodorus saith) his great Uncle, being the Son of Darius Hystaspes. This Persian Army was encounter'd and beat by the Egyptian and Lybian Forces, wherein Achaemenides the General, and 100000 Persians were slain. After this Artaxerxes offer'd great Bribes to the Laced••monians, for their assistance in this War, which they refused; his design being to make them fall out with Athens, that so the Athenians might be com∣pell'd to withdraw their Forces out of Egypt. Nevertheless Artaxerxes by the next Spring raises a new Army of above 300000▪ which he sent against the Egyptians, under the Com∣mand of Megabyzus, (the Son of that Zopyrus who recover'd Babylon to Darius) joyning Artabazus in Commission with him. In this second Expedition, Megabyzus wounded King Inarus in the Thigh, and obtain'd so great a Victory, that he totally reduced the Egyptians to obedience, and having taken King Inarus Prisoner, Artaxerxes made him be crucified. The Athenian Fleet was likewise destroy'd by a stratagem; for the Persians di∣verting the course of the River wherein they lay, by making new Channels at the mouth of it, left the Ships at Anchor upon dry ground, and so assaulted them with their Land-Ar∣my, and took them. Now Artaxerxes having thus composed his Troubles in Bactria and Egypt, did in the 7th. year of his Reign make a Decree in behalf of the Iews, that whoso∣ever of them would, might go up with Ezra, and inhabit Ierusalem. He also contributed several sums of Money for their Sacrifices, and other uses, to be disposed of according to the discretion of Ezra; wherewith Ezra began to build the Walls of Ierusalem. In the 15th. year of Artaxerxes, the Athenians having recruited their former losses, did with their Fleet, under the Convoy of their Admiral Cimon, very much infest the Persians at Cy∣prus, in so much that Artaxerxes was glad to clap up a Peace with them upon disadvan∣tagious terms; viz. that all the Greek Cities in Asia should be free from the Persian yoke. In this last Engagement at Cyprus, Cimon perish'd, and in him the true Gallantry of the Greekish Nation; for none of their Captains after him did any thing considerable against the Barbarians, excepting Agesilaus, whose War also was short, and of little consequence. In the 20th. year of Artaxerxes▪ Nehemiah his Cup-bearer (Nehem. 1.11.) hearing that the Wall of Ierusalem was broken down, and the Gates burnt with fire, obtained leave of him to go with a large Commission for the rebuilding of the Walls, as also with a Mand••∣mus to the Keeper of the King's Forrests, to furnish him with Wood for that purpose. About this time it was that Megabyzus, Artaxerxes's General, who had done him that service in Egypt, was disobliged by the King, in putting those Egyptian Prisoners to death, whom he had promis'd their Pardons; in so much, that Megabyzus leaving the Court in discontent, and retiring to his Command in Syria, did there with the assistance of some Greeks, begin an open Rebellion against the King his Master, and obtain'd two famous Victories over him. Nevertheless, by the mediation of Friends betwixt both, together with the assurance of a free Pardon, Artaxerxes and Megabyzus were again reconciled,

and he brought into the King's presence. But soon after being both together hunting of a Lion, and Megabyzus happening to kill the Lion just as the King was going to strike him, the King was so greatly offended thereat, that he commanded Megabyzus his Head to be cut off; however, by the intercession of Friends, the King for that time gave him his life, and only banished him; so unmindful are Princes of all past services! when after five years exile, he made Friends with Artaxerxes, and was restored again to his Favour, so as to eat at his own Table: but soon after he died, being 76 years of age, whose loss was much la∣mented by the King, and all others. Nor did the King himself Artaxerxes Longimanus long survive him, but departed this life, having reign'd, according to Diodorus, 40 years; according to Sulpitius Severus, 41 years; according to Ctesias, 42 years: but the most pro∣bable opinion is, that he died in the beginning of the 42d. year of his Reign, being the 2d. year of the 89th. Olympiad; A. M. 3582. and 421 ante Nat. Ch. Ctesias (in Excerpris Histor. Persi••.) writes, that Artaxerxes had only one legitimate Son by his Wife Damaspia, named Xerxes; but 17 by Concubines, amongst which the three chief were, Sogdianus, Ochus, (call'd afterwards Darius Nothus) and Arsi••es; whereof Sogdianus killing Xerxes, and Sogdianus himself being put to death by the Army, Ochus (or Darius Nothus) suc∣ceeded his Father Longimanus to the Crown. Some write that Artaxerxes Longimanus had one Daughter named Parysatis, but this is uncertain.

[5] The story of Themistocles the Athenian, who sometimes coming out of Greece, con∣vers'd with Artaxerxes, &c. This Themistocles was a person of great eminency amongst the Athenians, who having spent his youth in Luxury and Extravagancy, attoned for the same by the great Virtue of his riper years: for he first fortified that famous Har∣bour Piraeeus, and afterwards overcame the Persians in a Sea-Engagement at Salamines. Plutarch (who hath written his Life at large) saith, that none of the Greeks excell'd him, and few equaliz'd him. Now the Story which Philostratus here mentions concern∣ing him, is this: That Themistocles being falsly accused by the Athenians, for joyning with Pausanias in a Conspiracy to assist the Persians against their own Country, was forced to save his Life by flying into Persia, where by Artaxerxes Longimanus (the then King) he was honourably receiv'd, and bountifully entertain'd, having three Cities given him, one for Bread, another for Wine, and a third for Victuals; to which some add two more for Cloaths and Linen; and that afterwards he died a natural death at Magnesia. However, others write, that Themistocles being unable to perform his promise to the King, of conquering Greece, (which by this time had Cimon, and many other experienced Cap∣tains amongst them) poysoned himself for grief. But of this see more in Plutarch, Cor∣nelius Nepos, Thucydides, and Valerius Maximus.

Now for as much as in this Chapter, (and elsewhere in this Book) are written the Lives of some of the Persian and Grecian Monarchs, it may not be improper to give you a compendious Account of the Succession of the four Monarchies, which (although I de∣sign for a distinct Treatise hereafter by it self, in a general Body of History, if Life, Health, and Peace, will permit me) may nevertheless at this time prove usefull to such as read the foregoing part of this Chapter. Know then, that History is the Commemoration of things past, with the due Circumstances of Time and Place, in distinct Distances, Intervals, Pe∣riods, or Dynasties, by lineal Descents, for the more ready help of Memory and Applica∣tion. And this (as the learned Prideaux observes) may be divided into Either,

• 1. Ecclesiastical.
• 2. Political.
• 3. Of Successions in States, Countreys, or Families.
• 4. Of Professions, as the Lives of famous men in any Faculty.
• 5. Natural, as that of Pliny, the Lord Bacon's Natural History, &c.
• 6. Various, such as we have from Valerius Maximus, Plutarch, and Aelian. Or
• 7. Vain, Legendary or Fabulous, such as are comprehended under the Name of Romances.

But of these, the two first being only to my purpose at this time, I shall not trouble you with the other five.

First, For Ecclesiastical History, that insisteth chiefly on Church-matters, and hath pre∣cedency before others in respect of its Antiquity, Dignity, and pretended Certainty.

Now that is generally reckoned after this manner, Beginning,

• 1. From the Creation to the end of the Flood, 1657 years.
• 2. From the Flood to the calling of Abraham, 367 years.
• 3. From the calling of Abraham to the Israelites departing out of Aegypt, 430 years.
• 4. From the Aegyptians coming out of Aegypt to the building of Solomon's Temple, 480 years.
• 5. From the building Solomon's Temple to the erecting of the second Temple by Zo∣robabel, 497 years.
• 6. From the building Zorobabel's second Temple to the Nativity of our Saviour Christ, 529 years.
• 7. From the Nativity of our Saviour to this present time, 1680 years.

Secondly, To Ecclesiastical History thus briefly comprehended, Political in the same method succeeds, treating of Civil Matters in Kingdoms, States, or Commonwealths; and this is, according to prophane Chronology, carried along in these Periods,

Beginning,

• 1. From Nimrod (or rather Belus) to Cyrus.
• 2. From Cyrus to Alexander the Great.
• 3. From Alexander the Great to Iulius Caesar; and the fourth Monarchy beginning▪
• 4. From Iulius Caesar to Constantine the Great, in whom it ended.

For thus Historians have ever divided the Series of prophane Story into these four Em∣pires, called the Assyrian, the Persian, the Grecian, and the Roman. As for the first of these, viz. the Assyrian Monarchy, it was first begun by Nimrod, and destroy'd by Cy∣rus; as for what passed before the beginning of this Empire, we have no other account but in sacred Writ, wherewith since every one either is or ought to be already acquaint∣ed, I shall take no further notice of it in this place. We read therefore that after the Division of the Earth, Nimrod (the Son of Chush, and Nephew of Cham) fixed his Seat at Babel, and therein first began that Kingdom or Empire, which was call'd by some the Babylonian, from Babel, the place of the King's Court or Residence; by others the Chal∣daan, from the Countrey Chaldaea, wherein the City Babylon was seated; and by others the Assyrian, from Ashur, the Son of Sem, who is call'd by prophane Authors, Ni••us, and whom Iustin out of Trogus would have to be the first Founder of this Empire, as also the first King that made War upon his Neighbours. Iustin, lib. 1. Now as this Monarchy was at first instituted by Nimrod or Belus, (which from Iulius African••s and the best Authors I find to be the same) so was it enlarged by Ninus and his Wife Semiramis, in whose time it was at the height of glory and grandeur; for afterwards by reason of the effeminacy of its Princes it declined, till by the ruine and fall of that Monster, Sardana∣palus, (who was Mars ad opus Veneris, Martis ad arma Venus) the Empire became di∣vided between those two Rebels, Arbaces and Bel••chus, in whose Successions it lasted, till by the death of Belshazzar, last King of the Babylonians, and of Darius, last King of the M••des, the whole Empire was again united, and so descended upon Cyrus the Great, who began the second Empire of the Medes and Persians. This first Empire began in the year of the World, 1788. it lasted 1646 years, and was subverted or translated into Per∣sia in the year of the World, 3434. Now the several Races and Successions of Kings that govern'd this first Assyrian Monarchy, are as followeth:

I. Familia Beli.

• 1. Nimrod, or Belus.
• 2. Ninus.
• 3. His Wife Semiramis.
• 4. Nin••as, or Ninus the II.
• 5. Arius, of whom together with these that follow▪ there is little known, till we come to Sard••••••palus.
• 6. Arali••s.
• 7. Bal•••••• the I▪
• 8. Armatrites.
• 9. Belachus the I.
• 10. Baleus the II.
• 11. Altadas.
• 12. Mamitus.
• 13. Mancaleus.
• 14. Shaerus.
• 15. Ma••••elus.
• 16. Sparetus.
• 17. Asca••••des.
• 18. A••yntas.
• 19. Beloch••s the II.
• 20. Bellopares.
• 21. Lamprides.
• 22. Sosares.
• 23. Lampar••s.
• 24. P••nnias.
• 25. S••sarmus.
• 26. Mitreus.
• 27. Tau••an••s.
• 28. Teutaeus.
• 29. Ti••aeus.
• 30. D••••••ilus.
• 31. E••pa••••s.
• 32. L••••sthenes▪
• 33. Pyrithidias.
• 34. Ophra••••••s.
• 35. Ophraga••••••s.
• 36. Ascrazape••.
• ...

• 37. Sardanapalus; after whose death the Empire was divided between Arbaces and Be∣lochus; Arbaces enjoy'd the Government of the Medes, and Belochus of the Assyri∣ans: their Successions were are as followeth:
  • 1. Arbaces.
  • 2. Mandauces.
  • 3. Sosarmus.
  • 4. Artycas.
  • 5. Arbianes.
  • 6. Arsaeos, or Deioces.
  • 7. Phraortes.
  • 8. Cyaxares. And
  • 9. Astyages, the Father of Darius Medus.
  • 1. Phul-Belochus.
  • 2. Tiglat-Philassar.
  • 3. Salmanassar.
  • 4. Sennacherib.
  • 5. Assar-Haddon.
  • 6. Merodach.
  • 7. Ben-Merodach:
  • 8. Nabopalassar.
  • 9. Nabuchodonosor.
  • 10. Evil-Merodach. And
  • 11. Belsazar.

For Astyages and Belsazar gave a period to this first Monarchy, whereof Cyrus became sole Monarch.

Now concerning this second Monarchy, some will have it that Darius Medus, the Son of Astyages, began it, and that Cyrus (Astyages his Grandson by his Daughter Manda∣na) did enlarge and perfect it, for that (they being both Kings, one of Media, and the other of Persia) when joyning their Forces together, they overthrew Belsazar Darius, thereupon annex'd Babylon to his part of the Empire. Yet nevertheless the most general and most reasonable opinion is, that Cyrus alone was the first Founder of the second Mo∣narchy, because that whilst Darius lived, the Empire was divided betwixt Cyrus and himself; for as Xenophon testifies, Cyrus out of his liberality and bounty, permitted Da∣rius to possess the Kingdoms of Media and Babylon during his life, both which, after Da∣rius's death, he united to his own: from which union we may most properly derive the original of the second Monarchy, and by consequence attribute its sole foundation to Cyrus. It was call'd the Monarchy of the Medes and Persians, because the Empire did chiefly consist of those two Kingdoms. The principal Enlargers of this second Monarchy were Cyrus the Great, Darius Hystaspes, and Artaxerxes Longimanus; as for the rest of the Kings that ruled it, they were so tyrannical and vicious, that the Empire suffer'd much under their Government, till it was totally subverted under the Reign of Darius Codomannus, who being overcome by Alexander the Great, lost both his Life and Empire; which was immediately thereupon translated into Greece, where Alexander began the third and Grecian Monarchy from that fall of Darius Codomannus. This second Monar∣chy of the Medes and Persians lasted (from its beginning under Cyrus to its subversion under Darius) 228 years: wherein there were two Families possest the Empire; the first was of Cyrus; the second of Darius Hystaspes: as for the Family of Cyrus, it expi∣red in his Son Cambyse••; who killing his own Brother Smerdis, and committing Incest with his Sisters, did afterwards lose his life by a Rebellion of the Magi, who, pretending the King's Brother Smerdis was not slain, set up a Pseudo-Smerdis of their own to reign, which was soon discover'd by his cropt ears, and made away by the Nobles. After which, Cambyses having left behind him but only one Daughter Pantaptes, and the Em∣pire being left without a Prince to govern, it was agreed on by those seven Noblemen, (Otanes, Intaphernes, Gobryas, Megabysus, Aspathines, Hydarnes, and Darius, afterwards call'd Hystasp••s, who had lately conspired together, and destroy'd both the Magi and their Pseudo-Smerdis) that from amongst themselves a new King should be elected after this manner: viz. that each of them riding the next morning into the Suburbs, he whose Horse first neigh'd should obtain the Empire; which thereupon (as I have shew'd els••∣where) fell to Darius Hystaspes, by the cunning of his Groom O••bares, who giving his Master's Horse a Mare in the same place over-night, the Horse immediately fell a neigh∣ing so soon as he came thither again the next morning: and so won his Master Darius the Kingdom; whose Family was the second and last Race of Kings that govern'd this se∣cond Monarchy of the M••des and Persians, as appears in this Line of their Succession:

I. Familia Prima.

• 1. Cyrus the Great.
• 2. Cambyses.

II. Familia Secunda.

• 3. Darius Hystaspes.
• 4. Xerxes.
• 5. Artaxerxes Longimanus.
• 6. Darius No••hu••••.
• 7. Artaxerxes Mnemon.
• 8. Artaxerxes Ochus.
• 9. Arsames. And
• 10. Darius Codom••••nus; who was the last of the Persian Monarch•• and in whose death the second Monarchy was extinct: for Alexander the Great robbing him both of his Life and Empire, did thereupon begin the third great Monarchy in Greece.

As for the third Empire or Monarchy, which immediately took its rise from the fall of the second, it is called the Grecian or Macedonian Monarchy, from its 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Founder Alex∣ander the Great, who was of Macedon, and a Grecian born: for he ••aving overcome Darius, the last King of the Persians, first establish'd this third Monarchy of Greece, in the year of the World, 3642. a••te Christi Nat. 329. This Dominion of Alexander's ex∣cell'd all others that had been before; for that having annex'd the Kingdoms of Media and Persia to his own Empire of Greece, he in the space of twelve years rendred himself almost Master of the whole Universe. But this third and Grecian Monarchy lasted not long in this united flourishing condition; for Alexander dying without Sons, and leav∣ing his Dominions, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to the worthiest, occasion'd many Competitors, every one in his own esteem claiming a share, till after many sharp Contests amongst them, four of the most eminent shared the Empire between themselves, dividing it into four Dyna∣sties or Kingdoms, viz. the Kingdom of Macedon, the Kingdom of Asia Minor, the Kingdom of Syria, and the Kingdom of Aegypt: all which were in process of time redu∣ced to the Roman Yoke. 1. Asia Minor was conquer'd by the Romans, when Antiochus the Great was vanquish'd by L. Scipio the Proconsul; who for that Victory was ever af∣ter call'd Asiaticus: Iustin, lib. 31. and Livy, lib. 37. 2. The Romans subdued Mace∣don, when Paulus Aemylius the Roman Consul took Perseus (the last King of Macedonia) Prisoner, which was A. M. 3803. and about 156 years after the death of Alexander the Great. 3. The Romans conquer'd Syria, when Tigranes was defeated by Pompey, which was 260 years after the death of Alexander. M. Iustin, Plutarch, Livy. 4. and lastly, Augustus Caesar added the Kingdom of Aegypt to the Roman Empire, upon his Victory over Anthony and Cleopatra, reducing it into the form of a Province, which hap∣pen'd 294 years after Alexander's death. Plutarch in Anton. Polem. lib. 3. ch. 8. So as this Grecian Monarchy lasted compleatly 300 years; that is to say, from the death of Alexander the Great, to the death of Cleopatra, 294 years, as Ptolemy writes; where∣unto if 6 more are added for the Reign of Alexander, from the death of Darius Codo∣mannus, to his own death, it will amount to the just and full time of 300 years. Arria∣nus, Diod••rus. Now for the Succession of those several Kings that possess'd the four Di∣visions of this third Grecian Monarchy, they were as followeth:

I. Over the whole Grecian Monarchy, reign'd Alexander M. 6 years, beginning his Reign, A. M. 3642.

II. Over the Monarchy as it was divided, reign'd four several Kings; the Macedo∣nian, Asiatick, Syrian, and Aegyptian.

I. The Kings of Macedon were,

• 1. Aridaus, the Brother of Alexander M.
• 2. Cassander, the Son of Antipater.
• 3. Philippus, the Son of Cassander.
• 4. Antipater and Alexander, both Sons of Cassander.
• 5. Demetrius Poliorcetes, Son of Antigonus, King of Asia.
• 6. Pyrrhus, King of Epirus.
• 7. Lysimachus of Thrace, Alexander's Offi∣cer that kill'd the Lion.
• 8. Ptolemaus Ceraunus, Son of Ptolomaus Lagus.
• 9. Meleager, one of Alexander's old Offi∣cers.
• 10. Antipater the II.
• ...

• 11. Sosthenes▪
• 12. Antigonus Gonatas, Son of Demetrius Poliorceres.
• 13. Demetrius, the second Son of Antigonus.
• 14. Antigonus the second, sirnamed Doson.
• 15. Philippus (Son of Demetrius the 11^th) was overcome by the Romans.
• 16. Perseus, the last King of Macedon; who being overcome by Paulus Aemy••••us, the Roman Consul, was imprison'd during life: by which means, the Kingdom of Macedon coming under the Roman Juris∣diction, they were nevertheless permit∣ted to enjoy their freedom, till being be∣tray'd into a Rebellion by a counterfeit Philip, their Commander, the Romans upon that reduced them into a Province. And this was the end of that one part of the third and Grecian Monarchy call'd Macedonia, A. M. 3803.

II. The Kings of Asia Minor were,

• 1. Antigonus, Philip of Macedon's Natural Son.
• 2. Demetrius Poliorcetes, who was expell'd this Kingdom by his Son-in-law Seleucus Nicanor, after which, this Asia Minor was annex'd to the Kingdom of Syria, A. M. 3683.

III. The Kings of Syria were,

• 1. S••leucus Nicanor.
• 2. Antiochus S••ter, the Son of Seleucus Nicanor.
• 3. Antiochus the second, sirnamed Theos.
• 4. Seleuchus ••••llinichus, the Son of Theos.
• 5. Seleucus Ceraunus, the Son of Callinicus.
• 6. Antiochus Magnus, the Brother of Ce∣raunus.
• 7. Seleuc••s Philopater, or Soter, the Son of Antiochus M.
• 8. Antiochus Epiphanes, the Brother of Se∣leucus Epiphanes.
• 9. Antiochus Eupator, the Son of Antiochus Epiphanes.
• ••0: Demetrius Soter.
• 11. Alexander Bala, or Veles:
• 12. Demetrius Nicanor, the Son of Deme∣trius Soter.
• 13. Antiochus Entheus.
• 14. Tryphon.
• 15. Antiochus Sidete••, alias Soter, the Son of Demetrius Nicanor.
• 16. Demetrius II. Nicanor redux.
• 17. Alexander Zebenna.
• 18. Antiochus Grypus, the Son of Demetrius.
• 19. Antiochus Cyzicenus, Seleucus the 5th. Antiochus Eusebes, Philippus, and De∣metrius, were all the Sons of Grypus, who being at variance amongst themselves, became a prey to Tigranes of Parthia.
• 20. Tigranes himself was soon after subdued likewise by Pompey, and Syria made a Province by the Romans, A. M. 3890.

IV. The Kings of Aegypt were,

• 1. Ptolemaeus Lagus, Philip of Macedon's Natural Son.
• 2. Ptol. Philadelphus, that married his own Sister Arsinoe.
• 3. Ptol. Evargetes.
• 4. Ptol. Philopator.
• 5. Ptol. Epiphanes.
• 6. Ptol. Philometor.
• 7. Ptol. Physcon.
• 8. Ptol. Lathurus, or Lamyrus.
• 9. Ptol. Alexander.
• 10. Ptol. Lathurus, recall'd again from Banishment.
• 11. Ptol. Auletes.
• 12. Ptol. Dionysius.
• 13. Cleopatra (the Daughter of Ptol. Au∣letes) was at first the beloved Mistress of Iulius Caesar, and afterwards of Mark Anthony, whose overthrow at Actium broke her heart, so that she voluntarily threw away her own life with the biting of an Asp; after which Aegypt was re∣duced into a Roman Province, whereby the third Monarchy did totally expire.

Wherefore the Roman Power having in this manner swallow'd up the four several Di∣visions of the third Monarchy, the fourth Monarchy must by consequence take its begin∣ning at Rome; and so we find it: for Iulius Caesar is reckon'd to be the first Founder of this fourth Empire, which derives its Name of Roman from the City of Rome it self: Plutarch speaking of the greatness of this Empire saith, Romanum imperium velut Anchora fuit fluctuanti Mundo. The City of Rome was call'd the Head of the World, and the Ro∣mans the Lords of the Universe.

Terrarum Dea, gentiumque Roma, Cu•• par est nihil, & nihil secundum▪ Mart▪

Also Propertius:

Omnia Romanae cedant miracula terrae; Natura hic posuit, quicquid ubi{que} fuit.

Again Ovid:

Gentibus est ali••s Tellus datalimite certo, Romanae spatium est urbis & orbis idem. Lib. 2. Fast.

Likewise Petronius Arbit.

Orbem jam totum victor Romanus habebat, Qua mare, qua terre, qua sidus currit utrum{que}

This Roman Empire is divided into several Periods: whereof the first (which compre∣hends all the Heathen Emperors, and lasts about 355 years) is reckon'd from Iulius Cae∣sar to Constantine the Great; the second from Constantine the Great to Iustinian, the third from Iustinian to Charles the Great; and the fourth from Charles the Great down to our present Times, therein containing the Government of the Western Franks. But for as much as Philostratus lived long before any of these late Periods, so that I can have no occasion to mention any part of their History, I shall therefore at this time descend▪ no lower than the first Period of this fourth Monarchy, which begins with Iulius Caesar, and ends in Constantius C••l••••us, the Father of Constantine the Great, and so conclude. The Succession of this Empire was thus:

• 1. Caius Iulius Caesar.
• 2. Octavianus Caesar Au∣gustus.
• 3. Cl. Tiberius Nero.
• 4. Cajus Caligula.
• 5. Claudius Tiberius Drusus.
• 6. Cl. Domitius Nero.
• 7. Sergius Galba.
• 8. Salvius Otho.
• 9. Aulus Vitellius.
• 10. Flavius Vespasianus.
• 11. Titus Vespasianus.
• 12. Fl. Domitianus.
• 13. Nerva Cocceius:
• 14. Ulpius Traianus.
• 15. Aelius Hadrianus.
• 16. Antoninus Pius.
• 17. M. Aur. Antoninus Philosoph.
• 18. Aurelius Commodus.
• 19. P. Aelius Pertinax.
• 20. Didius Iulianus.
• 21. Septimius Severus.
• 22. Antoninus Bassianus Caracalla.
• 23. Opilius Macrinus▪
• 24. Heliogabalus.
• 25. Aur. Alex and. Se∣verus.
• 26. Maximinus Thrax.
• 27. Gordianus, Father and Son.
• 28. Pupienus and Balbi∣nus.
• 29. Gordianus the third.
• 30. Philippios Arabs, and his Son.
• 31. Decius, and his Son.
• 32. Tre••onianus Gallus.
• 33. P. Licinius Valeria∣nus.
• 34. P Licinius Gallienus.
• 35. Cla••d••us.
• 36. Valerius Aur••lia∣nus.
• 37. M. Claudius Tacitus▪
• 38. M. Aurelius Probus.
• 39. M. Aurel. Ca••us.
• 40. Valerius Dio••leria∣nus, and
• 41. Constantius Chlorus, the Father of Constan∣tine the Great.

This compendious Scheme of History is what I some years since composed for my own private use, as an assistant to my bad memory, and whereby I have found no small be∣nefit in my reading ancient Story; for without some such general knowledge of the Suc∣cession as well of Empires as Kings at first obtain'd, a man will find himself at a great loss when he reads any one Prince's Life, which generally relates to former Occurrences, wh••reof he is ignorant; as also not so well able to digest and remember what he then reads. To be first well acquainted with the Rise, Progress, Declension, and final Subver∣sion of an Empire, is above all things the greatest help to him that shall afterwards read the Lives of its several Princes; he that knows how the first Assyrian Monarchy was founded by Nimrod, enlarged by Ninus and Semiramis, divided upon the death of Sarda∣napalus, and destroy'd by Cyrus, may afterwards launch with pleasure and confidence into the Chronicles of that first Monarchy▪ He that understands how Cyrus by the defeat of Belsazer, and by his Uncle Darius Medus's death, possessed himself of the whole As∣syrian and Babylonian Monarchy, and translating the same into Persia, did there begin the second Monarchy; how Cyrus's Family extinguishing in his Son Cambyses, Darius Hysta∣spes won the Empire by his Horse's neighing; and how it continued in his Family, till by Darius Codomanus's Luxury, this second Monarchy was subverted and translated into Greece by Alexander the Great, shall very easily acquaint himself with all other parts of

the Persian Story. Also he that is at first acquainted with the beginning of this third Gre∣cian Monarchy, by Alexander the Great his Victory over Darius, with the division of the same by his death into four several Kingdoms, and how each of those four Kingdoms were afterwards subdued by the Romans, will be able the more easily to inform himself not only of the several Decays and final Ruine of the third Empire, but likewise of the many Advances which the Romans made to the fourth, till at last it began under Iulius Caesar, and extended its first Period to Constantine the Great. So that nothing is a greater help to an Historian, than a right understanding of the several Descents and Falls of one Monarchy into another, which method being so useful, brief, and new, I hope may not prove less beneficial to others than to my self. Yet nevertheless, since I design this but as an assistance to their reading the Histories at large, those who are so minded may please for the first Assyrian Monarchy, besides the Scriptures, to peruse Iosephus, Diod••∣rus Siculus, and Iustin, the Epitomizer of Trogus; other ancient Authors there were who treated of those Times, as Ctesias, Berosus▪ and Megasthenes, whereof we have now only some few fragments remaining in Photius and Iosephus; unless you will give credit to that counterfeit Monk Annius Viterbiensis, who hath imposed upon the World his own Impostures under the Names of Berosus, C••esias, Megasthenes, and other ancient Writers. For the second Monarchy which was called the Persian, they may read Herodotus, wherein he that distinguishes between what he delivers of his own knowledge, and what from the report of others, shall not be deceiv'd: let them also read Thucydides, who faithfully delivers an Account of the Peloponesian War, which happen'd in his own Time: neither must that great Captain, Philosopher, and Historian, Xenophon, be omitted, not∣withstanding his History of Cyrus seems rather to be a political Romance, and Character of what a Prince should be, than the true History of what Cyrus really was: also Plutarch, Diodorus, and Iustin, must be again inspected for this second Monarchy. Now for the third and Grecian Monarchy, Arianus Nicomediensis and Quintus Curtius must be perused, as treating altogether of the Deeds of Alexander; also Plutarch, Iustin, Polybius, and Diodorus, who treat of Alexander's Successors. Lastly, For the well understanding of the fourth Monarchy, which was call'd the Roman, and began under Iulius Caesar, must be read, Caesar's Commentaries, Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, Titus Livy, Valerius Maximus, Plutarchus, Cornelius Tacitus, Plinius secundus, Suetonius, Appian, Lucius Florus, Herodian, Dion-Cassius, Iulius Capitolinus, Aelius Lampridius, Flavius Vopiscus, Aelius Spartianus, Vulcatius Gallicanus, and Ammianus Marcellinus; not to mention such Authors or Eccle∣siastical Writers, who either wrote after Constantine, or intermix'd sacred and prophan•• Story together. Now of each of these four Monarchies, we have many eminent mo∣dern Authors treat; such as the learned and venerable Primate Vsher his Annals, famous for Chronology; that martial and ingenious Knight Sir Walter Rawleigh, eminent for his critical Learning, wherein notwithstanding he is too prolix; the industrious and learned Dr. Hoel, more famous for his Method than Style; and the learned Prideaux, whose Introduction to History hath not a little benefited the Youth of this English Nation. But when all is done, 'tis most safe and satisfactory to go to the Fountain-head, and search the ancient Authors themselves: for,

Dulciùs ex ips•• fonte bibuntur Aqua. Horat:

CHAP. XX. Apollonius as he was brought to the King, discours'd concerning the Wife of a certain Pamphylian, who was acquainted with Sappho, to the end he might not seem to admire the King's Bravery: afterwards being come into the King's Presence, he had a large Conference with him; and how the King admired him.

THereupon Apollonius made his entrance, being attended with a numerous Train; for they thought to [1] gratifie the King by so doing, in that they perceiv'd him to be delighted with the Arrival of Apollonius; who being come into the Palace, did not so much as cast an eye upon those things which were admired by others, but passed by them unconcern'd, as if he were travelling; and calling Damis, said unto him, You asked me of late what was the Name of that [2] Pamphylian's Wife which is said to be acquainted with [3] Sappho, and to have composed those Hymns which are at this day sung in honour of [4] Di∣ana Pergaea, after the [5] Aeolian and Pamphylian manner. I ask'd you in∣deed, (said Damis) but you told me not her Name. I did not, (reply'd Apollo∣nius) but only declared to you the measure of the Verses, with their Names, and how the Aeolian in their highest pitch and propriety differ from the Pamphylian▪ Afterwards we turn'd our Discourse to some other thing, and you no more ask'd me concerning the Womans Name: wherefore now know, that her Name is De∣mophyla, and she had like her, Virgins to her Scholars, and composed Poems, partly of Love, and partly of the Praises of Diana, in imitation of her, and ta∣ken out of the Poems of Sappho. Wherefore how far he was from admiring a King and his Grandeur, he made appear by this, in that he vouchsafed not so much as to cast an eye on them, but all the way discours'd of other things. The King seeing him come, (for the Court of the Temple was somewhat large) spake to his Atten∣dants, as if he knew the man, and when he drew near, cried out with a loud voice, This is Apollonius, whom my Brother Megabetes said he saw at Antioch, ho∣nour'd and admired by all good men; for he then describ'd him to be such an one, as the person I now see. Apollonius coming to the King, and saluting him, the King spake to him in Greek, and bade him sacrifice unto the Gods with him, for he was then about to offer a choice [6] Nisaean Horse to the Sun, having adorn'd him as if he was to be led in pomp. Whereupon Apollonius answer'd, Do you (O King) sacrifice after your manner, and give me leave to sacrifice after mine. Having thus spoken, he took Frankincense, and said, O Sun, conduct me so far as it seemeth good to me and thee! and let me know vertuous men! but as for the wicked, let me neither know them, nor they me! When he had spoken thus, he threw the Frankincense into the fire, and then beholding how the smoak ascended, what turnings it made, and with how many heads it lifted up it self, and how high; also touching the fire, and observing it appear'd of a good Omen, he said to the King, Do you now sacrifice according to the custom of your Countrey, for I have observ'd the fashion that we have. Thereupon he withdrew himself from the Sacri∣fice, that he might have nothing to do with bloud. After the Sacrifice was ended, he return'd to the King again, saying, O King, Are you acquainted with all the

Greek Tongue, or only with some little thereof, to the end you may more freely con∣verse, and not seem unpleasing, if any Grecian come hither? I understand the whole Language (said he) as well as my Mother-Tongue, wherefore speak what you please, for that is the reason why you ask. It is so indeed, reply'd Apollonius, there∣fore hearken to what I shall say! The intention of my Iourney is to visit the Indi∣ans, but I was unwilling to pass by you, hearing you to be such a man, as I now ap∣parently perceive you are; and desiring to understand the Wisdom which the Magi∣cians amongst you do profess, as namely, whether they be skill'd in divine matters, as report goeth of them. As for me, I am addicted to the Wisdom of [7] Pytha∣goras the Samian, who taught me in this manner to worship the Gods, and to un∣derstand from them both the things that are seen, and those that are not seen, also to talk with the Gods, and cloathe my self with this fleece of the Earth, which was not shorn from the Sheep's back, but springeth up purely from the pure, being a gift of Water and Earth, even made of linen. Likewise the length of my Hair was ta∣ken up from Pythagoras, as also my abstinence from living Creatures comes to me from his Wisdom. Wherefore you must not expect that in Drinking and Revelling I should be a companion to you or any other. As for doubtful and intricate matters, I can resolve them; for I do not only know, but also foreknow the things that are to be done. This is the Discourse that Damis said he had with the King, and Apol∣lonius himself hath written an Epistle of the same, as he also digested many of his other Discourses into Epistles.

Illustrations on Chap. 20.

[1] FOr they thought to gratifie the King by so doing, &c. This may justly give us occasion to reflect on the servile and obsequious Flatteries of Courtiers towards their Prince. Titus Livy well observes, that the speech of men educated in Courts is ever full of vain ostentation and flattery; every man indifferently extolling the King beyond all the bounds of modesty and reason. Quicquid calcaverit hic, Rosa fiat. If a Prince knows but the four corners of the Winds, (whereof no mean Subject is ignorant) yet how greatly is this vertue extoll'd in him, for being so Weather-wise? If he understands but how to steer a small Barge or Cock-boat in a calm River, (wherein many thousand Tar∣pawlins exceed him) yet how greatly do they magnifie his wonderful skill in Navigation? If he knows but when a Fiddle is out of tune by its squeaking, they presently cry him up for a Musician; if he can ride a Horse but a foot pace, for an expert Horseman; and if he can distinguish between a Sign-post, and some famous Italian piece drawn by an emi∣nent Master, for his great knowledge in Painting. Thus are they abused by the servile Wretches about them, and never suffer'd to come to the knowledge of truth. What the King loves, they love; and what the King does, they do, be it never so mean and base. All Alexander's Followers carried their Heads sideling, as he did; and those that flatter'd Dionysi••s, run their Heads against Posts, and tumbled over Chairs, to be thought as pur∣blind as their Master. For the same Reason Montaign writes, that he hath seen Deafness affected in the Court of France. And because the King hated his Wife, Plutarch saith, the Courtiers (in his time) sued out a Divorce from theirs, although they loved them never so well. Mithridates pretending to skill in Physick, his Flatterers came about him to have their Members incized and cauterized by him, well knowing that when a Prince sets up for Doctor, you cannot oblige him more than in becoming his Patient. Favorinus the Philosopher being in a Dispute with the Emperor Adrian about the interpretation of some word, yielded the victory to the Emperor, and being ask'd why he did so, reply'd, Would you not have him who hath the absolute Command over thirty Legions to be wiser than I? Asinius Pollio re••used to answer those Verses which Augustus had written against him, be∣cause (said he) it is no wisdom to contend in writing with him who may prescribe. And they had reason so to do; for Dionysius not being able to equal Philox••nus in Poetry, or Plat••

in Discourse, condemn'd the one to the Stone-quarry, and sent the other to be sold as a Slave in the Isle of Aegina. Nevertheless the good and the bad King are serv'd both alike▪ he that is hated, and he that is beloved, are both equally courted by those about them: they wait upon him as the Crows do upon a dying Horse, not out of love to him, but to themselves. This made Iulian the Emperor (when commended by his Courtiers for his justice) say, He should soon grow proud of those praises, if they came from men that du•••••• speak otherwise. The Flatterers of Alexander the Great made him believe that he was the Son of Iupiter; but being one day much hurt, and seeing the bloud gush out at his wounds, he ask'd them what they thought of that, whether the bloud was not of a lively red co∣lour, and meerly humane▪ Also Hermodorus the Poet calling Antigonus the Son of Phaebus in one of his Poems, Antigonus very wisely reply'd, My Friend, He that emptieth my Close stool, knoweth it to be otherwise. Seneca makes this one of the greatest Blessings of Royalty, that Subjects are forced to bear with, and to commend even the very extra∣vagancies of their Prince.

—Maximum hoc regni bonum est, Quod facta domini cogitur populus sui Quàm ferre, tam laudare. — Thyest. Act 2. Scen. 1.

If a Prince be as effeminate as Sardanapalus himself, his Courtiers shall indulge him in his Lusts, and be more ambitious of Cleopatra's favour, more proud of a smile from her, than of the greatest honour in the World. This made an ingenious Author observe, that a Courtier's Face as well as his Cloaths must ever be in the fashion, for that he amongst them who cannot upon all occasions shift his Countenance, will not in time be able to shift his Linen. When Sempronius so basely kill'd Pompey on the Egyptian shore, it was only to curry favour with Caesar, and had Caesar himself been in the like adversity, they could have done the same for him. There is nothing so treacherous and base which to gratifie their Prince they will not undertake, even to the ruine both of King and King∣dom. If he be inclin'd to Tyranny, they shall promote it, by advising to a standing Ar∣my, to oppress the people with illegal Exactions, and to govern without Law: and if he be addicted to Women, they presently turn his Pimps. Now he that most eases the Prince of Care and Business, or she that contributes most to his pleasures, are always his chiefest Favourites, and these (though the greatest grievances of the Subject) are idolized by the inferior hangers on; for every young Courtier is like a Hop, that must have a Pole to support him; and therefore in the fall of one great Favourite, several others perish▪ Now as 'tis said of the Whale, that she is steer'd in her course through the guidance of a far smaller Fish, so fares it with too too many Princes, who hearing less truth than any one sort of men, are in their weightiest affairs guided by no higher Dictates, than those of a perfidious Mistress or Favourite.

[2] Pamphylia, a Countrey in Asia the Less, on the East-side of Cilicia, by the Moun∣tain Taurus. Sit. Clim. 5.

[3] Sappho, the famous Lesbian Poetess. Concerning her Father, Authors vary who he was: some say Scammon Dronymus, others Simon, others Eunonimus, or Eumenes, others Eregius, or Eucrytus, others Semas, others Camònus, and others Etarcus; how∣ever they all agree that Cleis was her Mother. She had three Brothers, viz. Larycus, Eurygus, and Cheraxus, whereof Larycus was her Favourite and beloved, for she hated Cheraxus so much as to write several invective Poems against him. She was married to a wealthy man named Cercola, or as others call him, Cercylla, by whom she had one only Daughter called Cleis, after her Grandmothers Name. Afterwards becoming a Widow, some (who make her to be very lascivious) say, she fell in Love with Phaon, who be∣ing gone into Sicily and she being jealous of him in his absence, fell into such a rage and passion, that she cast her self headlong from the top of a Rock into the Sea; A. M. 4684▪ and before Christ, 515 years, according to Monsieur Thevet, who makes her contempo∣rary with Xenophanes the Philosopher, with Theogonus and Pindar the Grecian Poets, and with Lucretia the Roman Matron. But Vossius (do Poet. Graec.) saith, some think that she lived in the time of Archilochus and Hipponactes, or rather in the 42d. Olympi••d. Of her passionate Love Fits speaks Plutarch (de Amore) wherein he saith, she lost her Voice, became speechless, pale and wan, fell into cold sweats, tremblings and shakings,

her Brains turn'd round, being surprized with a dizziness, fainting and swounding Fits, whenever her Love came in her sight; which he proves out of a Copy of Verses of Sap∣pho's own writing; nevertheless Monsieur Thevet (Cosmographer to Henry the third of France) stands up in vindication of her Chastity, and imputes these Crimes to ano∣ther Lesbian Poetress of the same Name; however the Latines do commend but one, who is by Gyraldus stiled Mascula, whether for her Lusts, or for her manly Studies, I know not; which Epithet is likewise given her by Horace, Temperat Archilochi musam p••de mascula Sappho. She is also called Pulchra, à Carminum Pulchritudine: and in the Greek Anthology they characterize her the swe••t Pierian Bee. Those who mention two famous Poetresses of this Name, say, that one invented a kind of Verse, which after her own Name was called the Saphick, consisting of a Trochee, Spondee, Dactyle, and two Tro∣chees, as Sedibus gaudens vari••s dolis{que} and having at the end of every three Verses an Adonic, which consists of a Dactyle and a Spondee, as Diva dolore. Now the other Sap∣pho, who (if there were two, which is difficult to be decided, the History of each being so confounded) was the person which Apollonius here means, and is said by Suidas to have wrote several Epigrams, Elegies, lambicks, and nine Books of Lyrick Verses, where∣of she is said to be the first Inventress: these Lyrick Verses or Songs composed to the Harp are so call'd from Lyra the Harp, the original of which Instrument both Athenaeus and Stobaeus attribute to her. The ingenious and learned Monsieur Rapin (in his Reflecti∣ons on Aristotle's Poesie) saith, that Demetrius and Longinus have great reason to boast so highly, in their Works of the admirable Genius of this Lyrick Poetress; for that, in those fragments which are left of her, are found some strokes of delicacy, the most fine and most passionate in the World: whatsoever was extant of her composure, is printed in Greek and Latin by Henry Stephens. That this Sappho had many Disciples, is mention'd here by Philostratus, and named by Suidas, who calls them Anagora Milesia, Gongyla Colophonia, and Eunica Salaminia. Now besides Sappho, we read of many others of that Sex famous for Learning, as Demophila the Pamphylian's Wife whom Apollonius here mentions; Proba the Roman Consul's Wife, who (A. D. 424.) wrote in Heroick Verse the Contents of the Old and New Testament, so far as the descending of the Holy Ghost; Corinna, who was Ovid's Beloved; Elpia, the Wife of Boetius; Polla, Wife to Lucan the Poet, who often help'd her Husband in the composure of his Pharsalia; Lesbia, Mistress to Catullus; Cornificia, the Roman Poetess; Thesbia, the Compositress of Epigrams; and the other famous Poetess Corinna, who five times vanquish'd Pindar in the Poetical Art, wherein he had challenged her to contend in the City of Thebes; neither must we here omit the late ingenious Mrs. Phillips, our English Sappho.

[4] Diana Pergaea. Perge or Perga is a Town of Pamphylia, 8 miles distant (Westward) from the City of Attalia; in this Perga was a Temple consecrated to Diana, whereof Cicero speaks, Verr. 3. Now from hence was Diana call'd Pergaea, as saith Mela; or Pergasia, as Stephanus hath it; also Dionysius, verse 854.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

[5] Hymns sung after the Aeolian and Pamphylian manner. Plutarch (in his Discourse of Musick) and Glarean (in his 2d. Book, and 10^th Ch. of his Dodecacord) tell us, that the Ancients distinguish'd their Musick into four Moods, deriving them from sundry Countreys, for whose particular Genius they seem to have been at first contrived: Of these, the three first were named the Phrygian, the Lydian, and the Dorick; which, ac∣cording to the opinion of Polimestres, and Saccadas, a Native of Argos, are said to be of greatest Antiquity. Now to these three former Sappho the Lesbian added a fourth, term'd the Myxolydian, thereby compleating the number of the four Tetrachords: she called it the Myxolydian, because it was intermixed with the Lydian: nevertheless, of this some make Tersander, others Pythoclides the Piper, and others Lamprocles, the Inventer. Others there be who to these four have added three more, which they term Collateral, as the Hypodorian, Hypolydian, and Hypophrygian; to the end there might be seven corresponding to the number of Planets: and to all these Ptolomy adds an eighth, call'd the Hypermyxo∣lydian, being sharper and shriller than any of the rest. But Lucius Apuleius (in his Flo∣rid. lib. 1.) names only five, viz. the simple Ionian, the various Iastian, the complain∣ing

Lydian, the warlike Phrygian, and the Religious Dorick. Marcian, according to the Tradition of Aristoxenus, numbers five principal Moods, and ten Collateral. Now this whole Structure or Fabrick they call Encyclopedie, or the Sphere of Sciences, saith Agrip∣pa▪ as if Musick did comprehend all Sciences, seeing, as Plato observes in his first Book of Laws, that Musick cannot be understood without the knowledge of all the other Sci∣ences. Amongst the four first and most ancient Moods, they approved not of the Phry∣gian, for that it distracts and ravishes the Mind; wherefore Porphyrius gave it the Name of Barbarous, as exciting men to fury and battel: others gave it the Appellation of Bac∣chick, furious and turbulent; which being generally used in Anapesticks, were those Charms that formerly incited the Lacedemonians and Cretans to War. The Lydian Mood Plato refuses as too sharp and shrill, coming short of the modesty of the Dorian; being most agreeable to mirth and jollity: this made the Lydians, a merry and jocund people, to be very much affected with that sort of Musick. The Dorick Mood, being more grave and solemn, was most agreeable to the serious Affections of the Mind, and in great esteem amongst the Cretans, Lacedemonians, and Arcadians: we read that Agamemnon being to go to the Trojan War, left behind him at home a Dorick Musician, to the end he might by his grave Spondaick Songs preserve the Chastity of his Wife Clytemnestra; in so much that Aegysthus could not obtain his desires of her, until he had murder'd the said Musician. Lastly, As for the Myxolydian Mood invented by Sappho, it was only fit for Tragedies, to move pity and compassion. Agrippa de Vanit. Scien. Our modern Scale of Musick compared with that of the ancient Greeks is thus:

Nete hypaton.	A, la, mi, re.
Paranete hyperboleon.	G, sol, re, ut.
Trite hyperboleon.	F, fa, ut.
Nete diezeugmenon.	E, la, mi▪
Paranete diezeugmenon.	D, la, sol, re.
Trite diezeugmenon.	C, sol, fa, ut.
Paramese.	B, fa, b, mi▪
Mese.	A, la, mi, re.
Lycanos meson.	G, sol, re, ut.
Parhypate meson.	F, fa, ut.
Hypate meson.	E, la, mi.
Lichanos hypaton.	D, sol, re.
Parhypate hypaton.	C, fa, ut.
Hypate hypaton.	B, mi.
Proslambanomene:	A, re.

Let them that would read more upon this Subject, inspect Glarean, lib. 2▪ Z••olin, Apu∣leius, and Plutarch. As for Musick in general, Pliny saith, it was invented by Amphion, the Son of Iupiter and Antiope; the Grecians ascribe it to Diodorus; Eus••bius to Zephus and Amphion; Solinus to the Cretans; and Polybius to the Arcadians. As for the particular kinds of Musick, some ascribe the invention of the Harp to Mercury, others to Amphion, and others to Apollo; the Pipe they attribute to Pan, or as Eusebius will have it, to Cy∣bele, and some to Apollo; the silver Trumpet to Moses; Drums to the Romans; Fiddles to Haliattes, King of the Lydians; and Lutes to the Grecians. Hermophilus distributed the Pulse and beating of the Veins to certain measures of Musick Lastly, The Troglodites in∣vented Dulcimers. Now as for the praise or dispraise of Musick several things may be said: First, By way of commendation, Musick being the Art of Harmony; they who love it not, are as extravagant, as they who make no difference between a fair and an ugly Face, proportion being the chief difference of both, Musick cures some Diseases, as the biting of the Tarantula and Melancholy▪ it asswage•• the raving of Daemoniacks, as we read in the Story of Saul; the crying of new born Children is quieted by the jing∣ling of Keys, or knocking a Bason, and when they are become bigger, they are diverted with the singing of their Nurses; the Cretans made their Laws to be more easily learnt by

their young people, by causing them to sing them; and we see the Rules of Grammar are for the same reason contriv'd into Verse. Achilles in Homer diverted himself with his Harp, when he was at leisure from his military Employs; the Gally slave, Plow-man, Carter, and Labourer, ease the tediousness of their Toyl and Journey with singing and whistling; Artificers and Shepherds sweeten their Labours with Songs, and Maids spin more nimbly with the humming of an old Ballad or Song. The Romans sung Spondaick Verses whilst they offer'd their Sacrifices; and David danced before the Ark, all his Psalms being fitted to the Harp, and other harmonious Instruments. Musick excites both sadness and mirth; for as Physick either quiets or purges the Humours of our Bodies, so doth Musick the Passions of the Mind. The Emperor Theodosius was averted from destroy∣ing the City of Antioch, by the melodious Sonnets of little Children, instructed therein by Flavianus their Bishop. The Prophet Elisha caused the Harp to be play'd on to him, be∣fore he prophesied the overthrow of the Moabites; and Michaia in the presence of King Aha•• refused to prophesie, till one had first play'd before him on a musical Instrument. Mr. Osborn saith, that a handsom Woman who sings well is a Mouse-Trap baited as both ends: and thus we see Stratonice captivated Mithridates with a Song. Therefore conside∣ring the great influence which Musick hath over the Minds of men, it is no small policy in Ecclesiasticks to assign the use of Organs in Churches, which gets men a stomach to their devotion, whether it be good or bad; as in an Italian Ayr, the young Ladies mind not the sence and words, but the Musick. Finally, The Ancients had no small Venerati∣on for Musick, when they feign'd Apollo the God of Wisdom, to be the God of Musick too. However some there have been that have decry'd it; thus Antisthenes, Scipio, Aemy∣lius, and Cato, utterly despised this Science; thus Alexander was reprov'd by Philip for singing, and had his Harp broke by his Schoolmaster Antigonus. The Egyptians (as Dio∣dorus witnesseth) forbad the use of Musick to their youth, as rendring them luxurious and effeminate; also Ephorus (according to Polybius) condemns it as an Art invented only to deceive and debauch men. Mr. Osborn is a great enemy to this Art, saying, that Musick is so unable to refund for the time and cost required to be perfect therein, as he cannot think it worthy any serious consideration or endeavour; the owner of that quality being still oblig'd to the trouble of calculating the difference between the morose humour of a rigid Refuser, and the cheap prostituted levity and forwardness of a mercenary Fid∣ler; denial being as often taken for pride, as a too ready compliance for ostentation.

Omnibus hoc vitium est cantoribus, inter amicos Vt nunquam inducant animum cantare rogati, Injussi nunquam ••••sistant. — Horat. lib. 1. sat. 3.

Those so qualified seldom know when 'tis time to begin, or give over; especially Women, who often decline in modesty, proportionably to the progress they make in Musick. As for my own part, I have spent some time in practising Musick, and repent not my self of it, since though I pretend not to divert others, yet can I divert my self, when retiring from my more tedious Studies, I play over some new set of Lessons, which is neither so dangerous or expensive as almost all other Recreations are. Senectam non cithar•• ••ar••n∣tem: 'tis a diversion even in old age, when being disabled from all other Recreations without doors, yet may he enjoy this within, if he have but the free use of his Fingers lose him. Concord and Harmony are so universally grateful, that he seems a Rebel to Nature who is not pleas'd therewith. And however some few may delight in this Science, and nevertheless ••e ill-natured, yet did I never observe any one that was averse to all kinds of Musick, but who was morose, froward, peevish, and of an evil disposition. The Itali∣ans were formerly the best skill'd in this Science, and the French have lately boasted of the famous Compositions of Monsieur Baptist; but at this present time the English are not inferior to either in our number of ••minent Masters, such as the late famous Mr. Lock Mr. Iohn Baniste•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 many others living now amongst us.

[6] A 〈…〉〈…〉 Horse; because as Herodotus saith (in his Thal.) all four-foot∣ed Beasts are greater in this Island than in any other, but more especially Horses. Like∣wise S••rabo (lib. 11.) highly magnifies the Nisaan Horses. Thus on the 13^th day (or 〈◊〉〈◊〉) of December, did the Romans sacrifice a Horse to Mars•• Nisaea was a Countrey whereon Alexandropolis stood, near the Gulf of Megaris. See Strabo, lib. 11:

[7] The Wisdom of Pythagoras; notwithstanding I have written several things already concerning this Philosopher, yet give me leave in this place to sum up his whole History, with Monsieur Rapin's Character of him, which is this: Thales and Pythagoras (saith he) were the two Founders of ancient Philosophy; the one in Greece, the other in Italy. Ne∣vertheless there appear'd in the School of Pythagoras somewhat more regular and better establish'd, than in that of Thales and his Successors. For as in the Doctrine of Pythago∣ras every thing was made mysterious; so submission was its principal Character: that Relig••ous Silence which with so much rigor he imposed upon his Disciples, was an Art to procure himself the more respectful attention. The Life of that Philosopher, as well as his Doctrine, is even at this day a great Subject of Controversie: he was indeed a man of a deep reach, a quick penetrating apprehension, and of indefatigable industry and ap∣plication. His usual way of teaching was by Geometry and Numbers: he explain'd ma∣terial and sensible things by Geometry, and intellectual by Musick and Numbers. He was of too solid a Judgment, to imagine any reality in Numbers, which are but only in∣tentional Beings, as Aristotle proves in his Metaphysicks. It is true, he found so great a facility in explaining the perfection of every thing by harmony and proportion, after the manner of the Egyptians, that he express'd himself no other way; and that he made use of Numbers as of Symbols and Signs to teach with: and all that Science of Num∣bers which was so familiar to Pythagoras, is still to this day a kind of Mystery, whereof the Secret is not very well known. Iamblicus in the Life of that Philosopher says, that he invented a Musick proper for the Cure and quieting of the Passions. In his Moral Phi∣losophy there is nothing regular; only fair Maxims without Principles: his Natural Phi∣losophy is the same almost with that of the Platonists. His Doctrine of two Principles, the one of good, and the other of evil, whereon the Manichees built their Faith, is false▪ for of real Beings there is but one real Principle. Pythagoras in Plutarch boasts, that the greatest fruit which he had reap'd from Philosophy was, (as his Disciple Apollonius here does) not to wonder at any thing: for that Philosophy discover'd to him the cause of every thing, as Horace expresses it to Numicius, Nil admirari prope res est una Numici. In fine, Pythagoras had so extraordinary a Genius for Philosophy, that all the other Phi∣losophers have gloried to stick to his Sentiments: Socrates and Plato have hardly any thing that is good but from him. And if we consider more narrowly, we shall even find, that amongst all other Sects almost, there is somewhat of the Spirit of Pythagoras predo∣minant in them.

CHAP. XXI. The King granteth to Apollonius, that he may be entertain'd by a private Host: An Eunuch is sent to Apollonius, to acquaint him that he should ask twelve Boons of the King, and a time is appointed for that purpose: The advice of Damis about the Boons to be receiv'd.

NOw the King telling him that he was more pleas'd with his coming, than if he had added the Riches of the Persians or Indians to his own wealth, and that he made him his Guest, and partaker of his Royal Court; Apol∣lonius replied, If you should come into my Countrey Tyana, and I should entreat you to abide in that House which I did inhabit, would you do so? No, by Jov••, said the King, unless it were such an House as could conv••niently receive me and all my Attendants. The same is my case, said Apollonius, for should I dwell in an House unsuitable to my condition, I could not live at ease; for all [1] excess is more irkesome to wise men, than any defect is to you great men, wherefore I had ra∣ther be entertain'd by some private man that is my equal: notwithstanding I will

be as frequent with you as you please. Wherefore the King condescended to his Re∣quest, to the end he might not displease him, appointing a certain honest and good Babylonian to entertain him. Now as they were at Supper, an Eunuch (one of the King's Messengers) came to them with this Message to Apollonius, The King giveth you liberty to ask of him twelve Boons, such as you your self please, entreat∣ing you that they may not be small ones, in that he hath a desire to make known his Magnificence as well to your self, as to us. Apollonius commending the Message, asked him, When it would be seasonable to make his Demands? To whom the Eu∣nuch reply'd, To morrow: and moreover went to all the Friends and Kinsmen of the King, and enjoyn'd them to be present with the Petitioner, a man whom the King so much honour'd. But Damis said, He understood that Apollonius would ask nothing, in that he knew his disposition, and had sometimes heard him pray to the Gods in this manner, O ye Gods, grant me to have a few things, and to stand in need of none! But nevertheless, observing him to stand in a brown stu∣dy, he concluded that he would ask something, and that he was then pondering within himself what it should be. But Apollonius said to him, O Damis, I am musing with my self this evening why the Barbarians should think Eunuchs to be modest, and should make use of them to keep Women? I (said Damis) think this to be manifest even to a Child, in as much as gelding having depriv'd them of the faculty of Copulation, they are permitted not only to keep Women, but even to lye with them. Whereto Apollonius answer'd, Do you think that gelding cutteth away their loving, or Copulation with Women? Yes, reply'd Damis, for if the part be ex∣tinguisht that doth infuriate the whole Body, none will be stricken with Love. Whereupon Apollonius after having paus'd a while, said unto him, To morrow Damis you shall understand that [2] Eunuchs are in Love, and that the Lust which cometh in through the Eyes is not extinguisht, but that there remaineth some heat and vigor in them: for something shall come to pass that will disprove your Discourse. But were there any humane Art that is so powerful to expel such Lusts out of the Mind, yet should I not think fit to reckon Eunuchs in the number of the chast, as being enforced thereunto, and by a violent Art drawn to an abhorrency of Love: for it is the part of Chastity, when a man is exceeding lustful, not to yield to the allurements of Venus, but to abstain and overcome that rage. Where∣unto Damis reply'd, O Apollonius, we will consider of these things again hereafter: but now we must advise with our selves what answer is to be made to morrow, to the great and excellent Offers of the King; for you perhaps will ask nothing, but you ought to beware that you seem not out of pride to refuse the King's Bounty. This therefore is to be heeded, as also in what Countrey you now are, and that we lye at the King's mercy▪ But above all you must take heed of Calumny, lest you be thought to reject good Offers out of arrogancy. Besides, you must consider, that the Victu∣als which we now have, will serve us till we come into India, but they will not suffice to bring us back, nor do we well know where to get others.

Illustrations on Chap. 21.

[1] ALl Excess is more irkesom to wise men; that Vertue consists in Mediocrity, hath been the common opinion; and as the French Virtuoso in his Philosophical Con∣ference observes, 'Tis the property of every thing destitute of Reason to be carried into Ex∣treams: The Stone to the Center; Fire to the Circumference; the Earth imbibes as much Water as it can; an Animal eats as much Food as it can cram in; the Spider weaves as long as it hath wherewithal; the Nightingal often sings till she bursts; and every Passion

guided by it self alone, is carried to the utmost point: in Discourse, or Writing, profound Sence borders upon the Confines of Nonsence, and a strong Line shews a weak Author.

Wit, like a Faulcon towring in its flight, When once it soars above its usual height, Lessens till it becomes quite out of sight. Prol. to Psyche.

Therefore of all such Writings St. Ierom used to say, Qui non vult intelligi, debet negligi▪ Likewise, what can be more absurd or ridiculous than the extremity of any Mode or Fa∣shion? such as are,

Narrow Tr••uck Breeches, and the broad-brimm'd Hat, The dangling Knee-Tye, and the Bibb-Crav••••?

From hence it was, that Doedalus in the Fable enjoyn'd his Son Icarus to take his flight, neither too high, for fear lest the wax of his Wings should be melted with the heat of the Sun; nor yet too low, for fear of wetting them in the Sea: which course all men have follow'd that were happy. Liberality (which all men commend) is a mean between Avarice and Prodigality: the Avarous being excessive in receiving, and defective in gi∣ving; as the Prodigal on the contrary is excessive in giving, and defective in receiving▪ The Prodigal by doing good to others, does hurt to himself; the Miser does no good to others, and much less to himself: wherefore he alone that keeps a mean in his expences, deserves the name of vertuous, and makes his Liberality esteem'd. Now Magnificence hath the same respect to great expences, that Liberality hath to less, being the mid-way between two extreams. Again, Rashness does oftentimes prove of as ill consequence as Cowardise; but true Valour holding a mean between both, prevents it. The regular desire of moderate Honours, hath for its extreams, contempt of Honour, and Ambition. Clemency is between Choler, which is offended with every thing, and Stupidity, which is offended with nothing; Veracity, between Boasting and Dissimulation; Facetious∣ness, between Buffoonry and Rusticity; Amity, between Flattery and Hatred; Modesty, between Bashfulness and Impudence; Anger, between Malice and Neglect. In fine, all Vertues have their extreams, which gave occasion for that saying, In medio consistit Vir∣tus; in consideration whereof, the wise man prays neither for plenty nor want, but for a Mediocrity; to which the Ancients to shew their esteem thereof, gave the attribute of Golden. In the same manner we see Apollonius here prays neither for Poverty nor Riches, but only to have a few things, and to stand in need of none. We should avoid as well the Gulf of Charybdis, as the Rocks of Scylla.

[2] Eunuchs are in Love; Cael. Rhodiginus (lib. 13. ch. 19.) saith, that Eunuchs were first made by Semiramis. And Herodotus informs us, (lib. 8▪) that among the Bar∣barians and Eastern people Eunuchs were of great esteem and value. Also Mr. Ricaut (in his late ingenious Tract of the Turkish Polity) shews, that the Grand Seigniour makes use of Eunuchs for all his great Offices and Employs. Herodotus writes, that Hermoti∣mus being taken Prisoner in War, was sold to Panionius, who caused him to be gelded; for that Panionius making Merchandize of such kind of Ware, gelded all the fair Boys he could lay his hands on, and afterwards carrying them to Sardis and Ephesus, sold them almost for their weight in Gold: so highly were Eunuchs esteem'd of amongst the Barba∣rians, saith Herodotus, lib. 7. Xenophon bringeth in Cyrus to be of that opinion, and therefore makes him commit the keeping of his Body to Eunuchs rather than to others. Nevertheless the Roman Emperors have always rejected Eunuchs, placing them in the rank of those that were neither Men nor Women, as appears by Valerius Maximus, who saith, that one Genutius having gelded himself, was adjudged unworthy to have the be∣nefit of a man's last Will and Testament, because (saith Valerius) the Tribunals of Ju∣stice should not be polluted with the presence of Eunuchs; for such were all Cybele's Priests, whereof Genutius was one. Val. Max: lib. 7. ch. 7. Basil (lib. 4. ch. 4.) in a Letter to Simplicia, maketh a bitter Invective against such; and so doth Claudia the Po∣et, (lib. 7. Parerg. ch. 23.) and others. Luitprand, Deacon of Pavia, tells us, that Theobald, Duke of Spoleto, making War upon the Grecians, cut off the privy Members of all such Enemies as fell into his hands, and so dismiss'd them; whereupon a poor Gre∣cian Woman throwing her self at the Duke's Feet, said thus unto him, Oh Theobald,

what have we poor Women done unto thee, that thou shouldst thus wage War upon us with such extremity? we are no Warriers, nor ever learn'd to handle any other weapons than t••e Distaff and Spindle: wherefore then dost thou de prive us of our pleasures, by taking away our H••s∣bands instruments of Generation? are there no Eyes, no Noses, no Ears? must thou needs ex∣tend the power of thy War upon that only which Nat••re hath lent us the use of? Whereupon Theobald was so taken with this Womans Arguments, th••t he ever after forbore that kind of Cruelty. Dr. Brown saith, that all Castrated Animals (as Eunuch••, Spadoes, &c.) are longer lived, than those which retain their Virilities. Now concerning the Lust of Eunuchs, whereof Apollonius here speaks, there have been many famous Examples of the like nature, sufficient to verifie his Assertion, that Eunuchs are in Love: Favorinus the Philosopher, who lived in Adrian's time, was an Eunuch, and yet nevertheless ac∣cused of Adultery. So likewise is it reported of the Eunuch Bagoas, that he was actually taken committing Adultery; as in the three and twentieth Chapter of this first Book of Philostratus, we have another Example of the like nature. Nay, 'tis a thing seen almost every day amongst Horses, to have Geldings cover Mares, and that to all outward ap∣pearance, as well as any stone-Horse. But what I most wonder at, is a Story related by Suidas, viz. that Hermias the Eunuch begat Pythiades; for Galen (lib. 15 de usu part.) positively declares, that Eunuchs are altogether unapt for Generation▪ nevertheless, whether it be through an imperfect Castration, leaving some Fibers or smal•• Vehicles be∣longing to those parts undissected, or no, yet most certain it is, that some among them have had very strong and amorous Inclinations: and this hath made lascivious Women ever so fond of them:

Cur tantum Eunuchos habeat tua Gellia, quaeris? &c. Martial Epig.

CHAP. XXII. Apollonius at first makes a shew, as if Damis had by his perswasions pre∣vail'd with him to accept the King's Gifts, in that Aeschines, Plato, Aristippus, Helicon, Phyton, Eudoxus, and Speusippus, were lovers of Money: Afterwards he gravely disputed, that Money is to be con∣temn'd, especially by a wise man.

NOw with such Art did Damis allure him not to refuse the King's Libera∣lity. But Apollonius, as taking part with him in his Reasoning, said to him, O Damis, you forget the Examples of others: among which this is one; that [1] Aeschin••s, the Son of Lysanias, sailed into Sicily to [2] Dio∣nysius for Wealths sake: and [5] Plato in like manner pass'd [3] Charybdis thrice for Sicilian Riches: Likewise [4] Aristippus the Cyrenean, [6] Heli∣con of [7] Cyzicus, and [8] Phyton, when he fled away from [9] Rhegium, so plung'd themselves in Dionysius's Treasuries, that they had much ado to recover themselves from thence. Moreover they say, that [10] Eudoxus the Cnidian, ha∣ving made a Iourney into Egypt, did openly confess that he c••me for Riches, and discours'd with the King of the same. But not to traduce any more learned men, they report, that [11] Speusippus was so in love with Money, that he travelled into Macedonia to [12] Cassander's Wedding, carrying along with him certain fri∣gid Poems, which he there recited to get Money. But as for me, Damis, I suppose that a wise man is in greater peril, than they that cross the Sea, or go into the Wars; for envy attendeth him both when he speaks, and when he holds his peace: when he is very earnest, and when he is remiss: when he doth something, and

when he doth nothing: when he saluteth, and when he salutes not. Wherefore he had need to be well guarded on every side, and to know, that if a wise man be over∣••ome with Sloth, or with Anger, or with Love, or with Drunkenness, or do some other unseasonable thing, he may perhaps have pardon: but if he subject himself to Money, he is unpardonable, and odious, as being obnoxious to all other Vices; for that he would not be overcome with the Love of Money, if he were not likewise overcome with the Love of his Belly, of Apparel, of Wine, and of Wenching. Bu•• you are perhaps of opinion, that it is a less crime to offend at Babylon, than at Athens, or at Pythia, or at Olympia: and consider not, that to a wis•• man every place is Greece. Neither will he esteem or think any Countrey wild or barbarous, for as much as he lives under the eyes of Vertue, and doth see indeed but a few men, but looks on them with a thousand eyes. Now if you Damis were acquainted with an Athleta, (one of those who [13] exercise all the Grecian Games of Manhood) do you think he would shew himself a stout and good Champion, if he were to contend in the Olympick Games, and go into Arcadia? or that he would take care of his Body, if he were to contend in the Pythian and Nemoean Games▪ because these ar•• the noted Games and Exercises that are practised in Greece; but that if Philip should institute Olympick Games for the Cities he had taken, or if his Son Alex∣ander for the many Victories he had obtain'd, should set up publick Sports, he would have the less care to prepare his Body, or would contend the more remisly, because he was to do his Feats at [14] Olynthos, or in Macedonia, or in Egypt, and not in Greece, and the places for Exercise thereunto belonging. Damis writeth, that he was so confounded with this Reason, that he hid himself for shame of those things he had spoken, and begg'd pardon of him, for that having not yet throughly under∣stood him, he adventured on such advice and perswasion. But Apollonius comfort∣ing him, said, Be of good chear, for neither did I speak these things to chide you, but only that I might expound my self to you.

Illustrations on Chap. 22.

[1] AESchines the Son of Lysanias; Laertius (lib. 2.) reckons up eight eminent men of this Name: whereof the first was Aeschines the Philosopher; the se∣cond a Rhetorician; the third an Orator, contemporary with Demosthenes; the fourth an Arcadian, Scholar to Isocrates; the fifth of Mitelene, sirnamed Rhetoromastix; the sixth a Neopolitan, and Academick Philosopher, Disciple to Melanthius the Rhodian; the seventh a Milesian, and Friend to Cicero, a Writer of Politicks; the eight a Statuary. Now the first of these, viz. Aeschines the Philosopher, is the person mention'd by Apol∣lonius; for he was (as Plato writes) the Son of Lysanias, though others will have him to be the Son of Charinus: and for his Countrey, an Athenian of the Sphettian Tribe. In his Youth being very industrious, but poor, he apply'd himself to Socrates, who esteem'd him as a Jewel, and reckon'd him one of his best Disciples; for he never forsook his Ma∣ster: this made both Plato and Aristippus envy him. Idomeneus saith, it was he who counsell'd Socrates to escape out of Prison, notwithstanding Plato ascribes that advice to Crito. Now Aeschines being very poor, Socrates gave him some of his Dialogues to make money of, which Aeschines reading at Megara, Aristippus derided him for a Pla∣giary. Plat. de Ira cohib. As for his Voyage into Sicily, (whereof Apollonius speaks) L••∣ertius, and from him Suidas, write) that being instigated by poverty, he went into Si∣cily, there to visit Dionysius the Tyrant, which was at the same time that Plato and Ari∣stippus were resident there; and that Plato being out of Favour with Dionysius, took oc∣casion, by presenting Aeschines unto him, to reingratiate himself; as Plutarch testifieth: But Laertius saith, that Aeschines coming thither, was despised by Plato, and recom∣mended only by Aristippus. He imparted some Dialogues to Dionysius, who gratified

him for the s••me; in so much that he lived with him till he was deposed. Afterwards he return'd to Athens, where not daring to contend with Plato and Aristippus in Philosophy, he taught, and took money for the same only in private. At length he applied himself to the making Orations for the Forum, wherein, Timon saith, he was very perswasive: Ly∣sias wrote one Oration in Answer to him, wherein he asperses Aeschines for many things very improbable, as patronizing an unjust Cause, borrowing without intent to restore, selling Unguents contrary to the Laws of Solon, and Precepts of Socrates, and for inju∣ring Hermans, his Wife and Children: but of this see more in Athenaeus. He wrote Dia∣logues, Orations, and Epistles, as you will find in Laertius, and in the ingenious Mr. Stan∣ly, his Live•• of the Philosophers.

[2] Dionysi••s; there were several eminent men of this Name: It was sometimes ap∣propriated to Bacchus; besides there was Dionysius Alexandrinus, a Grammarian under Trajan; Dionysius Milesius, an Historian that wrote the Transactions of Persia after Da∣rius; Dionysius Halicarnasseus, who flourish'd in the time of Augustus, a famous Histo∣rian and Orator; Dionysius, a Philosopher of Heraclea, and one of Zeno's Scholars, who being tormented with the Stone, exclaim'd against his Master, for teaching that pain was no ••vil; Dionysius Atticus, of Pergamus, the Disciple of Apollodorus, and a great Fami∣liar of Augustus's; Dionysius Periegetes, who lived at the same time, and wrote Geo∣graphy in He••ameter Greek Verses, which are at this day extant; Dionysius Areopagita▪ who being in Egypt, where he beheld the unnatural and wonderful Eclipse of the Sun, at the Passion of our Saviour, cry'd out, Aut Deus Naturae patitur, aut Mundi machina dis∣solvetur: Either the God of Nature suffereth, or the frame of the World will be dissolved. There were also (besides many others) two eminent Tyrants of Sicily, whereof the lat∣ter (who was banish'd to Corinth) is the person Apollonius here cites: for that Laertius (as I have already shew'd) tells us, how Aeschines continued with him till the time of his Exile. Now this Dionysius the younger having heard, that his Father in the time of his sicknes•• was contriving with Dion, how to impede his sole Succession, conspired with the Physicians to get him poysoned; which being effected, the Government devolved solely upon him. At the beginning of his Reign, the people promised themselves much happiness under him, for he recalled back Plato from Banishment, as if he meant to fol∣low his Advice and Instructions; but in a short time fell out with him, and sent him back to his Friends at Tarentum in Italy. Plato being thus dismiss'd, the next thing Dionysius did, was the striking up a dishonourable Peace with the Carthaginians, upon whom his Father had begun a War, which his Son's Sloth and Luxury permitted him not to prose∣cute. He likewise banish'd his Uncle Dion to Corinth, (for being the peoples Favourite) which occasion'd the falling out betwixt Plato and him, for that Dion had been Plato's Disciple. Now Dion remaining thus discontented at Corinth, rais'd an Army of Merce∣naries, and invaded Sicily, where pretending he came to vindicate the ancient Liberties of the people, they flockt into his assistance from all parts, in so much that he took the principal City Syracuse with little or no opposition. Hereupon Dionysius retired into a strong Castle of the Island, from whence being likewise forced, he afterwards fled into Italy. Nevertheless the Citizens of Syracuse falling into Distractions for want of Money, and growing weary of Dion's Government, several Plots were laid against him, whereof one (through the Treachery of his pretended Friend Callicrates) cost him his Life. Now after Dion's death, Callicrates first, and then several others, possess'd the Govern∣ment of Sicily for some few months, till at length Dionysius coming unawares upon them, in the 10th year of his Expulsion recover'd again Syracuse, and the whole Principality, which he had formerly lost. Now as the Restoration of a Prince may be esteem'd the more secure, when the people having so lately tasted of the Ruines of a Civil War, will be the less apt to run speedily into the same again; so on the other side there is always left remaining some of the old leaven, that will be ready to set things into the old Fer∣mentation upon any slight occasion: And thus it fared with Dionysius, who being no sooner return'd to his old Dominions, but likewise beginning his old Extravagancies, was in less than four years time after his Restoration, banish'd by Timoleon a second time to Corinth, where being very poor and necessitous, he turned Paedagogue for his livelihood, and so ended his Life in great poverty and disgrace; being the 2d. year of the 109th. Olympiad, and A. M. 3661: Plutarch Vitâ Dionys. Aelian Var. Hist. Iustin. It is said

of this Dionysius, that an old Woman praying very much for his Life, and he asking her why she did so, her Answer was, I can remember (saith she) one cruel Tyrant, and I would ever be wishing his Death; then came another, and he was worse; then camest thou, who art worse than all the former: and if thou wert gone, I wonder what would become of us, if we should have a worse? From this Prince's Misfortune, came the old Proverb, Dionysius Corinthi, which signifies any one that is fallen from high Honours into Contempt.

[3] Charybdis, is a Gulf in the Straits of Sicily, now called Golofaro; it is very dan∣gerous, by reason of the whirling Streams flowing contrary each to other; it is situated over against Scylla, no less dangerous for its Rocks: The Moral of this Fable teaches us Mediocrity, to avoid running out of one extream into another; wherefore, Incidit in Scyllam qui vult vitare Charybdim, is no more than our common English Proverb, To fall out of the Frying-pan into the Fire. Charybdis is (saith Bochartus) no other than Chor∣obdan, i. e. Foramen perditionis. The Poets feign this Charybdis to have been a Woman of a savage Nature, that ran upon all Passengers to rob them. Also, that having stolen the Oxen of Hercules, Iupiter kill'd her with his Thunderbolts, and afterwards convert∣ing her into a furious Monster, he cast her into a Gulf, which bears her Name: See more of this in Homer's Odyss. 12. Ovid Met. lib. 7, 8. Ovid Pontic 4. and Virgil Aen. 3.

[4] Aristippus the Cyrenean, a Disciple of Socrates, and Son of Aretades, after the death of his Master Socrates, returned home into his own Countrey Cyrene in Africa▪ from whence the Doctrine which his Scholars retain'd, had the Name of Cyrenaick. Suidas, and Laertius. Whilst he was under the Instruction of Socrates, he resided at Athens; afterwards he dwelt sometime at Aegina, where he became acquainted with Lais, the famous Corinthian Courtezan, who came there once a year to the Feast of Neptune, and with whom (Athenaeus writes) he return'd to Corinth: Deipn. 13.

To Corinth Love the Cyrenean led, Where he enjoy'd Thessalian Lais Bed; No Art the subtil Aristippus knew, Whereby he might the power of Love subdue. Deipnos. 13.

We read in Laertius of his Voyage to Dionysius's Court, which Philostratus here mentions; he soon became a Favourite with Dionysius, being of such an humour, as could conform it self to every place, time, and person, acting any part, and construing whatever hap∣pen'd to the best: as Horace speaks of him,

Omnis Aristippum decuit color, & status, & res. Lib. 1. Ep. 17.

When Dionysius spit upon him, he took it patiently; for which being reproved, Fisher∣men (saith he) suffer themselves to be wet all over, that they may catch a Gudgeon, and shall I be troubled at a little Spittle, who mean to take a Tyrant? This servile com∣pliance rendred him more acceptable to Dionysius, than all the other Philosophers. He begg'd money of Dionysius, who said to him, You told me, A wise man wanted nothing▪ Give it me first (said he) and we will talk of that afterwards: when Dionysius had gi∣ven it him; Now (saith he) you see I do not want: Laert. Dionysius asking him why Philosophers haunted the Gates of rich men, but rich men not those of Philosophers: Because (saith he) the one knows what he wants, the other not. Diog••nes deriding Aristippus, call'd him, The Court-Spaniel; Afterwards Aristippus passing by whilst Dio∣genes was busied about washing of Herbs, Diogenes derided him, saying, If you had learn'd to do thus, you need not have follow'd the Courts of Princes; And you (said Aristippus) if you had known how to converse with men, needed not to have wash'd Herbs.

Si pranderet olus patienter, Regibus uti Nollet Aristippus; si sciret Regibus uti, Fastidiret olus.— Horat. Ep. 1.17

Thus ingeniously rendred by Mr. Stanly:

Diog.

On Herbs if Aristippus could have din'd, The company of Kings he had decli••'d.

Aristip.

He who derides me, had he wit to use The company of Kings, would Herbs refuse.

His Life was wholly addicted to Voluptuousness and Luxury, in so much that his Philo∣sophy was tainted therewith; the Doctrine that he taught being soft and voluptuous, and therefore condemn'd by Xenophon, Plato, Phaedo, Aeschines, and Antisthenes. He used to say, that good Chear was no hindrance to a good Life. The Pleasures which he had, he used; and those which he had not, he despised. When he travell'd to increase his Knowledge, he made his Servants cast away their Money, that they might travel the lighter. He said, Pleasure was the end of good men, and Sorrow of ill. He liked no Pleasure, but that which might concern a man's own Happiness. But of his Doctrines, Apothegms, Writings, and Epistles, see them in Mr. Stanly's Lives of the Philosophers, collected at large out of Laertius, Cicero, Athenaeus, Plutarch, Stobaeus, and others. For the manner of his Death, it was thus: Having lived long with Dionysius, at last his Daughter Arete sent for him to come and order her Affairs at Cyrene, she being in dan∣ger of oppression by the Magistrates. Hereupon Aristippus took leave of Dionysius, and being on his Voyage, fell sick by the way, and was forced to put in at Lipara, an Aeoli∣an Island, where he died. His Disciples and Successors in his Doctrine were his Daughter Arete, Aethiops of Ptolemais, his Grandson Aristippus, Theodorus the Athiest, Antipater, Epitimides, Paraebates, Hegesias, and Anniceris.

[5] Plato, &c. Plato, the Prince of the Academick Sect, was born at Athens, in the 88^th Olympiad, as Ludovic. Vives writes in August. Civit. lib. 8. ch. 4. Apuleius (lib. 1. de Dogm. Plato) tells us, that Plato was so sirnamed from the large Habitude of his Bo∣dy, for he was at first called Aristocles; however some think he was called Plato, from the Amplitude of his Speech and Eloquence. As for his Parents, they were Ariston, and Perictione; his Father's Family was related to Codrus, the last King of Athens: his Mo∣ther Perictione (by some called Potone) was descended from Solon, the famous Athe∣nian Lawgiver, whence Plato in his Timaeus speaking of Solon, calls him his Kinsman. Nevertheless Apuleius saith, there are some who assert Plato to be of a more sublime Race: and Aristander (who is follow'd by many Platonists) thinks he was begotten on his Mother by some Spectrum, in the shape of Apollo: for Plutarch, Suidas, and others affirm, that Apollo Perictione se miscuit. Whilst Plato was yet an Infant, carried in the arms of his Mother Perictione, Aristo his Father went to Hymetus, (a Mountain in At∣tica, eminent for abundance of Bees and Honey) to sacrifice to the Muses, taking his Wife and Child along with him; as they were busied in divine Rites, she laid the Child in a Thicket of Myrtles hard by; to whom, as he slept (in Cunis dormienti) came a swarm of Bees buzzing about him, and (as it is reported) made a Honey-comb in his mouth: which was taken as a presage of his succeeding Eloquence. Plato's first Master was Socrates, with whom it is said he lived eight years; in which time, he committed the substance of Socrates his Discourses to writing, but with great mixture and addition of his own; which much offended Xenophon his co-Disciple, who in an Epistle to Aeschi∣n••s Socraticus, upbraids him with it: Eusob. Praepar. Evang. l. 24. From Socrates he re∣ceiv'd the chiefest of his Morals. After Socrates's death, Plato applied himself to Craty∣lus, the Disciple of Heraclitus, from whom we may presume he received good Instructi∣ons, for that he makes him the chief Subject of one of his Dialogues. Now Plato being the first of all the Heraclian Sect, and afterwards determining to be of the Socratick Dis∣cipline, became the most famous of all Philosophers. Apul. lib. 1. de Philosoph. After this, Plato addressed himself to Hermogenes, who follow'd Parmenides's Philosophy, from whom we may suppose he borrowed many of his Metaphysical Contemplations about di∣vine Idea's, whereon he discourses at large in his Dialogue called Parmenides. Then Plato had recourse to Euclid, Founder of the Megarick Sect: from whence he went to Cyrene, there to be instructed by Theodorus the Mathematician. In the next place, Plato having a strong inclination to the Pythagorick Philosophy, travell'd into Italy, that part of it which was called Magna Graecia, where Pythagoras had Philosophized, and left behind him many Sectators of his Discipline. Now amongst these Pythagoreans, Plato heard at Tarentum, Archytas the elder, and Euritus; amongst the Locrians he heard Timaeus the Locrian, from whom he is supposed to have borrowed many Traditions touching the Ori∣gine of the Universe, its parts, &c. See Lud. Viv. on Aug. lib. 8. ch. 11. Moreover, at Croto, Plato heard Philolaus the Pythagorean; as also Lysis of the same Sect, whom he makes the Subject of his Dialogue call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: and perused the Books of Epicarmus,

alias Cous, that famous Pythagorean Philosopher. Hence it is, that from Plato's great imitation of the Pythagorean Philosophy, the Names of Plat••nists and Pythagoreans are oft confounded in ancient Authors. Euseb. lib. 14. Afterwards Plato (being not content with the Knowledge which he had learnt at Athens, and from the Pythagorick Sect in Ita∣ly) travell'd into Aegypt, accompanied with E••ripides, or (as Vossius hath it) with Eudoxus, where he had 13 years Conversation with the Egyptian Priests, as Strabo writes, lib. 17. Cicero tells us, that Plato's design of travelling into Egypt, was to inform him∣self in Arithmetick, and the celestial Speculations of the Barbarians. After this, some will have it that Plato travell'd into Phaenicia, for that he seems so well acquainted with their Learning. Now Plato having in this manner collected what stock he could of Ori∣ental Wisdom, returned home to Greece, where in a Village near Athens he instituted his School called the Academy, so call'd from one Ecademus; the place (as Laertius tells us) was woody and moorish, therefore very unhealthful. Now concerning Plato's go∣ing to Dionysius, which Apollonius here speaks of, we read that he made three several Voyages into Sicily; whereof, the first was to see the fiery Ebullitions of Aetna; the se∣cond to visit Dionysius the elder, whose anger as it once made him depart, so did his Son's (Dionysius the younger's) love and earnest entreaties, make him return again, and give Sicily a third Visit Afterwards he died in the 13th. year of the Reign of Philip of Mace∣don, and in the first of the 108th Olympiad, being the 81. year of his Age, according to Hermippus, Cicero, Seneca, and others; Age alone being his death: Hermippus saith, he died at a Nuptial Feast; Cicero, as he was writing; but some falsly report, he was de∣voured with Lice, as Pherecydes. His Doctrine and Precepts are at large treated of by Mr. Stanly; but as for his Character, it is thus given us by a late ingenious modern Au∣thor:

Plato has the smoothest tongue of Antiquity, and takes pleasure to make men hear him attentively, though he is not much concern'd whether they believe him or not: he is always florid, but not always solid; the false relish that was then in vogue through the credit of the Sophists, obliged him to that flourish of expression which he used. He is wirty, quick, and elegant, and as ingenious as a man can be; for with lit∣tle Coherence and Method he observes in his Discourse a secret Oeconomy, which fails not to hit the Mark. And seeing he teaches only by way of Dialogue, that he may follow a free and disentangled Style, which has the Air of Conversation, he is rich in Prefaces, and magnificent in his entry on Discourses; yet he decides but little, no more than Socrates, and establishes almost nothing at all▪ however, what he says is so natu∣rally exprest, that nothing can be imagined more taking. The slight matters which he mingles with great in his Discourses, and the Trifles wherewith he circumstantiates what is essential and weighty in the Subjects he treats of, render him alluring; and it is by this way alone that he amuses. But through the great desire he hath to be pleasing, he is too much for telling of Wonders. Most part of his Discourses are nothing else but Fables, Metaphors, and continual Allegories; he affects often to be mysterious in what he says, that he may keep himself the more within the verge of his Character; and it is commonly by Lying that he undertakes to perswade Truth. Rhodiginus pre∣tends, that his sence is more to be minded than his words, which are often Allegorical: Moreover, he was too much a Politician to be a Philosopher: for in one of his Letters to Dionysius of Syracusa, he acknowledges that he publish'd none of his Maxims, but under the Name of Socrates, that he might not be accountable for his own Doctrine, in a time when the Nicety of the people of Athens was offended at every thing The Condemnation of Socrates made Plato so cautious, that to be in good terms with the publick, and to dispossess the people of the opinion, that he was addicted to the Senti∣ments of his Master, he turned Pythagorean. Now how beit he was a man of vast Ca∣pacity, (for what did he not know, says Quintilian?) and had a wonderful Genius for S••iences, whereof he always speaks better than others did; yet must it be acknow∣ledged, that he gave greater Reputation to Philosophy by the Conduct of his Life and Vertue, than by his Doctrine: for he it was who first taught, that true Philosophy con∣sisted more in Fidelity, Constancy, Justice, Sincerity, and in the love of ones Duty, than in a great Capacity. After his death, his Disciples so alter'd his Doctrine, and fill'd his School with such rigid Opinions, that scarcely could there be known amongst them the least print of the true Doctrine of Plato: which was divided into so many

Sects, as there started up Philosophers in the Ages following.

Cicero (in his Book de Divinatione) tells us, that Plato was accounted Deus Philosophorum; also Antimachus (in Cicero's Brutus) saith, Plato unus mihi instar omnium millium. Maximus Tyrius af∣firms, that Nature her self never saw any thing more eloquent, no not Homer excepted; wherefore Panaetius stiles him, the Homer of Philosophers: Pliny calls him, Sapientiae Antistitem; and Salvianus, Romanum Catonem; also others term him, another Socrates of Italy. The ancient School of Plato degenerated by the Sentiments of the new, into the Sects of Scepticks and Pyrrhonists, who doubted of every thing. Marcilius Ficinus pre∣tends, that Plato knew the Mystery of the Trinity. The Emperor Iulian preferr'd the Doctrine of Plato, to that which St. Paul taught the Athenians. The Logick of Plato (which is the same with that of Socrates) consists more in Examples, than Precepts; it hath nothing that is particular for Reasoning, because Socrates valu'd not that part of Philosophy. Though both of them placed the first discerning of Truth and Falshood in the Senses, yet they pretended, that the Mind ought to be Judg thereof. And seeing the Soul of man was but a small spark of the universal Soul of the World, and according to them a Beam of the Divinity; they thought, that that particle united to its principle was ignorant of nothing; but that entring into the Body, by that Alliance it contracted Ignorance and Impiety, from which, Logick served to purifie it. Alcinous, who gives us an exact Explanation of the Dialectick of Plato, says, that this Philosopher made use of Division, Definition, and Induction, to resort to the fountain of the first Truth: Division was as a Ladder, whereby to ascend from things sensible to things intellectual; Definition was a way to lead from things demonstrated to those that were not; and In∣duction the means to find the Truth by the principle of Suppositions: for by Division he came to Definition, as by Definition to Induction and Demonstration. Moreover, it ap∣pears by the Principles of the Logick of Plato▪ which allow'd no Truth but in the Idea's, that his School made profession of knowing nothing; because men cannot judg of single and individual Beings, but by the Senses, which are fallacious: So that the Disciples of Plato placed all their Logick in not believing any thing too slightly, and in retaining the entire Liberty of Judgment, among the Uncertainties which are found almost in every thing: In fine, Upon that great Maxim of a general Incomprehensibility of all things, was that Academy reform'd under Lacydes and Arcesilas, and the Sect of the Scepticks and Pyrrhonists raised. As for Moral Philosophy, Plato brought it to greater perfection, up∣on the Model that Socrates had left him: for by his Idea's which he gave to every thing, as the universal Principle of Philosophy, he raised all Vertues to their highest perfection. In his Phaedrus he explains the Nature of Moral Philosophy, the end whereof is to purifie the Mind from the Errors of Imagination, by the Reflections that Philosophy suggest to him: However, the greatest part of his Dialogues are but good Discourses without Principles, which nevertheless fail not to hit the Mark, and to instruct in their way; for the Morals of this Philosopher are full of Instructions, which always tend either to coun∣tenance Vertue, or to discourage Vice: and that Morality is spread in all his Discourses, though there be nothing in it extraordinarily singular. Some pretend, that the Metamor∣phosis of Apuleius his golden Ass, is an Allegory of the Moral Philosophy of Plato. Plato was the first that rectified the Opinion of the Souls Immortality, which he learnt of So∣crates, Socrates of Pythagoras, Pythagoras of the Egyptians, and the Egyptians (as some will have it) of the Hebrews, by the means of Abraham, whilst he sojourn'd in Egypt. Plato made it the most important Principle of Pagan Morality, thereby obliging men to Vertue, out of hope of Reward, and fear of Punishment. His Doctrine had a tendency to that of the Stoicks; as appears by the Example of Antiochus of Ascalon, who having been bred in his Academy, afterwards turn'd Stoick. As for Natural Philosophy, Plato hath hardly written any thing on this Subject, which he did not take from the Pythagore∣ans. Also for his Doctrine of Visions, Spirits, and Intelligences, (in his Dialogues of Epi∣nomie and Cratilus) he took it from Pythagoras, and Zeno had it from Plato; as Lipsius writes. Apuleius saith, that Plato of all the ancient Philosophers, hath discoursed best of God, Providence, Spirits, and divine matters. And it must be granted, that he appears more knowing in that kind of Science, than any of the rest; but seeing he learnt of Py∣thagoras, most part of what he delivers on that Subject, it is not safe to follow him. Ter∣tullian saith, the Platonists as well as the Stoicks assign'd even God a Body. Cardan

speaking of Plato's Opinion of the Immortality of the Soul, shews, that his Arguments prove the Immortality of the Souls of Beasts, as well as of Men, either of both, or none▪ Now touching this Philosopher's Works, they are common, and well known▪ There are ten Dialogues, wherein the sum of his Philosophy is comprehended; for his Writings are by way of Dialogue: and in all these, we must distinguish betwixt Plato's proper Opinion, and the Opinion of others. His own he lays down in the person of So∣crates, Timae••s, &c. Other mens Opinions he deposites in the person of Gorgias, Protago∣ras, &c. Amongst these Dialogues, some are Logical, as his Gorgias, and Eutydemus: some are Ethical, as his Memnon, Eutyphro, Philebus, and C••ito: some are Political▪ as his Laws and Commonwealth: some are Physical, as his Timaeus: and some are Metaphy∣sical, as his Parmenides, and Sophistra, which yet are not without somewhat of Logick. His Epistles are by some thought spurious: as also the Platonick Definitions adjoyn'd to his Works, are supposed to be compiled by his Successor Pseusippus. This great Philoso∣pher Plato was not without his Detractors and Emulators, for such were Xenophon, Anti∣sthenes, Aristippus, Aeschines, Phaedo, Diogenes the Cynick, and Molon. Now by these Enemies of his, many scandalous Imputations were forged upon him; as, that Plato profest one thing, and practised another; that he inordinately loved Aster, Dion, Phae∣drus, Alexis, Agatho, and Archeanassa, a Curtesan of Colopho; that he was a Calumnia∣tor, envious, proud, and a gluttonous lover of Figgs; that he was the worst of Philoso∣phers; a Parasite to Tyrants; and many other Accusations alike improbable. How∣ever, from hence the Comick Poets took occasion to abuse him: as did Theopompus in Autochare; Anaxandrides in Theseo; Alexis in Meropide; Cratylus in Pseudobolymaeo, &c. see Laertius. Lastly, As for his Disciples and Friends, (who were call'd Platonists, or Academicks, from his own Name, and the Name of his School) they were Speusippus, Xenocrates, Aristotle, Philippus, H••stiaeus, Dion, Amyclas, Erastus, Coriscus, Temolaus, Evae∣mon, Pithon, Heraclides, Hippothales, Calippus, Demetrius, Heraclides of Pontus, Lastheni•• and Axiothia, two Women, Theophrastus, Hyperides, Lycurgus, Demosthenes, Mnesistra∣tus, Aristides a Locrian, Eudoxus a C••idian, Evagon, Hermodorus, Heracleodorus, Euphra∣tus, Timaeus, Chaeron, Isocrates, Aster, Phadrus, Alexis, Agatho, Aristonymus, Phormio, and Mededimus: and many other of later Ages have been followers of his Doctrine: Cardi∣nal Bessarion, and Marcilius Ficinus, made the Italians in Love with this Philosophy of Plato; the Heresie of the Gnosticks sprung out of this Academy; Agrippa (as he him∣self confesses) weakned his Spirit, by reading the Platonick Philosophy in Porphyry, Pro∣clus, and Plessus. Many of Plato's Disciples gave themselves to be burnt for the Doctrine of their Master. Finally, All that hath been written by the late Platonists under the Ro∣man Emperors, carries no solid Character. The most part of the Greek Fathers, who were almost all Platonists, are not exact in what they say of Angels and Spirits, by rea∣son of the false Notions they imbibed in Plato's School. He that would know more of the Life and Doctrine of this Philosopher, let him search such ancient Authors, as Laer∣tius, lib. 3. Apuleii Dogm. Plat: Suidas, Plutarch, Athenaeus, Cicero, Aelian, Augustini Civita••em Dei, cum Notis Ludovici Viv. Porphyry, Val. Maximus, Eusebius, Iosephus, Cle∣mens Alexand. Strom. Stobaeus, and such modern Authors as Marcilius Ficinus, Monsieur Rapin's Reflections on ancient and modern Philosophy, Stanly's Lives, and Theophilus Gale his Court of the Gentiles.

[6] Helicon of Cyzicus, was he who Plutarch saith (in the Life of Dion) foretold the Eclipse of the Sun; also that this Helicon was a Friend of Plato's; and that the com∣ing to pass of his Prediction of the Eclipse, gave him great repute with the Tyrant, who presented him with a Talent of Silver for his happy Guess.

[7] Cyzicus (call'd at this day Chizico) was an ancient City of Mysia in Asia, wit∣ness Ferarius.

[8] Phyton, when he fled from Rhegium, &c. This Phyton was of a noble Family of Elis; who being reduced into Captivity with the rest of his Countreymen, was com∣pell'd to use all dishonest Artifices for gain, as Diogenes mentions in his Life.

[9] Rhegium, a City in the Coast of Italy, seated in that Cape or Promontory which lyes over against Sicily, now call'd Reggio, or Riggio, and not Rezzo, as Ortelius would have it.

[10] Eudoxus the Cnidian, was (as Laertius writes, lib. 8.) the Son of Aeschinus;

he was skill'd in Astrology, Geometry, Physick, and Law. His Geometry he learnt of Archytas; his Physick of Philistion the Sicilian, as Callimachus saith in his Tables; also Photion (in success.) w••••tes, that he was a Disciple of Plato's. When he was 23 years old, having a great desire after Learning, and yet by reason of his poverty wanting wherewithal to purchase it, also much envying the glory of Socrates his Disciples, he tra∣vell'd from his own Countrey Cnidus (one of the Cycladian Isles) to Athens, there to learn Philosophy, where after two months abode, he returned home again▪ And from thence, being supplied with moneys through the bounty of his Friends, he afterwards travell'd into Egypt, in company of Chrysippus the Physician, carrying along with him Letters of Recommendation from Agesilaus to Nectanabis, by which means he was ad∣mitted into the Converse of their Priests, amongst whom he continued the space of 16 months, where he wrote a History, comprehending their Transactions the last 8 years. After this he return'd to Athens, being follow'd by many Disciples, and died in the 53▪ year of his Age. See Laertius, lib. 8.

[11] Speusippus, was an Athenian, born at Myrrhinus, (which belong'd to the Pando∣nian Tribe) his Father named Eurymedon, his Mother Potone, and Sister to Plato. He was educated under his Uncle Plato, whose Neece's Daughter he married, having with her 30 Minae for a Portion, which Dionysius sent her; to which sum Chio added a Talent. When Dion came to Athens, Speusippus was his constant Companion, which he did by his Uncle Plato's Advice, to soften and divert the morose humour of Dion; whereupon Timon (in Sillis) calls Pseusippus a good Jester: Plat. Vit. Dion. The last Voyage that Plato made into Sicily, Speusippus accompanied him, and grew much into favour with the Citizens of Syracuse, by reason of his free Behaviour. Afterwards Pseusippus at his return to Athens, instigated Dion (who was there in Banishment) to levy War upon Dionysius, which accordingly he did with great success, as I have already shew'd in the Life of Dionysius: upon this, when Dion had recover'd Sicily, he bestow'd upon Speusip∣pus his Countrey-house, which he had purchased at Athens, as a reward for his good counsel. Now Plato dying in the first year of the 108^th Olympiad, Theophilus being Ar∣chon, Speusippus succeeded him in the School of his Academy, whom he follow'd also in his Doctrine: he continued Master of this School 8 years, till at last being very infirm, and disabled by the Palsie, he relinquish'd it to Xenocrates. As for the profession of Phi∣losophy which Speusippus made, it was the same with that of Plato. He first (as Theodo∣rus affirms) looked into the Community, and mutual assistance of Mathematical Disci∣plines, as Plato did into that of the Philosophical. He affirmed, that the Mind was not the same either with good or one, but of a peculiar nature, proper to it self. And he ex∣acted Money of his Disciples, contrary to the custom of Plato. For though he followed Plato in his Opinions, yet did he not imitate his Temper, Speusippus being austere and cho∣lerick, nor had so great command over his Pleasures. In Anger he threw a Dog into a Well; and indulging himself in Pleasure, he went to Cassander's Wedding in Macedonia: Laert. Philostrat. He was likewise a great lover of Money, as Apollonius here mentions, and also Laertius saith the same. In so much, that some indifferent Poems which he had made, he himself sung publickly for profit. These Vices, Dionysius writing to him, de∣rides, saying, Plato took no money of his Scholars, but you exact it whether they are willing or not: as is extant in Athenaei Dipnos. lib. 12. ch. 24. He was (as Timotheus saith) very infirm of Body, in so much that he was fain to be carried up and down the Academy in a kind of running Chair. At length he died of grief, as Laertius (lib. 4.) affirms: who elsewhere citing Plutarch, in the Lives of Lysander and Scylla, saith, that Speusippus died of the Phthiriasis; but there is no such passage in Plutarch, as now extant. Lastly, Concerning his Writings, Phavorinus (in the second Book of his Commentaries) saith, that Aristotle paid three Talents for them. He wrote many things, chiefly in Philosophy, as Commentaries and Dialogues; whereof you may see a large Collection in Stanly's Lives, out of Laertius, Suidas, Plutarch, Apuleius, Stobaeus, and Athenaeus.

Now for the further Illustration of those Philosophers Lives and Doctrines, which are made use of in this Treatise, give me leave (as I did before in History) so now to do the like in Philosophy; and for the better Explanation thereof, present you with this short Scheme, as well of the principal Sects, as Successions of the most eminent Philoso∣phers, which is thus digested and collected out of Clemens Alexandrinus, Laertius, and others.

[illustration]

Typus sive Epitome (uti Clemens ipse vocat) Successionis Philosopho∣rum ex Clem. Alexandr. Stromat. 1.* 1.17

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (septem scil. Sapientes) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

• 1.
  • Italica à Pytha∣gora, Olympi∣ad. 62
  • In Metapente, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• 2.
  • Ionica à Thalete, Olymp. 50.
  • Anaximander.
  • Anaximenes.
  • Anaxagoras Hic Scholam suam ex Ionia Athenas traduxit; ait Clemens.
  • Archelaus.
  • Socrates
    • Plato
      • ...
        Peripatetica in Lyceo.
        • Aristoteles
        • Theophrastus
        • Straton.
        • Lyco••.
        • Cristolaus.
        • Diodorus.
      • ...
        Academia vetus.
        • Speusippus.
        • Xenocrates.
        • Polemon.* 1.18
          • ...
            Stoica secta.
            • Crates
            • Zeno Citicus
            • Cleanthes.
            • Chrysippus
            • ...〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
          • ...
            Academica media
            • Cranto••
            • Arcesiaus, &c. us{que} ad
            • Hegesilaum
            • Carn••••des.
            • ...〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
    • Antisthenes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 3.
  • Eleatica à Ze∣nophane, Oly. 40
  • Parmenides
  • Zeno.
  • Leucippus.
  • Democritus.
    • Protagoras
    • ...
      • Metrodorus
      • Diogenes Smyrnaeus fort. Diome••es apud Laert. in vit. Anaxarc
      • Anaxa••hus.
      • Pyrrho
      • Nauliphan••••.
      • Epicurus uti Quidam

[12] Cassander's Wedding, this Cassander was King of Macedonia, and Son of Antipa∣ter, who nevertheless (respecting the publick Good more than that of his own Family) left the Kingdom at his death to Polysperch••n, and not to his own extravagant Son, our Cassander here mention'd.. Which he rese••••ing very i••••, resolv'd notwithstanding to push for the Kingdom of Macedonia; wherefore entring into a Conspiracy with Ptolomy King of Egypt, as also with Antigonus, and divers other Captains, he prepared all things rea∣dy for a War both by Sea and Land. At the same time Polysperchon (who was a cunning old Souldier, and had been one of Alexander's Officers) the better to secure Greece from a Revolt, did abolish all such Oligarchies, as since the passing of Alexander into Asia, had been erected in any of the Greek Cities, thereby restoring them to their former liber∣ty, in hopes to secure them from adhering to Cassander. Now Cassander having obtain'd of Antigonus 35 Ships, and 6000 Men, sailed with them to Athens, which together with the Haven he had got into his power, by means of Nicanor, whom he had sent before∣hand for that purpose. Against him came Polysperchon, intending to besiege him, but his Provisions failing him, he was forced to raise his Siege; when leaving his Son with a Party in Attica, he march'd himself with the chief of his Army into Peloponesus against Megalopolis, which was the only City amongst them that had adher'd to Cassander; where he being worsted, soon after the rest of the Greek Cities did thereupon revolt to Cassan∣der. After this ill fortune of Polysperchon's, Cassander marching into Macedonia, found likewise many Friends there, who were for the Rising Sun. The year following, Polysper∣chon by the help of Aeacida (King of the Molossians) brought back Olympias, with Alexander, the Son of Roxane, her Grandchild, into Macedonia; whereupon Eurydice, the Wife of King Aridaeus, fortify'd her self, and sent to Cassander for aid; but the Ma∣cedonians fearing the Majesty of Olympias, fell away from her; so that she and her Hus∣band being both committed to Prison, he was first kill'd, and then Olympias sent her a Sword, an Halter, and Poyson, to choose which of them she pleas'd; who having pray'd to the Gods for Revenge, hanged her self with her Garter. This happened after Aridaeus had enjoy'd the Title of King 6 years and 4 months. Olympias also kill'd Nica∣nor, the Brother of Cassander. But Cassander hearing she was arrived in Macedonia, marched out of Peloponesus against her; he also bribed all the Souldiers of Aeacida, as well as Polysperchon's Army, on whose assistance she solely depended, when she being fled to Pydna, he there besieg'd her, took her, and afterwards put her to death, she refusing to fly for her Life. And such was the end of Olympias, the Mother of Alexander, whom she had outlived 8 years. In the next place, he privately order'd Roxane and her Son Alexander to be slain. Now Polysperchon to revenge himself on Cassander, set up Hercules, the Son of Alexander by Barsine, who was a Youth of 14 years of age, and had been educated at Pergamus. Hereupon Cassander fearing lest the Macedonians should be too well affected to this young Hercules, for his being descended of Alexander, did by way of Counterplot take to Wife Thessalonice, the Daughter of Olympias, and Sister of Alex∣ander the Great: And this I conceive was the Wedding, whereat Speusippus recited his Poems, as Apollonius here mentions. Afterwards Cassander waged a second War, which was against Antigonus; and soon after died of a Dropsie himself, having reign'd 19 years, and leaving behind him three Sons of his Wife Thessalonice, viz. Philip, Antipater, and Alexander, who came all to an ill end. See Iustin, Diodorus, Plutarch, and Laertius, Vitâ Phocion.

[13] Exercise all the Grecian Games; There were four principal Games or Shews in Greece; whereof the first and most eminent were the Olympiads, the second Pythii, the third Istmii, the fourth Nemei. Now designing to treat of all these separately, I shall be∣gin first with the Olympiads, as being the principal of the Grecian Games. Know then, that these Olympick Games were first instituted by Hercules, in honour of Iupiter: they were celebrated once every five years, beginning from the 11^th. and lasting to the 16^th. day of the first Month. Now an Olympiad (which comprehended the space of 5 years) was an Epocha of time, where by the Greeks reckoned their Chronology; for as we count by years, and the Romans by their Lustra, so did they by their Olympiads, beginning their first Olympiad, A.M. 3174. from which time, instead of saying, 26 years, they would say, the first year of the sixth Olympiad, &c. Also they receiv'd their Name from their Situation, as being near the City Olympia, in the Province of Elide: Now the use made

of these Games, was to initiate the Youth of Greece in Feats of Activity, for that the greatest numbers of men that ever met upon any such Assemblies, used to resort thither, some as Spectators, and others, in hope of Victory. The original of this Institution was said to be thus: That Hercules, with his four younger Brethren, Paenaeus, Ida, Iasius, and Epimedes, being return'd from the Mountain Ida to Elis, proposed a Match of Running betwixt them all, only to make Sport; also that he who outrun should be crown'd with Olive Branches, which accordingly Hercules was, he being then the Victor: who there∣upon (from the number of those five Brethren) instituted the like Sport to be practised every 5^th year, to the honour of Iupiter, as I said before. Also the Victor was according to the first practice, ever after crown'd with Olive, which gives Aristophanes in Plato occasion to deride Iupiter's poverty, as being unable to bestow a Crown of Gold upon the Victor, when instead thereof he presented him with a Crown of Olive Branches; Nam magis auro decuit, si dives is esset: Transl. out of Aristoph. Some say, that Iupiter himself instituted these Pastimes upon his Victory over the Titans, when Apollo outran Mercury. In these Games, Eusebius writes, that Corilus an Arcadian wan the first Prize; but Pliny and Isacius affirm, that Hercules, the Son of Alcumena, (and not the Hercules before-mention'd) was the first Founder and Victor of these Sports and Prizes. For the Exercises used at these Olympiads, that Epigram of Simonides shews what they were wherein he enumerates,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Et saltus, & pugnis, & levitate pedum At{que} Palaestra.

Leaping, Fighting, Running, and Wrestling, were the principal Subjects of their Conten∣tion; notwithstanding they had many others, as running Races with Chariots, D••sputa∣tions betwixt Poets, Rhetoricians, Musitians, and Philosophers. Also the manner was then to proclaim Wars, or enter Leagues of Peace. Of this Subject see more in Cael. Rhodig, Natal Com. Mythol. Polyd. Virg. and in all the Greek Poets and Historians.

The second of the Grecian Games were the Pythian, so call'd from Pythion, a place in Macedonia, wherein they were dedicated to the honour of Apollo, in commemoration of his Activity in vanquishing the great Serpent Python, that was sent by Iuno to persecute his Mother Latona, as the Fable saith: which Python, Strabo (lib. 6.) expounds to be a bloody wicked man, and enemy to Latona, whose Name was Draco. In these Games the Conquerors were crown'd with Laurel, as appears by Lucian and Ovid,

Huic Iuvenum quicun{que} manu, pedibusve, rotave, Vicerat, esculeae capiebat frondis honorem, Nondum Laurus erat. — Metam. lib. 1.

The Victor was at first adorn'd with other Boughs, but afterwards they made use of the Laurel, which Tree was appropriated to Apollo. Pausanias (in Corinth.) writes, that Diomede at his return from Troy having escaped the danger of Shipwrack, did in the na∣ture of a Thanksgiving first institute these Pythian Games: which were celebrated once a year at the beginning of Spring, as Dionysius in his Book de situ Orbis hath it,

Instituere choros omnes, victoria quando Grata suit, cum jucundum ver incipit, & cum Arboribus dulces nidos subtexit aedon. Sic interpr▪

The persons who chiefly frequented these Sports, were the Inhabitants of the Cyclades, and all the Islanders about Delos. Pythia was also the Name of Apollo's Priestess.

The third of the Grecian Games were the Isthmean, celebrated every fifth year in the Isthmus of Corinth, from whence they receiv'd their Name. They were instituted by The∣seus, in honour of Neptune, as Plutarch (in Vitâ Theses) testifies: Some say, they were dedicated to Palaemon, the God of the Havens, and I conceive that both Opinions may possibly be true, for as much as Neptune and Palaemon are sometimes Synonyma in the Greek Poets; however, they were both Gods of the Sea: Neptune of all, Palaemon only of the Harbours and Sea-shores. In these Sports the Victor was crown'd with a Garland of Pine-tree.

The fourth and last of the most eminent Games in Greece, were the Nemaean; so called, because they were kept in the Forrest Nemea. These Feasts were celebrated by the Ar∣gives, in honour of Hercules, who had so valiantly overcome a Lion in that place, and afterwards wore his Skin for his Armour. Notwithstanding some say, that these Nemae∣an Games were ordain'd in remembrance of Archemorus, the Son of King Lycurgus.

Now besides these four above-mention'd, they had several inferior Sports and Recrea∣tions; such as Pyrrhus's Dance, (invented in Creet by one of Cybeles Priests, so call'd) as a preparative of Youth for War, dancing it in Armour, and with Weapons on Horse∣back; Naked Games, invented by Lycaon: Funeral Plays, by Arastus; Wrestling, by Mercury; Dice, Tables, Tennis, and Cards, invented by the Lydians, not for any plea∣sure or lucre, but for the Commonwealths good; when in time of Famine, they asswaged their Hunger by eating every other day, and fasting by the help of these sedentary Pa∣stimes the next. Also the Game of Chess, invented, A. M. 3635. by a Politician, one Xerxes, thereby to demonstrate, how inconsiderable and impotent any Tyrant or Magi∣strate is, without the strength and assistance of his Subjects. They used casting of the Bar, which was made either of Iron or Brass, and of a vast weight, which whosoever cast highest or farthest wan the Prize. They used Wrestling, when two men having anointed themselves, whosoever flung the other first to the ground, was esteem'd the Victor. They sometimes disputed at Cuffs, which Combatants (named Pugiles) did tye about their Hands hard Thongs of an Ox's Hide, call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and these Sports were call'd Gymnici, because the parties fought naked. Palaestra was the place where they ex∣ercised Feats of Activity; and the Masters who taught there, were called Gymnastae. About this time there were in Greece, Athletes, (such as Apollonius here mentions) or Combatants of incredible strength, as Milon of Crotone, and Polydamas: whereof the one carrying a Bull along the Stadium, did afterwards knock him down with a blow of his Fist; and the other Polydamas strangled a Lion in Mount Olympus with his bare hands. Now these Games and Exercises of the Grecian Youth, caused them to be such good Souldiers, that with a small number of men they defeated millions of the Persians who invaded them. Neither were these Plays and Combats esteem'd of only as relating to War, or to divert the people; but they were also instituted (as appears by the four first I mention'd) in honour of their Gods, whose Festivals were celebrated with such kinds of Sports. Thus Homer tells us, how in the Temples they exercised themselves at many pretty Plays, when he speaks of those who did handle the Dice before the Altars of Mi∣nerva. See more of this Subject in Panciroll. Cael. Rhodigin. and Gualtruchius.

[14] Olynthos, a Town in Macedon, which is call'd to this day Olintho. Ferrar.

CHAP. XXIII. Apollonius asketh of the King, only that he would be merciful to the Ere∣trians, saying, that he for his part needed nothing but Bread and Fruits: A certain Eunuch taken with one of the King's Concubines, is by the in∣tercession of Apollonius saved from death: Apollonius telleth the King what is to be done that he may reign safely: Of the Embassy sent to the King.

IN the mean time an Eunuch came and called him in to the King, to whom Apollonius return'd this Answer, that he would come so soon as he had fi∣nish'd to his desire what concern'd the Gods. Accordingly, having finish'd his Offerings and Prayers, he approach'd the King in such a Garb and Habit as procu∣red the admiration of the Spectators. When he was come into the presence, the

King said to him, I give you ten Boons, judging you to be such a man, as never yet came out of Greece. To which Apollonius answer'd, Oh King, I refuse not all your Gifts, but there is one which I would ask rather than many tens; and with∣all, began to fall upon the Story of the Eretrians, taking his Rise from Datis. I pray you therefore (said Apollonius) let not these poor Wretches be driven out of their Borders, and the Hill that hath been assign'd them, but constitute you unto them that portion of Land which Darius appointed for them. In as much as it is a sad case, if being driven out of their Countrey, they shall not enjoy that Morsel which was assigned them instead of their own Land. Wherefore the King assent∣ing to him, said, The Eretrians even till of late have been the Enemies both of me and of my Ancestors: and seeing they had begun the [1] War against us, they have been look'd upon with an evil eye, so that their whole Generation is almost ex∣tinct; but for the time to come they shall be set down among my Friends, and I will appoint a good Governour over them, who shall do them right as touching the place assigned them. But why will you not accept the other nine Gifts? Because (said Apollonius) I have as yet acquired no Friends here. But do you your self need nothing, said the King? Yes, (said Apollonius) Bread and Fruits, which to me are pleasant and sumptuous Fare. As they were thus discoursing, a great noise was heard out of the Palace, both of the Eunuchs, and of the Women: for a cer∣tain Eunuch was taken lying with one of the King's [2] Concubines, and acting as Adulterers are wont to do: whereupon they dragged him by the Hair about the Womans Chamber, after that manner as the King's Servants were used to be drag∣ged. But when the eldest of the Eunuchs related, that he had long since observ'd this Eunuch to be in Love with that Woman, and therefore had forewarn'd him not to speak with her, nor touch her Neck or Hand, and to abstain from dressing her only of all that were within the Chamber▪ nevertheless he had now found him lying with her, and doing the work of a man: Thereupon Apollonius looking upon Damis, tacitly admonish'd him, that now he had a demonstration of that Dis∣course, which was formerly Philosophised between them, concerning Eunuchs being capable of Lust. But the King said to the standers by, It is a shame that we should in the presence of Apollonius, adventure to discourse of Modesty or Chastity, and not refer the determination of such matters to him. What therefore do you (Apol∣lonius) appoint this Eunuch to suffer? Apollonius, contrary to the opinion of all that were there present, answer'd, What else but to live? At that the King blushing, replied, Think you that such a Fellow is not worthy of many deaths, who durst vio∣late my Bed? But, said Apollonius, I spake not this for his pardon, but for his punishment, which shall gnaw him continually: for if this Love-sick Eunuch be permitted to live, longing for Impossibilities, neither will his Meat nor Drink please him, nor those Shews, which give great content to you and your Attendants. Moreover, his Heart will often pant, whilst his Sleep suddenly departeth from him, as it is used to happen to those that are in Love: and what Consumption can so pine him away, or what Pestilence can so fret his Bowels? Nay, if he be not a very [3] Coward, he will often supplicate you to kill him, or else will dispatch him∣self, much lamenting this present day, wherein he was not put to death. Such was the Answer of Apollonius, so wise and so mild, that the King permitted the Eu∣nuch to live. Afterwards the King going forth to hunt in the Parks, where Lions, Bears, and Panthers, were enclosed for the Barbarians, asked Apollonius, whe∣ther he would go a hunting with him? To whom Apollonius answer'd, You have forgotten (Oh King) that I would not be present with you whilst you sacrificed: and besides, 'tis no pleasing thing to look on while Beasts are tortured, and brought

into bondage, contrary to their own Nature. Then the King demanding of him, by what means he might reign firmly and securely, Apollonius answer'd, If you honour many, and trust few. When a certain Prince of Syria had sent Envoys to him, concerning two Towns that lay near the Confines of his Countrey, saying, that they had sometimes belong'd to Antiochus and Seleucus, but now were under his jurisdiction, as being part of the Roman Empire: And though the Arabians and Armenians durst not make any attempt upon those Towns, yet the King had invaded them, that he might enjoy the Profits of so remote a Countrey, as pertain∣ing rather to him, than to the Romans: The King having caused the Ambassadors to withdraw a little, said to Apollonius, These Towns were by the aforesaid Kings granted to my Ancestors, for the breeding of these wild Beasts, which being taken by us, do pass over Euphrates unto them; but they forgetting these matters, do seek after unjust Innovations. What therefore think you (Apollonius) is the mean∣ing of this Embassy? Apollonius replied, Their meaning seemeth very fair and reasonable, if being able to retain the possession of those Towns situate in their Con∣fines whether you will or no, they had rather receive it of you of your own accord. He further added, that he ought not for the sake of certain Towns, (than which, many private persons have possessed greater) to enter into contention with the Romans, or to undertake a War upon so small an occasion.

Illustrations on Chap. 23.

[1] THey had begun the War upon us, &c. Man is nothing but Self-interest incarnate, which consists totally in love of Life, and fear of Death: These are in effect to man, as two Ears to a Pot, whereof the one is to be held by Love, the other by Fear; Love is the fairer, but Fear the surer, and of greater operation: wherefore Pallas the God of Wisdom is always pictured armed, and the modern Inscription upon our great Ordnance is, Ratio ultima Regum, to shew, that in perswading people to Submission and Obedience, after all Arguments of Conscience and Law used in vain, the Death-thun∣dring Cannon is the last and surest Motive; for Self-love is deaf to all Motives, but that of Death the King of Terrors: therefore Princes to express their Character by Herald Hieroglyphicks, are usually observ'd to choose Birds or Beasts of prey, as the Roman Eagles, the English Lions, &c. only France to outshine the Glory of Solomon, chose the Lillies. The Ancients to decipher the best Education of a Prince, report Achilles to have been bred up under Chyron the Centaur, who was half a Man, and the other half a Beast, and that very fierce. The Camel, a great and strong Creature, yet by reason of his meek and harmless Nature, is led by Boys, and heavy laden; whereas the Leopard, a small but mischievous Beast, frees himself from that slavery, by his own fierceness. What makes the Subject of England enjoy that Liberty and Property which other neighbouring Subjects want, but our own happy ill Natures? And when others called the King of England, Rex Diabolorum, they did it only out of envy, for that his Subjects were Men, and not Cowards, Leopards, and not Camels. In like manner, if Princes are tame and unwarlike, their Neighbours will invade them, as well as their own Subjects rebel; for if men continue long in peace, it is metu, non moribus. War either publick or private, is almost the only thing which commands and governs mankind; the Thief on a sudden with his Pistol against your breast, commands your Purse: a poor man's Back and Belly lay siege against him, and force him to hard labour: vulgar Souls are often forced from their lewd Lives, by the continual War which Preachers make against them, with their spiritual Weapons of Fire and Brimstone. The Life of all Creatures supports it self by a daily warfare upon one another; some upon living Creatures, some upon Plants, and Plants upon the Water of the Earth.

Torva Leoena Lupum, sequitur Lupus ipse Capellam, Florentem Citysum sequitur lasciva Capella.

As for the Antiquity and Original of Wa••, Diodorus saith, it was invented by Mars; Tully saith, by Pallas; and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 writes, that Tubulcain practised Chivalry before the Flood; but Trogus will have it, that Nin•••• (the Husband of Semiramis) was the first King that ever made War upon his Neighbours. However, he that studies the Nature of men will find, that mankind hath ever continued in a state of War from its first Original: and if to disobey, be to offend, and to offend, is War, then was Adam in a state of War before his Fall, which made him have a desire to violate the Commands of God, in eat∣ing the forbidden Fruit, since his appetite to commit the sin, preceded the sin it self; and therefore not wholly innocent before. For War (as Mr. Hobbs well observes, Leviath. part 1. chap. 13.) consisteth not only in Battel, or the act of Fighting, but in a tract of Time, wherein the Will to contend by Battel is sufficiently known: and therefore the no∣tion of Time is to be consider'd in the nature of War, as it is in the nature of Weather. For as the nature of foul Weather, lyeth not in a shower or two of Rain, but in an incli∣nation thereto of many days together, so the nature of War, consisteth not in actual Fighting, but in the known disposition thereto, during all the time that there is no assu∣rance to the contrary. Now that this War betwixt man and man proceeds originally from Nature, is evident: for Nature having made all men equal in the faculties of Body and Mind, at least in their own conceit, from this equality of Ability there ariseth equali∣ty of Hope, in the attaining of our ends: And therefore if any two men desire the same thing, which nevertheless they cannot both enjoy, they become Enemies, and in the way to their end endeavour to destroy or subdue one another; from whence arises a diffi∣dence betwixt them, and from that diffidence, War. Again, Every man looketh his Companion should value him at the same rate he sets upon himself; and upon all signs of contempt, or undervaluing, naturally endeavours (even to their destruction, if not prevented by some higher Power) to extort a greater value from his contemners by Victory, and from others by the Example: Moreover, To this War of every man against every man, this also is consequent, that nothing can be unjust. The Notions of Right and Wrong, Justice and Injustice, have there no place. Where there is no common Power, there is no Law; where no Law, no Injustice. Force and Fraud are in war the two Cardinal Vertues. Justice and Injustice are none of the Faculties neither of the Bo∣dy, nor the Mind; if they were, they might be in a man that were alone by himself in the world, as well as his Senses and Passions: they are Qualities that relate to men in Society, not in Solitude. It is consequent also to the same condition, that there be no Propriety, no Dominion, no Mine and Thine distinct, but only, that to be every mans, that he can get; and for so long, as he can keep it. Methinks Horace gives us a pretty description of this state of war, and much to the same effect with Mr. Hobbs's, in these lines:

Quum prorepserunt primis animalia terris, Mutum & turpe pecus, glandem at{que} cubilia propter, Unguibus & pugnis, dein fustibus at{que} it a porro Pugnabant armis, quae post fabricaver at usus. Donec verba, quibus voces se••sus{que} notarent, Nomina{que} invenere, dehinc absistere bello, Oppida caeperunt munire: & ponere Lege••, Ne quis fur esset, neu latr••, neu quis adulter. Nam fuit ante Helenam cunnus teterrima b••lli Causa: sed ignotis perierunt mortib••s illi, Quos venerem incertam rapientes, more ferarum, Viribus editi••r caedebat, ut in grege Taurus. Horat. Lib. 1: Sat. 3.

Now the Passions that incline men to Peace, are fear of Death, desire of such things a•• are commodious to a happy Life, and a hope by their Industry to obtain them: from whence spring Arms, Laws, Magistrates, and all Civil Government, which (in respect that man is more rapacious, false, and perfidious, than any other Creature) are more essentially necessary for him, than for them.

Birds feed on Birds, Beasts on each other prey, But savage man alone does man betray; Prest by Necessity they kill for food, Man undoes man, to do himself no good. With Teeth and Claws by Nature arm'd they hunt Natures allowance, to supply their want: But man with smiles, embraces, friendship, praise, Most humanely his fellows Life betrays; With voluntary pains works his distress, Not through Necessity but want••nness. For Hunger or for Love they fight and tear; Whilst wretched man is still in Arms for fear: For fear he arms, and is of Arms afraid, By fear to fear successively betray'd. Base fear the source whence his best actions came, His boasted honour, and his dear bought fame. That Lust of Power to which he's such a slave, And for the which alone he dares be brave; To which his various projects are design'd, That make him generous, affable, and kind: For which he takes such pains to be thought wise, And skrews his actions in a forc't disguise; Leading a tedious Life in misery, Under laborious mean Hypocrisie. Look to the bottom of this vast design, Wherein man's w••sdom, power, and glory joyn▪ The good he acts, the ill he does endure, 'Tis all from fear to make himself secure: Meerly for safety after fame we thirst; For all men would be Cowards if they durst. Satyr against Man▪

It may (saith Mr. Hobbs) seem strange to him, that hath not well weigh'd these things▪ how Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade, and destroy one ano∣ther: wherefore, not trusting to these foremention'd Inferences made from the Passions, he may perhaps desire to have the same confirm'd by Experience. Let him therefore con∣sider with himself, what opinion he hath of his fellow-Subjects, when he rides armed upon the Road; of his fellow-Citizens, when he locks his Doors; of his Children and Servants, when he locks his Chests and Truncks? Does he not there as much accuse mankind by his actions, as I do by my words? Nay, as well the Civil Law, which or∣dains a punishment for Murder in this World, as the Sacred, which prohibits it upon pain of damnation in the next, are sufficient Arguments to justifie the rapacious and frau∣dulent Natures of men. Men naturally desire to be govern'd by them that will govern them cheapest, and care not how often they change their Masters, so that they may gain but two pence in the pound by so doing: Thus we see the common Souldier fights for him that gives him the most Pay, when, without ever considering the justice of the Cause, or any thing but their own Interest for a brown George, and a Groat a day, they murder such as never did them wrong, and like Mastiffs upon a Bear, are set on by no other Motives, but the Claps of a luxurious and ambitious Master; never considering, that he who hath least to lose, ought to venture least: like that most wise Cobler, who refusing to ••eep Holiday as others did, upon a Victory his Prince had obtain'd, and be∣ing asked why, reply'd, As he was a Cobler before, so he should neither mend nor mar his condition, let the Victory go how it would, for that he was sure both parties must need men of his Trade. And this may suffice to shew the ill condition, which man by meer Nature is actually placed in.

[2] Kings Concubines; The Eastern Princes, as well ancient as modern, have never wanted their Seraglio of Concubines; notwithstanding some were more addicted to them than others, and accordingly have their success been: for that Monarch who keeps but

one hand upon his instruments of Pleasure, and the other hand upon his Sword, may happily succeed well; but he, who like Sardanapalus, pinnions both hands upon those lower parts, and quits the possession of his Sword, for a spinning Wheel and a Mistress, will inevitably fall into the same ruine: neither indeed (as Cyrus bravely spoke) doth it belong properly to that man to command, who is not of more worth, than those whom he commandeth. When a Woman governs a Prince, she wears not only the Breeches but the Crown, War and Peace are wholly in her hands, to her Ambassadors solely ad∣dress themselves, to her all persons make their applications for Debts, Offices, and places of preferment, both in Church and State, she only can play the Donna Olympia, when either by stealing his Papers of State, she betrays his most secret Counsels to Foreigners, or by constituting men of wicked principles in all Offices of Trust, she scandalizes both Church and State. Again, As with private men, so is it with Princes, the very expences of such women are often destructive to both; for as the one may bring himself to beg∣gary, by paying a hundred pounds for that which is worth but a shilling; so may the other by raising his expences proportionably, so oppress his Subjects with Taxes, as shall endanger an Insurrection, leaving himself unable to oppose his Enemies, either abroad or at home. Therefore well might Solomon say, that women will bring a man to a morsel of Bread; since one Cleopatra can consume 600000 Sesterces at a draught, as if nothing but the richest Oriental Pearl would serve to quench her thirst:

Hanc volo quam redimit totam Denarius alter. Mart:

Now how much those Eastern people are addicted to this Vice, would seem incredible, did not our daily Experience inform us of the truth thereof: When Sultan Achmet (who lived but in the year of our Lord, 1613.) had 3000 Concubines and Virgins listed in his Venereal Service. Purchase's Pilgrimage, page 290. Nay, in those Countreys, the Wives are not all offended at the Rivals of their Bed, for as custom hath taken off the shame, so also hath it extinguish'd their anger: Thus we read in holy Writ, that Leah, Rachel, Sarah, and Iacob's Wives, brought their fairest Maiden-servants unto their Hus∣bands Beds; also Livia seconded the lustful Appetites of her Husband Augustus, even to her own prejudice; and Stratonica, wife of King Deiotarus, did not only accommodate the King with a handsom Maiden, but also enroll'd the said Concubine for one of the La∣dies of her Bed-chamber, educating her Children, and using all means possible to have them succeed in his Thron••; of so base a Spirit was Queen Stratonica! Again, Princes have been as often ruined by their Wives, as by their Concubines: Thus Livia is infa∣mous for the poysoning of her Husband; Roxalana, Solyman's Wife, was the destruction of that renowned Prince, Sultan Mustapha, and otherwise troubled his House and Suc∣cession; Edward the Second of England his Queen, had the principal hand in the depo∣sing, and murther of her Husband. Now this kind of danger is then chiefly to be fear'd, when the Wives have Plots, either for the raising of their own Children, or for the pro∣moting of their own new Religion, or else when they be Advowtresses: of all which, her differing from her Husband in Religion, (whether she be Wife or Concubine) ren∣ders her the most dangerous; for then, she looking upon him as out of the reach of God's mercy, can think nothing an injury to his person, or a loss to his Estate, if her ghostly Fa∣thers are pleas'd but to encourage her. Lastly, Upon another account Women have many times been the destruction of States;

Nam fuit ante Helenam Cunnus teterrima Belli Causa:— Horat. Lib. 1. Sat. 3.

Paris his Robbery committed upon the Body of the fair Helena, Wife to Menelaus, was the original cause of that fierce War between the Greeks and Trojans; the Rape of Lu∣creece lost the Tarquins their Government; the Attempt upon Virginia, was the ruine of the Decem-viri; the same arm'd Pausanias against Philip of Macedon, and many other Subjects against many other Princes: in so much, that Aristotle (in his Politicks) im∣putes the abomination of Tyranny, to the injuries they do to people on the account of Women, either by Debauchments, Violences, or Adulteries: and this he delivers the ra∣ther, for that no one Vice reigns more amongst Princes, than this of Venery. Semiramis is said to have had conjunction with a Horse; and Pericles to have begun the Peleponesian

War, for the sake of Aspasia, the Socratick Curtezan; Iuda, the Iewish Patriarch, was a Fornicator; and Sampson (one of the Judges of the people of God) married two Harlots; Solomon, the wisest King of the Iews, kept whole Troops of Curtezans; Sardanapalus, that great Assyrian Monarch, lost his Kingdom for a spinning-Wheel and a Whore; Iulius Caesar, the Dictator, was called, the Man of Women; Mark Anthony was ruined by Cleopa∣tra; and Thalestris, Queen of the Amazons, march'd 35 days Journey through strange Countreys, only to request Alexander the Great to lye with her, which having obtain'd, she returned home again well satisfied: Much such another was Ioan, Queen of Naples, of fresher memory; as also Pope Ioan, which though denied by modern Papists. I find con∣firm'd in some Books I have now by me, that were both written and printed before the Re∣formation; as for instance, Polycronicon, and another old great Chronicle entituled, Chro∣nicon Chronicorum. Again, Queen Pasiphae was another Example of Lasciviousness; Helio∣gabalus much advanced the Art of Bawdery; and Domitian is reported to have acted Sodo∣my with a Bull. And many other great persons were there, whom History mentions, that forsook their noble Enterprizes for the Snares of Love, as did Mithridates in Pontus, Hanni∣bal at Capu••, Caesar in Alexandria, Demetrius ••n Greece, and Anthony in Egypt. Hercules ceas'd from his Labours for Iole's sake; Achilles hid himself from the Battel for Love of Bri∣seis; Circe stays Vlysses; Claudius dies in Prison for Love of a Virgin; Caesar is detain'd by Cleopatra, and the same Woman ruined Anthony. For being false to their Beds, Clytemne∣stra, Olympia, Laodicea, Beronica, and two Queens of France, called Fregiogunda, and Blanch, as also Ioan, Queen of Naples, all slew their Husbands. And for the very same reason, Me∣dea, Progne, Ariadne, Althea, and Heristilla, changing their maternal Love into Hatred, were every one the cause and plotters of their Sons Deaths.

[3] Nay, if he be not a very Coward, he will kill himself, &c. All things are importuned to kill themselves, and that not only by Nature, which perfects them, but also by Art and Education, which perfects her. Plants quickned and inhabited by the most unworthy Soul, which therefore neither will nor work, affect an end, a perfection, a death; this they spend their Spirits to attain, this attain'd, they languish and wither. And by how much more they are by man's Industry warm'd, cherish'd, and pamper'd, so much the more early they climb to this perfection, and this death. And if amongst men, not to defend be to kill, what a hainous self-murder is it, not to defend it self? This defence because Beasts neglect, they kill themselves, in as much as they exceed us in Number, Strength, and lawless Liber∣ty: yea, of Horses and other Beasts, they that inherit most courage, by being b••ed of gal∣lantest Parents, and by artificial Nursing, are better'd, will run to their own Deaths, nei∣ther solicited by Spurs, which they need not; nor by Honour, which they apprehend not. If then the Valiant kill himself, who can excuse the Coward? Or how shall man be free from this, since the first man taught us this, except we cannot kill our selves, because he kill'd us all. Yet lest something should repair this common Ruine, we daily kill our Bodies with Surfets, and our Minds with Anguishes. Of our Powers, Remembring kills our Me∣mory; of Affections, Lusting, our Lust; of Vertues, Giving kills Liberality. And if these kill themselves, they do it in their best and supream perfection: for after perfection imme∣diately follows excess, which changing the Natures and the Names, makes them not the same things. If then the best things kill themselves soonest, (for no Affection endures, and all things labour to this perfection) all travel to their own death, yea, the frame of the whole World, if it were possible for God to be idle, yet because it began, must die. Then in this Idleness imagined in God, what could kill the World but it self, since out of it, no∣thing is? Donn's Paradoxes. The two chief Objections against self-Homicide, are the Law of God commanded in the Scriptures, and the Law of Nature, which obliges every man to self-Preservation. As for the first of these, I refer you to that excellent Treatise entitu∣led, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and written by that eminent Poet and Divine, Dr. Donn, the Dean of Pauls; wherein, with no weak Arguments, he endeavours to justifie out of Scripture, the Legality of self-Homicide. As to the second Objection of self-Preservation, those that are for self-Murder, urge, that self-Preservation is no other than a natural Affection, and appetition of good, whether true, or seeming; so that if I propose to my self in this self-Killing a greater good, although I mistake it, I perceive not (saith the Doctor) wherein I transgress the general Law of Nature, which is an Affection of good, true, or seeming: and if that which I affect by death, (as Martyrs, who expect a Crown of Glory, and to

lye snug in Abraham's bosom, under the umbrage of his Beard) be really a greater good, wherein is the Law of self-Preservation violated? Therefore some that are Enemies to our Faith, will have Afflictions to be God's Call out of this Life, and by the same Reason as we preserve our well-being, ought we then to destroy our ill-being. Another Reason which prevails with them, as shewing self-Homicide to be consistent with the Law of Nature is this, that in all Ages, in all places, and upon all occasions, men of all conditions have affected i••, and inclin'd to do it; when man, as though he were Angelus sepultus, labours to be discharged of his earthly Sepulchre, his Body. And though this may be said of all other sins, that men are propense to them, and yet for all that, frequently they are against Na∣ture; yet if this sin (saith the Doctor) were against the particular Law of Nature, and that so it wrought to the destruction of our Species, any otherwise than intemperate Lust, Surfets, or incurring penal Laws, and the like, it could not be so general; since being con∣trary to our sensitive Nature, it hath not the advantage of pleasure and delight to allure us withal, which other sins have. When I frame to my self a Martyrology (saith he) of all which have perish'd by their own means for Religion, Countrey, Fame, Love, Ease, Fear, and Shame, I blush to see how naked of Followers all Vertues are in respect of this Fortitude; and that all Histories afford not so many Examples, either of Cunning, subtle Devices, or of forcible and violent Actions, for the safeguard of Life, as for the destroying. Petronius Arbiter, who served Nero, a man of Pleasure, in the Office of Master of his Pleasures, upon the first frown went home and cut his Veins. How subtlely and curiously Attilius Regulus de∣stroy'd himself? whom Codrus exceeded, in forcing his own Death. Comas, Captain of the Thieves, died by stopping his own Breath. Herennius, the Sicilian, beat out his own Brains against a Post. Annibal, for fear of being reduced to the necessity of being beholden to others, died with poyson, which he always carried in a Ring; as Demosthenes died with poyson carried in a Pen. Aristarchus starved himself; and Homer is said to have hanged him∣self, because he understood not the Fishermens Riddle. Democles scalded himself to death. Portia, Ca••o's Daughter, and Catulus Luctatius, died by swallowing burning Coals. Poor Terence, because he lost his 108 translated Comedies, drowned himself. And the Poet La∣bienus, because his Books were burnt by publick Edict, burnt himself also. Zeno, upon a small hurt of his Finger, hanged himself, when he was almost an hundred years of age; for which reason Laertius proclaims him to be, Mira faelicitate vir, qui incolumis, integer, sine morbo excessit. Portius Latro kill'd himself for a quartan Ague; and Festus, Domitian's Be∣loved, only to hide the deformity of a Ringworm in his Face. Hipponi••s the Poet rimed Bu∣balus the Painter to death with his Iambicks; and so Cassius Licinius, to escape Cicero's Judgment, choak'd himself with a Napkin. These and many other Examples could I in∣stance, were it necessary▪ as those who die voluntarily for Religion; and the Wives among the Indians, who burn themselves upon their Husbands death. One of the most cruel Ro∣man Emperors said of his Prisoners, that he would make them feel death; and if any fortu∣ned to kill himself in Prison, he would say, That Fellow hath escaped me. Lastly, Cato alone, that pattern of Vertue, may serve instead of all other Examples. Moreover, I do verily believe, that he who hangs himself in a Garret, (as the late Parson of Newgate did) feels less pain, horror, and trouble, than such as die of Feavers in their Beds, with Friends and Relations weeping about them.

CHAP. XXIV. Apollonius whilst the King lay sick, told him many things of the Souls Im∣mortality: Divers Speeches pass'd to and fro between them: Apolloni∣us is at length dismiss'd by the King, with Camels and other Necessaries for his Iourney into India.

NOw the King being fallen sick, Apollonius standing by him, utter'd so great and so divine things concerning the Soul, that the King-plucking up his courage, said to the standers by, that Apollonius had by his words caused him not only to contemn a Kingdom, but even [1] Death it self; when the King shew'd the Trench to Apollonius, which was made under Euphrates, and whereof we * 1.19 spake before, and ask'd him whether he thought it not a great wonder: Apollonius depressing the strangeness thereof, said to the King, It would be a won∣der indeed, if you were able to pass over so deep and unpassable a Current on your feet. Afterwards, when he shew'd him the Walls of Ecbatana, saying, that they were the Dwelling of the Gods; Apollonius replied, They are not certainly the Dwelling of the Gods, and whether they be the Dwelling of men, I cannot tell; for the City of [2] Lacedemon (Oh King) is inhabited without Walls. Again, when the King had been administring Iustice to certain Towns, and boasted to Apollonius, that he had spent two days in hearing and determining Causes; Apol∣lonius answer'd, You were very slow in finding out what was just. A•• another time, after the Tributes coming in thick from his Subjects, the King opening his Treasury, shew'd his Wealth to Apollonius. alluring him to the desire of Riches: But Apollonius admiring at nothing which he saw, said to the King, To you (Oh King) these are [3] Riches, but to me, nothing but Straw. When the King de∣manded what he should do to make good use of his Riches, Apollonius's Answer was, If you make use of them, considering you are a King. Now having had many such Conferences with the King, and having found him ready to do what he advised him to, also thinking that he had sufficiently convers'd with the Magici∣ans, he said to Damis, Go to now Damis, let us begin our March towards the Indians; for they that sail towards the Eaters of [4] Lotus, being taken with the sweetness of that Plant, forget their own proper manners; but we, though we have not tasted of any thing that is here, do yet tarry in these parts longer than is fitting. I my self had the same thoughts, said Damis; but reckoning the time which we con∣jectured from the Lioness which we saw, I waited till that space was expired, which is not yet pass'd; for 'tis now but a year and four * 1.20 months with us; nevertheless, could we now get away from hence, it would do well: But the King (answer'd Apollonius) will not dismiss us before the end of the eighth month; for you see that he is full of Courtesie and Humanity, too good to reign over Barbarians. But when he was resolv'd to depart, and the King had given him leave so to do, Apol∣lonius call'd to mind the Gifts which hitherto he had forborn to receive, until he had gotten Friends in that Countrey; wherefore going to the King, he said to him, Best of Kings, I have hitherto bestow'd no Benefit on my Host, also I owe a Re∣ward to the Magicians; wherefore my Request is, that you would be mindful of them, and for my sake, take care of them, being wise men, and full of good will towards you. The King being exceedingly well pleas'd, said unto him, You shall see

these men to morrow made marks of Emulation, and greatly rewarded; moreover, in as much as you your self have need of none of my Riches, permit at least that these men, pointing to those about Damis, may receive something of my Wealth, even what they will. But when they also turn'd away at this word, Apollonius answer'd, Do you see (Oh King) my Hands, both how many they are, and how like one another? However, said the King, take a Guide to direct▪ you in your Iourney, and [5] Camels whereon you may ride, for the way is too long to travel it all on foot. Let this be done (Oh King) answer'd Apollonius, as you command, for they re∣port, that the way cannot be passed over by any who doth not so ride; also this Crea∣ture is easie to be provided for, and fed, where there is but little Forrage: I sup∣pose likewise, that we must provide Water, and carry it in Bottles, as men do Wine; for three days Iourney (said the King) the Countrey is without Water, but after that, there is great plenty of Rivers and Springs. I conceive it best for you to travel over Caucasus; for that Countrey is fertile, and affordeth good Accom∣modation. Now when the King asked him what Present he would bring him from thence, Apollonius answer'd, It should be a pleasing one; for if (said he) my Converse with the men of that Countrey improve my Wisdom, I shall return to you far better than I leave you: Whereupon the King embracing him, said unto him, Go on your way, for this Present will be great.

Illustrations on Chap. 24.

[1] CO••temn even Death it self▪ &c. It is worthy the observing, (saith the Lord Bacon) that there is no Passion in the Mind of man so weak, but that it masters the fear of Death: Revenge triumphs over Death; L••ve slights it, Honour aspireth to it; Grief flyeth to it; and Fear pre-occupateth it. Nay, we read, that after the Emperor Otho had slain himself, Pity (which is the tenderest of Affections) provoked many to die, out of meer compassion to their Soveraign. Moreover, Seneca adds Niceness and S••tiety, saying, that a man would die, though he were neither valiant nor miserable, only upon a weari∣somness, to do the same thing so often over and over. Hence it is, that the Approaches of Death make so little alteration in good Spirits, that they appear to be the same men, to the very last instant: Thus Augustus Caesar died in a Complement, Livia, conjugii nostri memor, vive, & vale, Tiberius in Dissimulation, as Tacitus saith of him, Iam Tiberium vires, & corpus, non dissimulatio, deserebant; Vespasian in a Jest sitting upon a Stool, Vt puto, Deus fio; Galba with a Sentence, Feri, si ex re sit Populi Romani, holding forth his Neck, Sep∣timius Severus in Dispatch, Adeste, si quid mihi restat agendum, &c. Bac. Ess. Again, many vulgar persons are seen to bear Deaths, intermixt with Shame and Torments, with an undaunted assurance; some through stubbornness, and some through simplicity; who without any visible alteration, take leave of their Friends, and settle their domestick Con∣cerns, but an hour before they die; sometimes singing, jesting, or laughing, and sometimes drinking to their Acquaintance with their very last breath, even as unconcern'd as Socrates himself could be. One (saith Montaign) when he was led to the Gallows, desired it might not be through such a Street, for fear a Merchant should arrest him for an old Debt. Ano∣ther wish'd the Hangman not to touch his Throat, because he was ticklish. Another an∣swer'd his Confessor, who promis'd him he should sup that night with our Saviour in Hea∣ven, Go thither your self to Supper, for I use to fast at nights. Another calling for Drink upon the Gibbet, and the Hangman drinking first, said, he would not drink after him, for fear he should take the Pox of him. Another seeing the people running before him to the place of Execution, told 'em, they need not make such haste, for that there would be no sport till he came. Another being upon the Ladder ready to be turn'd off, a lame Weneh came and offer'd to save his Life by marrying him; but he perceiving her Lameness, cryed out, Away, away, good Hangman, make an end of thy Business, she limps. And many other Stories of the like nature I could here produce, to shew with how little Concern

some men look Death in the face. Quoties non modo Ductores, &c. How often (saith Tully) have not only our Commanders, but also our whole Armies, run violently on to an un∣doubted Death? Tusc. Qu. lib. 1. Pyrrho being in a violent Storm at Sea, made those that were timorous ashamed of themselves, by shewing them a Hog that was on board the Ves∣sel, what little Concern he had for the Storm. What cause have we then to boast of our Reason, if it only robs us of our Tranquility and Courage, making us more fearful and un∣happy than Pyrrbo's Hog? Mont. Ess. Death is a debt due to Nature, our Lives are bor∣row'd and must be restored. What is it makes Death so irksom to us, when Sleep the image of Death is so pleasant? Is it the parting with a rotten Carcass, that is hardly one hour free from trouble, sickness, or pain? Is it the leaving that which we shall not need, our Estates? Is it the loss of Conversation, such as bely'd you, betray'd you, abus'd you, and deceiv'd you? Is it the fear of pain, or the fear of what shall become of you hereafter? If it be the fear of pain, and that you esteem of Death only as you do of drawing a Tooth, Emori nolo, sed me esse mortuum nihil estimo, wish it were out, yet fear to have it drawn, then take this for your comfort, Si gravis, brevis; si longus, levis. Cic. de fin. lib. 2. You shall read (saith the Lord Bacon) in some of the Friers Books of Mortification, that a man should think with himself what the pain is, if he have but his Fingers end crushed or tor∣tured, and thereby imagine what the pains of Death are, when the whole Body is corrupt∣ed and dissolved; whereas many times Death passeth with less pain, than the torture of a Limb; for the most vital parts are not the quickest of sense. Death is but felt by Discourse, because it is the motion of an instant: Aut fuit, aut veniet, nihil est praesentis in illa. The Sickness that occasions our Death, is perhaps less painful than many other Sicknesses we have formerly had, however that is antecedent to Death, and so relates not to it; and for Death, (which is nothing but the seperation of Soul and Body) I cannot concei ve it to be any pain, or at most so short, as not worth an hours fear. If it were Death it self which caus'd the pain, then all men would have the same Agony at their departure, since Death is common to all. Secondly, If it be the fear of what shall become of us hereafter, that de∣pends altogether upon Faith, which Faith ought to be regulated by the holy Scriptures; but at this time writing in a Philosophical way, I shall treat only of such Opinions, as have been maintain'd according to un-enlightned Nature. Know then, that some have deny'd any Reward or Punishment hereafter, as thinking that the supream Being concern'd not him∣self with humane Affairs:

Ipsa suis pollens opibus; ni••il indiga nostri, Nec bene promeritis capitur, nec tangitur ira, Lucr. 1. Rich in himself; to whom we cannot add, Not pleas'd with good deeds, nor provok'd with bad.

Others deny any future Account, believing that when we are dead, we shall be as though we had never been born; according to these lines of the Poet:

Post mortem nihil est, ipsaque mors nihil, Velocis Spatii meta novissima. Spem ponant Avidi. Solliciti metum. Quaeris quo ja••••as post obitum loco? Quo non nata jacent. Tempus nos avidum devoraet, & chaos. Mors individua est noxia corpori, Nec parens animae. Taenara, & aspero Regnum sub domino, limen & obsidens Custos non facili Cerberus ostio, Rumores vacui, verbaque inania, Et par sollicito fabula somnio. Senec. Troas. Act. 2. Chor.

Thus English'd by a Person of Honour:

After Death nothing is, and nothing Death, The utmost limit of a Gasp of Breath. Let the ambitious Zealot lay aside His hopes of Heaven; whose Faith is but his Pride.

Let slavish Souls lay by their Fear, Nor be concern'd which way, nor where, After this Life they shall be b••rl'd; Dead, we become the Lumber of the World: And to that Mass of Matter shall be swept, Where things destroy'd, with things unborn are kept: Devouring Time swallows ••s whole; Impartial Death confounds Body and Soul. For Hell and the foul Fiend that rules God's everlasting fiery Iayls, (Devis'd by Rogues, dreaded by Fools) With his grim grisly Dog that keeps the Door, Are sensless Stories, idle Tales, Dreams, Whimsies, and no more.

Many other as vain and impious Tenents were held amongst the un-enlightned Heathens, which I shall treat of more at large in my Illustration of the Souls Immortality, and have only instanced these at present, to shew, that before the Gospel shin'd amongst them, many denied a future Reward and Punishment, and those who did so, could have no fear of Death, upon the account of what would become of them hereafter. But now writing in a Christian Government, I shall wave all such Arguments, and fly only to the infinite Attribute of God's Mercy, which were not infinite, did it not extend to the vilest Sinner in Hell. He delights not in the death of a Sinner, and we have found daily Experiments of his Mercy; may such a thought never enter into my heart, that the De••s optimus maximus & communis Pater of all Mankind, should create men to damn them. The best natured of the Fathers, viz. Origen, had another opinion of God, and thought the very Devils themselves would not suffer eternally▪ which if it was an error, was an error on the right hand. Has God brought us into the World, preserv'd us in it several years, given us a comfortable subsist∣ance, brought us to our Journeys end in peace and happiness, and shall we then at last di∣strust him? We knew not how he would dispose of us when we came into this World, and we know not how he will dispose of us when we go out of it; but since he dealt so bounti∣fully with us before, why may he not do the same again? The very Dogs that wait at out Trenchers will upbraid us with this Diffidence, when after two or three meals meat, and one days sport, they chearfully follow us without any distrust at the first whistling Sum∣mons. Neither will I despair, when our Divines tell me, I have offended an infinite Maje∣sty, unless I had infinitely offended him; which I neither can, nor would do. For I consi∣der him not only as my God and Creator, but also as my heavenly Father, who will own me for his, so long as I do nothing purposely to offend him; and that if through the sensual Nature in me I commit any frailties, he will give me only a filial chastisement, and with that his pardon. I think I may without vanity affirm, that the thoughts of Death are not at all frightful to me, and though an unprepared Death I dread, yet a sudden Death of all others appears to me least terrible.

Mitius ille perit, subita qui mergitur unda, Quam sua qui liquidis brachia lassat Aquis. Ovid. de Ponto, l. 3.

Lastly, As for a future Account, I find the Bill to swell rather than shrink by continuance. From all which I conclude, that Death needs not seem terrible to any, out of a fear of what shall become of them hereafter, unless it be to such, who by their hard censures of God Almighty, make Salvation seem almost impossible: and of those, I wonder any will marry, since according to their belief, 'tis above ten thousand to one but the Children they get are damn'd. Men (saith the Lord Bacon) fear Death, as Children fear to go in the dark: and as that natural Fear in Children is increas'd with Tales, so is the other. Nevertheless, the Groans, Convulsions, discolour'd Face, Friends weeping, Mourning, and Obsequies, re∣present Death more terrible than really it is: Pompa mortis magis terret, quam mors ipsa. It is as natural to die as to be born; and to a little Infant perhaps the one is as painful as the other. Moreover, Death hath this advantage also, that it openeth the Gate to Fame, and extinguisheth Envy: — Extinctus amabitur idem: Horat. However, this fear of

Death, which Nature hath implanted in us all; is one of the greatest Benefits Mankind en∣joys; since without it, there would be no Peace, no Meum or Tuum, and no security ei∣ther for Life or Estate, all Laws then being rendred uneffectual. Now some are so base-spi∣rited, to judg of men according to their Deaths, if they be of a Perswasion different to their own; when if the Heretick (as they call him) repent on his Death-bed, then they boast of such repentance, as a victory over his former Opinions, although perhaps it was occa∣sion'd only by the decay of his understanding with sickness: Also if he keeps firm and reso∣lute to his old Principles, then they cry his heart is hardned; so that in effect it is no more than, Cross I win, Pile you lose; let either way happen, they will have something to say for themselves. But let them have a care of stamping the impress of divine vengeance upon other mens sufferings, lest in so doing they pen a Satyr against themselves:

— Te Pater Alme, Expertus fidens{que} sequar, quo duxeris ibo.

[2] The City of Lacedaemon; the most famous City of all Peloponesus, call'd heretofore by some, Sparta, but at this day, Mi••itrae; it was, as our Author here mentions, without any Walls; situate 120 miles South from Athens, and 30 miles Eastward from Megalopolis, being at present under the Dominion of the Turk. They were heretofore govern'd by the Laws of Lycurgus; but Aulus Gellius (lib. 11, 18.) writes, that amongst them, Theft was not only permitted, but commended.

[3] These Riches are to me nothing but Straw, &c. What Apollonius here speaks against Riches, I conceive to be meant rather as an Invective against Superfluity, than an Enco∣mium of Beggary and Want, for to that purpose was his former Prayer, To have a few things, and stand in need of none. Neither is Poverty less obstructive to the study of Philoso∣phy than Superfluity: the inconveniencies of Body and Fortune, are hindrances in the ac∣quiring those Goods of the Soul, namely, Knowledge and Vertue; for Knowledge requires a generous and liberal, not a sordid Soul, like that of a poor man, (whom Alciat's Em∣blem very well represents by a Lad, with one hand stretched up into the Air, with wings fastned to it, intimating a desire to fly higher, but the other hand fastned to a heavy stone, hinders him) for their spirit being loaden with misery, thinks of nothing but the means how to live, and to be deliver'd from the heavy yoke of Necessity, which deprives them of the opportunity of having either living or dumb Teachers. He that hath this Frierly con∣tempt of Riches▪ let him consider, how comes it to pass, that in a cold Winters night, whilst others lye abroad starving in the Fields, I have my warm Bed to go to, read, made and warm'd, without any care of mine? Is it not Money makes the difference? When after I have rid a Journey, that another man takes my Horses, rubs their heels and dresses them, without giving me any further trouble; what may I thank for this but Money? When I sit down to a Table well furnish'd with several dishes of meat, have no other care but to please my Palate in eating them, whilst other poor Creatures stand starving at my door, desiring only to go halfs with the Dogs in the scraps that come from my Servants Table; to what can I impute this difference betwixt them and me, who are all one flesh and bloud, but to Riches? So that in fine, he who contemns Money, doth in so doing contemn all quiet, peace, and content of Life, without which a man would have but a very ill mind to Philo∣sophize. Moreover, Poverty makes men despise the rigor of all Laws, and oft-times aban∣dons them to rage and despair, which making them hate their own miserable Life, renders them Masters of those of others. Hence, not only Mutinies, Seditions and Revolts, are commonly made by the poor and miserable, lovers of Innovation, wherein they are sure to lose nothing, and may possibly gain; but also are almost the sole Authors of Theft, Mur∣ders, and Sacriledges. Whereas rich persons, having from their Birth receiv'd such good Instructions as the poor want, are more stay'd in their actions, and better inclin'd to Ho∣nesty and Vertue, which without Fortunes and Estates can never produce any thing great or considerable; whereupon in our Language Riches are justly styled Means; without the as∣sistance whereof, Justice can neither render to every man what belongs to him, nor repel the Enemies of the State by a just War; whereof Money is by some called the Sinew. Upon this account they are sought after by all the World, as being the only support of Nobility and Families in a State; in which, for this Reason some Politicians place Nobility; but all agree them to be the chiefest ornament belonging to it. And in Policy, whether Riches be

acquired, or come to by Succession, they are always in esteem; as on the contrary, Pover∣ty is disparaged with reproach, as a sign either of base Extraction, or of Negligence and Profusion. He that is born to be poor, is born to be a Slave; and such a one is as unfit to be trusted with a publick Charge, as with a sum of Money: whereas Wealth raises the Courage, incites to great Attempts, and serves as a Spur to Vertue. I confess, I am not Philosopher enough to desire to beg from door to door, or to lye starving under a Hedge in a cold Winters night, for so they must endure who want Money: no, I would not do so much as Democritus did, to fit contemplating on the Stars, whilst the Cattel was eating up his Corn.

Miramur si Democriti pecus edit agellos, Culta{que} dum peregré animus sine corpore velox. Horat. Lib. 1. Ep. 11.

When I hear a young pert Master of Arts new launch'd from the University, begin to decry Riches as Muck, Dirt, Straw, and the like, I cannot but call to mind the Fable of Aesop's Fox, who complain'd the Grapes were sowr, when he could not reach them. But in this matter I think 'tis safest to refer this Subjects Debate to Agar, who prays of God to give him neither Riches, for fear of Pride, nor Poverty, for fear of becoming a Thief: since there is many a man hang'd for committing a Robbery, who had he been born to a plenti∣ful Fortune, might have been as honest a man as the Judg that condemn'd him; and on the other side, we who are now his Spectators, might have been his fellow-Criminals, had we been born under the malevolent Influence of the same Poverty. But however in this as in all other things, a mean is best; and he that as a single man cannot live with 600 pounds a year, would not subsist with 6000. As the Baggage to an Army, so is excessive Wealth to Vertue; it cannot be spared, nor left behind, but yet it hindreth the March; yea, and the care of it sometimes loseth or disturbeth the Victory. Wherefore I am as great an enemy to Superfluity as to Poverty; for as Solomon saith, Where much is, there are many to consume it; and what hath the owner, but the fight of it with his eyes? Of great Riches there is no real use, except it be in distribution, the rest is but concelt; there is a custody of them, a power of Dole, or donative of them, or a fame of them, but no solid use to the owner. For my own part, although my poor Fortune would not admit of Extravagancies, yet did it never restrain 〈◊〉〈◊〉, even in my youth, from things convenient; nor do I think, the coming early to a moderate use of Money, doth a 〈…〉〈…〉 prevents him from using those many base actions of cozening, cheating, pawning, and selling Cloaths, and the like, which necessity inclines them to. I ever observ'd, that Plenty produceth Co∣vetousness sooner than Want; for as Bion said, The hairy man grieves as much at the pulling out of his hair, as he that is bald: and he that hath once accustomed, and fixed his thoughts upon a neap of Money, it is no longer at his service, he dares not diminish it; it is a Build∣ing which if he touch or take any part from it, he thinks it will all fall; nay, he will sooner pawn his Horse, or sell his Cloaths, than make a breach into his beloved Purse; he is only a keeper or treasurer of his own Money, and deserves no more the name of a rich man, than he that keeps another man's flock of Sheep, which he dares neither sell nor kill. A covetous man is the person in the World, to save whose House from firing, I would not lend my helping hand; the bounty of Providence is shipwrackt on him; there is no villany he will not perpetrate for the lucre of Money. The Poets feign, that when Plutus (which is Riches) is sent from Iupiter, he limps, and goes slowly; but when he is sent from Pluto, he runs; meaning, that Riches gotten by good means and just labour, pace slowly; but when by the deaths of others, or by any unjust means, they come full gallop. According to the Italian Proverb, He that resolves to be rich within a year, 'tis an even Wager but he's hang'd before half the year comes about. The Expences whereby young men are most com∣monly ruin'd, are Gaming and Women; a little good fortune at first, which like Water put into a Pump, to make it give ten-fold, draws them to the love of Play, a Vice where∣by none thrive but the Box keeper: and for Women, many thinking it cheaper to buy a quart of Milk for a penny, than to keep a Cow, run into the Extravagancies of keeping Misses at such a rate, till at last the charitable Miss is fain to keep them. As for the Vices that bring men of riper years to poverty, they are commonly living above their Fortune in Equipage and Hospitality, or else being bound for a dear Friend over a glass of Wine. For the first of these, when by keeping a good Table, you fall into the distress of poverty, those

that have lived upon your Bounty, shall only say, you are a brave Fellow, 'tis a thousand pities, and the like, but will not go one step out of their way to relieve you. And for being bound for men, they are commonly Relations that desire it, and I am confident, eighteen in twenty that are so bound, are left in the lurch by their Principals; which made me so soon as ever I came of age, voluntarily enter into a Bond, never to be bound for any one living but my own Children. These and the like Follies of our own bring us into misery, and then we lay the blame upon Fortune, as vicious and intemperate persons cast their own wickedness upon Nature, when Fortune no more than Nature is in the fault:

—Natura beatis Omnibus esse dedit, si quis cognoverit uti. Claud. lib. 1.

[4] They that sail towards the Eaters of Lotus; this relates to a passage in Homer, in the 9^th Book of his Odysses, where he writes after this manner:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

For the description of this Lotus, Pliny (lib. 16. ch. 30.) gives it thus: There are some Trees (saith he) that branch only towards the top, as the Pine and the Greek Bean, which at Rome, for the pleasant taste of the Fruit, (much resembling Cherries, although it be of a wild nature) they call Lotus. This Tree is much planted about great Houses in the Court-yards, by reason of the large spreading of the Boughs; for albeit the stock or bodyit self be but very short and small, yet it brancheth so, as that it yieldeth much shade; yea, and oftentimes the Boughs reach to the neighbouring Houses. Nevertheless the shade of this Tree expireth as soon as any, for when Winter comes, the Leaves drop off, and no longer exclude the heat of the Sun. Moreover, no Tree beareth a fairer Bark, nor more pleasant to the eye, nor carrieth either longer Boughs, more in number, or stronger, inso∣much that whosoever sees them, would think each Bough a several Tree. Now, for the use that is made of this Tree; the Bark serveth to colour Skins and Leather; the Root to dye Wool▪ and the Fruit or Apples which it bears▪ they are a distinct kind by themselves, resembling the Snouts or Muzzles of wild Beasts; and many of the smaller sort seem to be joyn'd to one that is bigger than the rest. Also the same Author tells us, (lib. 13. ch. 17.) that the Fruit is as big as a Bean, and of a yellow colour like Saffron. See more of this in Homer's Iliad. 2. in Polybius, lib. 2. and in Athenaeus. The Lotophagites are Islands over against the Coasts of Barbary, as saith Pliny, lib. 5. ch. 7. It is now call'd L'isle des Gerbes by the French. It is a little Island of the Kingdom of Tripoly in Africa, lying upon the Medi∣terranean Sea. It is 18 miles in compass; and there were in it formerly two great Cities, whereof only one Castle and two Villages remain. It was heretofore possess'd by the Spani∣ards, but now by the Moors.

[5] Camels whereon you may ride; of Camels there be chiefly three sorts: The first call'd Hugiun, of great stature and strength, able to carry a thousand pound weight; the second less, with two bunches on the Back, and sometimes one upon the Breast; these are call'd Becheti, being found only in Asia, and are fit both for Carriage and to ride on. The third sort is meagre and small, not used to Burdens, yet able to travel above an hundred miles in a day; this kind they call Raguabill. Swan's Specul. Mund. The Arabian and Ba∣ctrian Camels, although they want Horns, yet have they Teeth but on one side. And of all the sorts, their Necks are most long and nimble, by which the whole Body is much reliev'd, seeing it can reach to most parts; their Heads are small, and Feet fleshy, in regard of which, they use to be shod with Leather, for fear of graveling; I mean, such as are tame, and made serviceable. They love Grass, especially the blades of Barley, and when they drink, the Water must not be clear, but muddy; the sirname therefore of the Camel is, Trouble-bank, for they will mud the Water with their feet, before they take any delight to drink it. The servile Tameness of this Creature is so great, that when their Masters load them, they will (like the Subjects of France) bow themselves, and stoop down to the very ground with their knees, patiently enduring to take up their Burden. Again, The Horse

and the Camel are at great enmity, in so much that with his very sight and strong smell, the Horse is terrified; wherefore Cyrus being excell'd by the Babylonians in Cavalry, used this stratagem of the Camels. Lastly, Our fine Stuffs, as Grogeram, and Chamblet, are made of Camels Hair, as some affirm; also there is a courser hairy Cloth to be made of the worst of this Hair, such as was that Garment worn by Iohn the Baptist in the Wilderness. But concerning the Nature of this Beast, see more in Pliny, lib. 8. ch. 18. as also in Gesner's History of Animals. This Creature is much used and esteemed of amongst the Turks, as be∣ing the only Beast imploy'd by them in their Pilgrimages to Mecca.

The End of the First Book of Philostratus.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Hom. Iliad lib. 17.
• * 1.2

  Aelian.
• * 1.3

  Suidas.
• * 1.4

  Laert. l. 2.
• * 1.5

  A Sesterce the 4th. part of a Roman Denarius.
• * 1.6

  Com∣pos'd by Simonides. See Lylius Gyr. Dial. 9.
• * 1.7

  Aurora musis ami∣ca.
• * 1.8

  See lib. 1. chap. 3.
• * 1.9

  Sic dict. quòd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 significat, media in∣ter duos; & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 fluvios.
• * 1.10

  Viz. Pliny
• * 1.11

  Pliny, and Herodotus.
• * 1.12

  Semira∣mi••.
• * 1.13

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is generally render'd two Fa∣thoms, as I have done it; however Hesychius renders it six cubits; but Salma∣sius cor∣rects him, and saith, it signifies four cubits
• * 1.14

  A Bird with a wry Neck▪
• * 1.15

  He that examines the Greek Copy a∣bout this Dream, shall find the Latine Translati∣on very erroneous.
• ‡ 1.16

  Plutarch in Themist.
• * 1.17

  Aliter La∣ert▪ Proens, p. 9, 10.
• * 1.18

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.19

  See lib. 1. ch. 18.
• * 1.20

  Months I have here supply'd, the Greek being de∣fective.