Britannia languens: or, A discourse of trade shewing, that the present management of trade in England, is the true reason of the decay of our manufactures, and the late great fall of land-rents; and that the increase of trade, in the method it now stands in, must proportionably decay England. Wherein is particularly demonstrated, that the East-India Company, as now managed, has already near destroyed our trade in those parts, as well as that with Turky, and in short time must necessarily beggar the nation. Humbly offered to the consideration of this present Parliament.

SECT. XIV. (Book 14)

People and Treasure the true Pillars of the Na∣tional strength: The Odds in the different Vse and imployment of people. The absoluteness of the French Monarchy no cause of the present French Grandure: The late Application of the French Councils to the Increase of Trade, Peo∣ple, and Treasure; and the occasion thereof. The greater excellency of the Form of our Eng∣lish Government. The farther necessity of Im∣proving our Trade from the Modern Trea∣sures and Powers of the French; of their Na∣val force, the Algiers Pyracy; how the French design to engross all Maritime Commerce; our dangers from France; of the present condition of the Dutch: That our late Prohibition of French Goods will not disable that Monarchy, nor better our Trade; meer Prohibitions of no value: Our great advantages in Trade above

France and Holland: That a speedy Regula∣tion of our Trade &c. would secure us against all Forreign Powers, and Dangers at home: Of Excises, and other Taxes. The certain In∣crease of his Majesties Revenue; hence, what occasion for a Parliament, &c.

FRom what hath been said, it is evident that National power is not Chimerical, but is founded on People and Trea∣sures; and that, according to the dif∣ferent condition of these its true Pillars, it im∣mediately grows more vigorous or languid: that sufficient stores of Treasure cannot other∣wise be gotten, than by the industry of the peo∣ple; and, That till they have it, they cannot pay.

People are therefore in truth the chiefest, most fundamental, and pretious commodity, out of which may be derived all sorts of Ma∣nufactures, Navigation, Riches, Conquests, and solid Dominion: This capital material, be∣ing of it self raw and indigested, is committed into the hands of the Supreme Authority; in whose prudence and disposition it is, to im∣prove, manage, and fashion it to more or less ad∣vantage; if any individual Manufacturer should permit his raw materials to be Exported into Forreign Countreys, or should himself make great store of knots of felters in his Yarn, he

would soon have a very slender, or difficult business of it: so great an odds there is in the different disposition of the ordinary industry of the people, that on the one hand, they may be thrust on in the pursuit of private interest, destructive to the publick, and be obliged like Cannibals to live by devouring one another, (by which they must continually and inevita∣bly wound and weaken the publick:) when on the other, their ordinary labours, more apt∣ly and industriously methodized, shall as un∣avoidably aggrandize that Government which protects them; and this without the Midwife∣ry of those Arts, Shifts, and Projections, which otherwise may be found necessary for its more present Support.

More particularly it appears, That the pre∣sent French power, which is now the admiration and terror of the World, hath no other foun∣dation; and therefore is not derived from the meer despotick Form of that Government, as some would insinuate, but from a prudent Relaxation of the Rigor of it towards the per∣sons and Stocks of the Trading part of that peo∣ple; this Form of Government being in its nature the most incompatible with Trade, of all others; nor probably had Trade ever recei∣ved any encouragement in France, but upon a necessity; this Monarchy being become abso∣lute, was yet low, poor, and despicable; beset

round about with Spanish Forces, Territories, and Allies, and poisoned with Spanish Pensions within, and therefore ready to become a Spa∣nish Province: It was then that this Monarchy found absoluteness without sufficient Treasure was but a trifle: That Arbitrary power might force store of Blood and Tears from the people, but not of Money, unless they had it: It was then that the opening and growth of the Dutch Trade presented an expedient of drawing in greater quantities of the diffused Treasures of the World into France by a Machine of home-Manufactures, than the Spaniards could direct∣ly from their Mines; which therefore was em∣braced by the dying hands of this Monarchy, and supported and improved ever since by a Succession of understanding men: which appa∣rently was not done by any peculiar virtue in this Form of Government, but by a necessary Abating of its inherent rapaciousness, which otherwise would have swallowed up every Sols of the stocks imployed in Manufactures and other Trade, and thereby would have dri∣ven away the people; as may be seen in the strong Governments of Turkey, Muscovy, Spain, and others.

The French Councils discerning where the true strength of Empire lay, were not so be∣witch't with the lusciousness of their Arbitrary power as to seek any such extreme execution

of it; their policies have long gone another way, as may be infallibly collected from the effects, and by other lights: So long ago as Henry the Third's time of France, Bernard de Gerrard Lord of Haillan, a great Politician in his time, presented an excellent piece to that King, intituled, The Estate and Success of the Affairs of France, thereby representing by what courses that Kingdom had been, or might be ag∣grandized or weakened; amongst others, he highly recommends the Support of the Populacy, beginning thus

The people are by Justice to be preserved in liberty,* 1.1 as will to Trade as to Labour, and to do eve∣ry thing belonging to their degree; by these the Kingdom are maintained, and enriched in general, and particular; if they bear the charge of Tailles, so are they to be cherished, defended, and sustained by the Nobles, as for∣merly they were, and now ought to be, from the violences and oppressions of their Neigh∣bours, and by the King and Justice from the insolence of the Nobles.

For so it was, that the Nobles or Gentry, being discharged of the Tailles, had given up the Constitution of E∣states; for which, they had been indulged with a kind of despotick power, within their own particular Fiefs; from whose barbarities pro∣ceeded the greatest sufferings of the people; whereof this Author is not nice or sparing to

give several instances too long to recite. I have troubled you with this citation, because this piece was by the Author Re-dedicated to Henry the Fourth, whom the Author tells in his Epistle, That his Predecessor Henry the 3d. used to read it with an Appetite, and yet the Author goes so far as to applaud the Antient Constitution of the Estates or Parliaments in France, affirming them to have been the mutual Succour, Medicine, and Remedy both of the King and People in all their Cala∣mities.* 1.2 If we come to the Reign of Lewis the 13th. under the Administration of Cardinal Richelieus, we may Judg how vigilant the French Councils were in his time, for the In∣crease of People and Trade, by two great In∣stances mentioned before: First in the Tolera∣tion of Protestants, after a Victorious Reducti∣on of all their strengths by force of Arms: this mighty Prince and his wise Ministers overcame all resentments to advance and ce∣ment the glory of his Empire; so that 'tis ob∣served by Dr. Heylin,

That the Protestants never had the Exer∣cise of their Religion with so much freedom as they had,* 1.3 after their reducing of their Forts and Garrisons to this King's obedience.

Secondly, by moderating of Customs and Port-duties on Merchandizes,* 1.4 which in the Reigns of his Predecessors

been raised and accumulated by about Twen∣ty several Edicts; but in his time were in a manner taken off, as appears by what Sir Walter Raleigh Repre∣sented to King James about sixty years since, cited before;* 1.5 but if we would at once discover how far the French Politicks have inclined this way, we may observe them as they are Digested and Refined in the pro∣digious Book, so entituled, written, as appears, several years since, (the Authority of which piece, though already famous, I shall give a farther account of) where in the Chapter of Finan∣ces, it being first observed,* 1.6

That a State is no further Powerful than proportionably to the Richness of its publick Treasury, and the greatness of the yearly Income that main∣tains it: it is laid as a farther unalterable Maxime,

That the Fundamental Wealth of a State consists in the multitude of Subjects; for its Men that Till the Ground, produce Manu∣factures, that manage Trade, that go to War, that people Colonies, and in a word, that bring in Money.

To make way in France for the multiplying of Men, divers courses are there dictated to oblige both Men and Women to Marry, viz. By Freedoms and Exemptions in Case they do, and have many Children, (now established by an Edict) and by Penalties in case they do

not; whence it may be observed, what Esti∣mate the French Politicks put upon Marriage. In the Chapter of the 3d Estate thus,

There cannot be too great a number of Husbandmen in France,* 1.7 by reason of the Fertility of the Countrey; and our Corn being Transported into Forreign Countries, we ought to make great Stores of it, and have as much as may be in a readiness, (which I am told is also so ordered by an Edict.) Handicrafts∣men and Artificers are no less useful; for besides,* 1.8 that Manufactures do keep men at work, and engage them, they are the Cause that the Silk, the Wool, the Skins, the Flax, the Timber, and the other Commodi∣ties that grow in France are made Use of, and that Countrey People have the means to Barter these things, and put them off; espe∣cially being wrought into Wares, not made in Forreign Parts, we shall grow further Principal Manufacturers, as we already are of Hats for Spain, and Stuffs for all Europe; a Matter of exceeding great Consequence. All this quickens Trade, and makes Money pass to and fro, which promoteth the Publick, and therewith at once every one's private advan∣tage: There must be Merchants also, for without their Industry, the Artificers Shops would be Stores never emptied, the Grana∣ries would remain full of Corn, and the Cel∣lars

of Wines, &c.

In the Chapter of General Orders, Usury is thought fit to be Prohibited (which is accordingly suppressed by an Edict:) I shall leave it to Enquiry, whether most of the rest of these Politicks relating to matters at home, are not established by other Edicts; if the Reader would further observe, how curious the French Politicks are to provide for the In∣crease and true Use of Populacy, I shall refer him to the Thirteenth Chapter of this Admira∣ble Tract, directing the Education of Children, and when 'tis fit to Marry them; and to the Chapter of Commerce, or rather to the whole piece. By all I have said, it appears, that al∣though the French Kings have assumed an Ar∣bitrary Power, the French Politicks have not rested upon this as a Security, but for the Ag∣grandizing of that Monarchy, have found it necessary to relax and retire from the severity of this Power, and to resort to popular Prin∣ciples: a Matter, which may deserve the Con∣sideration of our New Polititians the Hobbists, who place all the virtue of the French Govern∣vernment in its absoluteness: In the mean time I shall add, that notwithstanding what I have said, I do not pretend that the Condition of the French People, though made tolerable to the French, is comparable to the happiness of those whose greater Freedoms and Enjoy∣ments are secured by Fundamental Laws and

Constitutions: But this I shall observe, That whereas formerly, when this People were wretchedly poor, almost every small new Im∣position begot an Insurrection in France, as the said De Gerrard takes notice, the French now pay twenty times greater Taxes, with much more Satisfaction, because they are enabled so to do; and besides can live far more plentifully than before, many of the Traders splendidly, and gain considerable Estates: To all which may be added another particular, in which the late French Politicks deviate from the usual Jealous Maxims of Arbitrary Government; which is a general care to instruct the Plebeians of all sorts▪ in the Discipline of Arms.

The late swelling Power of Spain after the Suppression of the Spanish Cortes, or Estates, derived from the accidental Discovery of the Indian Mines, and the present Power of France after the Suppression of the French Estates, from as accidental an Improvement of their Trade, have been the occasion that some out of mi∣stake, or design, have much applauded that Form of Government, when it must be Confes∣sed that the same Indian Treasure and Trade, would have rendred the same Nations, under the continuance of the Estates, or England un∣der its present Government much stronger, and more secure, and this, by the advantages in this Form of Government.

Despotick, or Arbitrary Monarchy, was for many Ages as great a Stranger in this Part of the World, as Republican Government; As the European Nations by degrees cast off the Roman Yoke, they had before their eyes the Example of their former Mistress, the Common-wealth of Rome, which became Vassalized to her own Servants, by the unlimitted Power committed to Dictators and Generals; these assuming the Empire by force, and without title, were uncon∣trollable by Law, and therefore did not only gratifie their own Lusts, and just Fears of being supplanted by all manner of Cruelties, but their Masters the Soldiers also, by the Spoils of the Provinces; nay, and of Italy, and Rome it self; and yet were they very frequently killed, deposed, and changed by the same force which set them up: To avoid the Mischiefs on each side, as the Members of this Empire resumed their National Rights, they universally ce∣mented into a third Form of Government, much the same with ours: which, if we truly consider it, appears purposely, and wisely Cal∣culated to prevent the Inconveniencies of the other two, and yet to take in all that is excel∣lent in either; For first, we have a fixt Royal Legal Sovereignty, which filling the seat of Ma∣jesty, frustrates the Ambitious hopes of others from stepping into it; Then we have the Con∣stitution of Parliaments, by whose Interven∣tion,

Liberty and Property are preserved: Thus Revolutions and Oppressions at home are prevented. Then for the strength of this Go∣vernment outwards upon Forreign Nations, it must in the Nature of it, equal, if not exceed any other, especially absolute Monarchy; not only because its greater freedoms capacitate the People to Trade with more advantage, as I shall yet more particularly shew, but because the same freedoms beget a kind of Generosity and Bravery even in the common sort, when Abso∣luteness of Government debases their Spirits, and reconciles them to the Ignominy of being beaten, at least till they acquire a kind of inso∣lence by long Service in War, which can hard∣ly be called Courage. All Experience hath warranted this odds between Freemen and Slaves; but there is yet a farther odds, when the Quarrel is National, especially if espoused both by the King and Parliament; for then the individual Animosities of the Whole being en∣gaged, the People do not meerly fight for Pay, but out of Principle, and in defence of those greater Enjoyments they have at home, when the Vassals of Absolute Monarchy are driven on by the fear of their Despotical Power, which they would be glad to see subverted, and them∣selves delivered.

In an Absolute Monarchy, the Fate of the Whole depends upon the Prudence of the Mo∣narch;

be his Empire never so flourishing, he may by one temerarious Edict, or other Act, bring all into Confusion: How great must the Danger then be, when the wisest of Mor∣tal men are often transported by Passions, and otherwise liable to Mistakes? The voluntary Councils of such a Monarch must gratifie his Power by Applauding or Complying with his Resolutions and Sentiments: But what if there come a weak Prince? against which there is no Security? Or suppose the King be left an In∣fant? then all goes to wrack: those Armies which were the support of the last Predecessor, wanting Business and Conduct, fall into Muti∣nies; all are working their Ambitious ends, many contending for the Tuition and Publick Administration; those that have it not, sup∣planting those that have, whereby the Govern∣ment is endangered: all which was visible during the whole Infancy of the present French King, though he had a Mother, and so faithful and wise a Minister as Mazarine: The high Animosities of the French Princes and Nobles, carried them into continual Distractions and Civil Wars; so that had the English, or any other Neighbour Nation, then been in a Con∣dition to have supported the Male-contents, they might have Subverted the French Empire: which mischiefs are totally, or in a high mea∣sure avoided by the Constitution of Parlia∣ments;

without whose consent, Laws cannot be altered, or Publick Innovations made; and who by their course of Impeachments are a continual Check and Awe upon men of indirect and Ambitious designs: So that (according to the excellent Motto of our own Sacred Prince) it may be truly said of such a Monarchy, and its Parliaments, that they are to each other Decus & Tutamen: what would have become of the French Monarchy when their King John was Prisoner in England, had it not been for their Estates, or Parliaments? we have reason to be∣lieve, That were that Crown and Nation brought into great Exigencies and Distresses by any For∣reign Power, they would be convened again, the Constitution being not there absolutely dis∣solved, as the said De Gerrard Observes; no∣thing can be fatal to such a Government, but a disunion between the Prince and Parliament, and therefore a great part of the transcendent Policy of this our Form of Government con∣sists in the high Obligations and means of a V∣nion: the Prince being invested with the migh∣ty Prerogatives of making War and Peace, Calling, Prorogueing, and Dissolving Parlia∣ments, and as many others as fill Volumes, hath such a Controll on the Parliament, that it is generally to be presumed, they will ever gratifie him in whatsoever is any way con∣sistent with that Trust they are under; on the

other side, the Parliament, being the great and High Council, and their Consent requesite to all new Taxes, whensoever the Prince on any Emergency desires their Advice, or a Sup∣ply of Money, the People must necessarily have time to represent their true grievances to him, whose Princely favour and occasions, will then equally call upon him to redress what is really amiss; in which Commutation he must have a far greater advantage than any bare Tax he receives; since as it appears, the true strength of all Monarchies and Governments depend upon well-being Abilities, and Increase of the Populacy; which no other Prince hath Comparably so certain a means to understand and Improve, as he that hath a Parliament: To all which may be added, that mutual Affe∣ction which must naturally follow these Endear∣ments, and which must render the Prince and Nation much the stronger, never to be hoped for in any other kind of Monarchy: There are yet farther Obligations to this Vnion between the Prince and People from a just sense of those fatalities which must follow a disunion; we need not resort farther than to the Fable where we have an Accompt of a quarrel between the several Limbs of the Body Natural, whereof the Consequence was, that every part grew pre∣sently Languid and Impotent, and ready to yield it self a Feast to the Ravens.

If then there be the utmost Advantages on the one side, and Mischiefs on the other, this is all humane Prudence can provide; God him∣self hath done no more in those Divine Institu∣tions which he hath projected for the Support, Felicity, and Security of Mankind: against which, it hath never yet been accounted any Objection that they have been violated; nor is it any against the form of our Govern∣ment, that it hath fallen into some Convulsions; as long as Men are Men, there will be pravity and irregular Appetites amongst them, which in some Ages and Circumstances may be able to give greater Disturbances than in others; if in any Society of Men, unreasonable and destructive Propositions are insisted upon, or reasonable and necessary ones refused, disunions are inevitable: This I say in general, 'tis no part of my design to Rub up old Sores, nor will it, I presume, be expected I should em∣broil the present Subject by vindicating Sides or Parties; let the Consequences of former dis∣unions be remembred.

But why should I dwell longer upon Argu∣ments to evince the admirable Frame of our Government, when it is so unanswerably de∣monstrated by its former Splendid continuance for near 100 years? by the glory of our Prin∣ces, who, in Conjunction with their Parlia∣ments, ever were, and thought themselves the

greatest and happiest in Europe: by their stu∣pendious Atchievements in War, and by the former ready Adherence, and large Contribu∣tions of our Parliaments, in what tended to the Advantage or Honour of England; we had no other form of Government in our Edward the Third, or Henry the Fifth's time, who Successively found Supplies of English Treasure and Courage enough to Conquer France; our Queen Elizabeth since, baffled the Despotick, and then tremen∣dous Monarchy of Spain, which continuing absolute, is (notwithstanding its vast extent of Territory) one of the weakest in Europe: had our Henry the Seventh entertained the Overtures of Columbus. or our Councils in the Reign of King James, or since the wise Obser∣vations of Sir Walter Raleigh, or followed the example of France, and other Neighbouring Nations, in easing and improving our Trade, there is no doubt but the English Treasures and Power had far surmounted both the Spanish and French at this day: It is notorious that the Subjects of the late Dukes of Burgundy, under the Constitutions of Estates, or Parliaments, for many succeeding Ages, drove a mighty Trade, which gave those Dukes a long Supe∣riority over the Absolute French King, till the Dukedom became annexed to Spain, and the Spaniards by their Persecution for Con∣science,

and Tyrannous Attempts after Arbitrary Government lost both the Trade and Traders,* 1.9 and Seven of the Provinces, whom they forced into a Republick.

Treasures are those Vehicles which carry out men of daring Spirits, mighty Thoughts and Abilities into the Conquest of Forreign Coun∣tries, there is no Nation but hath a breed of People naturally more fit for these great Per∣formances than any other, who growing Ge∣nerals or other Commanders at Land or Sea; or Intendants in the greatest Negotiations, might, this way, prove highly Serviceable to the Publick, and find business for Pen-men to write their Memoirs, as in France they do: whereas, by the want of a sufficient home-Treasure, the more Couragious sort, must ei∣ther be Hackneys to Forreigners, or degene∣rate into Hectors or Thieves at home, and are killed in Brawles, or are hanged for Murthers or Robberies. The more Deliberative gene∣rously regarding the common Exigencies, more than their own, may lie under the frowns of Fortune, and great Men, and be thought bur∣thensom and dangerous: there are many other Disadvantages which follow a National Pover∣ty, as hath been noted before, which ought not to be ascribed to this or that mere Form of Government, or temper of the People.

That a speedy and Compleat Regulation of our English Trade may yet further appear highly necessary, I shall briefly observe what have been the more Modern Effects of this mighty Trade in France.

This may too plainly be seen by the great performances of the French in these last Wars, in which, the French King hath been able to maintain above 250000 Men in Arms, whom he hath duly paid; and yet such have been his Treasures, That he hath not been obliged to put the event of the War to the push of a Bat∣tel; but wearies out his Enemies with Expence from year to year, and being able to lay up mighty Stores, can keep the Fields in the Win∣ter, when his Adversaries, though as valiant People as any on the Earth, are fain to lye at home: Thus watching his Advantages, he hath Taken and Burnt many strong Towns, laid many Provinces wast, breathing out Death and Devastations as he goes. This he hath done in the face of the world, in a War with near 20 Princes and States, whose lamentable Sufferings, with the Cries of their People, have long pierced our ears; whilst the French King grows more Vigorous and Powerful, and his Armies grow better Disciplined continually, and hath at last reduced the Dutch and Spa∣niards to the Terms of a dishonourable Peace, by exposing their Allies to the French Power;

which hath obliged the rest to a Complyance on his own Terms; and now he gives the Law to them All, keeping mighty Armies on foot to Invade whom he pleases: But that which is yet more Prodigious is, that even during this War, he hath been able to carry on the Build∣ing of his present great Fleet, consisting of about 200 Ships of War, plentifully Armed with Brass Guns, and accurately built for Service; he hath also furnished himself with abundant of Naval Provisions of all sorts, at an immense Charge, every Ship having its distinct Stores and Storehouse, and therefore may be made ready on a suddain: At the same time, he hath imployed multitudes of Men in cutting of Canals through Rocks and Mountains, in making, cleansing, and securing Havens upon the Coasts opposite, or near to England (whi∣ther by degrees, in these two or three years past, he hath drawn down the greatest part of his Navy) and at the same time hath answered mighty Annual Pensions to the Swedes, and Swisses, (whose lives he buys with his Money:) besides all the other vast private Pensions, Gratuities and Aids he bestows in the Courts and Countreys of other Princes, (by which, perhaps he hath made as great Advantages as by his Arms:) and yet 'tis probable, that in all this he hath not exceeded the bounds of his ordinary Revenue.

That which most threatens the Trade of England, is his Naval Force, which none of his Predecessors ever had, and were checked if they pretended to it; Queen Elizabeth for∣bad Henry the 4th. of France (on a suddain called the Great) Building great Ships, else she would fire them in his Harbours: Since which the French have desisted, till about the year 1664. as may appear by that excellent Trea∣tise, intituled, A free Conference, Printed in 1667. by the special Appointment of the truly Honourable the Lord Arlington, where Pag. 49. we find these words,

Not above three years ago, France was hardly able to set out 20 Ships; (that is to say, Men of War) now they have 60 large Vessels ready furnished, and well Armed, and do apply their Industry in every part to Augment the number, &c.

I shall forbear repeating some sharp Reflections which next follow.

And that the French King might want no Seamen of his own, and might at least share in the Gain of Navigation, he hath for several years past endeavoured by all Imaginable En∣couragements to establish a mighty Navigation in France; so that for one Trading French Ship there was 20 or 30 years since, there are now▪ 40. For this purpose he hath Propagated a Sea-Fishery, to a very great degree, which Improves daily to the prejudice of our remain∣ing

English Fishery; and besides, hath yearly educated Supernumerary Seamen on Board the French Trading Ships, at his own Charge; so that 'tis to be feared he will stand in little need of Forreign Seamen for his Ships of War; or if he do, the Dutch have Store, which per∣haps he may have for his Money, as 'tis proba∣ble he may the Fleets of Swedeland, Portugal, and Algiers; these his Allies of Algiers, (as 'tis said, by the assistance of his Money upon a a general Redemption of French Slaves) are on a sud∣den gotten from 10 to above 40 Men of War;* 1.10 and as soon as our Applications in France had prevailed with the French to desist from taking our Ships, these Algiers Py∣rats fell upon us, and have continually pick't up our Merchantmen, and Vassalized our Seamen and other People ever since; they now do it before our faces, in our Channel, finding Harbour in the French opposite parts, which makes a great Addition to our late Losses; and, which is yet worse, hath so terrified our Seamen and Mer∣chants, that many already think it necessary to trade in Dutch and French Bottoms, a Conse∣quence which 'tis probable might be foreseen by some of our Neighbors, who wish we had nei∣ther Ships nor Seamen.

At the same time our Gazetts weekly tell us of great Squadrons of French Men of War, proudly ranging in all Quarters of the World, in the Mediterranean, in the East and West Indies, and in our own Seas, viewing the Strengths and Weaknesses, and Sounding and Commanding the Harbours of other Na∣tions.

We find it said in the Free Conference,

That France is our Hereditary Enemy, and hath so often tryed what we are able to do against the enlarging of their Empire, who have graven it deep on their hearts, the in∣jury of the Title, which to their shame Eng∣land bears in all Publick Treaties, and her Trophies in reference to that Crown; This very France hath no greater desire than to take the Dominion of the Sea from us, &c.

If we look into the before-mentioned French Politicks, they assure us of the same; of which piece, because I so often cite it; I shall first give the Reader some present Accompt; and farther, when I have done with it:

The English Preface tells us, the Author was a Person bred up under Monsieur Colebert, and to shew his Abilities, writ this Treatise, and in Manuscript presented it to the French King, which was favourably received; but afterwards Vanity prompting him to publish it in Print, the King look't upon him as one

that had discovered his Secrets, and turning his favour into frowns, caused him to be Im∣prisoned in the Bastile, where he continued a long time, and afterwards was Banished, &c.

'tis like to some place where he should not be able to aver the same, or disclose more Secrets; what opportunities he might have of learning Secrets by his Attendance on Monsieur Cole∣bert, whether he might over-hear the Debates and Results of the French Councils, or whe∣ther Casually, or by order he had a View of the Papers, and was but the servile Compiler, or bare Porter of this Scheme or Manual of Policies, I leave to be examined; a stupen∣dious piece it is, which being written seven or eight years since, and presaging so great a part of what hath followed, gives so conside∣rable an Authority to it self, that its Credit need not depend upon that of the Author of the Growth of Popery; who, as 'tis hinted in the English Preface, calls it the Measures of the French King's Designs.

These Politicks having first delineated the Comprehensive and steddy Founda∣tions of the French Monarchy,* 1.11 as built upon Trade, Treasure, and Populacy at home, they then proceed to look abroad, and first they project the Ingrossing of all Com∣merce at Sea, and this at a lump, by imploy∣ing part of this Treasure in Building a Fleet of

Men of War able to Command it, in which they say,

All things Conspire to give the French hopes of Success; the work how∣ever is such as must be leisurely carried on, and perfected by little and little, so great a Design continually Alarming Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, Friends and Foes; a Precipitation of it would be its Ruine, Six or Ten years time might be Allotted for it: The King may keep 100 Gallies, and 100 Ships in the Mediterranean, and 200 Sail upon the Ocean, the more Vessels he shall have, the more enabled he will be to reco∣ver the Expence made about them: The Sea will yield Maintenance for the Sea, either by Commerce or War; There is Timber in France, there is Cordage, there are Sails, there is Iron and Brass, &c. When things have taken their Course, Seamen will be had in time, and the profit that will accrew will afford Store, and bring them in from all Parts of the World.

The Fleets with the King might keep upon the Ocean,* 1.12 would make him Ma∣ster of all the Powers and Trade of the North; yea, though the Hollander and English should Vnite against France, they could not avoid their Ruine in the end; for how could the one or the other make good their Commerce (which is all they have to trust to) if they

were forced to keep great Armadoes to con∣tinue it? The Point of Britain is the Gate to enter into, and go out of the Channel: Fifty Ships of War at Brest, would keep this Gate fast shut, and they would not open it but by the Kings Command.—Thus there would need no War almost to be made for all these things, nor His Majestie's Forces hazarded: It will be sufficient to give his Orders to Forreigners; nor will it be difficult to cut them out work in their own Countries, and by this means stay their Arms at home, and make them spend their strengths there; something of this in its place hereafter.

His Majestie's Power being thus strongly setled in each Sea, it will be easie to secure Commerce in France, and even draw the Merchants thither from all parts; I say secure Commerce; for till this be done, it will ever be incertain and dangerous.

It may not be improper to observe, with some reference to what hath been debated in the preceding Sections, what further Expe∣dients the French Politicks dictate in this Chap∣ter, for the securing of Commerce: Amongst others we there find this Caution;

It must be studiously prevented that Commerce in∣troduce not into a State-Superfluity, Excess, and Luxury, which are often follow∣ed with Ambition,* 1.13 Avarice, and a dan∣gerous

Corruption of Manners: It is added,* 1.14 That it hath been a question offered to debate, whether Traffick in France should be managed by Subjects or Forreigners, to make a short decision; 'tis evident that Forreigners must be allowed to gain our Mer∣chandizes, if we would have them take them off, if we carry them into their Ports, we shall make less Sales; yet, That our Merchants may share in the profit, they may enter into Partnership with them, or be their Commis∣sioners here, or Freight them themselves, provided they sell at somewhat cheaper Rates, and so be content with moderate Gain.

Which passages I have cited to shew,* 1.15 That 'tis no part of their Politicks to increase Luxuries or Excess; nor to inclose their home and Forreign Market to their own Navigation or Merchants.

I have been thus long tracing the French Politicks, and our own unfortunate Methods in the matter of Trade, and this out of a hope to occasion the Restitution and Increase of ours; but have gone so far in the pursuit, that on a sudden I have step't into a Scene of Horrors, by a necessary and inevitable Apprehension of the Dangers we are in, from the present French Powers; it is impossible for any man to close up the eye of his Reason, when he sees a Ghastly

Troop of Ruins making their regular Approa∣ches against his Prince and his Countrey, and therein threatning many Millions of poor In∣nocents, and of these some Millions, who hardly know their right hands from their left, with Butcheries and Violations of all kinds; in such a Case, Silence would be the greatest and foulest of Barbarities, and no better than an Apostacy from the sacred Duties of Alle∣giance and Self-Preservation.

Shall we flatter our selves with an opinion that the French have no inclination to turn their mighty Treasures, Land and Sea-Forces upon us? How poor, weak, incertain and dishonourable is such a Security? Are we so tenacious of every little pretence of Right at home, and so busie to get a Penny, and yet shall be content to enjoy our Lives and Estates by no bet∣ter a Tenure than the discre∣tion of the French?* 1.16 whose Councils are dark and inscru∣table, and who by their late Invasion of Flanders, contrary to former Leagues and Sanctions, and the then Assuran∣ces of the French Ministers, have at least de∣monstrated, that they most intend what they least profess; Is England become so despicable a Spot, as not to be worth the Acquest? Is it not equal to Flanders, or the Island of Sicily?

Is it not evident that the present French King aims at the Trade of the World, and particularly of the North? doth he not want Ports? will it not be more grateful to him to engross the Woollen Manufacture by securing the English Wooll, than to stand to our Courtesie? Hath not England most other valuable Materials, by which he might yet mightily enlarge the Trade of France? Can he hope to proceed in his Conquests on the Continent, whilest he leaves so dangerous an E∣nemy at his Rere? Doth he not know the Spirit of our People? Are our Talbots, and Bedfords for∣gotten? Did he not see us raise a considerable Ar∣my the other day to check his Progress? Is he not exasperated by our late Prohibition of French Goods, which touches him in the most tender Concern of his Trade? Doth he not think himself affronted in the face of the World? What can be so grateful to a Prince Ambitious of Glory, and to the French Nation in general, as to render those English, their Hewers of Wood, and Drawers of Water, who have so often Triumphed in France? Will they not endeavour to oblite∣rate that Title England bears in her publick Treaties? Will not such an Acquist ennoble the name of the present French King, above all those of his Ancestors? What a mighty and useful Purchase will he have in a Seminary of able Men and Horses, whose value he hath rea∣son to understand, and which he may then

draw out into his Wars at his pleasure, what spacious Possessions and Commanderies would England and its Dominions afford to his French Officers, to whom it may be no little Temp∣tation to have the deflowring and violating of our most beautiful Women, being such as the whole Earth cannot Parallel: A thousand o∣ther particulars might be accumulated, of which it is not the least that here would be a vast accession of Preferments for the nume∣rous French Popish Clergy, and then what would become of ours? And shall we think the French Councils are insensible of these Advantages? Have they who have been nicely winnowing all the rest of their Neighbouring Countreys, for∣gotten ours? if we resort again to the French Politicks, we shall have no reason to think so; we see before what they design upon our Com∣merce, from thence they proceed to project Conquests at Land; The French Romances spake us nothing but Love and Honour, and in truth make a very pleasing divertisement; but their Politicks denounce Subjugation and Vas∣sallage: if we follow them from Countrey to Countrey, what they say of ours will appear more considerable; thus they begin:

It were to be wisht that the King did add to his Kingdom all the Low Countries to the Rhine,* 1.17—It would make him Master of the Northern Seas, &c.

(what Progress the French

King hath made towards this Conquest, and why he found himself obliged to desist for the present, need not be repealed, no doubt but the French bear it in Memory)

Secondly, it were convenient the King had Strasburgh to keep all Germany in quiet, &c.* 1.18

(Our Gazetts may inform us what Advances he hath made towards the reducing of this great strength, and he is now storing all his adjacent Magazines). "In the third place he had need to have the French Comte to lay a restraint upon the Swisses, &c. (This he hath since gotten).

In the fourth place, Millan is necessary in respect of Italy, &c.

(Of this we have yet heard no more than that he hath been bargaining for a passage by Casall).

In the fifth place, Genoa;—Genoa would make the King Master of the Mediterranean Sea, &c.

(This he hath so far proceeded in, that he hath obliged the Genoeses to harbour his Ships, and to almost what other Conditions he pleases. In the fifth Chapter, dictating how France should act with Forreign Princes after a most exquisite Scru∣tiny into the ill adjusted Councils,* 1.19 and Luxu∣ries of the Spanish Grandees, 'tis said,

Their Forces are not to be feared,* 1.20 Scicily might easily make an Insurre∣ction,* 1.21 &c.

(We have seen what fol∣lowed). * 1.22

Portugal is a perpetual Instru∣ment

for the weakening Spain, &c. (So it hath remained) The Venetians and People of Ita∣ly are wise; to reduce them to our Intentions, we must work by down-right force, &c. The Pope will ever Consider France, because of the County of Avignon: The Hollanders will keep themselves to our Alliance as much as possi∣bly they may,—They are rich. It were expe∣dient the King did interpose in their Affairs, and that some divisions be sown amongst them:

(we see what hath ensued:)

The Swisses are Mercenaries,* 1.23 who will always serve the King for his Money: (so they have done ever since) The King of Den∣mark is a Prince whose State is but small, &c. Sweden will never break off from the Inte∣rests of France, we ought to consi∣der them as Instruments which for our Money we may make Use of to divert the English or Holland Forces,* 1.24 when His Majesty makes any Enterprize which pleaseth them not, &c.

(Success hath verified this, and may further:* 1.25) The Friendship of the Turk is good for France, to be made Use of on occasion against the Emperor: (our Gazetts have informed us what Essays there have been; and at last the Turk was brought upon Muscovy, whereby the Swedish Army in Livonia was let loose upon the Confederates.

Of All others, these Politicks speak most confidently of the Conquest of the English; they observe, that

We have no Friends,—and are positive, that a War of France for three or four years,* 1.26 would ruine us:

* 1.27 (which 'tis evident must be said out of a sense they have of their odds in Natio∣nal Treasure; for by the Import of the words and Context, they cannot be spoken on suppo∣sition the French should attacque us unawares, (which God prevent:) Hereupon it follows

so it seems reasonable that we should make no Peace with them, viz. the English; but on Conditions of the greatest Advantage to us, unless the King think fit to defer the Execu∣tion of this Project for another time:

To make sure and quick work, 'Tis farther thought fit that ways should be found to disable our Government by great Expences, and by Dis∣unions and Convulsions; from which 'tis ma∣nifest, the French are well aware in what the virtue of our Government consists, and there∣fore know how to strike at the root: There are divers indirect Expedients proposed, which I shall forbear, being somewhat Prolix, and mixt with Contemptuous and Reflective Ex∣pressions: It is enough to observe here from whence these French Poli∣ticks hope for our English Harvest,* 1.28 and that this is the work at home before intended to be cut out for us.

This great Prince hath thought fit hitherto to defer a formal War upon us, at least, under that Denomination; but whether he hath de∣ferred the Project as these Politicks call it, may depend upon a Consideration of what he hath been visibly doing ever since; he hath been since building his Fleet, amassing his Naval Stores, Educating and Providing Seamen and Harbours, wasting and disabling those Neigh∣bouring Empires and States, who being jealous of his Power, might otherwise have interposed in his Carriere, getting those great Passes and Strengths into his hands, by which they might have entred his Countrey, he hath been disci∣plining a victorious and mighty Army, and exhausting us by his Trade, with a great Addi∣tion of loss by his Capers; (the French are very curious at Cooking their Morsels before they eat them) and at last hath, as it were, forced a general Peace, even whilst he was Victorious, by which he is left at entire Liber∣ty: of which Peace, whilst it was under Ne∣gotiation, and drawing to a Conclusion, a wise and noble Lord of our time, gave this his sence to both our Houses of Parliament:* 1.29

The influence such a Peace may have upon our affairs, is fit∣ter for Meditation than discourse, only this is evident, that by the Preparations we have

made for War, (viz. in the raising of our late Army, &c.) and by the Prohibition we have made of Trade, we have given no small Pro∣vocations to so mighty a King, who may be at leisure enough to resent them if he please; and therefore it will Import us so to streng∣then our selves both at home and abroad, that it may not be found a cheap and easie thing to put an Affront upon us.

I need not inform any English Reader, what fatal Appre∣hensions the same Parliament had of the Con∣sequences of such a Peace; they are in ordinary Memory; can we think this Fleet of Men of War is built to be employed in the Fishery, or to lye and rot in their Harbours? Can this Army profitably, or safely be supported Idle? Will he suffer them to be tainted with Luxury? Will he hazard Animosities or Factions a∣mongst the numerous French Nobles (by whom this Army is Officer'd) the Mutinies of the Sol∣diers,* 1.30 or Insurrections of his own People? Will he not rather send these Armed Heards to graze in our sweet Mea∣dows, and to gather him fresh Laurels out of our English Gardens?

It may reasonably add to our Fear, that

we see the French King hath lately made so strict Alliances with Spain, and with Bavaria, by which he is farther secured from any In∣roads from those Parts; and that we also find him so vigilant to prevent our Leaguing with the Dutch, and to come to some closer Conjun∣ction with them himself; in which his Mini∣sters use the utmost Arts, mixt with a sort of Menaces; I cannot but resort again to the French Politicks, where in the close of those Methods by which the French King may obtain an easie and intire Conquest of England, we find it far∣ther dictated thus,

On the other hand,* 1.31 our League with the Hollanders should be renewed, and they put into a belief, that we should give them all the Trade still, because they have the knowledge of it, and are proper for it; whereas (as 'tis to be sug∣gested) the French have no Inclination that way, and Nature cannot be forced; they must be told that now they are come to the happy time for advancing their Affairs, and ruining their Competitors in the Sovereignty of the Northern Seas: we see these Politicks go through stitch in the business.

And that upon the Whole they were very unfit to be Printed; no man who had so much Wit as to be the real Author, could have so little as to publish them; and the rather, because of Another Secret a∣mongst the rest very improper to be divulged

As for the Proofs against this Prisoner, they were as home and positive as against the rest.

1. Dr. Oates declares how he came acquainted with him,* 1.32 by bringing him Letters from his Sons from a Semina∣nary in Spain; and then Swears, That Langhorn did hold Correspondence with Le Chese and others, and that the Witness carried several Letters to persons beyond the Seas; in one of which he saw under his own hand, words to this purpose, That now they had a fair opportunity to begin, or give the blow; with other expressions plain enough con∣cerning the Plot: and these he saw signed Richard Langhorn, and that the Prisoner himself delivered them to him.

2. That he had order from the Pro∣vincial to give Mr. Langhorn an Account of the Resolve of the Jesuits Consult for Kil∣ling the King,* 1.33 and that he did acquaint him therewith; and that the said Langhorn thereupon lift up his Hands and Eyes, and prayed to God to give it a good success.

3. That he saw at his Chamber cer∣tain Commissions,* 1.34 which they call Pa∣tents; and that on his desire he permitted the Witness to peruse several of them; and that there was one Commission to the Lord Arundel of Wardour, and another to the Lord Powis, for the one to be Lord Chancellour, and the other Lord Treasurer of England; and one to Mr. Lang∣horn himself, to be Advocate of the Army; and that they were signed Johannes Paulus d'Oliva, by Vertue of a Brief from the Pope: and Mr. Lang∣horn also told him, that he had sent one of these

Commissions by his Son, to be delivered to the Lord Arundel of Wardours Son.

4. That Mr. Langhorn, being employed as Sollicitor for several of the Fathers of the Society,* 1.35 did prevail with the Benedictine Monks to raise six thousand pounds for carrying on the Cause; and did say in the hearing of the witness, That he would do his utmost for procu∣ring the said Money.

5. That Mr. Langhorn was disgusted that Sir G. Wakeman was not content with ten thousand pound to poison the King, and call'd him nar∣row-spirited, narrow-soul'd Physician: for being a publick concern, and to carry on the Cause, it was no matter if he did it for nothing.

6. An Instrument was produced in Court, signed by Paulus d'Oliva, found in Mr. Langhorns Chamber, long after Mr. Oates had given in his Testimony. Now Mr. Oates swore, that the be∣fore-mentioned Commissions were signed by the same hand, and had the same mark; but they were all conveyed away, and this being onely concerning an Ecclesiastick business, wherein they thought there was no danger, was left. How∣ever, this much confirmed Mr. Oates's Evidence, by shewing that Mr. Langhorn did use to receive Pa∣tents from, and had Commerce with the Superi∣our of the Jesuits at Rome.

In the next place comes Mr. Bedloe, and he swears that he went with Mr. Coleman to Mr. Langhorns Chamber,* 1.36 and there Mr. Coleman gave him his Letters to le Chese, and the Popes Nuncio, and others, open, to read and Register in

a Book by him kept for that purpose, and that he saw him read these Letters, which were con∣cerning these designs in hand; and that he Regi∣stred them in a Book in his Closet, whilst he and Mr. Coleman walkt in the outer room; and that afterwards Coleman sealed up these Letters, and delivered them to the Witness, who carried them to le Chese; and that some of the expressions in those Letters were, That all things were now in readiness, and they onely wanted Money: That the Catholicks were now in safety; that Places and Offices had been disposed to them, and that all the Garrisons either were, or suddenly would be in their hands; and that now they had a fair opportunity, having a King so easie to believe what was dictated to him by their Party, and that if they missed this advantage, they might despair of ever introducing Popery into England. These were the very Expressions of some of them.

2. That he brought other Letters from Har∣court to Langhorn to be Registred, and Langhorn writ back, that he had received and would Regi∣ster them; of which Letters one was from the Rector of the Irish Colledge at Salamanca, which specified, That the Lord Bellasis and the rest con∣cerned, should be in readiness, for that they had sent some Irish cashier'd Souldiers, with many other Lay-Brothers, under the notion of Pilgrims for St. Jago, who were to take shipping at the Groin, and to land at Milford-Haven in Wales, and there to meet and join with the Lord Powis.

The onely defence Mr. Langhorn could make, was like that of the rest of his Party, by stout

denyals, and endeavouring to invalidate the cre∣dit of the Witnesses, by intrapping or confront∣ing them in point of time or place.

1. He would make Doctor Oates an Approver,* 1.37 as having been pardoned for the same Crime; and alleadged, that the Witnesses had received Rewards and gratifications for Swea∣ring against them. But to this the Court answe∣red, That it could not be supposed the King would Bribe his Witnesses; and unless he could prove any reward to be given by Contract, or subornation, it was no Objection, for that allow∣ance of sustenance was usually given of old to Approvers, &c.

2. He mustered up again their baffled Evidence from St. Omers,* 1.38 of whom one being askt how he came to take notice of Mr. Oates being at St. Omers all April and May, and not in June and July as well, plainly answered, (being not well instructed, or more simple than the rest)—It was—Because the Question he came for did not fall upon that time: Which gives more light to the suspicion, that they came with their Lessons in their Mouths, to save these mens Lives, and their Churches sinking Credit; not to speak truth, but only right or wrong confront the Kings Evidence: but in vain, for Dr. Oates sufficiently asserted his Testimony by seven Witnesses, who now again proved, as they had done the day be∣fore, his being in London at the time contro∣verted.

3. Then Mr. Langhorn produced the Woman at the White-horse Tavern,* 1.39 where Mr. Oates had said the Consult was held; and she boldly averred, that there was never a Room in

her House would hold above a dozen people, and therefore there could not meet 50, or 18 or 20 persons at a time. This was an Objection Doctor Oates could not fore-see, not thinking any body would have had the confidence to alleadge it; and so was not provided with any Witnesses to con∣fute it: but as Providence ordered it no less than three several strangers stood up in Court, that knew the House well, and being sworn, Attested, The first, that he had known sixteen to dine of∣ten in one Room of that House; the second, that he knew two Rooms, one backwards and the o∣ther forward, where Thirty might Dine at a time; and the third, that at a Wedding he knew of above Twenty that Dined together in one Room next the street. Nay farther, there was a Gentleman of good Quality in Court, who declared, there have been Fifty in a Room there; so that this Evidence, by such a peremptory falshood, did but add to the suspicion already too apparent on the rest of his Witnesses.

The matter being thus plain, the Jury did not find any difficulty that might require a te∣dious Consultation, and therefore returning af∣ter a short retirement, into Court, pronounced the prisoner Guilty; and then Whitebread, and the other Four Convicted the day before, being brought to him to the Bar, Mr. Recorder pro∣ceeded to pass Sentence of Death upon them all Six. But Mr. Langhorn, either in consideration of the affairs of others in relation to his Practice, which it might be convenient to adjust; or ra∣ther in hopes he might have been wrought upon

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to make some ingenuous Confession, was Re∣prieved for a Month, and then Executed on Munday the Fourteenth of June, persisting in the most solemn and studied expressions of his Innocence; which that they might be home and full, and consequently the more taking with the people, he had written down in a paper, whe∣ther of his own penning, or prescribed unto him by some Priest, is uncertain; and this he delivered to the Sheriff, referring himself thereunto, as the last Expressions of his mind; and desiring it might be seen.

CHAP. XX.

The Occasion and manner of Mr. Robert Jennison's first Discovery; and the Apprehension of one Caryl, alias Blun∣den, and his Letter beyond the Seas concerning the Execution of White∣bread, &c.

WE have before related how Mr. Ireland in∣sisted that he was in Staffordshire, when Dr. Oates, Mr. Bedloe, and one Sarah Pain, attest upon their Oaths that they saw him in London. And this he not onely alleadged at his Tryal, and brought Witnesses to prove it, but made solemn Asseverations at his death, That he never was in London from the 5th of August to the 14th of September. And knowing that such a failure in circumstance of time and place, if they could get it believ'd, would much depretiate the Evidence, they not content with what had pass'd, revive it again at Whitebread's Tryal, as you have heard, offering fresh people to confirm it: And though the contrary was sufficiently attested by three Witnesses on Oath, enough to convince an impartial Jury, or any body else that consi∣ders the nature of a Papists Religion, and how far he may lawfully, nay is bound to stretch his private Conscience, when it may be for the pub∣lick Emolument of their Church; yet it pleased

Providence, as well for the vindication and fur∣ther illustration of Truth, as to shame these false dissemblers, and expose their fallacious dealings, soon after to make a further discovery, and detect their Lyes in this behalf, by one that had been no small Zealot of their Party.

For presently after that Tryal, Charles Chet∣wind Esq upon some discourse concerning the same, was accidentally inform'd, That one Mr. Robert Jennison of Grays-Inne, a person of good Quality, and formerly a strict Romanist, had af∣firm'd, That he was with the said Ireland about the middle of August in Russel-street in Covent∣garden: whereupon Mr. Chetwind resolv'd to en∣quire further after it, being thereunto encoura∣ged by the Earl of Shaftsbury, to whom he had communicated what he had heard. Then tracing the business, he went to Robert Bowes Esq who own'd, that Mr. Jennison had signified so much to him formerly in a Letter from Reading, dated the 19th of December. Hereupon several of these Gentlemen repaired to Mr. Jennison, who after some unwilling Evasions, ingenuously owned the same, and testified it upon Oath before Edmund Warcup Esq one of his Majesties Justices of the Peace for the County of Middlesex, viz. That coming up from Windsor on the 19th of August, he went to visit the said William Ireland (with whom for some time he had been well acquainted, as being Related unto him) and found him at his Lodging in Russel-street, who told him he was then newly arrived by Post from Wolverhampton in Staffordshire; and in discourse enquired how his Majesty and the Court were diverted: To which

Mr. Jennison replied, That he heard his Majesty took much delight in Hawking and Fishing, but chiefly in the latter; which his Majesty follow'd early in the mornings, accompanied onely with two or three Lords: Whereupon Ireland replied, He wondred his Majesty should be so thin guarded, he were easily taken off or removed; or words to that effect. At which Mr. Jennison saying God forbid, Ireland began to qualifie it, saying, I do not say it is lawful; and some such Expressions, which made him take little notice of it at that time; but afterwards hearing of the Plot, and that the King was to have been kill'd at Windsor, he began to reflect upon these former words more seriously, and related them to his Father and one Mr. Smith his Fathers Confessor, being then at Wallworth his Fathers Mansion-house in the Bi∣shoprick of Durham.

This and some other Depositions confirming the same, with the true Copy of the said Letter, have since been published in print, and Mr. Jen∣nison publickly attested the same at Wakeman's Tryal; the horror and detestation of this hellish Plot carried on by the Romanists, having induced him to quit their Communion.

Three days after the Execution of Whitebread and the other four Jesuits, viz. 23 June, was Apprehended by Captain Rich, one of His Maje∣sties Justices of Peace for Surry, one Caryl, alias Blunden, supposed to be a Popish Priest, at Lam∣beth-Marsh, at the House of one Mr. Woodinbrook, formerly an Haberdasher of Small Wares in the Burrough of Southwark; in whose Chamber was found the following Letter, prepared to give an Ac∣count

thereof to their Correspondents beyond the Seas; wherein 'tis observable, what liberty they take to scandalize the proceedings of Justice, and invent so many palpable notorious Lies; as that of the Reprieve being brought to the Gallows, &c. to keep up their Reputation with their Par∣ty. The words of the Letter were as follow, one∣ly in the Margent we have added some necessary Observations.

IHS. MR. 23 June, 1679.

My Dr. C.

ON the Thirteenth of June, being Friday, Mr. White∣bread, Mr. Harcourt, Mr. Tur∣ner, Fenwick and Gaven of the Society, and Mr. Corker, were brought to the Bar in the Old-Bailey: Mr. Corker moved the Court for a longer time, being onely warned the night before, whereas the other Prisoners had eight days warning to prepare themselves; whereupon he was re-manded to prison till the next day: Then was the Indictment read against the Five above-na∣med Jesuits, for conspiring the Kings Death, Subversion of Go∣vernment, and Protestant Religi∣on. Then Mr. Oates swore, that on the Twenty fourth of April, there was a Consult held in Lon∣don,

where the Kings Death was Conspired; and that he car∣ried this Resolve from one to the other, for their subscribing; and swore particular Circumstances against each. To Corroborate this Testimony, other Witnesses, Bed∣loe, Prance, Dugdale, and Chet∣wine, came in with (1) 2.1 Over∣tures to the matter sworn by Oates. Then did the Prisoners (after a most solemn and (2) 2.2 Re∣ligious Protestation of their Inno∣cence and ignorance of any Con∣spiracy against His Majesty) de∣sire that their Witnesses might be heard, which could demonstrate that Mr. Oates was actually at St. Omers in all April and May, and most of June, when he swears he was in London at the Con∣sult. To prove this, about twen∣ty Witnesses were produced, who did shew evidently, by several re∣markable passages, how Oates was at St. Omers all the whole time. But the Judge Scroggs asked each Witness as he did appear, of what Religion he was of; and upon answer that he was a Catholick, the whole Court gave a shout of laughter. Then the Judge would say to them, (3) 2.3 Well, what have you

then been taught to say? and by many scoffing Questions (which moved the Court to frequent laughter) he did endeavour to take off the Credibility of their Witnesses. Then the Butler, Tay∣lor, and Gardiner of St. Omers offered to swear that they saw Mr. Oates all that time at St. Omers, when he swore he was in London. After this, the Pri∣soners at the Bar produced Six∣teen Witnesses more, that proved Oates (4) 2.4 forsworn in Mr. Ire∣lands Tryal, because he was in Shropshire, when he attested be was in London. Then did Ga∣ven, one of the Prisoners, with a great deal of clearness and Elo∣quence, and with a cheerful coun∣tenance, draw up their justifica∣tion, shewing the force of their Evidences, and how fully their Witnesses had proved Mr. Oates (5) 2.5 perjured: then he did lay open the improbabilities of such a Plot, and how unlikely that Mr. Oates should be entrusted in de∣livering Commissions to Persons of Honour and Estates, whom he never (as he acknowledges) had seen before or since. This was de∣livered by Mr. Gaven, (6) 2.6 with a Countenance wholly unconcer∣ed,

and in a voice very audible, and largely and pertinently ex∣prest. The Judge was incensed at this Speech, in which he of∣ten interrupted him: but Gaven still urged, My Lord, I plead now for my Life, and for that which is dearer to me than life, (7) 2.7 the honour of my Religi∣on, and therefore I beseech you have a little patience with me! After this Plea of Mr. Gaven's, the Judge made his Harangue to the Jury, telling them, that what the Prisoners had brought, was onely the bare assertions of Boys, who were taught it as a point of their Religion, to lye for the ho∣nour of their Religion; whereas Mr. Oates, Bedloe, and others, were upon their Oaths; and if Oaths were not to be taken, no Courts could subsist.

Then Mr. Oates brought forth four (8) 2.8 Witnesses which he had kept in reserve; an old Parson in his Canonical Gown, an old Do∣minican Priest (9) 2.9 Proh Pudor & Dolor! and two old women, that swore they saw Mr. Oates in the beginning of May 1678. At this the whole Court gave a shout of (10) 2.10 laughter and hollow, that for almost a quarter

the Cryers could not still them: Never was Bear-baiting more rude and boisterous than this Tryal. Vpon this the Judge dismiss'd the Jury, to consider and bring in their Verdict; who (af∣ter half an hours absence) brought in the Five Prisoners at the Bar all guilty of High-Treason. Thereupon the whole Court clapt (11) 2.11 their hands, and gave a great hollow. It being now eight at night, the Court adjour∣ned till next day at seven of the clock, which was Saturday: I was present from five in the mor∣ning, till the Court broke up. The Prisoners comported them∣selves (12) 2.12 most Apostolically at the Bar; not the least passion or alteration appeared in them at the Invectives of the Judge, or at the Clamours of the People; but made a clear and candid defence, with a chearful and unconcerned countenance; and (as (13) 2.13 a Stander-by said) if they had had a Jury of Turks, they had been quitted. I was with them both before and after their Tryal, and had the honour of being in my Function (14) 2.14 serviceable to them; which I look upon, as that God favoured me in, I hope for my future good.

Next day Mr. Langhorne a Lawyer, Sir George Wakeman, Mr. Corker, Mr. March, Mr. Rumbly, the three last Bene∣dictines, were brought to the Bar; where the Indictment being read against them for conspiring the Kings death, &c. they pleaded all Not guilty. Then was Lang∣horne first tryed, whose Tryal held so long, that they had not time to try the other four; and the Commission by which they sat expiring that day, the Judge ad∣journed the Tryal of the other four till the 14th of July, and then the Judge commanded the Keeper to bring the five Jesuits; whom with Langhorne (13) 2.15 were sentenced to be hang'd, drawn, and quartered. Mr. Cor∣ker and Mr. March are close Prisoners, and have been so this eight months, with whom I have been; God has fitted, and is still fitting them as Sacrifices for him∣self: They are very well dispo∣sed and resigned to Gods holy will. Mr. Rumbly hath the liberty of the Prison, with whom is Mr. Heskett; all chearful, and expect the good hour.

On Thursday, the day before the five Jesuits were executed,

my Lord Shaftsbury was with Turner and Gaven, promising them the Kings Pardon, if they would acknowledge the Conspi∣racy. Mr. Gaven answered, He would not murther his Soul, to save his Body; for he must ac∣knowledge what he knew not, and what he did believe was not. On Friday the 20th of June, Mr. Whitebread on one Sled with Mr. Harcourt, Mr. Turner and Mr. Gaven upon another Sled, and Mr. Fenwick in a Sled by himself, were drawn from Newgate to Tyburn. Mr. Langhorne is for a time reprie∣ved, and promised Pardon, if he will (as 'tis reported) discover the Estates of the Jesuits: he was their Lawyer. 'Tis certain my Lord Shaftsbury has been often with him. In the way they comported themselves seri∣ously and chearfully; Mr. Gaven had smug'd himself up as if he had been going to a Wedding. When they arrived at Tyburn, they each made a Speech: 1. As∣severing their ignorance of any Plot against his Majesty. 2. Par∣doning their Accusers. 3. And heartily praying for them. Mr. Gaven in his Speech made an 〈1+ pages missing〉〈1+ pages missing〉

ful to all, especially Laborious men, and is ne∣cessary for Victualling of Ships.Both in France and Holland are great Ex∣cises on most, or all, ordinary Meats and Drinks, in England on part of our Drink only, viz. That in Alehouses, and Publick Brewings, (I hope there never will be any such as shall bur∣then Trade.)

Our great Wasts, and void Lands, which are our present Grief and Scandal, may on the Regulation of our Trade, prove highly bene∣ficial to us, since they will afford present room for a vast Increase of People, whether Forreign Planters, or others; in the Vnited Provinces, or France, none such are to be found.

And lastly, England is far better situated for the Fishing Trade, and other Forreign Trade than either France, or the Vnited Provinces, and its People are naturally far more Adven∣turous and Valiant than theirs, as Experience hath shewn, which makes no small odds upon National Contests, between Nations emulous in Trade, when they fight upon equal Terms of Treasure, and Warlike Preparations: and there is no question but our National Industry in Trade, would be also more Vigorous and Successful, were it put into suitable Methods; but otherwise can no more Exert it self than a generous Courser in a Horse-Mill.

From all which it must be evident, that were our Trade eased as in Neighbour Nations, Eng∣land would have the Superiority, since the same Causes must produce greater Effects in Eng∣land, being invigorated with these our Na∣tional Advantages, which no other Nation doth or can enjoy.

The present Power of the French King would infallibly much Contribute to it, which being arrived to such a swelling and tremendous height, does not only intimidate all men of Trade and Wealth in France, especially Prote∣stants; but all the adjacent Provinces and Peo∣ple on the Continent, who either already groan under the insupportable Oppressions and Insolencies of the French, or are under deep and Continual Apprehensions of being wasted by his numerous Troops, grown Proud and Wanton with Success, and ready to make irre∣sistable descents upon any private Order; in which these his Neighbours can never think themselves secure, because of his late suddain Invasion of Flanders: and would therefore flye to our English World, as a blessed and safe Asylum, were it put into a posture of being so. Then if the suddain Populacy, Treasures, Trade, and strength of the small Dutch Provinces, were the Effects of the then Spanish Tyranny in the Low-Countreys, what might we not hope for from far greater Confluences of the richest and

most Mercantile and Industrious Protestants, or such as would be so, even from Holland and France, as well as from many other parts of Europe? whose Stocks being transported by Bills of Exchange, and their Manufactures with their Persons, and this on a suddain, would give the odds of Srength and Treasure to the English, who no longer need to trust to the fallible Security of Leagues, which are so often obstructed and broken by the humour or per∣fidie of particular men, or frustrated by inca∣pacity and accidents: And therefore this patch∣ing and piecing a Strength together by Leagues, is the dependance of small and weak Estates, such as those of Italy and Germany; where they are always tricking and betraying one another; yet at this time Leagues (though not to be wholly rested upon) may be of great, and good consequence to England.

Had the French Monarchy never over-awed the rest of Europe, as it now does, it must be evident, that if our Trade had been regulated and eased equally with the Dutch, all those Merchants and People which have setled in Holland, would have planted here, where be∣sides the former advantages, the extent of our Territory, renders the Burthen of Taxes far easier on particular men than in Holland, where they are also at a much greater necessary charge for Garrisons on their Frontiers; nay the very

Dutch would have forsaken those Provinces for England, or if any had remained, they would have been Carriers for the English, as they have been to the French, and will rather be so for the future, if our Shop were sufficiently furnished, because they will more willingly transfer the wealth of the World to a Coun∣trey where they themselves may securely share in it, when they please, than to an Arbitrary Power, which may in a moment swallow it up, and oppress those that brought it to any the most barbarous degree; from all which, these things are most manifest: First, That nothing does or can so formidably threaten the Trade, and by Consequence the Monarchy of France, as the Modern Freedoms of the English, and some other Neighbouring Countreys. Se∣condly, That the English Freedoms are at this day so great an advantage to his most Sacred Majesty of England, that they are a Weapon left in his hands, with which, and a Concur∣rent Regulation of our Trade, he may with ease and assurance attain a Superiority over all the Monarchs and Powers of Europe put toge∣ther; he will cut the Grass under their Feet, and draw away their Treasures and People, not∣withstanding all the Policies can be used; no mere Prohibition can stop those whose Interests, quiet, and safety, shall oblige them to depart: In which, besides a sufficient Guard at Sea, (to

use the words of the French Politicks) there would need almost no War to be made, nor His Majestie's Forces hazarded. Thirdly, That for these Reasons it is most evident, that it doth highly import the French Monarchy, that the Freedoms of the English, and all others in these parts should be subverted and evacuated, of which, whether the French Councils, who have been so long and so curiously projecting the Grandure of that Monarchy, are insensible, I leave to be considered. Fourthly, 'Tis also as evident, that upon such a Regulation of our Trade His Majestie's Revenue being (by some Excise added to the then smaller Customs, and other his present Funds) made but equal to what now it is, would infallibly swell higher and higher yearly, as Trade, People, and Treasures shall increase; if these shall become double, treble, or six fold what they now are, so would his Revenue: then what extraordinary Supplies in Parliament might he not expect, upon a Na∣tional Emergence; nay, or for his own proper occasions, when by an increase of People, the Burthen upon particular men will be answera∣bly eased, and by the increase of Treasure, and the advance of private Revenues and Stocks, these People should be enabled to give largely, and often; and this without any prejudice to their home Trade, or Land-Rents, and therefore with such an Alacrity, as is agree∣able

to that true Honour and Affection they really bear him.

I need not observe how much it will be in His Majestie's Power to secure the making up of his present Revenue by new Funds, should he graciously think fit to compute by a Mode∣ration of the Customs; but since I have now, and before mentioned Excises, and have obser∣ved some men of Parts, almost to startle at the naming of a new Excise, I shall thus far ex∣plain and vindicate my self, and the proposal: First, I shall agree that such Excises as affect and over-burthen the beneficial parts of Trade, are of pernicious Consequence. Secondly, that an Universality of Excise is both incon∣venient and unnecessary; But that there may be Excises Imposed on many Superfluities, and Excesses, in Meats, Drinks, or Equipages, or upon some imported Goods Consumed at home, which would be no prejudice to any kind of Trade; being no clog upon our Exports, or Re-exports; or perhaps, a very small Excise on ordinary Meats, Drinks, and Apparel, might be supportable: I do not propound all, but some of these, in this Course there will be this odds of advantage on the part of the King, That the Vsers, Wearers, and Consumers, being this way made chargeable, His Majesty would be less liable to be defrauded than in the Customs, which are perpetually smuggled, and

then the Imported Goods openly Vended, and used; This, on the part of the People, That it will bring the like Obligations of charge on men of Visible and Invisible Stocks, in, or out of Trade, as on the Land-holders; and there∣fore I do not see any shadow of reason why Excises should appear such Bugbears in Eng∣land, especially to Land-holders, any more than in Holland,* 2.16 and in other Trading Nations, where the Publick Revenues are made to swell high by these small and almost insensible Payments. It is Confessed, that it will be highly fit to pro∣vide for a fair and easie Collection, and against the Extortions, Insolencies, and Abuses of Officers; for which we need to go no farther than to learn by what Methods they are colle∣cted and ascertained in Holland, if any shall misbehave themselves, we have a free recourse to the Law, as in Holland they have, but in France they have not, though perhaps now more than ever. Nor are Excises, or some∣what in the Nature of them, so new amongst us, if we regard the Antient Tolls for things bought and sold in home-Markets; which, al∣though they now seem small, were before the Discovery and Diffusion of the Indian Treasure Considerable, and originally belonging to the Crown, but since appropriated to private hands by Grants, or long usages founded on Grants

from the Crown, which having also given Ex∣emptions to some Towns, we may presume them first intended for the ease of Manufa∣cturers, of which the Government had an espe∣cial regard: having said this, if the Reader will reflect on All that I have said, he cannot think I have any design in beggaring the English Subjects by an invention of new Taxes; 'twas Sir Walter Raleigh's Opinion, that the smaller and more numerous Payments of Custom, would rise far higher than before, which he Confirms with Fact; be they more or less, the National Wisdom is at Liberty to exert it self in further Levies, by Excise, Land-Tax, Poll, or otherwise as there shall be cause.

Having now written what I intended on the present Subject, the Nature of it may sufficiently assure the Reader, that I have not designed any peculiar Ends of my own: On the contrary it hath been a trouble, which I wish an abler hand had undertaken, and be∣ing for the Publick, may expect what usually ensues, when men engage upon the cutting of Common Rivers, wherein they must have Contests with every one, who hath a Lands End abutting upon the Work, who will set a greater value upon six foot of Earth, than up∣on all the Good the Countrey, and therein themselves, and all their Posterity, might reap by the Accomplishment of the Business: i••

which they are generally so tenacious, that they ordinarily ruin the Vndertaker, and there∣by make great store of mirth for the Cunning men of the adjacent Villages. I am not insen∣sible how many mens Animosities I have ha∣zarded, by incountring their private Interests, or contrary Inclinations; a thing no way grate∣ful to me, being not one of those (if any there be) that, out of any petulancy of humour, Love Contention, or Innovations, or that would appear considerable by opposing some∣thing that is already thought so; or that de∣light in stirring Sediments, or raking into fedi∣ties; I affect quiet as much as any man, and account it my ordinary duty to give the least offence I can, even to the little ones. Nothing but a Consideration of our present Difficulties, and a hope to be Instrumental to the publick felicity could have moved me an Inch beyond these common Prudentials; to which I have yet conformed as far as I can; I have touched no man's Person, and I presume I need not say I have forborn Reflections, in which I do not think any one obliged to me, being but what I have judged requisite for a Composure of things; it hath been absolutely necessary that I should represent our ill Constitutions in Trade, and some of the most important Consequences, that from a general apprehension of the Com∣mon Interest, there may ensue a National Union

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in those Methods which may be most for the Publick Advantage, and this upon the mighty Basis of our present form of Government, and under our present most gracious Prince, whose Glories I hope to see expanded by an exuberant increase of National Treasures, People, and Royal Revenues, and to such a degree, as that the days of our Queen Elizabeth shall appear but a faint Type, or dawning of the greater Lustre and Happiness of His now Majestie's Reign: This is what I wish for, and have to my utmost endeavoured, and therein the real Advantage of all Ranks of Men in the Nation; If then these Excellent Ends appear obstructed by a sort of antient or Innovated Laws or Usages, who can speak of them, without much Resentment? In which, I hope, I am Excusa∣ble. These are the Spells by which our inno∣cent People are inevitably lead into Courses destructive to the Publick.

How can our Merchants or Shop-keepers now avoid Trading in Forreign Consumptive Goods? Have they any sufficient Stores of Home-Manufactures? Can our Merchants Trade from Port to Port as the Dutch and o∣thers do? or must Men that are bred up to these Gentile professions, that are Men of Fa∣mily, Industry, and Fortune fling up, live lazi∣ly, or poorly? Who doth not know how ma∣ny generous and intelligent Men, are to be

found amongst our Merchants and Shop-keep∣ers of all sorts? Such as bear a true affection to their Country, and are an honour to the Na∣tion, and such as wish for a Regulation of our Trade, and would be ready and capable to give all farther assistances, were they called to it? This I wish to see, being not so conceited, as to think I have said all that is material on this Subject; but on the contrary apprehend, That there are very few Paragraphs of what I have written, but may admit of farther In∣formations: In the mean time, from what hath been already said, it must be apparent to these and others, That as an open and free Trade would be far more profitable to the ge∣nerality of Merchants, so would it be far more honourable to all; That the Consequential Increase of People and Wealth, would better support our great Increase of Shop-keepers, Lawyers, Solicitors, Pen-men, &c. (of which the present Numbers would then hardly be sufficient) That the benefits of our Clergy must receive an inevitable Improvment by it. And that our great and famous City of Lon∣don (which is the Seat Royal, where our Na∣tional Courts of Justice are, which is contigu∣ous to our most secure Harbour for Ships, which hath the sweetest and most Commodi∣ous situation of any City in Europe, and is so vastly peopled already) must by these advan∣tages,

for ever, have the greatest resort and Trade of the Nation, (even under the utmost Improvments of our Trade) which must then be incomparably more than now: Besides, the vast advantage our Gentry would infallibly reap by the continual Rising of their Rents, even such of these as desire more business, or gain, will then have other and farther daily opportunities, by putting Stocks into Manu∣factures, or Forreign Trade, and projecting and solliciting the Improvement of either, or both. In Florence, the very Nobility and great Duke himself are Traders; hence might our Members of Parliament be continually prepa∣red to make the most suitable Laws for the fa∣cilitating of Trade.

Lastly, Nothing can so effectually and cer∣tainly secure the peace of the Nation, as the Regulating of our Trade, since it will set all Mens heads and hands at work in all manner of Innocent and Profitable Imployments, and introduce a general satisfaction and Har∣mony.

Then, and never 'till then, shall we make up that invincible Phalanax, which must not only be terrible to all Forreign Nations, but to all Enemies of the Government at Home, when they find it supported by the solid Pil∣lars of Trade and Treasure, and a Consequen∣tial swelling Populacy and Navigation; which

will deter Men of sence from Treasonable Ma∣chinations, and of Fools there needs no fear: Whereas the defect of these Supports must con∣tinually administer temptation to all such as by reason of their particular circumstances, can hope for any greater advantage or security, by the general ruin. The Body Politick be∣ing in this like the Natural, more subject to new Distempers when it is infirm before, but when stanch in every part easily bears off the Corruption or Acidity of any malevolent hu∣mours,

The Trade of the World hath long courted England, but never with so much importunity, or with so much advantage as now: This great Lady affecting Freedom and Security, hath no Inclination to continue under the Arbitrary Power of the French, nor the Vncer∣tain fate of the Dutch; with these she hath resided only as a Sojourner, but is ready to espouse our Interest and Nation, and with her self to bestow upon us the Treasures of the World; but if we still continue inexorable and stubborn, things are grown to such a Crisis, That we may have reason to fear this is the last time of her asking, and that she may suddenly turn this Kindness into such a Fury as we shall not be able to withstand.

Shall we then embrace so advantagious Overtures, or, shall we still proceed in our

present Methods? I have heard it was a hard matter to reclaim the Irish from drawing with their Horses Tails; shall the Irish now beat us out of our Trade? Shall we continue rol∣ling in Forreign Silks and Linnens? or be still sotting in Forreign Wines, whilest they pick our pockets? Shall we be Curious in Trifles, sneaking after our private interests? or like the blind Sodomites groping after our filthy Pleasures, whilest the Wrathful Angels of God stand at our elbows? Shall we like the Reprobated Jews be under continual Demica∣tions within,* 2.17 whilest our Ene∣mies are at the Gates? Shall those of the High City, those of the Low City, and those in the Temple be picking out one anothers Eyes to fa∣cilitate the Aggressions of more powerful For∣reigners? or shall we be hunting or grasping after false Shadows, and Imaginary Forms and Ideas, and neglect that most valuable substance which we have already in our Mouths, and which would turn into the most solid Nutri∣ment, would we take the pains to chew it?

Which leads me to say, There is yet a far∣ther Requisite to our happy procedure in the Whole, of greater importance than any other; viz. a general Humiliation of our selves to∣wards God, accompanied with an abhorrence of our past Intemperances, Corrupt Passions,

Pride, Avarice, Lusts, Prophaneness, mutual Oppressions, Perfidies, and other Impieties, with such a Christian Meekness, Charity, Pu∣rity, Truth, Holy Zeal and Resolution as may render us Capable of his Mercy and Protection; perhaps one false step at this time, may be more Irreparable than ever; 'tis certain we shall never be able to make a true one whilest we are under the displeasure of the Almighty.

It is as undeniable, that the Laws which ob∣struct our Trade, cannot be Repealed, or new ones requisite for its Improvement or Security be made, otherwise than by a Parliament: Whether therefore, upon this and other impor∣tant Considerations, the Convening and Hold∣ing of a Parliament be not, under God, (who does not work by Miracle) a necessary means to pre∣vent the Ruine of this Nation, and how Long it may now with any security be deferred, is that, which I most humbly submit to the De∣termination of Authority.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Pag. 195.
• * 1.2

  Pag. 207.
• * 1.3

  Geogr. 176.
• * 1.4

  Bernard de Gerrard of Finances.
• * 1.5

  See before, Sect. 7th.
• * 1.6

  French Politicks pag. 108, 109.
• * 1.7

  Pag. 67.
• * 1.8

  Pag. 68.
• * 1.9

  See Sir William Temple of the Dutch, cap. 1.
• * 1.10

  Note, most of that Fleet which the Alge∣rines had (which was but small) was destroy∣ed by the English at Cape Spartell, and Bu∣gia, about eight years since; They have since Built 40 Men of War, from 20 to 50 Guns and upwards, besides Brigantines, Gallies, &c.
• * 1.11

  Pag. 162, 163.
• * 1.12

  Pag. 165.
• * 1.13

  Pag. 169.
• * 1.14

  Pag. 171.
• * 1.15

  See Sir William Tem∣ple of the Dutch, Pag. cited before, Sect. 12.
• * 1.16

  See The Buckler of State and Justice, Printed in (67) by the special Appoint∣ment of the Honora∣ble the Lord Arling∣ton.
• * 1.17

  Pag. 153.
• * 1.18

  Pag. 154.
• * 1.19

  Beginning Pag. 183.
• * 1.20

  Pag. 186.
• * 1.21

  Pag. 187.
• * 1.22

  Pag. 188.
• * 1.23

  Pag. 189.
• * 1.24

  Pag. 194.
• * 1.25

  Pag. 195.
• * 1.26

  Pag. 189.
• * 1.27

  Pag. 190.
• * 1.28

  See before Pag.
• * 1.29

  The present Lord Chancellour in his Speech to both Hou∣ses of Parliament, on the 23d of May, 1678.
• * 1.30

  The Gazett for Monday De∣cemb. 29. gives us this Adver∣tisement. Hamburgh, Dec. 22. The French have hired all the Vessels in this River, and the Weser, which used to go to France, and return with Wines, on which they mean to Trans∣port great Quantities of Oats, and other Corn (which they are therefore buying up in these Parts) to Calais, Dunkirk, and other Places on that Coast.
• * 1.31

  Pag. 192.
• * 1.32

  See the Try∣al, p. 9.
• * 1.33

  P. 10.
• * 1.34

  P. 11.
• * 1.35

  P. 13.
• * 1.36

  P. 19.
• * 1.37

  P. 27.
• * 1.38

  P. 33.
• * 1.39

  P. 46.
• (1) 2.1

  A pretty way of expressing plain positive Evidence of several Overt Acts of Treason.
• (2) 2.2

  It might be so∣lemn, but could not be counted Religious by any but you, whose Religion con∣sists in Lies and Blas∣phemous Hypocrisie.
• (3) 2.3

  All absolutely false, though it might have been the most proper way of Exa∣mining such bold young Villains; for 'twas apparent they did not speak their knowledge, but their Masters dictates.
• (4) 2.4

  Another im∣pudent Lie; and sure the Jesuits themselves and the Staffordshire Vouchers, if they have any shame left, will now blush at the story.
• (5) 2.5

  Not the least pretence for this old baffled Scandal.
• (6) 2.6

  O brave Ora∣tor! sure this Recom∣mendation of such brave service done the Church, will hasten Gavens Canonizati∣on, at least one score or two of years.
• (7) 2.7

  Ay, and Soul to boot.
• (8) 2.8

  These four were no less than seven.
• (9) 2.9

  Is he so? The honester man he, to speak the truth and shame the Devil and the Jesuits.—But Proh dolor! Alas! how this grieves you, that any one of your Religion should speak Truth when it makes against you.
• (10) 2.10

  And who could forbear, to hear how undeniably your Novices were proved to be like their Ma∣sters, most egregious LIARS? Nor yet did the Court laugh, but the crowd of people, whom the Court took order to silence.
• (11) 2.11

  Better so, than that you clap your hands at the murder of the King, as some of your Tribe did at that of your Enemy, his blessed Father.
• (12) 2.12

  Bravely said! Who would confess now? To be thus Apostolified, would make one venture Purgatory.
• (13) 2.13

  Dear Sir, tell us his name; he was a Wit undoubtedly, unless it were your self. A Jury of Turks have done strange things, and may ac∣quit any body; but these were a Jury of honest Christians, and therefore they found them guilty.
• (14) 2.14

  'Tis pity you had not been caught giving the Knaves that Absolution.
• (13) 2.15

  Poor Lang∣horne! not one word of praise for thee! methoughts thou loo∣kedst as Apostolically as the best of them: but this 'tis to be a Lay-man, and confess Jesuits Lands.
• * 2.16

  See Sir W. Temple of the Dutch, Pag.
• * 2.17

  See Josephus of the Siege and Destructi∣on of Hierusalem.