Britannia languens: or, A discourse of trade shewing, that the present management of trade in England, is the true reason of the decay of our manufactures, and the late great fall of land-rents; and that the increase of trade, in the method it now stands in, must proportionably decay England. Wherein is particularly demonstrated, that the East-India Company, as now managed, has already near destroyed our trade in those parts, as well as that with Turky, and in short time must necessarily beggar the nation. Humbly offered to the consideration of this present Parliament.

CHAP. XX.

The Occasion and manner of Mr. Robert Jennison's first Discovery; and the Apprehension of one Caryl, alias Blun∣den, and his Letter beyond the Seas concerning the Execution of White∣bread, &c.

WE have before related how Mr. Ireland in∣sisted that he was in Staffordshire, when Dr. Oates, Mr. Bedloe, and one Sarah Pain, attest upon their Oaths that they saw him in London. And this he not onely alleadged at his Tryal, and brought Witnesses to prove it, but made solemn Asseverations at his death, That he never was in London from the 5th of August to the 14th of September. And knowing that such a failure in circumstance of time and place, if they could get it believ'd, would much depretiate the Evidence, they not content with what had pass'd, revive it again at Whitebread's Tryal, as you have heard, offering fresh people to confirm it: And though the contrary was sufficiently attested by three Witnesses on Oath, enough to convince an impartial Jury, or any body else that consi∣ders the nature of a Papists Religion, and how far he may lawfully, nay is bound to stretch his private Conscience, when it may be for the pub∣lick Emolument of their Church; yet it pleased

Providence, as well for the vindication and fur∣ther illustration of Truth, as to shame these false dissemblers, and expose their fallacious dealings, soon after to make a further discovery, and detect their Lyes in this behalf, by one that had been no small Zealot of their Party.

For presently after that Tryal, Charles Chet∣wind Esq upon some discourse concerning the same, was accidentally inform'd, That one Mr. Robert Jennison of Grays-Inne, a person of good Quality, and formerly a strict Romanist, had af∣firm'd, That he was with the said Ireland about the middle of August in Russel-street in Covent∣garden: whereupon Mr. Chetwind resolv'd to en∣quire further after it, being thereunto encoura∣ged by the Earl of Shaftsbury, to whom he had communicated what he had heard. Then tracing the business, he went to Robert Bowes Esq who own'd, that Mr. Jennison had signified so much to him formerly in a Letter from Reading, dated the 19th of December. Hereupon several of these Gentlemen repaired to Mr. Jennison, who after some unwilling Evasions, ingenuously owned the same, and testified it upon Oath before Edmund Warcup Esq one of his Majesties Justices of the Peace for the County of Middlesex, viz. That coming up from Windsor on the 19th of August, he went to visit the said William Ireland (with whom for some time he had been well acquainted, as being Related unto him) and found him at his Lodging in Russel-street, who told him he was then newly arrived by Post from Wolverhampton in Staffordshire; and in discourse enquired how his Majesty and the Court were diverted: To which

Mr. Jennison replied, That he heard his Majesty took much delight in Hawking and Fishing, but chiefly in the latter; which his Majesty follow'd early in the mornings, accompanied onely with two or three Lords: Whereupon Ireland replied, He wondred his Majesty should be so thin guarded, he were easily taken off or removed; or words to that effect. At which Mr. Jennison saying God forbid, Ireland began to qualifie it, saying, I do not say it is lawful; and some such Expressions, which made him take little notice of it at that time; but afterwards hearing of the Plot, and that the King was to have been kill'd at Windsor, he began to reflect upon these former words more seriously, and related them to his Father and one Mr. Smith his Fathers Confessor, being then at Wallworth his Fathers Mansion-house in the Bi∣shoprick of Durham.

This and some other Depositions confirming the same, with the true Copy of the said Letter, have since been published in print, and Mr. Jen∣nison publickly attested the same at Wakeman's Tryal; the horror and detestation of this hellish Plot carried on by the Romanists, having induced him to quit their Communion.

Three days after the Execution of Whitebread and the other four Jesuits, viz. 23 June, was Apprehended by Captain Rich, one of His Maje∣sties Justices of Peace for Surry, one Caryl, alias Blunden, supposed to be a Popish Priest, at Lam∣beth-Marsh, at the House of one Mr. Woodinbrook, formerly an Haberdasher of Small Wares in the Burrough of Southwark; in whose Chamber was found the following Letter, prepared to give an Ac∣count

thereof to their Correspondents beyond the Seas; wherein 'tis observable, what liberty they take to scandalize the proceedings of Justice, and invent so many palpable notorious Lies; as that of the Reprieve being brought to the Gallows, &c. to keep up their Reputation with their Par∣ty. The words of the Letter were as follow, one∣ly in the Margent we have added some necessary Observations.

IHS. MR. 23 June, 1679.

My Dr. C.

ON the Thirteenth of June, being Friday, Mr. White∣bread, Mr. Harcourt, Mr. Tur∣ner, Fenwick and Gaven of the Society, and Mr. Corker, were brought to the Bar in the Old-Bailey: Mr. Corker moved the Court for a longer time, being onely warned the night before, whereas the other Prisoners had eight days warning to prepare themselves; whereupon he was re-manded to prison till the next day: Then was the Indictment read against the Five above-na∣med Jesuits, for conspiring the Kings Death, Subversion of Go∣vernment, and Protestant Religi∣on. Then Mr. Oates swore, that on the Twenty fourth of April, there was a Consult held in Lon∣don,

where the Kings Death was Conspired; and that he car∣ried this Resolve from one to the other, for their subscribing; and swore particular Circumstances against each. To Corroborate this Testimony, other Witnesses, Bed∣loe, Prance, Dugdale, and Chet∣wine, came in with (1) 1.1 Over∣tures to the matter sworn by Oates. Then did the Prisoners (after a most solemn and (2) 1.2 Re∣ligious Protestation of their Inno∣cence and ignorance of any Con∣spiracy against His Majesty) de∣sire that their Witnesses might be heard, which could demonstrate that Mr. Oates was actually at St. Omers in all April and May, and most of June, when he swears he was in London at the Con∣sult. To prove this, about twen∣ty Witnesses were produced, who did shew evidently, by several re∣markable passages, how Oates was at St. Omers all the whole time. But the Judge Scroggs asked each Witness as he did appear, of what Religion he was of; and upon answer that he was a Catholick, the whole Court gave a shout of laughter. Then the Judge would say to them, (3) 1.3 Well, what have you

then been taught to say? and by many scoffing Questions (which moved the Court to frequent laughter) he did endeavour to take off the Credibility of their Witnesses. Then the Butler, Tay∣lor, and Gardiner of St. Omers offered to swear that they saw Mr. Oates all that time at St. Omers, when he swore he was in London. After this, the Pri∣soners at the Bar produced Six∣teen Witnesses more, that proved Oates (4) 1.4 forsworn in Mr. Ire∣lands Tryal, because he was in Shropshire, when he attested be was in London. Then did Ga∣ven, one of the Prisoners, with a great deal of clearness and Elo∣quence, and with a cheerful coun∣tenance, draw up their justifica∣tion, shewing the force of their Evidences, and how fully their Witnesses had proved Mr. Oates (5) 1.5 perjured: then he did lay open the improbabilities of such a Plot, and how unlikely that Mr. Oates should be entrusted in de∣livering Commissions to Persons of Honour and Estates, whom he never (as he acknowledges) had seen before or since. This was de∣livered by Mr. Gaven, (6) 1.6 with a Countenance wholly unconcer∣ed,

and in a voice very audible, and largely and pertinently ex∣prest. The Judge was incensed at this Speech, in which he of∣ten interrupted him: but Gaven still urged, My Lord, I plead now for my Life, and for that which is dearer to me than life, (7) 1.7 the honour of my Religi∣on, and therefore I beseech you have a little patience with me! After this Plea of Mr. Gaven's, the Judge made his Harangue to the Jury, telling them, that what the Prisoners had brought, was onely the bare assertions of Boys, who were taught it as a point of their Religion, to lye for the ho∣nour of their Religion; whereas Mr. Oates, Bedloe, and others, were upon their Oaths; and if Oaths were not to be taken, no Courts could subsist.

Then Mr. Oates brought forth four (8) 1.8 Witnesses which he had kept in reserve; an old Parson in his Canonical Gown, an old Do∣minican Priest (9) 1.9 Proh Pudor & Dolor! and two old women, that swore they saw Mr. Oates in the beginning of May 1678. At this the whole Court gave a shout of (10) 1.10 laughter and hollow, that for almost a quarter

the Cryers could not still them: Never was Bear-baiting more rude and boisterous than this Tryal. Vpon this the Judge dismiss'd the Jury, to consider and bring in their Verdict; who (af∣ter half an hours absence) brought in the Five Prisoners at the Bar all guilty of High-Treason. Thereupon the whole Court clapt (11) 1.11 their hands, and gave a great hollow. It being now eight at night, the Court adjour∣ned till next day at seven of the clock, which was Saturday: I was present from five in the mor∣ning, till the Court broke up. The Prisoners comported them∣selves (12) 1.12 most Apostolically at the Bar; not the least passion or alteration appeared in them at the Invectives of the Judge, or at the Clamours of the People; but made a clear and candid defence, with a chearful and unconcerned countenance; and (as (13) 1.13 a Stander-by said) if they had had a Jury of Turks, they had been quitted. I was with them both before and after their Tryal, and had the honour of being in my Function (14) 1.14 serviceable to them; which I look upon, as that God favoured me in, I hope for my future good.

Next day Mr. Langhorne a Lawyer, Sir George Wakeman, Mr. Corker, Mr. March, Mr. Rumbly, the three last Bene∣dictines, were brought to the Bar; where the Indictment being read against them for conspiring the Kings death, &c. they pleaded all Not guilty. Then was Lang∣horne first tryed, whose Tryal held so long, that they had not time to try the other four; and the Commission by which they sat expiring that day, the Judge ad∣journed the Tryal of the other four till the 14th of July, and then the Judge commanded the Keeper to bring the five Jesuits; whom with Langhorne (13) 1.15 were sentenced to be hang'd, drawn, and quartered. Mr. Cor∣ker and Mr. March are close Prisoners, and have been so this eight months, with whom I have been; God has fitted, and is still fitting them as Sacrifices for him∣self: They are very well dispo∣sed and resigned to Gods holy will. Mr. Rumbly hath the liberty of the Prison, with whom is Mr. Heskett; all chearful, and expect the good hour.

On Thursday, the day before the five Jesuits were executed,

my Lord Shaftsbury was with Turner and Gaven, promising them the Kings Pardon, if they would acknowledge the Conspi∣racy. Mr. Gaven answered, He would not murther his Soul, to save his Body; for he must ac∣knowledge what he knew not, and what he did believe was not. On Friday the 20th of June, Mr. Whitebread on one Sled with Mr. Harcourt, Mr. Turner and Mr. Gaven upon another Sled, and Mr. Fenwick in a Sled by himself, were drawn from Newgate to Tyburn. Mr. Langhorne is for a time reprie∣ved, and promised Pardon, if he will (as 'tis reported) discover the Estates of the Jesuits: he was their Lawyer. 'Tis certain my Lord Shaftsbury has been often with him. In the way they comported themselves seri∣ously and chearfully; Mr. Gaven had smug'd himself up as if he had been going to a Wedding. When they arrived at Tyburn, they each made a Speech: 1. As∣severing their ignorance of any Plot against his Majesty. 2. Par∣doning their Accusers. 3. And heartily praying for them. Mr. Gaven in his Speech made an 〈1+ pages missing〉〈1+ pages missing〉

ful to all, especially Laborious men, and is ne∣cessary for Victualling of Ships.Both in France and Holland are great Ex∣cises on most, or all, ordinary Meats and Drinks, in England on part of our Drink only, viz. That in Alehouses, and Publick Brewings, (I hope there never will be any such as shall bur∣then Trade.)

Our great Wasts, and void Lands, which are our present Grief and Scandal, may on the Regulation of our Trade, prove highly bene∣ficial to us, since they will afford present room for a vast Increase of People, whether Forreign Planters, or others; in the Vnited Provinces, or France, none such are to be found.

And lastly, England is far better situated for the Fishing Trade, and other Forreign Trade than either France, or the Vnited Provinces, and its People are naturally far more Adven∣turous and Valiant than theirs, as Experience hath shewn, which makes no small odds upon National Contests, between Nations emulous in Trade, when they fight upon equal Terms of Treasure, and Warlike Preparations: and there is no question but our National Industry in Trade, would be also more Vigorous and Successful, were it put into suitable Methods; but otherwise can no more Exert it self than a generous Courser in a Horse-Mill.

From all which it must be evident, that were our Trade eased as in Neighbour Nations, Eng∣land would have the Superiority, since the same Causes must produce greater Effects in Eng∣land, being invigorated with these our Na∣tional Advantages, which no other Nation doth or can enjoy.

The present Power of the French King would infallibly much Contribute to it, which being arrived to such a swelling and tremendous height, does not only intimidate all men of Trade and Wealth in France, especially Prote∣stants; but all the adjacent Provinces and Peo∣ple on the Continent, who either already groan under the insupportable Oppressions and Insolencies of the French, or are under deep and Continual Apprehensions of being wasted by his numerous Troops, grown Proud and Wanton with Success, and ready to make irre∣sistable descents upon any private Order; in which these his Neighbours can never think themselves secure, because of his late suddain Invasion of Flanders: and would therefore flye to our English World, as a blessed and safe Asylum, were it put into a posture of being so. Then if the suddain Populacy, Treasures, Trade, and strength of the small Dutch Provinces, were the Effects of the then Spanish Tyranny in the Low-Countreys, what might we not hope for from far greater Confluences of the richest and

most Mercantile and Industrious Protestants, or such as would be so, even from Holland and France, as well as from many other parts of Europe? whose Stocks being transported by Bills of Exchange, and their Manufactures with their Persons, and this on a suddain, would give the odds of Srength and Treasure to the English, who no longer need to trust to the fallible Security of Leagues, which are so often obstructed and broken by the humour or per∣fidie of particular men, or frustrated by inca∣pacity and accidents: And therefore this patch∣ing and piecing a Strength together by Leagues, is the dependance of small and weak Estates, such as those of Italy and Germany; where they are always tricking and betraying one another; yet at this time Leagues (though not to be wholly rested upon) may be of great, and good consequence to England.

Had the French Monarchy never over-awed the rest of Europe, as it now does, it must be evident, that if our Trade had been regulated and eased equally with the Dutch, all those Merchants and People which have setled in Holland, would have planted here, where be∣sides the former advantages, the extent of our Territory, renders the Burthen of Taxes far easier on particular men than in Holland, where they are also at a much greater necessary charge for Garrisons on their Frontiers; nay the very

Dutch would have forsaken those Provinces for England, or if any had remained, they would have been Carriers for the English, as they have been to the French, and will rather be so for the future, if our Shop were sufficiently furnished, because they will more willingly transfer the wealth of the World to a Coun∣trey where they themselves may securely share in it, when they please, than to an Arbitrary Power, which may in a moment swallow it up, and oppress those that brought it to any the most barbarous degree; from all which, these things are most manifest: First, That nothing does or can so formidably threaten the Trade, and by Consequence the Monarchy of France, as the Modern Freedoms of the English, and some other Neighbouring Countreys. Se∣condly, That the English Freedoms are at this day so great an advantage to his most Sacred Majesty of England, that they are a Weapon left in his hands, with which, and a Concur∣rent Regulation of our Trade, he may with ease and assurance attain a Superiority over all the Monarchs and Powers of Europe put toge∣ther; he will cut the Grass under their Feet, and draw away their Treasures and People, not∣withstanding all the Policies can be used; no mere Prohibition can stop those whose Interests, quiet, and safety, shall oblige them to depart: In which, besides a sufficient Guard at Sea, (to

use the words of the French Politicks) there would need almost no War to be made, nor His Majestie's Forces hazarded. Thirdly, That for these Reasons it is most evident, that it doth highly import the French Monarchy, that the Freedoms of the English, and all others in these parts should be subverted and evacuated, of which, whether the French Councils, who have been so long and so curiously projecting the Grandure of that Monarchy, are insensible, I leave to be considered. Fourthly, 'Tis also as evident, that upon such a Regulation of our Trade His Majestie's Revenue being (by some Excise added to the then smaller Customs, and other his present Funds) made but equal to what now it is, would infallibly swell higher and higher yearly, as Trade, People, and Treasures shall increase; if these shall become double, treble, or six fold what they now are, so would his Revenue: then what extraordinary Supplies in Parliament might he not expect, upon a Na∣tional Emergence; nay, or for his own proper occasions, when by an increase of People, the Burthen upon particular men will be answera∣bly eased, and by the increase of Treasure, and the advance of private Revenues and Stocks, these People should be enabled to give largely, and often; and this without any prejudice to their home Trade, or Land-Rents, and therefore with such an Alacrity, as is agree∣able

to that true Honour and Affection they really bear him.

I need not observe how much it will be in His Majestie's Power to secure the making up of his present Revenue by new Funds, should he graciously think fit to compute by a Mode∣ration of the Customs; but since I have now, and before mentioned Excises, and have obser∣ved some men of Parts, almost to startle at the naming of a new Excise, I shall thus far ex∣plain and vindicate my self, and the proposal: First, I shall agree that such Excises as affect and over-burthen the beneficial parts of Trade, are of pernicious Consequence. Secondly, that an Universality of Excise is both incon∣venient and unnecessary; But that there may be Excises Imposed on many Superfluities, and Excesses, in Meats, Drinks, or Equipages, or upon some imported Goods Consumed at home, which would be no prejudice to any kind of Trade; being no clog upon our Exports, or Re-exports; or perhaps, a very small Excise on ordinary Meats, Drinks, and Apparel, might be supportable: I do not propound all, but some of these, in this Course there will be this odds of advantage on the part of the King, That the Vsers, Wearers, and Consumers, being this way made chargeable, His Majesty would be less liable to be defrauded than in the Customs, which are perpetually smuggled, and

then the Imported Goods openly Vended, and used; This, on the part of the People, That it will bring the like Obligations of charge on men of Visible and Invisible Stocks, in, or out of Trade, as on the Land-holders; and there∣fore I do not see any shadow of reason why Excises should appear such Bugbears in Eng∣land, especially to Land-holders, any more than in Holland,* 1.16 and in other Trading Nations, where the Publick Revenues are made to swell high by these small and almost insensible Payments. It is Confessed, that it will be highly fit to pro∣vide for a fair and easie Collection, and against the Extortions, Insolencies, and Abuses of Officers; for which we need to go no farther than to learn by what Methods they are colle∣cted and ascertained in Holland, if any shall misbehave themselves, we have a free recourse to the Law, as in Holland they have, but in France they have not, though perhaps now more than ever. Nor are Excises, or some∣what in the Nature of them, so new amongst us, if we regard the Antient Tolls for things bought and sold in home-Markets; which, al∣though they now seem small, were before the Discovery and Diffusion of the Indian Treasure Considerable, and originally belonging to the Crown, but since appropriated to private hands by Grants, or long usages founded on Grants

from the Crown, which having also given Ex∣emptions to some Towns, we may presume them first intended for the ease of Manufa∣cturers, of which the Government had an espe∣cial regard: having said this, if the Reader will reflect on All that I have said, he cannot think I have any design in beggaring the English Subjects by an invention of new Taxes; 'twas Sir Walter Raleigh's Opinion, that the smaller and more numerous Payments of Custom, would rise far higher than before, which he Confirms with Fact; be they more or less, the National Wisdom is at Liberty to exert it self in further Levies, by Excise, Land-Tax, Poll, or otherwise as there shall be cause.

Having now written what I intended on the present Subject, the Nature of it may sufficiently assure the Reader, that I have not designed any peculiar Ends of my own: On the contrary it hath been a trouble, which I wish an abler hand had undertaken, and be∣ing for the Publick, may expect what usually ensues, when men engage upon the cutting of Common Rivers, wherein they must have Contests with every one, who hath a Lands End abutting upon the Work, who will set a greater value upon six foot of Earth, than up∣on all the Good the Countrey, and therein themselves, and all their Posterity, might reap by the Accomplishment of the Business: i••

which they are generally so tenacious, that they ordinarily ruin the Vndertaker, and there∣by make great store of mirth for the Cunning men of the adjacent Villages. I am not insen∣sible how many mens Animosities I have ha∣zarded, by incountring their private Interests, or contrary Inclinations; a thing no way grate∣ful to me, being not one of those (if any there be) that, out of any petulancy of humour, Love Contention, or Innovations, or that would appear considerable by opposing some∣thing that is already thought so; or that de∣light in stirring Sediments, or raking into fedi∣ties; I affect quiet as much as any man, and account it my ordinary duty to give the least offence I can, even to the little ones. Nothing but a Consideration of our present Difficulties, and a hope to be Instrumental to the publick felicity could have moved me an Inch beyond these common Prudentials; to which I have yet conformed as far as I can; I have touched no man's Person, and I presume I need not say I have forborn Reflections, in which I do not think any one obliged to me, being but what I have judged requisite for a Composure of things; it hath been absolutely necessary that I should represent our ill Constitutions in Trade, and some of the most important Consequences, that from a general apprehension of the Com∣mon Interest, there may ensue a National Union

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in those Methods which may be most for the Publick Advantage, and this upon the mighty Basis of our present form of Government, and under our present most gracious Prince, whose Glories I hope to see expanded by an exuberant increase of National Treasures, People, and Royal Revenues, and to such a degree, as that the days of our Queen Elizabeth shall appear but a faint Type, or dawning of the greater Lustre and Happiness of His now Majestie's Reign: This is what I wish for, and have to my utmost endeavoured, and therein the real Advantage of all Ranks of Men in the Nation; If then these Excellent Ends appear obstructed by a sort of antient or Innovated Laws or Usages, who can speak of them, without much Resentment? In which, I hope, I am Excusa∣ble. These are the Spells by which our inno∣cent People are inevitably lead into Courses destructive to the Publick.

How can our Merchants or Shop-keepers now avoid Trading in Forreign Consumptive Goods? Have they any sufficient Stores of Home-Manufactures? Can our Merchants Trade from Port to Port as the Dutch and o∣thers do? or must Men that are bred up to these Gentile professions, that are Men of Fa∣mily, Industry, and Fortune fling up, live lazi∣ly, or poorly? Who doth not know how ma∣ny generous and intelligent Men, are to be

found amongst our Merchants and Shop-keep∣ers of all sorts? Such as bear a true affection to their Country, and are an honour to the Na∣tion, and such as wish for a Regulation of our Trade, and would be ready and capable to give all farther assistances, were they called to it? This I wish to see, being not so conceited, as to think I have said all that is material on this Subject; but on the contrary apprehend, That there are very few Paragraphs of what I have written, but may admit of farther In∣formations: In the mean time, from what hath been already said, it must be apparent to these and others, That as an open and free Trade would be far more profitable to the ge∣nerality of Merchants, so would it be far more honourable to all; That the Consequential Increase of People and Wealth, would better support our great Increase of Shop-keepers, Lawyers, Solicitors, Pen-men, &c. (of which the present Numbers would then hardly be sufficient) That the benefits of our Clergy must receive an inevitable Improvment by it. And that our great and famous City of Lon∣don (which is the Seat Royal, where our Na∣tional Courts of Justice are, which is contigu∣ous to our most secure Harbour for Ships, which hath the sweetest and most Commodi∣ous situation of any City in Europe, and is so vastly peopled already) must by these advan∣tages,

for ever, have the greatest resort and Trade of the Nation, (even under the utmost Improvments of our Trade) which must then be incomparably more than now: Besides, the vast advantage our Gentry would infallibly reap by the continual Rising of their Rents, even such of these as desire more business, or gain, will then have other and farther daily opportunities, by putting Stocks into Manu∣factures, or Forreign Trade, and projecting and solliciting the Improvement of either, or both. In Florence, the very Nobility and great Duke himself are Traders; hence might our Members of Parliament be continually prepa∣red to make the most suitable Laws for the fa∣cilitating of Trade.

Lastly, Nothing can so effectually and cer∣tainly secure the peace of the Nation, as the Regulating of our Trade, since it will set all Mens heads and hands at work in all manner of Innocent and Profitable Imployments, and introduce a general satisfaction and Har∣mony.

Then, and never 'till then, shall we make up that invincible Phalanax, which must not only be terrible to all Forreign Nations, but to all Enemies of the Government at Home, when they find it supported by the solid Pil∣lars of Trade and Treasure, and a Consequen∣tial swelling Populacy and Navigation; which

will deter Men of sence from Treasonable Ma∣chinations, and of Fools there needs no fear: Whereas the defect of these Supports must con∣tinually administer temptation to all such as by reason of their particular circumstances, can hope for any greater advantage or security, by the general ruin. The Body Politick be∣ing in this like the Natural, more subject to new Distempers when it is infirm before, but when stanch in every part easily bears off the Corruption or Acidity of any malevolent hu∣mours,

The Trade of the World hath long courted England, but never with so much importunity, or with so much advantage as now: This great Lady affecting Freedom and Security, hath no Inclination to continue under the Arbitrary Power of the French, nor the Vncer∣tain fate of the Dutch; with these she hath resided only as a Sojourner, but is ready to espouse our Interest and Nation, and with her self to bestow upon us the Treasures of the World; but if we still continue inexorable and stubborn, things are grown to such a Crisis, That we may have reason to fear this is the last time of her asking, and that she may suddenly turn this Kindness into such a Fury as we shall not be able to withstand.

Shall we then embrace so advantagious Overtures, or, shall we still proceed in our

present Methods? I have heard it was a hard matter to reclaim the Irish from drawing with their Horses Tails; shall the Irish now beat us out of our Trade? Shall we continue rol∣ling in Forreign Silks and Linnens? or be still sotting in Forreign Wines, whilest they pick our pockets? Shall we be Curious in Trifles, sneaking after our private interests? or like the blind Sodomites groping after our filthy Pleasures, whilest the Wrathful Angels of God stand at our elbows? Shall we like the Reprobated Jews be under continual Demica∣tions within,* 1.17 whilest our Ene∣mies are at the Gates? Shall those of the High City, those of the Low City, and those in the Temple be picking out one anothers Eyes to fa∣cilitate the Aggressions of more powerful For∣reigners? or shall we be hunting or grasping after false Shadows, and Imaginary Forms and Ideas, and neglect that most valuable substance which we have already in our Mouths, and which would turn into the most solid Nutri∣ment, would we take the pains to chew it?

Which leads me to say, There is yet a far∣ther Requisite to our happy procedure in the Whole, of greater importance than any other; viz. a general Humiliation of our selves to∣wards God, accompanied with an abhorrence of our past Intemperances, Corrupt Passions,

Pride, Avarice, Lusts, Prophaneness, mutual Oppressions, Perfidies, and other Impieties, with such a Christian Meekness, Charity, Pu∣rity, Truth, Holy Zeal and Resolution as may render us Capable of his Mercy and Protection; perhaps one false step at this time, may be more Irreparable than ever; 'tis certain we shall never be able to make a true one whilest we are under the displeasure of the Almighty.

It is as undeniable, that the Laws which ob∣struct our Trade, cannot be Repealed, or new ones requisite for its Improvement or Security be made, otherwise than by a Parliament: Whether therefore, upon this and other impor∣tant Considerations, the Convening and Hold∣ing of a Parliament be not, under God, (who does not work by Miracle) a necessary means to pre∣vent the Ruine of this Nation, and how Long it may now with any security be deferred, is that, which I most humbly submit to the De∣termination of Authority.

Notes

• (1) 1.1

  A pretty way of expressing plain positive Evidence of several Overt Acts of Treason.
• (2) 1.2

  It might be so∣lemn, but could not be counted Religious by any but you, whose Religion con∣sists in Lies and Blas∣phemous Hypocrisie.
• (3) 1.3

  All absolutely false, though it might have been the most proper way of Exa∣mining such bold young Villains; for 'twas apparent they did not speak their knowledge, but their Masters dictates.
• (4) 1.4

  Another im∣pudent Lie; and sure the Jesuits themselves and the Staffordshire Vouchers, if they have any shame left, will now blush at the story.
• (5) 1.5

  Not the least pretence for this old baffled Scandal.
• (6) 1.6

  O brave Ora∣tor! sure this Recom∣mendation of such brave service done the Church, will hasten Gavens Canonizati∣on, at least one score or two of years.
• (7) 1.7

  Ay, and Soul to boot.
• (8) 1.8

  These four were no less than seven.
• (9) 1.9

  Is he so? The honester man he, to speak the truth and shame the Devil and the Jesuits.—But Proh dolor! Alas! how this grieves you, that any one of your Religion should speak Truth when it makes against you.
• (10) 1.10

  And who could forbear, to hear how undeniably your Novices were proved to be like their Ma∣sters, most egregious LIARS? Nor yet did the Court laugh, but the crowd of people, whom the Court took order to silence.
• (11) 1.11

  Better so, than that you clap your hands at the murder of the King, as some of your Tribe did at that of your Enemy, his blessed Father.
• (12) 1.12

  Bravely said! Who would confess now? To be thus Apostolified, would make one venture Purgatory.
• (13) 1.13

  Dear Sir, tell us his name; he was a Wit undoubtedly, unless it were your self. A Jury of Turks have done strange things, and may ac∣quit any body; but these were a Jury of honest Christians, and therefore they found them guilty.
• (14) 1.14

  'Tis pity you had not been caught giving the Knaves that Absolution.
• (13) 1.15

  Poor Lang∣horne! not one word of praise for thee! methoughts thou loo∣kedst as Apostolically as the best of them: but this 'tis to be a Lay-man, and confess Jesuits Lands.
• * 1.16

  See Sir W. Temple of the Dutch, Pag.
• * 1.17

  See Josephus of the Siege and Destructi∣on of Hierusalem.