The happy future state of England, or, A discourse by way of a letter to the late Earl of Anglesey vindicating him from the reflections of an affidavit published by the House of Commons, ao. 1680, by occasion whereof observations are made concerning infamous witnesses : the said discourse likewise contains various political remarks and calculations referring to many parts of Christendom, with observations of the number of the people of England, and of its growth in populousness and trade, the vanity of the late fears and jealousies being shewn, the author doth on the grounds of nature predict the happy future state of the realm : at the end of the discourse there is a casuistical discussion of the obligation to the king, his heirs and successors, wherein many of the moral offices of absolution and unconditional loyalty are asserted : before the discourse is a large preface, giving an account of the whole work, with an index of the principal matters : also, The obligation resulting from the Oath of supremacy to assist and defend the preheminence or prerogative of the dispensative power belonging to the king ...
Pett, Peter, Sir, 1630-1699.
Page  [unnumbered]Page  [unnumbered]

THE HAPPY Future State of England: OR, A DISCOURSE by way of LETTER to the late EARL of ANGLESEY, Vindicating Him from the Reflections of an AFFIDAVIT Published by the HOUSE of COMMONS, A o. 1680. by occasion whereof Observations are made concerning Infamous WITNESSES.

The said Discourse likewise contains various Political Remarks and CALCULATIONS referring to many Parts of Christendom; with Observations of the Number of the People of ENGLAND, and of its Growth in Populousness and Trade. The Vanity of the late Fears and Iealousies being shewn, the Author doth on Grounds of Nature Predict the Happy future State of the Realm.

At the End of the Discourse, There is a Casuistical Discussion of the Obligation of the KING, His Heirs and Successors, wherein many of the Moral Offices of Absolute and Vnconditional Loyalty are Asserted.

Before the Discourse, is A large PREFACE, giving an Account of the whole WORK, with an Index of the Principal Matters.

ALSO, The Obligation resulting from the Oath of SUPREMACY to Assist and Defend the Preheminence or Prerogative OF THE Dispensative Power Belonging to the KING, His Heirs and Successors.

In the Asserting of that Power, various Historical Passages occurring in the Vsurpation after the Year 1641. are mentioned, and an Account is given of the Progress of the Power of Dispensing, as to Acts of Parliament about Religion since the Reformation, and of diverse Judg∣ments of Parliaments, declaring their Approbation of the Exercise of such Power, and par∣ticularly in what concerns Punishment by Disability or Incapacity.

LONDON, Printed MDCLXXXVIII.

Page  [unnumbered]Page  [unnumbered]

To the Right Honorable the Earl of Sunderland, Lord President of His Majesty's most Honorable Privy-Council, and Prin∣cipal Secretary of State, and Knight of the most Noble Order of the GARTER.

MY LORD,

FOR one who is sensible how little he knows of things past or present, to Dedicate a Discourse of the future State of his Country to your Lordship, who are by the Age allow'd to be as Critical a Iudge of Men and Things as any it affords, may seem to have in it somewhat of Presumption. But when your Lordship shall have had leisure to consider the plain Grounds of Nature, on which my Prediction in the following Papers hath gone, I will not so much hope that what I have attempted may appear to have been no Presuming, as I will expect that your Censure will cast the Presumption on the other side, namely, on such who were Predictors with a continuando, of the Unhappy State of their Country; and especially on the account of the Religion of our most Gracious Prince. And were I now to have my Iudgment tryed only by that of the Mobile, who measure all things by the Events, I account I should be out of the Gunshot of Censure, since the course of Providence after my writing of the following Work having Con∣ducted His Majesty to fill the Throne of his Ancestors with so many Royal Virtues, it has been Conspicuous to them that the Glories of his Reign have transcended the highest flights of my mentioned Expectation.

And indeed, as I remember to have long ago heard one of the Fathers cited for a Passage to this purpose, namely, that on a Supposal that God recounting to him the Perfections of the Creation, should ask him what he could name want∣ing, and that he could wish, he would answer, Unum Laudatorem, Domine, so it might till of late be said that in this new Creation or Restoration of Eng∣land under His Majesty's Reign, the only thing we had with anxiety to wish and desire from God next to the ennabling us to Praise his divine Goodness, was one whose Talent of noble thoughts and words might be adequate to the celebrating the many Talents of our Prince, and their successful Improvement both for the Honour and Security, and Ease of his People.

But neither is such one Praiser now wanting; for he who shall read the many late Loyal Addresses from all Parts of the Kingdom, will find the People of England to be the Unus Laudator.

Page  [unnumbered] My Lord, as I in the following Discourse almost wholly Printed long ago in the last Reign during the freedom of the Press, adventured on Grounds of Na∣ture to predict such a growth of Loyalty, as would make all England become one sober Party of Mankind, and that the more ingenious sort of Iesuits would by natural Instinct throw off those Principles condemned in this Pope's Decree; and with Iustice then acknowledged a Sober Party in that order, and have at large in p. 322. particularly shew'd my Abhorrence of charging the belief or practice of those Principles on all Persons in that Order: So I have likewise in p. 238. given my Iudgment that all Seditious Principles own'd by any who call'd themselves Protestants must naturally decay, and have at large in my Preface▪ opposed my measures of futurity to those of a late Fa∣ther of the Church of England concerning the two Plots, that he thought the Papists and Dissenters would be ever carrying on, and without his Lordships excepting the Loyal in those religionary Parties.

But having said this, I must likewise say that these happy births of Fate, having been but (as it were) the Births of a Day under the Powerful Influ∣ences of His Majesty's Government, or (as I may say) a Nation's being thus born in a Day, are beyond what I did expect: and I did little think that with the suddenness of the motion of Lightning when it melts the Sword and spares the Scabbard, His Majesty's Declaration of Indulgence to Dissenters, would at the same time melt so many hearts, and all hostile Principles of the Doctrine of Resistance wrapp'd therein, as it spared the Persons of the deluded Opiners. I account that any indifferent Observer of the extraordinary sweet∣ness of the way of painting their Loyalty in their Addresses (and which re∣sembleth the way of Corregio, and is as excellent in its kind as that of the Sons of the Church of England after the way of the bolder touches of Titian in their former Addresses, with the Style of LIVES AND FORTUNES was in its) must be very hard-hearted if he likewise be not melted into a new kind of Compassion toward such his Brethren; and into a noble sense of a great and good Prince, having made his Subjects of all Religionary Perswasions Lachry∣mists for Joy, and turned all their hearts to invoke Heaven in wishing for him according to that old Style, a long Life, a secure Kingdom, a safe House, valiant Armies, a faithful Senate, loyal Subjects, the world at Peace, &c.

The comparatively narrow Idea's of Charity and Beneficence that Subjects Minds are capable of toward one another do incline them to think chiefly of particular Toleration, and such as we call Dispensation, and that too with the nicety of Caution, and upon Persons making the notification of their Princi∣ples, and their particular disclaiming of all Disloyal ones, previous to their Toleration; and beyond this pitch the flights of my poor thoughts have not gone in the following Work. But His Majesty having his Great thoughts in∣tent on restoring England to its ancient Figure in the World, namely of ba∣lancing it, and coming to the Throne when he found the Land so impoverish'd y the Witnesses Plot, and the spirits of the Inhabitants so much intimidated with Fears and Iealousies, he by his own noble Iealousie for the Honour of the Nation hath chased away all ignoble Iealousies for ever, and by shewing so great an Example of Universal Confidence in his People, hath by his AugusGenius found out so expedite a way to make the Confidence between the Prince and People mutual (and which is the hinge on which the Happy State of any Country turns) as hath made any general Relapses into Principles of disloy∣alty during his Reign, almost morally impossible. For according to that Saying of Tully, Perditissimi est hominis eum laedere qui laesus non esset, nisi re∣didisset, and the Common Notion that next to the being perfectly good, it is the most difficult thing to bring Humane Nature to be perfectly bad, we may well expct a general growth of Loyalty from the Effects of that Page  [unnumbered] great Confidence, and the great Spectacle it affords the World, that may be partly expressed in the words of the Prophet, viz. The heart of the Father's being turned to the Children, and the natural Consequence of the turning the heart of the Children to their Father; a more noble work then for an Elias to come and solve Doubts.

And thus while the Principles of some narrow-hearted Divines might seem confined, like the Sands in their Hour-glasses, yet His Majesty's great Thoughts and largeness of heart given him by God, being (as was said of Solomon's) like the Sands of the Sea shoar, and he having without setting up Weigh-houses for Loyalty or Religionary Principles, created universal Cha∣rity and Peace in the Nation, and allow'd his Subjects a paulò majora ca∣namus then verbal Recantations, he by thus trusting his Subjects at once with their Consciences, hath provided an otherguess Prospect for English Minds, then what can rise from disputacity, or the Ecclesiarum Scabies, and hath likewise secured the transmitting of his Character into the English Chro∣nicles with such Rays of Glory as are brighter then those that have there adorn'd our former Princes, under whom the Roses, and Scepters and King∣doms were united, through his having so much united the hearts of People of all Religions to himself, and to one another.

My Lord, It is here but just that I should acknowledge it to your Lordship that you have been and are Pars Magna in so highly Contributing by your great Figure at the Helm in the last and this present Reign, to this happy State of England. For while in that Reign so many were so intent by what an ingenious late Writer calls The Wheel within a Wheel, i. e. the Real Plot within the Nominal one of the Witnesses; and by Out-cries against the Church of Rome to bring in a Roman Republick, your Lordship by your most wise Councels and indefatigable diligence in guarding the Monarchy, and effecting that it should not be plotted away by Names or Things, will appear in the History of the Age, as one who perhaps beyond any one now a Subject secured the old Fundamental Government of England, and upon which only the new future Happiness of it could subsist.

I have entertain'd the Reader with a new Argument of Republicks gene∣rally growing more impracticable: but I shall do but justice to your Lordship in representing your very Character as an Argument of sufficient weight to poise the minds of the ingenious and the ingenuous against innovations by that sort of Government. For the World would soon want the benefit of the Example of the perfect justice inherent in your nature (that glorious Virtue that is the allow'd Continent of all the rest, and necessarily attracting the Eyes and Hearts and Veneration of the Populace) if Heaven had not fix'd you in the Sphere of Monarchy; a dull Mediocrity of Vertue and of Wit and reason being only easie to a popular Government, and nothing but an Oyster-Shell or an Olive-Leaf being to be there expected by a Person heroically just to his Country as his recompence, and his being always liable to such liberae accusationes & Calumniationes as were under what I have call'd the Martyrocracy here in the turbid Interval of the Plot-times, and of the Fears and Iealousies.

Your Lordship was then by the help of your great Vnderstanding and ex∣cellent Temper, and your constant Serenity of thought, saevis tranquillus in undis; and while so many of the timid were with their narrow spirits in that stormy Conjuncture, toss'd about with excessive Fears and Iealousies, and nauseous to themselves and others, your Lordships great thoughts like a well built first Rate-Ship, allow'd you both Ease and Triumph on the Sea of Time: and in the Night of the Popular Fears, your great Reason was dire∣ctive to the Loyal tanquam lucerna in navi Praetoriâ how and where to steer their Course with safety to the Publick.

Page  [unnumbered] While toward the End of the following Discourse, I recollected how much and how far my belief had been with that of many Loyal embarqued in the belief of a Plot or the Plot, I there in p. 359, and 360. took notice that the Notions that men had of a Plot were very various: Some then were so far gone in credulity, as like the Fool that Solomon saith believeth eve∣ry word, they were resolv'd to believe every thing the Witnesses had said or would say, the Loyal generally acquiesced in the Notification of it as Publish'd by the Government; and I likewise call'd to mind what I had during my belief of somewhat of it mention'd in those hot Times, and while. I was writing the warmest part of my Discourse in that Conjuncture, and when generally every heat of mens Passions was Feverish, and every Fe∣ver Pestilential, and when the Vitium temporis was Concurrent with the Faults of the Writer: and there in p. 14. observing, that since according to the expression of God's not being the God of the Jews only, but also of the Gentiles, so it being true that the King is King of the Papists as well as Protestants, King of the Irish as well as English, and a Common Father to them all, it may be worthy of his royal goodness, and a god-like thing in him to distribute to them all the kindness that would not undo them∣selves and others, (i. e. that they were capable of) and having then in p. 44. urged the possibility of Recusants being a sound part of the State here as well as in Holland, I held my self obliged to do them and the Course of my Impartial observing, the right as toward the end of the Discourse to men∣tion it, that whatever petulance some of them were formerly guilty of, yet that the deportment of the generality of them hath of late appear'd with such a Face of Loyalty, as was necessarily attractive of our Christian Love and Compassion. And I concluded with the Observation, That it was not for nothing, nor without some end that Divine Providence permitted so many Protestants to erre in one great Point; and that probably it might be to the end to produce in their Minds so great a degree of Compassion and Charity toward the Persons of all Roman-Catholick Christians, as may not only last in this Conjuncture, but be operative in them by all Moral Offices of Humanity and Christianity during their Lives.

But the Course of Providence having further honoured His Majesty's Go∣vernment by bringing to light in it the Truth about those odious Matters that particular Roman-Catholicks were charged with, (and for which in the general Iudgment of the Impartial they appear now to have been put to Death by false Testimony) the cry of such Blood may well (I think) pass for a loud Call against making the Body of the Roman-Catholicks uneasie by the Penal Laws, and while the Reason for their Severity hath so apparently ceased.

As toward the latter end of the Preface which was committed to Writing in the latter end of the last Reign, I mention'd it as the Concordant vogue of the Populace to throw off the belief of the only Person referr'd to as a witness in the following Discourse, so it must be acknowledged that Time hath by its births of Discovery, now given a just occasion for the laying aside all the Ag∣gravations there against any Principles in the Canon-Law, or the Casuistical Morals of the Iesuits, that my self and others then built on the Fate of Godfrey: and hath acording to what I have predicted concerning the Fate of the Principles of the Iesuites Condemned by this Pope, tacitly evaporating by Fear and Shame, made them appear obsolete. And it is one of the Glories of His Majesty's Reign, that all those Principles in terrorem, which gave occasion formerly for the Continuance of the Laws in terrorem, do now appear offer'd up as Sacrifices to the Iustice of it. And tho from the account I found in The Policy of the Clergy of France of the Fact of some of the Iesuits having opposed the Publication of that Decree in France, as having issued from the Pope Page  [unnumbered] in his Court of Inquisition, I took occasion to dilate on the Aggravations of their Disobedience to the Pope, yet upon my having since enquired into the Transa∣ctions of the Papal World, I have found Cause to absolve them from any Cen∣sure of that kind.

And accordingly as the Ingenious Dr. Donne in his Pseudo-Martyr saith, that Chrysostom expounding that place in Jeremy, Domus Dei facta est spe∣lunca Hyaenae, applies it to the Priests of the Iews as hardest to be conver∣ted, and saith, That the Hyaena having (as Chrysostom observes) but one Back-bone, cannot turn except it turn all at once, so that the Romanist Priests having but one Back-bone, the Pope, cannot turn but all at once when he turns; it must be acknowledged that the Pope having by that his noble Decree done so much right to his own Honour, and that of his Church (and indeed of Humane nature) as to damn those tenets, the aversion of the whole Order of the Iesuites from them was necessarily and naturally to happen.

And from the Doctor in that Book applying further to the Iesuites, say∣ing, Christ said to those whom he sent, what I tell you in darkness, that speak you in light, and what you hear in the Ear, that preach you in Houses, and fear not them that kill the Body; and if no other thing were told you in darkness, and whispered in your Ears at your missions hither then that which our Saviour delivered to them, you might be as confident in your publick preaching, and have as much comfort of Martyrdom, if you died for executing such a Commission, and then reflecting on the instru∣ctions that were delivered them in darkness in that Conjuncture, for the pro∣moting those Papal Vsurpations on the Regal Rights, whereby they were deli∣vered from all subjection to the King; it may be here occasionally observed that many persons of our several Religionary Perswasions having for Curiosity gone to hear the publick Preaching of these Missionaries, have there met with such ingenuous Explications of the Moral Offices that concern the most Vital parts of Religion, and those so pathetically applied, as that they have looked on such men who were formerly dead in Law, to be as it were sent from the dead to make others better Christians and better Subjects, and to be thankful for the Dispensative Power animating those for that purpose, and have found no Cause to fear that they had any Politick whispers in their Missions to oppose the Power of our Monarch more then their Brethren do that of the Great Neigh∣bouring one, and to whom in the litis-pendentia between him and the Pope about the Regale, they adhered.

My Lord, as to what I adventured to predict of the success of his Majesties Political Measures, his past Prudence so eminently appearing in the Series of his Great Actions might sufficiently encourage me without any help from Enthu∣siasme; for Nullum numen abest, si sit prudentia. And the Supposal about his coming to the Throne in great maturity of years, a thing that the prudence of the Romans had strict regard to in the Age of their Consuls (and for which Office none was qualified under the Age of 43 years) and his bringing to the Throne a vast Treasure of Knowledge and Experience refin'd and solid by many Experiments of Providence on himself, according to the Divine words of Seneca de provid. Deus quos amat, indurat, recognoscit, exercet, might well raise the highest expectation of his Conduct.

But yet neither was I without some regard therein to the common Course of Divine Providence, even in this Life rewarding in any Illustrious Person a sig∣nal tenderness for Religion, and inquisitiveness in any Controverted Point about it, and at last contrary to the most valuable secular Interest determining his thoughts one way tho perhaps erroneously; and I will venture to conclude that if it had imported the salvation of such an exemplary inquisitive honourer Page  [unnumbered] of God (and who with great holy Exercise had defecated his thoughts from set∣tlement on any local Religion, as such) to have found out the truth in that Problematick Point, God would have honoured him so far as to have sent an Angel to direct him to it: and will expect that such a one whose delight was in the Law of the Lord and therein did meditate day and night, tho he per∣haps comprehended not every thing aright in it, yet that he shall be like a Tree planted by the Rivers of Water, that brings forth his fruit in his Sea∣son, and that his Leaf shall not wither, and that whatever he doth shall prosper: and that his ways thus, pleasing God, he will make even his Ene∣mies to be at peace with him, and that he who makes peace in his high places, and who can make peace between high and low, and makes men to be of one mind in an House, will bless him with these Effects, and make him grow in favour with God and Man.

My Lord, I shall in the next place take occasion to acquaint your Lordship that in the Preface (and which every Candid Reader of any Book will peruse before his reading of the Book) I do explain my self more clearly about some things and words writt in the turbid times, and which as one saith well, are the worst times to write in tho the best to write of: and I do not fear the wanting any mans par∣don who shall read over the whole, and which may well be expected before the al∣lowance of his Exceptions, tho it may seem as copious as one of the Bankers Bills in Chancery. But because the former part of the Discourse necessarily requiring those courser Colours relating to Popery to be first laid on, before the finr ones and the gilding on the happy Future State of our Country; and for that to trou∣ble any ingenious men now with Notions of Popery were to hinder their repose in the state I foretold, I have been at the pains of making a large INDEX, and where I have directed the Reader how and where to enter into the New Heaven and New Earth of his Country, without passing through the Purgatory of any expressi∣ons about Popery or the Plot: and perhaps the more Loyal and Ingenious Recu∣sants whether Roman-Catholick or Protestants there taking notice of some grate∣ful passages relating to some who were formerly of their perswasions being placed near others that are less so, may be the more pleased therewith, accordingly as my Lord Bacon observes, that a Rose set by Garlick is the sweeter.

Heaven having furnished your Lordships mind with so many Excellencies that are extraordinary, I could wish that it had been my ability or fortune to have here provided for your Entertainment somewhat of value that was not vulgar. But my essaying, or offering here and there at some matter of thought which by receiving its Form from your Lordships great reason, and particularly in p. 158. and the following ones in my making it a Fundamental Principle for the quiet of the World, that men are neither to get nor lose by Religion, and my distinguishing in mens Hypotheses between their Principles denominable as Religionary, and such Complicated therewith that are not so, and my ha∣ving judged that none ought to be severe to any Recusant before he hath a Moral Certainty of such person having imbibed any of the Principles impu∣table to Recusancy that are irreligionary and unnatural, and my defiance of the petulance of the Faction by my placing Lawrels on those Heads at which it was throwing dirt, and my shewing how not only Christians of the Roman-Catholick Church in its great spreading Latitude, but even those of the more particular Church of Rome, and reverers of the Diocess or Court of Rome, are under no obligation by the LATERAN Councel to be either Persecu∣tors or disloyal, may shew somewhat of my honest well wishes in this kind.

I am not so van as to think that any thing relating to Numbers or Political Calculations in the Discourse can appear new to your Lordship, who are so great a Master in that kind of Knowledge, that the most Curious of the Age may therein beg instruction from you. But I shall here presume to acquaint your Page  [unnumbered] Lordship, that I observing that many in the late Conjuncture whom I looked on as honest, loyal, and learned and ingenious men, and some who had formerly a gusto for the real Learning that refers to number, weight and measure, did ren∣der their Conversation so uneasie by talking of nothing but Popery, Popery (and which I looked on as unentertaining and nauseous as the Porke, porke & porke) I thought it might be publickly useful to lay open a new Scene of Thought before such Persons by shewing them some Calculations relating to the numbers of the People of England, founded on somewhat like Records, and some to its gradual en∣crease in Trade as well as populousness, and others relating to other parts of the World, whereby their Souls having somewhat like a new intellectual World before them to expatiate in, might no longer be confined to a perplext word.

Yet moreover considering how lately it was that they came out of that Con∣juncture of Panic fears, when so many who went to Bed without their Brains were afraid of rising without their Heads, and that as our English World was emerging out of the late general DELUGE of Fears and Iealousies where omnia pontus erant, &c. the Curious beheld the several births of Mens Reasons attended with Imperfections like those of the Animals referr'd to;

—& in his quaedam modo caepta per ipsum,
Nascendi spatium, quaedam imperfecta, suisque
Trunca vident humeris: & eodem corpore saepe
Altera pars vivit, rudis est pars altera tellus;
and thus saw the spectacles of mens various Vnderstandings gradually creeping into sense and reason, and not suddenly likely to be perfected: I shew'd so much Complaisance to them, as in stead of hastily removing their Thoughts from the Course soil of Popery or the old Papal Vsurpations, to build my Fabricks of Numbers and Calculations upon it: and I may say, that finding their vitiated Fancies rellish'd nothing at that time grateful but the thoughts about Popery, I then chose to make that the Vehicle of the Notions I meant as Physick for their Cure.

According to the way of judging of the Draught and Proportion in perspe∣ctive Painting by their respect to the Eye being directed to the Center there∣in, any ordinary Reader's judgment will be carry'd by the Index to find what was principally aim'd at in the following Discourse, namely to incline him to preserve the haereditary Monarchy. And he will there find that my next aim to that was in a great part of the Work to dispose those who formerly had been diffident of their Prince, to Promote the Public Supplies for the necessary Support of the Government. And my judging that our most eminent Patriots would be inclined to value themselves as such, on the promoting the same, may to some appear as the most sanguine part of my Predictions. But as I leave it to any indifferent man to judge of the grounds of Nature I went on in so doing, so I may some way support the Credit of my measures of futurity in that Affair by the past event of the Loyal Confidence in His Majesty shewn by his late Parliament in their proceeding so far as they did in Supporting the Government; and may add that His Majesty's vast Expences that have been since so Conspicuous to the World in his Naval Preparations, and otherwise in the Providing for the Security and Honour of the Nation, may well incline any one else to judge well of such Patriotly temper of any future Parliament, and to allow of the Reasons by me urged as more Cogent for the present Reign then the former, considering the Preparations of our Neighbors that have been since augmented.

Yet however, I doubt not but that if it had been Gods will further to have lengthen'd the last reign, the Course of Nature would then have operated as I Page  [unnumbered] have mention'd. And if it shall appear that those natural Considerations▪ I have ur∣ged shall have the success of such further Parliamentary Supplies to His gracious Majesty, as may tend to the further greatning of his Character and that of the Kingdom, I shall account my claim the more equitable to have the pardon of my fellow Subjects of what Religionary Sect soever for any thing in this Discourse that may disgust them. And, as an eminent Protestant Divine hath in a Printed Sermon thus said, viz. that man is not worthy to breathe in so good a Land as England is, who would not willingly lay down his life to cure the pre∣sent divisions and distractions that are among us, I shall say that any Subject deserves not to live here under the Indulgence of so good a Prince, who for the helping him to money by all due means for the defence of this good Land, would not wish himself as well as his Bigottry a Sacrifice; and who would not as to any Extravagant dash of a Pen lighting on his Party, and bringing Mo∣ney to his Prince, cry foelix peccatum, rather then such Divisions and Di∣stractions and Diffidences of the Government, and stifling of Publick Supplies should still live as were formerly known in some Conjunctures, and when the Art of Demagogues appear'd so spightful in endeavours to frustrate the Meetings of Parliaments.

But our Prince having freed all his dissenting Subjects from their uneasi∣ness under Pecuniary Mulcts for Religion, and the Members of the Church of England from the uneasiness of imposing such Soul-Money, will, I doubt not, when he shall please to Call a Parliament, find from them such necessary Sup∣plies for the support of the Body of the Kingdom, as may ease him under the weight of his great Desires for it: and that it will then appear to all as absurd to Crown such a Head with Thorns as hath taken the Thorn out of every man's foot in England: and that his pass'd Sufferings for his Con∣science (and others of his Communion having too suffer'd for his Conscience) bespeaking us in those words of the Apostle, Fulfil ye my joy; that both his and theirs will be then Consummated, and as the Ioy of those of the Church of England, and of all nominal Churches in England hath been fulfill'd by him: and that as Luther was pleas'd in a Christian-like transport of good Nature to Profess in his Epistle to Jeselius a Iew, Me propter Unum Judaeum Cruci∣fixum omnibus favere Judaeis, we shall for the sake of one of the Roman-Catholick Communion, who hath formerly suffer'd so much for his Conscience, and since done so much for the freedom of ours, shew all those of that Com∣munion our favour to such a proportion as may compleat his and their Ioy.

My Lord, I am here obliged to acknowledge, that tho while the several Parts of the following Work were written in the times the Government charged both Papists and Anti-Papists with Disloyalty and Plots, I express'd my sense of the Non-advisableness to have the Penal Laws against them re∣peal'd, pending such Charge and Plots; I desire the Reader to look on me as very far from insisting on any thing of that nature in this Happy State of England, now that the Corner Stone (and that some of the Buil∣ders rejected) hath thus successfully united the sides of the Fabrick of the Government in Loyalty.

My Lord, It is near a year since I writ my Thoughts at large concerning the Subject of the Repealing those Laws, and they are in the Fourth Part of my Work about The Dispensative Power (of which the two first Parts con∣clude this Volume) ready for the Press; and reserving my poor Iudgment in this great Point till the Publication of the whole, I think I shall then set forth my Opinion as founded on Medium's that have not appear'd in Print from other Writers, and which I believe will not only not give offence to any Mem∣ber of the Church of England, but be of general use in allaying the ferment the Question hath occasion'd.

Page  [unnumbered] And if as they who were long fellow-Passengers in a Ship among violent Tempests and Hirricanes, do usually from their being Participants together in the danger and horror, take occasion to raise a friendly esteem and well∣wishes for each other, such of the Loyal whose belief I referr'd to, as im∣barqued with mine in that of the Plot during the late Stormy Conjuncture, shall be the more favourable to what I write, I shall be glad both for their sakes as well as mine; but do further judge that what I have so largely in the following Discourse asserted (and by Reasons taken from Nature) concerning the Moral impossibility of the belief of the Tenets of the Church of Rome gaining ground here considerably, on the belief of the Doctrine of the Church of England, will tend to secure any one from fears of our losing our Religion by any loss of the Test that may happen: a thing that none (I think) will fear, who are of the Iudgment of the House of Commons in their Address to the late King on the 29th of November, 1680. (that I have referr'd to in my Fourth Part) and where they say, that POPERY hath rather gain'd then lost Ground since the TEST ACT, and make that Act to have had little effect. I have in the following Discourse referr'd to that Act as represented to have had its rice in the year 1673. from the alledged petulant Insolence of Papists in that Conjuncture, and I took notice of a learned Lord since deceas'd as vouching somewhat in Print of such tem∣per among some of them. And a Proclamation that year charging the Pa∣pists therewith, I was implicitly guided thereby to take the thing for gran∣ted, and as to the which, considering since the publick Passages in that Con∣juncture, I have otherwise judged. But as I think no loyal Roman-Catholick should in that Conjuncture have suffer'd any Prejudice for any ill Behaviour of any other of that Communion then, much less ought any such thing be now; and when there appears so noble and general a spirit of Emulation among all men of sense in the Diffusive Body of the People about who shall make the Head and all Members of that Body most easie: and for the doing which we may well hope that the People representative, and the other Estates of the Realm will come with all due Preparation of Mind, when it shall please His Gracious Majesty to assemble them.

My Lord, I have nothing further to add but my begging your Lord∣ship's Pardon for this trouble, and my owning the many Obligations I am under to be,

My Lord,

Your Lordship's most Obedient Servant, P. P.

Page  [unnumbered]Page  [unnumbered]

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.

THE Earl of Anglesy having shewed me an Affidavit and In∣formation against him, delivered at the Barr of the House of Commons, on the 20th of October 1680. and printed by Order of that House, and in which Affidavit and Information he was Charged with Endeavours to stifle some Evidence of the Popish Plot, and to promote the belief of a Presbyterian one, and with encoura∣ging Dugdale to recant what he had sworn, and promising to harbour him in his House, and that his Lordships Priest should there be his Companion and likewise watch him, his Lordship being thereupon desirous that right should be done him by a printed Vindication, was pleased to Com∣mand my Pen therein: and I was the less unwilling to disobey his Com∣mands, because in that Conjuncture wherein so many Loyal and Noble Per∣sons were sufferes by the humour of Accusation then regnant, I held it a Patriotly thing to withstand its Arbitrariness.

Sir W. P. in an Excellent Manuscript of his, called, The Political Anato∣my of Ireland, hath one Chapter there, Of the Government of Ireland apparent or external, and the Government internal: and he describes the apparent Government there to be by the King and Three Estates, and with the Con∣duct of Courts of Iustice, but makes the internal Government there to depend much on the Potent Influence of the many Secular Priests and Fryars on the numerous Irish Roman Catholicks, and on those Priests and Fryars being governed by their Bishops and Superiors, and on the Ministers of Foreign States, governing and directing such Superiors: and thus while England was blest with the best external Government, namely of Monar∣chy, and with the best Monarch and a Loyal Nobility and Commons, yet after the detection of a Popish Plot, several Persons under the Notion of Witnesses about the same, made so great a Figure in the Government, and were so Enthroned in the Minds of the Populace, that the Office of the King's Witnesses was as powerful as ever was that of the high Con∣stable of England, and the internal Government of the Kingdom was then very much as I may say a Martyrocracy, and by that hard name the Noisy part of Protestants Endeavoured to gain Ground as much as ever any peaceable ones did by the old known Name of Martyrology.

But as all external Forms of Government have some peculiar defects as well as Conveniences, so did this internal Government appear to have; and those too so dreadful, that the Air of Testimony having sometimes got into the wrong place, was likely to have made Earth-Quakes in the ex∣ternal Government: and as the Militia that after the Epoche of 41 was cal∣led Page  [unnumbered] the Parliaments Army, did before the fatal time of 48, produce the Revolution of the Army's Parliament, so were we endangered after the Plot-Epoche of 78, to have heard of the Office of the King's Witnesses changed into another, namely, of the Witnesses Kings.

And whoever shall write the English History of that part of time where∣in that Martyrocracy was so powerful and domineering, will (if he shall think fit to give a denomination to that Interval of Time, and to found the same on most of the Narratives he shall read, or the Sham-Papers that many Papists and Protestants after the Plot Attaqued each other with,) be thought not absurd, if he gives the old Style of Intervallum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, incertum, or of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉fabulosum.

It was in the time of the most Triumphant State of this Internal Govern∣ment, that I undertook to weigh its Empire, as I have done in p. 33, 34, 35. discussing the points of Infamous Witnesses and their Infamy, and of their Credibility after pardon of Perjury or Crimes and Infany incurred: and a bolder man than my self would hardly have dared in that Conjuncture to have sifted their Prerogative, and (as I may say) to have put hungry Wolves into Scales, and to have taken the dimensions of the Paws of Lions, or to have handled the stings of Serpents, without expressing against some of the Romanists Principles he thought Irreligionary, all the zeal he thought consi∣stent with Charity and Candour to the Persons of Papists, which is so much done in the Body of this Discourse, and without the expressing of which my Vindicating a Noble Person from being a Papist, had been an absurdity.

However I have been careful in any Moot-points of Witnesses, not to disturb in the least the Measures of the External Government about them; and out of the tender regard due to the safety of Monarchs from all Subjects, have in p. 205 asserted the Obligation of doing every thing that is fairly to be done, to support the Credits of Witnesses produced in the Case of Treason, and have there given a particular reason for it: and have in p. 36. with a Competent respect mentioned Dugdale on the occa∣sion of the Shamm sworn against the Earl of Anglesy, as if his Lordship had undertook to have unjustly patronized him: and have shewed my self inclined enough to belief credible Witnesses, by the Concurrence of my thoughts with the Iustice of the Nation in Godfrey's Case; and the fate of which Person, and the Casuistical Principles that allowed it, I had per∣haps not mentioned, but out of a just indignation against the infamous Shamms about it spread by some ill Papists to the dishonour of that Excel∣lent Lord the Earl of Danby.

But there was another consideration that induced me to write with such a Zeal as aforesaid, against such Romanists Principles and their ef∣fects; and but for which the following Discourse had not swollen to a large Volume.

I observed that since the late Fermentation in England, such a Panique Fear of the Growth of Popery, and the numbers of Papists had been by Knaves propagated among Fools that made the English Nation appear somewhat ridiculous abroad, and that during its Course many consi∣derable Protestants were so far mis-led, as to think the State of the Na∣tion could never be restored to it self, but by disturbing the Succession of the Crown in its lawful Course of Descent: and therefore resolving to do my utmost to free the Land from the Burthen of another guess Perjury, by the general Violence done to our Oaths Promissory (I mean to those of Allegiance and Supremacy) then that of any Witnesses in their Oaths As∣sertory, I thought fit at large to shew the Vanity of any Mens fearing Page  [unnumbered] that Popery can ever (humanly speaking) be the National Religion of England; and to direct them that they may not, by the imaginary danger of Popery to come, run with all their swelling Sails on the Rock of it at pre∣sent, by founding Dominion in Grace, and out-rage those Oaths that do at present bind us without reserve to pay Allegiance to the King's Heirs af∣ter his demise.

And for any one who being concerned to see so many of his Country-men lying (as it were) on the Ground, and dejected with unaccoun∣table fears of the extermination of their Religion and themselves, and be∣smearing themselves with the dreadful guilt of their great Oaths, was resolved to endeavour to help them up, and by perswasion gently to lead them to such a high Prospect of thought, from whence they might at once have a view of the past and present State of Popery here and a∣broad in former Ages, and likewise of its probable future one, (a sight that might better entertain Curiosity than what the Traveller speaks of, when from a high Mountain in the Isthmus of America, he could view both the great North and South Sea) not to have rendered himself an accep∣table Perswader by his Discourse carrying with it Self-Evidence that he was no Papist, had been a vain attempt.

And again for any one who would perswade the generality of Popish or Protestant Recusants, that it is not their Interest by any Artifices to endeavour to make so great a Figure in the Internal Part of the Go∣vernment as they have in some former Conjunctures, without his Discourse carrying likewise Self-Evidence, that his Advice was that of a Friend to their Persons, as far as the publick Security would admit, had been an attempt as insignificant as the former.

I have in this Discourse often took notice of this distinction of the Te∣nets of Popery and Presbytery: viz. Such of them that properly are de∣nominable by Religion, and such that are not: presuming in my private judgment to differ from the Measures took by the Government in King Iames his time, when the printed Prayers for the Anniversary of the Gun powder Treason represented Papists Religion to be Rebellion; and I un∣der the Notion of Principles denominable by Religion have ranked Tran∣substantiation, Purgatory, Invocation of Saints, and others, and have judged none of their Principles Irreligionary, but such as the late Learned Earl of Clarendon in his incomparable defence of Dr. Stilling fleet attri∣butes to Popery, as injurious to Princes and their Subjects and what King Iames in his Speech to both Houses, hinted as such (according to what is cited by me p. 172) viz. As it is not impossible but many honest men seduced with some Errors in Popery may yet remain good and faithful Subjects, so on the other handnone that know and believe the Grounds and School-Conclusions of their Doctrine, can ever prove good Christians or faith∣ful Subjects: and such as are apparently contrary to the Light and Law of Nature.

But there is nothing in this Discourse otherwise than en passant, that impugns or confutes the old Religionary Points controverted formerly between the Church of England and that of Rome, and all the passages throughout referring to those old points, might (I believe) be compri∣zed together in about a Page.

And if I were as in a Dictionary to express the sense of the words, Po∣pery and Irreligionary so often used in this Discourse, I would say that ge∣nerally by Poper, or (as the Writers in Latin call it, Papismus) I mean the power of the Bishop of Rome, in imposing Ceeds and Doctrines Page  [unnumbered] and Rules of Divine Worship on Men, and his Jurisdiction interloping in that of Princes and their Laws, and the doing this by the Charter of Ius Divinum, and as he is Christs pretended Vicar; and by the term of Irreligionary of often by me applied to Principles, I sometimes mean such as are barely NOT religionary, that is to say, Principles that are not in truth and in the nature things, parts of Religion, whatever any Sanction of the Papacy or a Presbytery may term them, and which do not religare or bind the Soul to God by Moral Obligations, nor by any Band of Loyal∣ty to our Prince or Charity to our Neighbour, but do only tie men to a Party and to the owning with them several points of speculation, and no more necessary to be believed in order to our improvement in Moral Offices that the Divine Law natural or positive enjoyns, or conducing to the same, than are the Hypotheses of the old or new Philosophy.

But I most commonly apply the word Irrligionary to Principles that are reverâ contrary to Religion, and Justice, and Morality, and such as I would therefore dis-robe of the Name of Religion; and under this term of Irreligionary not only all the Antimonarchical Principles of the Jesu∣ites and Presbyterians are properly to be reckoned, but those Principles of the Papacy that even in the times of our Roman Catholick Ancestors, (as I said) were so injurious to our Princes and their Subjects, and which were by them as Vsurpations on the Crown opposed and defied, and espe∣cially by those of them who were in their tempers most Magnanimous: and in this Case the Papal Principles that favoured those Vsurpations on the rights of our Princes, might be said to be both Non-Religionary, or things beside the matter of Religion, and likewise Irreligionary or con∣trary to Religion, as being unjust.

The Religio Officii (as Tully calls the Conscience one hath to do his du∣ty) did bind those Princes of the Pope's Religion, to impugne his Arbi∣trary Usurpations on their Realms: and in the Case of the meanest Cotta∣ger of England, the Pope's Excommunication was never allowed good in Westminister-Hall under our Roman Catholick Kings.

The latter end of the very Reign of Queen Mary, was likely to have diverted our English World with the sight of as remarkable a Prize play∣ed between the two Swords, (I mean the Pope's Spiritual and her Temporal one) as was ever played on its Stage: and when Cardinal Pool her Kindsman who had reconciled our Nation to Rome, was so far lost in the Pope's good Graces, as that his Legantine Power was abrogated by the Pope, and in affront to Pool given to Peito a poor Friar; but whose red Hat by Queen Mary's opposition could get no further than Callis; and She was so regardless of the Pope's Curses in the Case, that his Bulls in favour of his new Legate were not permitted to Arrive here, and the designed Legate was enforced to go up and down the Streets of London like a begging Friar without a red Hat. And more need not be here said to express the Principles that Usurp on Monarchs to be Irreligionary.

When I have in the former part of the Discourse once or twice men∣tioned the term of Apostates, for some turning to the Church of Rome, I did there speak Cum vulgo, and likewise according to the Style of our Courts Christian, which proceeding against some perverted to the Church of Rome, impute to them the Crime of Apostacy: but having observed in the Progress of this Discourse, that that term was seditiously used by the Disciples of Iulian, I have reprehended the further calling any men Apostates, for the alteration of their judgments in some controvertible points of saith between Papists and Protestants, and that may without absurdity be called Tenets of Religion.

Page  [unnumbered] As to the expression of the Extermination of Popery, and likewise of Presbytery used in this Discourse sometimes, (and with allusion to the trite term of the Papacy, viz. Exterminium haereticorum) I have there in p. 283 sufficiently expressed my abhorrence of the Extermination of Persons, and (as is there said) do only refer to the Extermination of Things and Principles Religionary, and indeed to speak more properly of that part of Mens Principles only that is Irreligionary and against Na∣ture.

The words of exterminating and recalling are often used by Cicero as signifying the contrary: and when Mr. Coleman's Letters shewed such an imperious design in him for the Revocation of Popery that had been driven away, and banished or exterminated hence by so many Acts of Parlia∣ment, and even for the Extermination of Heresie out of the North, as oc∣casioned such apprehensions in the Government of what was intended by other innocent and modest Papists, that made the gentlest of Princes in a Speech in the Oxford Parliament say, and if it be practicable the ridding our selves quite of all of that Party that have any considerable Authority, &c. none need wonder at the past warmth of Subjects expressed against the Recalling of the Exterminated Papal Power: nor yet at the warmth of their Zeal against the Principles of the Iesuites, propagating an Internal Power here when they had been exterminated from Rome it self: and when the Lord Chancellors Speech to both Houses had mentioned the Pro∣ceedings against Protestants in Foreign Parts; to look as if they were in∣tended to make way for a general Extirpation.

They are poor Judges of things who think that Doctrines of Religion cannot be said to be exterminated out of Kingdoms, and their Laws with∣out the Banishment of the Persons professing them. Who accounts not Protestancy sufficiently exterminated from being the State-Religion in Italy, and yet Sandies his Europae speculum tells us, That there were 40000 professed Protestants there. Is not Iudaism sufficiently Exterminated from being the Religion at Rome, tho thousands of professed Iews are there tolerated?

'Tis the publick approbation of Tenets or Doctrines, and not any for∣bearance or indulgence to persons who prosess them, that gives Doctrines a place within the Religion of a State: for to make any State approve of a Doctrine contrary to what it hath Established, is a Contradiction. But the truth is, the famous Nation of the Iews (formerly Heavens peculiar People on Earth) having not been more generally guilty of Idolatry du∣ring their prosperity, than of Superstition during their Captivity and Op∣pression, and Extermination from their Country, hath taught the World this great truth that the readiest way to propagate Superstition, and Error is by the Exterminium and Banishment of Persons.

Whatever Church any men call their Mother, if the Magistrate finds them to own the Interest of their Country as their Mother, and to honour their true Political Father, they cannot wish their days more long in the Land than I shall do.

I remember under the Vsurpation there passed an Act of Parliament (as 'twas called) for the banishment of that famous Boute-feu Iohn Lilburn: and under the Penalty of the Vltimum supplicium, and he shortly af∣ter returning to England, and being tried in London where he was univer∣sally known, and the only thing issuable before the Iurors being whether he was the same John Lilburn, those good men and true thought him so much transubstantiated, as to bring him in not guilty: and when ever I Page  [unnumbered] find any Papist not only willing to change the Name Papist for Catholick, but the thing Papistry, for the Principles of the Church of Rome under its first good Bishops, and before Popes beyond a Patriarchal Power aspi∣red to be Universal Bishops and Universal Kings, and that even a Iesuite instead of the Rule of Iesuita est omnis homo, hath alter'd his Morals and Principles pursuant to the Pope's said Decree, so far as truly to say, Ego non sum ego, I shall not intermeddle in awakening Penal Laws to touch ei∣ther his life or liberty.

Nor can any Presbyterians with justice reflect on the Zeal of any for the Continuance of the Laws, for the Extermination of Presbytery, when they shall reflect on the Royal Family having been by their means (as is set forth in this Discourse) exterminated out of the Realm into Foreign Popish Countries: and of which they might easily have seen the ill effects, if their understandings had not been very scandalously dull.

But there is another happy Extermination that I have in this Discourse from Natural Causes predicted to my Country, and that is of the fears and jealousies that have been so prevalent during our late fermentation: concerning which the Reader will shortly find himself referred to in many Pages in this Discourse, and to have directed him to all of that Nature would have made the Index a Book.

I have in this Discourse designing to eradicate the fears of Popery out of the Minds of timid Protestants, by the most rational perswasions I could, shewed somewhat of Complaisance in sometimes humouring their Suppositions of things never likely to come to pass. I have accorded with them in the possibility of the Event of Arch-Bishop Vsher's Famous Prophecy, tho I account the same as remote from likelihood as any one could with it: and do believe that if that Great and Learned Man could have foreseen the mischief that Prophecy hath occasioned by making so many of the Kings good Subjects disquieted thereby, (and which by at once Chilling their Hearts and heating their Heads, hath rendered them less qualified for a chearful and steady discharge of their respective Duties) he would have consulted privately with many other Learned and Pious Divines about the intrinsick weight of the matter revealed to him, before he had exposed it to the World: for that in the days when God spake by the Pro∣phets, yet even then the Spirits of the Prophets were always subject to the Prophets: and there is no Fire in the World so bad a Master as the Fire of Prophecy.

It is observable that there hath scarce since this Prophecy been a Con∣juncture of time wherein men uneasie to themselves would make the Go∣vernment so, but this Prophecy hath been reprinted in it and cryed about, and few Enthusiasts but are as perfect in it as a Sea-man in his Com∣pass.

The substance of it was to foretel Persecution that should happen in England, from the Papists in the way of a sudden Massacre, and that the Pope should be the Contriver of it, and that if the King were restored it might be a little longer deferred.

A person less learned than that Great Prelate could easily give an Ac∣count of the past Out-rages of Massacres that have been perpetrated by Papists, and of the tendency of the Iesuites Principles to the very legitima∣ting of Future ones: but the most Pious and Learned Man in the World ought with the greatest Caution imaginable to pretend to Divine Revela∣tion of Future Contingencies, in a matter both so unlikely and so odious as this, and which might probably occasion so much Odium to so many Page  [unnumbered] innocent Papists, and so much needless trouble to so many timid Prote∣stants.

That Pious and Great Prelate did not (I believe) foresee that at the time when his Prophecy should dart its most fearful influence, St. Peter's Chair would be filled with a Person of so great Morality and Vertue as the present Pope is, and a Pope that would brand the sicarious Principles of those Ianizaries of former Popes, the Jesuites, and that he would be by so many Roman Catholicks called the Lutheran Pope, and that the Pa∣pists numbers would be here so comparatively small long before this time, as to render it absurd to think that without the Execution of Hea∣vens Peanal Law of an infatuation upon them, they will ever attempt any such desperate design against such vast Numbers protected by the best of Princes under the best of Governments.

Whatever Principles of Irreligion any particular dissolute Papists might by any be supposed to retain, it is not to be supposed but that they who shew respect enough to Numbers and their weight in spiritual Matters, and particularly in the Divine Concourse with the Majority of Numbers in the Election of the head of their Church, and in the determinations of a General Council, and in their valuation of their Church by its Universa∣lity, will not contemn the power of Numbers in Matters Political; and I believe it will never among their innumerable Miracles and Revelati∣ons be Revealed to them, that numbers are by them in things Political to be dis-regarded.

But as I observed of Mr. Hooker's Prophecy in this Discourse, viz. That he guessed shrewdly: so one thing hath happened that may partly salve the Credit of this Prelate's Conjecture: And that is, that some Nominal Protestants (but too justly to be thought Popishly affected) having rob∣bed the Jesuites of their Doctrine of Resistance and of their Principle of Do∣minion being founded in Grace, Endeavoured to robb them of their Massa∣cre, and as his Majesty's Declaration of Iuly the 28th, 1683 mentioned, did plot an execrable Out-rage of that kind: and some of the Dissenters that appeared to me for sometime after I began this Discourse, only as Sheep straying from the Flock, as they did to that Great Minister of the State who bestowed on them that expression, were afterward turned ra∣venous Animals: and as the effect of Nycippus's Sheep according to Aelian bringing forth a Lion in one of the Greek States, was resented as por∣tending a Change of the Government, these mens producing the Princi∣ples of the Iesuites, was to be much more regarded as an Omen of our Fu∣ture Mischief than what any former predictions could import, and it was shortly accompanied with a real design to have effected it: and as I hope it will be with such a sense of shame in others of them when they shall survey the Circumstances of that bloody design notified in the King's Declara∣tion, as Mr. Iohn Geree an Eminent and Learned Presbyterian Minister of S. Faiths in London did express, in a Dedicatory Epistle before a Book of his called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, published some Weeks before the Fate of the Royal Martyr, and in which Epistle he importunes the Lady Fairfax to shew the Book to her Husband then Lord General to prevent his participating in the guilt of the Regicide then feared, and saith, O Madam let us fit down and weep over our Religion, and we, whither shall we cause her shame to go. How shall we now look Papists in the Face, whom we have so reviled and abhorred for their Derogatory Doctrine and Damnable Practices against Kings or any in Supreme Authority? O study that it may never be said that any Person of Honour and of the Protestant Religion had any hand in so un∣worthy Page  [unnumbered] worthy an Action as the deposing and destroying of a King whose preservation they stand bound to endeavour by so many Sacred Bonds.

I have accorded with our timid Protestants, that Popery may gain ground perhaps in some turbid Interval, and how by the Divine Omnipotence and Iustice, the Course of Nature in its continuing the Protestant Religion may be over-ruled, and that on the account of our having justly deserved the Vi∣sitation of Popery, we may reasonably apprehend the dangers of it, p. 140. but have never recurred from shewing them the Future prosperous Estate of Protestants and Protestancy in England, but to advance the more forward into the following Representations thereof.

But having thus with Compassion to the timid endeavoured to discharge my duty as to the Moral Obligation of Complaisance (an Obligation that Mr. Hobbs hath so well shewn to be most clearly rising from the Law of Nature, and which the Christian Doctrine so strongly inculcates, and by vertue of which we are to bear one anothers Burthens, and sometimes to the weak to become as weak) I thought it afterward proper by the strength of Argument desumed from the nature of things to fortifie the minds of the Loyal against Un-Christian and Un-manly Fears.

But as to the Dis-loyal and Factious, let them (by my consent) fear on. I shall not trouble my self to bear the burthens of them who resolve to be Burthens to the Government, and who would if they could, load it with Presbyteries dead-weight, while they give that term to our Bishops. Let those who would have both Protestant Princes and their other Sub∣jects fear them, be laughed at for fearing of Papists, and for not having a better understanding with the Persons of Papists, when there is so good an understanding and coincidence between the Principles of such Nomi∣nal Protestants, and that very part of the Principles of some Papists that is Irreligionary and subversive of the Rights of Princes and their Govern∣ments, and when yet they seem not to understand that; and let Papists (by my consent) afford themselves recreative smiles, if ever in any Conjuncture of time that may come, they shall behold the Factious Revi∣lers of the Church of England, to come under its Wing for shelter after their so long endeavouring to deplume it.

But because I have observed some well meaning and loyal Dissenters, frighted both by Cholerick and Melancholy Expositions of the Apocalypse (a good Book in which some ill men have found the obscurest passages to be the clearest for their ill purposes, and in the dark places of which Book many having long lain in Ambush, have thence sallied out to cut Throats, and subvert Governments, I have here rear'd up a Bull-wark of Nature, that may secure them from the imaginary dangers of Castles in the Air, or Visionary Armies in the Clouds of any Mens fancies: and in compassi∣on to the Loyal Protestants of the Church of England, whose Melancholy Suppositions I had a while closed with both as a Friend and Wrestler, that I might give them a fair and soft fall, I thought it then proper to warn them of the danger of extravagant Suppositions, and acquainted them that most Bedlams were founded on Suppositions, and the thought of Quid si caelum ruat, and of Peoples imagining Earth-quakes to happen in the State from falling Skies: and have shewn them how irrational a thing it is to suppose that a lawful Prince, how unlawful or heterodox any of his Tenets in Religion may be, will injure his Laws and the Reli∣gion by Law Established: and having conducted the Reader through the former more melancholy and strait and unpleasant passages in the Fabrick of this Discourse, have took care to lodge him in a more Airy and Cheer∣ful Page  [unnumbered]appartment, and whence he may recreate himself with looking out on the Future State of England, and remain assured that no frightful Spectrums and Fantoms will disturb him there, when he is either at his Rest or at his Devotions, and which I have for his diversion furnished with some such fair Pictures of his Countries Future State as may perhaps not much either shame it or my self, in regard that I think in the draught and de∣sign thereof, my Art has been according to Nature, how carelessly laid soever the Colours may have been, and where he moreover will have the Prospect I before described, and if his sight be clear, will find the Sky so more and more, tho so many Politick and Lachrymist would-be's have told him of the contrary.

I believe that since the Predictions of the deluge by Noah to the old World, there were never so many angry Predicters and Predictions of a general inundation of misery to any Country, under a Future Prince, as within these late years we have been overwhelmed with, and that to the discomposing of mens minds in their common converse and while they did eat and drink as in the days of Noah, and were so ready to devour all their Countrymen who believed not the same inundation with them.

But during this great Deluge of our popular fears of one of Popery, I have ventured in p. 297 and 258 of this Discourse, to express my pre∣sension of the Future State of England making men ashamed of their past fears and their former deference to ill boding Prophets, and that our Me∣lancholy Prophets will appear to be toto Caelo mistaken in their Auguries as much (as Gassendus tells us) all the Astrologers were in France when by reason of the great Conjunction of watry signs in Piscis and Aquarius in the Year 1524, they said that there should be then in the Month of February a second Deluge that should overwhelm France and Germany, and by reason whereof many People went with their Goods and Cattel from the low Lands to the hilly Country, and yet after all the frmentation those Astro∣logers had made among the Populace in France, that Month of February (as Gassendus tells us) tho naturally rainy, proved the dryest Month that ever was known in those Countries.

I account that the deluge of the popular fears did sensibly decrease after the year 81, and that to the great dissatisfaction of those whose broken Fortunes made them no worse under it, than the Fishes were in Noahs. The more rational and sagacious sort of Protestants, who had been so long Sea∣sick with that deluge, and did nauseate the fears and jealousies that had dis∣composed them, began to see Land, when his Majesty with so just a Caution advised them in his Speech to the Oxford Parliament, That their just care of Religion should be so managed, as that unnecessary fears should not be made a pretence for changing the Foundations of the Government, and his Declaration of the Causes that induced him to dissolve that Parliament, signifying his Royal Resolution both in and out of Parliament to use his utmost endeavours to extirpate Popery, and in all things to Govern according to the Laws of the Kingdom, was in effect, like the Olive-branch brought by the Dove into the Ark, an happy indication of peace and settlement to the minds of the people and of the Waters being abated, and indeed a demonstration to them that the Dove had found ubi pedem figeret, and that our Laws and Religion had done so too: and on that great Vision of the Lex terrae, that so many mists had so long kept us from seeing, there ensued a general shout of Loyal Addressers throughout the Kingdom, like that of Sea-mens at their first seeing of Land after a long stormy Voyage, and when they thought Page  [unnumbered] they had lost their Course: and the hearing of those shouts from the se∣veral Countries, served as a Call of invitation to the many Timid and Loyal, and likewise to many unfortunate persons, to return thither after they had flocked from thence to the Metropolis as an Ark for their preser∣vation on the rising of the deluge of fears in some preceeding years: and it served to some clan and to other unclean Beasts as a Call of Nature that they were to March out of the Ark.

By the unclean Beasts I mean the sturdy Paupers that I have in this Discourse spoke of, who were observed shortly after the Alarms of the Plot from so many Proclamations, to flock from so many parts of the Coun∣try to London, like the Rustical Plebs I have spoke of naturally thronging to the shore, when they see a poor Vessel contending with a violent Tem∣pest near it, and the next Minute likely to Condemn it as a wrack, and furnish them with Gods Goods (I mean such as they call wrack'd ones) and when to prevent the Owners of them from the benefit of some co∣ming alive to the Shoar, they are so ready to out rage those forlorn Mar∣riners they see swimming to Land.

Many such Atheistical Ruffians of all Religionary Sects (and who had been desperate in the Country) might, being come to the Metropo∣lis, there probably feed themselves with vain hopes of mischief to be done to or by some particular persons, and would probably have been ready enough to be Mercenary Bravo's to either any Iesuites or fifth-Monarchy men or the Jesuited Protestant Patrons of the Doctrine of Resistance. But this Scum of the Country was afterward as naturally thrown off from the well governed City, as are the Purgamenta Maris from the Shoar without making any Heads or Arms ake to remove them, and not find∣ing more welcome harbour in the City than they had in the Country, were I believe litterally thrown upon the Sea to Convey them to the Asylum of the Malheureus that we may call our Foreign Plantations: and of the great and extraordinary Glut of the Advenae from the Country ceasing in London after the year 1681, the yearly general Bills of Morta∣lity gave a sufficient proof, and did (as I may say) include too the Burial of the Plot, or at least of the popular fears of danger from it.

The critical Observator on the Bills of Mortality having long since told us, That there come about 6000 yearly out of the Country to live in London, and which swells the Burials about 200 yearly, and likewise taught us the Rule of 1 in 30 there yearly dying, I have in p. 155 Calcu∣lated by the yearly great encrease of the Burials from the Year 1675, (when the fears of the Growth of Popery were so much in fashion) how very great the encrease of the number of the living there was to the Year 1679 inclusive, and the extraordinariness of which encrease was so justly imputable to that of the Advenae from the Country: and to which it may be added, that the Burials from what they were in the Year 79 (viz. 21730) falling back about 700 in the Year 80, yet in the Year 1681 were in all 23971, and so for every Thousand gradually dying more in those Years referred to, 29000 were supposed to have in the same gra∣dually lived more than in the former: and all which years before men∣tioned were of ordinary health.

But the Year 1681 having produced that Pacific Royal Declaration, and the Congratulatory Addresses thereupon, and likewise that encrease of the Burials before mentioned (that might be supposed to happen part∣ly by the Advenae from the Country being for some time necessarily de∣tained in the Metropolis, in making preparations there to leave it, and by Page  [unnumbered] some of them in the mean time dying, and partly from some new Pupers then coming from the Country to hide their heads in obscure places in London, and which they durst not shew in the Sun-shine that Declaration had made in the Country, and partly by the deaths of many Loyal Persons in London whom the Addresses and expectations of Preferment for their Loyalty brought thither) yet the Burials in the following year, viz. 1682, being but 20690, was a considerable indication of the abatement of the popular fears which led so many timid Persons from the Country, with hopes to find our Metropols to be the most quiet part of the Nation, as the most quiet part of a Ship is naturally that which is nearest the Main-mast: and the Burials in the year 83 being but 20587, gave an indication of the Advenae from the Country not then encreasing: and although the Total of the Burials for this year 84 was 23202, yet it be∣ing most probable that there dyed above 3000 of Infants, and of Aged, and infirm, and indigent People by the Accidents of the extraordinary Frost, it may be well accounted that the popular fears have not been in this year augmented.

Altho during the so long continuance of the general ferment in the Kingdom after the Plot-Epoche, (and in which interal so great a part of the following Discourse was printed Sheet by Sheet) I could not after the King and Pope had both of them by written Edicts (as it were) denounced War against the Tenets of the Iesuites, that included so much Hostility to the Church of Rome as well as of England, but participate in the general heat against those Tenets, and improve the occasion of writing polemically about the same, yet I think none could more careful∣ly observe the Laws of Military Discipline, than I have those of Loyalty in not going beyond the Measures of the Government, and in following the Standard of the Royal Pen, set up in the Proclamations, and likewise in the Declaration aforesaid.

Dr. Donne dedicating his Pseudo-Martyr to King Iames, begins his Epistle by saying, that as Temporal Armies consist of pressed men and vo∣luntaries, so do they also in this War-fare in which your Majesty hath ap∣peared by your Books: and not only your strong and full Garrisons, which are your Clergy and your Vniversities, but also obscure Villages can Mini∣ster Souldiers, &c. Besides since in the Battel your Majesty by your Books is gone in person out of the Kingdom, who can be exempt from waiting on you in such an expedition.

That Learned Monarch in his printed Premonition to all Crowned Heads, free Princes and States, doth Magno Conatu, go about to prove the Pope to be Anti-Christ, and very subtilly discusseth the Moot-points out of the Apocalypse that refer to it: and from that one word of Anti-Christ, the Papacy hath since the Reformation received much more prejudice, than hath the Reformation from that other famous word of Heresy: and the Compellation of Anti-Christ is especially a more terrible weapon against the Pope, when used by the hand of a King.

But I must frankly say should my Prince Combat the Pope with this name in Print, and descend to Command my poor Service in that War∣fare, I should humbly apply to him to excuse me therein: and as it was observed concerning Aretine, that he left God untouched in his Satyrs, giving this reason for it, Ille inquit non mihi notus erat: so I shall say the same thing of Anti-Christ.

But when the Thunder of the Royal Power was in so great a number of Proclamations heard all over Christendom against particular persons, Page  [unnumbered] and their known Principles and Designs, his Subjects might well think it a part of Loyalty during that time to wear Clouds in their Brows, and to be tributary to the Royal Cares by endeavouring in their several Ca∣pacities to support the Throne, and to concur with the constant Practice of Nations in receiving the beliefs of Matter of Fact as stated by Soveraign Power according to the common saying of Imperatori seu Regi aliquid at∣testanti plenè creditur.

It is this Teste of the Sovereign (as I may say with allusion to the words in our Writs of teste me ipso) that will be the Clew to the Histo∣rians to guide them in that dark and intricate Labyrinth of time, I be∣fore spoke of: and will probably be helpful to any ingenious Protestants or Papists who shall write its History, when they shall from the many Col∣lections of the Pamphlets relating to that time treasured up by the curious, see so many bold and contradictory Shamms and Affidavits fighting with each other for that belief in a Future Conjuncture, that they could not obtain in the past: and 'tis nothing but the declared Sense of the Govern∣ment that in such odiosa materia, will qualifie a judicious Historian to do right to himself or his Reader, or even to his History, and keep it from being thrust down among Narratives.

It may be rationally supposed that when Princes and their Ministers do think fit to notifie their judgments of some matter of Fact wherein they might receive the first Information from Persons lyable to exception, that there were many concurrent Circumstances lay in the Balance before them: and which perhaps they might not think convenient to divulge: and moreover it is a thing commonly observable, that Divine Providence doth influence the understandings of Princes (who are its instruments in the Government of the World) more signally than of other men, and that Crowned Heads are still blessed in some measure as of old by ano∣ther Spirit coming on them, than what animated them while private per∣sons, and that therefore their asserting of Facts of State is more to be re∣vered than that of other men.

I therefore in the Case of the shamm of throwing the Odium of a Plot upon Protestants in one particular Conjuncture, have not come short of or gone beyond the Measures of the Government: nor do I believe that any Historian of it will.

And when I did read the various Pamphlets, and did confer Notes with some of the Curious about the last mentioned Shamm, and participated with the Loyal Protestants in their Concern and Sollicitude for the honour of their Religion thereby attacqued, yet I gave no Rule about the Merits of the matter in my private thoughts, till I saw in the Prints the Copy of the Order of Council of November 2d, 1679. reflecting on the Trea∣sonable Papers thrown into a Gentleman's Chamber, by which divers Noblemen and other Protestants, were to be brought under a suspicion of carrying on a Plot against his Majesty, and which Order was after a Per∣son was sent to Newgate by the Council for forging of Letters im∣porting High-Treason and fixing the same in a Gentlemans Chamber, and o which Forgery I yet thought none but some few of the faex Romu∣li, who believed and practised the Jesuites Doctrine of Calumny could pos∣sibly be guilty.

But I presently accordd in my thoughts with the many Loyal Prote∣stants and Papists who judged another Effort, that pretended to be of the same Nature with the former, and referred to a Plot of Protestants, to be a poor vile Artifice or Shamm, projected by some Calumnious Anti-Papists,Page  [unnumbered] a shamm too despicable to be here named, and obvious enough to detection from the Trite saying, That they who can hide can find.

But the many pitiful Shamms, whose humming noise did a while please our Mobile, and were below the notice of the Government, have had their triduum insecti, and are not to expect to live in Story, or to be there Entombed like the Fly in Amber.

The powerful Effects of the Royal Declaration, freeing our Land from the Plague of Fears and Jealousies and the Annoyance of the Swarms of these Flies, as Moses his intercession prevailed to deliver a Realm from the Judgments of other ones, will be a more adequate Subject to a great Writers thoughts, and especially when he shall consider that in the Course of Nature and without Miracle, those great Effects could not but rise from so great an Efficient: and as to which any one will perhaps be of opinion with me, who shall consider that the most terrible of terribles in so many mens apprehension of Popery is its arbitrariness: and that therefore the publication of the Royal Resolution to govern according to the Laws would effectually secure us against all Arbitrary Power what∣soever.

Mr. Hobbs saith in his Behemoth, I confess I know very few Controver∣sies among Christians of Points necessary to Salvation. They are the Que∣stions of Authority and Power over the Church or of Profit, or of Honour to Church-men, that for the most part raise all the Controversy. For what man is he that will trouble himself or fall out with his Neighbours for the saving of my Soul, or the saving of the Soul of any other than himself?

And no doubt it is not barely any mens believing the Doctrines of Pur∣gatory or Trasubstantiation, or Merit or Works of Super-Errogation, that hath made the past ferment among us, but the Arbitrariness of the Papal Power and the Complication of the Tenet of the Plenitude of that Power with those Religionary Tenets, and the making of it Penal not to re∣ceive those or other Tenets from Rome, and the making men Tenants in capite, to a Foreign Head for their Brains and Estates, and an outland∣ish Bishop, who lives a Thousand Miles off, with new Non obstantes outra∣ging their old Laws, and whom they can never see blush after it. But his Majesty having declared, That he would use his Royal En∣deavours both in and out of Parliaments to Extirpate Popery, (of which its Arbitrariness was its great dreaded part) and in all things to Govern ac∣cording to the Laws of the Realm, the People knew that the Laws had sufficiently provided against Appeals to Rome, as well as against Appeals from the Country to the City, and that Declaration naturally fortified the minds of the People as a Praemunimentum, guarding them before hand (as I may say with allusion to our Statutes of Praemunire) against the Arbi∣trary Power either of Rome or Geneva, and did in effect set up an Ensu∣rance Office in each of his Majestie's Courts of Iustice, to secure them against Arbitrary Power as such in whomsoever, and that they might in in utramvis aurem dormire as to any danger from the same; and 'tis there∣fore no wonder that the Reflux of People from the Metropolis to the Country ensued thereupon, as I have remarked out of the Bills of Mor∣tality: and from which Bills perhaps we may divert our selves with the sight of the Burial of that Plot, which some feared and others hoped would have been immortal, who would have had it Entailed too on their Heirs and Successors, tho they would not allow the Crown to be so to the Royal Line.

Page  [unnumbered] The Political uses that the Bills of Mortality may be put to, being more various than the profound Observator on them took the pains to mention, as I have thence, by a glancing view of the gradual Encrease of the People, coming out of the Country for several years, to dwell with∣in the Compass of those Bills, and likewise of the gradual decrease thence deduced, given an account of what I thought might in some measure deserve the name of an Indication of the diminution of the popular fears resulting from the Burials, after the great auspicious year of the Royal Declaration, so I could, in order to the lessening of the fears of the en∣crease of Dissentership within the Circuit of those Bills, from the Total of the Christenings in the respective years since that of 81, give what I might without Vanity call more than Indicium, and which perhaps would be by Critical Persons allowed for somewhat like a Demonstration of the Encrease of the Numbers there, (as I may say) born into the Church of England, and to what proportion, and that very particularly: and make it out thence that above the proportion between the Burials and Christenings that was in the Year 81, there were Christened 1084 in the year 82, and that the disposition of People for baptizing their Chil∣dren in the way of the Church of England did encrease near a 13th part, in the year 82, and that above the proportion between the Burials and Christenings that was in the year 82, there were in the year 83 Christen'd 2146, which is near a 6th part, that the Baptizing of Children in the way of the Church of England hath gained, and Dissentership hath lost ground in that year.

Nor do I find cause to alter my opinion of such baptizing in the way of the Church of England, having lost, but rather, on the contrary, gained ground in this year 84, tho to what proportion I cannot positively judge, by reason of what I before hinted, namely, of the extraordinary propor∣tion of the Burials this year, arising from the Accidents of the great Frost, and which Physicians by comparing the encrease of the particular Diseases by which so many died this year more than in the former hap∣pening from those Accidents, have judged to be considerably above 3000, and likewise by reason of the Births having this year been reverâ consi∣derably fewer, according to the Rule of the Observator on those Bills, That the more sickly the year is, it is the less fertile of Births.

All who have been in the least conversant with those Observations of his, know that the Births in ordinary years are equal to the Burials, or rather more: and I have observed the same from the Paris Bills, where the Christenings do generally much exceed the Burials (and as particular∣ly appeared by the Total of the Burials in the year 1683 being 17764, and the Total of the Christenings being 19717) but by the Christenings among us registred and reckoned in our Bills, we know thence when the disposition of the People to baptize their Children in the way of the Church began to encrease, and Dissentership consequently to decrease; and accordingly the ground gained by the Church of England, and lost by Dissentership within the Compass of those Bills, after the year 81, hath been by me sufficiently proved, Quod erat demonstrandum.

I have in this Discourse given somewhat like a little Historical Account of the Numbers of the Papists, since the Reformation to our late Con∣juctures, and have with honour mentioned the Vigilance of his Maje∣sty's late Minister, the Earl of Danby, in directing a Survey of the Num∣bers of the People of several Religionary Perswasions in the Province of Canterbury, and which was returned in the year 76, and whereby Page  [unnumbered] the Comparative Paucity of the number of Papists there is apparent, as it is by themselves agreed on so to be, as I have cited out of the Compen∣dium.

But tho the Copy of that Survey is in the hands of so many Persons, I would not have mentioned any thing thereof as to the Number of the Papists, but that Dr. Glanvill had first published the same, and whose Book I have referred to for the same. Nor shall I therefore give any particular account of the numbers of the Non-Conformists resulting from the same.

But tho I think that the Number of the Non-Conformists was not re∣turned perhaps in that Survey, so justly and near the matter as was that of the Papists, yet I am fully of opinion that if the number of Non-Conformists were thrice as great as that returned (which I believe no man will reckon it to be) their proportion with that of the Total of this great Populous Nation would be very inconsiderable.

But as to all the Writers or Discoursers of their proportion to that To∣tal that I have conversed with, (and who have rendered the Quota of the Dissenters so vast with much positiveness) I am able to say, That I have easily perswaded them to desist from any positive magisterial de∣termination therein, by shewing them that their measures of the Total of the People of England have been but conjectural, and depending perhaps on some Calculations too fine and subtle, or others too course and gross, and that no man can be a competent Judge of this Total, who hath not seen the Returns on the Bishops Survey, and likewise the Returns on the late Pole-Bills, and of which latter under the Patronage of a powerful Minister of the Kings, I obtained Copies, and have thence in the follow∣ing Discourse shewed the Total of the People of England and Wales, to be probably much greater than any cautious Calculators have made it, and some whereof made the Total to be 5, others 6, others 7 Millions. I thought the doing of this an acceptable service to my Prince and Country, and the rather for that several Authors among the Magna nomi∣na have published it in Print, that the People of England and Wales are but 2 Millions: and which number if they did not exceed, we might allow our Dissenters a considerable proportion therein, tho yet nothing near so great even as to such a Total as some would have it.

But the Ebb of their Numbers is at this time so apparent, if we respect the State of them in the whole Kingdom, that their Out-cry of Implevi∣mus omnia, and The Nation and its Trade cannot subsist without us, is very ridiculous: and they are not in my opinion their friends who writing for them do so customarily magnify their Numbers, and as if they were half the People of England, as some have done: and I believe the Gentleman whom I have cited for saying in a late Parliament, that he observed, That in the Choice of Knights of the Shire for the County he lived in, that they could not bring one in twenty to the Field, would if he had been at Elections in some other Counties have found they could not there bring in so great a number.

And tho the Puritans of old were very numerous in the House of Com∣mons, and our Dissenters in the King's long Parliament made so great a Figure as to be able by their weight to crush the Declaration for Indul∣gence, yet in the succeeding Houses of Commons, the Dissenters were far from valuing themselves an their weight or numbers: but of the Dissen∣ters in that Loyal Long Parliament, I believe there were not any who wished for the Yoke of Presbytery, or thought its Platform practicable in this Realm.

Page  [unnumbered] I have in this Discourse mentioned one thing, that made the most Emi∣nent Presbyterian Divines after 41, think their bringing of the Yoke of Presbytery upon the English Necks practicable, and that is, their ac∣counting according to the Pacta conventa between Them and the Parlia∣ment, they should have the Bishops and Deans and Chapters Lands settled on their Church, whereby their Discipline how defective soever in weight as to Principles of Divinity and Humanity, would have made it self or∣midable by its Balance of Land: and 'tis probable, that in Scotland the Livings of the inferiour Clergy weighing more in value than the Estates or Livelihoods of the ordinary inferiour Layety, hath supported that Clergy there in their pretences to expect somewhat of Power, and which they yet enjoy in the Figure of the Church Government there Establish∣ed under Bishops: and altho King Iames in his planting so many Be∣nefices throughout that Kingdom, worth 30 l. per Annum, with a House and some Glebe Land belonging to them, never intended any advantage to Presbytery thereby; he yet occasioned some by making so many Di∣vines there more considerable in wealth: but our Presbyterian Divines here having been so fatally disappointed about the Bishops Lands promi∣sed them, all ingenious men must necessarily thereby be made apprehen∣sive that they are never to hope to bring the terror of that Church Go∣vernment upon us by that means.

It is moreover observable that most of the Race of our old Presbyterian and Independant Divines having been extinct, (some few of whom were Learned Men and gave some Ornament to their Tenets by their Learn∣ing) scarce any new ones, and who appeared not in the Church before the King's Restoration, have since by the publication of any Theological or DevotionalWritings propp'd up the Credit of their Party, and that of the Ecclesiasticks of those perswasions none have published any thing valuable against Popery but some of their old stock.

Tho some Presbyterians have not hitherto learned that Modesty and Po∣licy from the Papists, as to leave off their unjust valuing themselves on their Numbers, yet as I know not of any number of Gentlemen that would choose to live in any Parish in England under the severity of that Church Government, and who would not rather desire to be extermina∣ted from their Native Country than to live in it with Presbytery Para∣mount, so neither do I believe, that Presbytery would be endured by many of our illiterate Mechanicks now more than heretofore, if they were taught its rigour.

And tho likewise another Sect of Dissenters more Gentlemanly than that of the Presbyterians, I mean the Independants, do in the little Pam∣phlets they write, trouble us much with proclaiming their Numbers, and as if they were not only the sober but the major part of the Nation, they are very ridiculous in trying to make themselves that way dreadful con∣trary to what is in Fact true.

I believe that the number of those who in the late times listed them∣selves in the particular gathered Churches, and subjected themselves to their Laws, and Contribution to their Pastorage, was always inconsidera∣ble; and as an Argument, of that 'tis in this Discourse mentioned that the Pastors of the most Opulent of those Churches in London did most readily quit their Posts, when they could obtain Head-ships of Colleges, and that in a Conjuncture when Independancy was in a manner the form of Church Government owned by the State.

Page  [unnumbered] These Churches were always very few in the Country and are now fewer and scarce visible, unless we will call the Bands of Quakers by the name of Churches, and a name I do not hear they think fit to use.

I am of opinion that under the Christian Religion so much uller of Mystery than the Pagan, Iewish, and Turkish, its Divine Planter did ne∣cessarily make Christians loving one another, the Characteristical Mark of their being such; and under the noble freedom allowed by the Prote∣stats Religion to try all things, and to trust no Religionary Tenets but what they have tryed, a Heterodoxy as to some speculative supposed Te∣nets of the Church of England, may among some inquisitive persons have long gained ground, and still do so.

There was in London an Independant Church under Cromwel's Govern∣ment, and Mr. Biddell was their Pastor, and among other Tenets deno∣minable as those of Religion, they owned these following, viz. That the Fathers under the old Covenant had only Tempral Promises; and That the Vniversal Obedience performed to the Commands of God and Christ was the saving Faith; and That Christ rose again only by the Power of the Father and not his own; and That justifying Faith is not the pure gift of God, but may be acquired by mens natural Abilities; and That Faith cannot believe any thing contrary to, or above reason; and That there is no Original Sin; and That Christ hath not the same body now in glory in which he suffered and rose again; and That the Saints shall not have the same body in Heaven that they had on Earth; and That Christ was not Lord or King before his Resurrection, or Priest before his Ascension; and That the Sains shall not before the day of Iudgment enjoy the Bliss of Heaven; and That God doth not certainly know Future Contingences; and That there is not any Authority of Fathers or General Councils in determining Matters of Faith; and That Christ before his death had not any Dominio over the Angels; and That Christ by dying made not satisfaction for us: and 'tis possible that such Re∣ligionary Tenets as these, which are far from being de lanâ caprinâ, and are contrary to the Articles of our Church may not be extirpated: tho yet I believe there will never be any Fermentation in our Church or State produced here by them, if in course of time any of them should hap∣pen to be the Sentiments of any of our Princes: and much less that any Prince, if so opining, would consute others as Hereticks with Fire and Sword, and as Calvin cofuted Servetus.

There was likewise in our Metropolis another Independant Church, of which Mr. Iohn Goodwin was the Pastor, and by which Church the Te∣nets of Arminis were received, and which tho they have ceased to ferment the State, yet the opinions of men equally pious and learned will in all likelihood be always different about the same: and as to these Te∣nets, the Questions are not such as are called Questiones Domitianae, or of catching of Flies.

But there is a sort of Questions that is little better, and that in our busie World will not usurp the time they have done, and that is, such as are of the Nature of that I have spoke of toward the Close of this Discourse, that made the fermentation in a Church of Separatists that went hence to Am∣sterdam, namely, Whether Aron's Ephod were blew or Sea-green: and tho I have asserted it That mens liberty of professing Religionary Tenets may be reckoned as a part of their Purchace by Christ's Blood; yet methinks to make the Son of God leave the Bosom of his ather, and take a Journey from Heaven to Earth to impress on it right Notions about the lawfulness of signing Children with the Cross, or of mens kneeling at the Sacrament, or Page  [unnumbered] standing at the Creed, or bowing at the name of Iesus, or of placing the Communion Table in the East, or of wearing Surplices, Tippets, Lawn-sleeves or square Caps, or of keeping of Holy-days, or singing Psalms to Organs, and to resolve the World in some plain points, as namely, Whether the Soveraign Power may not lawfully enjoyn the observance of the external Circumstances of Divine Worship, which every man doth in his own Family? or Whether it be not as lawful for the Sovereign Power to enjoyn kneeling at the Sacrament, as 'tis for private Persons to command their Flocks not to kneel? and the resolving who doth most hurt by Christian Liberty either the Magistrate, who, commanding me to kneel, tels me the thing is in its own nature indifferent, and that he doth not and cannot change the nature of things in themselves; or my private Pastor, who shall tell me That my not kneeling is necessary to salvation? and the resolving the Question, Whether I may lawfully oyn in a set form of Prayer with a Congregation, when 'tis plain that another mans conceived, or extempore Prayer is as much a form to me or to another as any printed Prayer can be? or the resolving what Mr. Gataker in his Book of Lots, calls a frivolous Question as made by some Separatists, viz. What Warrant have you to use this or that Form of Prayer, or to pray upon a Book? (and to which he answers, That it is Warrant sufficient that we are enjoyned to use Prayer, Confession of Sin, and Supplication for Pardon, &c. No set Form thereof determined, therefore any fit Form warrantable: this Form that we use not unfit otherwise, this Form thereof allowable. And let a man demand of one of them when he prayeth, what Warrant he hath to use that Form that he then useth, he can answer no otherwise. So for a Book, the means of help are not determined: and this one among others: this therefore not unwarrantable. And if one of them should be asked how he proves it warrantable to use a printed Book to read on at Church: he shall not be able to make other answer than as be∣fore) and further hereupon the resolving of another Question, viz. Whether one man eminent for Piety and Learning, or perhaps eminent for neither, is able without premeditation to make as fit a Prayer for the People to say Amen to, as a hundred Persons eminent for both are able to frame with lng study? I say to make an Elias and much more the holy Iesus, to come down from Heaven to solve such doubts as these, is an extravagance Parallel with the Error of those old Poets, who would on all occasions introduce Gods to end doubts that were never fit to be begun by men, and wherein there was not dignus vindice nodus, and against which the judicious Poet gave the known Caution of, Nec Deus interfit, &c.

The holy Iesus by his Tacit Rejection of Questions as impertiment (that the World thought of more moment than some such as are above named) when he forbore to give his thoughts of Pythagoras his pre-existence of Souls upon the Question put to him, viz. Who did sin this Man or his Parents that he was born blind? shewed he thought it not for his honour to have it supposed that it was part of his Errand from Heaven to set the World rightin Speculations of Philosophy; and so he threw that famous Notion off as a Titivilitium.

Chemnitius in his Harmony taking notice of our Saviour's reprehending in the Pharisees their use of Oaths, and thereby invocating God as a Witness in the Occurrences of their common talk and Conversation, saith, In re levi ne magnum quidem virum in testem vocare auderemus: as I find him cited by Mr. Gataker in his Book of Lots, and wherein he doth so learnedly confute the superstitious conceit in some of the un∣lawfulness of the use of Cards and Dice in recreation, as likewise the other Page  [unnumbered] of mens being obliged to count every thing unlawful that they have not a Scriptural Warrant for.

Yet since his writing of those Books of Lots, thousands of such our su∣perstitious Protestants have not crupled to throw the Dye of War, and to appeal to the Lord of Hosts by the Decision of Battel to signalize the truth in some of those nugatory and others of those plain points before∣mentioned: and our Land groans under the guilt of the Blood of hun∣dreds of thousands of Subjects as well as of the Royal Blood, by Questions, on which an ingenious man would scarce think a drop of Ink necessary to be spent.

But I have in this Discourse express'd my belief, That the fierceness of our Dissenters humour of quarrelling about such little Ceremonial matters will be naturally reclaimed by the influence of the Civility appearing in the many French Protestants here, into a Complaisance with our King's and Church's enjoyned Ceremonies, that all the learned Books of our Divines have not been able to work in them: the Civility of the French humour making it natural to those Protestants (as I ave remarked) not only to comply with Princes but even their Fellow Subjects in the use of all Ceremonies they expect: and as I have in many places of this Dis∣course, and particularly in p. 239, expressed my thoughts that the sicari∣ous Principles of the Iesuites will naturally evaporate by fear and shame; so I have in the following Page, that all Rebellious Principles of any No∣minal Protestants will by fear and shame in our populous English World be abandoned: and do think, That to the shame of quarrelling about little matters, the shame of doing it before Strangers, being super-added, will prevent our future disquiet thereby.

Let them ask those Protestants who are fled hither from Persecution (the Circumstances of which are with great Judgment stated by Dr. Hicks in his Excellent printed Sermon on that Subject) if in case their great Monarch had excused them from Conformity to the Gallican Church in the points of Praying in an unknown Tongue, and the Worshipping the Host, and the Forbidding the Cup to the Layety, and the other mo∣mentous Religionary points controverted between Papists and Protestants, and had enjoyned them only such things as our Religion by Law Establish∣ed doth, whether they would have with the hazard of their lives made a migration hither from the best Country in the World, their Native Soil, or have made their Monarch and his Ministers at home uneasie by Com∣plaints of Persecution, and by raising of any dust about unnecessary Que∣stions as aforesaid.

Leo After tells us, that the Inhabitants of the Mountain Magnan on the Frontiers of Fez, have not thought fit to be at the Charge of any settled Judicature or Parade of the Law to support their Polity: but to the end their Controversies emerging may be decided, and that impartially, they stop some Travellers passing that way, to give Judgment in the same; and that himself in his passage there was detained many days to perform the Office of a Judge, and that his performance of the same was rewarded by the Inhabitants, defraying the Charges of his Stay: and some of those People were ashamed perhaps to trouble him, a Stranger with vilitiga∣tion, or querelles d' alleman.

And thus perhaps may those Protestant Strangers that Providence hath sent hither prove to our Religionary branglers useful itinerant Judges, and their patience in their Judicature will in my opinion deserve to be well re∣warded, and for the greatness of its burden from the minuteness of its Page  [unnumbered] Controverted Causes, and whereby Strangers are imposed on by as need∣less trouble as Travellers would be if in the several Territories they passed through, the Inhabitants should desire them to weigh their Air. But I hope the Non-Conformists to the Gallican Church will find those to ours ashamed to entertain them here with the Crambe of old Controversies of Ceremonies and things Indifferent; and that those Strangers will not find themselves invited hither by Nature as to a Theatre, where they shall only see our digladiations with Air, or beating of the Air (as the Scrip∣ture Expression is) and much less where they shall see any Dissenters implicitly swallowing the Doctrine of Resistance, and weighing nothing but Air.

It was (I think) a little before the Migration of so many French Pro∣testants here, that some of the Faex of our Dissenters were so shameful as to Nick-name our Clergy: But I do account that the inquisitive and Philosophical Temper of the Age, shining with so much lustre in our Eng∣lish Clergy (and which temper is as naturally accompanied with the gen∣tle warmth of Charity for the Persons of different Opiners as light it self can be with heat) is a sufficient Guarranty to all Protestant eusants of their finding from our Church all the favour, I will not say that they have deserved from it, but all that they will or can: and I believe the Charity of our Church-men is so great for them as almost to tempt them to wish That there were some dignus vindice nodus in the Religionary part of Dissenters Principles, that might give our Cergy a signal occasion to display the before mentioned Characteristical mark of Christianity in loving the Persons of Men dissenting from them in any matters of mo∣ment.

They have experimented this temper of our Divines in Dr. Stilling∣fleet's Book of the Vnreasonableness of the Separation after so many of their Waspish Pamphlets had attacqued his Excellent Sermon of the mischief of separation: and the soft insinuations of reason, in which having produ∣ced from them so much unmanly passion, may serve as an indication that the present Dissenteship is languishing under its old Age, when the gent∣lest weight and even when the Grass-hopper is a burden to it.

They have seen this happy temper appearing in some of our most Cele∣brated Divines not being exasperated against the persons of one another, tho owning Sentiments different from our Articles and Homilies. And indeed 'tis natural to any man of a great Genius (and of such illustrious Abilities that all the several Religionary Parties thinks of, with the wish of Vtinam noster esset) in some Notions peculiar to himself, to soar above the com∣mon light of the ordinary Observers of their Rules and Prescriptions, and not to be fled out of the hearts of those of their Sect, when some times he towres out of their, sight and above the reach of their understand∣ings.

I have in the Learned Theological Writings of Mr. Baxter, con∣cerning Iustifications, contemplated his great parts and abilities: and have likewise observed the great Learning of Doctor Tully appearing in his Iu∣stificatio Paulina, and where he saith, That in the point of Iustification the Controversy is not de muris, sed de Palladio Christiano: and have more∣over read Dr. Tully's printed Letter to Mr. Baxter wherein he chargeth him (whether justly or no I enquire not) for seeming to place most if not all the differences that are in the point of Iustification▪ between us and the Church of Rome, among Logomachies, p 16th, and useth to him these words in p. 17. But seeing you are so busie in turning our greatest Con∣troversies Page  [unnumbered] with the Papists into a Childish Contest of words, and in p. 21. he desires him, That he would consider the great affinity his Tenet of Justi∣fication hath contracted with the Roman, and in the same Page desires him to take his Balance and weigh more diligently, that he might see only the very small odds between his justification and the Council of Trent's.

That great Adorner of the Church of England both with his Learning and Piety, Dr. Hammond, thought it not so acceptable service to the World to fill it with more Volumes against the Idolatry of the Church of Rome, as to diminish it by distinction, and when in his Tract of Idolatry §. 64. p. 41. he makes the worshipping of the Host to be only material Idolatry, tho he knew as well as any the Articles of our Church, and that without the formale peccati as well as the materiale, there can be no sin of Commission, and that in all things forma dat esse.

Our Famous Dr. Ieremy Taylor likewise in his liberty of Prophesying, p. 258, doth free the Papists from Formal Idolatry. Thus likewise tho our Homilies and our Iewel, Raynold, Whitaker, Vsher, &c. and the Translators of our Bible into English in King Iames's time did place the Name of Anti-Christ, and the Man of Sin on the Bishop of Rome, yet Dr. Hammond as well as others of our Church have publickly avow∣ed their Sentiments of the Popes not being so.

I have not mentioned this as if I thought that any of our excellent Divines of the Church of England, would ever occasion the least um∣brage of jealousie in any Future Conjuncture, about any design of uni∣ting our Church to Rome, or Rome's to ours: the common Rule in Poli∣ticks of minor pars unita majori censetur facta illius appendix (and which is exemplified by the Church of Rome, not having been united to all the Aiatick, African, Graecian, Russian and Protestant Churches, as containing three times more Christian Souls than doth the Church of Rome with all its Dependents and Adherents) and the ineffectual Project of some well meaning Divines in a former Conjuncture here, will I believe effectually avert all future jealousies of any thing of that Nature, or the danger of any in the Vessel by trying to pull the Rock to it, bringing it super hanc Pe∣tram. From various grounds of natural reason, I may venture to predict that the best Evangelical Church and the best Clergy the World can shew, will direct their measures suitably to those Words of the great Evangelical Prophet Isaiah, Their strength is to it still, and without any faith to remove the seven Hills or Mountains of Rome hither, or on their sullen Contu∣macy resolving like Mahomet to go to the Mountains.

Among the various Considerations urged in this Discourse to fortifie the minds of the Loyal timid against their unaccountable fears of Hete∣rodoxy in any Prince as to the Religion by Law Established, rendring him a meer natural Agent, or one without freedom of will as to the point of freedom of their Consciences, and depriving him of the Brains as well as Bowels of a Man, and against impressions of trouble from what so ma∣ny Writers have insinuated, namely, that a Roman Catholick Prince must by virtue of the Authority of the Lateran Council exterminate his Heretical Subjects, I have in p. 283 mentioned that the Munster Peace hath in Germany, cured the timid Lutheran and Calvinist Subjects of any fears and jealousies as of their Religion and Property upon any Prince by the Lineal Course of Descent coming to be their Ruler, who may profess any Religionary Sentiments different from theirs.

And because the factum of that Peace hath not by any Writers since our late fermentation (that I know of) been insisted on for the illumination Page  [unnumbered] of Peoples understandings in the firm Provision made there for mens be∣ing secure in their Religion by Law Established, whatever the Religion of their lawful Princes may be, I shall here give some Cursory Account of the great Fact of that Peace (and wherein some Popish Princes made so great a Figure, and who sufficiently understood how far the Later an Council obliged them) that may not only shew it a kind of Pedantry to imagine that Roman Catholick Princes are still by their Religion bound, after all the Revolutions of time and its incursions made on their former measures as to Heterodox Religion and Religionaries, to use the same Methods as formerly, and to move in the same Line as heretofore, (just as some Crabs on the Land are observed in the West-Indies to be so sullen in their way, that rather than they will move in the least on any side, they will go over a House or a Tree) but may likewise serve as a Praemunimen∣tum to secure men in all future times against the fear of any danger to their Religion by the Heterodoxy of their Princes, a thing that may be expected often to happen, since People can no more promise themselves that their Princes will successively resemble one another in their understanding faculties than in their bodily shapes.

Thus then sufficiently for the purpose above mentioned the Reader may take the Scheme of that matter.

It may be observed that in Sueden and Dnmark and in all the Territo∣ries of the lower and upper Saxony where ever Protestants have the sole power, no Papists are permitted to have any publick exercise of their Re∣ligion: and that in Austria, Bohemia, Moravia, and all the Hereditary Lands of the House of Austria, Bavaria and the upper Palatinate, where the Papists have the sole Power, no Protestants are suffered to have the publick Exercise of their Religion. And these whole Territories above mentioned being entire bodies within themselves, under one head either of the one or the other Religion, without the intermixture of different Dominions, are uniform in the exercise of their Religion respectively different.

But the intermediate parts of the German Empire are interwoven un∣der several Princes of different Religions, and therefore are of mixt Re∣ligionary professions: that is to say, those professions are exercised some here, some there in different places: and because the Inhabitants of the intermediate Territories being mixed and pretending to have each of them a right to the same places of Worship, various Quarrels did arise among them: therefore when they deprived one another of the freedom to ex∣ercise their Religion, the Treaty of Peace at Munster and Osnabrug in the year 1648. did appoint the restitution of places for the publick exer∣cise of Religion on both sides, and ordered that all matters of this kind should be thence forward settled as they were in use heretofore in the Year 1624: which Order occasioned a Deputation from all the States of the Empire at Francford in the Year 1656, and 1657 and following, to see that Decree and other matters put in Execution.

Those intermediate Territories are the Circles of Westphalia, of the Rhine, of the Welterans, of Franconia, and of Suaben containing many Principalities and great Cities, depending immediately upon the Empire, which being of different Religions and mixed one with another, in re∣spect of their Territories and Jurisdictions, none that in the time of War was prevalent, did suffer a different Religion to be exercised: but since the Instrument of the Peace made at Munster and Osnabrug was published, the liberty of Religion is to be regulated universally by the 7th Page  [unnumbered]Article▪ and some other Articles determining matters between Protestants and Papists: and according to this Constitution altho some Territories, which formerly were under Protestant Divines, are now under a Popish power, and vice versâ, yet the liberty of Religion is to be left to each Party as it was used in the year 1624.

Thus the Duke of Newburg and one of the Landgraves of Hessen, and a Prince of Nassaw are obliged to leave to the Protestants within their Dominions, the free exercise of their Religion. And so in some of the Imperial Cities, as in Francford, Ausburg and others, the Papists have the free exercise of their Religion restored to them among the Prote∣stants.

At Ausburg the Magistracy is half of the one and half of the other Reli∣gion: but in all the other Imperial Cities the Magistrates (I think) were wholly Protestants, except at Collen and Heilbron where they are wholly Papists.

If any one considering the sharper Animosities between Lutherans and Calvinists, then those between either of them and the Papists (accord∣ingly as we are told by Tacitus, that Odia proximorum sunt acerrima) shall tell me, That if the Treaty of Munster and Osnabrug did plant Civi∣lity among Lutherans and Calvinists as to the Persons and Religions of each other, it did wonders, I shall therein accord with him, and that it was somewhat like that of the pulling down the Partition-wall between Iew and Gentile; and that tho Luther a more Cholerick yet (I think) a better natured man than Calvin, did sufficiently in his Writings inveigh against the asperity of Magistrates in punishing Heterodoxy (and parti∣cularly in his Tract, De magistratu saeculari: parte secundâ, where he tells Chief Magistrates so doing, viz. Per Deum sancte juro, si id verum, tantil∣las vires in vos acceperit vestra negligentia, nulli estis, etiamsi siguli non es∣setis inferiores Turca ipso, potentiâ: neque vestra crudelitas & rabies vobis quicquam commodabunt: yet many of Luthers followers did not imbibe that his opinion, and as appeared long ago by a dreadful instance of this in Queen Mary's time, when Iohn a Lasco Uncle to the King of Poland, and many Families of Strangers who had been here received by Edward the 6th, were banished by Queen Mary, and went for Asylum to the King of Denmark, but (as I have read it in the History of that Migration of theirs writ in Elegant Latin by Iohn a Lasco) he renders their usage in Denmark by the Clergy and Populace to have been very severe, and makes the first Course in their Entertainment to be an Invitation to Church some days after their landing, on pretence of being instructed, and the hearing there Cal••• and themselves publickly lampon'd or railed at: and because that pleased not their palates, their next was, an Edict to be gone from the Metropolis in a peremptory short time, when the Season of the Frost in that Country was so extremely afflictive, and without per∣mission for their Sick or Infants or Women with Child to stay for the Clemency of better weather; and whereby many of them there died with the extremity of the cold in their Journeys. And it had been in a manner as eligible for them to have stayed and perished in England by the Fires of Queen Mary: And Alsted in his Chronology speaking of what happened in Queen Mary's Reign, saith to this purpose, Multi ob Religio∣nem mutatam, Angliâ relictâ primò in Daniam, deiude in Germaniam veni∣unt: nam in Dania non poterant habere locum, per theologorum rabiem: inter exules fuit Johannes Lascus Polonus.

Page  [unnumbered]But I can by the Munster Peace, direct the Reader to see that old Lu∣theran bigotry and hatred of the Persons and Religion of Calvinists ex∣terminated out of Germany, whereby it is determined as by a Statue Law, that the Calvinists shall have the same right for the free exercise of their Religion which the Lutherans and Papists have, and that to the end that any might be ashamed of pretending to be afraid of any detriment that might accrue to their Persons or Religion, under a Lutheran or Calvinian or Popish Successor, and that all might be really afraid of dis∣honouring God and wounding their Consciences, by prejudicing the In∣heritable Rights of those Princes Successions, it is thus further determin∣ed by the 7th Article of the Instrumentum pacis Caesareo suecicum, §. 1. viz. Vnanimi quoque Caesareae majestatis omniumque ordinum consensu, &c. 'Tis likewise thought fit by the unanimous Consent of the Emperor and all the States of the Empire, that whatever right or benefit both all the other Con∣stitutions of the Empire, and the Peace of Religion, and this publick agree∣ment, and the decision of all Grievances therein do allow to all Catholick States and Subjects, and to those addicted to the Augustan Confession, the same shall likewise be allowed to those that are called the Reformed, (i. e. Calvinists) with a Salvo to the States called Protestants (i. e. Lutherans) as to all things Covenanted and agreed between themselves with their own Sub∣jects, and as to all Privileges and other dispositions whereby Provision was made for Religion and its exercise and the things thereon depending, by the States and Subjects of each place, and with a Salvo to each for the freedom of their Consciences. Now because the Controversies of Religion which are in Agitation at this time among the forenamed Protestants have not been hither∣to reconciled, but have been referred to a further endeavour of agreement, so that they still make two Parties: therefore concerning the right of reform∣ing it is thus agreed between them: that if any Prince or other Lord of the Territory or Patron of any Church shall hereafter change his Religion, or obtain or recover a Principality or Dominion either by the right of Suc∣cession or by virtue of this present Treaty, or by any other Title whatsover; where the publick exercise of the Religion of the other Party is at present in use, it shall be free to him to have his Court-Chaplains of his own Religion a∣bout him in the place of his Residence, without any burthen or prejudice to his Subjects: but it shall not be lawful for him to change the publick Exercise of Religion or the Laws, or Ecclesiastical Constitutions which have been there hitherto in use, or take from those their Churches whose they formerly were, or their Schools or Hospitals, or the Revenues, Pensions and Stipends belong∣ing thereunto, or apply them to the men of their own Religion, or obtrude on their Subjects men of another Religion, under the pretence of a Territorial Episcopal or Patronal Right, or under any pretence whatsoever, or bring about any other hinderance directly or indirectly to the Religion of the other Party, &c.

In fine, here hath been a great Pacification, and the same agreed on to be a perpetual Law, and pragmatick Sanction, and as strongly binding as any Fundamental Law or Constitution thereof, comprhending in be∣half of the Emperor, all his Confederates and Adherents, first the Catho∣lick King and House of Austria the Electors and Princes of the Empire, the Hanse Towns, the King of England, the King of Denmark and Nor∣way, and all the Princes and Republicks of Italy, and the States of Hol∣land and others, and in the behalf of the Queen of Sweden all her Con∣federates, the most Christian King, the Hanse Towns, the King of Eng∣land, the King of Denmark and the Dutch States, &c.

Page  [unnumbered] Well: but yet it may be by our timid Protestants objected; that all these Roman Catholick Princes thus projecting the Peace of Germany and that of Christendom, did in this great Instrumentum pacis and the pacta Con∣venta referred to, but reckon without their Host, I mean the Bishop of Rome, and that one Bull against it from Rome would thunder it to no∣thing, and render it voidable or void, and that all the Concessions to Heresie and Hereticks, and hindring their Extermination were nugatory, and that such a written Treaty carried in it, its own deletion and that of He∣reticks, and that the Bulla Caenae every Maundy Thursday Excommunicates and Cures all Lutherans, Calvinists, Hugonots, and their Receivers, Fautors, and Defenders, and that the many immunities granted to Hereticks by this Peace as likewise Lands and Territories, and the Erecting of Bishop∣ricks into Secular Principalities, and settling them on Heretical Princes and their Heirs forever, whereby so much prejudice accrued to the Roman Catholick Religion and the Apostolick Sea, would probably engage the Pope some time or other to quash it as null, and to damn both the Peace and all that made it.

I answer, that within two days after the signing that Peace, the Popes Nuntio at Munster protested against it: declaring that he made that Pro∣testation by the Pope's express Commands: and on the 26th of November 1648, Pope Innocent the 10th issued out his Bull against it from Rome called, Sanctissimi Domini nostri Inncentii divina providentia Papae. X. De∣claratio nullitatis articulorum nuperae Pacis Germanicae, Religioni Catholicae, sedi Apostolicae, Ecclesiis aliisque locis piis ac persons & juribus Ecclesiasti∣cis quomodolibet praejudicialium, ad aeternam Rei memoriam. And he therein blames the Emperor and his Confederates and the most Christian King, on the account of the perpetual abdication of some Ecclesiastical Goods and Rights possessed by Hereticks, and for their permitting to He∣reticks the free exercise of their Religion by that Peace, and their being further Authorized by it to bear Offices and enjoy not only Church Li∣vings but Bishopricks, and Arch-Bishopricks: and in fine, that Pope ha∣ving made it null and void, further declares, That if any have sworn to observe the Articles of that Peace, such Oath shall not bind them.

But what did this Declaration from his Holyness signify in that Case? No more than one from Prester Iohn would have done. The Emperor and Princes of Germay did gloriously stand to their Pacta conventa, and took care to see the same solemnly ratified and executed notwithstanding the Papal Declaration of their Nullity. They knew the Pope's Nuntio would soon protest, and the Pope himself declare against the Peace: and had therefore in Terms therein agreed, That no Canons or special De∣crees of Councils or Concordats with Popes or Protestations, or Edicts, Re∣scripts, Mandates or Absolutions whatsoever should in any Future time be al∣lowed against any Article of it. And they likewise knew that the Pope's Declaration of the Nullity of that Treaty would contain no Threatnings of Excommunication or Damnation against their Persons, but only Quelques choses or things of Course, or to speak more properly Nullities of Course: and that while all Christendom was embarqued in that Treaty and going with full Sail, and favoured with a strong Gale of Nature into its Haven of Rest, and being to pass by the Popes Fort, and had resolved against lowering their Flag to it, the Pope would of Course fire some Bulls of Nullity at them Charged with no significant Shot, and as it is usual for the Forts of Princes to do to Ships that pass by them without paying the expected Civility, and the Shot from which is not valued by Capital Page  [unnumbered] Ships that pass by them with a strong Gale of Wind: and which perhaps think it not tanti to fire again upon the Fort; nor doth that perhaps throw away more shot on them.

And thus stood this Munster Peace, wrought (as it were) by the con∣sent of the Crowned Heads and States of Christendom, and thus it stands; and any who will look into the Empire will find those Pacta con∣venta as to the part of the Emperor and Princes of the Empire outbra∣ving the chances of time to this year (how much soever the Emperor may be supposed to have been steer'd by Iesuites Councils) and likely still so to do, whereby the various Rights and Religions of Princes and their Subjects have been secured, and whereby we may see how unstudied those men are in the great Book of the World, who think that Popish Princes will not go on in the Course of their Politicks, tho the Pope should seem in earnest or in jest to stop them, and that they cannot tacitly reject the Papal Declarations of Nullity, and yet continue Civil to the Pope and his Church.

The firm continuance of the Munster Peace to the year 1680, is men∣tioned by the Author of an ingenious Book called, The Interest of Princes and States that year published, and which goeth under the name of Mr. Bethel, and where 'tis moreover observed in p. 155. That among the Luthe∣ran Princes the Prince of Hannover was lately turned Papist, and likewise one of the House of the Landgrave of Hessen, Darmestat and another of Meck∣lenburg lately turned Papist, but their Countries do all continue Lutherans, and among the Calvinist Princes he mentions the Elector of Brandenburg, but saith, his Dominions are most Lutherans, and where in p. 156. 'tis his Observation that of four Popish Princes of the Empire, all their Countries are Lutherans, and saith, the Princes in this Country (meaning Germany) have no great influence on their Subjects in point of Religion: and saith, That in several Countries belonging to Popish Bishops and Abbots, many Lu∣therans and some Calvinists have not only a Right, but do also actually enjoy the publick exercise of their several Religions without disturbance, and much more without Persecution: and further instanceth in other places in Germa∣ny where the Proprietors are mixt of several Princes, Earls, Free Cities, and Romish Ecclesiasticks which causeth in each of them the like Variety in Religion, and some there being Lutherans and Papists and others being Cal∣vinists, Lutherans and Papists.

And thus we see instead of the Popes having nulled the Munster Peace cum effectu, the Nulla fides servanda cum haereticis, hath been nulled in Germany by Popish Princes, and which if they had not done, Luthers aforesaid nulli estis had been their doom: and the Empire it self had scarce been more than a substantial Nullity, as I may say alluding to what Van∣tius in his Book, De Nullitatibus makes such. In plain terms the Ger∣mans had not else been now a Nation, nor would the Emperor again have been saluted by the Grand Signior, as I have in some of the Comminato∣ry Letters from the Port observed him called, viz. Lord of few Regions: and this any one (I think) will grant who shall consider that all the re∣laxation he hath had either of intestine troubles or Foreign between the years 1648 and 1680, hath made his Circumstances as to Power and Riches appear but just proportionable for holding his own (with the help of his Neighbours) against the Turk.

I have observed great right done to the Emperors Politicks in that Peace, by a printed Panegyrical Oration made by Henricus Schmid, a Fa∣mous Professor of Divinity in Tubing, for the Celebration of the MunsterPage  [unnumbered] Peace, and wherein he saith, That the Emperor preserved thereby at least the lives of eleven times a hundred and ninety two thousand Myriades of men (that is of 21 thousand, 1 hundred and 20 millions of men) and whereupon the Panegyrist pronounceth, That the World was blest by a new AEra from that Peace: and some of the Expressions in that Oration for that purpose being very memorable, I shall here set down, viz. Ferdi∣nande Caesar Auguste, pie faelix triumphator, salve, Faelicior Iulio Casare qui gloriabundus fatebatur, undecies centena & nonaginta duo millia homi∣num praeliis à se occisa; atque ita ut non veniat in hanc rationem stragem Civilium bellorum, Tua, Imperator, quâ major esse non potest, gloria & clari∣tudo erit, totidem Myriadas aut plures non mactasse sed servasse. Macte animo isto tuo, imperator, &c. Tuis auspiciis novum Calendarium Iuliano longe melius ac emendatius orbi Christiano exhibetur, quod pacis aera insigni∣tur, &c.

The Panegyrical Orator did in his Calculation of the Lives saved by the Emperor, use more than Poetical Licence, as any one will probably think who shall read what Sir W. P. in a printed Discourse hath mention'd of Critical Persons having judged that there are but 320 Millions of Souls now in the World: and according to some ingenious mens Calcu∣lations I have seen in print concerning how much at a Medium each head may be supposed to add to the Riches of a State per year, and thence making each to be therefore valuable at 80 l. Sterling, the Panegyrick may be said to have made the Emperor preserve for the World by that Peace 1 Hundred 68 Thousand 9 Hundred and 60 Millions of Pounds Ster∣ling.

But leaving so exorbitant a Sum for the disposition and Assets of De∣go's Will, and (raillery apart) accounting the lives of the hundreds of thousands slain in Germany on the Score of the Excommunication of Princes and Emperors, (as I have in p. 68 mentioned out of Erastus and suitably enough to Historical truth) to have been valuable to the Empire at but half of 80 l. each, it may well be supposed that it was a very vast Treasure that Germany hath lost by its Wars and preserved by its said Peace.

Yet is there one way assignable from which it may be deduced that the value of what the Emperor preserved was as much really too short, as from the Panegyrists account it appeared extravagant; and that is this, viz. The Emperor by that Peace having kept so many from afterward destroying their own Souls by destroying others Bodies, may be truly said to have preserved what was invaluable, we know who having judged it that there is no proportion between the wealth of the whole World and one Soul.

And now having by the deduction of the great Fact proved the Practi∣cableness of the happy continuance of the luscious blessings of Peace and Unity of affections among Princes and their Subjects of different Religi∣ons, I shall here in the Close of the Consideration of the same, entertain the Reader with this last pleasant agreeable Scene of it, which Scene will represent to him the fair Church built at Fredericsburg by the present Prince Elector, one of the fairest Churches in Germany: and which was by him in our great year of fears and jealouies and fatal discords, name∣ly 1680, finished and dedicated to Holy Concord and Vnion perhaps in Contra-distinction to the Term of Holy Church: and its Dedication and Consecration was with great Devotion solemnized, and not without the choicest Vocal and Instrumental Musick that could be thought proper to be used then, and with which the Offices of the Ceremony began: and Page  [unnumbered] the Musick being over, there was an inaugural Oration there made in the honour of Holy Concord, and of the Dedication of the Church to it. And after that, the Prince Elector (who is a Calvinist) engaged Doctor Fabritius Principal Divine to his Electoral Highness, to preach there; and in the Afternoon of that day another Sermon was there Preach'd by a Lu∣t••ran Divine, and in the Evening, another Sermon was there made by a Roman-Catholick Divine: and they all made pious and learned Sermons in order to the propagating of Holy Concord, applauding therein the Ele∣ctors design, and with a most devout attention all those three Divines were present at each others Sermons.

Nor was any of his Popish Subjects then afraid that he would infringe the rights of the exercise of their Religion, because the Papal Interest had been so active in bereaving his Family of the Bohemian Crown as well as of its ancient Rights, many of which are forever abdicated from it by the Munster Peace.

Thus on this Rock of the Munster Peace was the Holy Concord of holy Church-men discordant in opinions founded abroad by a Prince allied to the Crown of England, and whereby the opposite Religionary Opinors quitted their Antipathys against each other, and the Lion made under his Government to lie down with the Lamb, at the same time that we groaned under a judgment more opprobrious than that threatned to the Iews in Leviticus, namely, The sending of wild Beasts among them, I mean that of our Populace being frightened and worried with Chymaeras and with Chymeric Ideas of all Popish Princes being bound to have the Council of Lateran by heart, and to observe it semper & ad semper, and without the Latitude of Prudence which the very Definition of Moral Verue makes Essential to it (as I may say with allusion to Aristotle's sicut vir prudens eam definiret) and to lose themselves in catching of Tartars, and to have forgot the Saying of Solomon, That in the multitude of the People is the King's honour, and the want of people is the destruction of the Prince, and with the Idea of a Heterodox Prince swearing to maintain the Laws and yet breaking them, and with another Idea as horrid and monstrous, namely, that men might observe their Oaths acknowledging Allegiance to Kings and their Heirs and Successors, and yet exclude their Heirs and Successors from the Throne by a Law.

It was an Observation worthy of the Doctor of the Gentiles, and which he inculcated to the Corinthians, namely, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the fa∣shion of this World passeth away.

I have in this Discourse mentioned that in the year 1212, the Lateran Council brought in Transubstantiation as an Article of Faith, and de∣creed Princes were to be compelled to exterminate Hereticks: but the World hath been often Transubstantiated since that time, and its substance that the Apostle calls its fashion hath been ever in transitu: and the fashion of that Lateran Council is so far passed away that Protestant Writers are somewhat put to it to prove it to have been a General one.

There was a scurvy fashion long since in the World abroad, and that was the fashion of mens sowing a piece of red Cloth on their Garments, when the Monks had Preached them into Crusados, for the Exterminium haereticorum, and by Virtue of one of which Crusado's Bellarmine boasts that 100,000 of the Albingenses were slain; but that fashion hath been long left off in the World, and the World been since no more outraged by it than by the Fraternity of the Rosy Cross, nor so much as our English World hath been by some who have troubled it about the sign of the Cross.

Page  [unnumbered] It was a saying of the old Greek Philosophers, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and the Papal World is as to many of its Politicks quite another thing from what it was. Azorius in his Instit. Moral. observed in his time, That it falls out often that that which was not the common opinion a few years ago, now is.

Some of our timid Protestants who do not know the Papal, Luthe∣ran and Calvinian World, because they see it not in the Antique fashion they heard it was dressed in 30 or 40 or 50 years ago, seem to have been asleep since the Munster Treaty, and to have dreamed that such fashion would never alter, and are like Epeminides that the old Fables mention to have fetched a sleep of fifty years, and who found himself lost in the World at his wakening, wanting the sight of the old fashion to shew him where he was.

I have therefore a great Compassion for those Protestants who take the measures of their Religion and Politicks in a manner only out of the Revelation, and who think that almost all the Predictions of that Book were made only for England, and that England was made to be governed only by their fancies, and their fancies to be given up only to fears of all ill fashions of things and principles in the World being unalterable, tho there be scarce a Chapter in that Sacred Book but what refers to Changes and Revolutions, and to moving the unwieldy bulk of Empires by unex∣pected and irresistable Turns of Fate.

The old Fashion of the Popish Writers asserting the Right of the Bishop of Rome to take away Hereticks lives by virtue of that Branch of the Iudicial Law of the Iews, Deuteronomy 17th, hath been long extermi∣nated by them. The words of the Text are thus agreeable to the old Latin Translation, And he that out of Pride shall refuse to obey the Com∣mandment of that Priest which shall at that time Minister before the Lord thy God, that man shall by the Sentence of the Iudge be put to death: and the Calvinistick Fashion of founding the practice of Hereticidium on the Authority of the Iudicial Law is passed away. I have in this Discourse represented the Tenet of firing Heretical Cities, that is in the Canon Law founded on Deuteronomy the 13th, to be chargeable on our late Presby∣terians, and that justly on the account of their having declared the Iudi∣cial Law obligatory to us: and have shewed what Calvin's Principle and Practice was pursuant to that Law.

The Learned Klockius a Lutheran Lawyer in his large Volume de Aera∣rio l. 2. c. 86. n. 10. endeavours to acquit the Divines of his Religionary perswasion from the Tenet of Hereticide, and saith. Nostri vero Theologi ut capitali paenâ haereticos (contrà quam plerique Calvinianorum cum Pon∣tificiis censent) affici nolunt, ita nec bonorum confiscationem, meo judicio, concederent: and Pellerus in his Notes on Klockius refers to Thuanus about Servetus his Case, and saith of him, Igitur comprehensus, cum sententiam mutare nollet, re prius ex Iohannis Calvini consilio cum Bernatibus. Tigu∣rinis, Basileensibus & Schafusianis Ministris communicatâ, tandem ad mortem damnatus est. Ejus doctrinam posteà Calvinus (quòd ei ex illius invidia conflaretur) proposuit & publicato libro confutavit, quo in haereti∣cos etiam gladio à magistratu animadvertendum esse contendit. But Beza who was a Calvinist, and in the first Tome of his Works, p. 85. asserts the lawfulness of punishing Hereticks with death, cites not only Bullinger, who was a Calvinist, but Melanchton, who was a Lutheran, for the same opinion: and Zanchius Operum Tome 4. Lib. 1. in tertium praeceptum expresly owns that opinion.

Page  [unnumbered] The fashion of the Iudicial Law of the Iews in that point was cer∣tainly most proper for the Body of their Polity, as being thereunto adap∣ted by the great Legislator: but to say that all States and Polities are bound to observe it, because God prescribed it to the Iews, is as sense∣less, as to say that all men are bound to go cloathed in Beasts Skins, be∣cause God did Apparel Adam and Eve in that fashion.

I have in this Discourse thought it of some use to the publick to have mens understandings disabused, as to the obligatory power of the Iudi∣cial Law, because mens erring therein hath very much encreased the fer∣mentations in his Majesties Realms in several Conjunctures.

It is not unknown that Deuteronomy the 13th, and the 6th was urged to Queen Elizabeth, as an Argument for putting the Queen of Scots to death.

Our Kingdom hath likewise found by experience, That the Fifth Monar∣chy men, have not fired more Guns against us out of the Revelation, than the Scotch Presbyterians have out of the Iudicial Law.

An Excellent Discourse called▪ Fair warning to take heed of the Scotish Discipline, printed in the year 1649, and writ (I think) by Arch-Bi∣shop Bramhall, asserts in Chap. 6. That it robs the Magistrate of his dis∣pensative Power: and saith there, Our Disciplinarians have restrained it in all such Crimes as are made Capital by the Iudicial Law, as in the Case of Blood, Adultery, Blasphemy, in which Cases they say the Offender ought to suffer death as God hath commanded. And if the life be spared as it ought not to be to the Offenders, &c. And the Magistrate ought to prefer Gods strict Commandment before his own corrupt Iudgment, especially in punishing these Crimes which he commandeth to be punished with death. The Books of the Scotch Discipline are there particularly cited by the Author.

I have been expressly cautious in the following Discourse to exempt the Reformed Churches abroad, from the Odium of those Principles of the former Scotch and English Presbyterians that I have impugned as Disloyal and Seditious; and was a Concurrer with many loyal Persons after part of it was written in thinking that time had untaught those Principles to most of our present Non-Conformists: and notwithstanding the many Seditious and Libellous Pamphlets published by some of them against the Government both of Church and State, yet such was the continuance of the Candor of the Kings Ministers to them, as that some at the Tryal of a poor seditious Nominal Protestant at Oxford occasionally declared before that wretch, We know of no Presbyterian Plot.

But as a Popish Ambassador sent to Queen Elizabeth began his Audi∣ence Speech wherein he was to complain of the Turks having unprovo∣ked broke their League with his Master, Erupit tandem Ottomannorum Virus, it happened that about the time of the finishing of this Discourse, the poyson of some pretended Protestants former Seditious Principles broke out again in a horrid Conspiracy before mentioned, and which was con∣fessed by several of the Conspirators at their Executions, and another of whom owned the Doctrine of Resistance.

Our blessed Saviour cautioning the Christian World in the words of, Beware of false Prophets, saith, You shall know them by their Fruits.

And our famous Whitaker hath in his Controversies well resolved us that these Fruits whereby false Prophets are to be distinguished from true, are rather their Principles, Interpretations and Doctrines, than their Lives, it being generally observed that the Founders of Sects are exemplary for the austerity of their lives, and for coming in Sheeps clothing, as our Sa∣viours words are.

Page  [unnumbered] What the Principles of the Non-Conformists in King Iames his Reign were, I have shewn in this Discourse, with a Remark on the Political Con∣sideration, that after the aera of the Gun-powder Treason induced them to give a Scheme thereof voluntarily to the Government, and namely, that they might thereby avoid the receiving a Test from it: and no doubt it was obvious to them that while their Principles were hid and conceal∣ed from the State, the warding off of Faux his Dark Lanthorn would not have left the Government secure, till it had likewise got the Non-Confor∣mist dark Lanthorn from them, I mean by the publication of their Te∣nets.

Of their Principles shortly after 41, the Scotch Covenant was a sufficient Scheme. And tho the Tenets of Presbyterians and Independents relating to their Forms of Church Government are enought known as is likewise the degree of their Complicating Principles of Sedition with the same, between the years 1641 and 1660: yet from that last year to this present one, they have not by the publication of any Confession of Faith or Scheme of their Tenets; satisfied the Government that all their Principles are consistent with the Civil Polity thereof, and that they have renounced those former Tenets of theirs that once destroyed it, and particularly that intolerably seditious one, viz. That if the Magistrate will not reform the World, they may.

But because several of their Ecclesiasticks have not renounced the Irre∣ligionary part of their former Principles (and which were so destructive to the Sacred Persons of Princes and their State and Government, and of all Humane Society) the Vniversity of Oxford in their Convocation Iuly 21st, Anno 1683. did to their great honour pass their Iudgment and De∣cree against certain particular Books of Non-Conformists, and Iesuites and others, wherein those Tenets and Principles were owned: and the very shewing of those Tenets to the World by such learned and loyal hands, hath been (I believe) useful in making many of the Loyal Lay Non-Conformists withdraw from others of them they thought therewith infected; a thing that might well be supposed naturally to happen when those of them to whom the term of Sober Party was most due, observed that the publication of the Dissenters Sayings and of the Censure of their Tenets, had not occasioned their Leaders to publish other Dissenters Sayings, or Te∣nets that impugned Disloyalty and Sedition, and promoted obedience to Government, and what several Writers of the Church of Rome have been formerly observed to do upon the Worlds minding how much the Princi∣ples of the Iesuites had shook the Thrones of Kings, and as particularly Father Caron in his Remonstrantia Hybernorum hath done, and there citing 250 Popish Authors who deny the Pope's Power to depose Kings.

And no doubt but Dissenters late Omissions in this kind, and Commissions in another, will awaken the Magistracy to require from all Protestant Re∣cusants such an exact Inventory of their Tenets as hath not yet been given it: and the rather for that it is not by any Dissenters denied that the So∣vereign is so far Custos utriusque tabulae, as to be allowed to require all Religionary Parties to give him an account of their Principles, and to live according to the Rule of them.

Thus in the Dutch States the Magistrates of every place where any Sect of the Heterodox is tolerated, are religiously careful, first to inform themselves exactly of all their Tenets and Principles, and to see that they hold no opinion prejudicial to the Constitutions of their Government: Page  [unnumbered] and none doubts but that the entire Body of the Tenets or Principles of the Dissenters to the Gallican Church, is as conspicuous to that Church and State, and indeed to the World as can be desired, the present agree∣ment of which with the Measures of Loyalty I have shewn in this Dis∣course.

Who hath there read the Hugonots Sayings published with any stain to their Loyalty, or hath seen any of their Tenets branded for Sedition by an Vniversity or College in France? But our Protestant Recusants having had here the liberty by Act of Parliament to enjoy their peculiar ways of Re∣ligious Worship in their own Families, with the toleration of four others of the same perswasion to be present, before all their Principles and Te∣nets have been notified to the Government, is an instance of greater Indul∣gence shewn by the Government here to such Heterodox, than (I believe) can be parallel'd in any Country whatsoever.

All dangers are naturally multiplied in the dark: and it is a diminution of our dread of the very Iesuites Principles, that they are generally known: but if the Body of their Principles were as much unknown, as are those of Protestant Recusants, yet would the publick be more immediately concerned in having first an accurate account of those of the latter, as being more numerous.

It may be well thought a Bankrupt Church whose Principles are lati∣tant: and any mens begging from the Magistrate Indulgence to a Princi∣ple of Sedition, would be as shameful as the Insolence of a Beggar not only begging twenty Pound (as our Comaedian said) but begging a Leg or an Arm: and not like a mans asking me who stands in my way as I am travelling on the Road that I would not ride over him, but that he may mount into the Saddle whose Principles direct him to ride over me.

It was well observed by Lipsius in his Notes in Seneca, That Naturae quodam Instinctu ea maleficia coercent homines & puniunt quae societatem con∣vellunt.

But as to any Out-rages from any Religionaries which are either pre∣judicial to the Bodies of particular Persons, or even Convulsive of the Bo∣dies of States and Kingdoms (and to which the Actors might be incli∣ned by their particular heats, and not the general light of their avowed Principles) I account that Complaints against such will soon evaporate into Air or be buried in Earth, and with some allusion to the words of, Let the dead bury the dead, I may say, let Plots bury Plots, and Shams Shams, and let any Seditious Protestants and Seditious Papists on the Compensation of their Crimes forbear troubling others by calling one ano∣ther Criminals; and the Figure of the Body of their Parties can no more be altered by the unevenness and exorbitance of the actings of particular Persons, than is the rotundity of the Earth by the ruggedness of Rocks or protuberance of Mountains.

And that where one Papist goeth out of the World at the back door of Justice, for the Treason of Clipping and Coyning, twenty of the more numerous body of the Protestants do so, is not to be wondered at: but the id ipsum to be regarded in any reflections made on a Religion by occa∣sion of its Criminals, is its Principles: and if it could be proved that any Caetus of men were allowed by the Church of England to assert the lawful∣ness of that Treason, (as both Papists and Presbyterians have the lawful∣ness of the Doctrine of Resistance) that indeed would have the weight of a just Reflection on our CHVRCH.

Page  [unnumbered] Tho several dissolute and nominal Protestants may possibly have in∣vented and forged as many Shams and Calumnious Accusations against other Protestants and Papists, as if they had believed the Practice of Calumny to be lawful, yet hath any of them published in Print the Te∣net of the lawfulness of it; or its being a poor Peccadillo? Who know∣eth not that some particular Divines of the Church of England by the turbulence of their several dispositions, have enflamed differences and di∣visions in our Church and State? But who can charge them from doing this by Communication of Councils with their Superiors, and by instru∣ction from them? Were any of them charged by Proclamations for do∣ing any thing of that nature, as some Popish Recusants were by his Majesty's of Ian. 16. 1673. for chiefly occasioning the intestine divisions among us, and by his Majesty's Proclamation of December 2d, 1680. for fomenting of differences among his Loyal Protestant Subjects?

But yet this Fact tho thus by the Government charged on some ill men of that Religionary perswasion would not have moved me to re∣flect with the leat heat on the Order of Iesuites in this Discourse (by whom so many of our Roman Catholicks are conducted) but for their own Proclamations of their Principles in their Books, and particularly as to the point of Calumny, the only Engine by which Divisions could be wrought among Protestants; and but for their setting up that Doctrine heretofore, without leave from the Pope's Canon Law, and backing it with another to fright any Fools or Knaves from disparaging or even ca∣lumniating them, and for their making use and application of these Do∣ctrines since the Pope had damned them by a Proclamation, I mean his Edict of March 79: and but for Father Parsons having so scandalously exposed the narrowness of his Soul, and the poor Ideas he had of Hu∣mane Nature, and even of the Character of a Gentleman by saying what I have in p. 61. cited out of his Book of The Succession, viz. That many Iealousies, Accusations and Calumniations must needs ••ght on the Party that is of different Religion from the State and Prince under whom he lives.

As there is very little in this Discourse that reflects on any Principles of the Romanists that may be called Religionary, so neither have I troubled my self to attacque the Tenets of the Society of the Iesuites, and of other Casuists condemned by this Pope, that do not hominum societatem convel∣lere, and it may well be supposed that I having partly grounded my Conje∣ctures of the happy Future State of England on the former fashion of Pole∣mical Writing being passed away, could not be much tempted to Contro∣versy.

The Iesuites and Casuists may still hold the 23d Tenet branded in the Pope's ecree as long as they will, without any disturbance from my Pen, viz. Faith in its large sense only from the Evidence of the Creation, or some such Motive is sufficient for Iustification, and so likewise the 46th Tenet there, viz. frequent Confession and Communion even in those that live as Heathens is a Mark of Predestination, and many other Tenets there re∣lating to Religion, and which the Pope with so great a Pastoral Sollicitude hath damned as at least scandalous and pernicious in Practice, and hath prohibited to be defended by any under the pain of Excommunication, ipso facto.

But there are other Tenets by him in that Decree condemned, that I have in this Discourse dilated on as Convulsive of Humane Society, which the Pietas in patriam occasioned in me such transports of passion against, that I wished he had signalized with sharper words of Censure than those Page  [unnumbered] beforementioned, and that I thought the Excommunicatio Major with the Ceremony of lighted Torches too little for, and even an ordinary Anathe∣ma in their case to be a Complement or a kind of sham censuring them as abominable and not good, or somewhat like the Censure pro formâ shot off against the Munster Peace: and I supposed that if he had Sentenced them to be absolutely in themselves evil, he would have satisfied every one that he had put the World out of their Gun-shot by his putting it out of his power to dispense with them.

However finding that Decree of great moment to Christendom, and yet by the generality of Papists or Protestants to have been not much more regarded than are the Copies of the Dialogues between Pasquin and Marpho∣rio that come here, I have deliberately Surveyed it and done it what right I could. And by occasion hereof do here call to mind a Remark on the Papacy I met with in a Pamphlet of one of our Dissenters, viz. That if the Pope were a good man, he might do a great deal of good.

Tho for sometime after I had begun this Discourse, I was somewhat a Stranger to the great Character of the present Pope, (and so continued till reading the Preface of Dr. Burnet's very learned Book of the Regale, I sound he there Celebrated him in these words, viz. That he is a man of great probity, and that on his advancement to the Papacy, he conceived a very ill opinion of the whole Order of the Iesuites,) I since found cause from the Universal Concurrence of all Impartial men about the same, to have the firmer opinion of the quiet of England, and do expect from the influences of such a Pope on the Loyalty and Religion of the Roman Catholicks of England, some advance of its happiness.

Tho most men may have only little Ideas of the Deity as of somewhat above the Clouds, that as a great Cypher only surrounds the World, yet the wiser few who have particularly observed the watchful Eye of Provi∣dence over the Critical passages, and windings and turnings in their own lifes, cannot but be sensible that in the designation of persons at stated times to be at the Helm of the Church of Rome, (and who are necessa∣rily to have so great a share in the External, and a much greater in the In∣ternal Government of the World) the great Governor of it, and preser∣ver of men is no unconcerned Spectator.

It is (I think) most highly probable that at a time when the World being filled with the Jesuites Principles and Casuistick distinctions, Vertue it self was grown an empty Name, and the Casuists Project of finishing Transgression, and making an end of Sin in a subtle way and contrary to the plain Method intended by our Saviour, had in a great part of the World almost finished the most Vital part of Christian Religion, I mean plain and downright Morality, and at a time when some Virtuosi in Italy and elsewhere half-witted and half Atheists taking it for granted that in what hearts soever the Jesuites and Casuists Religionary Model had pre∣vailed, the simplicity of the Gospel was extinguished, were observed to talk of Albumazar's fond prediction of the Christian Religion lasting but about 1460 years, and Criticising of the time from whence its promul∣gation and likewise the promulgation of those Casuistical Tenets bore date, did prophanely insinuate their Miscreant-Conceptions of the Christian Religion not lasting till the time assigned in the Scripture for Christs surrendring his Mediatory Kingdom to his Father. I say it is most highly probable that at such a time (and when the Jesuites Interest too, had so much Prosperity as to tempt them to think that the Mountain of their Religion should never be moved) that nothing less than the great Page  [unnumbered] Vertue and Courage of this Pope appearing by his said Decree could secure Vertue it self and the true Christian Morality; and give the World occa∣sion to say with some Alteration of the Question put to Esther, viz. Who knoweth not that he is come to Rome's See for such a time as this is?

The Mountainous heap of Rubbish in the Iesuites and other Casuists Prin∣ciples (and even in the Canon Law) appears very stupendious to the World, but considering the Christian Heroical Acts of this Pope (and who for his severity against the abuses of Indulgences, hath been by some Papists called the Lutheran Pope (as I said) and for his anger against the Jesuites Prin∣ciples been called the Iansenist Pope by others) I think another great Que∣stion in the Prophet Zechary may be here not improperly applied, viz. Who art thou O great Mountain before Zerubbabel?

Little did the Iesuites think that when they Crowned the Papacy with a double Crown, I mean of its infallibility in Law and likewise in Fact (a Crown much more glorious than its Triple one) any Pope would ever uncrown their Principles and expose their baldness to the World: and lit∣tle do they who fear that ever this Pope will occasionally dispense with any mens practising these Principles, think of the security they have against the same from his inflexible Virtue and perfect Antipathy to injustice, and which are judged to be so inherent in his Nature that I shall here occasi∣onally say that as I was somewhat a Stranger formerly to the Character of this Pope, so I believe some of the Plot-witnesses were that reflected on him so ignominiously: for undoubtedly had it been understood by them, they would never have thought their Credibility could have out-lived their first attacquing it.

It may possibly be here objected by some Critical Inspectors into the late Papal Transactions that Alexander the 7th (as this Pope observes in the beginning of his said Decree) did first damn some of the Ie∣suites Principles, viz. in the year 1665, and that Guymenius shortly after in that year appearing in Print as a Champion for the Principles so damned, the College of Sorbon shortly after that damned the Work of Guymenius in the 11th of May the same year; and that in the latter end of Iune so short∣ly following in the same year, the same Pope Alexander the 7th, damned that very Sorbon Censure of Guymenius; and that therefore 'tis possible the great Scene of Vertue appearing in this Popes said Decree may with a short turn of Apostolical Power receive too the Fate of Pageantry and presently disappear, and that the great Mountain which his Faith hath removed into the midst of the Sea, may in little more than the twinkling of an Eye return to its old place.

But in Answer to which I shall do that right to the Papacy to clear the mistake in the objection, and inform the Reader that tho Alexander the 7th did Ex Cathedra, damn that Sorbon-Censure as aforesaid, yet it appears out of the Condemnatory Bull it self, that what that Pope there did was not out of favour to Guymenius or the Iesuites themselves or their Tenets: and that to satisfie the World in that point he there gives the reason for his damning the Sorbonists Censure, namely, because it intermedled in Censuring some other Propositions or Principles of the Jesuites that con∣cerned the Authority of the Pope, the Iurisdiction of Bishops, the Office of the Parish Priests, and the Privileges granted by Popes; and but for the Sorbons complicating which with their Censure of the other Scandalous Principles of the Iesuites, no doubt but the Sorbon Censure had stood as a Rock unshaken.

Page  [unnumbered] Let therefore such who fear every thing, fear that this great Pope will after his said Condemnatory Decree appear, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Self-Con∣demned, while I observe it for the honour of his Iustice that he made that Decree, and for the honour of his Prudence that before Nature had caused the detestable Principles therein censured silently to evapo∣rate, he gave the World this loud warming of them, as it likewise may be for the honour of that great Seminary of the Divines of our Church of England, our University of Oxford observed, that before the Seditious Principles and Tenets of Iesuites and some Dissenters came to be natural∣ly exterminated out of the English World by fear and shame, they notifi∣ed them to this Age, and to Posterity.

There is no Subject that hath since the year 1641, more employed the English Press than that of Liberty of Conscience pro and con: and the fiercest and sharpest of the Writings concerning it, were what passed be∣tween the Independents and Presbyterians on the occasion of Presbytery's great Effort, to make the English Nation by one short general turn Pro∣selyted to its Model, and when it pushed for the auspicious fate of former great Religionary Conversions happening as it were simul and semel, and when Nations seemed to be like the Hyena, which having but one Back∣bone cannot turn except it turn all at once.

But the Independents observing the Kingdom and Presbytery frowning on one another, thought they could do nothing more popular than to take the Arguments they found in the many Pamphlets of the Presbyte∣rians lying on every Stall for toleration under the old Hierarchy, and turn them upon Presbytery, and every one then who had fears and jealou∣sies of the Arbitrariness of Presbytery, seem'd to be a well wisher to those Books for Liberty of Conscience; and the destroying of the Credit of Presbytery by Books that had so much contentious fire in them, was real∣ly an acceptable sweet-smelling Sacrifice to the Nation.

And after the King's Restoration tho some few Books were writ of that Subject (and with much more Candour than the others) yet the Yoke of the King's Ecclesiastical Laws was so easie to the People, as that the Writing of Books against it was not encouraged by Popular Applause.

The King's Declaration of Indulgence afterward appearing (and as not gained by dint of Pen but ex mero motu) was applauded by some few particular Writers among the Popish and Protestant Recusants discour∣sing in Print at their ease, of Liberty of Conscience.

But as if Nature meant that Books of that Subject should no more here divert the curious World, the Empire toleration had thereby gained, did pre∣sently labour under its own weight, and the Non-Conformists being jealous of that Declaration proving a President of the Prerogatives suspending Acts of Parliament in general, and suspecting that the Popish Recusants would have the better of that Game, as supposed to have many great Court-Cards here and abroad in the World and likely to have more, while the Protestant Recusants had not so good in their hands (tho yet they had here what amounted to the point in Picquet, I mean the ad∣vantage of their Numbers) did presently thereupon cause all the Cards to be thrown up: but first had in Concert with the dealers provided for the packing them to their own advantage in a new Deal.

In plain English, some Loyal Persons and firm Adherents to the Church of England in the House of Commons, thinking that Declaration illegal, (and whether justly or no, I here presume not in the least to question) endeavoured tanquam pro aris & focis to get that Declaration Cancell'd, Page  [unnumbered] and knowing they could not effect the same without the help of the Dis∣senters Party in Parliament engaged their help therein, by giving them hopes to carry an Act of Parliament for their Indulgence: but what a little fore-sight would have made appear to them impossible to be gained, for many Considerations too obvious to be named.

And the natural result of this Fact (which is on all hands confessedly true) cannot but be the making of the former fashion of Polemical writing for liberty of Conscience to pass away.

We have since seen some few Florid Sheets published by some of the Dissenting Clergy on that Subject, but they have made no other Figure then that of the poor Resemblances of Flowers extracted by Chimical Art out of their Ashes: and any little shaking them in the Glass of Time must make them presently fall in pieces.

I have in this Discourse expressly owned my having no regret against any due or Legal Relaxation of the Penal Laws against Recusants: but what any due or legal way may be therein, I enquire not.

The power of the King in dispensing with the Penalties in case of par∣ticular Persons was not (that I hear of) in the least Controverted in the Debates of the Commons about that Declaration. And Fuller in his Church History relateth, that when Bishop Williams was Lord-Keeper, there was a Toleration granted under the Great Seal to Mr. Iohn Cotton a Famous Inde∣pendent Divine, for the free exercise of his Ministry notwithstanding his dissenting in Ceremonies, so long as done without disturbance to the Church: and the lawfulness of which particular Indulgence (I suppose) none in that Age controverted, as I think none would any thing of that kind in this.

But if this Question of Toleration had not here been at the end of its Race, and if no such thing had happened as the Declaration of Indulgence, and Dissenters thereby manumitted from Penal Laws saying, Soul take thy ease, and presently Acting the Part of felo de se, by effecting the Cancel∣ling of that Declaration, and if the Controversy were now to begin to start forward, I account it would cause but a very short fermentation among us.

For no Books need be writ to prove the lawfulness of what an Act of Parliament hath permitted to every private Family, and to a cer∣tain number of other persons to participate therein with them. And if Dissentership would now call for more Toleration, its very being called on to name its Tenets in order o the security of the Government in grant∣ing it to more persons to assemble together in enjoying it, its very naming them would (I believe) soon perimere litem in the Case: and some of its Tenets would perhaps appear too little, and others too great to require the formality of Debate.

It is even ridiculous to suppose that any Iesuites and Dissenters would now dare to demand Toleration for the Principles of the Crown-Divinity of each, mentioned in the Oxford Censure. None of them would now dare to be Confessors of Religionary Principles that would make Kings Mar∣tyrs.

And as I think that the Pope needed not crave Aid from his Vatican, nor the Oxford-Convocation from their Bodleian Library to confute mon∣strous Tenets Condemned by either (for in this Case according to the words of Tertullian advers. Valent. Demonstrare solummodo, destruere est) so I likewise think that both Popish and Protestant Recusants will be asha∣med to crave Aid of Toleration from the Magistracy for Principles they Page  [unnumbered] are ashamed to own, or indeed for any but what they shall first own, and the rather when our Protestants shall recollect with what vigorous Expe∣dition the great Owners of that Name in Germany, published their Reli∣gionary Confessions, as Alsted tells us in his Chronlogia testium veritatis, where he makes mention of the Augustan Confession, tendred to Charles the 5th, and the States of the Empire in the year 1530, and of the Confessio Suevica in the same year, and of the Confessio Basileensis in the next year, and of the Confessio Helvetica in the year 1556, and of all the other great Protestant Confessions exhibited severally to the World before the year 1573.

Such of our Dissenters therefore who have to this year 1684, made it their business to be Anti-Confessors by hiding many of the particularities of their Principles, and giving the World cause perhaps to say, Difficilius est invenre quàm vincere, and who yet assume the name of Protestan∣cy, will perhaps hardly think it possible for them to gain Toleration for their further being called by that Name, without shewing the Title of their Principles to it.

As on the account of what I have said it would be a Persecution to the World, for the most ingenious men to trouble it with Discourses of the lawfulness of Toleration, so it would too be to trouble it with Discourses of the unlawfulness of denying Toleration to men who either deny their Prin∣ciples, or deny to give an account of them: a duty that can plead as clear a jus Divinum for it self as any Form of Church Government, and by Vertue of which Christians are to be ready always to give an answer to eve∣ry man that asks them a reason of the hope that is in them, with meekness and reverence.

There are some Principles to which it is by all agreed, that 'tis unlaw∣ful to give Toleration, namely, to those that disturb Civil Society; nor would it appear otherwise than ridiculous to the hoodwink't sober Party of any Sect, that when the Magistrates reprove them in those words of our Saviour, yee worship yee know not what, the Magistrates by tolera∣ting them at that time should give cause to others to tell them, yee tole∣rate yee know not what.

I have observed it in the Course of my reading, that there is one great point of Religion on which the hinge of Loyalty doth very much turn, that several Eminent Papists and Non-Conformists, have not dared to speak their plain agreed sense of, and as to which it may therefore seem very rational that they should, and that is, How far the Civil Laws of Princes or the Municipal Laws do bind the Conscience, a Point that the Council of Trent could not be brought to Define; and herein 'tis obvious to consider that tho 'tis on all hands granted that in any thing contrary to the Divine Law natural and positive, those Laws do not bind the Conscience, and that the jus Divinum of the Papacy, Presbytery, or Independency would not be caught with a why not, on the holding the Question in the Affirma∣tive, that Humane Laws do bind the Conscience in things not contrary to the Law Divine, yet are the Adherents to those Religionary Models con∣scious to themselves, that in many particulars necessary to bring them in∣to practice, there must be a Sanction of thm by Penal Municipal Laws, and they hoping to have the Magistracy and its Power on their side, and to Act in Concert with them according to that Saying of the Emperor to his Bishop, Iungamus gladios, and knowing that the Authority of the Magistrate to support both Religion and Loyalty, and for the Custody of 〈◊〉Tables, hath as clear a jus Divinum as their Plat-forms can have, Page  [unnumbered] and that therefore the Civil Power 〈◊〉 not let its jure-Divinity be taken too by any with a why not (as it would be if the Question were held who∣ly in the Negative) they have in their Writings been generaly obscure and short in that point, and have hoped by their power and interest to keep the World from calling on them to explain.

But I have in my occasional Converse with some of the most learned of the Non-Conforming Clergy observed them in Discourse to speak out their minds plainly and Categorically enough that Humane Laws do not bind the Conscience, and to account it an absurd thing to make any Penal Law bind the Conscience even in matters purely Civil, and wherein there is no pretence of any things enjoyned concerning the Worship of God, and yet where the things under Penalties enjoyned are of great impor∣tance to the State.

The men of somewhat hot rather then distinguishing heads, tho they know that Humane Laws are necessarily Penal, and tho they believe that Oeconomics do best subsist by their Wives and Children and Servants, be∣ing bound to observe those their lawful Commands by the Tye of Reli∣gion that they intended should be effectually obeyed, have not consider∣ed that Politicks would likewise thereby be best preserved, nor learned to distinguish the Penal Laws where the Magistrate intended to oblige the Subject in point of Fault, and where only in point of the Penalty: but our clear-headed and loyal hearted Sanderson who may well come under the account of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as to those Opiners, hath for the honour of the Church of England's Principles in his 8th Lecture (and there de lege pae∣nali) well taught us in what Cases Penal Laws oblige in Conscience; and shewed that they may so bind where the Legislator did intend to oblige the Subject Ad culpam etiam & non solum ad paenam: and in that Case saith he, Certum est eos teneri ad observandum id quod lege praecipitur, nec satisfacere officio si parati sint poenam lege constitutam subire, and where he further saith, That the mind and intention of the Legislator is chiefly seen in the Proeme of his Law, in quo (saith he there) ut acceptior sit populo lex, solet Legislator Consilii sui de eà lege ferendâ causas, & ratio∣nes expoee quàm sit lex iusta, quam fuerit tollendis incommodis & abusibus necessaria, quàm futura sit Reip. utilis.

There is a particular Principle of moment worthy of the Magistrates Survey, that relates to the Gathered Churches, and that is a Principle made a necessary ingredient in the Constitution of of those Churches by a Divine of the same Authority among them, as Bishop Sa••erson is in the Church of England, and whom I occasionally beforementioned, and that is▪ Mr. Iohn Cotton B. D. who in a Pamphlet of his printed at London in the year 1642 Enttuled. The true Constitution of a particular visible Church proved by Scripture, wherein is briefly demonstrated by Questions and Answers, what Officers, Worship and Government Christ hath ordained in his Church (and in the Title-page whereof is this place of Scripture, viz. Jer. 50. 5. They shall ask the way to Sion with their faces thitherward, saying▪ Come let us joyn our selves to the Lord in a perpetual COVENANT that shall not be forgotten) in p. 1st, makes his first Question, what is a Church? And the Answer is, The Church is a mystical Body whereof Christ is the head; the Members and Saints called out of the World and united toge∣ther in one Congregation by an holy COVENANT, to Worship the Lord and to Edifie one another in all his holy Ordinances.

And in another Book of his printed at London in the year 1645 called, The way of the Churches of Christ in New England, his third Proposition is Page  [unnumbered] this, viz. For the joyning of faithful Christians into the Fellowship and Estate of a Church, we find not in Scripture that God hath done it any other way than by entring of them all together (as one man) into an holy COVENANT with himself to take the Lord (as the head of the Church) for their God and to give up themselves to him to be his Church and People: which implies their submitting of themselves to him, and one to another in his fear, and their walking in professed subjection to all his Ordinances, their cleaving one to ano∣ther as fellow Members of the same Body in Brotherly Love and Holy Watch∣fulness unto Mutual Edification.

He there partly props up the Obligation of this Church Covenant on the Iewish Oeconomy mentioned in the Book of Deuteronomy and other places of the Old Testament.

The reasonableness of Subjects not entring into Religionary Covenants without the Consent of the Pater patriae, may be inferred from the old Testament, where in Numbers c. 30 the Parent hath a power given for the controuling of the Childrens Vows not enter'd into by his consent; but since these Principles of a new Church Covenant may seem to intro∣duce a new Ecclesiastical Law without the King's privity and consent (a thing that if our very Convocation should presume to do, would bring them within a Praemunire,) and since the whole power of reforming and ordering of all matters Ecclesiastical is by the Laws in express words an∣nexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm (and particularly by the 1st of Elizabeth) and since that it hath been said, that even without an Act of Parliament, a new Oath or Covenant cannot be introduced among the King's Subjects, and moreover since all the famous Religionary Confessi∣ons of the Protestant Churches abroad, assert nothing of any such Church Covenant, and since Covenants and Associations have lately heard so ill in the Kingdom, I think the nature and terms of this Independent Covenant ought to be laid as plain before the Eye of the Government as was the Scotch Presbyterian one.

Those words of Mr. Cotton of the entring them all together as one man into an holy Covenant, carry some thing like the same sound of one and all, and tho their thus entring into it to take the Lord as the head of his Church for their God, and to give up themselves to him to be his Church and People, may be a plausible beginning of this new Church Covenant in nomine Do∣mini, yet the following words, of submitting themselves to him and to one another in his fear, and their cleaving one to another as fellow Members of the same Body in Brotherly Love and Holy Watchfulness, are words that (I think) the Magistracy ought to watch, and to see that Dissenters have a very sound form of words prescribed to them in this Case, if it shall think fit to have the same continued.

I have found the Assertion of a Church Covenant as Essential to the Form of a true Independent Church in many other of their Books, and do suppose that this Covenant being laid as Corner-stone in the building of their Churches by Divine Right, it must last as long as Independency it self: and of its lasting still, I met with an Indication from a Loyal and Learned Official of the Court-Christian, who told me that tho several of the Dissenters called Presbyterians have been easily perswaded to repair to the Divines of the Church of England that they were admonished to confer with, and had upon Conference with them come to Church and took the Sacrament, yet he thought that some of another Class of Dissenters were possessed with a Spirit of incurable Contumacy, by reason of their Princi∣ples having tied them together to one another by a Covenant.

Page  [unnumbered] And if it shall therefore appear to the Magistrates that they are thus Conference-proof and (as I may say) Reason-proof by vertue of their Co∣venant, it will then be found that no one Mmber of a gathered Church can turn to ours, without the whole Hyena-like turning, and perhaps some of the Lords the Bishops may think it hereupon proper humbly to advise his Majesty to null by a Declaration the Obligation of this Cove∣nant as his Royal Father did that of the Presbyterian Covenant.

In the mean time the Consideration of the Principles of Independecy thus seeming to have cramp'd the Consciences of its followers with a Cove∣nant (that is at least unnecessary, and must naturally be a troublesom impo∣sition to men of thought and generous Education who love to perform Moral Offices without entring into Covenant or giving Bond so to do) may serve to let men see how the Pastorage of the Church of England treats them like Gentlemen, and may serve to awaken their Compassion for their deluded Country-men whom they see frghtened by their Teach∣ers into a fancy of the unlawfulness of a Ceremony, and yet embolden'd by them into the belief and practice of a Covenant without the King's Consent, and from which Persons we should perhaps quickly receive Alarms of Persecution, if the Government should impose any Covenant or Test on them in order to Loyalty, tho never so necessary for the pub∣lick Peace.

But the World is aweary of the umbrage Sedition hath found among denominations of Churches, and of judging of Trees by their Shadows, or otherwise than by their Fruit, that is by their Principles: and for the hap∣piness of the present State of England, after we have by many Religion-Traders been troubled with almost as many Marks of true and false Churches as there are of Merchants Goods, Nature seems to have direct∣ed the People to agree in this indeleble Character and Mark of a false Church, namely, one whose Principles are Disloyal.

The Genius of England is so bent upon Loyalty in this Conjuncture, that a disloyal Principle doth jar in the Ears of ordinary thinking men like a false string in the Ears of a Critical Lutenist, and the which he knows that Art or Nature can never tune: and upon any Churches va∣luing themselves on the intrinsic worth or the weight of their Princi∣ples as most opposite to Falshood, men generally now take into their hands the Touch-stone and the Scales of Loyalty, and do presently suspect any Church that refuseth to bring its Principles to be touch'd and weigh'd, and they will not now allow the Reputation of a visible Church to any body of Men, whose Principles relating to Loyalty, shall not first be made visible.

Nor can it be otherwise thought by the impartial, than that Mens Consciousness of somewhat of the Turpitude of some of their Principles, restrains them from bringing them to appear in publick View, and accor∣ding as Cicero in his de fin. bon. & mal. answers Epicurus (who said that he would not publish his Opinion lest the people might perhaps take of∣fence at it,) viz. Aut tu eadem ista dic in judicio, aut si coronam times, dic in senatu. Nunquam facies. Cur; nisi quod turpis est Oratio.

I who thus urge the Reasonableness and Necessity of mens being Con∣fessors of their Principles of Loyalty, have frankly exposed one of mine own in p. 131. and which I say there that I account the great fundamental one for the quiet of the World as well as of a Man's own Conscience, viz. That no man is warranted by any Intention of advancing Religion, to invade the right of the Sovereign Power that is inherent in Princes by the munici∣pal Page  [unnumbered] Laws of their Countreys: and I have mention'd the same in p. 136. as owned by the Non-conforming Divines in King Iames his time.

Tho I believe as firmly as any man, that the Christian Religion doth plainly forbid the Resistance of Authority, and that his Majesties Royal Power is immediately from God and no way depends on any previous E∣lection or Approbation of the people, yet since the Sons of the Church of England are sufficiently taught both that Doctrine, and likewise that human Laws in the point of their Allegiance do bind the Conscience, and since other men who err in Principles of Loyalty may sooner be brought to see the Absurdity of their Error by the known Laws of the Land, than by Argumentations from Scripture which may admit of Controversy, and since his Majesty hath been pleased to expect the Measures of our O∣bedience from the Laws, and that our English Clergy while in the late Conjuncture they have so universally preach'd up Loyalty, have so religi∣ously accorded with the Measures of the Laws, and have therein (as I may say) shewed themselves Apostolical Pastours, and since the persons whose Complaints of the danger of Popery are most loud, do joyn therewith their Exclamations against Arbitrary or Illegal Power, and seem to joyn Issue in the point that they are willing that the Power that is by Law inherent in the Crown should be preserved to it, I thought it most useful in the present Conjuncture to assert the Principle in these Terms I have done: and I the rather chose to do it, because I thought that the security of the Crown is by some Laws well provided for, whose Obligation admits of no Doubt, I mean, those whereby Men have been obliged to take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy.

But moreover as I consider'd it to be one great valuable Right inherent by Law in our Princes to secure the Continuance of the Succession in their Line, so I likewise judged the legal Right of Princes to Succeed according to Proximity of Blood, to be unalterable, and therefore having my eye on the prevention of further Scandal to Protestancy from the Exclusion, I introduced that Principle so worded as aforesaid, that by dilating there∣on as I have done, I might bring the Reader the better prepared to my Ca∣suistical Discussion of the Oaths.

The Reader will find at the end of this Discourse the Casuistical Discus∣sion of the Obligation to the King's Heirs and Successors resulting from the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, by me promised in p. 214, and the occasion of my writing which is likewise there mentioned.

It was wholly writ in the time that the Question of the Succession made the greatest noise among us and was then by me Communicated to seve∣ral of my Friends in Terms as herewith printed without any thing since added or diminished, and both it and the Discourse (which contains so many things naturally Previous to the Consideration of that Question) would have been long since published▪ but partly for the various Accidents of Business and Sickness that necessarily interrupted me in the Writing of the latter.

And tho perhaps the Publication of the former in the time of the Ses∣sions of our late Parliaments, might have been more significant, than af∣ter the Volly of Loyal Addresses shot of manifesting the general just zeal against the Exclusion (of which Addresses I yet observed none to mention any thing of the Obligations to Allegiance to the King's Heirs and Successors from the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy) it may be said that the subsequent Births of Fate have not restrained the possibility of its usefulness in future times: and tho Heaven may be Page  [unnumbered] propitious to our Land in the blessing it according to the Loyal Style of the Addresses, namely, in his Majesties Line continuing on the English Throne as long as the Sun and Moon endure, yet many and many may be the Conjunctures when a supposed Heterodox Prince shining like the Sun in the Firmament of the English State, and regularly moving in the Line of the Law and his own Religion, may attract the dull Vapours of Fears and Jealousies again, as another glorious Prince hath done, and the exhala∣tions of which may cast such Mists before Mens understanding Faculties as to hinder them from seeing their way in the observance of the Oaths they took: and therefore as a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or premuniment (as I call'd it) against our being future Enemies to our selves, and against poor little Mortals (as it were) standing for the Office of Conservators of Gods glory, while they are losing their own Souls by Perjury, and against some Loyal Timid People troubling themselves with falling Skies and fears of Gods not upholding his Church (just as Galen tells us of a Melancholy Man who by often reading it in the Poets how Atlas supported Heaven with his Shoulders, was often in a Panic fear least Atlas should faint and let Heaven fall on mens heads) instead of taking pains to uphold and maintain their Oaths which they swore to God in Truth and Righteous∣ness, it may perhaps be always of importance to our English World to have right Notions of the Obligation of those Oaths left behind in it.

When I have read many of the late Pamphlets against the Succession (the Venom of which was stolen out of Doleman's alias Parson's Book) and have often considered that the Government in King Iames's time▪ might well be apprehensive of the mischief that Book might do with its Poyson, and perhaps with its Sting in following Ages, I have then won∣dered why none was employed to Answer it throughly, a thing that I do not find was ever done, unless it may be said that an Answer to the 1st part of it was in the year 1603 published by Sir Iohn Haward, and that its 2d part hath been confuted by some Loyal and Learned Persons since the late Conjuncture of our Fermentation, and in which time that Book of Parsons was Reprinted.

I am sorry that that Book and some others of Father Parsons were in some part of King Iames's time Answered as they were by the real Cha∣racters of severity that then fell on some innocent Papists, and who (I believe) were Abhorrers of the Sedition his Books contained, and on whom Dr. Donne's Pseudo-Martyr, printed in the year 1610, reflects in The Advertisement to the Reader saying. That his continual Libels and in∣citatory Books have occasioned more afflictions, and drawn more of that Blood which they call Catholick, than all our Acts of Parliament have done.

And with a just respect to the Learning in Sir Iohn Haward's Answer to the first part of that Book, and by him Dedicated to King Iames, it may yet be wished that with less Pomp of Words and greater closeness of Argument referring to the Principles of internal Justice and natural Allegiance and the lex terrae, he had shewn the perfect unlawfulness of de∣feating the Title of Proximity of Blood in the Case, and instead of so much impugning the Book by References to the Civil Law, and old Greek and Latin Authors making for Monarchy in general, or even by the places cited out of the old Testament favouring primogeniture: and indeed I do not find among all our late Writers for the Succession, that so much as one of them by so much as once quoting this Book of Sir Iohn Haward (tho so common) hath thence brought any Aid to their Noble Cause.

Page  [unnumbered] But however the Oath of Allegiance▪ having been enjoyned since the writing of Sir Iohn Haward's Book hath given an ordinary Writer the ad∣vantage of bringing the Cause of the unlawfulness of disturbing the Course of Succession to a quicker hearing and speedier issue in the Court of Con∣science, which is the point I have endeavoured to carry after the end of this Discourse, leaving it to Candid Men to judge of the sincerity of my performance therein, and of my fair stating of the Question and the de∣ducing genuine Propositions from it so stated, and which shall yet be re∣viewed by me when I come to Review this Discourse.

The truth is when I began it, I observed the generality of Men who writ against the Exclusion-Bill with a great deal of good Law, History and State-policy, did shew both their Learning and their Loyalty, and did very usefully set forth the dreadful Confusions it would introduce and perpetuate in the State: and the Illegality and indeed Nullity of any Ex∣clusion (tho by Act of Parliament) was by them likewise usefully shewn: but yet I think it would have been some scandal to the present Age if it had passed away without transmitting to the next some instances of Pro∣testants who had leisure to write, writing of the unlawfulness of such a Bill with relation to our Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy; and I was sorry to find that when the late Loyal and Learned Bishop of Winchester had afterward appear'd as the first Dvine who in Print asserted, That the Ex∣clusion of the Right Heir was contrary to the Law of God both Natural and Posi∣tive, and that such Exclusion was against the Law of the Land also, his judgment in his Book called the Bishop of Winchester's Vindication given so Learnedly in the point, seemed to so many of our new pretenders to Loyalty and to Conformity to the Church of England, to be a kind of a Novelty.

But yet I observed that that Learned Prelate thought not fit there to strengthen his Assertion of the unlawfulness of such Exclusion, by the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy.

Nor did I observe that among all the Loyal Writers for the Succession, I had met with from first to last, any one had surveyed the Question of the unlawfulness of the Exclusion resulting from our Obligation by the Oaths of Allgiance and Supremacy, (tho yet some few of them hinted the thing in general and were still answered with the haeres viventis) till at last ano∣ther Divine, namely, Dr. Hicks, Vicar of All hallows Barking and Dean of Worcester, honoured both himself and the Question by taking notice of it in his Iovian, and in the Preface to a Sermon of his printed in the year 1684, and Entituled, The harmony of Divinity and Law in a Discourse about not resisting Sovereign Princes: and he in the 3d p. of that Preface observes, That some men did pervert the meaning of the word Heirs in the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, from its common and usual acceptation to another more special, on purpose to elude the force and obligation of them, which otherwise they must have had upon the Consciences of the Excluders themselves.

The Doctor had made himself Master of Law enough to Master the true notion of the point, and did in his Preface exorcise the Fantom of hae∣res viventis, a Noon-day Spright raised by one who was thought a great Con∣jurer, and which had before haunted the Question, and had affrighted so many from lodging their thoughts in it.

And tho no other of our Divines (that I have heard of) writ of the same, nor any of the Layety otherwise than starting the Notion of it in Print, yet considering the great weight of his Learning and Reason with which in his Iovian and that Preface he directed so many in the ObligationPage  [unnumbered] of their great Oaths, I will so far prefer his Labours to all that writ be∣fore of the Succession, as to say of him in those words of the Apostle, He hath laboured more abundantly than they all.

That which I have writ thereof was finished some years before what the Doctor published about the same, as several of my friends know, to whom I gave Copies of the same, and with an injunction of printing it, in Case of my death: and I have since added nothing to what I writ, nor shall till I proceed to the Review of the Discourse: but had otherwise for the honour of my judgment, therein concurring with so learned a mans, respectfully cited somewhat thereof in my Discussion.

No doubt but there were many loyal and judicious and learned men that in the late Conjuncture had the same sense with the Doctor, con∣cerning the Obligation of those Oaths, tho they had not time to publish the same by the Press; and I have in p. 269 referred to what a very learned and honourable Person urged from the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, in his Speech against the Exclusion-Bill in the House of Com∣mons, and to which I have mentioned somewhat of a reply there made by Sir W. I. in that House, and of the prodigious Applause that Reply found from many Persons there.

But in that Speech of Sir W. I. there was another thing said, and which being spread about the Kingdom, had the effect of Thunder from an Ora∣cle, and kept thousands from daring so much as to deliberate of the Ob∣ligations resulting from the Oath of Allegiance, to oppose the Exclusion. His words I refer to for this, were to this purpose, viz. It is urged also that we are sworn to the King his Heirs and lawful Successors. It is true we are so: but not obliged to any during the Kings life but to himself. For it were Treason if it were otherwise.

It was in vain at that time for any Discourser to hope by fair and gentle Principles of Reason to open the Wards in the Locks of Mens Consci∣ences, and to let in there a true Sense of the Allegiance sworn to the Kings Heirs and Successors, when so great a Pick-lock of the Law had made it Treason.

Yet never was I mortified with a greater Example of Humane Frailty than by the Sense of so great a number of knowing Persons in that Loyal Parliament being so suddenly infected with the Error of that Insinuation, from a single Demagogue who had never been bred up to Logic, which yet caught the understandings of the Majority of the Representatives of the Commons of England, in the Trap of a little Sophism; and when an ordina∣ry Lease drawn by a Lawyer's Clerk might shew one that the Lessee at the time of the perfecting it, actually enters into a present Obligation both in Law, Equity and Conscience to pay his Rent to the Lessor his Heirs and Assigns as it shall become due to each respectively, and which when the Lessor dies or assigns his interest, is to be paid to the Heir and Assign then and not till then.

But as Tully who had as great a Veneration for the Constitution of the Roman Government, as I have for that of our English one, said in his Ora∣tion pro L. Murena, that Nihil est fallacius Ratione totâ Comitiorum, the same thing may happen to our great Loyal Body of Men assembled while under a ferment of Passion; and then every mans anger influencing another, Fallacy it self may pass for Reason: and as we see when many Workmen are at once altogether crying, and pulling a great piece of Tim∣ber forward to them with a Rope, if that doth not hold but break, they all fall backwards together, so when any Caetus or Body of Men are Page  [unnumbered] drawing with all their strength to bring any matter of weight in the Go∣vernment to them, if the Principle of Reason they use for that purpose will not hold, but proves a poor weak Sophism, they naturally fall down together.

I have in this Discourse usually mentioned those Parliaments with the prefixt name of Loyal, wherein I yet thought so many Persons were so dreadfully mistaken in so great a point, and for which Charity (if extra∣vagant) no Iesuited Papists can blame me, knowing how great an Ex∣clusioner of old their infallible head hath been: but which I was the ra∣ther inclined to do (as any one may guess by the Current of the Discourse) because I knew not but his Majesty's calling a New Parliament at such time as he should think convenient for the same, might give many of the mistaken Persons such an advantage of recollected thoughts as would shew them the Errors of their former measures, and render them afterwards averse from putting at once both their own Consciences, and the very words of the Oath of Allegiance on the Rack, and from such a squeezing of Blood out of that, contrary to the Grammatical Sense that might occasion the flowing of blood through the Kingdom in after times: and the sharpest expression I was naturally led to use where∣upon, fell from me without any Reproach of the Persons erring when I said in p. 209, viz. Thus just is it for Heaven sometimes to blind and con∣found good men in their Counsels, when they abandon plain Principles and Dictates of Reason, and when they will not do what they know, to suffer them not to know what they do, &c.

I have somewhere read of one who writing of the Constitution of and Rule for the Franciscans, saith, That for the firmer observance of that Rule Christ himself was heard in the Air, saying to St. Francis, This Rule is mine and not thine, and I will have it observed, Ad literam, ad li∣teram, sine glossâ, sine glossâ: and let any men be attentive to the voice behind them, viz. That of Conscience about the Rule of the observing of their Oaths, they will hear God there speaking much to the same pur∣pose.

Nor have I heard of the understandings of men of great Abilities made Spectacles of shame to the World through the Divine Dereliction in any particular point, more than in that relating to their natural Alle∣giance and their Oath to confirm it.

Let any one consider somewhat in the Speech of Sir H. V. printed in the year 1662, As what he intended to speak on the Scaffold, where having mentioned by what steps he became satisfied with the Parliaments Cause he was engaged in, and did pursue the same, and that the Parliaments Cause did first shew it self in the Remonstrance, and Secondly, in the Solemn League and Covenant, he addeth, That it shewed it self, Thirdly, in the more refined pursuit of it by the Commons House in their Actings single, and saith afterward referring to my Lord of Arguile, viz. That Noble Person (whose Memory I honour) was with my self at the beginning and making of the Solemn League and Covenant, the matter of which and the holy ends therein contained I fully assent unto▪ and have been as desirous to observe, but the rigid way of prosecuting it and the oppressing uniformity that have been endeavoured by it, I never approved. This were sufficient to vindicate me from the false Aspersions and Calumnies which have been laid upon me of Ie∣suitism and Popery, &c. And recollect whether (tho that Covenant was con∣trary to the Oath of Allegiance) any thing yet could be more contrary to that Covenant than that House of Co••ons acting single, or any thing Page  [unnumbered] could be more contrary to the plain literal Sense of the Covenant, than that refined pursuit of the Cause, owned by a person of such refined and real great Abilities, and within the Prospect of Eternity: and whether the owning of the same then contrary to the literal Sense of the Covenant was a proper Medium for him to use then, whereby to clear himself from the aspersion of Iesuitism?

There was another person of great Theological Learning and strong natural parts who lived about that time, I mean Mr. Iohn Goodwin, the Di∣vine I before mentioned: and who in two Books of his, the one called Redemption Redeem'd, and the other of The Divine Authority of the Scrip∣ture hath signaliz'd his great Abilities: but in the very Pamphlet where he presumes to vindicate the very Sentence against the Royal Martyr, and to make the same Coherent with the Scotch Covenant, he in p. 51 saith, Evident it is that those Words in the Covenant, in the preservation and de∣fence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdom, import a Condi∣tion on the Kings part, without the performance whereof the Covenant obligeth no man to the preservation or defence of his Person or Authority: and yet al∣lowing the Words to speak for themselves, they do not say in HIS Pre∣servation and Defence, &c. but in THE Preservation and Defence, &c. plainly referring to the same Preservation and Defence of Religion and Li∣berties which is before promised, and sworn to in this and the preceding Articles, as evidently referring to the same Persons Preservation and De∣fence of them here who are to preserve and defend them in the former Clauses, and who are to preserve and defend the Kings Majesty's Person and Authority in this, namely, the Covenanters.

If the Covenant had intended to ground the Preservation and Defence in this Clause upon another Person or Persons as the performers, beside those to whom the same Actions are referred immediately before, it would have pointed them out distinctly: but when it expresseth no other, the plain ordinary Grammatical construction will attribute them to the Parties before nominated, and cannot put them on any other.

And the Premisses notwithstanding Mr. Goodwin concludes that if that his Anti-Grammatical Paraphrase were not the true meaning of those words beforementioned in the Covenant, it was unintelligible by him: and his Words are these, If this be not the clear meaning and importance of them, the Covenant is a Barbarian to me, I understand not the English of it.

Thus naturally is it even for the learned and unstable to wrest not only the Scriptures but even their own subscribed Covenants, where the words have no 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to their own destruction and the destroying of common Sense, when they recede from the common Principles of Loyalty and Al∣legiance.

There was likewise another Person reputed one of first-rate Parts and great Learning in the late times, who published a Book called, The lawful∣ness of obeying the present Government: and in his 11th Page there directs the World to make this Enquiry, viz. Whether there be any Clause in any Oath or Covenant which in a fair and common sense forbids obedience to the Commands of the present Government and Authority: and referreth parti∣cularly to the Clause of the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, in the for∣mer of which 'tis said I shall bear faith and true Allegiance to his Majesty, his Heirs and Successors, and in the latter. I shall bear faith and true Al∣legiance to the Kings Highness his Heirs and Successors.

Page  [unnumbered] He there goeth on very Childishly to sell the World a Bargain, by trying to puzzle it with Questions, viz. If it be said that in the Oath of Allegiance, Allegiance is sworn to the King his Heirs and Successors, if his Heirs be not his Successors, how doth that Oath bind? Either the Word Successors (saith he) must be superfluous, or it must bind to Successors as well as to Heirs. And if it bind not to a Successor as well as to an Heir, how can it bind to an Heir that is not a Successor? And if you will know the common and usual sense (which should be the meaning of an Oath) of the word Successors, you need not so much ask of Lawyers and Learned Persons, as of men of ordinary knowledge, and demand of them who was the Successor of William the Conqueror, and see whether they will not say W. Rufus: and who succeeded Richard the Third, and whether they will not say Harry the 7th: and yet neither of them was Heir: so in ordinary acception the word Successor is taken for him that actually succeeds in the Government, and not for him that is actually excluded.

May we not to this Questionist who was as I may say such a Mountebank of a Casuist, put the Question of Tertullian, Rideam vanitatem, an ex∣probrem caecitatem? And may we not properly bring in St. Austin's Casui∣stical Decision as to things of this Nature, Haec tolerabilius vel ridentur, vel flentur, i. e. A man is at liberty either to laugh at or lament them.

I have in p. 41 of this Discourse mentioned D' Ossat's Observation of Father Parson's often contradicting himself, and that very grossly in his Book of the Succession, as it happens to all Persons in passion as able as they are who are not guided by truth and reason, but transported by interest and pas∣sion: and I shall here further remark out of the same Letter of D' Ossat by me there cited, that to those words last mentioned he there adds this, viz. I will here name two of his Contradictions. He opposeth to the King of Scots among other things to exclude him from the Succession of England, That he was born out of England of Parents not subject to the Crown of England. He likewise opposeth to Arabella among other impediments, That she is a Woman, and that it is not expedient for the Kingdom of England to have three Women, Queens successively: and that often the Children of Kings have been excluded for being Women: and yet not withstanding he adjudgeth the said Kingdom to the Infanta of Spain, by preference even to the King of Spain, her Brother, as if the said Infanta were not a Woman as well as the said Ara∣bella.

I had almost forgot to observe how the Author of The lawfulness of obey∣ing the present Government, that useth such thick paint of Equivocation in his sense of the word Successors, having pushed on his Question about any Clause in any Oath or Covenant forbidding obedience to the present Go∣vernment and Authority, by adding to it the consideration of obeying it, when no other Government can be had, and of the Common-wealths going to ruine, if the present Government were not obeyed, and having there∣by insinuated that the Obligation of the Oath ceased, was so horribly impo∣litick as to prop up that insinuation by a passage cited for that purpose out of a Popish Casuist, who saith, That when a thing sworn is too difficult, or he that swore is by change of Abilities or Estate rendred less apt to perform: or lastly, when the thing sworn is an hinderance to the swearer from consulting the publick good, then there is a lawful Cause of DISPENSING in the Oath.

We have here then found a Protestant and a Casuist-would-be exalting himself above all that is called God to Dispense with Oaths, a thing that Protestancy abhorreth, and a thing that the Oath had precluded in these Page  [unnumbered] words, I do believe and in Conscience am resolved that neither the Pope nor any other Person whatsoever hath power to absolve me of this Oath, or any part thereof.

Thus as the Author hath by his interpretation of the word Successor, qualified an Vsurper to have the benefit of the Oath of Allegiance to our lawful Monarch, so he hath bare-faced made himself Successor to the Pope, and an Vsurper upon Oaths by dispensation.

More instances need not be given of the hortor of Heavens withdraw∣ing its ordinary influences from particular men of extraordinary parts, who after they have despised Dominions and Dignities and their Oaths to them, would be Critical inventors of new Rules concerning the Alle∣giance to Kings and the Oaths about the same, but who have thereby ap∣peared more despicable than the Pedants who call themselves Criticks, whose skill in the Minutiae of words or trivial Niceties in the learned Languages hath yetsecured their pride from being humbled by erring in the sense of words in their Mother Tongue.

When I was writing the former part of the following Discourse out of my just Compassion to my Country, as well as to the Noble Lord and others, who suffered so unjustly by Oaths Assertory in the time of the Martyrocrasy (as I called it) when every single Witness was almost as considerable as Ingulfus the Abbot of Crowland, Confessor to William the Conqueror was in his time (of whom it was said, that Quo voluit humi∣liavit, & quos voluit exaltavit;) and when if the number of Witnesses had continued to encrease and swarm as it began, it would in time have scarce left any to be Judges or Jurors, and when some of them who were bread-worshippers, were yet almost as much adored by the Mobile of Pro∣testants as the Host is by the Papists, I had thoughts to have entertained our English World with an account of the particularities of the usage that Witnesses in the Case of Treason find in the World abroad, and to have shewed how the Custom and Practice of Nations and their Laws have with all the Critical Nicety of Politicks imaginable provided that such Witnesses may neither be too much discouraged by fears nor encouraged by hopes, and that it frequently there happened that in the discharge of the Office of Witnessing, men were to expect so great an allay of trouble, and so much exposed to depend on the next World for the reward of their Veracity in this, as to prevent in this an allay of truth with falshood in their Testimony, and that sometimes when Paupers come to be Wit∣nesses in Criminal Causes, they have not Beds of Roses provided for them, but are put to the Rack, and that ordinarily the bodies of such Witnesses are acked on their being found vacillant and halting in their Testimony, and whereby they had given Iudges occasion to think that such Witnesses had first tried the Rack upon their Souls and Conscien∣ces.

But tho I thought any Scene of that would appear horrid to an English Eye, as it doth to the Eye of our Laws, I have yet in this Discourse men∣tioned how the Iewish Law by God's express Command took care to pre∣vent mens ambitus in standing for the Office of Witnesses, by tacking there∣unto the standing Office of Executioners, and I have in my Notions of in∣famous Witnesses exactly accorded with the Justice of our English Laws, our lex terrae being the allowed Land-mark for all to go by in matters judi∣cial: and I have endeavoured by that to stop the Course of an infamous Person, when from an Accuser he would presently grow to be a Witness and è Serpente factus Draco, or as I may say, be always growing in Arbitrary Page  [unnumbered] Accusation, and like a Crocodile never come to his full growth; and I have not robbed him of his right of being an informer in Cases where the lives of Princes are concerned: and have moreover represented such a Malefactor capable by his penitence and subservience to the great influx of Providence on the safety of Crown'd Heads, of being thought his Countries Benefa∣ctor and a piece of a Founder to it, and could have gone no higher without following our profanum vulgus in making every Informer and Witness a Sa∣viour, a word that Cicero was much scandalized at and taxed Vèrres about, because he found him at Syracuse written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Saviour, and said that the Style of such an one could not be expressed in one Latin word.

I have moreover fairly stated how and when, and by what exercises performed relating to Moral Philosophy, an infamous Person may as a Witness commence graduate in Credibility.

But Moribus antiquis stat Res Britannica, and so I desire it may while the World stands; and as I have occasionally mentioned Boccaline's Cha∣racter of the best Reformer, viz. One who leaves the World as he finds it, so I have took care to be no Propounder or Innovator about new Methods or Systemes of Politicks in the point of Accusation or Testimony which is so ex∣traordinarily tender, and wherein I have found the wisest and greatest of the Ministers of Princes, to whose Custody the depositum of their Masters Crowns and Lives was committed, to appear undetermined as to their measures.

And of this D' Ossat's Letter 150th, and to Villeroy in the year 1602, hath transmitted to the World a remarkable instance, where he saith, I have received advice from Lorrain, that an English Divine called Pitts, having held Communication with a French Divine called St. German, a∣bout killing the King, and the said St. German having dropped some words whereby another came to understand it, the Bishop of Toul examining it caused the said St. German as well as the said Pitts to be put in Prison, and by the Party accused denying the Fact, his Condition is found better than the Accusers, who hath no way to prove what the other said to him, none else being present: which proceeding whether 'twas deliberate or by neglect, tends to this, that no man hence forward to whom any one hath spoken of killing the King, will dare to reveal it to any one for fear of being put in Prison, and punished: for that he was willing to save the life of the King and preserve the whole Kingdom: whereas in Cases of such Consequence it ought to be free to any man to Accuse another, not only without fearing any thing, but further with hopes of great Recompence: having a respect never the less not to believe too lightly▪ nor to Condemn any Person upon the bare Affirmation of another without good Indications and Proofs. I believe that the King advertised of this mat∣ter will at least take care of the Deliverance and Safety of him that could not endure to hear any speak of murdering him.

I am apt to think that the horror of the Fact of such an Out-rage to the Persons of Kings, so much astonishing the imaginations of the Loyal, and the very Idea of it being so ghastly as to affright them from Con∣templating it, hath partly contributed to some Omissions in the Worlds providing against it: and it hath been so incident to Writers to mention it without thinking of its horror, that a late useful voluminous Collector we had, began the first Edition of the first Part of his Works with a very inauspicious Sentence, telling us of King Iames his declaring his being so much disinclined to Popery, because it holds Regicide and other grosser Errors: as if it were possible for any man of Sense to call such an exe∣crable outragious Treasonable practice, an Error, or to range it in the Page  [unnumbered] Class of Errors: or as if even any damnable Error or Heresy either could be more gross than that.

In the next Edition he a little mended the matter by saying, and other gross Errors: but he afterward mended the Book to better purpose by causing that Sentence to be quite left out.

My intended Review of this Discourse that I lately acquainted the Rea∣der with, is mentioned particularly at the end of it (where I observe the Customariness of Authors of large Discourses bestowing on them a short Review) and do think that the Corroborating some of the various impor∣tant Calculations therein, relating to matters Political, may perhaps be of publick use.

I shall not trouble my self with Corroborating any thing of the Plot which hath so much weakened the Nation, nor with strengthening any sayings of Witnesses that have weakened the Plot.

Let about 2 or 3 Lines that I think in this large Discourse may have re∣ferred to the propping up any little matter by citing for it the Plot-Wit∣nesses in general, take their Fate to be either remembred or forgot by others as much as they are almost by me, and but one of whom is on the Account of Testimony so much as named, and whose name hath been mentioned in this Preface.

Nor shall I have occasion to choque any Party (or as I may rather say all Parties) with any thing of Controversy that may be called Religio∣nary: or matters that refer not to numbers.

But the fixing of Political Observations on numbers in some things so great as I have attempted, is a Task very difficult for a person much Superi∣or to me in intellectual endowments, to do so clearly and satisfactorily as the matter will bear; and is not possible to be done by any without the Expence of that time in consulting Records and Registries and Offices of Accounts and many particular Persons, which I hitherto could not spare, but hope to be shortly able to do for my Readers satisfaction as well as my own: and having so done, I shall publish a Review of this Work by it self, making such Additions or other Alterations as to what I have here observed, as I shall see cause.

And as I have shewed that Reverence to the Age as not to expose my thoughts Magisterially of matters relating to Numbers, but have therein either cited Authors of Note about the same, (that so their Credit may vouch for the thing asserted and not mine) or have fairly my self Calcu∣lated the things, or if I have omitted either to cite Authors, or to make Calculation when I have asserted any thing relating to Numbers, I have still endeavoured to keep within Compass and Bounds in my reckoning, and not to favour my assertion by exceeding them, so I shall most readi∣ly on occasion acknowledge my mistake in any point however, or from whomsoever arising: nor can any man (I think) be tempted to do other in a matter of this Nature, and wherein his mistake amouts not to any thing like the making of false Money, or the designed putting it off in Ex∣change, but only to the false telling of true; and which I desire the Reader to tell after me as often as he pleaseth, and do wish him if ever he hopes that men would receive the belief of matters of moment upon his Authority, that he would first satisfie them that he hath implicitly believed no man: and for which purpose I once writ my mind by a poor plain Verse in the Album of a German on his importuning me there to write my name with some saying or other, viz.

Page  [unnumbered] Is nulli credat, credi qui vellet ab omni;

Meaning it, as to matters that may be reduced ad firmam, by Calcula∣tion.

I remember not that I have cited any Authors extravagant Calculation or Error without somewhat of a fair Remark on it, and do suppose any one to labour under a Disease of Credulity who doth otherwise: and do account that Cicero himself was therewith infected when as to the Error in a Childish Report he saith so gravely in his 2d Book De divinatione, Tages quidam dicitur in agro Tarquiniensi cum terra araretur, & sulcus al∣tius esset impressus, extitisse repente & eum affatus esse qui arabat, &c.

For Ovid in his Metamorphosis to tell us this of Tages that Famous He∣truvian Sooth-sayer, was not so much to be wondered at.

Our Excellent Historian therefore of Harry the 8th, when he menti∣ons that Harry the 7th left in his Coffers a Million and 8 hundred thousand Pounds Sterling to Harry the 8th, and such as might be thought effective∣ly quadruple to so much in this age, did but right to his own Credit by inserting the Clause of, if we may believe Authors.

I have in p. 109 mentioned that when Queen Elizabeth came to the Crown (which was in the year 1558) the Customs made not above 36000 l. per Annum, and which I was induced to believe partly on the relation of some whose Ancestors were Officers of the Customs in her Reign, and whose Papers and Accounts they now have. But I found after the printing of that Sheet, that I had made sure of being within the Compass of Truth and likewise Modesty as to my Estimate; and looking into my Notes out of Cambden about it, I found that about the year 1590 and after all her Glories of 88, her Customs were farmed but for 14 thousand Pounds Sterling a year.

One would wonder that our great Oracle of the Law Sir E. Coke could err so grossly by his Credulity and inadvertence as he did, when he tells us 2. Instit. and de statuto Iudaismi, that from December 17th, An. 50. Hen. 3. till Shrove-tide 2. Edv. 1. (which was about 7 years) the Crown had 4,20,000 l. 15s. 6d. Sterl. de exitibus Iudaeorum. And he there attempts to prove it by Records and refers to Rot. patent. An. 3. E. 1. m. 17. 26. Middleton reddit Computa.

But at the rate of Silver being now thrice in value per Ounce to what it was then, the Crown would have had then for those 7 years from the Iews as Money now goeth about 1,2,60,000l. and none can think that the King would have thought a 15th gien by the Commons to have been an adequate Reward for the expulsion of the Iews, had they been such be∣neficial Guests to him, as Coke mentioned. We may therefore naturally as to this say, Credat Iudaeus, &c. and Mr. Prynn hath in the second Part of his Demurrer to the Iews, &c. most plainly shewn Sir E. Coke's mistake in the Record by him cited.

I hope to be able in my intended Review to give some such further in∣dications of the numbers of the People of England exceeding all the To∣tals of cautious Calculators I have referred to, as may be variously useful to the publick, as well as perfectly satisfactory to the Curious, among whom the Enquiring into the Totals of the Numbers of People in States and Kingdoms and their chief Cities, is of late become as much in request as was the enquiring before of the number and strength of their Ships of War.

Page  [unnumbered] I have mentioned before how some men of great Name have published it, that they think the People of England and Wales are but 2 Millions: and shall here take notice that a Book lately printed Entituled Isaaci Vossii variarum observationum liber, and Dedicated to his Majesty, doth in p. 66 represent somewhat of the Judgment of that Learned Person (and who in various sorts of useful Learning is deservedly held not inferior to any one in Europe) relating to the Numbers of People in Spain and France, Italy, England, Scotland, and Ireland, Denmark, Sweeden, &c. and where the People in England, Scotland and Ireland are represented to be Two Millions.

But had he been so fortunate as to see some of the Manuscript Discour∣ses of Sir W. P. giving an account of the People of Ireland to be about 11 hundred thousand after he had Surveyed that Kingdom as Surveyor Ge∣neral, and after he had critically perused all the Books relating to the Chimney Money and the late Poles, and found that of the People of Ireland who paid their Pole-Money in the year 1661, the Number was 3,60,000, I doubt not but he would have concurred in opinion with him of the To∣tal of the Number of the People in Ireland: and I likewise believe that if he had seen some late Estimates of the Numbers of People in Scotland, made by inquisitive Persons born and bred in that Kingdom, he would have been easily inclined to judge the People of Ireland and Scotland to be at least 2 Millions.

As I think that Learned Man was much short in his Estimate of the Numbers of People in his Majesties Realms, so I likewise think that he was in that of the numbers of the People in France, in accounting them to be but five Millions.

Cardinal Pool (I think) did very judiciously estimate France, to ex∣ceed us a 3d part in the number of People, as I have mentioned in this Discourse: and the Author of The reasonable defence of the seasonable Dis∣course, answering a Romanist who asserted, that Popish Countries were as populous as the Reformed, hath clearly enough shewn, that Englands not being fully peopled is not to be attributed to the Reformation, but partly to our being drained by our Plantations, &c. and he saith in p. 31, If Spain which hath Plantations be compared with us we are much more populous, as we are also than Italy which hath none at all. 'Tis true France exceeds us not having had that drain of Plantations till of late, and that sparingly in respect of us; and possibly somewhat of the populousness of France may be owing to the Reformation, as not obliging any to caelibate.

But if the Learned Author of that Reasonable Defence (who doth so well and carefully weigh the Nations there in the Balance of his Judg∣ment) had considered what hath been by Sir William Temple remarked in his Excellent Survey of the Constitutions and Interests of the Empire, Swe∣den, Denmark, Spain, Holland, France, &c. viz. That the common People of France are as little considerable in the Government as the Children, so that the Nobless and the Souldiers may in a manner be esteemed the Nation, he would have agreed that tho France may exceed us in the Numbers of our People, it doth not in the weight of our Numbers (as I may say) by rea∣son of the considerable weight of our Common People in the Balance of the State: and especially if he had likewise considered what the ingenious Author of the Book called, The power of Parliaments, mentions in p. 162, of the English (man to man) as allowable to be a third stronger than the French: and so I believe generally Northern Nations may be allow'd to that proportion to exceed Southern.

Page  [unnumbered] And here by the way it occurring to me that the Author of the Reason∣able Defence hath in p. 24 took Notice of his Roman-Catholick Adversaries instance of the Treaty of Munster, as upon which so many Papist and Pro∣testant Princes, Noblemen and Gentlemen have either Bishopricks, Abbies or the like CONFIRMED to them by the Pope (and to make out what he had said that none but the Author of The seasonable Discourse fancies the Pope cannot be tied to an agreement as well as other Governors) and that the Author of The Reasonable Defence hath impugned that instance by saying, But if after all this there be no such matter, if the Pope have been so far from confirming those Grants as to protest against them by his Legate in the Treaty, and afterward in a particular Bull hath damned them to the Pitt of Hell, what shall we say to the honesty and credit of the Author, &c. I am glad that by my Historical Scheme of the factum of that Peace, I have done that which may prevent both these Authors and other Persons from being further mistaken therein.

Most certainly (as I have shewn) the Pope did not by any Grant CONFIRM them: but they may be truly said to have Confirmed the Papal Religion, as far as the prevention of the Ruine of the Empire and Emperor, and the Roman Catholick Princes of the Empire and their Sub∣jects, may be judged to have amounted to the Confirmation of that Reli∣gion. But that the Emperor and Princes and States of the Empire did as perfectly slight Pope Innocent the 10ths Bull of the Nullity of that Treaty cited in the Margent of the Author of The Reasonable Defence, as I have mentioned the thing with Historical Truth, Arch-Bishop Brambal in p. 178, of his just Vindication of the Church of England speaking of that Peace, and how thereby freedom of Religion was secured to Protestants, and Bishopricks and other Ecclesiastical Dignities conferred on them, and that many Lands and other Hereditaments of great value were alienated from the Church in Perpetuity, and yet the Popes Nuntio protested against it, and having there in his Margent referred to the aforesaid Bull of Pope In∣nocent, saith, yet the Emperor and the Princes of Germany stand to their Con∣tracts, assert the Municipal Laws and Customs of the Empire, and assume to themselves to be the only Iudges of their own Privileges and Necessities. And moreover Sir William Temple in his said Survey of the Constitutions and Interests of the Empire, writ in 1671, mentioning The Domestick Interest of the Empire to be the limited Constitution of the Imperial Power, and the Balance of the several free Princes and States of the Empire among them∣selves, saith, that those Interests have raised no doubt since the Peace of Munster.

While the Iesuites make the Pope infallible, and some Anti-Papists generally make him a meer natural Agent. that must always Act Ad ex∣tremum virium, I fear not to take a middle way, and to suppose him to be a rational Animal, and one that knows when the Papacy is not to exert its former Principles against the Power of Kings and lives of Hereticks, and for this reason, namely, Quia deerant vires, and one who will not do it for the Future in all places, Quia deerunt vires.

He is not to learn the reasonableness of that Gloss in his Canon Law, that Canes propter pacem tolerantur in ecclesiâ, and especially when the He∣retical Dogs are there the most numerous, nor needed he or the Popish or Protestant Princes of the Empire to have been minded of the Dutch Proverb so well known there, viz. Veel Honden Zyn de' haez dot, i. e. Many Dogs are the Hares death, and that the old sport of hunting down Hereticks with Crusado's was hardly practicable when both Popish as well Page  [unnumbered] as Protestant Princes were weary of it, and that therefore according to the saying, Difficile est ire venatum invitis Canibus.

Nor was either the Pope or the Popish Princes of Germany to be taught that if ever there was to be that wild thing of a Crusado against Hereticks again, better use might be made of them then by killing them: and that it would turn to better Account to deal with them as Mathew Paris tells us on the year 1250 (the time about which Crusado's were most in fashion, and when Popes that had a mind to ravish the Regal Rights of Princes would take an opportunity to do it by sending them on Fools Errands to the Holy Land) that the Pope dealt with the many Pilgrims who were Cruce signa∣ti in an Adventure for that Land, namely, that he very fairly sold those crossed Pilgrims for ready Money, as the Iews did their Doves and their Sheep in the Temple. And if the 100,000 Hereticks that I men∣tioned out of Bellarmine as slain by one Crusado had been sold but for 20 l. Sterling each, a fond might have been thereby provided for the in∣commoding the Turk very much more than by the taking from him the Holy Land.

But the Pope and those Popish Princes are sufficiently sensible of their want of Power for any such Nonsensical Outrage: and I wish that our English Owners of the Doctrine of Resistance, and who with Bellarmine have agreed in that being the Cause of the Primitive Christians not at∣tempting to shake the Empire, namely, because they had not strength to do it, were but as sensible as the Papacy is of their wanting strength to do it in England.

No marvel therefore that the Iupiter Capitolinus in his Bull of Nullity did not discharge the old Artillery of the Lightning and Thunder of Anathemas, and the greater Excommunications against the Emperor and Ro∣man-Catholick Crown'd Heads and Princes concerned in the Munster Peace, as I have shewn, nor according to the Expression in the Reasonable Defence, damned them to the Pitt of Hell for it. No; both the World and the Papacy were so Metamorphosed, and their old fashions so far passed away, that those Popish Crown'd Heads found that there was in this Bull only what partly resembled that which Ovid tells us of in his Metamorphosis, viz.

Est aliud levius sulmen, cui dextra Cyclopum
Saevitiae flammaeque minus, minus addidit irae,
Tela secunda vocant superi, &c.

But as I just now expressed my wishes that some of our English Own∣ers of the Doctrine of Resistance, were as sensible of their wanting strength to subvert the Rights of the Monarchy in England, as the Pope was of his wanting it to break the Measures of the Crown'd Heads relating to the Munster Peace, I have in this Discourse expressed not only my hopes but belief that nature it self which is thus always Acting to the extremity of its Power, will overpower the Arts by which they have been seduced to Principles for endeavouring it: and will render the Principles of many of our Protestant Recusants coincident with those of the Primitive Christians, instead of those of the Jesuites: and that this Storm which the World hath brought on the Irreligionary part of their Principles as well as of the Iesuites (both of which have brought so many dismal Storms on the World) will make them come to an Avarage, and to submit to the casting many of their Principles over-board as well as the Iesuites have been obli∣ged so to do by the Pope, as Master of the Vessel commanding the same.

Page  [unnumbered] And as in a Storm the very Victuals of the Mariners are often accord∣ing to the Maritime Law cast into the Sea to lighten the Vessel, it may resemblingly be expected that many of our Dissenting Religionaries will now part with some of those Principles that have in their Religion-Trade afforded them a Subsistance; and that when they shall consider how this present Pope, notwithstanding the Privilege of a Master of a Ship, by which he may refuse to begin the Iactus by throwing out first his own Wares and Goods, did about a year before he threw out the Lumber of the Iesuites and Casuists, throw over-board a vast Treasure of Papal In∣dulgences, and by which the Ship of the Papacy was formerly victual∣led.

It was by the Popes Decree of the 7th of March 1678, that a Multitude of Indulgences was suppressed; and the Names of 14 Famous Popes are there mentioned as having granted some thereof: and great numbers of others are by him quashed without mentioning the Popes by whom granted: and there was a particular Clause in the Decree that did shake the whole Body of Indulgences. And tho the Virgin Mary hath been by many of the Vulgus of Papists oftner pray'd to in Storms than the Trinity, and a printed Devo∣tional Office called, The Office of the immaculate Conception of the most holy Virgin our Lady approved by the Sovereign Pontiff Paul the 5th, had been much in vogue in the Papal World, yet the Pope by his Decree of February the 17th, 78. damned that Office and (as I may say) threw it over board. And of this the Author of Iulian the Apostate might have took notice if he had pleased, when in his Comparison of Popery and Paganism he instanced in the transprosing of part of the Psalms to the Virgin Mary, after the mode of this Office that had been suppressed about 4 years before.

The old stubbornness of Popes against the making any Reformation of Abuses and Errors in their Church hath been commonly observed: but I believe that considering the great Figure England makes in the World, it may not be unlikely that the brisk Spirit of Opposition against Popery that had displayed it self in England for about 8 years before the Plot-Epo∣che, and the sharp and learned Books that were in that Conjuncture print∣ed here against the Abuses of the Church of Rome, might much contribute to the laudable Proceedings of this Pope in those Decrees I have mention∣ed. And therefore when Nature had thus enforced the Papal Chair in so great a Measure upon Recantation, and a great deal of pretended infal∣libity was thrown over-board, (and that even relating to some Principles that might be called Religionary) it may reasonably be thought that the same operation of Nature will produce among our little Protestant Recu∣sants a tacit renuntiation of the Irreligionary part of those very Princi∣ples, that both the World and themselves must needs see they have tran∣scribed from Popery.

The Complication of the Principles of Irreligion that hath joyned the Iesuites Popery with that of our former Presbyterians Popery, hath long been as visible as the great Isthmus (I spake of) that joyns the Mexican and the Peruan parts of the new World: and as I being to explain as in a Dictionary what I meant by Popery, I would not expose my self to the Critical Religionary Controvertists by nicely defining Popery, (the Obser∣vation being no less than a Rule in the Civil Law, that omnis definitio in jure Civili periculosa est, parum est enim ut non subverti possit) but gave the Description of my sense of it as before in this Preface, so if I were to give a Description of our Scotch Presbytery as Covenanted to be here introdu∣ced, I would take the said Description of Popery and only mutatis mu∣tandis,Page  [unnumbered] say that by Presbytery I mean the power of our Presbyters in impo∣sing Creeds and Doctrines and Rules of Divine Worship on men, and the Presby∣ters jurisdiction interloping in that of our Princes and their Laws, and the doing this by the Charter of Jus Divinum and as they are Christs pretended Vicars, and do account that its intended Arbitrariness here in England justly appeared as terrible as that of Popery, and that our Consciences be∣ing enslaved to a Foreign Bishop is not more inglorious than their being so to our fellow Subjects, and that a blush being divided among ten thousand Ecclesiasticks after they had out-raged our Laws and our Consciences, would have here been no more seen by us than one at Rome on occasion of any Popes there blushing after they had so done.

I have observed in this Discourse how that part of Presbytery that may (tho erroneous) be called Religionary as practised in some Foreign Churches, hath here decayed and must so naturally more and more: and was glad to hear, That since the putting the Laws in Execution against Protestant Recusants, those of them who were called Presbyterians have, on recollection of thought, and after Conference had with our Divines for∣born their former Schismatical Separation from our Churches, and that particularly in our Metropolis they have in all things been ameinable to the Doctrine and Discipline of our Church, except as to the submitting to have their Children baptized with the use of the Sign of the Cross there, and their Superstition in not complying with which will I hope not be long lifed.

The gradual encrease of the Christenings in some Parishes in the Country that I have seen Accounts of, (and in which places the Dissenters former∣ly were very numerous) hath been to a far greater Proportion than the gradual Encrease by me remarked as to London, and within the same years. And a Learned Divine who is Minister of a Parish not far from London hath acquainted me, That the number of Communicants be∣ing there about the beginning of those years but a 100, hath since arisen to 400: and I believe that generally the numbers of Conformists may have much encreased in the Country beyond the proportion of their En∣crease in the City, and may probably do so for some years.

Tho there are several Merchants and rich Traders in our Metropolis who are Dissenters, yet I have observed, that the gross of their numbers consists there of ordinary Retail-traders: and as these have been naturally Sufferers there by the Cities so much removing Westward, and by the Retail-trade being so much gone to the other end of the Town (and are likely so to be more and more) so it hath been and will be natural to them to be more and more querulous: according to the saying of, Omne invalidum est Querulum.

And in this Case it will be natural to them both to support their de∣caying Trade by Religionary Combinations, and perhaps to fancy Reli∣gion it self breaking together with their Bankrupsy, and both for the Con∣soling one another as Socii doloris, and likewise relieving one another thereby, to endeavour to keep Heterodox Religionary Societies as long and as much as they can.

But Necessity, the known Mother of Industry, must naturally in time cure them of their Poverty and Temptation to Heterodoxy thereby.

Our Quakers are by many thought to be a kind of a Roma subterranea, but whether justly or no, I enquire not: nor shall I give my opinion in it till the Principles of their Light within shall be exposed to that without; many of which Principles have hitherto been by them kept as hid from Page  [unnumbered] the World as were the Subterraneous Lights preserved in the Roman Monu∣ments, and as to which Principles they are perhaps conscious that when they shall be exposed to the Air and Light of the Sun, they will be as na∣turally extinguished as those Monumental Lights were when occasional∣ly brought into the open Air.

But one of their known Tenets being the unlawfulness of Oaths, I account they have an advantage thereby beyond the Presbyterians or Independents in their Claim to Indulgence, by demanding it in a Doctrinal point where∣in there is Dgnus vindice nodus, by reason of some words in the 5th of St. Matthew and 5th of St. Iames seeming primâ facie very emphatically and vehemently to forbid all manner of swearing, as the Commentators ge∣nerally observe.

And in this point they are entituled to a very true and great Compassi∣on because, of the very false Comments so many true Protestant would-be's Actions have made on their great promissory Oaths beforementioned: and for that they have not out-raged their Natural Allegiance by Rebel∣lions, as many other Dissenters have done. If therefore to those Yea and Nay Men, the King should grant such a Charter as the men of Rippon had from King Athelstan, namely, Quod homines sui Ripponienses sint credendi per suum yea & per suum nay, in omnibus querelis & curiis licet tangentibus Freed-mortel, &c. I should not grudge it them.

And to speak frankly, I know not but this their sullen Principle may be subservient to some great Birth of Nature, that may happen perhaps with∣in an Age or two, when shame may in the more populous World have so far exterminated Fraud and Cozenage and the danger of Perjury, as that the manner of our Oaths Assertory before Tribunals may grow obsolete: a thing I account not altogether improbable, since I my self observed that in a Case that happened before some of the greatest Peers of the Realm, Authorised to give an Oath as being the Lords Commissioners of Prizes in the first Dutch War, it appeared that there was somewhat in Nature that had greater weight than an Oath among some men, namely, Reputa∣tion: for many Merchants being present at a sitting of ther Lordships, and one of them claiming a Ship and lading before them as wholly belonging to Hamburgers, and shewing himself ready to swear the same before their Lordships, one of the Lords asking him if he would on his Reputation de∣clare that no Subject of the States of Holland was as Proprietor therein con∣cerned, he refused to do it.

But before this Golden Age of Morality may come, and the bending Leaden-rule of Oaths hath been laid aside, I expect that the Names of se∣veral of our Religionary Parties will be forgotten, and be as insignificant as the word Lollards and Lollardies, and to suppress which every High Sheriff is still bound to by his Oath, and who perhaps may think that the Lollards were Papists or some Heterodox People or other.

And therefore were I Master of never so much leisure I would bestow no part of it on the writing against those Religionary Errors that have been so often confuted, and especially when I see the Circumvallations of Nature so carefully wrought in its Siege against them, as that it cannot miscarry; and no man having fixed his Judgment of Natures Course, need Spur it on, and according to the Words of the Great Prophet, He that blieveth shall not make haste.

Notwithstanding the severity of all our old Laws against Popish Recu∣sants, it hath been for the honour of our Rformation, that the Govern∣ment hath notified it in the times of Queen Elizabeth and Kng Iames,Page  [unnumbered] that no Roman-Catholick here suffered death for his Religion, and notwith∣standing all the Penal Laws against Protestant Recusants and Recusancy, our pious Princes have without any general Relaxation or Suspension of those Laws, shewn signal favours and indulgences to many particular Persons who appeared to the Eye of the State to be really Conscientious and to hold no Principles that would create disturbance to it.

And as I have mentioned that Mr. Cotton was particularly indulged, so I might likewise Assign many other instances of this Nature, and particu∣larly of the known Letter of Edward the 6th to Cranmer to omit some Rites in the Consecration of Bishop Hooper, and of some Indulgences in Queen Elizabeth's and King Iames his time, and others in King Chales the First's, in favour of particular Protestant as well as Popish Recusants. And to this purpose the History of the Life of Mr. Hildersham, one of the most Eminent Divines that Puritanism had bred, mentions that on the ac∣count of points relating to Non-Conformity, he was very frequently suspended ob officio & beneficio, and very frequently restored to the same: and the same thing appears in the life of Mr. Dod an Antesignanus among them: and both these Divines in their printed Writings asserted the Princi∣ples of their Loyalty and impugned the Doctrine of Resistance, as like∣wise some others of the Puritan Divines did, and were therefore particu∣larly indulged. And Mr. Prynn shewed himself extremely partial in re∣flecting on the Government as he did in his Seditious Book called, The Popish Royal Favourite, by not taking notice of the Relaxation of the Pe∣nal Laws made in the Case of particular Loyal Puritans and Non-Confor∣mists, as well as in the Case of particular Loyal Papists.

But if the Government thought it so often necessary for its safety to re∣voke its particular Indulgences granted to Hildersham and Dod (for the former being silenced in Iune 1590, and restored in Ianuary 1591, was again suspended and silenced in April 1605, and after he was again resto∣red in Ianuary 1608, was again silenced in November 1611, and being Iune 1625 restored to preaching, was in March 1630 was again silenced; and the latter of them found the like vicissitude of favours and punishments too tedious to be here inserted) how can the Government be now secure in granting an Indulgence to other particular Protestant Recusants more than only durate bene placito, or quam diu bene se gesserint, after all the Dis-loyalty of the Principles and Practices chargeable on so many of them since 41, and not known to have been since abhorred by them? But our Parliaments not knowing but only suspecting so many of their owning their former Principle of the Doctrine of Resistance (and who did there∣fore in the toleration of any Heterodox Religionaries in their own Fa∣milies restrain them to a number only of four other Persons to be present) seemed with the mixture both of tenderness to the Consciences of those Religionaries, and likewise to the publick Peace, to draw the Copy of that Modus of their limited Toleration, in some sort after the great Original of the old Decree at Rome against the Bacchanals, and by which it was or dered that they should not as before be observed at Rome or in Italy: but that Si quis tale sacrum solenne ac ncessarium duceret, nec sine Religione ac piaculo se id omittere posse, apud Praetorem urbanum profitere∣tur, praetor senatum consleret: se ei permissum esset, cum in senatu centum nn minus essent, ita id sacrum fieret, dum ne plus quinque sacrificio inter∣essent.

But most certainly whatever Complaisance with the Consciences of any pretending Religionaries that Parliament intended, had they had any Pro∣spect Page  [unnumbered] of four Persons being present any where that held any Principles de∣structive of Monarchy, and that inclined them to sacrifice our Princes and Laws as formerly, they would have accounted those four too many to be tolerated. And the dreadful Out-rage the Government conflicted with, when Venner and the other few Fift-Monarchy men came out of the Tiring house of a private Religionary Meeting in Coleman-street, to Act the part of Furies as they did in our Mtropolis (and that beyond the wildness of any mad Bacchanal) may well be an instance of Caution against many of a Party whose Principles are not known, being trusted together with them∣selves.

Yet after all this, as once in a little Nominal Parliament we had in the the time of the Vsurpation, it was ordained, That all Persons that could speak should speak the enjoyned words of Matrimony, and that all that had hands should there joyn hands, so I believe that in any future Conjuncture, particular Persons, who by the Loyalty of their Principles and Practi∣ces, and by their being ready to attend our Divines for instruction, can make it appear, that they have Consciences, will have no cause to complain of their being not free.

But by an Accident of Moment that hath offered it self to the conside∣ration of our Protestant Recusants, since the Epoche of Plots and Rumours of Plots, I doubt not but they will find an imminent necessity to make it demonstrable to the World, that they own no Principles destructive of it: and that particularly the easie access that Witnesses have found to Credibility on their swearing Plots against Iesuitick Popish Recusants, by the Precipice of the Principles on which they stood being so conspicuous to the World (and from whence the very breath of their Adversaries, of how mean and despicable parts and fortunes soever, hath served to throw them down headlong into ruine so easily) will be an effectual Document to all Recusants who would prevent the danger from Plot-Witnesses, that the very next thing to be done by them is their bearing their Testimony against Principles of Dis-loyalty.

The late Bishop of Winchester (to the Character of whose Loyalty and Learning Christendom is no stranger) having his thoughts on the Wing, and ready to take their Flight to that Region of Bliss where none are ad∣mitted but Souls that part hence with a noble disposition to Charity for all Humane kind, thought fit in his Prospect of that World and in the great Interval of his Preparation for it, to send to the Press his Book called His Vindication, &c. printed in 1683, and in the Conclusion of it to trans∣mit his opinion to the Age and Posterity that ever since the Reformation, there have been two Plots carried on by Papists and Dissenters, and that the same would long continue.

He had there mentioned Mr. Baxters justifying the late War, and quoted him for saying, that as he durst not repent of what he had done in the afore∣said War, so he could not forbear the doing of the same if it were to do again in the same state of things. 'Tis true indeed (saith the Bishop) he tells us in the same place That if he were convinced he had sinned in what he had done, he would as willingly make a publick Recantation as he would eat and drink when he is hungry and thirsty. But neither he nor any of the Non-Conformists that I have heard of, hath as yet made any such publick Recan∣tation, and therefore we may rationally and charitably enough conclude, That they are still of the same Iudgment they were then, and consequently that their Practice will be the same it was then when any opportunity invites them to it, &c. And then proceeds to say, For mine own part I must confess as Page  [unnumbered] I always have been, so I am still of opinin that ever since the Reformation there have been and are two Plots, carrying on sometimes more covertly, and sometimes more secretly, the one by those that call themselves the only true Catholicks, the other by those that call themselves the only true Protestants, and both of them against the Government as it is Established by Law both in Church and State: and as there always hath been, so there will be Plot∣ting by both those Parties until both of them be utterly suppressed: for as for making of Peace with either of them, I take it by reason of the perverse∣ness of the one, and peevishness of the other, and the Pride of both, a thing not to be hoped for.

How much my poor Measures of Futurity do differ from his Lord∣ships, in the Case of our Popish and Protestant Recusants, the Current of my Discourse shews: and am sorry that he, having used this harsh sounding word of Plots, described not▪ his Idea of the particulars there∣of relating to the time to come, and that he innodated in this his Censure (as it were) the Body of the two Religionary Parties, without any exception of the Loyal in both.

But I have observed it in a printed Letter of this Reverend Prelate to the Earl of Anglesy, of the Date of Iuly the 4th, 1672. where having spoke of the keeping out of Popery now it seems to be flowing in upon us (as his words are) that he saith, You know what I was for in the late Sessions of Parliament, I mean (not a Comprehension) but a Coalition or Incorporation of the Presbyterian Party into the Church as it is by Law Established; and I am still of the same opinion, that it is the one only effectual expedient to hinder the Growth of Popery and to secure both Parties: and I am very con∣fident that there are no Presbyterians in the World (the Scotch only except∣ed) that would not conform to all that is required by our Church, especially in such a Conjuncture of time as this is.

My Scope by quoting this Letter is to shew that about 10 years ago, the Bishop was not of opinion that Nature had condemned the Presbyte∣rians to eternal Plotting against the State, but that a Coalition between that Party here and our Church, would then naturally happen: and as to which I have shewn how far he was fortunate in that his Conjecture, by the late great advance of those called Presbyterians toward Conformity, and that therefore his Opinion varying in 83 from what it was in 72, as to the Presbyterians, it might (had he lived longer to have writ again) vary perhaps as to the Papists being Plotters with a Continuando, and he might have recanted that opinion as much as he would have had Mr. Bax∣ter recanted his. And I would from that his Letter shew, that we have the less reason to be mortified with the fear of the continuance of these 2 Plots, or to be tempted to uncharitable thoughts of the whole Body of the Papists upon this Bishops opinion, as delivered in what I have cited out of his Vindication, because one expression of it includes so much of Humane Frailty and Error, viz. his Lordships saying, That he was ALWAYS of opinion, that since the Reformation these two Plots were and would be, till both the Parties were utterly disabled and suppressed; for when he writ the said Letter, his Opinion appeared otherwise.

And there is another use I would make of this Pious and Learned Prelates having given such an Alarm to the World concerning the Plots of these He∣terodox Religionaries in future time, and of his having made them as to Disloyalty to be in a manner damnati antequam nati, and that is this: name∣ly, That the only substantial thing that could give weight to this Censure of these two Parties being their Principles, and that the great allowance Page  [unnumbered] of this Bishops Opinion as Oracular by so many, being likely to throw so much lasting Odium on the Principles of Popish and Protestant Recusants as Hostile to Church and State (whereby any disloyal Practices charged on them by their Adversaries, tho perhaps very unjustly, will naturally be the sooner and more easily believed, as I before hinted) it may hence appear necessary for men to go, or run, and even fly from Princi∣ples of Disloyalty as soon, and as fast, and as far as they can.

But as I have here observed it to be the Interest of our Heterodox Reli∣gionaries to disclaim all Principles that I called Convulsive of Civil Society, and the Concern of every Country to have those Principles notified (and as fairly and particularly delineated and described as are the Beds of Sands and shoaly places and rocky Bars of its Harbours and Sea-Coasts by Hydrogra∣phers) so I shall likewise observe that the sharp Execution of any of the Pe∣nal Laws hath not to the Factious among the Protestant Recusants appear'd so afflictive as the publication of the Principles and printed Sayings of their Pastors since 41, and the which seemed to be like the Doom of the Priests in Malachy, namely, to have the Dung of their Solemn Feasts spread in their Faces: nor could they call such usage of their Tenets, any Tryal of cruel mocking, nor the Publishers any of The Mockers that should be in the last times, since their very Sayings and Tenets have been plainly and briefly published in their Authors own words and without Additta∣ments.

As to the Papal Tenet in the Canon Law, dilated on in the following Dis∣course, I have there in p. 181. sufficiently shewed my Aversion to contribute any grief or trouble to Loyal Papists by the notifying the same in the hot time of the late Fermentation, and while some factious Anti-Papists were so busy in senseless Narratives to load a great Body of them with the guilt of its Practice; and when I had any inclination to shew my self unchri∣stianly or ungenerously disposed, as to the Persons or Religion of Roman Catholicks, I might with the expence of an hour or two's time have easily gratified such a corrupt Humour, by descanting on this Tenet, among the Pamphleteers and Sheet-Authors whose feet were accounted beautiful by the Mobile, for any dirt their hands threw at the Papists, before the Epoche of the Declaration, after the Oxford Parliament. And after the restoring of the English Genius, or as I may say, of the English under∣standing to it self, that thereby happened, I account that the Notifica∣tion of any Tenet chargeable on the Papacy or Presbytery referring to the Measures of Loyalty, or preservation of the Rights of Civil Society, could bring no damage in the least to any Recusants Person whatever it might to his Erroneous Principle. And I having accounted it a kind of nauseous superfluity to confute at large any one of the old Religionary Controversies between our Church and that of Rome, was willing thus to reserve the discussion of this Irreligionary Tenet (how proper soever to be known) till some healing Conjuncture of time; and when I might hope by discussing the same and thereby effectually satisfying any Consi∣derate Excluders, that I was no Papist, to bespeak their Approach with more Candour to my great Casuistical point discussed.

I have sufficiently shewn in this Preface how much it imports our Se∣curity and Loyalty, to have the Fantome of the Iudicial Law exorcised out of mens understandings, and am ashamed to think that Christians do yet no more know the certain time of the Burial of that Body of Moses's Laws, than the Iews do the place where his deceased natural Body was laid. I know that some of the old Schoolmen have told us that that LawPage  [unnumbered] was given only to the Iews: but when so many Popish Vniversities and Casuists, told our Harry the 8th, That his Marriage was against the Law of God, the World wanted teaching in this point: and the Tutelar Angels even of Protestant Countries are still in effect put to it to contend with the Devil about the Body of Moses his Law: and if any one hath a desire to see the dreadful impressions that that Law hath so lately made abroad in the World and here in England, and that have much deaced our Loy∣alty and Religion, I shall refer him to Dr. Hicks his printed Sermon called Peculium Dei, where he hath given us very Learned Remarks, That many unsound Iudaising Christians have still dreamed that the Mosaic Code was yet in force, and that Carolostadius and Castellio about the time of the Reformation asserted the Doctrine of the validity and indispensable Obli∣gation of the leges forenses of the Jews: and that many, tho they did not assert the validity of the whole Mosaic Code, have yet asserted the in∣dispensable obligation of some particular Laws in it, to the great scandal of the Protestant name, and particularly that against Idolatrous Persons and Places the Mosaic Laws are still in force: and that for want of distinguishing in the De∣calogue and the Laws which follow after it, many men have run into many gross unfortunate Errors; and he hath there referred to the Ancient and Mo∣dern Sabbatarians, the Writers against Vsury, the Modern Iconoclasts, the strict Divine Right of Tithes, and Tithes of Tithes, or Tenths to the Pope as the Christians high Priest, and to the Asserors of the unlawfulness of the Supreme Magistrates pardoning Murder which God made unpardonable among the Jews: and to Baronius and Bellarmine arguing thence for the Popes Supremacy: and to Pope Adrian the 6th moving the Princes of Ger∣many, to cut of Luther and his followers, because God cast Corah and his Company down to Hell, and commanded that those who would not obey the Priest should be put to death: and to the Promoters and Abettors of the So∣lemn League and Covenant, which some have equalled to the Covenant of Grace, and were wont to express themselves about it in the Text and Phrases of the old Testament, which concerned the making, breaking or renewing of that Political Covenant which God made with the People, and afterwards with his Vice-Roys the Kings of the Jews: and to the specious popular Argu∣ments used by the former and later Rebels in Great Brttain, for Deposing and Murthering Kings, and to the Speech delivered at a Conference concern∣ing the Power of Parliament which is nothing but Doleman aliàs Parson's Title to the Crown transprosed.

And under this head we might refer to the Covenant mention'd among the Independent Churches.

Mr. Burroughs one of the best of our late Independents, quoting Deut. 13. 6. If thy Brother, the Son of thy Mother, &c. Chap. 5. of his Irenicum saith, Let not any put of this Scripture saying, this is in the Old Testament, for we find the same thing, almost the same words used in a Prophecy of the times of the Gospel. Zech. 13. 3. He saith indeed that by those words in Deut. the meaning is not that his Father or Mother should presently run a Knife into him, but that they should be the means to bring him to condign pu∣nishment even the taking away his life.

Calvin likewise in giving his sense of that place of Zechary foresaw the Odium of having any killed without going to the Iudge, and there saith, Multò hoc durius est, propriis manibus filium interficere, quam si ad Iudicem deferrent. But here Mr. Burroughs and Calvin have Categorically enough asserted what the Iudges duty is in the Case, and I have said what Calvin effected by going to the Iudge about Servetus.

Page  [unnumbered]Gundissalvus doth not determine the lawfulness of burning an Hereti∣cal City without going to the Iudge; and the lawfulness of Protestant Princes judging the Persons or Cities of Idolaters to be destroyed by the pretended Obligation of the Mosaic Law, is chargeable on the Anti- Pa∣pists I have mentioned: and I believe there are few of our Presbyterian or Independent Enthusiasts, but who think it as lawful to burn Rome as to roast an Egg.

But the Church of England abhorreth this flammeum & sulphureum evan∣gelium: and Dr. Hicks in the Preface to his Iovian, taking notice of the Reasons which the Papists urge for putting Heretick, and the scotising Pres∣byterians for putting Popish Princes to death, saith thereupon, I desire Mr. J. to tell me, Whether he thinks in his Conscience, the Bishops of the Church of England could argue so falsly upon the Principles of the Iewish Theocracy to the like proceedings in Christian States? And saith, if this way of arguing be true, then the Queen (meaning Queen Elizabeth) was bound to burn many Popish Towns in her Kingdom and smite the Inhabitants with the Sword, &c.

I have therefore thought it Essential to the advancement and preserva∣tion of Loyalty, to endeavour to have the Papal and Presbyterian Error as to the Iewish Laws exterminated.

And the setling of this point is the more important to the Measures of Loyalty, because the same Chapter in Deuteronomy, viz. the 13th, that hath been the Popes Palladium for his power of firing Heretical Cities, hath likewise been made use of by our deluded Excluders, as theirs to recur to in a practice so scandalous to Loyalty and to the Protestant Religion, and which hath too much appeared in the many Factious Pamphlets for the Exclusion; and as I hinted that that Chapter of Deuteronomy was impiously applied in a former Conjuncture, for putting the Queen of Scots to death, so the pretended lawfulness of the Exclusion by arguing from the greater to the less, was by the deluded generally inferred from that Chapter: and the place I just now referred too in the Preface of Iovian, mentions, Mr. I's arguing from Deut. 13. 6. If thy Brother, the Son of thy Mother, &c. in citing of which (saith the Dr.) it is evident on whom our Author did reflect.

The very exposing the absurdity of the Papal power of destroying He∣retical Persons and Cities on the account of the Mosaic Law, will (I be∣lieve) as by Consent of the sober of all Parties much help to extermi∣nate the aforesaid Error, which hath cost the Papacy so dear, and natu∣rally tempted so many Calvinists to own the same Error, partly by way of retaliation, and not altogether through defect of Judgment: and I doubt not but if the Papacy were now to begin to claim the allowance of exerci∣sing the Jurisdiction over all Christians in the World as the High Priest did over all proselyted to the Iewish Religion (and as appears by not only the Inhabitants of Palestine, but others of the most remote Coun∣tries, and particularly by the Aethiopian in the Acts of the Apostles own∣ing subjection to the Iewish Priesthood) it would stop at the Conquest of that Oecumenical Power, and Tenths of the Levites thereby, without de∣manding the Power to destroy Hereticks Towns, and to exterminate the Persons of Hereticks by Crusado's, as other dependencies on it. But the Papacy hath long ago passed that bloody Rubicon of the Iudicial Law, and cannot in Honour or Politicks go back: nor will any Pope expressly renounce the Power of compelling Princes to exterminate their Heretical Subjects, tho yet the Fashion of the exercise of this Power be thus as I Page  [unnumbered] have shewed, tacitly passed away, and as a thing necessarily impracticable in the more populous World.

And no Iesuited Papist dares disclaim this Power in the Pope's behalf or impugn the same; however it was a thing that the Pope could not but foreee, that his quashing the Iesuites Power to kill men by retail, would render the Iesuites averse from writing for his Power to kill Here∣ticks by whole-sale and by Crusado's, or for the power to fire Heretical Cities, if there were occasion to have any such power asserted in behalf of the Papacy, as I believe there neither is nor ever will be. But partly according to my Conjecture of the Result of the Fermentation about the Regale in France, I suppose that tho the Papacy will no more be brought to disclaim its pretended Monarchy over other parts of the World in ordine ad spiritualia, than the Dukes of Savoy will the Title of their being Kings of Cyprus, yet it will be neither able or studious to prosecute its Claim of such power by disordering the World as formerly.

All the personal Vertue and Probity of any Popes will never incline them to pronounce against their Iurisdiction, however they may thereby, and by want of strength to execute it, be kept from the old injurious am∣pliating it; and on this slippery Precipice the Papacy still remains, and from whence through the natural Jealousie of Crown'd Heads and States in the point of Power, it will probably fall down to its tame principium unitatis, and its Patriarchal Figure, and in time to nothing.

But by many of the Anti-papal Sects, and such as call themselves The only true Protestants, still owning the Obligation of the Iewish forinsec Laws, a Necessity is by God and Nature put on the Protestants of the Church of England to Combat such pretended Obligations by dint of Rea∣son, and thereby to support the Rights of their Princes without Condi∣tion and Reserve, and which no Jesuited Papists or Protestants either can or will do.

Nor is it safe for other Papists to own Principles that touch the Pope's imaginary Monarchal Power. For Power how fantastick soever, would seem a serious thing and will endure no raillery, and the honest Father Caron whom I have mentioned as citing 250 Popish Authors who denied the Pope's Power to depose Princes, doth tell us, that the Pope's Nuntio and 4 Popes condemned his Doctrine, and the Inquisitors damned his Book, and his Superiours his Soul, I mean, they very fairly excommunicated him for it.

There is another thing that may render the knowledge of this Papal Tenet worthy of the entertaining our Curiosity, tho we are past its dan∣ger; and that is what occurs to me that I lately mentioned in a Discourse I had with an intelligent Person of the Church of England, who saying to me that there was one part of the barbarous Out-rage of the Gun-powder Treason, which was very scandalous to Humane Nature, and which he thought could not be pretendedly legitimated by any Papal Principles, namely that part of the Out-rage, that related to the designed destru∣ction of so many Magnificent Piles of Building, and of the adjacent City of Westminster, and the lifes of thousands of Men, Women, and Children with one Cruel Fatal Blow, I gave him an account of the Tenet in the Canon Law, grounded on the 13th of Deuteronomy, so fairly and fully discussed in the following Discourse, and whereby I satisfied him about the Principle that pretended to legitimate that part of the Out-rage: and do assure any man that as arbitrary as the Papacy ever was, it yet was so just as to inflict no kind of punishment on Persons or Communities that was not in its Sanctions intimated and for what Crimes.

Page  [unnumbered] I have in this Discourse render'd some of our late Fift-Monarchy men Principled for all Villany imaginable, and justly Convicted and Ex∣ecuted for a design to fire our Metropolis, and in which design they had sub∣tilly contrived to have backed their Out-rage with the terror of Armed Forces, nothing of which appeared in the Case of the two poor French Papists charged with the Odium of the Fact, and beyond which least of numbers it is not in this Discourse extended: and as to those two Persons, there being then open War between the English and French, it may be said, that the Religion of Popery might be out of the Case of any thing done by such as were justi hostes, as the Laws term them, however I yet think that none concerned in the Government of that Nation, would then be so barbarous as to design us such an Out-rage.

Moreover I have in this Discourse said, that I will not charge the al∣lowance of this Tenet on the generality of Papists either at home or abroad, and that no un-jesuited Papist nor perhaps some sober Party in that Order would think the worse of me for calling the Decretum of the Popes Canon Law, by reason of its empowring him thus to burn Cities, horrendum De∣cretum.

And because my knowing of this Papal Tenet, as founded on the Iudicial Law, made me, after the beginning of this Discourse, to surmize, that more Papists might possibly be concerned in this Out-rage than really were, and so in my balancing the actings of some Loyal Protestant Recusants in Ire∣land, with some Dis-loyal ones of some Popish Recusants there and here, I mentioned the Out-rage on the Metropolis as done by Papists, (i. e. by Papists, and not by Protestants, and as Sir W. Raleigh mentioned that Harry the 4th was murdered by the Papists, that is not by the Huguenots) I yet thought my self bound in Christianity and Moral Justice to shew my self so far from being in the least misled by the scandalous and incoherent Narratives that reflected on a great body of the Papists, as concerned in such a horrid Fact, and particularly by that whose Author in a Plot with Booksellers had stole his Fire of London out of old printed Examination before a Committee of Parliament, that I have shewn the ridiculousness of the palmare argumentum of the Populace, and cryed up as so unanswerable, to prove that very many Papists designedly fired the City, and which Argument I have not met with exposed to contempt by any other Person, and which had so far happened to work on the understanding of an inge∣nious man who employed himself in writing the History of England, since the King's Restoration, that he had been likely, but for my shewing him the Childishness of his Error, to have sent it to Posterity with a Crown, instead of a Fools Cap on its head.

And tho I have rendred the same Tenet of firing Heretical Cities, that is in the Pope's Canon Law founded on Deuteronomy, chargeable on our late Presbyterians, I have exempted the Persons of such our Protestant Recu∣sants, from any guilt of an Out-rage against our Metropolis as Idolatrous: for whatever their Principles are, there is yet another sort of Idolatry prevalent among them as all Religionaries (and which I have referred to) namely Covetousness, that would secure them from firing their own Nests.

But here while I am troubling my self to do right to Papists and Pres∣byterians, I cannot without all the horror and detestation imaginable call to mind how a vile traiterous Subject of his Majesties, who presumed to call himself the Protestant Ioyner, was so far transported with Madness and Fury, as to the scandal of Religion and Loyalty and common Sense, Page  [unnumbered] with the guilt or that Fire to reproach his Prince, whose Reign had so long signalized it self, with such a Father-like tenderness for all his Sub∣jects. And yet in the TRYAL of that Monster of Calumny, his slan∣dering his Prince thus with so much desperate and ridiculous Molice was in proof. And ridicuous it may well be called: for what could be more remote from the least shadow of possibility, than a Prince of such Emi∣nent Wisdom and known great Abilities, firing his own Chamber, and destroying his Revenue, and vastly impoverishing the People, and there∣by weakening himself in the Flagrancy of War between England and France, and the States of Holland? It is absolute dotage and Bedlam-madness to imagine, that any one interested in the Government of Eng∣land, and its being a Kingdom, could be in the least a well wisher to such an Out-rage. The very Fift-Monarchy men, who designed it, were ab∣ject Paupers, and the two French-men were no better.

But Justice found out that Shimei, who thus outragiously slandered the Lord's Annointed: and may all such his incorrigible Enemies be cloathed with shame; and let them see that tho Heaven doth not think fit always to hide Princes from the scourge of the Tongues of men of Belial, yet at the same time it sheweth some tender regard of the honour of Crown'd heads, by abandoning the dis-loyal to reproach them with impossibilities.

It was observed by the late Bishop of Winchester in his printed Sermon before the King on the 5th of November, p. 18. That the Doctrines among the Dissenters that tend to Sedition and Rebellion, seem to be deri∣ved and borrowed from the Church of Rome: but his Lordship in the same Page, having before spoke of those Doctrines, said, That if they are be∣lieved and practised they must necessarily produce Confusion among us.

Yet having a regard to the Piety and Peaceableness of some Dissenters, and considering how long many of them had been trained up to Principles of Loyalty before they went off from the Church of England, we may rea∣sonably have the better hopes of their not being able to believe the Do∣ctrine of Resistance and Principles convulsive of Civil Society.

But we have of late found cause to judge, that that Doctrine, and those Principles have been believed and practised by others of them, and with such Artifice to amuse and divert the incautelous Loyal from the apprehen∣sion thereof, as was practised by several of the Papists a little before the Gun-powder Treason: for as at the end of the Papists supplication to the King and the States of the Parliament in the year 1604, they undertake that as to the Loyalty of their Priests, they shall readily take their Corporal Oaths for continuing their true Allegiance to his Majesty or the State, or in Case that be not thought assurance enough, that they shall give in sufficient Sureties, one or more, who shall stand bound life for life for the performance of the said Allegiance; and further, that if any of their number be not able to put in such Security, that then they will all joyn in such supplication to the Pope for recalling such Priests out of the Land (and thus by the Offer of Security at∣tempted to lull the State in a secure sleep and dream of their Loyalty) so have many of our Protestant would-be's by the publication of their NO PROTESTANT PLOT, so lately before their plotted Out-rage, done what was tantamount to keep our Country from being awake to observe the March of their Principles, till it should be surprized with the suddenness of Sampson's Alarm when it came to be said, The true Protestants are upon thee, I mean those who falsly call themselves so.

Page  [unnumbered] I know no true Son of the Church of England owning a greater propen∣sion to afford favour to Heterodox Religionaries, in points denominable by Religion, than what my natural temper and habitual inclination prompt me to. And tho some men are apt to have a sharper regret against others for differing from them in judgment, than for a material injury, I am naturally so far from such an humour, as to be more pleased with, and to think my self better diverted by the Conversation of the Learned, whose Sentiments differ from mine in most points Philosophical and in ma∣ny Theological, than by theirs who perfectly agree in opining with me therein: and do fancy to my self that I have the fortune hereby for my hmour to accord with that of the generality of men of the gayest tem∣per in the Age, how different soever their Religions are; and do sup∣pose, that if such a captios fiery Bigot as Bishop Bonner were now living, the ingenious Maimbourg would scorn to keep him Company.

But the present State of Christendom making Loyalty a Vertue of Neces∣sity here in England, (as I have shewn in this Discourse) I would abhor the Conversation of any Dissenter I thought Dis loyal, as of a Person not only wicked but stupid: and on this Rock (as I may say) of Loyalty being likely so long to continue Essential to our continuing a Nation, have I built my Conjecture of the future happy State of England.

It is a possible thing that the serenity of its Future State may be for some little time over-cast by Clouds of Discontent, if the Balance of Trade should long continue to be against us, and that then forlorn Pau∣pers instead of fearing Popery would for a while fear nothing at all: for Nescit plebs jejuna timere. But I have cited the Observator on the Bills of Mortality for accounting not above one in 4000 to have starved; and I having in p. 185 cited the Author of Britannia languens, for saying, that he heard of no new improving Manufacture in England but that of Peri∣wigs, did give my Judgment, that the Ebb of our Trade hath been at the lowest point, and that Nature will necessarily hasten its improvement: and having observed in p. 66, that after a long Age of Luxury a contrary humour reigns as long in the World again, I have said that of that con∣trary humour I think we now see the Tide coming in, and have assigned one late Woollen Manufacture, by which England hath gained double as much as for 76 years, it lately did by the Balance of Trade.

But if any one of our true Protestant Plotters should be supposed ever to inveigle any of the poorer Mobile to fly out into tumultuous Disorder or Commotion, any such Commotion making an Exception from my ge∣neral Rule of England's necessary future pacific State, would both cer∣tainly firmare regulam, and make the Odium of the Loyal Populace so keen against all Principles and Doctrines of Resistance, as to exterminate the same from our Soyl for ever, and to deter men as much from daring to propagate the same in England, as in those two most Famous Recepta∣cles of Heterodox Religionaries, I mean Amsterdam and Constantinople.

Any one who will accord with me how necessary it was for the con∣founding of Dis-loyalty, that I should point out the fatal time when our Trade was confounded, viz. in Ianuary 1648: and any Reader of this Dis∣course will find the obvious way mentioned, how a Child of ten years of Age may know when the Balance of Trade is against us, and how long it hath been so, tho not to what proportion; and so whether I have been too sanguine in my fancy by predicting in effect that it will be for us, and long so continue, time will shew. But if I am out in my Measures as to that point, I am sure the Divines of the Church of England will gain Cento Page  [unnumbered] per Cento thereby, as to the point of their absolute usefulness; and necessary encouragement under a Prince of what resolution soever; and upon a wanton supposition that they had all withdrawn themselves to the remo∣test parts of the Earth, it would be any Princes interest to invite them back again at any rate, and that for their persisting in the preaching up of Loyalty as they have done for several years, and thereby so much helped to preserve us from weltring in one anothers blood.

It is excellently observed by Lucius Antistius Constans in his De jure Ecclesiasticorum, that the CLERGY is necessary to console us with the World to come, as to the hardships daily occurring to us in this, as well as to direct us in our Course to that World. And if contrary to my expectation, Heaven should think fit to punish the past Rebellions and present murmu∣rings of so many of our Land, by any future diminution of our Trade (and when we should be enforced to work the harder for the necessary support of our Families and of the Government) 10000 Preachers of Loyalty will be an useful Treasure both to the Prince and People.

Fuller in his Church-History mentions, that in the year 1619, It was complained of that the Grantees of Papists forfeitures generally favoured them by Compositions for lght Sums. But the famous Book of The Right and Iu∣risdiction of the Prelate and the Prince, printed A. D. 1617. saith in the Epistle Dedicatory to the English Catholicks, You have this long time suf∣fered as violent and furious a Persecution as ever the Jews did under an An∣tiochus, or the Primitive Christians did under a Nero, Domitian, Diocle∣sian, Maximinian or Julian, and yet you see no end of this fury, &c.

I would ask any Loyal Roman Catholick, if a Clergy that could console such Lachrymists and preach Loyalty to them, was not then necessary? And I am sure he will say it was; for that the Doctrine preached by the Author of that Book appeareth thus in the Contents of the Chapters after the end of that Epistle, viz. Regal Power proceeds immediately from the Peoples Ele∣ction and Donation, &c. By the Spiritual Power which Christ gave the Pope in his Predecessor St. Peter, he may dispose of Temporal Things, and even of Kingdoms for the good of the Church: and the many Republican and Sedi∣tious Assertions in that Book are such, that any Asserters thereof would in the judgment of our Loyal Populace, be thought to merit what the Iews or Primitive Christians suffered as aforesaid. And that no man dares now partly so fear of the Popular displeasure and being thought ab∣surd, say, that the English Monarchy is otherwise than from God and not from Mens Election, just as for fear of the People, the chief Priests and Scribes and Elders durst not say that the baptism of Iohn was not from Heaven but of men, is most eminently to be attributed to the late Loyal Sermons made expressly of Loyalty by the Divines of the Church of England.

But that I may draw toward an end of this long INTRODVCTION or PREFACE (wherein yet if I have happened to acquaint any Reader with any valuable point of Truth, it will be the same thing to him as the payment of a Bill of Exchange in the Portico or in the House) I am ne∣cessarily to say that by the inadvertence of an Amanuensis employed in writing somewhat of this Discourse for the Press, there happened to be several mistakes of words and names; and one of them I shall mention here, and not trust to its being regarded among the Errata, viz. that whereas 'tis said in p. 39, that Creswel a Iesuite writ for King Iames his Succession when Parsons writ against it, it should have been said that Chricton a Iesuite then did so: and so the latter part of the Volume of Page  [unnumbered] the Mystery of Iesuitism relates it: and any indifferent man would think that Chricton writ not in earnest, and that his Book appeared not on the Stage of the World, but only to go off it, since so necessary a Counter∣poyson to Parsons his Book, could never yet be heard of in any Li∣brary.

Some little Omissions and Errors about Letters and Pointing, easily appearing by their grossness, are not put into the Errata: and some the Reader will find amended with the Pen.

Moreover I am to Apologize for the carelesness of the Style, and to ac∣quaint the Reader, that the Rule of any ones writing in any thing that is called a Letter, being the way of the same Persons speaking, I do there∣by justify the freedom I have taken in not polishing any Notions, or deli∣vering them out with the care employed on curious Pictures (and that re∣quire twice or thrice sitting) and in using that colouring of words, and such bold careless Touches as are to be used in the finishing up any piece at once, and which the Nature of Discourse necessarily implies, and in sometimes using significant expressions in this or the other Language for any thing, as I do in my common Conversation with those who understand those Languages; and by the same Rule I have exempted my self from the trouble of that nice weighing of things as well as of words, that a Pro∣fessed History or Discourse, otherwise then in the way of a Letter, would have required, and the same excuse may serve for the Style of this Preface.

If the Date of this Discourse had not at the writing of the first Sheet been there inserted, a later one had been assigned it: but I thought it not ••nti on the occasion thereof to have that Sheet reprinted.

I hope to be able in my Review to gratifie the Readers Curiosity with somewhat more of satisfaction as to the Monastic Revenue, and which in p. 92 I mentioned as not adequate to the maintenance of 50000 Regulars by my not considering how plentifully it was supported by Oblations of various kinds, and other ways not necessary to be here enumerated.

In p. 1. I say, I think it was St. Austin who said, Credo quia impossibile est: and have since thought it was Tertullian. I care not who said it, as long as I did not.

I have in p. 13 mentioned the Order of Iesuites as invented by the Pope in the year 1540, wherein I had respect to the time of its Confirmation from the Papacy and not of its founding by Ignatius.

There are other omissions and faults in the Press that the Reader is re∣ferred to the Errata for, without his consulting which, I am not accountable for them.

I am farther to say that there is one thing in this Preface that I need not apologize for, and wherein I have done an Act of common Justice, namely, in Celebrating the Heroical Vertue and Morality of this present Pope, that were signalized as I have mentioned.

Almighty God can make the Chair of Pestilence convey health to the World, and can preserve any Person in it from its mortal Contagion.

But the truth is, I was the more concerned to do the Pope the right I have done, because I observed, that after that Credit of the Popish Plot began to die, that depended on the Credit of the Witnesses, several Persons attempted to put new Life into it, by their renewed impotent Calumnies cast on the Character of the Pope, and as appeared by a bound 8o printed in the year 1683, called The Devils Patriarch, or a full and impartial Ac∣count of the Notorious Life of this present Pope of Rome, Innocent the 11th, &c. Written by an EMINENT Pen to revive the remembrance of the Page  [unnumbered] amost forgotten PLOT against the life of his Sacred Majesty and the Prote∣stant Religion.

What AVTHOR was meant by that EMINENT PEN, I know not in the least. The Preface to the Reader concludes with the Letters of T. O. The vain Author having throughout his Book ridicu∣lously accused the Pope of immorality and scandal, and of being a friend to Indulgences, and of favouring the loose Principles of the Iesuites, and of contriving the Popish Plot and carrying it on in concert with the Iesuites, concludes by saying in p. 133. This Pope had great hopes of re-entry into England by his hopeful Plot: hereupon Cottington's bones were brought to be buried here, &c.

It was high time then for People to be weary of the Martyrocracy when the Plot came to be staruminated by Cottington's bones, and the pretended immorality of so great an Example of severe Vertue as this Pope, and when the belief of the Testimony against some men as Popish Ruffians was endea∣voured to be supported by the Childish Artifice of making a Ruffian of the Pope himself.

But indeed long before the Edition of that trifling Book, many things had occurred so far to shake the testimony of the Witnesses, as that it grew generally the Concordant voice of the Populace, that on a suppo∣sal of several of the same Persons being again alive to be tryed on the Te∣stimony of the same Witnesses before the same Judges, it would not have prejudiced a hair of the heads that were destroyed by it, and particularly in the unfortunate Lord Stafford's Case.

I have in two or three places of this Discourse, speaking of the Papal Hierarchy, called it Holy Church, its old known term, and by which I meant no reflection of scorn: nor would I laugh at any Principle of Re∣ligion found among any Heterodox Religionaries that the dying groans of the holy Iesus purchased them a liberty to profess.

But 'tis no Raillery to say, that the Artifices of any dis-loyal Popish and Protestant Recusants, that have so long made Templum Domini, usurp on the Lord of the Temple and his Vice Gerents, that is, Kings and Princes, will support no Church: and that as it hath been observed of some Free Stones, that when they are laid in a Building in that proper posture which they had naturally in their Quarries, they grow very hard and durable (and if that be changed, they moulder away in a short time) a long dura∣tion may likewise be predicted to the Arts and Principles of reason appli∣ed to support a Church as they lay in the Quarry of Nature, and where the God of Nature laid them for the support of Princes and their People, and è contrà. In fine, therefore since the Principles of the Church of Eng∣land are thus laid in it as they were in that Quarry, none need fear that they will be defaced by time, or that a lawful Prince of any Reli∣gion here will accost it otherwise than with those words of the Royal Psalmist, viz. Peace be within thy Walls, and Prosperity within thy Pa∣laces.

Page  [unnumbered]Page  [unnumbered]

AN INDEX Of some of the Principal Matters Contained in the following DISCOURSE IN ALETTER TO THE Earl of ANGLESY.

  • HIS Lordship is vindica∣ted from mis-reports of being a Papist, and an ac∣count given of his Birth and Education, and time spent in the University and Inns of Court, and afterward in his Travels a∣broad, Page 1, 2, 3.
  • An account of his first eminent pub∣lick employment as Governor of Ulster, by Authority under the Great Seal of England, p. 4.
  • An account of his successful Negotia∣tion with the then Marquess of Ormond, Lord Lieutenant of Ire∣land▪ for the Surrender of Dublin, and all other Garrisons under his Command, into the Parliaments hands, p. 5.
  • An account of his being a Member of the House of Commons in Eng∣land, and of the great Figure he afterward made in the King's Re∣storation, ib.
  • Reflections on the Popular Envy a∣gainst the Power of a Primier Mi∣nistre, ib. and p. 6, 7, 8.
  • Remarks on the Saying applied in a Speech of one of the House of Commons, against the Earl of Strafford, viz. That Beasts of Prey are to have no Law, ib.
  • Reflections on the rigour and injustice of the House of Commons, in their Proceedings against the Earl of Strafford, p 9.
  • The Usurpers declared, that tho they judged the Rebellion in IrelandPage  [unnumbered] almost national, that it was not their intention to extirpate the whole Irish Nation, p. 10.
  • The Author owneth his having ob∣served the Piety and Charity of several Papists, p. 11.
  • The Author supposeth that since all Religions have a Priesthood, that some Priests were allowed by the Vsurpers, to the transplanted Irish, p. 13.
  • An account of the Privileges the Papists enjoyed in Ireland, before the beginning of the Rebellion there, and of the favour they enjoyed in England before the Gun-powder Treason, p. 14.
  • Observations on the Pope's Decree, March the 2d, 1679. Condem∣ning some opinions of the Jesu∣ites and other Casuists, in Pages 15, 41, 50, 51, 52, 53, 201.
  • The great goodness of the Earl of An∣glesy's nature observed, and parti∣cularly his often running hazard to save those who were sinking in the favour of the Court, p. 16.
  • The Authors observation of the ef∣fects of the hot Statutes against Popery and Papists in Queen Eli∣zabeth's and King Iames his time shortly ceasing, ib.
  • The Authors Iudgment that a per∣fect hatred to Popery may consist with a perfect love to Papists, p. 19.
  • He expresseth his having no re∣gret against any due relaxation of any Penal Laws against Popish Re∣cusants, p. 20.
  • An account of the Earl of Anglesy, and others of the Long Parlia∣ment crushing the Jure-Divinity of Presbytery in the Egg, p. 29, 30.
  • The out-rage of the Scots Presbyte∣rian Government observed, p. 29
  • The People of England did hate and scorn its Yoke, in the time of our late Civil Wars, ib.
  • Remarks concerning infamous Wit∣nesses, and their credibility after Pardon of Perjury, or after Crimes, and Infamy incurred, p. 33, 34, 35. at large, and p. 204, 205.
  • The incredibility of the things sworn in an Affidavit, by such a Witness against his Lordship, p. 35, 36.
  • The Principle in Guymenius, p. 190. Ex tractatu de justitiâ & jure, censured, viz. licitum est Clerico vel Religioso calumniatorem, gra∣via crimina de se vel de suâ Reli∣gione spargere minantem, occide∣re, &c. p. 37.
  • Cardinal D' Ossats Letters very falsly and ridiclously cited by an English Priest of the Church of Rome, for relating that the Gun∣powder Treason Plot was a sham of Cecils contrivance, p 38.
  • Father Parsons one of the greatest Men the Jesuites Order hath pro∣duced, p. 40.
  • D' Ossat in his Letters observed to have given a more perfect Scheme of the whole design to hinder King Iames his Succession, then all other Writers have done, ib.
  • Observations on the Author of the Catholick Apology, with a reply, &c▪ speaking of his not believing that Doleman's Book of the Suc∣cession, was writ by Father Par∣sons, and that Parsons at his death denied that he was the Author of it, and on Cardinal D' Ossat in his Letters averring, that Parsons was Reverâ the Author of it, and that Parsons made application to him, in order to the defeating King James his Succession, unless he would turn Catholick, p. 41.
  • D' Ossat's observing that Parsons in that Book, doth often and grossly contradict himself, ib.
  • D' Ossat's commending our English Understandings, for so soon recei∣ving King Jame, and so peaceably, after the death of Queen Elizabeth, ib.
  • The Author grants that Papists may be sound parts of the State here, as they are by Sir William Temple in his Book observed to be in Hol∣land, p. 44.
  • The vanity of some Papists designing to raise their Interest by Calumny and Shamm ib.
  • Page  [unnumbered] The Pope's said Decree of the 2d. of March, accuseth the Jesuites and other Casuists, of making Calum∣ny a Venial sin, p. 45.
  • The nature of a Venial sin explained, ib.
  • The Jesuites Moral Divinity patroni∣zing Calumny, is likely to be fatal to their Order, p. 47. 49.
  • The Author's opinion that they can never recover the wounds given them by the publication of the les Provinciales, &c. ib. and that much less those given them by the Popes said Decree, p. 50, 51.
  • Observations on that Notion of Moa∣sieur Descartes and Mr. Hobbs, That the faculties of the mind are equally dispensed, and on the natu∣ral effects of that Notion, p. 58.
  • The Author remarks some Shamms and Calumnies used by some Pro∣testants, and their contending with Papists therein, p. 59.
  • An Antidote mentioned for Papists and Protestants, to carry about with them in this Pestilential time of Shamms, ib.
  • A vile Shamm or Calumny used a∣gainst Papists, as if they intend∣ed to burn the Town of Stafford, and other great Towns, is referred to in one of Janeway's printed In∣telligences, p. 60.
  • Animadversions on Parsons his Book of the Succession, p. 60, 61.
  • 'Tis for the honour of the Roman Catholick Religion observed, that Harry the 4th of France, after he turned Papist, continued kind and just to his Protestant Subjects, not∣withstanding the Popes endeavours to the contrary, p. 62.
  • The Authors grand Assertion, viz. That whatever alterations time can cause, yet (humanly speak∣ing) while the English Nation remains entire, and defended from Foreign Conquest, the Protestant Religion can never be extermina∣ted out of this Kingdom, p. 64.
  • Mr. Hooker's Propliecy of the hazard of Religion and the service of God in England, being an ill State af∣ter the Year 1677, p. 65.
  • The defections of the ten Tribes from the time of David, punished by a Succession of 10 ill Kings, p. 66.
  • The words in Hosea, I gave thee a King in mine anger falsly made by An∣timonarchical Scriblers to refer to Saul, ib.
  • Dr. Stillingfleet's Sermon cited about the uncertainty of what the fer∣mentations among us may end in, ib.
  • Dr. Sprat's opinion cited, That what∣ever vicissitude shall happen a∣bout Religion in our time, will neither be to the advantage of Implicit Faith or Enthusiasm, p. 67.
  • Historical Oservations relating to the Papacy from p. 67, to p. 77.
  • The Papal Power formerly pernicious to the external Polity and Gran∣deur of England, p. 77, 78.
  • Queen Elizabeth said by Townsend to have spent a Million of Money, in her Wars with Spain, and laid out 100000 l. to support the King of France, and 150000 l. in defence of the Low Country, and to have discharged a Debt of 4 Millions, She found the Crown indebted in, ib.
  • How by her Alliances She laid the Foundation of the vast ensuing Trade of England, whose over∣balance brought in afterward so much Silver to be Coyn'd in the Tower of London, p. 78.
  • The Sums Coyn'd there from the 41st year of her Reign, to May 1657, ib.
  • England alone,▪ till the Peace of Mun∣ster in the year 1648, enjoyed al∣most the whole Manufacture, and best part of the Trade of Europe, by virtue of her Alliances, ib.
  • The same Month of January, in the year 48, produced the signing of that Peace, and the Martyrdom of the best of Kings, and the fatal dimi∣nution of our Trade, ib.
  • Queen Elizabeth had what praemium of Taxes from Parliaments She pleased, ib.
  • Page  [unnumbered] King James told the Parliament An∣no 1620, that She had one year with another 100,000 l. in Subsi∣dies, and that he had in all his time, but 4 Subsidies and 6 Fif∣teenths: and that his Parliament had not given him any thing for 8 or 9 years, ib.
  • In Harry the 3d's time, the Pope's Revenue in England was greater than the Kings: and in 3 years time the Pope extorted more Mo∣ney from England, than was left remaining in it, ib.
  • In Edward the 3d's time, the Taxes pad to the Pope for Ecclesiastical Dignities, amounted to five times as much as the People payed to the King, p. 79.
  • By a Balance of Trade then in the Exchecquer, it appeared that the Sum of the over-plus of the Ex∣ports above the Imports, amount∣ed to 255214 l. 13 s. 8d. ib.
  • Wolsey's Revenue generally held e∣qual to Harry the 8th's, ib.
  • Why the Pope never sent Emissaries to Denmark and Sweden, and some other Northern Countries for Mo∣ney, and why probably in no course of time that can happen, he will send any to England on that Er∣rand, ib. and p. 80.
  • In the 4th year of Richard the 2d, the Clergy confessed they had a 3d part of the Revenue of the Kingdom, and therefore then con∣sented to pay a 3d of the Tax∣es, ib.
  • Bishop Sanderson mentions the Mo∣nastick Revenue, to be half the Re∣venue of the Kingdom, ib.
  • The not providing for the aug∣mentations of the poorer livings in England, observed to be a Scandal to the Reformation, p. 81.
  • Of 8000 and odd Parish Churches in Queen Elizabeth's time, but 600 were observed to afford a competent maintenance to a Mini∣ster, and four thousand five hun∣dred Livings, then not worth above 10 l. a year in the Kings Books, ib.
  • During the late Vsurpation the Im∣propriate Tithes saved the o∣ther, ib.
  • A Million of Pounds Sterling com∣monly observed to accrue to the Popes per Annum, from Indul∣gencies, p. 87.
  • An account of the Compact between some of the most eminent Presby∣terian Divines, and the long Par∣liament, by which the Parliament was obliged to settle on the Mi∣nistry all the Church Lands, and those Divines engaged to pro∣mote the Parliaments Cause, and of the result thereof, p. 88.
  • Observations on the Calculations of the Monastick Revenue, made in the year 1527, by Mr. Simon Fish, in his Book called, The supplica∣tion of Beggars, and which Cal∣culations were much valued by Harry the 8th, p. 90, 91.
  • Not only none of our Monkish Histo∣rians, but even of our polished and ingenious ones made any Esti∣mates of the Numbers of the Peo∣ple in the times they writ of, ib.
  • A Calculation of the Number of Religious Persons, or Regulars in England, at the time of the Dis∣solution of Monasteries, p. 92.
  • A Calculation of the Numbers of Seculars as well as Regulars, that then lived in Celebacy, ib.
  • The Author's Calculation of the Number of the Levites, and of their Quota of the Profits of the Land, p. 93.
  • A Calculation of the Ebb of the Coynage of England, from May 1657 to November 1675, p. 102.
  • A particular Account of Cromwel the Vsurpers depressing the Trade of the European World, p. 103.
  • The Kings of Spain impose Pensions on Ecclesastical Preferments to the 4th part of the value, p. 104.
  • The proportion of Papists, and Non-Papists, by the Bishops Survey in the Year 1676, is 150 Non-Pa∣pists for one Papist, ib.
  • Page  [unnumbered] The People in the Province of Hol∣land, reckoned to be 2 Millions 4 hundred thousand, ib.
  • The People in Flanders in the Year 1622, reckoned to be 700,000, p. 105.
  • Amsterdam in the Year 1650, reck∣oned to have in it 300000 Souls, ib.
  • An Account of what the Inhabitants of Holland in the Year 1664, did (over and above the Customs and other Demesnes of the Earls and States of Holland) pay to∣ward the publick Charge, namely, to the States of Holland, to the Admiralty of the Maze, to the Admiralty of Amsterdam, to the Admiralty of the Northern Quar∣ter, ib.
  • The number of the Inhabitants of Venice in the year 1555, ib.
  • An Account of the Political Energy of the Reformation in England, p. 107.
  • The Revenue of the Kingdom of Eng∣land quintuple, in the year 1660, to what it was at the time of the Reformation, p. 108.
  • A Calculation of the Revenue of the Church, holding in the year 1660, the same proportion of encrease, ib.
  • The Customs of England when Queen Elizabeth came to the Crown, made but 36000 l. per Annum: and were since 1660 farmed at 400000 l. per Annum, and have since then made about double that Sum, p. 109.
  • The yearly Revenue of the whole Kingdom of England computed, ib.
  • Queen Elizabeth wisely provided for the enlargement of the Trade, and Customs of England, ib.
  • The Numbers of the People of Spain, p. 111.
  • The knowledge of the Numbers of People in a Kingdom is the Sub∣stratum of all Political measures, ib.
  • An Animadversion on the Author of la Politique Françoise, ib.
  • There were about 600,000 Souls in Paris, shortly after the year 1660, p. 113.
  • An Animadversion on the Calcula∣tion of Malynes in his Lex mer∣catoria, ib.
  • Animadversions on the Calculations of Campanella, as to the numbers of the People of France, p. 114.
  • Lord Chief Iustice Hales his Obser∣vations of the gradual encrease of the People in Glocester shire, cor∣roborated by the Author, p. 115.
  • The Author believes the Total of the People of England, to be very much greater, than any cautious Calculators have made it, p. 116.
  • Observations on the Numbers of the People of England, resulting from the returns on the late Pole-Bills, and the Bishops Survey, ib. and p. 117, 118, 119.
  • An account of a Tax of Poll-Money in Holland, in the year 1622, p. 117.
  • Some illegal Proceedings in Queen Mary's Reign remarked, p. 119, 120.
  • The Authors opinion that any Roman Catholick Prince that may come to inherit the Crown, will use the Politics of Queen Mary, as a Sea mark to avoid, and Queen Eliza∣beth's as a Land-mark to go by, p. 122.
  • Eight hundred of the empty new built Houses of London, have been filled with French Prote∣stants, ib.
  • A high character given of Edward the 3d, a sharp Persecutor of the excesses of the Power of the Pope and his Clergy, and who saved the being of the Kingdoms. Trade, and Manufacture, and patronized Wickliffe, and the Authors opinion that any lawful Prince of the Ro∣man Catholick Religion, that can come here, will uphold the falling Trade of the Kingdom as he did, ib.
  • Page  [unnumbered] Occasional Remarks on the Numbers of the People in the old Roman Empire, p. 124.
  • The vanity of the fear of any ones erecting another Universal Mo∣narchy, p. 125.
  • Campanellas Courting Spain, and af∣terwards France with that Mo∣narchy, remarked, ib.
  • Observations on the fate of the Spa∣nish Armada in 88, and of the Numbers of its Ships and Seamen, and likewise of the Numbers of the Ships and Seamen then in Queen Elizabeth's Fleet, p. 127.
  • She claimed no Empire of the Ocean, either before 88 or afterward, ib.
  • The Shipping and Numbers of our Seamen in 12 years after 88, were decayed about a 3d part, p. 128.
  • An account of the French Monarch's Receipts and Expences in the year 1673, ib.
  • The Authors conjecture of the result of the Fermentation about the Regalia in France, p. 129.
  • The things predicted in the Apoca∣lyps, are with reference to exact∣ness of number and measure, p. 130.
  • The Origine of the name Fanatick, ib.
  • The Author asserts this as a Funda∣mental Principle for the quiet of the World, as well as of a mans own Conscience, viz. That no man is warranted by any inten∣tion of advancing Religion, to invade the right of the Sove∣reign Power that is inherent in Princes by the Municipal Laws of their Countries, ib.
  • The Author gives his Iudgment of the set time, (humanly speaking) for the extermination of Presby∣tery here being come, p. 133.
  • Of the illegality of the Scotch Co∣venant, p. 134.
  • The Assembly of Divines here would have been Arbitrary in Excom∣munication, ib.
  • The first Paragraph of the Cove∣nant introduced Implicit Faith, p. 135.
  • The Author of the Book called, The true English Interest, computes that 300,000 were slain in the late Civil War in England, p. 138.
  • Observations on his Majesty's and Royal Brothers Exile into Popish Countries, caused by our Presbyte∣rians, and even out of Holland in∣to France, and out of France into Spain, p. 138, 139.
  • Presbyterians are obliged of all men to speak softly of the danger of Popery, p 139.
  • An account of the present Numbers of the Papists in England, and some Historical Glances about the gradual decrease thereof in this Realm, in several Conjunctures since the Reformation, from p. 139, to p. 154.
  • The late Earl of Clarendon occasion∣ally mentioned with honour, p. 147.
  • The Authors judgment that the growth of Popery, and of the fears thereof will abate under any Con∣juncture of time here that can come, from p. 153 to p. 157.
  • In December 1672, the Protestants in Paris mere but as one to 65, p. 157.
  • Observations on the late Conversions in France, ib.
  • The Author explains what he means by the expression of Religion-Trade, ib.
  • The Author's Assertion that the World can never be quiet and or∣derly, till its State be such that men can neither get nor lose by Religion, from p. 158 to 160.
  • Animadversions on a Pamphlet aim∣ing at the overthrow of the Cleri∣cal Revenue of England, and called, The great Question to be consi∣dered, &c. p. 160, 161.
  • The Author asserts the present Cle∣rical Revenue of England to be reasonable and necessary, and very far from excess in its proportion; from p. 161 to p. 167.
  • The Author's reason why he doth usu∣ally in this Discourse call Popery an Hypothesis or Supposition, and Page  [unnumbered] not it, or our former Presbytery, in gross by the name of Religion, from p. 168 to p. 170, and after.
  • The Author's Assertion, That Pa∣pists as well as others of Man∣kind, have a Right and Title to the free and undisturbed wor∣shipping of God, and the Con∣fession of the Principles of Reli∣gion, purchased for them by the blood of Christ, p. 170.
  • The Author distinguisheth Princi∣ples of Papists, Socinians, and Presbyterians into Religionary and Non-religionary; and shews to what Principles the name of Religion is absurdly applied, from p. 168 to p. 172.
  • The Author observes it in many Pa∣pists, who have deserted the Church of England, that the rational Re∣ligion they were first educated in, hath had the allurements of the Natale solum, that they could ne∣ver wholly over-power, p. 174.
  • An Observation of three of the No∣bility that went off from the Church of England to that of Rome: but receded not from the Candour of their tempers, and that neither of them perverted their Wives or Children to Popery, and that the eldest Sons of them all are eminent Sons of the Church of England, and make great Figures in the State, ib.
  • Turen after his being a Papist, as kind to his Protestant Friends as formerly, ib.
  • The Author shews, that none need be afraid of any Roman Catholick Prince who was formerly a Prote∣stant, from p. 174 to 177.
  • Non-Conformist Divines not scru∣pling the lawfulness of what the Conformists do: but were ashamed to confess their error, p. 175.
  • 'Tis a shame for such Divines to cen∣sure the belief of Religionary No∣tions in a high born Prince, p. 176.
  • By the falsity of such Divines Prin∣ciples, as many hundreds of thou∣sands were here stain, as were bare hundreds put to death, in the in∣glorious Reign of Queen Mary, ib.
  • A Confutation of one Argument brought for London's being desig∣edly fired by many Popish Persons, p. 181.
  • The Author's Iudgment that the fermentation that hath been in the Kingdom, will not prove destru∣ctive but perfective to it, p. 183.
  • The Author's Iudgment that all Poli∣cy Civil or Ecclesiastical, will be accounted but Pedantry, that Post∣pones the Consideration of the building Capital Ships, and their Maintenance and Equipage, p. 184.
  • That Religion-Traders are really of the Trade of Beggars, p. 184.
  • More concerning the breaking of the Trade of Beggars, and of Court-Beggars, ib.
  • The reason why our English Mini∣nisters of State, have not writ their Memoires, as those of France have done, p. 185.
  • The Author of the present State of England, observed to say in Part 2d, that the yearly Charge of his Majesty's Navy in times of Peace, is so well regulated, that it scarce amounts to 70,000 l. per Annum, p. 185.
  • What the Lord Keeper Bridgman in his Speech to the Parliament in the year 1670 saith, that from the year 1660, to the late Dutch War the ordinary Charge of the Fleet communibus annis, came to 500,000 l. per Annum, and that it cannot be supported with less ib.
  • The Author believes that the ordi∣nary Naval Charge hath in no years since, amounted to less than 200,000 l. per Annum, besides the vast Charge in building new Ships and rebuilding old, and the Charge of Summer and Winter Guards, and of Convoys and Ships against Argier, p. 186.
  • Page  [unnumbered] Since the year 1669, the King hath enriched the Kingdom with a more valuable Fleet than it had before, ib.
  • The manifold payments to the Vsur∣pers amounted to one entire Subsi∣dy in each Week of the Year, and what the Kingdom paid before, exceeded not usually one Subsidy, or 15th in two or three years space, ib.
  • The nature of our old gentle way of Assessments called Subsidies, ib.
  • Instead of the demanding of 5 Mem∣bers from the Parliament, above 400 were forcibly secluded from it, ib.
  • Taxes afterward levied in the name of a House of Commons, when there were no Knights of the Shire for 26 English and 11 Welch Counties, and but one Knight of the Shire in other 9 Counties, and only the full number of Knights of the Shire for 4 Counties, and when York, Westminister, Bristol, Canterbury, Chester, Exeter, Ox∣ford, Lincoln, Worcester, Chi∣chester, Carlisle, Rochester, Wells, Coventry had no Citizens, and London 1 instead of 4, and Gloce∣ster and Salisbury alone had there full number: and when by a par∣cel of about 89 permitted to fit, the whole Clergy as well as Laye∣ty of England was taxed, ib. and p. 187.
  • The Vsurper by his own Authority only, laid a Tax of 600,000 l. per Month on the Nation, p. 187.
  • He afterward had a giving Parlia∣ment that Calculating the Charge of the Nation, found 400,000 l. per Annum, necessary for the Na∣vy and Ports, and settled on him in all 1,300,000 l. per Annum, ib.
  • Their helping him into the Power to break the Balance of Christen∣dom as he did, hath entailed on the Nation for ever, a necessity of labouring hard to support the pub∣lick Government, ib.
  • A Descant on the saying of Dulce bellum inexpertis, from p. 187 to p. 189.
  • A Calculation of the number of the People now living, who are inex∣perts: i. e. who are now alive, that were born since the year, in which our Wars ended, or were then Chil∣dren, viz. of such years as not to have experienced or been sensible of the miseries and inconvenience of the War: and a Calculation of what numbers of those who lived in 1641, are now dead: and what proportion of those now living, who lived in that time of the War, did gain by the War: and of the number of such inexperts in Ire∣land and Scotland: p. 188, 189, 190.
  • The Vsurpers seized into their hands about a Moiety of the Revenue of the Kingdom, p. 190.
  • 'Tis observed that presently after the discovery of the Gun-Powder Treason, the Parliament gave King James 3 Subsidies, 7 Fifthteenths and 10ths of the Layety, and 4 Subsidies of the Clergy: and what they amounted to. The Author shews how just and natural it was for the Parliament believing that Plot so to do, p. 191, 194.
  • An intimation of the reason of so much hatred in France against the Earl of Danby, p. 192.
  • The Authors belief that the future Warlike State of Christendom, will necessarily prompt all Patriots, instead of studying to make men un∣willing to promote publick supplies, to bend their Brains in the way of Calculation, to shew what the Kingdom is able to contribute to its defence, and how to do it with equality, ib.
  • The judgment of Sir W. P. that if a Million were to be raised in Eng∣land, what quota of the same should be raised on Land, Cattle, personal Estate, housing, ib.
  • The Iudgment of the same Author cited for the second Conclusion in Page  [unnumbered] his Political, Arithmetick, viz. that some kind of Taxes and pub∣lick Levies may rather encrease than diminish the Common∣wealth, p. 193.
  • An account of the exact Roman Pru∣dence in the equality of Taxes under the Ministry of the Censors appearing from the Civil Law, ib.
  • The great care and exactness of the leading men in Queen Elizabeth's Parliaments to Calculate the Le∣vies, and to render the same equal, ib.
  • The disproportionate Taxes laid by the Vsurpers on the Associated Counties and others, have caused the weight thereby to aggrieve ma∣ny of those places ever since, ib.
  • Lilly the Astrologer complaining, that whereas he was Taxed to pay about 20 s. to the Ship money, he was in the year 1651 rated to pay about 20 l. annually to the Souldie∣ry, ib.
  • The Author's belief and reason about Republican Models necessarily growing more and more out of fa∣shion, p. 194, 195.
  • Observations on the great Clause of proponentibus legatis in the Coun∣cil of Trent, p. 195.
  • The preserving of orderly proportion in the Revenue of the Prince and the Priest, and with respect to number weight and measure un∣der the times of the Gospel, a∣greed on by Divines to be refer∣red to by Ezekiel in Vision from the 40th Chapter to the end of his Prophecy, p. 196.
  • How Augustus his great Tax or Pole helped to confirm the Christian Re∣ligion, p. 197.
  • The Author's opinion that future, legal, and equal Taxes will have the effect of strengthening the Protestant Religion, ib.
  • Observed that the Parliament may be justly said to be indebted to the Crown, for that great part of its Patrimony Queen Elizabeth alie∣nated to secure the Protestant Re∣ligion, ib.
  • The fears of Popery further Censured, p. 198.
  • Ridly and Latimer Prophesied at the Stake, that Protestancy would ne∣ver be extinguished in England, p. 198.
  • Roger Holland prophesied at the Stake at Smithfield, that he should be the last that should there suffer Martyrdom, ib.
  • Observations on the Natural Prophe∣sying of dying men and its effects, p. 199.
  • The Vanity of Mens troubling the World by Suppositions, ib. and p. 200.
  • 'Tis a degree of madness to trouble it by putting wanton impossible cases, p. 200.
  • The Author without any thing of the Fire of Prophecy, and only by the light of reason presageth, that the excessive fear of Popery as wel as its danger will here be exter∣minated, ib.
  • The justice of the Claim of King Charles the first, to the Title of Martyr asserted, p. 201, 202, 203.
  • The Author judgeth that some vile Nominal Protestants by the pub∣lication of many Seditious Pam∣phlets, have given the Govern∣ment a just Alarm of their designs against it, p. 203.
  • Of Papists and Protestants being An∣tagonists in Shamms, p. 204.
  • Mr. Nye cited for representing the Dissenters, acted by the Jesuites in thinking it unlawful to hear the Sermons of the Divines of the Church of England, p. 204.
  • False Witnesses among the Jews al∣lowed against false Prophets, p. 205.
  • The Earl of Anglesy's Courage and Iustice asserted in the professing in the House of Lords his disbe∣lief of such an Irish Plot, as was sworn by the Witnesses, tho the belief of the reallity of such a Page  [unnumbered] Plot had obtained the Vote of e∣very one else in both Houses, ib.
  • Above 2000 Irish Papists in the Ba∣rony of Enishoan demean'd them∣selves civilly to the English du∣ring the whole Course of the Re∣bellion, ib.
  • Several eminent ingenious Pa∣pists in England, and Foreign parts celebrated for their avowed Can∣dour to Protestants, p. 206, 207, 208, &c.
  • D' Ossat's acquainting the Pope, That if his Holyness were King of France, he would show the same kindness to the Huguenots that Harry the 4th did, p. 208.
  • Cromwel being necessitated to keep the Interest of the Kingdom divi∣ded, was likewise necessitated to keep up all Religions according to the Politicks of Julian, p. 211.
  • Of the Papists calling King James Julian, ib.
  • The Author inveigheth against the Calumny of any Protestants who call any one Apostate, for the al∣teration of his Iudgment in some controvertible points of Faith be∣tween Papists and Protestants, ib.
  • The Author's Reason why 'tis foolish to fear that any Rightful Prince of the Roman Catholick perswasi∣on that can come here, will follow the Politicks of Julian, ib.
  • 'Tis shewn that any Protestant Vsur∣per here must act à la Julian, ib.
  • The Vsurper Cromwel shewn to be a Fautor of Priests and Jesuites by the Attestations of Mr. Prynn and the Lord Hollis, p. 212, 213.
  • The danger of Popery that would have ensued Lambert's Vsurpati∣on, p. 213, 214.
  • How true soever any Vsurpers Reli∣gion is, he must be false to the In∣terest of the Kingdom, p. 214.
  • Observed that the Kings long Parlia∣ment by the Act for the Test, did enjoyn the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to be taken, ib.
  • Those Oaths lay on the Takers an Ob∣ligation to the Kings Heirs and Successors without any distinction of the Religion true or pretended of such Heirs and Successors, ib.
  • Mr. Prynn's Book called Concordia discors printed Anno 1659, to prove the Obligation by those Ohs to the King's Heirs and Suc∣cessors, commended, ib.
  • The Author mentions the Reasons that induced him to write Casui∣stically concerning such Obligati∣on: and promiseth to send that his Writing to his Lordship, ib.
  • The Author judgeth that he ought not to be severe to any Papist be∣fore he hath a Moral certainty of such Papists having imbibed any of the Principles imputable to P∣pery that is unmoral or inhumane, ib.
  • The Author observes that few or no Writers of the Church of Rome have lately thought fit by their Pens, to assert the Inheritable Right of Princes, without respect to any Religionary Tenets they may hold, p. 215.
  • The Author thinks that for a Prote∣stant at this time to write for the devesting any Roman Catholick Prince of his Property and Right of Succession, when few or no Wri∣ters of the Church of Rome, either do or dare for fear of offending the Pope, employ their Pens for the preservation of such his pro∣perty and right without respect to to any Religionary Tenets he may hold, is like drawing against a naked man, ib.
  • D' Ossat affirms, That the Pope and the whole Court of Rome hold it lawful to deprive a Prince of a∣ny Country to preserve it from Heresie, ib.
  • An Animadversion on a late Pam∣phlet concerning the Succession, ib.
  • Page  [unnumbered] Reflections on the House of Com∣mons Proceedings in the Exclusi∣on Bill, ib. and p. 216.
  • The Author gives an explanatory ac∣count of the tempus acceptabile, he in p. 25 mentions, p. 216.
  • His Majesty's constant contending for the Protestant Faith celebra∣ted, and likewise his Iustice in preserving the property of the Succession in the Legal Course by all his Messages to the Parlia∣ment, p. 217.
  • The unhappy State of that Prince who shall for fear of the Populace, do any Act of the Iustice whereof he doubts, and much more of the inju∣stice whereof he is fully convinced, p. 217. at large.
  • The Caution to the Angel of the Church of Philadelphia applied to such a Prince, viz. Hold fast that which thou hast, that no man take away thy Crown, ib. at large.
  • 'Tis not only Popery but Atheism in Masquerade to do an unjust Act to support Religion, p. 218.
  • King James disavowed the Act of his Son-in Laws accepting the Title of King of Bohemia, ib.
  • An Observation that in the Com∣mon-Prayer in King Charles the 1sts time, relating to the Royal Family, the Prayer runneth for Frederick Prince Palatine Elect∣or of the Rhine, and the Lady Elizabeth his Wife, ib.
  • The Author observes that in the Assembly's Directory the Lady Elizabeth is styled Queen of Bo∣hemia, p. 219.
  • An Account of the Governments a∣vowed sence in King James's time, that any of the Princes of Eng∣land ought not by becoming Ro∣man Catholick to be prejudiced in their Right of Succession to the Crown, ib.
  • The same sense of the Government in the time of King Charles the 1st, ib.
  • The Parliament during the Civil War projected not any prejudice to the right of Succession, on the ac∣count of any Religionary Tenets, p. 220.
  • Mention of somewhat more to confirm the claim of King Charles the 1st, to the Title of Martyr, beside his Adhesion to Episcopacy and its Revenue, ib.
  • An account of the Protestation of the Nonconforming Ministers in the year 1605 relating to the King's Supremacy, wherein they assert the Royal Authority inseparably fixt to the true Line, whatever Religion any Prince thereof may profess, p. 221.
  • The Author pestringeth the Prote∣stant would be's and new Statists of the Age that would for Religio∣nary Tenets barr any of the Royal Line from the Crown, ib. and p. 222.
  • The Protestants in France now about 2 Millions, p. 222.
  • Their Loyal Demeanor to Harry the the 4th, after he became a Papist, ib.
  • His condition after he became one, ib.
  • An account of the Apology for John Chastel the Scholar of the Jesu∣ites assassinating him and of the Positions in that Apology, ib.
  • The Aology affirms, That Excom∣munication for Heresie doth quite take away any Regal Right: and that Henry of Bourbon cannot be called a King by reason of his Conversion, p. 223.
  • An account of the Gun-powder Trea∣son out of Thuanus, and the Te∣nets that the Traitors had imbi∣bed from their Confessors, and particularly, That Heretical Prin∣ces by being reconciled to the Church of Rome recover not a Title to their Crown: and that by such reconciliation they only save their Souls: and that Here∣sie barrs the Hereticks Line from the Succession, &c. p. 224.
  • Observations on the Millenary Pe∣tition in the beginning of King James's Reign, ib.
  • Page  [unnumbered] Observations on the Papists Petiti∣on to him about the same time, p. 225.
  • Dr. Burnet's History of the Refor∣mation commended, p. 226.
  • The reason why the Author would have more severity shewn to a Se∣ditious Protestant than a Sediti∣ous Papist, p. 231.
  • Mr. Fox referred to about his Que∣stion, Whether the Turk or Pope be the greater Anti-Christ, p. 232.
  • An account of the Popes being Pensi∣oners to the Turk, p. 234.
  • The Author observes in the famous Hosius of the Church of Rome, a viler Blasphemy than any he re∣members in the Alcoran, p. 235.
  • Observations on the Loyalty of many Papists in France to Harry the 4th, when he came to inherit the Crown, and remained a Protestant, and under the Papal Excommuni∣cation, p. 236.
  • Harry the 4th, an expected Prote∣stant Successor, was Primier Mi∣nistre to Harry the 3d a Papist, ib.
  • An Argumentative Speech of an Arch-Bishop of France to prove, That Harry the 4th ought not for his Religion to be debarred from the Crown, ib.
  • Maimbourg reflects on Calvin for his instigating the Magistrates of Ge∣neva to burn Servetus, ib. and p. 237.
  • Dr. Peter du Moulin cited for say∣ing, That in the time of the late Usurpation, the Jesuites were the principal directors of the Con∣sciences of the English Papists, ib.
  • A Book published Anno 1662 ob∣serves, That of the Papists in England, 7 parts of 10 were Gen∣tlemen and People of great Qua∣lity, ib.
  • The Author believes that the more ingenious and modest sort of Jesu∣ites, will by Natural Instinct be more and more ashamed of the turpitude of the former Princi∣ples of the Iesuites: and parti∣cularly of the 13th, 14th, 15th. 30th, 32d. contained in the Popes Decree before mentioned, p. 238.
  • The Author judgeth that all bloody and rebellious Principles owned by any who call themselves Protestants must naturally by shame and fear decay, ib.
  • Mr. Cranford a Presbyterian Divine cited for saying in a Printed Ser∣mon at St. Pauls, in the Year 1645, That in 80 years there did not arise among us so ma∣ny Blasphemous Heresies un∣der Episcopacy, as have risen in these few years since we have been without a Government, and that above 160 Errors have been here since broached, and many of them damnable, ib. and p. 241.
  • A Speech in a late Parliament refer∣red to for observing that according to the best Calculation, the Dis∣senters could not in the last Ele∣ctions for Knights of the Shire bring in above 1 in 20 into the Field, ib.
  • The present Gentlemanly temper ap∣pearing in the People of England observed, as to the not having r∣sentments against any men or their Converse by reason of their assert∣ing Controverted Points capable of the name of Religion, p. 241.
  • The great Controversy about Easter now slighted, ib.
  • The Terms of Omo-ousios and Omoi-ousios will make no more fermentation in the World, p. 242.
  • The word Heresy now generally here reduced to its quiet Primitive Signification of an opinion without reference to truth or falshood, ib.
  • Our Courts Christian do no more pro∣secute men for being Hereticks, than for being Usurers, ib.
  • Page  [unnumbered] There is now a more valuable libera theologia in England, then was under the Usurpation, p. 243.
  • The Obligation our Land hath recei∣ved from the Royal Society men∣tioned, ib.
  • The knowledge of Anatomy enrich∣ed within this last Century, a 3d part, ib.
  • There were in the Year 1599 reck∣oned in Christendom, 2,25044 Monasteries, ib.
  • By Herods Infanticidium a Million and 44 Thousand slain, in the ac∣count of Volzius, p. 214.
  • In 45 years the Spaniards in Ameri∣ca put to death 20 Millions of Indians, ib
  • By the growing Populousness of Man∣kind we must naturally hear more and more of Wars and rumours of Wars, p 245.
  • In the beginning of the Reign of the Royal Martyr, England not a∣fraid to contend with both France and Spain, ib.
  • 2,50000 l. per Annum Calculated to have been formerly at a Medi∣um for 76 years gained to Eng∣land by the Balance of its whole Trade, p. 246.
  • The Author en passant Calculates that England hath for late years gained double that Summ by the fashion of Crape, ib.
  • Ten times as much spent on the Law or Physick here as on the Clergy, p. 247.
  • By the Calculations of Cardinal Pool there were more Colleges and Hos∣pitals in England then in France, which (he said) exceeded Eng∣land by two 3ds in the numbers of People, as in Lands, p. 248.
  • The Author observes that in the Code Loüis published in the Year 1667, the Method injoyned for the registring the Christenings and Burials in each Parish in France, is better contrived than that used in London, ib.
  • 'Tis supposed that the publishing the Observations on the Bills of Mor∣tality about three years before in London, might occasion the afore∣said exact registring of the Chri∣stenings and Burials in France, and moreover the registry of the Marriages by the Code Loüis en∣joyned, p. 249.
  • The Registring of the Births and Burials is as old as the ancient times of the Romans, and intro∣duced among them by Servius Tul∣lius, ib.
  • The prudene of the Code Loüis re∣marked in the numbring of the Regulars and Seculars there en∣joyned, ib.
  • Sometime before the year 1588, the number of men in Spain being ta∣ken by secret Survey, there were returned a 11 hundred and 25 thousand and 300 and 90 men, ib.
  • A Computation out of Thuanus of the Expences and Receipts of Lewis the 13th for the Year 1614, ib.
  • The Expences and Receipts of that Crown were more than quadrupled in the year 1674, p. 250.
  • A Calculation of about a 3d part of the Current Coyn of England year∣ly carried into France, ib.
  • A Descant on the saying so much in vogue, viz. Res nolunt male ad∣nimistrari, and an account of its Original, ib.
  • The Author supposeth that a more important Linen Manufacture will here happen from the many French Protestants here lately planted, than was the Woollen one here introduced by the Dutch whom Duke Alva's Persecution brought hither, p. 251.
  • Remarks about the general sowing of Hemp, and Flax here, and about the designed settlement of the same proving Abortive in several Par∣liaments, ib.
  • The French King in the last War did forbid the Importation of Sail-Cloath to England, ib.
  • Page  [unnumbered] A presage of the future happy State of England and the Authors Idea thereof at large, ib. and p. 252.
  • An account of the Rough Hemp and Flax and Sail-cloth and all other Manufactures of Hemp and Flax yearly brought into England, and from what Countries, dedu∣ced out of the Custom-house Books, p. 254.
  • All the Hemp and Flax sown in Eng∣land, is observed to be bought up by the years end, p. 257.
  • Almost as much Hemp and Flax yearly brought into Amsterdam, as into the whole Kingdom of Eng∣land, ib.
  • The Authors judgment of the effects of the necessity that will drive us on to the Linen Manufacture, ib.
  • An Account of the fine Linen lately made by the French Protestants at Ipswich: and of the Flax by them sown, ib.
  • The Author's Censure of the excessive Complaints of the danger of Po∣pery, ib.
  • His belief that the future State of England will make men ashamed of their pass'd fears of Popery, ib.
  • The Vote of the House of Com∣mons for the recalling the Decla∣ration of Indulgence carried by the Party of the Nonconformists, p. 258.
  • Most of the Papists of England in the Year 1610, computed to be un∣der the guidance of the Jesuites, p. 260.
  • Many Popish Writers have inveighed against Gratian the Compiler of the Decrets of the Canon Law, ib.
  • That Law never in gross received in England, ib.
  • Binds not English Papists in the Court of Conscience, ib.
  • A Tenet ridiculously and falsly in the Canon Law founded on Cyprian, ib.
  • Gratian's founding it on Cyprian gives it only the weight it could have in Cyprian's Works, p. 261.
  • Pere Veron's Book of the Rule of Ca∣tholick Faith, cited for Gratian's Decrees, and the gloss claiming nothing of Faith, and Bellarmine's acknowledging errors therein. ib.
  • One definition in the Canon Law, and gloss held by all Papists ridi∣culous, ib.
  • The Author thinks he has said as much to throw off the Obligation on any Papists to obey the Pope's Canon Law as they would wish said, ib.
  • He thinks himself morally obliged in any Theological Enquiry to say all that the matter will fairly bear on both sides, ib.
  • Heylin and Maimbourg cited about the firing of Heretical Villages in France, p. 262.
  • Parsons and Bellarmine cited by Donne for rendring some things obligatory that are said by Gra∣tian, p. 263.
  • The Author expects that the grow∣ing populousness of England will have the effect of rendrig men less censorious of any supposed Po∣litical Errors in the Ministers of our Princes, p. 265.
  • Mr. Fox cited for his Observation of many Excellent men falsly accu∣sed and judged in Parliament, and his advice to Parliaments to be more circumspect, ib.
  • The Author minded by that passage out of Fox to reflect on the severi∣ty in a late Parliament in their Votes against the King's Ministers, ib.
  • The injustice of the Vote against the Earl of Hallifax, p. 266.
  • The Earl of Radnor occasionally mentioned with honour, ib.
  • The Constancy of the Earl of Anglesy to the Protestant Religion further asserted, p. 267.
  • Page  [unnumbered] Mention of his Lordships being inju∣riously reflected on in a Speech of Sir W. J. ib.
  • The unreasonableness of the Reflecti∣ons on the Lord Chief Justice North, for advising and assisting in the drawing up and passing a Proclamation against Tumultuous Petitions, ib.
  • The great deserved Character of that Lord Chief Justice, p. 268. throughout.
  • A reflection on the popularity of Sir W. J. and on the •••essive Ap∣plause he had from the House of Commons after his Speech for the Exclusion-Bill, p. 269.
  • Sir Leolin Jenkins mentioned with honour, ib.
  • The Cabal of Sir W. J. observed to be full of fears of the Exclusion-Bill passing and their not knowing what steps in Politicks to make next, ib.
  • The Earl of Peterborough at large mentioned with honour, ib. and p. 270.
  • A further Account of the Authors prediction of England's future happy State, ib. and p. 271.
  • The Author observes that the most remarkable late Seditious Writers have published it in Print, That they feared the next Heir to the Crown only as Chief Favourite to his Prince, and that they judg∣ed that the Laws would suffici∣ently secure them from fears of his power if he should come to the Crown, p. 271.
  • An Assertion of his never having advised his Prince to incommode any one illegally, and of his not ha∣ving used his own power to any such purpose, ib.
  • The Author judgeth such Persons to write but in jest, who amuse the People about being Lachry∣mists by that Princes Succession, ib.
  • The Author reflects on our Counter∣feit Lachrymists for not affecting as quick a prevention of any future growth of Popery, as was 〈◊〉 care of in Scotland, p. 272.
  • He observes that few or none in Scot∣land fear that Popery can ever in any Course of time there gain much ground, ib.
  • The Papists in that Kingdom estima∣ted to be but 1000, ib.
  • The Author believes that the fears of Poperies growth will be daily abated in England, and in time be extinguished, ib.
  • More Popish Ecclesiasticks observed to be in Holland, then Ministers in France: and that yet none in Holland pretend to fear the Pa∣pists, ib.
  • The Authors judgment of the Dissen∣ters Sayings being usefully publish∣ed, ib.
  • Some Notes on the Geneva Bible se∣ditious, ib.
  • The same Tenet of firing Heretical Cities that is in the Popes Canon Law founded on the 13th of Deu∣teronomy, is chargeable on our late Presbyterians, ib.
  • The Assemblies Annotations cited to that purpose, ib.
  • The Church of England illuminates us with better Doctrine, p. 274.
  • Bishop Sanderson cited for that pur∣pose, ib.
  • Calvin as to this point did blunder as shamefully as our Assembly∣men, p. 274.
  • Several of the Calvinistick and Lu∣theran Divines imbibed the error of Hereticidium from the same mistaken Principle of Monk Gra∣tians, ib.
  • The Presbyterians here fired the Church and State with a Civil War, ib.
  • The Authors belief that there will never be any new Presbyterian Synod in England nor General Council beyond Sea, ib.
  • The Popes Pensions in the Council of Trent that sate for 18 years, came to 750 l. Sterling per Month,b.
  • Page  [unnumbered] The Author predicts the extermina∣tion of all Mercenary Loyalty in England, ib.
  • The reason of such his Prediction, p. 275.
  • The Lord Hyde first Commissioner of the Treasury mentioned with ho∣nour, ib.
  • What the new Heaven and the new Earth is that the Author expects in England, ib.
  • The reason that induced false Pro∣phets to foretel evil rather than good to States and Kingdoms, p. 276. at large.
  • The same applied to our Augurs who by enlarging our fears and jealou∣sies and their own fortunes there∣by, rendred the Genius of Eng∣land less august, ib.
  • The Authors measures of the future State of England are taken only from Natural Causes, and Natures Constancy to it self, p. 277.
  • A short account of several great Re∣ligionary Doctrines having natu∣rally pierced through the sides and roots of one another, p. 279.
  • The Religion of the Church of Eng∣land hath naturally pierced through the sides and roots of Pro∣testant Recusancy, ib.
  • The numbers of the Non Conformists are daily decaying, ib.
  • There were in the Year 1593 judged to be in England 20000 Brown∣ists, ib.
  • The Gross of the Numbers of Non∣Conformists always consisting chief∣ly of Artisans and Retail-Tra∣ders in Corporations, p. 281.
  • They were very numerous there be∣fore the King's Restoration, ib.
  • A new way by which their Numbers and Potency may easily there be diminished, ib.
  • The Author judgeth the continuance of the old Laws against Prote∣stant Recusants to be necessary, p. 282.
  • The Lord Keeper Puckerings Speech of the ill behaviour of the Puri∣tans in 88, referred to, ib.
  • The prudence and justice of the King's Measures asserted, as to the not repealing the Statutes against Protestant Recusants, ib.
  • The Peace of Munster observed to have removed the popular fears a∣broad in Case of the Successions of lawful Princes differing in Iudgment from the Religion Esta∣blished, p. 283.
  • The Author of the Catholick Apolo∣gy with a Reply, cited for there not being one Priest, one Mass, one Conversion more in England, in the year after the Declaration of Indulgence, then in any year of trouble, p. 284.
  • The Author mentioneth the soft and gentle disposition of Bellarmine, p. 284.
  • The Authors reflecting on the Princi∣ples of the Iesuites with sharp∣ness as the Pope and his Court of Inquisition have done, ib.
  • The Author disowneth all acerbity and rancour relating to the usage of any Papists, ib.
  • He observes that the putting Ro∣man Catholick Priests here to death, did propagate their Reli∣gion, ib.
  • The Author observes that an Eng∣lish Priest of the Church of Rome hath done him the honour to adopt as his own many passages of the Authors long since printed, that were disswasive of the use of force in matters of Religion, p. 284.
  • Observed that if it be not lawful for every man to be guided by his private judgment in matters of Religion, 'tis hardly possible to acquit our separation from the Church of Rome of the guilt of Schism, ib.
  • The Author not inclined to be severe to any Papist for being in any Tenets that may properly be cal∣led Religion, guided by his pri∣vate Page  [unnumbered] judgment to receive the gui∣dance of the Church of Rome, ib.
  • The Custom of Authors of large Dis∣courses, publishing together with them a REVIEW, ib.
  • He promiseth to the Earl of Angle∣sy a REVIEW of this Dis∣cours, p. 285.
  • The Author will in a short RE∣VIEW explain some passages on occasion, and add others, ib.
  • If he doubts of any thing or shall alter his opinion of any thing therein, he will in the REVIEW acquaint his Lordship why he doth so, ib.
  • The Author thinks that as none but Cowards are cruel, so none but Dunes are positive, ib.
Page  [unnumbered]Page  1

[illustration]
C2 R

DIEV·ET·MON·DROIT

HONI·SOIT·QVI·MAL·Y·PENSE
[royal blazon or coat of arms]

Devon, Jan. 27. 1680.

My Lord,

AS to the Candour of the English Nation that was formerly so very extraordinary, and the whiteness and sweetness of the temper of the People of England that did adde to the representing it a Land flowing with Milk and Honey, and to the making it like the Gal∣axy to have one brightness from thousands of fixt Stars placed so high by Nature, that they could not suffer the least Eclipse by the shaddow of the whole Earth; we may well since the Publishing of the horrid Affidavit of the Infamous Person, and so many valuing themselves as the best of Men upon their believing what was sworn by the worst, lament the temporary decay of so great a part of the Glory of the English good Nature.

And they who knew your Lordship, (and consequently knew you to be a steadfast approver of the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England) have reason more particularly to be sensible of what concern'd you in that calumnious Affidavit, because the wretch presumed therein to fasten on your Lordship the Sanbenito of a Court of Rome-Papist, and to represent you as a favourer of Popery or the Papal Usurpations that were in Harry the 8th's time hence exterminated, and as an endeavorer to stifle the Evidence about the Plot notify'd by the Government for the recalling that kind of Popery.

Altho I know no Christian more tenderly inclined then your Lordship to shew all Christian Indulgence to the Persons of Popish and Protestant Recu∣sants, and have sometimes observed your Lordship while you were wishing that none of the New Articles of Faith in the Tridentine Creed were by any believed, yet out of tenderness to the Persons of Devout and Loyal Papists, with great reason to wish likewise that no Odium might come to such from the Name of POPERY for their Profession of such Tenets as are held by the Greek and other Churches who yearly Curse the Pope, and are so Curs'd by him; yet none need doubt but that your Lordship will as much as any man account it the opus diei by all due means to oppose all plotted Designs whatsoever to retrive the Papal Power of Usurping over the Crown, or Conscience. My Lord, there are some among us who would usurp on and appropriate to themselves the Name and Thing of Protestancy, and would be thought the only true Protestants, and would be Monopolists of all the heat and light against Popery. But as I shall make bold to come in for my share with them, so I shall yet acquaint your Lordship, that if I may in any part of this Letter to you seem with any excess of Passion to reflect on Po∣pery,Page  2 I shall before I take leave of you afford you such a Patriotly and Gen∣tlemanly reason of my warmth against it, (as I think) hath not by others been given, nor particularly by some Pedantick Anti-Papists, who render their Conversation nauseous by their eternal talking of nothing but Po∣pery, and while they are neglectful of all the due means to prevent its growth.

These things being therefore premised, I shall in despite of the Affidavit, say that I will be the last man in England who shall believe that my Lord Privy Seal can be such a Court of Rome-Papist. I think it was St. Augustine, who meaning well in a pang of Zeal, cry'd out on one occasion, Credo quia impossibile est: But I shall both as to the truth of any deposing or imposing Doctrine, and of your Lordships believing it, ground my disbelief on the impossibility of either. When I hear men say, they look upon it as an exert∣ing of a miraculous Power Divine that the Globe of the Earth hangs in the Air without falling, I interrupt not their thoughts of devotion, but know that the Earth which is ballanced by its own weight, cannot fall but it must fall into Heaven, Coelum undique sursum: And should any one tell me of your Lordships falling into any gross erroneous doctrinal opinions, I who have long observed the constant tendency of your understanding toward the Center of truth, cannot apprehend any danger of your falling from it. So likewise when I hear men impute it to the Divine Benignity that they were not made Flies or Toads, I disturb not the Piety of their thoughts, but know that it was not possible to make me, that is to say, endued as I am with a Rational Soul, to have been a Fly or a Toad; which Creatures by their very Natures are devoyd thereof. And thus tho sometimes some Pro∣testant may turn such a Papist who hath an understanding sway'd by secular Interests and sensual Appetites; yet in the condition of that excellent manly understanding of your Lordships, which has so absolute a Soveraignty over all brutish inclinations, whereby you and all others whom Heaven hath fa∣vour'd with such Endowments, do as much transcend degenerate Mankind as they do Beasts, the Errors of such Doctrines will be too gross for you to be able to swallow.

Nor is it more possible for your Lordship to believe such Popery accepta∣ble after you have surveyed the several parts of it with your penetrating Judgment, unwearied diligence, and the incomparable Candor worthy of a lover of truth, and indeed worthy of your self, then it was possible for Sir Francis Drake after he had sailed round the Earth, to believe the Opi∣nions of St. Augustine and Lactantius who deny'd its rotundity. To cele∣brate your Lordships accurate knowledge of, and constant Zeal for the Pro∣testant Religion among the happy few that have the honour of your retired converse, were to gild Gold, and to fear the possibility of its appearing upon any Enquiry that you are not of that Religion, is to think or fear that Gold can be destroyed.

I have upon my occasional debates with some Persons that would make you a Papist whether you will or no, call'd to mind some discourse I had with you long since, concerning your Birth and Education, and thereupon considering the closeness of your Education in the Protestant Religion, have as much wondered at thinking how it was possible for any Principles of such Popery to get into your Mind, as at Wild Beasts getting into Islands. While I consider how the first thoughts of Childhood ripening into Youth, are like the first Occupants claiming and generally keeping possession during life, I am apt when I hear of any man's owning any Brutish or Savage Tenets, to think of the Egg of such a Crocodile, and from what Animal it came. And he that Page  3 shall look back on your Lordships beginning, will find you descended of Noble and Renowned Parents, both by Father and Mother, who likewise were esteemed (as I may say) Noble Bereans for searching into the Scripture, and thereupon owning the Protestant Faith: In a word of a whole Family of Consessors, if Sir Iohn Perrot Lord Deputy of Ireland, your Great Grand∣father, your Grandfather Annesley an Eminent Commander at Sea, and a principal Undertaker in Munster in the Reign of that blessed Queen Eliza∣beth, that great Statesman Francis Lord Mount Norris and Viscount of Valen∣tia a Faithful Servant to the Crown in many great Employments, and among the rest, Principal Secretary of State, Vice-Treasurer, and Treasu∣rer at Wars in Ireland to two great Kings of Famous Memory, King Iames, and King Charles the First, and the Family of the Phillipses of Picton Castle in Pembrokeshire, out of which your Mother came, have their just respect allow'd them. Your Lordship being born in Dublin received there your Name in Baptisme at the Nomination of your Noble Sponsor Arthur Lord Chichester, who had been Deputy of Ireland Eleven Years, and for whose Name the Protestants of that Kingdom have still a great Veneration.

I remember you further acquainted me, that at your age of Ten Years the Scene of your Education was removed to England, and that afterward you spent Four Years in Magdalen-College in the University of Oxford, where you enjoyed the Learned Conversation of Dr. Frewen then President of that College, and since that Archbishop of York, and of Dr. Hammond, and from whom and other Persons of that University, many have been made acquainted that your Lordship was then an Ornament of that place, and an Eminent Proficient in all Academical Learning, and that you there perfor∣med Exercise for your Degree with the general applause of that place. And there where you came to that great Mart of Knowledge with so great a stock of Natural Reason, and improved the same with so much Logick, and conversed so many Years with the great Champions of the Church of Eng∣land, I am sure (if I may without affectation use a School Term) your Lord∣ship could have no Motus▪ primo primus to approve any Papal imposition upon Reason. I remember that you told me, That your Father transplan∣ted you thence to the Society of Lincolns-Inn, where with unwearied steps your diligence it seems overcame the craggy ascent of the Study of the Common Law of England: But where the pleasant height of it Compensated your pain in the way, and gave you not the Landscap of one Valley, but the Prospect of all the Land of the People of England beneath it, fenced in with the enclosure of Property; of men, (according to the Scripture expressions) sitting under their Vines and Fig-Trees, and none making them afraid, where the Pastures are cloth'd with Flocks, and the Valley covered with Corn that they shout for joy, and sing, where our Oxen are strong to labour, and no breaking in, nor going out, and no complaining in our streets; and of a Numerous brave Nation not capable of being enslaved by any Wills or Passions but their own.

And sure where you learn'd the Science of this Noble Law, that is, a Law of Liberty, your self and your Brethren in that Honourable Society must needs eccho back that great exclamation of the Peers of England, No∣lumus Leges Angliae mutari, and not endure the servitude of the Law of the Pope, or which is all one, his will.

Yet moreover such was my Lord Mount Norris his Zeal that you might by all means imaginable be confirmed in your aversion against the Papal Usurpations and Arbitrary Government, that he then sent you to Foreign Parts, that you might see those Monsters you had here but read of, which Page  4 occasioned your travelling into France, Savoy, and many Parts of Italy. I have been told that your Father the Lord Mount-Norris his Commands and his Concerns both Domestick and Publick call'd you from Rome to England toward the Year 1640. when several Parliamentary Addresses and Remon∣strances against the Papists, and encrease of their Power and Numbers had been made. The Thunder of the Parliament had then at that time so cleared the Air of England from the infection of Popery, that I suppose none will think you could be then tainted with it. And the Civil Wars of England afterwards breaking out, when both Parties appealed to God for the decision of their Cause by the Sword, and contested with each other in Publick Declarations, about which of them was the greater enemy to Popery, it had not only been very impolitick, but extreamly ridiculous for any man at that time, by being a fautor of the Papal Usurpations, to expose himself to the fencing with two enraged Multitudes, which would have produced the same effect as would a Iesuit's Preaching a Postilling Sermon here against the Yearly burning of the Pope to the Populace em∣ployed in that Solemnity.

My Lord, I find my self her engulfed in writing a long Letter; and the truth is, having a great concern for your Lordship's Honour, I am willing to take pains to satisfie my self exactly by thus tracing your Lordship's steps on the Stage of the World, that I may satisfie others so about your being as averse as any one can be from supporting any Papal Power to in∣vade the rights of Conscience, or those of Princes. The Roman Historian speaking of Nero, saith, Tyrannum hunc per quatuordecem annos passus est ter∣rarum orbis. And it may truly be said, That England formerly has endured the Popes Tyranny, and the Artifices of its Favourers for some Ages: But the Patience of Man has bounds, and the Propagators of such Usurpation who had so long maintain'd a separate Soveraignty here, the which is like an Ani∣mal living within an Animal, did find that as the lesser creature is evacuated by the greater, or destroyed therein, or doth else destroy the greater Animal, it was so held to be in the case of such Power among us, and as no doubt it always will be by your Lordship.

When your Travels were ended, and you had with the help of the Edu∣cation your Father gave you, saved him by your knowledge of the Lex terroe from falling as a prey to Arbitrary Power, and thereby shewed your self both a good Son and great Patriot, the first Scene of publick Employ∣ment wherein your Lordship appeared with Eminency, was as Governour of Vlster by Authority under the Great Seal of England; a Charge of diffi∣culty, when the Forces from Scotland under the Command of Major Ge∣neral Munro had so long ruled absolutely there, that the English Interest had suffered a great eclipse and diminution. How you managed Affairs during your Government there, and how by your Councils the most perni∣tious and potent Rebel Owen Roe O Neil was opposed, and his design to swallow up that Province and the Province of Connaught disappointed, and the Protestant Interest in both united and encouraged, and under your Conduct and Command the Titular Popish Archbishop of Tuam taken, and by the seisure of his Cabinet and Papers, the Popish de∣sign upon Ireland discovered and broken, in due time I doubt not you will more particularly inform the World. From that Service your Lordship was upon the ill success of those Commissioners who were first sent to the then Marquess of Ormond, employed to make the Capitulation with the said Marquess then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, for the Surrender of the City of Dublin, and all other Garrisons under his Command, into the Page  5Parliaments hands for securing them from the Irish Rebels, who had invested and streightned the same: Which happy work was effectually accomplished by the Articles made with the said Marquess already published to the World, And so the Protestants Interest in that Kingdom made entire, and so consider∣able that they daily gained ground of the Confederate Rebels, till at length they were wholly subdued and vanquished. After those Articles concluded, and reception of the said City and Garrisons, your Lordship was called back into England, where being a Member of the House of Commons, you shewed your self no less useful to this Kingdom; And have since in Parliament and Council, and other great Imployments in both Kingdoms shewed your self an Eminent Instrument both in his Majesties happy Restoration, who entirely trusted you with the Management thereof, and in other great Affairs of State and Government to general satisfaction, being never by those that knew you so much as suspected for Evil Council, or want of Zeal and Faithfulness to your King or Countrey, but every day gaining more the Love and Esteem of Protestants and Patriots, as you had incurred the implacable hatred of the Popish and Arbitrary Factions. I cannot here but observe, That a little be∣fore the Kings Restoration, the spirit of the people universally shewing its resentments so strong and vehement against Lambert and his Committee of Safety, and against all the propounders of projects of Government, that no∣thing but his Majesties return to the Throne of his Ancestors could quiet the people, and your Lordship then as President of the Council by your great Wisdom Contributing highly to the dispatch of many arduous and intricate Affairs requisite to make that great Revolution without bloudshed, when things near their Center were moving so fast, it may well be reckon'd among im∣possible things, that your Lordship should now espouse the Papal interest, when the Vogue, the Humour, the Sense, and Reason, and Spirit of the People are bent against it, with as keen and strong and general an antipathy as can be imagined. And when I consider that great real power you had in the Kingdom at that time, testify'd not so much by your signing all the great Commissions then for Military and Civil Employments, as by both the King, and the best and wisest of the people in the Three Kingdoms putting themselves in your hands, and having their eyes chiefly upon you as to the management of the Political part of that mighty concern, I cannot but thinking of your Lordship whom thus the King and Kingdom delighted to honour, apply to you these words in Valerius Maximus, where he speaks of Agrippa Menenius, whom the Senate and People chose Arbitrator of their differences, and to ompose matters between them, Quantus scilicet esse debuit arbiter publicae salutis: Yet as great as this Man was, he could have no Fune∣ral, unless the people had by a pole given the sixth part of a penny to defray his Funeral Charges: But your Lordships case in one particular seems harder then his, for they who unjustly go to take away your good Name, and to make a Papist of you, go about to bury you alive.

Had your Lordship after the King's Restoration aspired after the power of a chief Minister, or suffered any such to be committed to you, you must have took it with the concomitance of universal envy, that hath always in England been fatal to such power, England having always thought such power fatal to it. 'Tis the power it self of such a Minister that is look't on as a popular Nusance; and tis impossible for such a great Man by raising his power only to what he thinks a moderate height, to keep it secure and lasting. For tho a Steeple be built with firm Stone, great Art, and but with a moderate height, yet are there Clouds charged with Lightning and Thunder, and moving in the Ayr sometimes not higher than the top of such a Steeple, and the Pryamid or sharpness of such a Steeple then (as I may say) tapping or broaching such a Page  6 Cloud that comes that way, is instantly Burnt and Thundered down▪ And the Multitude of the Primier Ministres adorers, who are always pleasing or troubling him with their sacrifices, do all with sudden confusion leave him when he begins thus to fall, as if Thunder-struck from Heaven.

We find in Rushworth, that Iune the 13th. 4 Caroli, it was ordered upon the Question, That the excessive power of the Duke of Buckingham, is the cause of the Evils and Dangers to the King and Kingdom. And we may well sup∣pose, that if a Parliament doth still as one man set themselves against a Mo∣nopolist but of one little pedling commodity, that they will look on a Chief Minister as one that would, or in effect doth monopolize the Beams of the Sun, I mean the Kings Eye, and as one that alone hath the Kings Ear, and as one that is the great forestaller of the Court-market of preferments.

And happy it is for a Chief Minister, that the way of Parliamentary Impeach∣ment hath been in such antient usage, for that rids the people of the outrage of that Minister, and that Minister of the outrage of the people. Our Stories speak How barbarously Cruel the brutish Rabble was to Dr. Lamb, called the Duke's Conjurer, and the reason why the people hate those they call Conju∣rers so much is, because, they think such have a power to hurt their Children or Cattel; and the same reason makes them hate one that they look on as a Kings Conjurer, who they think can hurt their Property, and one who on occasion can raise up Domestick and Foraign Devils to molest them, and espe∣cially if he cannot lay those Devils when he has raised them, and who can if he will put the People to charge, and to the danger of starving to feed his familiar spirits. When once the people find by any mans power, the fence of the Law begun to be broken down, they will go in at the gap, and 'tis nothing but the Law that secures a chief Minister, and them against one another. St. Austin therefore doth rationally in his De Civitate Dei, charge the mise∣rable condition of the Romans on the contempt and breach of their Laws; and saith he, people were promiscuously put to death, not by Judgment of Ma∣gistrates, but by Tumults, Ne{que} enim Legibus & ordine potestatum, sed turbis animorum{que} Conflictibus Nobiles ignobiles{que} necabantur.

Your Lordship therefore when you had been a repairer of the breaches of the Nation, and of the Law therein, and (in the Scripture expression) a resto∣rer of paths to dwell in, as easily and unconcern'd gave up the great depositm of power the King and Kingdom entrusted you with, as ever you restored the least to a private person, and have ever since among the Councellors of your Prince both endeavoured to make your Country safe, by giving Coun∣sel against any Neighbour Nations being too powerful, and to make your self secure by your not grasping more power than you saw in the hands of each of your honourable Colleagues, as well knowing that any single Mini∣ster that shall here set up to be a Dispenser of the Soveraign Power, had need either still wear a Coat of Male and an Iron Brest-plate, or bind the whole Kingdom to the Peace. Your Lordship can hardly look into antient History without meeting Examples of the People like the Leviathan playing in the Ocean of their power, and spouting out their censures both with fury and wantonness, when they are dooming the great. You know the Lacedemonians did reprimand their Lycrgus because he went with his head stooping, the Thebans accused their Paniculus for his much spitting, and the Athenians Simonides because he spoke too loud, the Carthaginians Hannibal because he went loose in his garments, the Romans Scipio because he did snore in his sleep, the Vticenses Cato for his eating with both Jawes, the Syllani Iulius Caesar, for wearing his girdle carelessly, the Romans were angry with Pompey for scratching himself but with one finger, and likewise for wearing a garter wrought with Silver and Gold on one leg, saying that he wore such a Diadem Page  7 about his foot as Kings do on their heads, though yet it seems the only cause of his wearing it was to hide a Sore place there. And in these above-menti∣oned cases we are not to think that those Ancient and wise people who thought the rest of the world barbarous, could censure those persons so barbarously for those sensless reasons, but out of a hatred to the persons Censured, were resol∣ved to strike at the first thing they met, how innocent soever in it self, in persons they thought they had reason to represent odious.

A late Great Man, who in a Public Speech in Parliament render'd the En∣glish tongue as having the Monopoly of the term good Nature, found that they had not engrost the thing when they imagined that his Ministry Monopo∣lized much of the Regal power. And another eminent person, afterward a Mi∣nister to His Majesty, Suffered as a favourer of the French, at whose imprison∣ment I have heard that the Lovre rang with as much joy and triumph as if they had carried the point in a great fight at Land or Sea; and he likewise suffer∣ed obloquy as if concern'd in the infamous murder of Sr. Edmond Godfrey, from which he was certainly as free as from having killed Iulius Caesar: And how far the embroider'd garter about his leg, made him like Pompey, Envyed, I know not; But as I said 'tis a chief Ministers power the people of England strike at, who may not be unfitly resembled to Alexanders Buce∣phalus, that would let none but Alexander ride him, nor could Alexander himselfe do it till by holding him against the Sun he kept him from being frighted with the sight of his Shadow. And when one Subject seems to be the representative Shadow of the body of the whole people, the Sight of him frights them so as to make them uneasie to be ruled, And therefore I think his Majesty did rationally provide for the public Security when he sig∣nified His pleasure in a Speech in a late Parliament about not Ruling us by a single Ministry.

I should not wonder if your Lordship were called a Papist if you had been the possessor of any such power, that name being now the angriest the people can throw at any one, as it was before the late Warres, when Archbishop Laud who had writ so well, and so much against the Papists, fell under the weight of that name, But really by the power of that chief Ministry he had in the State of England after the death of the Duke of Buckingham. And at that time the currant definitions of a Papist, and of one who enjoyed Arbi∣trary Power were the same, And the things made conve•••ble, or Devils dan∣cing in the same Circle. And so likewise the Vouge at this time obtains among the populace who cannot see through the hard words and things in definitions, and if you ask them what is a Papist, they will tell you he is one that is for Arbitrary Power, and asking them what is one that is for Arbitrary Power, they will say a Papist. And in cases where the people do not think fit to begin with Execution, Common Fame goes for proof against such a Minister, and the political whispers of other Great Men who inspire them, goe for demon∣strations, and they think knocking down Arbitrary Power with Arbitrary proof is a good baculium argumentum ad hominem, or rather a Monster of power, for as such they look on one of the People, who is so by the head higher then themselves. I know none to have observed the constitution and customes of the Government of Venice better then your Lordship, and there any one that is but Arbitrarily affected (as our term is here, Popishly affected) is taken volly before he comes to the ground, or at furthest, at his first rebound, and his head made a Tennis Ball before he comes to be bandi'd among the people, I mean he is first Sumonarily dispatcht, or made away, and his plenary process is dispatcht or made up afterward. Your Lordship hath in the course of your travels been there in person, but my eyes have only beheld it as a traveller in Mapps and Authors: one of whom, namely Boccaline in his Page  8Raggnagli di Parnasse Speaking of Venice saith that the dreadful Tribunal of the Councel of ten, and the Supream Magistracy of the State-Inquisition, could with three ballotting balls easily bury alive any Caesar or Pompey who began to discover himself in that well governed State. And according to the Lawes of that Country any aspirer of the first rate so sunk by the shot of the ballotting balls, may be said to be kill'd very fairly, though there was no more Citation in the case then in that of the Martyrdom of Sir Edmond Godfrey, who yet according to the principles of the Canon Law was likewise killed very fairly. I here al∣lude to the Style of the brothers of the blade, who when sworn at a Tryal a∣bout one murthered in a Duel, usually depose that he was killed very fairly, And indeed I have by a Neighbour of mine, who is a Civilian, been shewn it in a Civil Law Book called the Second Tome of the Common Opinions, in folio, Book 9. p. 462. Printed at Lions, that Rebellis impunè occidi possit, & tunc demum probari & declarari quod erat rebellis: And the Canonists do as I am informed by him all agree, that valet argumentum à crimine laesae Majestatis se rebellionis ad heresim, and with good reason according to the Popish hy∣pothesis, for that, he that is a heretic, is a Rebell or Traytor to the Pope, and therefore a Heretic by that Law may be destroyed before his Pro∣cess is made. But the Kings of England, like those of Israel, are merciful Kings, and in the Laws of England, Iustice and Mercy are still saluting each other, and with as much kindness as they can possibly shew without embra∣cing each other to death, and the meanest Commoners Life in England becomes not a forfeit to the Law, but after a Tryal by his equals; and in this, our Law agrees with that gentleness and equity inculcated by Grotius de Iure Belli & Pacis, Book 3. Chap. 14. Temperamentum circa captos, §. 3. where he saith, Cato Censorius (narrante Plutarcho,) si quis servus Capital admisisse videretur, de eo supplicium non sumebat, nisi postquam damnatus esset etiam Conservorum ju∣dicio. Quicum conferenda verba, Iob. 31. 13.

I must confess I was very much shock't with one expression used in a long Speech by one of the managers of the House of Commons in the Trial of the Earl of Strafford, wherein the saying That Beasts of Prey are to have no Law, was applyed to the Earl. I am sure that Wolfs and Boars are Beasts of the Forrest, as well as Harts and Hinds, and in the Kings Forrests where they are in his protection, they are to have Law, and so likewise Foxes. To this Metaphor of hunting of men in Parliament, there is an allusion in the printed Letter of Mr. Alured in Rushworths Collections, 4o. Caroli, where 'tis said, That Sir Edward Cooke in the House protested, that the Author and cause of all their miseries was the Duke of Buckingham, which was entertain'd and answered with a cheerful acclamation of the House, as when one good Hound re∣covers the scent, the rest come in with a full cry: So they pursued it, and every one came on home and layed the blame where they thought the fault was. But yet by this saying of Alured, it seems they thought they were to give him Law; and 'tis a brutish thing to suppose that wild predatory Beasts have in the Kings Forrests more protection, and more exemption from being arbitra∣rily hunted down, than his Liege people to whom he is sworn, have in the whole Realm in general, and in his Courts of Justice in particular. That time seemed not so much 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: But your Lordships know∣ledg in the Laws of the Land and in the Laws of Nations is so universal and profound, that you can come to no Court in the World, but will either find Law there or bring it: and your great knowledg of the Parliamentary Transactions in all past Ages, cannot but secure you against any apprehen∣sions of not finding Law. For it hath been rarely seen, that a House of Commons has gone to hunt any man down tho with the Law, that was not a Nimrod a Mighty hunter of our Laws themselves; and never was the House Page  9 of Peers thought a Court of Rigor and Cruelty, and as the Tribunal of Cas∣sius was for its dire severity called Scopulus Reorum. In the end of the famous Tryal of the Earl of Strafford, the House of Commons foresaw that the Lords would acquit him, and therefore they broke up the Judicial prosecution against him, and proceeded by Bill of Attainder, and shortly after broke in pieces on his Grave the Rule and Standard of Treason they proceeded by, as Heralds break their Staffs at the Funerals of Illustrious Persons, and cast them into their Tombes. Had I been one of that Lords Judges▪ I should have consented that after he had been hunted so long by the Prosecution for Treason, and was not Judicially convicted of it, he should have had the priviledg of a Hart-Royal proclaimed, of which Manwood in his Forrest Law speaking, saith, That if the King doth hunt a Stag he is called a Hart-Royal, and that if he doth hunt a Hart in the Forrest, which by chacing is driven out, and the King gives him over, as either being weary, or for that he cannot recover him, then because such a Hart hath shewn the King pastime, and is also Cervus eximius, and that therefore the King would have him preserved, he causeth Proclamation to be made in the adjacent Villages, that none shall kill, hunt, hurt, or chace him, and hinder him from his return to the Forrest, and ever after such a Hart is called a Hart-Royal proclaimed. But I think that an eximious man impeacht in Parliament and there acquitted, will need no Herald to proclaim his worth, nor his deserving to be restored in integrum to the Royal Protection and Fa∣vour, when that his own works have praised him in the gates, that is, in the Jurisdiction where they were so strictly scann'd. My Lord, if any could prove your Lordship to be a Papist, he need not call that accumulative Trea∣son in you, nor need he go about by torturing the Law to make it confess many Felonies to be one Treason, many Rapes to be one false coming: But Popery in you would be plain down-right, palpable and rank Treason by ver∣tue of the Statute of 23 of Elizabeth, Ch. 1. which makes it High Treason for any person in the Dominions of the Crown of England to be withdrawn from the Religion then established, to the Romish Religion. That your Lord∣ship hath been bred a Protestant, and been so (as it were) ex traduce, there needs no other evidence then the contents of this Letter, and that you have not been withdrawn to the Romish Religion, you have declared by the Se∣ries of your actings against it, that shew your Mind beyond the power of words: and 'tis by the help of that great Wisdom God has given you, that our English World expects that a way may be found how to make it more clearly appear to the eye of the Law when any others have been or are with∣drawn to the Romish Religion, a thing perhaps at present of somewhat diffi∣cult proof: For without supposing that the Pope can or will give them di∣spensations to take all Oaths and Tests that can be devised, doth not a reser∣ving some fantastic sense to themselves, make nonsense of all Oaths, and that one word Equivocation make them proof against all other words? Doth not that with them sanctify, or at least justify all other words they can use? May they not on these terms safely swear there is neither God, nor Man, nor Hell, nor Devil, that is meaning, not in a Mathematical point, or in Vtopia, and that they saw not such a Man such a day, that is, not with the eyes of a Whale? And have not the late dying Speeches of some of these Imposters, and particularly Father Irelands, shewn us, that in the points of mental reserva∣tion and equivocation they persevere in the impudent owning of that which would unhinge the World, and turn humane Society into a dissolute multi∣tude? And do we not believe many to be Papists, who we know have taken the Oaths and Tests? Hath not a Papist some Years since writ of the law∣fulness of the taking of the Oath of Supremacy? I speak not this, my Lord, to derogate from the Wisdom of our Ancestors that appointed these discrimi∣nations, Page  10 nations, and do think that when we have used all the lawful means we can, to know who among us are Papists as certainly as we do what is Popery, and to keep Papists from hurting us and themselves, we ought to acquiesce in the Results of the Providence of God. But what all those means are, tho I know not, yet I am apt to believe that your Lordships comprehensive knowledg of men and things, and of the true interest of the Kingdom hath qualified you to tell your Royal Master and His Houses of Parliament: nor do I be∣lieve that the difficulty of either finding out such means and making practi∣cable things be practised will blunt, but rather whet the edg of your Industry in this case, as being of Quintilians mind who Judged that there was Turpi∣tude in despairing of any thing that could be done. I think his words are Turpiter desperatur quicquid fieri potest.Tis certainly the interest of the King and Kingdom that the numbers of the Papists here, and especially of those with∣drawn from Protestancy to the Church of Rome should be known, in the case of which Apostates, tho it be impossible without seizing on the Papers and Archives of one certain Priest to see the Original Acts of their Recan∣tation of Protestancy, yet is it most certain and on all hands confessedly true, that Eminent Overt-Acts of abhorrency of Protestantisme are alwayes requi∣red at the admitting one who was of that Religion into the bosome of the Roman Catholic Church: which any one will be convinced of who reads the Letter of Cardinal D'Ossat to Villeroy of the 20th of Octob. 1603. from Rome, where he gives his Opinion against the Queen of England being made God∣mother at the Baptism of Madam. That Cardinal who had incomparable skill in the Canon Law, and the knowledg of all the Customs of the Papal See, and who had lived at Rome above 20 Years, saith in that Letter, I ac∣count it my duty to write to you freely that that cannot be done without very great Scandal to good Catholicks, nor without the extream displeasure and offence of the Pope. You presuppose that the Queen of England is a Catholic: but Here we know the contrary, tho some believe that she is not of the worser sort of Here∣tics, and that she has some inclination to the Catholic Religion. And I will tell you moreover, that tho she were in her heart of the Catholic Apostolic and Roman Religion as much as the Pope himself, so it is that she having been bred up in Heresie and outwardly persisting in it as she doth, she cannot according to the Ca∣nons be held for a Catholic in public acts of Religion, till she hath first both viva voce and by writing under her hand abjured all Heresie, and made profession of the Catholic Faith. Nor was it ever known, that in the case of any Protestants Apostacy to the Church of Rome, any Pope ever dispensed with those Canons, and therefore it may well hence be inferr'd, That if evidence just so much as the Law requires as to such Apostacy be given, that no superpondium or proof of overt-acts more then necessary ought to be expected, for that overt Acts almost impossible to be proved, may yet necessarily be pre∣sumed: but this by the way. And therefore now further, my Lord, if fas est ab hoste doceri be adviseable in the case, as strict Circumstances may be requi∣red in the conversion of Papists to our Church, as are in the withdrawing of any from our Church to theirs. Indeed if I were a Member of Parliament, and any one there should be so happy as to invent a way, and propound it whereby the present Lay-Papists in England might let us have a Moral Cer∣tainty that they neither consented to nor concealed the late Plot, and like∣wise that they did really detest all those desperate Popish Principles that are fundamentally destructive to the Safety of the King and Kingdom, and that they would harbour no Priests born in the Kings Dominions, nor send any of their Children to be bred in Forrain Seminaries; and on the contrary, that on occasion they would discover to a Magistrate any such Priest, or one who sent his Children to such Seminary, and likewise any one that owned any of Page  11 those Pernitious Principles that strike at the heart of the Civil Government, and that they would presently give his Majesty an accompt of all their own Names, Places of abode, and Numbers of their Families, and that they would not live in nor come to the Court nor into any of our Cities or great Towns, without leave obtain'd pursuant to the Statute of the 35th. of Elizabeth, Ch. 2. (wherein 'tis Enacted under several Penalties, That they shall not remove above Five miles from their dwellings, and to give in their Names to the Constables, Headborough, and Minister, &c.) and that the people might be delivered not only from any danger by them, but any fears that might fall on a wise man, either of their power or numbers encreasing I should joyfully entertain such an invention; But what way of that kind is practicable, I am altogether ignorant, But do suppose that the present Lawes, Oaths, and Tests, ought to continue till with the Consent of His Majesty and Lords and Commons in Parliament we are further secured.

I know that we ought to be much more vigilant over English Papists, then over any Forrainers, for that 'tis a kind of a Rule that Angli nil modicum in Religione possunt, and therefore that no Popish Priest who is a Subject to England can with the public safety live here. Your Lordship hath I think as comprehensive a knowledg of the affairs of Ireland, as any man can have, and therefore I shall here tell you that a Gentleman of Ireland told me that in the times of the usurpt powers 'twas in the Act of Settlement for Ireland by the Parliament declared, that it was not their intent after almost a National Rebellion to extirpate the whole Irish Nation, but that after an exception of certain persons as to Life and Estate, the Act orders some Irish to be ba∣nish'd the Kingdom, and other Irish to be transplanted to some part of Ireland, allowing them such proportion of Land and Estate there as they should have had of their own elsewhere in Ireland if they had not been removed. What effect that Transplantation had I know not, but I suppose it easier to remove a handful of men from one corner of the Land to another, then 'twas to re∣move almost a Nation: And do suppose there are some Papists in England as innocent of this late Plot, as there were some in Ireland of that Rebellion, The Dean of Canterbury doth in his incomparable Sermon before the House of Commons on the 5th. of November 1678 acknowledg the Piety and Charity of several persons who lived and dyed in the Roman Communion, as Erasmus, Father Paul, Thuanus, and many others who had in truth more goodness then the Prin∣ciples of that Religion do either incline men to or allow of. And so I think my self bound in justice to Judge in that manner of some Papists of my acquain∣tance. Thus the Epicureans of old tho their Principle of making happiness consist in pleasure was detestable, gained this point, that many of their Sect were honest men: And so much Tully acknowledged to be true, but with a Salvo to his exception against their Doctrine Speaking of Epicurus and his Followers, L. 2. De Finibus Boni & Mali: he saith, Ac mihi quidem videtur quod ipse vir bonus fuit, & multi Epicurei fuerunt & bodie sunt, & in amicitirs fideles, & in omni vita constantes & graves, nec voluptate, sed officio consilia moderantes. It seems to me that Epicurus was a good man; and many of his Sect have been and are faithful in their friendships, and constant and serious men in every condition of life: and managing the conduct of their lifes by duty and not pleasure. But then saith he, hoc videtur major vis honestatis, minor voluptatis▪ and afterwards he saith, atque ut caeteri existimantur dicere melius quam facere, sic hi mihi videntur melius facere quam dicere: As much as if he had said, No thanks to their Principles, but their honest inclinations, the force of honesty shew'd it self more Predominant in them, then that of pleasure: and as other mens Principles are accounted better then their Practises, these mens Practises are better then their Principles.

Page  12 It is I think Gods standing Miracle in the world, (who is able to make a divulsion between the formal and the vital Act, namely, to make fire not burn) to keep some men from undoing themselves and Mankind by the ge∣nuine consequences of the Opinions they profess in matters of Religion: And thus it is happy for the World, that Caliginosa nocte premit Deus nepotes dis∣cursus: And he can by an Omnipotent easiness when he pleaseth, Divert a mans understanding from seeing any first-born consequence from his opinion, as well as a more remote one. Moreover, the Divine Power doth in the Government of the World interpose it self sometimes between professed Noti∣ons or Principles themselves, and mans intellectual faculties. Good men sometimes do not believe even the existence of that and of some other divine Attributes, where the things to be believed are to be seen by the light of Nature; And bad men habituated to lying sometimes do at last believe the lyes and shamms themselves made, though yet for the most part it happens (what is perfectly worthy of the Divine Power and goodness) when men are with Candor and purity of mind seeking after Truth, that-Heaven does so influence their understandings, as that they are not by false lights artificial seduced to believe any thing against the light of Nature, nor given up by weak arguments to strong delusions. These things considered, I think that that great Divine of our Age, the Lord Bishop of Lincoln, hath with a Noble modesty and charity in the Title of his unanswered and unanswerable Book a∣gainst Popery, exprest the Principles of that Religion when really believed to be pernicious.

And having said all this, I need not trouble your Lordship or my self much further about finding a way to prevent the Papists from troubling us, but do suppose that the Papists themselves are most concerned to labour in such an invention. And instead of their being led by any hellish Principles to destroy any City of Course by Sinister means, That is by burning it, they may, if they please, in their Devotion, address to Heaven for that favour to its old chosen People on Earth mentioned in Psalm. 107. v. 7. And he led them forth by the right way, that they might go to a City of Habitation. I suppose, that after so eminent a Person as the Lord High Chancellor of England in his Speech at the Condemnation of the Lord Stafford, made that great interogati∣on, Does any man now begin to doubt how London came to be burnt? and after the Vote of the last Parliament the last day of their Sitting in these words, viz. Resolved, That it is the Opinion of this House, That the City of London was burnt in the Year 1666 by the Papists, designing thereby to introduce Arbitrary Power and Popery into this Kingdom, they will not think it strange that they should not be permitted to live in any of our Cities again, till they have shew'd how orderly they can live in one of their own: And therefore I think we may without breach of Civility, or at least violation of justice, apply to them some part of the words which I find quoted by Dr. Bramhall Lord Bishop of Derry in his just vindication of the Church of England, out of Gers. part. 4. Ser. de pace & unit. Graec. as the farewell Speech to the Bishop of Rome, when the Graecian and all other Eastern Churches parted from him, whom they acknowledged only as a Patriarch, Namely, We acknowledg your Power, we cannot satisfie your Covetousness, live by your selves.

How it is in the case of the People of Switzerland, Papists and Protestants living apart by themselves in several Cantons, cannot be unknown to your Lordship: Nor that the Protestants and Papists when they there made their League at first joyntly to maintain their Liberties against the House of Au∣stria, then agreed upon this also, That if any of the Natives living in the Cantons of either side should change their Religion, that then they should be permitted respectively to sell their goods and transplant themselves to the Page  13Canton whose Religion they embraced. But I shall tell your Lordship, That of late the Popish Canton Switz did break this agreement, and would not suffer some of their Native Inhabitants to partake of this freedom, and did con∣fiscate the goods of some Families that changed their Religion, and at the instigation of the Fryars and Iesuits they condemned some of them to death, and others to the Gallyes which was the cause of a Commotion among them.

The Gentleman of Ireland who discourst somewhat to me of the Transplan∣tation of the Irish Papists, told me, it was into the Province of Connaught, and think into the In-land parts of that Countrey, for to have trusted them to live in Maritine Towns there, whereby they might have let in an inva∣ding Popish or other Forrainer, were to have trusted them with the power of the Keys of the Kingdom: And he further told me, That the transplantation was managed with much satisfactory tenderness to those Papists, and that as to English and Irish, it had partly the nature of a bargain that gave content on both sides, and secured them against each other after all the mutual exas∣perations that had passed, and when 'twas fresh in the memory of both English and Irish, that 'twas the promiscuous and scatter'd dwelling of the English among the Irish before the Rebellion that tempted the Irish to butch∣er them, and made the English Sheep for the Slaughter; and when it was not likewise forgot, that in former Wars the partition or distinction of the English Pale did secure the English inhabiting within its district.

I askt the Gentleman if they were not stinted to a certain number of Priests, and care taken that none of them should be Iesuits, and that the chief Go∣vernour of the Countrey should know their Names, and whether any Priests Natives of that Country were allow'd them? as to which enquiries he did not fully satisfie me: but I supposed, that since all Religions have a Priest-hood, that somewhat of that kind was allowed them, and that since the Order of the Iesuits was invented in the Year 1540. by the Pope as a Poysonous Stumm to put a new fermentation into the Romish Ecclesiastical Rites and Discipline, which were almost dead with age; and like vina vetustate eden∣tula, and quite dispirited with the Thunder of the Doctrine of Luther, and the lightning of Learning and Knowledg then flying through the World; and that that Order of the Iesuits was (as it were) a Court erected to begin with execution, and to confute gainsayers by cutting their Throats, No Iesuits were permitted to officiate among those transplanted Papists, and conside∣ring that the Priests Natives of Ireland were the known fomenters of that Rebellion, that both English and Irish might rather consent to some Secular Priests bred in Holland or France, being employed in the New Irish Colony, and who had no knowledg of the Intrigues of the several Interests in that Country, and would not by kindred or relation to any of the great Families there perhaps be tempted into Factions.

I have heard from that Gentleman of Mr. Peter Walsh a Fryar in Ireland and of his endeavours in the Art of Cicuration of some of the Romish Clergy & Layety who there were Wolfes (and that without Sheeps cloathing) and re∣claiming them to Principles and Practices consistent with civil society, and what proficiency his Disciples have made therein, I being a stranger to that Kingdom know not; but according to that saying, bonus est quem Nero odit, have the better opinion of him for those endeavours of his having been Crown'd with the Popes Excommunications.

It was a noble saying, I have heard of one of the House of Peers this last Parliament, I hate not the persons of any Papists, but I am an enemy to Popery: In like manner I should be glad that all the Mercy were shewn them that were not Cruelty to the Public; but they are to excuse any one that will not forget Page  14 that when they begun the last outragious Rebellion in Ireland (which no words need or can aggravate) they enjoy'd there equal Priviledges with the English, if not greater, the Lawyers were Irish, most of the Judges Irish, and the Major part of the Parliament Irish, and in all disputes between English and Irish, the Irish were sure of the Favour; and any one would be inexcusable to this Kingdom, who forgot that King Iames's unparalel'd kindness to his Popish Subjects in suspending the execution of Penal Laws against them, in sparing their purses, in remitting the arrears of what they owed Queen Elizabeth for pecuniary penalties, nay giving into their hands what money of theirs as his due was in the Exchequer, was but the ro∣logue to their intended Tragedy on the Fifth of November. And what pro∣vocations they had to be ill wishers to the Life and Crown of the last King, as appeared by the detection forementioned presented to His Majesty by Arch-Bishop Laud, and a Charge given against them in Print by the Reverend Dr. Peter Du Moulin, which he offer'd to make good; and ad quod non fuit responsum, let any one Judg who further does look on the Parliaments Ad∣dresses in Rushworths Collections. And unless some of them had loved ingra∣titude for ingratitudes sake, they would never have enter'd into that Conspi∣racy against his now Majesty, whose Life is the delight of all Mankind but theirs: And yet since according to that expression, that God is not the God of the Iews only, but also of the Gentiles, so it being true, that the King is King of the Papists as well as Protestants, King of the Irish as well as of the English, and a common Father to them all, it may be worthy of His Royal good∣ness and a God-like thing in him to distribute to them all the Kindness that would not undo themselves and others, as the Divine bounty dispenseth itself to the Sinful, yet with respect to the Government of the World. And as the love of an Indulgent Father may be measured more by the kindness he would shew an obstinate son, (were he qualified to receive it) then by what he doth, who tryes all methods to reclaim him, by his Will Disinherits him, and goes down to the shades below without revoking such a Will, and yet in his life-time with the tenderest bowels and softest language he was con∣stantly bemoaning that Sons being not a Subject fit or capable to participate in the Estate equally with his Brethren; Thus too may the love of the Pater Patriae, and of the Country it self be demonstrated to these our obstinate Brethren, more by the Favour we do not afford them, then by what we do, having often seen the truth of what Solomon saith, that the prosperity of fools destroys them.

But, as I said before, I would be glad that the Papists themselves would try to find out what way of security the Wisdom of His Majesty and His great Councel may acquiesce in, so that any bitter way may not be prescribed to them by public Authority, as perhaps this of Transplantation or some other may seem, and that persons of innocent Tempers and Principles may not be carryed off, with those of noxious ones, as all strong purging Phisic dispo∣sesseth the body of some good Humours as well as bad: and I therefore wish, that they may rather satisfie His Majesty that they have transplanted into their minds some such Principles as are to be found not only in Protestant but Heathen Authors to incline men to be Gods and not Devils to one another, (and those Principles growing in the Soil of Nature when transplanted into the mind of a Christian, are much more generous and improved, like the Vines on the Rhine transplanted into the Fortunate Islands) and whereby a Prote∣stant King may Sit securely in His Throne, and His Protestant Subjects sleep securely in their houses, and walk securely in the Streets without fear of the fate of Sir Edmond Godfrey and Mr. Arnold, pursuing them upon a declaratory sentence that they are Hereticks, by a shabby Consult of a few ignorant PriestsPage  15 in a blind Cabaret, without citing them to shew cause why they should not be knock't on the head by Villains who account themselves the Popes Sheriffs, and at the worst that happens to them his Martyrs, a fate of Prote••ants worse then they suffered in the Dog-days of Queen Maryes Reign, (that Canicula Persecutionis as Tertullian's phrase is) for then they were not murder'd, but after a Tryal for their Lives and Liberty granted to recant at stake. Me∣thinks when they consider the Popes Decree made at Rome the second of March 1679. condemning some Opinions of the Iesuits and other Casuists, (the which in Latin and English was printed for Richard Chiswell at the Rose and Crown in St. Pauls Church-Yard 1679.) and see thereby that the Augean Stable of the Casuists being so full of Filth that it could hold no more, the Pope to avoid the scandal of the World, and danger to those Souls who by the practice of those Opinions were not at that time sent to the place from whence there is no Re∣demption, (though yet as the excellent Author of the Preface to that de∣cree here printed judiciously observes, That the Pope treats those Opinions very gently and mercifully, and indeed doth not declare them ill in them∣selves, or such a Nusance to souls that he could not dispence with) and when they likewise consider that most of those Opinions if not all were Rules allow'd by Iesuits or other Casuists for Confessors and Penitents to go by in the securing of the great concern of Eternity till that time, and that Guymenius with the approbation and permission of his Superiors in the year 1665. favours most if not all of those Opinions with a colourable gloss out of Councels, Fathers, School-men and Divines, and endeavours to throw off the Odium from the Iesuits for them, upon the whole Roman Church, they should now be so awaken'd as throughly to examine both those and other points in that Re∣ligion, supposing that some future Pope may declare the Souls left in the lurch that hold some other Opinions recommended to them by their Spiri∣tual guides, without their having obtained a papal dispensation to hold them.

My Lord, though I believe your Lordship to have ever had as keen an Antipathy against Caballing with any Papists as good old Iacob shewed he had against that with Simeon and Levy, of which he said, O my soul come not thou into their secret, unto their assembly, mine honour be not thou united, yet their necessary applications to your Lordship in your administration of the Privy Seal and their voluntary recourse to the hospitality of your noble and constant Table, where any one in the habit of a Gentleman is allowed to be your Guest, giving you opportunities of discoursing sometimes with Papists, I suppose your advice to them to consult with one another in peace how to satisfie His Majesty, that all bloody Consults being by them aban∣don'd, he himself may enjoy the Kings peace, and we his Subjects enjoy that Peace of the King which his very Wild Beasts in the Forrest enjoy, (as I said before) and where any of the Inhabitants if they have lights in their Windows that may affright the Kings Deer are lyable to punishment by the Forrest law, and that we being delivered from the hands of our Enemies, may serve God with∣out fear in holiness and righteousness all the dayes of our Lives, and not be in danger of being in the Kings High-way knock't on the head like Weasels or Polecats by base Ruffians not worthy to feed the Dogs of our Flocks; I say I suppose your Lordships advice backt with those reasons against Popery that you alwayes carry ready told, may especially at this time when the ecce duo gladii or two Votes of the House of Commons in the last two Parliaments can∣not be forgot by any of them, occasion their offering that to the conside∣ration of His Majesty and his great Councel, that may render the Kingdom safe from any hostility of their Principles or Practises. Your Lordship hath one advantage in giving advice beyond most men I know, and perhaps no Page  16 man is Master of that advantage more then your Lordship, and that is your advice to any of Mankind, is the advice of a friend; for both by your natu∣ral temper, and a habit that can plead the prescription of sixty years for its continuance in your Soul, and a sharpe edge of Wit and Reason to justifie your claim to it, so it is, that you are in a constant readiness to shew your self a friend to every Member of that great Body, wishing his happiness as your own, extending the arm of your beneficence as far as it can reach, to the remotest object without hurting your self by the straining it, with a pi∣tying Eye and a tender Hand, and forgiving Heart, guiding unhappy men out of the very Labyrinths they had brought themselves into by injuring you, accounting your mercy to be justice to Humane Nature, adorning greatness both in your self and others with goodness, in the case of the injur'd poor and weak making oft the great and the mighty asham'd of their oppression by your reason (and alwayes with Language as soft as the yoke they intend∣ed was hard) when you could not make them afraid of it by your power, and blushing your self for the degeneration of Mans Nature, when you saw any that shame could not divert from the turpitude of injuring their brethren of mankind, and by your compassion alleviating that burthen of the miserable that they had sunk under but by your Fellowship in their grief, and never dispensing either the Kings reproof or your own to offen∣ders without moderation, and respect to the frail state of Humanity, and without that mixture of benign advice that gave the Malheurevs a plank after the Shipwrack of their Fame, and very often running the hazard of drown∣ing your self by helping to save those that were sinking in the Favour of the King and Court, and when their fate was such that all the rest of the herd avoided them as a wounded Deer. In a word they that know your Lordship know that by arguments hard to be answered and a softness of words and Temper almost inimitable you have Proselyted several Papists out of their per∣nicious Principles, and have taught them goodness by your example, and by your having that happy inclination that Hillel a Famous Jewish Doctor who lived a little before our Saviours Incarnation so well advised, Namely Be of the Disciples of Aaron, who loved Peace, and followed Peace, and who loved Men, and brought them near to the Law.

Your Lordship by your being so well vers'd in our Statute Laws and Hi∣stories is able to acquaint them with the Justice of our Ancestors in the ma∣king of many fresh additional capital Laws (for sanguinary they ought not to be called since just) against Papists upon the detection of several fresh horrid Treasons, & particularly those against Queen Elizabeth and King Iames, and that our Ancestors then having a great and violent indignation against Popery and Papists made Laws with the dread of the Vltimum supplicium therein, and further the anger of Man could not go. But it cannot scape your Lordships observation that the violence of Passion not being capable of lasting long in its highest rage how just soever and especially in the brest of an English Man and a Protestant, those hot Statutes made only (as I may say) a hizzing like a little fire thrown into Water, and as to their Execution went out presently. Nor have I ever heard of any one that apostatiz'd from the Church of England to that of Rome who was as those Statutes ordain punisht as a Traytor, merely for so doing. And indeed since no Stratagems are to be used twice and es∣pecially such as did not succeed once, I am highly pleased that on the Discove∣ry of the late detestable Plot there was so great a calmness in the minds, so general a smoothness in the brows of the people, such an universal Spirit of Patience forbearance and meekness every where visible in their Faces, even greater then that which shone in the Minds and Faces of the Londoners when with composed looks they saw their City newly made ashes, and had smelt Page  17 the Incendiaries almost as soon as the Fire, that none can imagine but who as eye witnesses observed; And even on the fifth of November ensuing the Discovery of the Plot, the two excellent Preachers desired to preach before the House of Lords, and the House of Commons on that day when both an Old and a New Plot were staring the Nation in the Face, happen'd to be with the Peaceable Genius of the Christian Religion and of the People in that Con∣juncture inspired in the choice of that same part of Scripture that was their Text and contain'd the calm yet severe reproof given by the Founder of Christianity to some of his Disciples that would have been Commission'd to call for Fire from Heaven to consume the inhospitable Samaritans, in one of which Sermons, namely that of the Dean of Canterbury's, 'tis for the Honour of our Nation and Religion by him observed p. 31. of the Sermon, that after the Treason of this day, nay at this very time since the Discovery of so bar∣barous a design, and the highest provocation in the World by the Treacherous murder of one of His Majesties Iustices of the Peace a very good man and a most excellent Magistrate who had been active in the Discovery of this Plot, I say af∣ter all this and notwithstanding the continued and insupportable insolence of their carriage and behaviour, even upon this occasion, no violence, nay not so much as any incivility that I have heard of has been offer'd to any of them. Thus for the words of this good and learned man.

He that loves not his Brother whom he hath seen, how can he love God whom he hath not seen? And the Religion that prompts them to destroy our bodies that they see, makes them fearless in the damming of our Souls that they have not seen, and even without giving us a minutes warning to make up our accounts with God, and that too perhaps for extravagant lenity shew'd to some incorrigibles among them, which was poor Godfreys case. But the calm temper of the Protestants to them upon the Discovery of the Plot not breathing out any Cruelty or new Severity against their Bodies or Souls shall alwayes endear to me the Protestant Religion.

And though those two great Votes of the House of Commons may seem severe to the Papists, yet are they warning pieces only if they please, and not murdring ones, and like the Arrows of Ionathan to warn David and not to hurt him; And indeed only to warn them not to kill David, and not to hurt themselves, and in effect a reasonable request or petition of wo Parlia∣ments to them only to make much of themselves, and like the lenity that accompanied the Divine threatning of moriendo morieris restrain'd to their eating of one tree, so that no Flaming Swords need fence up their way from the Tree of Life unless they please.

But though the Spirit of the people hath not on the occasion of the late Plot shew'd its angry resentments against the persons of the Papists by any outrage or rudeness, and though our Parliaments have not on that occasion as those in the times of Queen Elizabeth and King Iames made the Anger of the Statute Book to swell with many Acts of Parliament against them, they are not to infer that therefore the anger of the people diffusive or representa∣tive is over, but rather the contrary, from its not having appeared violent. And indeed as that heat of the body that is acquired not by an approach to a blazing fire, but gradually by gentle exercise of the parts is most lasting and most agreeable to its constitution, so is it with that heat of popular an∣ger that is the Result of the exercise of mens mindes and of several laboured in∣tense thoughts most durable and salutiferous to the body of the Kingdom. It hath been observed by a Man of no Vulgar intellectual Tallents Mr. Philip Nye (a Man indeed of great Sagacity in his Generation) as I find it in his Book called Beams of former Light viz. We know that in near a hundred years the Reformation gained little upon Popery and Superstition more then was gotten by Page  18 the first assault, nay it decay'd and Popery grew under it so fast as at last we were almost returned into the same condition that we were reformed from, and this (he sayes) may be the cause why the first Reformation prospered no better, there were the like severe, impositions and Laws made upon occasion of difference among the Protest ants and then advantages were taken thereby, and many put out of the Master-Role for Nonconformity who were of greatest courage and most faithful Resolution against Popery and Superstition the then common Enemy. The silen∣cing and ejection of Ministers in Queen Elizabeths dayes, reformation being new∣ly begun and the Enemies to it many, the friends and those that faithfully engaged few, was looked on by the godly prudent of that age as very unseasonable, yea the their crimes had deserved it, because of the searcity of Preachers at that time. There is nothing more frequent in our Suffering Brethrens writings that were then published against the Hierarchy then a bemoaning the great loss to the cause and people of God thereby. I will mention but one, considering the season (saith Mr. Parker) though we were worthy, yet should we least be deprived now when Popery riseth like the swellings of Iordan, yea maketh invasion like an Armed man, when there are wanting many on the other side in many Parishes to stand up in the gap against it.

Doth not the Canon Law it self spare depriving for greater faults when there is penuria sacerdotum & quando utilitas ecclesiae exigit. Thus far Mr. Nye, who whe∣ther he has assigned non causam pro causâ or no, as to the Vigorous encreasing of Popery after the Reformation, I shall not say, and shall forbear even with the tenderest and gentlest hand to touch the sore place of the difference a∣mong Protestants till we are secured against the Rough hands of any Esaws touching Gods Annointed. Nor shall I now debate of which perswasion a∣mong Protestants should strike Sail to the others, till we have put off the Fire-ship that hath grappled us, but shall here say that I think one cause why the Protestant Religion hath not since its first assaults against Popery gained ground of it proportionably was what is necessarily incident to hu∣mane Nature, and even in the most generous, and particularly English Spirits after a great overflowing of passion to find in themselves the lowest ebb to suc∣ceed the highest tide, and our boyling blood to be the more dispirited after∣ward by reason of its former heat, and for us instantly to fall asleep when our spirits are taken off from the wrack that passion extended them on, and to try to recruit our spirits again by the passion of Pitty or Shame which we had wasted by that of Anger, like men that after one excess refresh themselves by another. And as the great expenses of War which is the passion of Anger raging in the body of a whole Nation, Necessarily at last end in a peace that continues till mens plenty blow them up into War again, so doth the spending and wasting the Treasure of our Spirits by Anger necessitate us into a quiet, that lasts till being thereby recruited we are again capable to take Fire from a fresh provocation and to trouble our selves and others; But as men grow older and wiser they grow abler to moderate their passion of Anger, and make it like Fire, not a bad Master but good Servant to themselves and the Public, not a Fire that acts as natural agents ad extremum virium and so as anger acts and rests in the bosom of fools (who are so far natural agents only as not guided by reason) but as in the Breasts of the Wise, where reason rests and makes all passions as its Messengers and Ministers, not unresembling what is said of the most High that he makes his Ministers a flame of Fire, and so by God∣like men who love others like themselves, their passion of Anger is made like a Guardian Angel to themselves and others: and by thus according to that precept being angry and sinning not, the fire of Anger in the Protestants here against Popery having long been light and restless, is at last got to its proper Element where it doth not Levitate and where it hath no burning but only a Page  19purifying quality, and thus the hatred of the English Protestants against Popery may be said to be as the Scripture expression is, a perfect hatred, being now come to its height and proper Element, which perfect Hatred to Popery, may always consist with a perfect love to Papists, and cinge not a hair of their heads more then a Lambent Fire.

My Lord, I account that we do but Justice to the Persons of many of our Roman-Catholick Acquaintance in pronouncing of them, that they have no PLOT but to get to Heaven, and to follow the last Dictates of their Pra∣ctical understandings as to the Mind of God reveal'd in the Scripture.

I shall tell your Lordship, that I entertaining my thoughts sometimes with the great pacificatory ones of our Divines, have observd things there said with sharpness enough against the Errors of Papists, and yet with great sweetness as to the persons erring, and not only exempting these from odium in their holding Problematick Tenets contrary to ours, but asserting their just liberty so to do.

And because one of our Church of England-Divines who hath writ at that rate, hath done it with a graceful mixture of wit and frankness, I shall here entertain your Lordship with some of his passages about it.

I intend here to refer you to an excellent Sermon of Dr. Ingelo's, Preached at S. Paul's, and Printed A. 1659. and where in p. 129. he saith, I am afraid that Christian Religion will not recover for a good while, that honour which is lost by the uncharitableness of the present Age. God grant that we may return speedily to the sincerity of the Protestant Principles. We know not what the Christian Religion is but by the Scriptures, and by them we may know, for there it is plainly and fully set down. In things doubtful, if every Christian may not interpret for himself; how shall we justifie the Protestants Separation from the Roman Church, not to have been a Schism, and, as the Papists say, an Apostacy from the true Church? They interpret one way, and we another. And was not the rigid imposition of their interpreta∣tions as infallible, one of those good reasons for which we departed from them? But when we read these Scriptures, They shall kill you, and think they do God service, and, By zeal I persecuted the Church, and, They have a zeal, but not according to knowledge; we may perceive that hot zeal may be accompanied with gross ignorance, and great cruelty. Some that mean well, perhaps, may do shrowd mischief, and through impotence of Spirit, Inconsiderateness, ill Nature, narrowness of Soul, want of Expe∣rience, and converse with wise Men, &c. may throw fire-brands into the House of God.

It is a strange device of pleasing God, to sacrifice his Friends to him, when as he desireth not the death of his Enemies. But those which kill them say, O, but they are in errour. Really it may be so, for it is a very hard matter for such fallible creatures as we are, not to erre in some things, &c. But those are unmerciful guides, which kill plain-hearted Passengers, be∣cause they have missed the way, when as it is likely that they, poor men, could not help it. I, but they will not go into the way when they are bidden. Well, but will they do it, when you have killed them? If they were out of the way, you have made them for ever coming into it again. Since the wanderer did not hearken to you, it may be that he knew nothing to the contrary, but that you were as ignorant of the way, as himself. No, you had a Book of it, wherein it was fairly mapp'd forth. That is, the Bible; and he had it too. But you understand it better then he did. I cannot tell that. However, are you infallible also? If you be not, you may be out of the way your self, and if it should chance to prove so, you would be loath to be cudgell'd into it again.

Page  20If you will glorify God, do as he doth. What is that? He declares his will, teacheth us his Truth, engageth us with a thousand mercies, to do our duty; and notwithstanding we continue our disobedience, he awaits our repentance with a God-like patience. Wilt thou go and do likewise? No, because they receive not Jesus Christ, I will call for fire from Heaven upon them. Poor man! thou art of a hot spirit, and wouldest thou have it increased with flames from above? that fire enlightens, warms, and so melts, but doth not burn and fry men for their Salvation. Take heed what thou dost to others, &c.

The common style in so many mens Writings of Religionary Controversie is not more vexatious then that I have now entertain'd you with of this learned Writer is charming. And indeed as turbid as this interval of time is while Moral offices are calling upon us in our several Stations by all due means to withstand Papal Usurpations (and which men of sense generally mean by Popery) yet as to the Tenets of Transubstantiation and Purgatory and others of that Nature, however so much disgusted by the bulk of the Nation, such bulky and voluminous Controversial writing of them, as was long ago in use, is nauseous to the age, and the time spent in reading Mat∣ters Pro and Con writ of such Subjects would now be judged as the diverting Men from regular action in opposing any Papal Usurpations.

Who is at all concerned about extension or divisibility being the formalis ratio of quantity, or at there being demonstration on either side, that hoth the one and the other is so? But 'tis one man's extending his Confines on those of another man's Estate, or his dividing a quota of it from him, that naturally makes Controversie so hot and loud. When a man by pretending to illuminate another about the next World stands in his light in this, and when a handful of men would grasp all the Dignities of this World because of their expectance of monopolizing those of the next (and which indeed should ra∣ther allay their Ambition in this according to that Saying,—Si tam certa manet gloria quid properas?) here the hinge of the Controversie turns so an∣grily between so many Protestants and so many Papists; tho yet I must here acknowledge, that as I know Protestants enow, who neither repine at God's or his Vice-gerent's choice of their Instruments, so I do Papists whose Mode∣ration is known to all men, and who are far from affecting any excessive over∣balance of Power in the Services of their Prince.

And were I for my Life to give our Roman-Catholick fellow-Subjects the best advice I could for their own Preservation, it should be their using all means possible to convince the world, that they affected nothing of such a Paramount Power, and aimed at no such thing. Aufer ut uterque securius dormiat, was said by the Stoick to him that was taking away his Riches in the Night. I am sure I shall never repine at it, if ever there should be a due or legal relaxation of any Penalties that may seem sanguinary in making their Purses bleed, but shall be content with its being out of the Power of such among them who affect a growth of their interests under the Pope as a fifth Monarch, to render others of them liable to Envy who only endeavour their growing in Grace under the Pope as their chief Spiritual Pastor. And tho perhaps to advise any hot-Spurs among them to part with Power, may seem durus sermo, as much as cutting off a Right hand that has long offen∣ded themselves and others; yet if it shall appear that by that means they will secure all the Hands and Hearts of Protestants thereby for their defence, they will gain more then Cent per Cent in the Exchange: as those who in our Saviour's time forsook Houses and Lands for him, did according to his promise gain a Thousand Fold by it in this life, by the Houses and Lands of all other Christians then being at their service. It is chiefly by the abe∣nunciation, the study'd and labour'd declining of Power, that the Iews al∣most Page  21 in all Countreys Christian and Pagan are welcom Guests, tho yet by their frugal living they Generally under-sel the Natives every where. Mankind hath such a sharp regret against Plotting the Ruine of any compa∣ny of men who are harmless and useful to the World, and in whom nothing but a Tame Humble quiet innocence appears, that on the conrary they study to be their Protectors, to be their Guards, their Watchmen, and men think∣ing God to be like themselves, they think such people are Heavens care too. Therefore in the 88th. Advertisement of Boccalin's Ragguagli, the Sheep send∣ing their Embassadours to Apollo, desiring that they may be allowed to have sharp Teeth and long horns, and not seem abandon'd by that Divine Charity that hath given offensive as well as defensive arms to hurtful animals, by whom they often Suffered, and sometimes by their very Shepherds who in Sheering them would cut their Skins, Apollo told them, that no Beasts were so much the Favo∣rites of him and of men as they, for that whereas others with great anxiety were forced in the Night, the time of rest and sleep, to seek their Food, that they could not do with safety in the day, Men the Lords of the Earth bought at dear rates pasture grounds for Sheep, and that tho men did make Nets, feed Dogs and lay snares for hurtful Beasts, they employed Shepherds and Dogs to guard Sheep, and that no Shepherds could deal ill with their Flocks without being chiefly cruel to themselves, and that therefore their security lay in not being able to fright their Shepherds.

Thus every one is naturally abhorr'd who attacks a Naked man, and from such a one Lions themselves either through fear or generosity have made their Retreat. The holy Writ affords us a memorable Instance of the Divine dis∣pleasure, in the 38th of Ezekiels Prophesie against Gog and Magog, who are there branded as the Invaders of a defensless City, 'Tis there mention'd in v. 10th and 11th. Thus saith the Lord God, it shall also come to pass, that at the same time shall things come into thy mind, and thou shalt think an evil thought; and v. 11th. And thou shalt say, I will go up to the Land of unwalled Villages, I will go to them that are at rest, that dwell safely, all of them dwelling without walls, and having neither Bars nor Gates; and in v. 12th, to take a spoil and to take a prey, to turn thy hand upon the desolate places, that are now inhabited, and upon the people that are gather'd out of the Nations which have gotten Cattel and goods that dwell in the MIDST (or navel) of the land. But it then follows v. 14. Therefore Son of man Prophecy and say unto Gog, Thus saith the Lord God, in that day when my people of Israel dwells safely, shalt thou not know it? that is, thou shalt know it to thy sorrow and by thy bitter experience of my wrath, what it is to disturb my harmless and quiet people in the World. The Comparing of the following 16th and 18th v. shew this to be the meaning of v. 14th. And I believe if any of the people of Gog and Magog were allow∣ed by the Law to live apart by themselves, they might in any defenceless Ci∣ty be as secure from danger or fear of the Protestant Israel as they pleased.

It hath been well observed by a great Enquirer into humane Nature, That a restless desire of power after power that ceaseth only in death, is a general in∣clination of all mankind; and the cause of this is not alwaies that a man hopes for a more intensive delight then he has already attained to, or that he cannot be content with a moderate power, but because he cannot assure the power and means to live well which he hath present without the acquisition of more: And from hence it is that Kings whose power is greatest, turn their endeavours to the Assuring it at home by Laws, or abroad by Warrs. But as much as it is the inclination of the unthinking or brutish part of Mankind, that power should be like the Crocodile alwaies growing, the soberer few do know, that power will destroy it self if it shall be still ascending and hath not a Center wherein to rest and be quiet, just as fire would perish in nature and destroy it Page  22 self, if there were not an Element allow'd it wherein to leave burning: And that therefore Augustus wisely designed a Law de cohibendis imperii finibus, And that the experience of Antient and Modern times hath taught the teach∣able part of mankind, That great Empires have sunk under their weight, and have lost the length of their power by the widening it; and that Kings whose power is greatest (as was said) sometimes turn their endeavours to the Assure∣ing it at home by Laws, which by giving it some bound are like letters a∣bout the edges of our coyn, Decus & tutamen to it, the which makes it so Sacred, that 'twould be both Treasonable and Ridiculous to clip it, and that as the Bees by their King have given the world an instance in Nature of Kingly power, so they have likewise another of Kings governing by the power of Laws. 'Tis a common observation, That tho Bees are little angry fight∣ing Creatures upon occasion, and leave their stings in the wounds they make, Rex tamen apum sine aculeo est, the King of the Bees is without any sting, and the curious work of the Hive goes on with a great deal of Geome∣try, and idle Drones are thence as it were legally expel'd who would there invade property. Nor need the King of the Bees (say the Naturalists) have a sting, for the whole Hive defends and guards him, as thinking that they are all to perish if their King be destroyed.

And this would be the case of the Papists, if they would be content so to part with the sting of their Power that it could not hurt either King or Kingdom, and might not come to lose it self by so doing, they would have the Posse of every County to defend them, they would have the Laws and the whole Hive of English men to guard them, the very Anger of the Pro∣testants would be a defensive Wall of Fire round about them. 'Tis true, that wild Animals are by their constant fears of danger habituated to more cun∣ning then Tame ones of the same species, but all their little cunning renders them not so safe as the great wisdom & protection of the Law doth the other; and ranging and out-lying Deer thrive not so well as those that are in the Forrests. And here it falls in my way to observe, that the Kings caution∣ing by the Law of the Forrests, that the Mastiffs shall have the Power took from them of hurting the Deer, may well insinuate into us the reason and e∣quity of all our Laws that hinder its being in the power of a man to be a Wolf to another, and of the Power inherent by the Law of Nature in all So∣veraign Princes to restrain any undue Power of Subjects from violating the Public peace. As the Law of God and Nature command both Iustice and Mercy to be shewn to Beasts, so doth the Law of England provide that any mans person and Estate should be seized into the Kings hands in case of some wild cruelty to his Beasts; for he would appear in the eye of the Law an Idiot or a Lunatic, that should put his Horses or Asses to the Sword.

That which I mention'd of the Laws providing that the Mastiffs of any Inhabitants in Forrests shall not have Power to hurt the Deer, is called by the Forrest Law, Lawing of Mastiffs, or the Expeditating them, that is the three Claws of their Fore-foot to the Skin are to be cut off; and thus they are to be law'd every three years for the preserving the Kings Game, and the peace of his wild Beasts. The Regarders of the Forrest are to make a TRIEN∣NIAL enquiry about it & tunc fiat per visum & testimonium legalium homi∣num & non aliter, that is not Arbitrarily, there must be legal Judgment up∣on legal Testimony, and no Dog law'd without Judicial proceeding. This Forrest Law made in the time of our Popish Ancestors, did suppose; that the Kings Game could not be preserved, nor the Peace of his Wild Beasts, by the Dogs being then either exorcised, or their lapping a little holy wa∣ter, or any expedient (as I may say) without expeditation, which did ipso facto destroy their Power of destroying the Kings Game and the Peace of his Page  23 wild Beasts; and therefore that's the only valuable Garranty we can have from those who without Law and against Law would hunt down the King himself and his Tame Subjects, that the excrescence of their power should be hambled or expeditated: but the modus of this I do again say ought by them to be tendered to the Consideration of his Majesty and the Triennial Regar∣dors of the Kingdom. I am sure 'tis worthy the consideration of us English, what the Learned Frenchman Monsieur Bodin tells us in his Book de Republica Lib. 5. Cap. 6. Vna est tenuium adversus potentiores securitatis ratio, ut scili∣cet si nocere velint non possent, cum nocendi voluntas ambitiosis hominibus & im∣perandi cupidis nunquam sit defutura.

And now my Lord to give your Lordship a home Instance of Jealousie ta∣king Fire in some meerly from the power of another to do them hurt, I will instance in your self at this conjuncture of time. The nature of Iealousie renders it to be a troublesom weed and yet such an one that growes in the Richest Soil of Love, my meaning is, that 'tis a fear of Love not being mu∣tual when one doth love intensely with desire of being so loved. My Lord, in the picture of your mind that I have already drawn in this Letter, I have on∣ly done you a little right, and not at all favour'd you, and 'tis but Justice to you to acknowledge that the Protestant part of your Country hath a singular love for you, with a desire of being so loved by you; and 'tis in this Critical conjuncture of time that your power makes them fear the love not to be mutual. Your Lordship knows, that fear in people is an aversion with an opinion of hurt from any object, and they soon hate those things or persons for which they have aversion: and fear of hurt by power disposeth men naturally to an∣ticipate, and not to stay for the first blow, or else to crave aid from Society and from others especially whose concern may be the same or greater then theirs, and who are their representatives, and to wish ill to those who make them sleep in armour, or to stand in the posture of Gladiators with their weapons pointing, and their eyes fixed on another, and to be still in procinctu, and all those passions sprung from the Root of Jealousie, as far as they exceed the bounds of reason, are degrees of madness. And tho mans life be a constant motion, and for the most part in both a Rugged way and near Precipices, yet during that madness men are still by their own Scorpions scourging it to make it move faster then the regular and intended pace of Nature, and injuring themselves with their passions, are content too to wound another through their own sides. And thus my Lord give me leave to tell you, That 'tis a kind of a Complement from people to a great good man of whose power and of whom they are jealous, when that it may be said of them, that they are occa∣sionally faln mad for love of him.

One part of your Power, namely that wherein you are a Conduit-Pipe to convey the grants of Honour and profit from your Royal Master, the Foun∣tain of Honour, 'tis possible for you to quit, and that with pleasure too, that you may have time to quench your great thirst after knowledge in that great collection of waters into which so many Streams of learning have met from all ages and Nations, I mean your vast and choice Library. And I may well suppose that your Lordship hath now that sense of Greatness and of pow∣er by publick Employment, that Cardinal Granvel expressed at his retirement from the same, That a great Man is like a great River, where many sorts of Creatures are still quenching their thirst, but are likewise still muddying and troubling the Stream. Your Lordship knows who said, th••actio est conversa∣tio cum stultis, lectio cum sapientibus. In the Scene of the busie World you are necessarily troubled with the affaires of men whose being born was unnecessa∣ry to the world, and there you are usually put to play at hard games well with ill gamesters, the jest that fortune playing in humane affires commonly puts Page  24 on the wise to spoil their busie sport: there you are sometimes deafen'd with Complaints of Mimick Apes and grave Asses, of airy fools and formal fops one against another: but in your noble Library you have the advantage of the still Musick of the Tomb, you have the weight of many dead Authors making no noise, you have Socinus and Calvin standing quietly by each other, and some Authors content with the dust of your Library who thought one Christian world not enough to trouble; 'tis there you will avoid any trou∣ble by Authors of gilded outsides intruding, nor be molested as now by nonsense in fine clothes. You cannot now quietly enquire after the fountain of Nile for the noise of its Cataracts, nor appease your thirst after knowledge other∣wise then tanquam canis ad Nilum for fear of the Crocodiles of the World de∣vouring you, nor have a view of the tree of knowledge without a Serpent of envy circled about it, nor have time to look on the pieces painted for eterni∣ty, nor to mind the Eclipses in the Heavens while you are preventing your own being eclipsed in the Earth.

But my Lord, there is another kind of power inherent in you, and that you cannot part with, such a power as King Charles the first in his Eikon Basil. affixes to the Character of his favorite, when he sayes, he looked on the Earl of Strafford as a Gentleman whose great abilities might make a Prince rather afraid then ashamed to employ him in the greatest affaires of State. Your very Reputation for power is power, for that engageth those to adhere to you, who want protection. Your Success in your past conduct of publick affaires is power, for it makes men promise to themselves good fortune while they fol∣low you. Your eloquence that fastens mens ears to your lips is power. Your great knowledge in the Law whereby you possess that Engine by which you can be only attacked, and whereby you have that fastness, where one-a-brest can keep down a Multitude, is power. Your affability and good Nature that endear you to so many, is power, and makes the hearts of men to be your Pyramids. And all these sorts of power in you, which make every party wish you to be theirs, make up so bright a beauty in your mind, as may well cause jealousie in that party that by loving you, think they have Right to be again beloved by you; I mean the English Protestants, who court you, and to whom you have so long engaged your self, and especially when they shall find their Rivals boast of the kindness you have for them; and that too at such a time as this, when the Protestants seem to have the concern of one that is playing his last stake, and which only can make him fetch back all he has lost; a time, when any one who pretends to a cold harmless neutrality, doth really intend an exulcerated hatred; a time, wherein he that is not with us is against us, however it may have hapned, that in some lazy conjunctures when Papists and Protestants were half asleep both here and in the Neigh∣bouring Continent, that then he that was not against us was with us; a time, cum non de terminis sed de totâ possessione agitur; A time, wherein as in that of the tempest that happen'd to the Ship that carried Iona among the heathen Mariners, we see almost all, namely the Papists calling on their God, and the Church of England likewise, and the dissenters in the several persuasi∣ons on theirs, with this difference, that no man is now asleep, but all in it are waking, some at work to save the Ship, and others to bore holes in it, as if they were concerned to have it cast away as being not owners in it, and as if they had secured their own merchandize in it which they purchased by the money they took up at Bottomry from Rome or its agents, and knew how to secure themselves in the Cock-boat.

We have had dull and lazy conjunctures of timeheretofore, insomuch that many years ago a Divine seemed to begin a Sermon on the Gun-powder Treason day before a great Academick audience, as it were yawning and in his Page  25sleep with these words, Conspiracies if not prevented, are rather dangerous then otherwise: And thus the ingenious Comedy tells us of a Hero, that as he was in the height of his passion with the greatest zeal making Love, instantly dropt down into a deep sleep; but 'tis no time for yawning when the Earth begins to yawn under us. And tho times have been heretofore influencing the Pro∣testant cause like the Sun in March that could only raise the vapors of Popery in the body of the Nation and not dissipate them, 'tis now supposed to be o∣therwise, and as I have heard that the Earl of Hallifax in his Speech in the house of Lords having spoken of his hatred to Popery, excellently well added somewhat to this effect, And we may now exterminate it if we will. And therefore with that now, I think the ecce nunc tempus acceptabile festina & sal∣vare, may be applyed to the Kingdom. And if as the School-men tell us, An∣gels may dance upon the point of a Needle, we may imagine many both good and bad ones dancing on this point of time; 'tis on this moment the Nations eternity depends. Every one now is as good a Conjurer as Friar Bacon, and can make a Brazen head say time is; by which words I believe the learned Roger Bacon meant only, that in the vessel of Brass wherein the exquisite chy∣mical preparations for the birth of gold were laboured, the nick of opportuni∣ty was to be watched under pain of the loss of all the fire and Materials, and art and labour, according to that of Petrus Bongus. Ibi est operis perfectio aut annihilatio, quoniam ipsa die immò horâ, oriuntur elementa simplicia depurata quae egent statim compositione, antequam volent abigne, as I find him cited by Brown for it in his vulgar errors, where he further saith, Now letting slip this critical opportunity, he missed the intended Treasure, which had he obtained, he might have made out the tradition of making a brazen wall about England, that is, the most powerful defence and strongest fortification which Gold could have effected.

My Lord, my opinion was askt in a letter from a very honest Gentleman and much your Lordships Servant, Whether you should not do your self and your Religion a greatdeal of Right, by printing in this juncture some of the ex∣cellent and large discourses you have formerly writ against Popery? and the sub∣stance of the answer I gave him was to this effect, That tho I would not diswade your Lordships now publishing any thing relating to the tenets of that preten∣ded Religion that might import Protestants to understand more cleerly then they did, in which way they have been advantaged by the Bishop of Lincoln's Book against Popery, yet that I thought the great bulk of Popery could no more be destroyed by notions and arguments, then a capital Ship could be sunk with bullets, for that supposing they did all light between wind and water, the Papists have thousands of Plugs ready to be clapt in there, and thousands of men in that great vessel ready to apply them, and tho I thought there was a time for writing of Books, it was when there was a time for reading them, that is, when people had time to read them, but that now the most curious works of White∣akers, and Iewels, and Rainoldses, would be no more regarded, then attempts of shewing the longitude would be to Navigators while under the attack of a Fire∣ship as I said, or while they were making their way through the body of an Enemies Fleet. I know that 'tis said to be an old Sybilline Prophecy, that Anti∣christ shall be destroyed by paper viz. Antichristum lino periturum, but alas, that way is now as insignificant in the case, as to think that the dominion of the Sea can be built up by Seldens Mare Clausum, or destroyed by Grotius his Mare Liberum, or any way but by thundring Legions in powerful fleers.

Indeed our paper pellets that the press since its licence hath shot against Popery, I mean the innumerable little sheet-pamphlets that have come out against it may find time to be read, and to give us diversion, but the Papists looking on their Church as a great First-Rate Mann'd with Popes and Em∣perors, and Princes, and Fathers and Councels, and innumerable Souls there Page  26 embarqued in the Sea of time for the great Voyage of Eternity, do account our little Protestant honest Sheet-authors firing at them daily to be only like the Yacht-Fan Fan's attacking De Ruyter.

But my Lord, there is another Reason why a person of your Lordships great Power and Abilities should not at this time embarrase your self with writing, No not those defences of your innocency, which yet perhaps may be necessary to be done for the use of those who know you not hereafter when the heat of the day and your Services in this critical juncture shall be over, and would now shew as meanly as if a General in the time of Battel having some dirt or dust lighting on his face, should while he was among the bullets employ his barbers washballs to cleanse it, and that too when the fate of the battel seems to totter and is near decision one way or other, and while there is hardly room for the Quid agendum to wedge it self in, and he that saith consi∣der is almost a foe, (and therefore once when a great Commander had no way to save himself and his Army but by their swimming with their horses through a River to attack their Enemy, he did only to that question of quid agendum put to him by his Officers, suddenly eccho back the reply of agendum, and with his horse took the River) and while now 'tis with us as on board a Ship in the time of Fight, or of a Storm when they are Fighting with the Elements, and the Master or Steersman orders any thing to be done, the case will bear no dilatory answer of words, and the answer there is, Done it is; I say, after all this, that there is a reason which in my opinion renders any mans writing unnecessary now either to the World or himself, and that is this, That words and Lan∣guage the which formerly having the stamp of common usage and of reason on them passed as currant coine for the Signification of mens minds and as a medium of commerce, are in this juncture as useless that way, and of as little value as lether coine called in: and this Age wherein both the word and thing called shamme, hath been brought in use, and shamme calls it self an answer to that great question, What is wit? tho with as little reason as if a lye should call it self an answer to that old great question, What is truth, hath inforced those that do not love to be shamm'd upon, not to measure mens actions by their words, but their words by their Actions. And tho a mans written books are called his works, yet have I observed an occasion of Sarcasme given thereby, when one speaking of a particular Divines excellent writings, said he loved his works, but hated his actions. And written works are now indeed but act∣ings as when a man doth agree gestum in scena on the Stage of the World, and for them he finds but only a Theatrical applause, Nor so much as that, when like the Actor crying O heavens, he looks down on the Earth.

As he is alwaies accounted but a smatterer in knowledge who is a pedant, or petty-Chapman in words, so he playes but at small games in politicks, who is a pedant or trader in words, or who indeed will give any thing for them. He who doth verba dare has bad morals, and who gives any thing else for them has bad intellectuals, and according to that old Monkish verse they said,

Res dare pro rebus, pro verbis verba solemus.
The only real security therefore that the World hath for its quiet, is mens only giving a seeming belief to seeming professions and protestations; for as Ayr out of its place makes Earth-quakes, so if the articulate air of mens words gets beyond my hearing into my belief, it may there raise those commotions of passion that may make me trouble both my self and the World, and particular∣ly by the passion of jealousie before-mentioned, on my desire where I have a kindness that it should be mutual, and when positive words brought me into the fools paradise of believing it possible, a thing perhaps not possible in na∣ture, that two bodies and minds whose faculties must needs be different, should have an equal intenseness of love for each other, no president of friend∣ship, Page  27 particularly that of Ionathan and David, having shewn it, and in the con∣jugal love the passions of the weaker Sex being observed to be the strongest, and that of jealousie as well as Love jealousie particularly being most potent in minds most impotent, and in persons most diffident of themselves. And this may in some sort console your Lordship after all your restless endeavours to merit the love of all your Countrymen if it be not exactly mutual. But this by the way.

The great names of Protestant and Religion began to adorn each o∣ther in the year of our Lord 1529, when some of the Electors and Princes of the Empire with a protestation opposed the Decree relating to the Mass and Eucharist, made at Spiers, and when some of the Capital Cities of Germany joyn'd with them to protest the same thing. But every one knows that a protestation is a revocable thing, and that a Protestation contrary to actions re∣vokes it self. And that the word Protestant, hath not been in the World as the Poets term is of calling grass green, or the like, otiosum epitheton, I believe the Papists will grant: and 'tis not one Protestation made and not revoked ei∣ther by words or actions, that can make that term consistent with our Religi∣on, or render a man worthy to be call'd one. 'Tis not a good continual claim to our Religion that yet is for land we are disseis'd of that is made only once a year whilst we live: No; the Protestation that the Protestant Religion re∣quires, is such a continual one as is reiterated, upon every fresh act and at∣tempt of the Papal Religion against ours; 'tis not a going to our Cells, and saying, Lord have mercy upon us, but 'tis our watching in our Stations, and our shewing no mercy to the principles of Popery that are alwaies attacking the quiet of the World either by Storm or Siege, or undermining; 'tis like the Protestation required when the defendant hath declined a Judge, that must be made toties quoties as any new Act is done by the Judge, without which the first Protestation grows insignificant: 'tis not one Act of protesting the Popes Bills of Exchange for good money we paid him, and his giving us bank-tickets upon purgatory, or giving us some fantastick Saints pretended Hair or Nailes (protested with so much scorn by our Popish Ancestors in Hen∣ry the 8th's time, that a piece of St. Andrews finger covered with an ounce of Sil∣ver pawn'd by a Monastery for forty pound, was left unredeemed at the dis∣solution of it, which shewed that that commodity would even then yeild nothing, and was a meer drug in Scotland (of which Country he is call'd the Saint Protector) but 'tis further like a protestation against the Sea at the next Port made toties quoties goods in a Ship are damnified by its rage, which the law requires the Skipper to make, or else leaves answerable for the dammage. And if a poor Tarpauling who must alwaies plough the Sea for his bread during life, and there still contest with the angry Elements, shall when he comes on shore by a protestation bid defiance to the pride of the whole Ocean, he deserves not the name of a Hero that Safe-guarded by both the Land and the Law of the Land, shall not on occasions offered continually have the cou∣rage to protest against the dammages both his King and Country have from the Rage of Popery. My Lord, I have been the longer in discoursing of the in∣significancy of words, or indeed ought, but the emphasis of works requisite to shew a Protestant faith at this Juncture, because I am sure you are willing (as you may well be) to joyne issue on that point, and to be judged a Protestant in mans day by your works, as you must in Gods stand or fall by the Test of them, at the last Audit, and to appear a Protestant too by works above the poor level of a dull opus operatum, by works that represent the continual em∣ployment of your life with an Heroical vigour, and your going from strength to strength (as the Scripture expression is) in the defence of Protestancy, by works that speak you like the heavenly bodies incessant in your influence, and have∣ing rest only in Motion. 'Tis not without wisdom ordered by the Pope, That Page  28 no men shall be Cannonised till after death for fear of Apostacy; nor then like∣wise, unless it shall appear that they wrought Miracles. And the truth is, our people were all so far born with Popes in their bellies, as to this point, that they will not now Cannonize any Great Men for Protestant Saints, unless at this time they do Miracles; and indeed I think they have reason to insist on their doing as great miracles for our Religion, as any Papal Saints dead or alive have done against it. And when I consider the real Great Things that have been by the heads and hands of your Lordship and other Noble Persons performed for the Statuminating of the Protestant cause, and enabling us to say to our underminers with the confidence of the Psalmist, As a bowing wall shall ye be, and as a tottering fence, I do think you may expect with Justice that which is greater then our praise, the acclamations of our blessing, as Ari∣stotle saith, that to heroick qualities in men not praise, but pronouncing blessed is due (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) and as St. Paul saith, it is more blessed to give then to receive.

And here, my Lord, going by this exact Rule of measuring things by things, and not by words, your Life hath enabled me to give the strictest Aeropagus of Censurers the world can produce, and who would damn the use of Proems and the art of moving passions by words, an irrefragable instance how you have secured the Nation formerly from being enslaved to and by Popery, and at that time when we seemed to our selves as secure from it as from Mahumetanisme, which was when you were the great Conductor of the Publick Councels in the Conjuncture that brought in the King, and hin∣dred Lambert's usurpation of the English Scepter, who tho at that time he was not generally suspected to be a Papist, was on very rational grounds believed to be such then by many very knowing particular persons; and that too to be not only a Papist, but a Iesuited one. He was at that time suspected by some for having advised at a military cabal of the then great ones that the Cavaleers should be Massacred, a cruelty that could enter into no breast but one aban∣doned to Jesuitisme. And as on such a Monster your Lordship then had your eye on him: and of his being such some of the depositions and examinations took about the late plot have been very particular and satisfactory. Nor is his have∣ing petition'd some few years before the discovery of the late Plot, That he might have his Liberty, and of a very great Roman Catholic Lord's having then offer'd to be security for his quiet demeanor, Now unknown, so that the Kingdom then scaped falling into Popery before the danger was by it ap∣prehended; like the Man who in the Night scaped that of Rochester Bridge, and whom the light of the following day almost confounded with his deli∣verance. Your Lordships activity and prudence appearing in the public Councels and in your Secret correspondences, to the defeating of the coun∣cels of that Romish Achitophel, and seisure of his person, will no more be forgiven you by the Papists of England, then it either by the Papists of England or Ireland will be forgiven or forgot that you shew'd your self a true Father of your Country in Ireland, in the Conduct foremention'd of that great Affair of the Metropolis, and many Garrisons of that Kingdom being wholly put into the hands of the Parliament, rather than the Child (as I may say) should be divided between any of his Majesties Subjects, and the Pope the pretended supream Father of that Country, and that you pre∣served it to come into the hands of the true Supream One.

Your Lordship and other well-wishers to the Crown then were not of the humour of some of our young vulgar Protestants, who as the Papists parrots, have been by them taught to speak it commonly, That they love a Papist better than a Presbyterian. 'Tis sinful not to love the persons of both, but ridiculous to love the Yoke of either opinion; and it seems his late Page  29 Majesty of glorious Memory, and his Councel, and his noble Lieutenant of Ireland, and your Lordship thought it safer for the Crown, for Ireland to be trusted with that sort of disobedient Children that depended on no forraign Ecclesiastical Head, then on such as did. And it is to be acknowledged to your Lordships care of the freedom of your Country, that when you sat in the long Parliament till you and other Members thereof were torn thence by Cromwel's Souldiers, you crusht the Iure-divinity of Presbytery in the Egg by its being ordered to be setled only for three years, so that it saw it was to be expeditated at the end of three years, and had no power to trample upon the consciences of others, and in effect had but a tolleration. I think that no Church-Government at all is better then that rigid one of Presbytery intend∣ed then by some Zealots. As the good and learned Dean of Canterbury said in his Sermon on the Fifth of November before the House of Commons, That as to Popery, 'twere better there were no revealed Religion, and that humane Nature were left to the conduct of its own principles and inclinations, then to be acted by a religion that inspires men with so wild a fury, and prompts them to commit such outrages, &c. and there renders Popery worse then Infidelity or no Religion, and so indeed in fact the Kingdom had then no Church-Govern∣ment paramount at all in it, and instead of the imagined fierce pedagogy of the Scotch Presbytery that made every Levite a Rabby Busy, every Pulpit Rhetor a Consul, and every Lay-Elder Major General of the Parish, we had a tame insignificant Government admitted only to probation for three years, and were no more hindered of the freedom of a Gentlemans Conversation thereby then by the Government of the foremention'd Presbyter Iohn in the East, and England was then not only free from the charge of Peter-pence, Lega∣tine levys, oblations, contributions for the Holy Land, and both charge and trouble from all the Papal Courts and Masses Anniversaries, obits, requiems, dirges, pla∣cebos, Trentals, lamps, but from all contumacy fees in spiritual Courts, and from those Courts themselves of which yet the yoke is very easie compared with ei∣ther that of the Papists or Scotch Presbyters; and our condition, as to ecclesia∣stical discipline, was like that time or conjuncture of liberty, that Father Paul in the History of the Councel of Trent refers to, speaking of the time when a certain custome prevailed, saith, il, che come e un uso molto proprio, diove si go∣verna in liberta, quale era all hora quando il mondo era senza Papa, That it was a custome very proper where they governed with liberry, which was when the world was without a Pope.

I never heard of any man that was gored with the horn of our Presbyters excommunication, nor of any dissenter from them, that was tyed up for them out of their horn of plenty of Church power to force a drench of Doctrine down his throat, and much less of any dealt with in that way mentioned by Spotswood, in his Observation, that the Devil would not be feared but for his horn, referring to the horning in Scotland, that is, the seisure of all a mans goods when the horn blew, after he was excommunicated by the Presbytery.

There is no doubt but that some of the Divines of that persuasion were brib'd to it by an expectation of power to oppress, when that the great Reve∣nues of the Church were denied them; And thus the Pope keeps his Guards in Rome only with the pay of priviledges, but instead of their riding the Peo∣ple, the Parliament rid them, and with that caution as they of old did who rid on Elephants in battel, which great animal being observed to be then un∣ruely sometimes and to endanger both the riders and their camp, and it be∣ing known that their receiving a Conusion in one part about their head, would presently dispatch them, their riders had alwaies a hammer with them ready for that use on occasion.

Page  30 He therefore that saith he loves popery better then the Government of Presbytery as it was de facto setled or rather permitted in England, and when they that would have its maypole for them to dance about had it, and those that would have none, had none, saith that he loves a fiery and tormenting furious Church-Government that would make Mount Sion to be still belching out fire like Aetna better then none at all: that he loves a Hirricane better then be∣ing a while becalm'd: that he loves the Church government that was like colo∣quintida in the pot, rather then that of the Presbyter, which was here but like Herb Iohn, and that he fears a Mastiff who was not only hambled and whose jus divinum was lawd, and whose spleen was cut out by the State Chi∣rurgeons more then an incensed hungry Lion of Rome: that he likes a Govern∣ment better that at best is like a Peacock, that is all Gaudery and damned Noise and nothing else except pede latro, that is, all Ceremony, and devouring all with ceremony, then a Government that with its looks can neither allure nor fright, and which we could pinion as we pleased, and play with till we could get a better in its Room. Whether a Papist was to be loved better then a Puritan was a vex'd question in the time of Queen Elizabeth and 'twas resol∣ved then in the affirmative only by the Pensioners of Rome and their depen∣dants.

The Learned Author of the Book called Certain considerations tending to promote Peace and good will among Protestants, doth in p. 13. quote our famous Gataker for relating that Dr. Elmor Lord Bishop of London in Queen Eliza∣beths time, when one in a Sermon at St. Pauls Cross inveighing against Puritans, rendred them worse then Papists, sharply contradicted that censure, saying, that the Preacher said not right therein, for that the Puritans if they had me among them would only cut my rochet, but the Papists would cut my throat, and that his Successor Dr. Vaughan Lord Bishop of London, when another in the same Pulpit too shew'd the same eagerness in representing the Puritans worse then Papists, expressed the same sense with his predecessor concerning it, and wished that he had had the Preachers Tongue that day in his Pocket. It was (it seems) then the good fortune of London, to be blest with Bishops re∣nown'd for their great zeal for the Protestant Religion, and with such a one it is at this time enriched and dignified, I will not say Bishop of it only by divine permission, but miseratione divinâ, the Style I have seen of Bishops in some antient Instruments, 'tis out of the Divine Compassion that such an emi∣nent Protestant City has such a Prelate. Nor do I intend by the just praise paid to this great and good man, to lessen the worth of others of the Fathers of our Church, of which number I have the honour to be acquainted with o∣thers who endeavour the extermination of Popery, with as couragious a zeal as can be wisht, and no doubt but the text of Scripture in the Title of my Lord Bishop of Lincolns book, namely, Come out of her my People lest ye be par∣takers of her Sins and Plagues, is by the whole Church of England, lookt on as a seasonable alarm, and no doubt many of this our Church who have writ with so much various learning and strong Reason against Popery, know that if that ever be de facto and by law paramount, the Church of England will be ipso facto crusht thereby out of all its visibility. The thought of this brings that Scrip∣ture to my mind, viz. Matthew 21 v. 44. and who soever shall fall on this Stone, shall be broken, but on whom soever it shall fall, it will grind him to powder. And if the Church of England by only falling super hanc Petram, I mean heretofore by the Empty Project of some for the Uniting Rome to us, was broken and disjointed, therefore if ever it shall come under the Stone of the Roman Catho∣lick Religion, and it be thereby made possible for the Stone to fall on it, the Church of Rome will then grind it to powder. Its former falling on the Rock could only break it into the pieces of Presbyterian and Independent,Page  31 and other seperate Churches, but that Rocks falling on it will not break it into pieces but grind it to powder as was said; and perhaps Papists then from this place of Scripture would form as good a title by divine right to crush our Church, as they did from the super hanc Petram in the 16th of Matthew for the building of theirs. But this by the way.

And now putting the Question who are to be loved best, either the Po∣pish Priest and Levite that help'd to wound Ireland formerly when it fell among Thieves and Rebels, or those compassionate Samaritans who put it on their own Beast and poured Oyl into its Wounds, and took care of it till it was restored to its true Owner? I suppose a Protestant will say the latter, and will account that no fire should be called to fall on the heads of such hospi∣table Samaritans, and that others should be spared, who instead of powring Oyl into our Wounds, did it into our flames when they burnt our Citie.

Your Lordship hath shewn your self a compassionate Samaritan to Two Kingdoms to which your healig principles and practices have been bene∣ficial, and in this you have out done him in the Parable who did not stay to see the effects of the gentle Medicaments of Oyl and Wine he bestowed on his Patient's Wounds, but your Lordships long attendance on the affairs of the Public brought you to see the Languishing Kingdom revived, and to have at once both its Head and Senses restored when Providence made our Sovereign to be his repenting Peoples choice. But, my Lord, these King∣doms have not yet done with your Skill, and may have Wounds that re∣quire your Wine and Oyl, the Lyons Heart, and Ladies Hand; I mean such Tenderness and such Courage, and so great Judgment as you have formerly shewn, A Raging Acute Disease that hath been long not only besieging but storming a mans vital parts, and with extream difficulty at the long run repell'd by Nature, doth yet commonly leave such dregs in his spirits that depress and enfeeble them in the remainder of Life, and a man come to himself after a long madness, labours still under a dejection of his spirits both by grief and shame, thinking of the arrear that he is in to God, the World, and himself, by his former madness: and this is the present state of England after its former state of distraction; and men with shame now look on their former Physitians, and some are apt with that Merry Mad-man in the Poet, to be angry with those that took pains about their being cured. 'Tis true indeed, the Kings Restoration cured us of our Civil Wars, yet may a man be cured of his Wounds, and afterward dye of the Feaver his Wound put him into; and our condition is such, that 'tis some degree of Heavens Mercy to us, that our Feaver is continuing, for no man can dye in a Feaver, as no man can dye without one: And our spirits are so sunk under the weight of the Disease we have long languisht under, that our Stomach cannot endure any Cordials, or especially the same long: & certainly that strong Physic that would at first have cured us, would now kill us. Yet now in this conjuncture several of our Political Physitians seem by their retirement to have given us over, as if they were of Hippocrates his mind, who said, that a Physitian should not discredit his generous Medicaments by employing them on a desperate Patient.

Methinks 'tis pity that any of our Pilots should quit the Helm in a Storm, and that they should not (as Cicero's expression is) Sententiam tanquam aliquod navi∣gium ex Reip. tempestate moderari. Those words in Prov. 1. A man of under∣standing shall attain to wise Councels; some read, Vir saepiens gubernacula possidebit; I presume not to Censure any man, but I hope that no cross Winds will ever make your Lordship leave the Helm, but rather invite the continuance of your Skill in beating and tiding it out (as the Sea phrase is) and in not overshoot∣ing the Port. Your pacific Genius and great Wisdom have in several angry con∣junctures Page  32 produced an unexpected calm by your offering unexpected Ex∣pedients, a Talent that is indeed very rare and conducive to the quiet of the World, as leading Potent Parties from their declared Opinions without the shame of a seeming retreat.

It happens still in Navigation, that what makes the Passenger merriest, makes the Steers-man most thoughtful, Namely the sight of Land: And therefore tho I and others who make no figures in the government of the Kingdom seem to be glad at our sight of land, that is the extermination of Popery from England after we have been so long nauseated and Sea-sick with it, yet 'tis now our occasion for the skill of such a Pilot, as your Lordship is greatest when we are endanger'd by some Protestants of narrow Spirits and Principles as by Shelfes or brevia & syrtes, shallow waters, and by little Rocks or breaker's just covered with water and which are only to be discovered by the swelling roughness of the water they occasion. It has pleased Divine pro∣vidence to cast your Lordships whole life of Action into difficult times such as are called in the New Testament 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and translated perilous times, And such as Cicero calls Maxima Reipublicae tempora, and difficillima Reip tempora. Your life hath been a continual contestation with principles pernicious to man-kind, and you have been under your Prince a Nutritius pater for the most part to men who have like froward and unquiet Children been crying for each others properly in things civil, and in Religi∣on, and have thought themselves persecuted when they could not persecute others; Nor have you been too much a Latitudinarian as to Church discipline, Nor of too narrow a Spirit or principles as to any Protestant Dissenters. And I think Envy never charged you for giving any advice that tended to the injuring the ballance of Christendom, or the power of England in setling it, or the persuading us to love some of our Neighbours better then our selves. You who are so far from offending any weak brother, That you are ready with the Apostle rather to abstain from eating flesh while the World stands, and therefore will much less kill or devour him, and lest of all will you offend a weak Brother-Protestant Country or help any else to devour it: and will not injure any of those Countreys that you visited abroad (when the world and you saw one another) by projecting their Mischief. And therefore as I find in the Prolegomena of Grotius de jure belli & pacis that Themistius, speaking to Valens the Roman Emperor he told him that Kings if they would be guided by the Rule of true wisdom they must non unius sibi creditae Gentis habere rationem, sed totius humani generis, & esse non 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 tantum aut 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sed〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, so it may be justly said that the Counsellors of Kings should al∣waies advise them, not to take care only of the concern of their own people but of the happiness and quiet of all man-kind, and not only to be lovers of the Macedonians, or lovers of the Romans, but to be lovers of Men. I never heard your Lordship reproacht for having any interest contrary to that of your Country or indeed to the repose of Christendom. And as in Nature we see all heavy bodies tend by their own Center to the Center of the Universe, so have I still thought that your Lordship alwaies endeavoured by the pursuing your own good to pursue that of the Kingdom, and that your endeavours of promoting the good of your own Country have tended to the good of the World: And that in every Scheme of your Politicks whether Civil or Ec∣clesiastical pollicy you have took your Model from the Great Architect of Nature doing things fortiter and suaviter and with regard to his works of which 'tis said in the 8th of Wisdom, Mightily and Sweetly doth she order all things.

And he that builds so, is a Workman that need not be ashamed either of him∣self or of his work, that is both strong and fair: such a Councellor need Page  33 not be ahamed of his Councel. 'Tis one of the worst sort of Reproaches to which a Councellor at Law can be exposed, to be called a crafty Counsel, that is, one who secretly gives advice for the perverting of Justice and the law; and to do that vile thing is more odious in a Counsellor of State: And of this subject when I formerly discoursed to your Lordship, I remember you were pleased to say it of your self to me, That you had a great aversion from giving whispering Councel, to your Royal Master, and that it hath been your humble motion to him, to command his Councel to give him their advice in writing.

Your Lordship is by one particular accident a necessary subject for the Worlds compassion, namely by your having out-lived most of the eye wit∣nesses of the many memorable things you have done for the World. If the people of England your Contemporaries were six Millions at the time of your birth, five of those Millions are now lodged in graves, persons above the Age of Sixty making but a sixth part of Mankind. I reading lately in Tully de Se∣nectute, was pleased with what he saith of old men both de facto & de jure praising themselves: he saith there, videtisne ut apud Homerum saepissimè Nestor de virtutibns suis praedicet? Tertiam enim jam aetatem hominum vixe∣rat: he had lived almost 300 years when he went with the other Grecians to the Trojan War, and where he gave such weighty advice, that Agamemnon said he should make quick work of the taking of Troy if he had ten such Coun∣cellors as Nestor was; Quod si acciderit non dubitat quin brevi Troja sit peritu∣ra. He never wish'd, saith Tully, to have ten Ajaxes. It seems the Gene∣ral thought that an old Commander would be weighed down with a tenth part of an old wise Councellor. But Nestor had bury'd all those thrice over who were born with him, and he lived to see his Country-men doubled once and a half (200 years being the space judged for a Nations doubling) and if he would have his Atchievments in his first Century Celebrated and witnessed, he must be his own Herald and witness in his own cause. I will not apply Ne∣stors case to your Lordships, as to your doing right to your self by praise, for you have no more occasion to do that then Tully had who saith there, Nihil necesse est mihi de meipso dicere, quanquam est id quidem senile aetatique nostrae Conceditur: But do think that any Protestant Prince who can say he hath ten such Councellors, and resembling your Lordship in the experience of near fifty years spent in the affairs of State in critical times, and with success, and equal to you in all orts of Learning, and in the knowledge of the Law and publick Records, and in Eloquence and Courage, as well as in the hatred of Popery, he may add, Quòd non dubitat quin brevi Roma sit peritura. i. e. without such dilatory Troy Sieges as have been formerly laid to it. He saith elsewhere, Apex senectutis est autoritas. Quanta fuit in L. Caecilio Metelio! quanta in Attilio Calatino, in quem illud elogium unicum, Vno ore plurimae con∣sentiunt Gentes, populi primarium fuisse virum.

And this Authority or Reverence of old age is so weighty, that it seems reasonable that in the criminating one that hath this badge of Nature there should be what Tully calls authoritas testimonii, and any single witness had need to have an allowance se primarium fuisse virum that would convict such a man; for diamonds are not to be cut but with the dust of diamonds. 'Tis not for nothing that the Scripture cautions the not receiving an accusation a∣gainst an Elder but by two or three witnesses, and I am told that the Canon-Law requires seventy two Witnesses to convict a Cardinal who is a Bishop ac∣cused of any crime but heresie, and forty four in the conviction of a Cardinal Presbyter, and twenty six to convict a Cardinal Deacon, and seven to convict any Clerk. And therefore I think that it was a commendable tenderness and worthy of English Judges in a Trial at the Kings-Bench, to acquaint the Jury, Page  34 that they are to weigh and consider the credibility of witnesses pardon'd for perjury; and both the Judges of the Kings-Bench and Common-Pleas resolved it, That the credit of such a person was left to the breast of a Jury. The Bishop of Rome who claims that Monarchiall power which is potestas restituendi in inte∣grum Sententiam passos, & quandoque absolvendi paenam & non infamiam quando∣que & poenam & infaniam abolendi, and who as Aquinas saith (2. 2ae q. 68. ar 4.) potest infamiam Ecclesiasticam remittere, yet allows the School-men to apply distinctions to that priviledge of his, and to interpret it of infamia Iuris, not Facti, for labem illam quae turpi facto annexa est, nemo delere potest, as Soto con∣cludes De Iustit. & Iure l. 5. q. 5. ar. 4. No man who ever he be can wash out that stain of infamy which by Nature is inherent in a foul wicked Act, because (saith he) ad praeteritum non est potentia, when the infamy is inherent by the Nature of the fact and not positive by Law. But still our merciful Laws of England allow a person after a pardon for the infamy of perjury, to be a wit∣ness, reserving his credibility to the Jury, and who may after the former crime obtain to be belived by them, when they shall have found that he hath ac∣quired an habit of virtue by the series of many actions in his following Life, no man being supposed able in a desultory way to leap out of a rooted habit of Vice into an heroical habit of Vertue, and so è contra; for that nature doth not pass from one extreme to another, but per medium. 'Tis true indeed, in case of Treason where the life of both the King and Kingdom is struck at, and of which there is rarely any detection made but by participants in the Crime, one who would be repell'd from being a Witness, is welcome as an accuser, and the barking of a dog is allowed to alarm us of thiefs; and as we say against Pirates, omnis homo miles est, much more may every man be an accuser against Traitors. Thus I have heard that in the case of heresie in the which (as I said before) the Canon Law orders the same proceedings and rules as in Treason, a Lay-man is allowed to be a competent accuser of a Clergy man: And as by all Laws any man is allow'd to be an accuser who prosecutes an injury done to himself or his Kindred, so I am told, that by the Canonists Haereticum accusans dicitur suam suorumque injuriam prosequi (and in that case a notorious enemy is allowed to be an accuser) for that a heretick is said to strike at the Foundation of all Lawes divine and humane. Nay according to the Canonists, the Pope who cannot be accused of any crime but heresie, may be accused of that, and even by a heretick, and that with good reason according to their hypothesis; for that the Pope being a Bankrupt in the Faith by heresie, attempts to break all the innumerable Priests, Monks, Friers, Nunnes, &c. that get their bread by that Religion. No wonder therefore that the Canonists agree that heresie is to be cut off in the beginning; and they cite out of Timothy, that it doth eat as a Cancer, and the eating of heresie even in the breast of a Pope must needs be troublesom to the whole body of Clerical and Monastical Papa∣cy, as a Cancer or Wolfe that would eat up all their bread, and therefore in the single case of heresie the Pope himself according to his own law may be convicted by two Witnesses, and be thereupon deposed. But tho it may be supposed that as the Civil and Canon Laws do leave the credibility of witnesses very much to the Judges, so our common Law does to Juries, and that in many actrocious Criminal causes, every man is not allowed to be an accuser of an illustrious person, and that we ought to be very tender and re∣served in the taking up an ill report against the meanest of any of our Neigh∣bours of mankind; yet its otherwise as I said before in the case of Treason, which is like a pestilence walking in the dark, and seldom known before tis in∣curable, and before 'tis ploughing up the whole Land of a Country into graves. We are not to quarrel with the birds of the Air who tell who in his Bed-Chamber curses the King, because they are not Eagles. We are to Page  35 be glad of the happy Augury, and to thank God and them for their saving the Imperial Eagle; and to be well pleased with either Tame or Wild-geese that save our Capital. If any Fleet comes to invade us, we are not to be very nice in diffecting the Morals or outward estate of him who fired the Beacon. Your Lordship hath heard how Owen o Conally an obscure person (as Sir. Iohn Temple styles him in his History of the Irish Rebellion) came to the Lord Iu∣stice Parsons about nine of the Clock at Night before the intended seising of Dub∣lin Castle, that was to be on the following day and discovered the detestable Con∣spiracy to him, with the names of the chief Conspirators, when the disguise of wine had made him seem hardly intelligible or credible. And when it falls out that a Country is faved by wholesale through a detection of Conspiracies presented by persons who cheated their Country-men formerly by retail, that is, by per∣sons who had been vile and infamous, it ought to be accounted as an instance of the divine benignity to some of the most wretched and sinful Members of Man∣kind, who have been long industrious in tearing out of their hearts what re∣liques they could there find of the divine image, and who had long acted on∣ly Devils parts on the Stage of the world in punishing and being punished, then to invite them to an opportunity of changing the Name of Malefactors into that of being blessings to the World, and not only of being their Countries benefactors but (as it were) founders, and to gain good Consciences, and good names, and what rarely happens to others to have an after-game allowed them to play for Reputation, and to have it said of such an one on the occasion of the shame of his past life stimulating him to bring both glory and safety to his Country, si non errasset fecerat ille minus. By the account that I had sent to me from London of Matters in some affidavits relating to your being cal∣led Papist, your Lordship hath the greatest advantage that any man can de∣sire who has any things sworn against him, by persons how credible soever, namely the incredibility of the things themselves. For can it be thought that your Lordship would out of your own Mouth judge your self a Traitor, that is, one reconciled to the Church of Rome, and forfeit your Life and Estate, and attaint your blood in the presence of a young man you had never seen before? and is it likely that the Irish Papists, who, as Sir Iohn Temple observes in his said history, have such a kind of dull and deep reservedness, as makes them with much silence and secresie to carry on their business, and whereby the design of the last Rebellion which was so generally at the same time and at so many several places to be acted (and therefore necessarily known to so many seve∣ral persons) was without any Noise brought to such maturity, as to arrive at the very point of Execution, without any notice or intimation given to any two of that huge Multitude of persons who were generally designed (as most of them did) to perish in it; And the Irish Papists having been then (as he saith) tongue-tyed by an oath of Secresie, I say is it likely that they now designing Mischief if they did hope by your Lordships help to promote it, that they would trumpet forth your Lordships name in their publick Masses, and use such speaking trumpets about your name and their enterprise as should be heard all over Ireland and England? And who can believe it to have the shadow of Veri-similitude that your Lordship should give Commission to any to offer one of the Kings witnesses (and particularly Mr. Dugdale) your house as an Asylum to retreat to after they had for the turpitude of lucre retreated from their Princi∣ples, their Consciences, their Oathes? I never see any man sworn as a Witness in a cause, but I think of the saying of St. Austin upon those words of St. Iames, Above all things my Brethren swear not, Namely Falsa Iuratio exitiosa est, vera Iuratio periculosa est, Nulla Iuratio secura est; and I have as it were a little cold shivering on me, while I see a man about what he knoweth of the pro∣perty of a tenement staking his title to a Heaven and a Crown of Glory; I have Page  36 then such a concern for another, as I have when I see a great Ship just launching off the Land into the water, and do then apprehend an immortal Soul launching it self into the great Ocean of Eternity, and am afraid of its being overset. But when I think of a mans having honestly sworn already and in the greatest concern, namely in the detection of a Conspiracy against his Kings Crown and Life, and consequently having invoked the Omnipo∣tent God to be conditionally his Revenger, his Executioner as well as Judge, and further think of any one that shall tamper with such a witness and offer him a great Sum of money as his viatical expences to hell to swear contrary to his former oath, and by that New Oath to renounce his expectation of a Crown of Glory in Heaven, and to endanger his Princes Crown and Life on Earth, and to attempt a Mortal wound on Gods Vice-Roy in the dominions of his Soul, I mean his Conscience, I have both all possible horror overwhelming my thoughts on such a tremendous instance of the degeneration of Mans Na∣ture, and I have all the compassion imaginable for your Lordship on one of Man∣kindes pretending to think it possible that your house should with your consent be turned into a denn for such a Monster.

An Areopagite was discharged from the Seat of Judicature, because he threw away from him a small bird that fled to him from the pursuit of a great one; and it was therefore supposed that such a judge alwaies carried cruelty in his breast for that charissimum Deo animal call'd Man: and such is the com∣passionate tenderness of your Lordships mind toward injured and persecuted Mankind, that one of those may be allowed to Nest within your house as freely as a poor bird without it, But birds of Prey, I mean Romes Vultures, and either suborners or witnesses suborned to recant, have no plea for your Shelter; and I am confident rather then your house should be a cage for any such unclean birds, you would be content as the expressions of the Prophet are, that the Satyr should there cry to his fellow, and that the Schrich Owle should rest there, and that the wild Breasts of the Desert should also meet there. Your Lordship sees what a preferment the Papists designed you: for that after (ac∣cording to some of the Narratives of the Plot) Sir W. G. was designed Lord Privy-Seal, you were to be a providore for a suborned cast witness, and a Iack∣al or provider for the roaring Lion that walks about seeking whom he may de∣vour: In fine, my Lord, they designed your Lordship to be an entertainer or an Host for the Devil. But your Lordships name being taken in vain by those who would have retained Mr. Dugdale to take Gods so, and the Devils tempting any to undertake for your house being a Sanctuary to a devil, are not new things for wonder, when you please to consider that the Devil presumed to undertake for Almighty Gods protection, when he tempted the Son of God. It seems the shewing to Dugdale the several Kingdoms of the Earth where he should be safe, could not prevail with him to be a fugitive from his Conscience; and tho it appeared in several Trials, and particularly my Lord Staffords, the temper desired to have him, and that he was sifted, winnowed as wheat, Yet neither his Faith nor the faith of his Testimony fai∣led him, after all the cribration thereof, and all that was gained by the endea∣vour'd suborning him against himself, as well as others against him, was only the fate of the Thrush, who is sometime birdlimed and took by his own ex∣crements.

Is it not then an example of rare modesty, that the diabolical tempters should be the accusers of the Brethren, I mean of some of the Kings witnesses that would not be Bribed from attesting the truth in the case of their Politi∣cal Father? The Age wants not the instance of an honorable Person, who courting a Lady in order to marriage, thought her at last not worthy his farther amours, yet who because he did once profess to love her, he fought Page  37 one who reproach'd her vertue: But his example is not more herocial than is the practice infamous, for such who courted some of the Kings Witnesses both by importunity and gold to espouse their interest, and when both were totally and finally rejected, make it the the most study'd part of the Romance of their Lives to dishonour them, and to shamme inventions of New Tragi∣comic Plotts upon them, but Plots so damn'd dull, as to be seen through in the opening of the first Act, and Plots that were most thin where the Actors cryed to themselves like Bayes in the Rehersal, Now the Plot thickens, and where nothing of the three Vnities was regarded, and which no marvel if they brought such confusion still to the Actors, as the Story makes to have once happen'd to the old Red-Bull Players at the Tragedy of Doctor Faustus, when they complained that they had one Devil more than their Company, and when they said a quarter of the house was carried away. Your Lordship out of a generous indignation that such Whifflers in Politics should think to lay a tax upon the belief of the Kingdom both without Act of Parliament, and without Sense (and indeed contrary to the sense of several Parliaments) did during a Paroxysme of the Gout, cause your self to be carried by your Servants to be present at Councel, when the Papists pretended Presbyterian-Plot was there to be considered. And if it be true what Mr. Hobbs saith in his inge∣nious History of the Civil Wars of England, [That Monsieur du Plessis and Dr. Morton Bishop of Durham writing of the progress of the Popes power, and entitling their Books, one of them, The Mystery of Iniquity, the other, The Grand Imposture, were both in the Right; for I believe there was never such another Cheat in the World] the Mercury of that cheat being sublimated into the invented cheat of that Plot, was too nauseous and strong for the belief of the Kingdom to be able to swallow. We may therefore be very well allow'd to put the old great interrogtory of Cicero to these Catilines, How long do you abuse our patience? especially considering how much to windward we are of them by the detection of their real Treason, and do see both the smoke of our gunns, and those of their own they fire at us annoying them, and while we have had the just advantage of Plaintiffs against them and whereby their recrimination against some of our great number has seemed only dirt thrown in their own defence, and at worst but Catilines accusing of Cethegus, and considering that we know it only proper to he Religion to justifie the Maintaining the dignity of holy Church by Lies and calumnies. Thus Guyme∣nius a famous Popish Doctor ex tractatu de Charitate Proposit. 7. p. 176. cites Bannez. 2. 2. quaest. 70. art. 3. dub. 2. for asserting that per modum defensae & ad infringendam contumeliosi authoritatem, potest secundum quosdam absque lethali crimen falsum illi objici, and that 'tis only a venial Sin to object a false crime to an unjust witness, and twenty Doctors are there mentioned for the making this a probable opinion. And therefore if it be lawful for a man to make shamm-accusations where he hath only a private concern, 'tis meritorious to do it in the case of holy Church: therefore he said very right according to the Popish hypothesis, gaudeo sve per veritatem sive per occasionem Romanae ecclesiae digni∣tatem extolli. Ioseph. Stephanus de Osc. pr. in epist. ad lect.

Guymenius p. 190. extactatu de justitia & Iure, Propositio. 1. Cites both Fa∣thers Schoolmen Divines and Casuists of several orders, and even holy Scripture for the asserting this proposition, viz. Licitum est clerico vel religioso, Calumniato∣rem gravia crimina, de se vel de sua Religione spargere minantem occidere, quando alius defendendi modus non suppetit: A principle of Religion calculated only for Ballies & Hectors, & therefore no marvel that such were observed to flock from so many parts of most Countries in England to London in and since the year 1678. like Ravens in expectation of the Carcases of Protestants, and such miscreants are to the Jesuits their Triarian bands upon occasion, and who in Page  38 the Out skirts of London are a noysome Pestilence, and not enduring nor be∣ing endured to live in the Countrey.

But from the said last Cited proposition of Guymenius, the proposition that contained the enacting Law Sir Edmund Godfrey fell by, I infer, that since there is a par or proportion between a good name and life, that such who ac∣count it lawful for a particular Clergy-man to Murder even a Popish Lay∣man who shall but threaten to caluminate him, will account it meritorious by Shammes to Murder the fames of those who shall threaten to accuse holy Church.

And it seems as men try experiments on Creatures they account vile, they experimented both these propositions on Godfrey, for after they had basely kil∣led him, they would have shammed off his blood and the guilt of it upon himself, when they pierced his dead body with his own Sword; a barbarous and in∣famous sort of cruelty and which brings to my mind what Dr. Donne in the preface to his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 referres to in the Notae Mallon. in Paleot. Part. 1. cap. 2. viz. that the Church in her Hymnes and Antiphones doth often salute the Nayles and Cross, but the Spear which pierced Christ when he was dead, it ever calles dirum mucronem. And here because some of them drive an eternal trade of butchering and shamming, and then in effect Stabbing their own Shamms of Plots, I shall Entertain your Lordship with one egregious instance of a Priest of theirs being abandon'd to a reprobate or injudicious sence of shamming, in making by a ridiculous Lye a famous Cardinal and profound States-man perhaps as the World has bred, and one of singular Piety and great modesty, to render the Gun-Powder-Treason a Sham Plot, and thereby wounding the Fame of both the understanding and morals of their great dead Church Hero, as barbarously as they did the Corps of Godfry. And this instance I refer to, is in a Book called The Advocate of Conscience liberty, or an Apology for Toleration rightly stated, and writ with Learning and Wit, and Artifice enough ad faciendum populum by a Priest of Romes Church an English man, and printed in the year 1673. In pag. 325. He represents the Gunpowder-Treason to be a Sham Plot contrived by Cecil, and to prove this, Cites D'Ossats Letters, Book 2d. Letter 43. And the date of that Letter was from Rome, March the 29. 1596. And the date of the last Letter there is from Rome in December that year. The Gunpowder-Treason Plot was to have been on the 5th of November 1605. And on D'Ossats marble Tomb in Rome his Epitaph men∣tions that he dyed Anno 1604. so then he is made by that Author to have known that Treason to have been a Sham-Plot Eight years before it was to be executed, and to have permitted many Papists for want of his sending a line of News of the Shamm, to be shamm'd out of their lives, and the Roman Church to be shammed and anniversaried out of its credit in England.

But if they reproach any as they did Cecil on the pretence of the persua∣ding some of their wild principles into the decoy of a plot, a thing I think de∣testable as what implies a tempting or inviting of a Man to degenerate from himself, they have no reason to be angry with but only to pitty men that re∣ceive infection from their principles, and from this particular one, That 'tis lawful for a good end to ensnare men into acts of Sin. Many Casuists and Di∣vines are brought by Guymenius for this purpose, p. 184. in the 9th proposition ex tractatu de Charitate, and under which proposition he quotes Sotus de Sec. memb. 2. quaest. 2. a little before the fifth conclusion where he enquires, an li∣ceat & expediat aliquando perditum hominem permittere in pejora prolabi crimi∣na, ut ignominiâ peccatorum confusus, facilius resipiscat & emendetur. And he an∣swers licet nobis aliquando permittere peccatorem ad tempus in pejus cadere ut cautius resurgat.

Page  39 The 9th proposition there is Maritus qui uxorem adulteram suspicatur potest e occasionem offerre ut in adulterio deprehensam corrigat. Lay man. Iesuita. lib. 2. tract. 3. Cap. 13. num. 5.

But in p. 205. extractatu de justitia & Iure; Propositio 4. The correction that may be lawfully used is assigned, it being there said, that non peccat mari∣tus occidens propria authoritate uxorem in adulterio deprehensam: the which he saith Sa the Iesuit represents as a probable opinion, And which Hurtado he saith positively defends, Tom. 1. resol. moral. tr. ulti. res. 5. §. 7. n. 204. so that if a Protestant States-man had inveigled them into a plot and then hang'd them for it, his politicks had squared exactly with their Morals. And even as the calling of a Rat-catcher is a lawful calling, tho some of that profession have had no certain way to take Rats but by the use of one experiment, namely, first, to provoke them to fly in the Artists face; according to the said principles is the calling of a States-man both lawful and laudable who deals so with such as he judgeth to nibble at Treason. But this by the way. And now to let your Lordship see how some of their Divinity is particularly but a laboured Sham in the case of Treason, and even but a mocking at Sin, I shall di∣vert you with a known Author among them making men play with the bait of Regicide, as he is hooking them into it: And 'tis Mariana the Iesuit, as I find him Cited by Dr. Donne in his forementioned book p. 135. He quotes there Mariana de Rege l. 1. c. 7. for cautioning against a King being a self-homi∣cide by drinking poyson prepared and ministred by another he being ignorant; for after he concluded how an heretical King may be poisoned he is diligent in this pre∣scription.

[That a King be not constrained to take the poison himself, but that some other may administer it to him, and that therefore it be prepared and conveyed in some other way than meat and drink; because else, saith he, either willingly or igno∣rantly he shall kill himself] so that he provides that the King who must dye un∣der the Sins of Tyranny and heresie; must yet be defended from concurring to his own death; tho ignorantly, as tho this were a greater Sin.

Is not this pleasant to see any of them catching of Kings in a Theological Mousetrap, and playing with them like Mice before they devour them? to see them sweeten a Cup of poyson for a King with their damn'd Church Sophistry, and to sham men as licorish Flies to be Swallowed up in the Cup? I wish that some of the most considerable of the Grandees of the Church of Rome could Answer this accusation of their shamming, otherwise than by committing it de novo: for if they say that some of their Doctors write against this and other crimes as well as some for them, as particularly some write against the use of equivocation; And as Father Parsons the Jesuite writing against King Iames's succession, another English Jesuite namely Cres∣wel writ for it, and so that when some of their Doctors break the Churches head, others presently gave it Plaisters, is not this a fearful, shall I say, or Contemptible sham? Do we not know that the discipline of their Church is as exact as any Military discipline can be, by which alone it hath preserved it self so long in being, and that none among them can publish books without passing several Courts of Guards of Superiors, nor contradict one another in rules of practice, more than Trumpeters of an Army dare sound a charge or a retreat but when commanded to it? And what a face of something like sham the present Popes declaration about some opinions of the Casuists car∣ries with it, I have already mentioned; and doth not every one know their avowed doctrine de opinione probabili, Namely, that tho an opinion be false, a man may with a safe conscience follow it by reason of the Authority of the teacher, and that a Confessor is bound to absolve the penitent when there is but one opinion for his being absolved, tho, he believes that opinion not only im∣probable as to the principia intrinseca, but false.

Page  40 In Sum, according to the old observation of Poperies prevailing, by have∣ing that in it which may fit the temper and humor of every individual per∣son, and to be like Manna answering every mans tast, whether he hath a gusto for miracles, or even for starving or abstinence, for business, or retirement for Life or for death, for Honor or for begging, it may to these be added, that if any one affects to be a Ruffian or one of the Popes Sheriffs as aforesaid, there is a most ample field in the killing of Kings, firing of Towns, Massacring their Inhabitants for the talent of such a Pavure diable, and indeed incarnate one to expatiate in, and if any account it a luscious thing to be cheated or to be sham∣med as some few, or to cheat or sham as many think it, behold a Religion made for the nonce in that point too. But while they are thus playing with all things Sacred and profane, he that sits in the heavens has them in derision and leaves not the Protestants to fall finally as a portion to Foxes, such who turned tail to tail carry firebrands between them, and their shammes do only enter on the Stage of the World to be instantly hissed off.

My Lord, I have not been rash in Censuring either the principles or practi∣ces of some Roman Catholicks as aforesaid. And particularly I well know, that even the most ingenious of our English Papists cannot now in this Con∣juncture endure to hear of Father Parsons his book writ by him to Invalidate the Right of King Iames to succeed Queen Elizabeth, principally because he was (as Father Parsons thought) an heretick. A very great Man that Iesuite was, and so Considerable, that one of our eminent Divines in his Sermon in print, gives him this Character; That he was perhaps one of the greatest men that the order of the Iesuits has produced.

And methinks 'twas pitty he should play at such small game of sham, when he publisht that book, as to entitle it to Doleman, an honest secular Priest whom Parsons hated, and to make him odious, laid the brat at his door.

Moreover, a kind of inglorious sham it was, that Creswel, who was Par∣sons his fellow Iesuite, writ (as I said) at the same time for King Iames his Right to the Crown, not out of any desire he should enjoy that Right, but that on all events they might have something to say in apology for their Society, and bring Grist to its mill. For if King Iames had not come to the Crown of England, the honour of hindring his Succession had been attributed to Par∣sons; and Creswel the Jesuit expected the Credit for his writing on the Event falling as it did. Thus I remember to have heard a Passage of two Astrolo∣gers, who on the day before the former great Prince of Parma was to throw the die of War, agreed together to predict luck to him perfectly contrary to one another, that so they might save the credit of their art, by one of the artists being in the Right.

The Author of the book called the Catholick Apology, with a Reply &c. (and which book I think the Author of the Compendium mentions as one of the books writ by the Roman Catholicks of England since the Kings Restoration) saith p. 366. speaking of Dolemans book, For Dolemans book who wrote it God knows, Parsons deny'd it at his death, and I believe he was not the author, because in several of his works he speaks very much to the advantage of King Iames. But as to Father Parsons having in that Conjuncture been of the Spanish faction, and having apply'd his whole soul and strength to hinder King Iames's Succession, and his having writ that book the Great foremention'd Cardinal, namely D'Ossat, (who in several of his Printed Letters gives the World a more satis∣factory and particular Scheme of the whole design to hinder that Kings Suc∣cession to the Crown of England, than I know any or all else to have done) saith among his letters (printed in folio at Paris 1664.) in that in book 7th Anno 1601. a letter to the King, letter 131. what may be thus render'd in English, viz. It may please your Majesty to remember, that since the year 1594. Page  41there was a book printed in the English language that the Spaniards caus'd to be made by an English Iesuite call'd Parsons, and 'twas by the way of the low Coun∣try dispersed about England &c. And further in the 7th book p. 301. in the letter to Villeroy, letter 133. what he saith of that book of Parsons, may be thus made English, and from that book of Father Parsons one might draw rea∣sons in favour of his Majesty, which would be more weighty then those he deduceth for the King of Spain and his Sister, the said Father Parsons does contradict himself very often and very grosly, as it happens to all persons in passion as able as they are, who are not guided by truth and by reason, but transported by Interest and by passion. And in the last letter of the 8th book, and to Villeroy from Rome the 30th of December 1602, he speaks of Father Parsons having made application to himself to desire that there might be a treaty prepared from Rome between the Pope, the King of France, and the King of Spain, to agree among themselves of a Catholick, that may Reign in England after the Queen, be it the King of Scots if he will turn Catholick, or be it some one else &c. But there in p. 367, year 1603, letter 174. from Rome to Villeroy, and on April 21st, it appears that all the Machinations of the hot Iesuitical heads against King Iames his Succession were overturn'd by providence, for he there saith that the Queen was no sooner dead, then that the King of Scotland was in England peaceably received, and the Controversie of King Iames his title evaporated; and for the honour of our English understandings he there saith, Les gens de cet Isle là ont bien Monstrè qu' ils scavoient faire leurs affaires entr' eux tost & seurement, & que ceux de dehors se sont fort mescontez en leurs desseins & espe∣rances. i. e. the people of England have well shewn that they knew how to do their own business among themselves quickly and safely, and that others abroad took very wrong Measures in their designs and hopes.

I have here said enough to entertain your Lordship with the View of their unreasonableness, who would impose on us, That Father Parsons wrote not that Impious and Treasonable Book, and likewise with the more pleasant View of Gods Confuting it (as I may say) by the happy determination of his over-ruling Providence.

And Now because I would make it appear to your Lordship, that I have not been unjustly severe to the Jesuitical Principles, in rendring them such as are the sturdy extravagances of those offals of Mankind, call'd Bullyes and Hectors, I shall entertain you with one Instance of a Bravado of threatning from one English Iesuite to all Protestant Crown'd Heads, a bravado that is like the High Water Mark, to shew in words how high 'tis possible for the foam of the raging Sea of Anger to reach, and 'tis in a Letter of Campian the Iesuite to Queen Elizabeths Privy Councellers, printed afterwards at Triers, 1583. as I find it Cited in that most learned Preface of my Lord Bishop of Lincoln's to the Book concerning the Gunpowder Treason, in the Year 1679, and 'tis thus in English, viz. That all the Iesuits throughout the World have long since enter'd into a Covenant, to kill heretical Kings any manner of way: and as to our Society know, That we Iesuites who are spread far and wide throughout the whole World, have enter'd into an holy Covenant, that we shall easily over∣come all your machinations, and that we shall never despair of it as long as any one of us remains in the World. Lo here a Drawcansir, that will not only snub all Protestant Kings, and take the bowles from their mouths, and beat out their Brains with them himself, but he saith there is a Society or Corporation of such brethren of the bladed Ecclesiastical, who have enter'd into a Covenant or Association to murder all Protestant Kings, and that every single Member of the Corporation should have that dead-doing talent of Valour that should awe and subjugate the Protestant World. And here then, my Lord, every Jesuite values himself on being a Mutius Scaevola; and more than Three hundred of Page  42 these new Romans, or so many thousands of them, I mean all of them, ac∣cording to Campian, have Covenanted to destroy every Porsenna that lays siege to Rome: but in that time of Queen Elizabeth there was an industrious Gentle∣man who fear'd not the terror of these Huffes, but with his secrecy and silence did reduce these mad dogs into the Condition of neither barking nor biting in England, I mean Sir Francis Walsingham, of whom 'tis said in Cotton's Posthuma, That his bountifull hand made his intelligences so active, that a Se∣minary could scarcely stir out of the Gates of Rome without his privity. And no wonder then if Campian was soon brought to the end of a Traytor here in England by the Care of one of Queen Elizabeths Privy Councellers in the Year 1581. who did both defie and scorn that Rhodomantado address, wherein the Iesuite did Goliah-like, defie All Protestant Kings and their Armies, and as if he would give their flesh to the Fowls of the ayr; but the event shew'd his own flesh was so given as a Traytors, to that use here in England.

It was a kind of a bravado in the great Archimedes, to say, Give me where to stand, and I'le shake the Earth. He well knew no such place could be found. The Iesuits it seems would have every one of their Order to be an Archimedes, and able to shake the Earth as he pleas'd, and the hypothesis of Popery they know offers them a place divided from the Civil and Imperial Government where to stand with their Engines, namely the Ecclesiastical, but things will not be ill administred, and holy Church it self will sink into the Earth, if its Foundation be not laid as God and Nature would have it, and the Man who stands for the place to be an Archimedes, and to Move the Earth, will soon find his fate of being dissolv'd into his own little dust, and that among the artificial lines he is making. It seems that boasted association or Covenant of the Jesuites did help to occasion another among the Protestants in Queen Elizabeths time, which was ratify'd by Act of Parliament in the 27th of Eliz. which was about three years after the death of Campian, who was Convicted of High Treason by vertue of the Statute made in the time of our Popish An∣cestors, namely in the 25 of Edward the Third, and thereupon executed, and yet by the Romish Church made a Martyr, tho (as I said) convicted on that Statute. But according to this thundring denuntiation of War against all he∣retical Kings by Campian as the Jesuites Herald, and his boasting when he did put on his armour that every one of his Order should be like an Alexander an adequate match for at least one World of hereticks, the author of the Compen∣dium needed not by his Rhetorick to reflect on my Lord Bishop of Lincoln's Candour & gentleness in saying yet if it be a breach of Christianity to crush the bruised reed and of generosity also to trample upon the oppressed, I wish his Lordship may be found guilty of neither &c. for behold any single Jesuite according to Campian tho but like a reed shaken with the wind is able to bruise all Protestant Scepters, and any little toe of that Order can trample all Heretical crowned heads to dirt, and the Number of the Papists in England if reduced to the least of Numbers is not according to Campian to be slighted, if one of them be a Iesuite, for that that one Jesuite will carry the advantage of odds against all Protestant Kings and Princes; that one may say my Name is legion, for we are many: but as that legion-spirit could not without the Divine permission ruin a herd of Swine off from a Steep place, so neither can all the legions of Iesuited evil Spirits in the World drive a King & Kingdom from Precipices at their plea∣sure: And Queen Elizabeth in spight of all the arts and power of Rome outlived eight Popes, and lived to change all her Counsellors but one, all her great offi∣cers twice or thrice, some Bishops four times, and died full of years, and did see and leave peace upon Israel.

And now I shall Entertain your Lordship with a further Reason of my charging the present Popes declaration aforesaid about some opinions of the Page  41 Casuists, as carry with it a face of some thing like shamme: and my reason is grounded on what was said in a publick Sermon before an honourable Au∣dience, namely, that the propositions of the Casuists therein were not Condemned by the Pope in the Consistory, which would have made the Censure more authorita∣tive, but by the Pope and Cardinals of the Court of the Inquisition, upon which a remarkable thing follow'd: the Iefuites in France who were much provoked at this Censure, moved the Procureur de Roy, or Attorney general at Paris to put in a Com∣plaint against the publishing that Decree, since it came from the Court of the In∣quisition, which not being acknowledg'd in France, nothing Flowing from that au∣thority could be received in that Kingdom: upon which the decree was prohibit∣ed and suppress'd.

And may not the English Popish Priests say the same thing, the Inquisition was never received in England, and therefore that declaration of the Popes obligeth us not here, and we will prohibit and suppress it as much as we can! No doubt but the present Pope fearing that the Noysome and Infectious smell of those Opinions of the Casuists being more offensive to the minds of Men, then any snuff of a Candle can be to their Nostrils, they were ready to cry for the removing of the Candlestick of his Church out of its place, went about to extinguish them in the most Summary Manner that he could, and there∣fore attempted to do it by the Court of the Inquisition; well knowing, that in the Consistory of Cardinals all proceedings are so dilatory, and the old magi there so used to do every thing pian piano, that they would consume many pounds of new Candles in debating whether or no and how the old snuff should be removed, and perhaps would have thought to have contented the World in the mean time with giving it some perfumes: but the Pope being afraid of the Iesuites, perhaps as sometimes the Grand Signior is of his Ianisaries, doth not for fear himself should be extinguished by them, so far (as I may say) follow the light within him, as to throw away or tread out that snuff of those opinions as containing a malum in se, or declare any of them to be ill as contrary to the principles of the law of nature, in which case neither he nor God himself indeed could have dispens'd with them, tho yet any honest and ingenious Heathen would on the least occasion given, have declared them so, As Cicero and Sene∣ca, and many others have done; and which had the Pope done and the Ie∣suites or any Papists persevered in the making those principles the Rules of practice, his Kingdom had thereby been ipso facto divided against it self, and a diffinitive sentence had been thereby given by the Pope, that all who had dy'd owning those principles and practices, had been sunk for ever into the burning lake. Therefore, as I said before, I hope this declaration of the Popes such as it is, will give an alarm to our English Papists to deal seriously with their Souls, and to consider as if it were for their eternities, these and other Principles of their Religion, and that if they will not be thereby perswaded to be almost Pro∣testant Christians, yet to be altogether Masters of as good Moral Principles as the Heathens I named; and If any of them can but give us a Moral certainty of their Principles being but such, I shall never repine at any favour that any new Law may afford to such of them.

If therefore any of our Lay Country men Papists not guilty of the late Plot shall desire to be heard, and to say any thing toward this effect, some of us have heard of these principles before mention'd as own'd by our Casuists and Priests and Confessors, that are now thus condemned by the Pope, and we did not believe that those our spiritual guides did own such Principles, but now our Eye seeth by the condemnation thereof that they were before own'd and made rules of Practice; Wherefore we hope that who ever do own them, will abhor themselves and repent in dust and ashes; and others of us did formerly think them Consistent with the Christian faith and the peace of Kingdoms and with humane Society, but we now Page  44 abhor those principles and repent in dust and ashes; We are ready to let the King and Kingdom and the World have a moral certainty, that we desire no power to change the Religion in England by Law establish'd, and we are willing to receive Instruction from any that shall be appointed by publick Authority, to give it to us, concerning what other principles beside these Condemned by the Pope are inconsi∣stent with Religion or the publick Peace; and in case any shall offer to give us dispen∣sations either for principles or practices contrary to those, we renounce as inconsi∣stent with the publick peace; we shall be so far from accepting of such dispensa∣tion, that we shall detect the offerer thereof before a Magistrate, as much as we would an enemy to His Majesty; We are ready to give active or passive obedience as to all the Laws in being; We believe not the Bishop of Rome to have more power in His Majesties Realms by Gods word, then any other forraign Bishop, as was by Acts of Parliament and publick Recognitions declared in the Reign of Henry the 8th. We are willing to render the Kingdom as secure from fear of us and our obtaining power, as are the States of the Vnited Provinces from those of our persuasion in Religion among them; We are willing to let you see, that the same Basis that shall be your security, shall likewise be ours.

A great part of our number has we fear given too much cause of jealousie to the Kingdom of their affecting pre-eminence therein, we are sorry for it, and hope it will be so no more;

I say such Papists as these are the bruised reeds, I would not trample on, and would make no noise to interrupt their being heard to the effect above men∣tion'd. And since what has been done, may be, and Sir William Temple in his Impartial Observations on the Vnited Provinces of the Netherlands, chap. 5. saith of the Roman Catholicks there, that tho they are very numerous in the Country among the Pesants, and considerable in the Cities, yet they seem to be a sound piece of the State, and fast jointed in with the rest: and have neither given any distur∣bance to the Government, Nor expres'd any inclinations to a Change, or to any forreign power, either upon the former Wars with Spain, or the latter Invasions of the Bishop of Munster; 'tis I say possible therefore for them to become sound pieces of the state there. And if the end of all their shamme Plots be what is usually that of Comedies, and Romances plots, a Marriage, I mean their espou∣sing the true Interest of the Kingdom, I for my part shall never forbid the bannes of the Matrimony, nor enter any Caveat against the license for it granted by lawful authority; provided they give due security as in that case against such a precontract with Rome, that may null their contract with us.

'Tis an old Common Observation, That whelps without any care bestowed on them will see at the end of nine days, tho born blind, and that if they are much tamper'd with by art to be forced to see sooner, they are blind for ever: and therefore I hope that the forbearance of our Church in this latter Age to tamper with them, by disputes, or Catechising, or Compelling them to be present at the publick worship, will with the help of Time and Nature, and their experience of their inability by all their shamme Plots to put out our Eyes, conduce to the opening of theirs.

Alas, what advantage is it by all their artifices that they can hope both to gain and keep here, I mean for any considerable time. A trick of art is like a Monster in Nature, ill-lookt, and short lifed; and 'tis obvious to every Eye, that the higher Scale got up by accident, is more ready to pop down again, then it was before, while it hung in its due poise. And while they do by art and contrary to Nature in any Conjuncture hoist up their Interest high in the Air, the artificial motion endures not there long to be gazed at, and while it is there visible, 'tis beheld by thousands of vigilant Marksmen, who know 'tis easier to hit the mark shooting upward then downward.

Page  45We find 'tis notorious out of the present Pope's said Decree of the Second of March last, That the Iesuits and other Casuists were Encouragers and Pa∣trons of Calumny, by those Principles of theirs he therein Condemns, and namely, That Probabile est non peccare mortaliter qui imponit falsum crimen al∣teri, ut suam justitiam & honorem defendat: & si hoc non sit probabile, vix ulla erit opinio probabilis in Theologia: i. e. It is probable that he doth not Sin Mor∣tally, who fastens a false Crime on another, that he may defend his own Iustice and Honour; and if this is not probable, there is scarce any Opinion probable in Divinity.

The Iesuits have by this Opinion given us the alarm that they make Ca∣lumny not contrary to the Law of God, but only beside it, for that is the Po∣pish account of a Venial Sin; and moreover, that it is a small and very pardo∣nable▪ Offence against God or our Neighbour, and no more than an Idle word, and that it Robs not the Soul of life, and that it may be remitted without hearty Pennance and Contrition, and only with the Sacraments, Holy Water, and the like; these being the Popish Received Doctrines of the Nature of Ve∣nial Sin.

And thus they may be false Imputations and Testimonies rob the Bodies of Protestants of life, without bereaving their own Souls thereof, and this is own'd by them as a first Rate probable Opinion in that Great Science call'd Divinity, that Great first Rate of all Sciences, as relating to the honour of God; but most certainly we have very great Reason to pity the Persons of those who have such low and groveling and ridiculous Conceptions of the Supreme Being, as to think to add any thing to the brightness of his Perfe∣ction by that Sacrifice with whose smoke they endeavour to blind the eyes of some of their Brethren; while they are with its flames consuming the Bodies of others, and to think to tickle him with the straw of Praise, while they rob Men, and that the using of Fraud can be worthy of God, which is scorn'd not only by Gentlemen, but even generous Beasts (it being proper to Foxes, and not to Lions to practise it) and that tho the Dice of the Gods always fall luckily (according to the old Adage) that false ones are to be used for their Honour, or that any one is to be a falsarius for the Glory of the true God, and that since the Roman Heathens thought it Essential to the Justice of their Laws, and the honour of Human Nature to term him a falsarius who but conceal'd Truth in the Case of Men, it can be worthy of the Divine Nature to encourage false asseverations in Ordine ad Deum, and that it can be any Honour to infinit Wisdom to out-wit silly Mortals, or to infinit Goodness, to set it self off by the putative or real faults of any one, and that since as the Phi∣losopher said long ago, 'tis the greatest Scandal to a Governor imaginable 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to lay snares for those that he Governs, to think that the Great Governor of the World can have honour from the laying of Nets and Springes by Man Catchers; In fine, to think that after the Divine Com∣passion to Men had under the Mosaic Dispensation so long signaliz'd it self against Idolatry, because 'twas a Cheat, and for that an Idol is nothing, it can be consistent with the Divine goodness now under the Oeconomy of the Gospel (of which the Restoring of Humane Nature was the Great intent) to encou∣rage inhumane Arts and Artifices, to make it degenerate to the old Cheat of Idolatry again, and which was the worst extremity of it, the immolation of Men under the pretext of Religion, a Cheat of Idolatry, that the Blessed Iesus design'd by the offring of himself to exterminate out of the World as an unnecessary thing, and by his dying breath to make it evaporate for ever.

There was no guile found in his mouth, and his followers were only then wise as Serpents, while they were innocent as Doves: and the first Crying in the Cradle of the Puer Hebraeus of the holy child Iesus, was as Thunder to Page  46 strike the old Equivocating Oracles Dumb, that had so long cheated the cre∣dulous World.

When he branded the Scribes and Pharisees with sharper language, he calls them Hypocrites; He alarms us of false Prophets coming in the Masquerade of Sheeps clothing; tells us, That he who calls his Brother fool, shall be in dan∣ger of hell fire, and therefore he may much more fear that danger who makes a Fool of him, and plays the Knave with him; he Commands us not to Calumniate or kill, but to bless those that curse us, which is more than to praise them, as I said before of blessing being the tribute due to Men heroi∣cally Virtuous.

To shew that he intended nothing of Artifice in the Propagation of his Doctrine, a hated Publican, and a few poor Fishermen, and a Tent-maker are used in his Embassy to the World, men not likely to be able Mentiri pro patriâ coelesti, if such a Commission as Go Cheat all Nations, had been given them.

And lest it might be thought that with Oratorical Harangues that he or they led Men by the Ears, as an implicit faith is said to lead them by the Nose, he us'd no hony of Phrase, or sting of Epigram, no Politic Remarks, nor scarce more lenocinium of words, than is in He that hath an ear to hear, let him hear.

He tells us, That for every Idle word we must give an account, and therefore certainly abhorr'd Equivocation, which makes all words and speech Idle, and of no effect; and since, as I think, 'twas truly said, Eloquentia non nisi stultos Movet, Eloquence moves none but Fopps; he did, as I may say, put that gene∣rous Complement on mens understandings, not to Commission his Ministers to try to sooth men out of one belief into another by bribing their imagi∣nations with the excellency of speech, or the inticing words of man's Wisdom, but the contrary.

He thought it worthy of God to be worship'd by the world in Spirit and in Truth, and not to encrease the number of his Homagers by Lies, Legends, and Impostures. It was for the honour of the Christian Religion that the Son of God chose to take flesh in the time when Augustus Reign'd, when the Roman World being freed from a long Civil War, had leisure to ••ltivate the Arts of Wit and Reason, and had brought them to their highest Perfection, and took not the advantage of a dark and barbarous Age to surprize the World in, as afterward both Papism and Mahumetanism did, and 'tis therefore no Marvel if either of those two Hypotheses of Religion, did in one Point so much resem∣ble the Christian Religion, in so soon with its ferment levening so Great a lump of the World.

But the Christian Religion came not into the World like a Fireship with prepar'd smoke to blind mens eyes, as it was assailing them: No, for to the end that the Christian reveal'd Doctrine might like a great Pyramid be conspi∣cuous to the whole world, and last together with it, and reach from Earth to Heaven, the Divine Providence was long laying its Foundation very deep in Nature, and very wide in the world; I mean, Iustice and Reason so agreeably to Humane Nature then at their height appearing in the Laws of the Roman Empire, and its subjugating the World, and its reducing Mankind to the Law of Nature first imprinted on Man's heart, were by the Care of Heaven used as previous in qualifying the World to receive the Glorious Superstructure of the Christian Religion, the which would certainly not have been so much as res unius aetatis, if at that time when the Roman Laws inculcating the Natural Cognation between all Mankind, and placing Actions that wound Piety or Repu∣tation, or good Manners in the Number of things Impossible, and intimating their abhorrence of Collusion, Combining, Circumvention, and DisanullingPage  47 things done thereby, and branding of those acts that do fraudem facere legi, and rendring that to be but a pittiful innocence that is but as good as the Law re∣quires, and making him in the eyes of the Law to be still in Possession of any thing, who is actually trickt out of it, quia pro possessione dolus est, providing against Calumny by an Oath in all litigations, and when a person is render'd to do a thing infamously, expressing it by dolo facit, having the regard of Pu∣dor, verecundia, Humanitatis, ac Religionis ratio, and other such words of the like charming signification, which were like Trees in the Body of the Roman Laws, planted as thick by one another as they could well stand, the Christian Religion had in the Congruity of its Precepts to Humane Nature come short of those of the Romans, who as Cicero says, did not Calliditate ac Robore, sed Pietate ac Religione omnes gentes nationes{que} superare, and espe∣cially if in those against Calumny, Fraud and Circumvention, the Christian Faith had not reach'd as high as the bona fides of the Heathens, and much more, if the Model of Christian Morality had been in that Knowing Age like that of the Jesuits in this.

But certainly since it hath often proved fatal to the Ministers of Kings to be, or seem wiser than their Masters, the Iesuits by affecting in their Plat∣forms of Morality to be wiser than him, who in the style of the Scripture, of God is made to us Wisdom, Righteousness, Sanctification and Redemption, may easily take a prospect of their ruine; and as the Serpents trying to out-wit Heaven, and its Poisoning the Morals of our first Parents with its subtlety, made the Scene of its motion to be in the Dust, and it to be more accurs'd than any brute Animal, such is likely to be the fate of this Serpentine Order after they have been by their subtle Casuistical distinctions so long nibbling at the Sacred word, a thing the old Serpent did, and tempting Men in a fool's Paradise, according to their several Palates by their Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil, I mean the Experiments of Vice, by their pretended Moral Theology; but what is so far from deserving the Name of Theology, that if it were imagin'd that a general Counsel of Devils were by their Chief call'd to debate of a Model of credenda and agenda for the world, 'tis likely they would unanimously agree to set up this, and no other; for no doubt they would pass no Article to deny the existence of a God, for they believe that, and tremble, nor yet any Article that might be controul'd by Natural light, or of which any Matter of Fact would be over-rul'd by Authentic History; but they would among the unwary Judges of things, and such whose Judgments are choak't up with the fumes of lust, try to puzzle the Cause of Religion, and by distinctions to make Golden Bridges for Men to retreat from Morali∣ty: And this Course the Iesuits have took. By their Casuistical distinctions they have broke both the Tables of the Moral Law into innumerable pieces; they have broke not only the least, but greatest of the Commandments, and have taught men so to do, and how to do it with a Salvo to them, and how Salvo metu & fide peccare; and by being Casuistical Splitters of Sin, have been as troublesome to the World, as Splitters of Causes are to a Country. The Christian Religion that great Tye intended by Heaven to be like a sub∣stantial and great Cable (as I may say) to supply the great Anchor of our hope, they have made it their great business to untwist by their nice distin∣ctions, and to make it so fine that it will not hold, and by encouraging Lies and Calumnies for the honour of Holy Church, they have help'd the Politic-Atheists-would be to a new occasion of trying to insinuate that old impotent-Slander that Religion it self is a Cheat; and moreover, since it is on all hands Confessedly true, that Religion is necessary for the Government of the World, and that every Ligament of Humane Society without Religion, is but like a rope of Sand, 'tis probable that the Iesuits Morality being de∣structive Page  48 of Religion, that the Nations of the World will look on it and their Society, as an Association against Humane Society, and that one Nation af∣ter another will declare themselves Abhorrers of it. And it must by neces∣sity of Nature appear, that they cannot be Confessors of truth, nor Martyrs for any but the Devil, that make lying venial; nor can their fate who pretend to be Witnesses in the Cause of Religion be any other than is that of some according to the Law and Practice of Nations, who are Witnesses in any Cause, to have their whole Deposition rejected up∣on the Discovery of one falsity therein. And since 'tis confessed to be the Doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church, and particularly of the Trent-Council, that the intention of the Priest is necessary to the validity of a Sa∣crament, who can promise to himself safe anchoring in the Depths of a Je∣suits intentions to make the Sacrament, while he makes Cheating lawful? If any one shall say, that so vile a thing is not to be supposed in a Priest, as up∣on any occasion not to intend the making of the Sacrament, let him consult the Additionals to the Mystery of Iesuitism, and there he shall see, p. 95. Pro∣position 23. no meaner a Iesuit than the Great Casuist Escobar, cited for this Assertion, That it is lawful upon Occasion of some great fear to make use of Dissimulation in the Administration of the Sacraments, as for a man to make as if he Consecrated, by pronouncing the words without attention. Escobar. Theol. Moral. Tom. 1. l. 6. Sect. 2. C. 7. Prob. 26. p. 27. And in this point, the Pope's said Decree is infallible; namely, to shew the fact of this Doctrine of Devils, having been own'd by Jesuits and Casuists, as appears by the Propo∣sition 29th. in the Decree, viz. Vrgens metus gravis est Causa justa Sacramen∣torum administrationem simulandi. O Blessed Jesus, can any Jesuit think it is lawful for him so far to fear those that can kill the Body as by his Dissembling his making of thy Body, to destroy anothers Soul by Idolatry? 'Tis among both Papists and Protestants confessedly true, that if the Host I worship should not be the Body of Christ, I were a great Idolater; and therefore if a Priest by that incident Passion of fear may lawfully forbear to intend to make the Body of Christ, I may well have such a constant fear as do's cadere in Con∣stantem virum, of the danger of my worshipping only a Wafer, and conse∣quently of my being an Idolater: and since a Miracle is Heaven's Broad Seal to the truth of any Doctrine, and since Transubstantiation is the greatest Miracle that can be thought of, I may well conclude that God will not commit the Power of making Millions of Miracles every day to men that make Cheating lawful, more than a Prince will commit the Custody of his Broad Seal to a professed Impostor. And therefore I shall 〈◊〉 the way affirm, that the Protestant Religion not making the intention of the Prest essential to the Sacrament of the Eucharist, is more strongly assertive of the Real presence there then is the very Popish Hypothesis.

The truth is, 'tis a very inglorious, and a very imprudent thing to use fraud even in the Conduct of Political Government. My Lord Herbert in his Life of Harry the Eighth, speaking of a foreign Mo∣narch, saith with great Judgment, but while he escaped not the Opi∣nion and the Name of false (which yet his Country Writers pallae no otherwise than with calling it Saberraynar) he neither comply'd 〈◊〉 his Dignity, nor indeed the Rules of Wisdom, true reason of State consist∣ing of such solid Maxims that it hath as little need of Deceit, as a sure Game at Chess of a false Draught: there is no use of it therefore among the wiser sort, it being only a supply of Ignorance among the Ruder and worse kind of Statesmen. Beside it appears so much worse in Public Affairs, as it is never almost hid or unrevenged. Reputation again is still lost thereby, which yet how much it concerns Princes, none can better tell than such as Imagine them without it.

Page  49 But to use Fraud in or for that great concern of Mankind call'd Religion, is more absur'd: and 'tis the vilest Nonsence imaginable, for Men to talk deceitfully for God, and that style of a foreign Monarch of Dissembling his In∣dignation, need not be used by him who made the World with a fiat, and can unmake it with a thought, and whatever Religion in the World is true, I am sure that is and must be false that attempts to support it self by falshood or fraud, and by the Violation of Faith given. For I am sure that to stand to Promises, to abhor Deceit, is a thing in its own nature simply good, and that it is impossible that God should lye, and if it be simply good in God, it is necessarily so in Man, whom he hath made after his own Image, the Image being to answer the Archetype: and that Religion therefore that doth approve of falsarii, and which cannot have the true God for its Founder, and in which every honest man may justly say to the Deity of its worshippers, Stand by thy self, come not near me, for I am holier then thou, (as the Scripture expression is) must expect to be exterminated out of the Knowing World. Such worshippers can be no more judged parts of the Ecclesia Catholica, than Pick-pockets in Churches are of the Coetus fidelium there, and as when these petty Larceners are there discovered, they are glad silently thence to steal themselves away, such perhaps will the fate of those grand Impostors too be after their detection to march out of the Church, and that without the Parade perhaps of noise of Trumpet, or beat of Drum. There needs no batter∣ing Ram against Fraud, but Detection. And these Arbiters of Calumny, that like the Month of March came into the World as a Lion, may perhaps go out of it like a Lamb, and their Morallity naturally come into the number of Pancirols, Res deperditae, and as not worthy of any Humane care to conserve, after it has with so much violence been labouring in vain to destroy that old great invention of God, the Law of Nature. Let any great East or West-India Company in the World, but once as a Public Society, renounce the ob∣servation of Faith, or Patronize Cheating, and no other Company need en∣vy their growth or Continuance, or pick holes in their Charters, and retain the loudness of Lawyers to dissolve them. And such is the fate like to be of any Religionary Society. None need ask where are the Fighters, or where are the Disputers of this World, to confound an order whose Casuists make Lying lawful; and yet make it lawful to kill one that gives the Lye.

And the truth is, it is already through the Providence Divine, and like∣wise the Providence and Circumspection of Men so effected, That these lewd Moralists, that call themselves the Fellows of the Holy Iesus, these crafty Companions are so detected in the Church, not only as Cheats, but as having the Plague, that they are avoided by many of the Orders that own the Pope as their Chief, who will neither admit them to Prattique nor Quarrentine, and they are in a manner reduced to the state of those Princes, who force a Trade at home, and only drive one with their own Plantations abroad. They are already come to the state of Bessus his Collegues in the Comedy, a sort of military pretenders, who after their Buffetings and Spurnings they had took from so many, did support their Credit only by this Com∣bined Determination, namely, that they were valiant among themselves: and this is the present state of these expos'd Casuists of the Church Militant that have been so long imposing on the World by force and fraud, 'tis agreed on by them that they are Iust among themselves.

With the help of all that Nature and Art can do, they can never recover the wounds that have been given them, by the publication of the Les Pro∣vinciales, or the Mystery of Iesuitism discovered in Certain Letters written on occasion of the differences at Sorbonne between the Jansenists and the Moli∣nists, Page  50with additionals, and were Printed in the English Tongue in the Year 1658. And that Great Court of Conscience that is a Court alwayes open (and where the Judges are too many to be all brib'd or aw'd however some may sleep) which I may call Conscientia humani generis, having arraign'd and con∣demn'd their Casuistical Tenets as infamous, they are after an Impeachment and Sentence in that Court to expect no pardon: the World will never for∣give nor forget their making Calumny a Venial Sin; nor their particular bring∣ing into the Field for the service of the art of strongly calumniating Battalions of Fathers, Schoolmen, Divines of other Orders by Guimenius: who in that Book of his before mentioned, brings in a multitude of great names of those great ranks not only to Justify, but even to Sanctify the Crimes charged on them in those Letters: and as 'twas said of old, Citius efficies Crimen honestum, quam turpen Catonem, so in Guimenius we do not see any rascall Deer who were Justly markt or wounded, thrown out of the herd of the Jesuits, but we see Men who were besmear'd with their own filth and the Dirt the World threw on them, out-braving the light, and to cleanse themselves from impu∣ted guilt running into the Crouds of Casuists of their own and other Orders, as likewise among the Fathers, Divines and Schoolmen; and so Magnani∣mously Impious was he, as to make Acts of Cheating and Calumny to be patroniz'd by holy Church, and openly to excuse the putting Gods Mark on the Devils Merchandize, and to stamp in effect a legitimacy on them with an effrontery only to be parallel'd with that which Tully tells us concerning An∣tony the Oratour, who being to defend a Person accus'd of Sedition, boldly went to prove that Sedition was no Crime, but a very Commendable thing.

But after all their long Casuistical weighing of the Dirt of Vice in Aurificis staterà, or rather in Essay-Masters Scales which turn with the 300th part of a grain, and as some contriv'd by an honourable Person of the Royal Society, will turn with the thousandth part of one, it Can never be forgot that they tell us this Dirt is Gold.

Nor can or will the bold Artifices of the Jesuits before mentioned in eluding the Popes Decree of the 2d. of March, 1679. against their unmoral Divinity, and of which Declaration the Cloud contains Thunderbolts of Excommunica∣tion against their Tenet of lawful Lying and Perjury, and Equivocating, and of Dissembling in the administration of the Sacraments, be ever forgot even by many thinking Papists, or indeed the thinking part of Mankind.

And Protestants may well ask all Papists that Call those damn'd Tenets of the Jesuits by the Name of Religion, Where was your Religion before the birth of Luther? for Luther was born above half a hundred years before the birth of the Society of the Jesuits.

Nay since that Religion has been damn'd by that Decree of the Popes, we may ask them, Where is your Religion now, where is the Popes Infallibility so much avow'd and Idolised by the Iesuites heretofore? What, is not the Pope in∣fallible in his Chair, in the Inquisition? was his Chair in the Apostolic Palace in the Vatican, and attended there by the most Eminent and most Reverend Lords the Cardinals of the holy Roman Church, being specially deputed by the holy Apo∣stolic See, to be the General Inquisitors for the whole Christian Common-wealth against all heretical pravity, I say, was that Chair the Chair of Pestilence? Are not you as Heretics self-Condemn'd in having procur'd your infallible Popes Con∣demning Decree to be suppressed in France as coming from the Pope in the Court of Inquisition? Alas, do not we know that 'tis all one as to the value of the Coin, Let the Prince's Mint be kept in this place or the other; and that 'tis the Sanction of the Pope either in the Consistory, or in the Inquisition at Rome, Page  51that gives the standard of weight and fineness to any Doctrinal Propositions, and that makes them current? Do we not know it out of the History of the Councel of Trent, that the Pope told the Cardinals in Consistory, that they had only Consultive Voices to put things to his consideration, and that the Decisive Voice belong'd only to him? Do we not know out of that History, Book 7th, that Laymez the General of the Iesuites spoke with great vehmen•• and Master-like in the Councel about two hours, proving that the Power of Iu∣risdiction was given wholly to the Pope, and that none in the Church besides ath any spark of it but from him, and that while Christ liv'd in the flesh, he govern'd the World with an absolute Monarchical Government; and being to depart out of the World, he left the same form, appointing his Vicar St. Peter and his Succes∣sors to administer it as he had done, giving him full and total Power and Iuris∣diction, and subjecting the Church to him as before to himself: That in Councels be they never so frequent, if the Pope be present, he only doth decree, neither doth the Councel any thing but approve, and therefore it has been always said Sacro approbante Concilio; yea even in Resolutions of the greatest weight (as was the Deposition of the Emperor Frederic the Second in the General Councel of Lions) Innocent the Fourth, a most wise Pope, refus'd the approbation of that Synod, tha none might think it to be necessary, and thought it sufficient to say prsente Con∣cilio? How comes the Case now alter'd, when we behold the Iesuites now cruci∣fying the Decree of their King the Pope, after all their former H••anna's to him, while he was mounted on the World as his Ass, and after all their dea••ing of the World with Blessing him in nomine Domini, and see them now putting but a reed of Infallibility in his hand, and see his Scepter in theirs, and see their fourth Vow to the Pope annull'd, and what performance then can Hereticks expect from any Promises they make to them? and might not the Iesuits wi•• the salvo of a Protestation against the Inquisition, or with a thousand Expedients, if they had pleas'd, allow'd Receipts from the Inquisition, to rid the World of a Pestilence, as frankly as Protestants use the Jesuits Powder against Agues, and without intending more Honour to that Court, than the Sacred Writ did to the Devil, in recording for our instruction several things by him spoken? And have not we a candid account of this Arcaum in a very Ingenious Discourse lately Translated into English, and call'd, The Policy of the Clergy of France to de∣stroy the Protestants of that Kingdom, and writ in the way of a Dialogue be∣tween a Parisian and Provincial, where p. 67, and 68. Le Cheise and the Ie∣suits Party are said to have effected the suppression of the said Decree in France, upon pretence that it issued from the Tribunal of the Inquisition, and that in the Draught of an Order of a Parliament in France, for the suppressing the Publica∣tion of this Decree, these words were put, viz. Tho that these Propositions are justly Condemned, and that Father Le Cheise caus'd these words to be raed out, and has put in their stead, That even the good things which come to us from the Tribunal of the Inquisition, ought not to be receiv'd?

But if upon occasion of what was discours'd by that Author, it be further said, that the setting up of those unmoral Casuistical Tenets in France, was the erect∣ing a Pillar of ignominy against God, I will ask if one who is revera an incompe∣tent Iudge shall go to demolish any such Pillar set up against my Father, and I have already own'd that that Iudge doth infallibly know the bounds of his Iurisdiction, and have obliged my self to him by the foremention'd fourth Vow, that what thing soever he shall Command that belongs to the profit of Souls, and the Propagation of the Faith, I will without any tergiversation or excuse execute, as far as I am able (for this is the Jesuits fourth Vow to the Pope) shall I then be active in the hindring a Decree of this Nature, given by this Judge from being exe∣cuted, at the same time, I Protest against it, shall I make no Protestation for the honour of my Father? And do you think in this Inquisitive Age the Cheat Page  52 of an Inquisition, will elsewhere pass long, since that Court that is used by ordinary Inquisitors for the torturing the Bodies of Christians, and mutilation of the Image of God, cannot be allow'd to shew severity to the body of Sin, to the Image of the Devil in depraved Minds, and that while your unerring Iudge of Law and Fact is in Person there praesiding? Are not you that surpre•• the Dictates of your own Vniversal Pastor such unreasonable Men as we may well pray to be delivered from?

All our Jesuited Papists must still expect Expostulations of this Nature.

Their Head was before at Rome, and their Brains too; but if they now make a Schism from the Pope himself, they will come under the Denomina∣tion of Acephali (the Name of some ancient Heretics) that is, the People without a Head, unless they will own the Hydra of the Jesuits for their Head, which it seems the Hercules of Rome could not subdue. I believe ma∣ny of them will consider what sure footing they have where they are, while they see their Moses flying from his own Staff when made a Serpent, I mean his Order of Jesuits, and see the Collusive or Sham-Serpents of the Jesuits de∣vour those of their Moses, and Juglers by Deceptio Visus and lying to impose on the eyes of the World against the sence and reason of Mankind, and even of the Pope himself, and 'twill be very ridiculous for them, who have been cheated out of their own Religion, to think that some who are the Jesuits Bubbles can cheat us of ours, and that while they are grown Seekers, they should make us loose our Church; and that when the Spiritual Monarchy of the Pope is in a manner Run Down by the Republic or Society of the Iesuits, they should think to cheat us of our King and Church, and that our Religion can be run down by such Spiritual Outlaws, and Rebels against the Pope him∣self, and such as perhaps the Pope may in time be induced to oblige the World by suppressing after their Injuring all Morallity, and the most vital parts of Christian Religion, and the great avow'd use of his Power in the whole Christian Common-wealth, by their Suppression of his said Decree. I hope while the Fan is in his hand he will throughly purge his floor, and esteem the Disposals of rich Benefices in France to be poor Regalia sancti Petri, for him to vindicate in Comparison of the lives of the Souls of his Flock, that he, and all ingenuous Knowing Mankind, Know must be destroy'd by such Casuisti∣cal Principles; and without his doing which, he cannot in the least deserve the Title of his Holiness.

For the determining the truth about such Principles, he need not say as one of his Predecessors did about the Iansenian Speculations, that he had no skill in Divinity. A very little skill in Natural Divinity (and such as may be had by the Reading a few Lines in Tully's Offices) would accomplish any one with what would demonstrate the things allowed by the Casuists to be un∣worthy both of the Divine and Humane Nature; and all the Jesuit's Skill in Divinity will never be able to render them otherwise to the World.

I must seriously profess, that one saying of the Great Cicero in that little Book, viz, Ea deliberanda omnino non sunt, in quibus est turpis ipsa deliberatio, i. e. Those things are not at all to be deliberated wherein the Deliberation it self is filthly; has in it I think more frank generous Morality included, and that which is more worthy of the ancient Roman and Primitive Christian simplicity, then what all the Libraries stuff'd with Bauny, Escobar, Layman, Le Moine, Navarrus, Azorius, Molina, Tanuerus, Lessuis, Emanuel Sa, Henriquez, and other Nu∣merous Casuistical Jesuits have furnished the world with, wherein they do so nicely and infinitely divide the body of Sin in semper divisibilia, and indeed make it an infinite Nothing. But the world I think will not long deliberate what to do with this Casuistical Divinity, of which no truer Description can Page  53 be given, then that 'tis a Deliberation of Sin. I do not know any that would eate or drink with another that he thought did deliberate to Poison him. Dum deliberant (saith Tacitus) desciverunt: i. e. While they do deli∣berate whether they should revolt, they have revolted: their very deliberation and consulting was ipso facto a Revolt.

I doubt not but many Pious Christians of the Roman Catholic Commu∣nion have Complain'd of the effect of their subtle and innumerable distin∣ctions destroying Christianity, in that style of the Woman in the Gospel, They have taken away My Lord, and I know not where they have Layd him; and that Considering those Casuists had so far sear'd their Consciences and brazen'd their Foreheads as in the Patronizing of Calumny and other Impieties to defy not only Christs Gospel, but the Pope's own Canon Law, many Papists impor∣tun'd the Pope with their Zeal sutable to that of the Psalmist's, to give that decree, saying, It is time for thee to work, for they have made void thy Law.

'Tis notorious that the Canon Law (as bad as it is) is very severe against Calumny and Calumniators, and especially against Clergy-men that are such, and pronounceth a Clergy-man infamous who is convicted of defaming an∣other: and 'twas very well worthy the Vigilance of the Pope, not to let the Jesuits steal away his Canon Law from him.

But this must needs be very diverting to this inquiring Age, to see Pro∣testants as well as Papists accounting the Popes reducing some immorallities to the Test of his own Canon Law, a piece of Reformation, and the Pope strug∣gling to effect it, and hindred by the Jesuits therein.

According to the former expression, it is time for the Pope to work and to Null that Order that thus nulls his aforesaid Decree in the sight of an awaken'd World, and is else likely to Null his Church, the Patience of Mankind being the less able longer to bear the weight of Jesuitical Calumnies by its having endured them so long.

The truth is, the Great and Original Cause of the founding of that Order being to cut Heretics Throats, (for at this plain rate we must speak and call a Spade a Spade when they are digging our Graves with it) it was necessary for them to use the art of blackening of Heretics by Calumnies as the Prologue to that Tragedy, the which would cause the Heretics to fall unpity'd; and 'twas necessary to make that black art as lawful as they Could, that so they might have their quietus from the World for the arrear of their pass'd frauds, and not fear accounting for future ones.

But as these men will not recede from their Art, so neither will Nature recede from it self, and our Critical English World now having occasion to pass Judgment of their Calumnies, is naturally enforced to Conider their former Shammes in States and Kingdomes to aggravate their present ones, as Judges still in the Case of Malefactors are obliged to take notice of their ha∣ving been formerly branded for the same Crimes.

The execrable Shamme made against the Admiral and others as conspiring to kill the King of France, and giving provocation to the Parisian Massacre, will never be forgot; nor the Shamme that was provided to have charged the Puritans with the Gun-Powder Treason; nor that of the Irish Rebels, who were so outragiously impudent as to pretend the Commission of our Royal Martyr for their Butcheries: Nor yet that of the Jesuites having effected heretofore in Bohemia, and lately in Hungary, that Counterfeit and forged Letters should be found in the Custody of the Protestants, to charge them with Crimes against Caesar. The Memorial of the Sufferings of the Protestant Ministers in Hungary at the Instigation of the Popish Clergy there, printed for William Nott, in the Pallmall, 1676. shews it at Large, where 'tis said,Page  54 They did not (against the Ministers) insist much on the Particulars that relate to Religion, but great endeavours were used to prove them Complices of the Rebel∣lion, the which their Advocates and Councel did manifestly disprove, and the Resident of the States of the Vnited Provinces at Vienna did afterward in a Memorial to the Emperour fully and solidly refute. Tho the Ministers were in∣dicted in form of Law, for having assisted the Rebels by their Councel, and sup∣ply'd them with Provisions, and for having Made way for the Turks to Come in and wast that Kingdome, yet none of them (as that Discourse sets forth) was con∣victed thereof, nor one clear Testimony brought to prove that any one was a Com∣plice of that Rebellion.

That discourse shews that the Advocatus Fisci did exhibit everal Letters to prove all the Ministers Complices of that Rebellion, but that many and great presumptions evinced that these Letters were never produced, tho it was fre∣quently demanded by the Ministers and their Advocates that they might be, and that yet they could never obtain any thing but a printed Copy of them; and thô the Advocates for the Ministers did often press the Fiscal to declare when, where or how he came by these Letters, yet that was never done.

That Author having p. 10. mentioned the vile art of Calumny, That the Jesuits try'd to exterminate the Protestants out of Hungary by, speaks in p. 11th. of the effects of their endeavours, saying, that upon a Iust account it can be made appear that at several times before and after the Citation against the Pro∣testants, (meaning the Citation to that vile Process) there were above 1200 Chruches of them suppressed.

It must needs then appear very Ridiculous to the World, that when there is not a third part of Hungary (that old Bulwark of Christendom against the Turks) remaining in the Emperor's hands, (for so Dr. Brown in his late Tra∣vels there Computes it) that these Nominal fellows of Christ by nominal crimes charged on real Christians, should endanger the exterminating of Christianity out of the European World, and the making the Emperor not long so much as a Nominal King in Germany it self, and that the Emperor should be more afraid of the Itch of his remote Subjects, then of the plague of his nea∣rer Foes, and that the Jesuits disliking the Itch after new Doctrines in the Hungarians should be reputed good advising Doctors, who counsel him to pass the time in scratching and lancing with his nails his own members, when many Thousands of armed men are designing against his Life and Crown, and when his Empire is brought to such a state, that as 'twas said of the Roman Empire when devolv'd on Germany, that one might quaerere Imperium in Impe∣rio, that the danger now hangs over it of the German Empire being there sought too, and all by the true Real Imperium in Imperio of the Jesuits there.

And indeed the biceps aquila, which is the Insigne or Arms of the Empire, might be properly of late referr'd to the divisum Imperium the Emperor had with the Jesuits, whom to every abecedarian in Politics 'tis known to be more his interest during the present grandeur of France, to dismiss from his Councels, than ever 'twas the Venetians to deal so with the Ecclesiastics.

My Lord, I should not have thought it good manners to have been so copious in the exercise of your Lordships Patience with the particularities of the unmoral or unmannerly doctrine of the Casuists as to the Point of Ca∣lumny, but that I thought some Oyl of these Scorpions that you have not the leisure to extract out of their dead Authors, might be useful to you in the re∣pelling the venom of their stings sooner then you are aware.

And indeed as 'tis observed, that the Last bitings of some dying animals are most fierce, so is it likely to be with their last efforts, namely those of their Calumnies against Protestants, which I believe will likewise be their derniers Page  55 Resort; and 'tis therefore your Lordships and every Protestants Concern, who is a Lover of Justice, to know that you wrong'd any Jesuited Papists, if in Capital Causes you did believe them not to practice in that case the Prin∣ciple they profess, namely the making Calumny venial, a thing so expressly own'd in the 15th Letter of the Les Provinciales, that they were Call'd by some of the Sorbon on that account Quintadecimani, in allusion to the Quartadeci∣man Heretics of old.

'Tis said in that 15th Letter, That this is so notorious a Doctrine of their Schools that they maintained it not only in their books but also in their public Theses, which certainly is the height of Confidence, as among others in their Theses of Louvain of the Year 1645. in these termes, It is only a venial Sin to Calumniate, and impose false Crimes, to ruine their Credit who speak ill of us: quidni non nisi veniale sit, detrahentis authoritatem tibi noxiam falso crimine elidere? and this doctrine is so much in vogue among you, that you treat him as an Ignorant and Temerarius person, who presumes any way to oppose it: and pre∣sently after, tis related how Father Dicastellus said, that to prove that twas no Mortal Sin to use Calumny though grounded on absolute falsities, against a Calum∣niator, he had brought a Cloud of their Fathers to witness it, and whole Vniver∣sities Consisting of them all whom he had Consulted, and among others the Reve∣rend Father John Gans Confessor to the EMPEROR, all the public and ordinary Professors of the Vniversity of Vienna, (consisting wholly of Iesuits) and that he had likewise on his side Father Pennalossa a Iesuit Preacher to the Empe∣ror, &c.

But the aforesaid probable opinion of Calumny will never be received in this Age of Demonstration, and since the old Roman Laws enjoyn a Iuramentum Calumniae, an Oath of Calumny, (as was before remark'd) whereby every liti∣gant was to invocate God as Witness and Revenger about his not using any false proof Knowingly, the Christian World in this Knowing Age will Know those who make the use of false proofs knowingly to be a Venial Sin, and it must certainly appear ridiculous to Iudges and Iurors to give the least re∣spect to such gamesters Oaths who trumpet forth that Principle that 'tis a Venial Sin to use false Dice of the Law to make true ones of Protestants Bones.

My Lord, I am not so unjust and uncharitable as to cast a brand on the Body of the Papists, as not being capable of the Dignity of Witnesses.

I doubt not but there are in the external Communion of the Church of Rome very many Thousands who by Divine Grace are kept from Communi∣cating with that Church in many of its Principles and Practices, and that in∣vincible ignorance may render many of them excusable, and that the great mortifications and austerities and zealous devotions not only among many persons of their Religious Orders, but of the Common people, shewing them heroically Vertuous, do entitle them to have their testimony in any matters of fact received with honour equal with that of the best Protestants.

And as to many of our Papists in England it must be with Justice acknow∣ledged, that their having descended from antient Families, and having had ingenuous Education, and plentiful Fortunes, and their having seen the World abroad, where they have observed many of the Principle, of the Jesuits as much detested by Papists as they can be by Protestants, and their generous inclinations to serve Vertue and Morality, may well secure us from fears of their being imposed on by Iesuits to use little or great unholy Shammes and Calumnies for the good of holy Church, a sort of Penance that must needs seem odious in Nature to well-bred Gentlemen and Men of Estates, not tempted like little hungry Greeks to leap up to Heaven, or down to Hell for bread, under the which mean classe of Mankind (according to my intelligence) those Pa∣pists Page  56 have generally fallne who have been famous for Shamming and Subor∣nation as to the late Plot.

'Tis therefore no wonder that Papists in the Low-Countries are not tempted to use any Shammes to promote their Religion, it being necessity that com∣pels men to turpitude, and the very Alms-men there not being ad incitas re∣dacti.

And against some of our English Papists, being allowed to be dignitaries as to faith of testimony, whom I have before described, I shall never except.

But for any English Papist who is a believer of the Tenets of the Iesuits, and some other Casuists to Expect to be believ'd against any that honors not their Society, (which none that upholds humane Society and would not have Mankind trick'd out of the Light and Law of Nature can do) is to render a man irreverent to himself and his Maker, and to shew his want of a Curator by the prodigallity of his Faith, especially when he shall call to mind how Del Rio the famous Iesuit affirm'd that the Dominicans ought not to be al∣lowed as witnesses against the Iesuites, a charge that Guymenius p. 127, & 128. in vain Contends to evade.

But this their dernier Resort (as I call'd it) of their use and application of their erroneous or rather diabolical doctrine of Calumny, must certainly be fatal to them; according to that Proverb in the Gospel about the last error, & erit novissinus error pejor priore. The High Priests and Pharisees came to Pilate saying, Sir, we remember that that deceiver said while he was yet alive, After three dayes I will rise again; Command therefore that the Sepulchre be made sure till the third day, lest his Disciples come by Night and steal him away and say to the people he is risen from the dead: So the Last error shall be worse than the first: and they Judged right enough of the Last error Confounding more than the First, as it is the force of the Last motion from a Precipice that breaks a man in pieces; and this effect of the last error was presently exem∣plify'd in themselves; for they having caus'd the holy Sepulchre to be very strongly guarded, and the Door of it to be barricado'd with a very great Stone, and that Stone to be seal'd, and the Lord of Glory after all this over∣powring the Grave and Guards, they had a Consult and gave the Guards Money to spread that Shamme in the World, that his Disciples did steal him away while the Guards slept, and saith St. Mathew, this is reported among the Iews to this day.

And lo, as Christ did rise for our Iustification, so did this Subornation used by those Impostors justify the truth of his Resurrection, which else could not so well have confronted the Worlds incredulity: for if after his Resurrection his Disciples believed not Mary Magdalen, Ioanna, and the Mother of Iames, who told them that he had appear'd to them, and if the two Disciples that told the Rest that he had appear'd to them going to Emmaus were not be∣liev'd by them, and if when he appear'd in the midst of Ten of them at once and shew'd them his hands and his side, they believ'd not for joy, and if when he appear'd to the Women and bade them tell the Disciples and St. Peter, that according to his Promise they should see him in Galilee, and if the Eleven Disciples went into Galilee to a Mountain which he had appointed them, and yet when they saw him there they worship'd but some doubted, and if Christ almost in his Last words upbraided them with their unbelief, because they be∣liev'd not them who had seen him after he was risen, the Pagan and Iewish World would not have been brought to easily as they were to the belief of his Resurrection, the great hinge on which the Christian Religion turns, and without which the Preaching of the Cross would not so much have seem'd foolishness as been madness.

Thus did that last Jewish error prove most fatal to Judaisme, and as Hea∣ven Page  57 was extracted by the Divine Power out of the Hellish act of Murdring the holy Iesus, so was the propagation of the truth of his Resurrection out of the Calumny, Subornation and Bribery used to suppress it, those artifices be∣ing so odious in the eye of the Law of all Nations, that they make any that uses them to gain infamy and loose his Cause, and to make sure of the hatred ofone very Considerable Enemy, namely Mankind; and justly, for against that great Body is every one that professeth Calumny an aggressor, and has pro∣claim'd War.

And Granting that Nature is Constant to it self, and that conslusions of the working of the Passions in humane Nature in future times may be made from the pass'd, Our Quintadecimani (thô their Order seems in many politi∣cal Principles to be close compacted like the scales of Leviathan,) by the publishing of the Tenets before mentioned and constant practice of them have brought themselves into the shallows, and they are like Whales on ground gazed on by the Critical World, and there labouring under the fatality of their own weight.

It has been observed by that deep Enquirer into Nature, Monsieur Descartes, that Le bon sens est chose du monde, mieux partagè &c. Nothing is more equally distributed by Nature among Meu than Vnderstanding and Reason, for every Man thinks he has enough: and of this opinion was Mr. Hobbes in that Chapter in his Leviathan, of the Natural condition of Mankind, Where he saith, That as to the Faculties of the Mind there is a greater equality among men then that of strength: for prudence, saith he, is but experience which equal time bestowes on all men in those things they equally apply themselves to.

That which perhaps makes such equality incredible, is but a vain conceit of ones own wisdom, which all mortal men think they have in a greater degree than the Vulgar, that is then all men but themselves and a few others whom by fame or for Concurring, with themselves they approve: for such is the Nature of men, that howsoever they may acknowledg many others to be more Witty or more Eloquent or more Learned, yet they will hardly believe many so wise as themselves: for they see their own witt at hand, and other mens at distance.

But this proves rather that men are in that Point equal than unequal: For there is not ordinarily a greater sign of the equal distribution of any thing, then that every man is Content with his share.

Admitting this great observation of those two great Masters of Witt and Philosophy to be true, One would suppose that Nature did not in vain implant in men such a general notion of their equality in Wisdome, nor without an in∣tent of promoting the good of humane Society thereby. The God of Na∣ture hath not only not given us any members of our bodies, but not the ve∣ry hair of our eye-browes, nor even the hairs of our eye-lids in vain; for our eye-lids are fortify'd with those little stiff bristles as with palisado's against the assaults of Flyes and such like bold animalcula: and I may say, that that general Notion doth defend the Eyes of mens Minds from being too easily imposed on by particular Notions and Shammes occurring to us from any.

And as to that notion so universally planted in mens Souls by Nature, one may well imagine that what a Gardiner plants in every bed of his Garden, is no weed; and perhaps one great End of Nature in the general implanta∣tion of this principle in men may be The shewing them the folly and danger of their attempts, who think to engross that great Staple Commodity of the intellectual World call'd Wisdome, and to force others to buy that Commo∣dity of which they think they have enough of their own by them, and espe∣cially when they see that others would force a trade on them by counterfeit Wares, and have been already branded for so doing.

Page  58 The truth is, every man's life who pretends to a greater share of Wisdome than his Neighbour, is in the better state of security by this Notion before-mentioned; for if a man thought others by their Wisdom could render his ineffectual for his preservation, he would fear and hate them for their ability to hurt him: and as Toads thô not Known to do any hurt are kill'd some times for the imagin'd pretious Stones in their heads, such might be the fate of men for the value of their Brains, and which depretiate the worth of others. I conclude therefore that any Order or Society must take what fol∣lowes from being thought Nusances and Enemies to Mankind, and prepare for a political death or dissolution, who think themselves able by artifices to devest men of the property they have in their Understandings, and to out∣wit their wisdome, and who both hang out to the World a new light, and proclaim a new Law of Nature contrary to the old, (notwithstanding the out-cry of Nations that nolumus legem naturae mutari,) and who Calumniate all that allow not the doctrine of Calumny, and invent Crimes to Cut off the heads that will not ly at their feet, thô yet they can invent no crimes (even Regicide not excepted) but what the Invention of their Theology has made lawful, and think that an hypothesis may renitente mundo call it self Religion or Politics, which if it were universally receiv'd, would not leave the World one minute out of a state of Warr, for it ipso facto dissolves all Pactions, and cancels all Allegiance, and nulls all hopes of Protection; insomuch that in a Gaming-house that agreed on cheating, the play could not be worth the candles at a days end, and each of the cheaters must be reduced to cheat by himself; and thus too any one that makes fraud venial, cannot be sure that any par∣ticipants with him in Sedition will keep their word; and he must rebel by himself too against an irritated world, that was never made only for any to play in and with, and which must needs with inconceiveable regret see those men who make all accusations and testimony in nature uncertain, instrumen∣tal in the inflicting of the punishment of Certain death thereupon, and see a Re∣ligion that is dying a Natural death, make any Religious men dy by a violent, and observe that its inventors do in a positive and dictatorian way propound Principles that such sturdy propounders cannot themselves believe, till like Geta, a Citizen of Rome, who having long as a disguise wore a patch over one of his Eyes, he lost the use of it for ever, they have by habituating their Understandings long to dissimulation, lost the use of their faculty of discerning.

And this is the Case between Mankind and the Iesuits, neither better nor worse, and is like to be the fate of these, and especially Considering that their Principles have both Weight and Numbers to Contest with, I mean the weight of Arguments, and the Numbers of their own and our Reli∣gion.

There is no Resisting the Power of Nature where those two things meet.

We see by frequent observation in our own Land, that the very breath of the people like that of a Canon Bullet proves destructive, aud what then will not the breath of incensed Mankind do?

They have Numbers to Contest with that their Principles have infected with Calumny, who think it scarce a Venial Sin to pay any man in the false Coyn that was received from him, and who will be making it as lawful as they Can, not to play upon the square with false Gamesters: and as the strong are naturally apt to repel force by force, so are the weak, to repel fraud by fraud, and will be tempted to make an ill use of the lex talionis, and to account the pursuing of them with wild defamatory Reports to be but fol∣lowing them in their own Wild-goose-chace.

Page  59 Iarrigius in his Book printed together with that call'd the Iesuits on the Scaffold, saith, While there was any thing of the League left in France, all the slight the Iesuits had to weaken the authority and elude the unavoidable accu∣sations of the Pasquiers, the Servines, the Arnauds of that time was to persuade the Credulous people, that those incomparable Men were fautors of Calvinisme, and thereby imagin'd themselves sufficiently vindicated as to the horrid Crimes and execrable Parricides wherewith they were charged by those illustrious Offi∣cers of State in France, if in some wretched answers they accused them of heresie. So stale and senseless has that humour of the Iesuites been to call all that op∣posed them, Presbyterians.

But any who reads the very Learned Epistle of the Bishop of Lincoln to the discourse of the discovery of the Gunpowder Treason Printed in the Year 1670. will find that he there Cites Alphon. de Vargas Toletanus for saying, That all the Vniversities of Spain, in a Book against the Iesuits printed and sent to the King of Spain, give this Character of them, that they are fraudulenti men∣daces, veritatis interversores, Infamatores virtutis, Impostores Pietatis Velo operti, lupi in vestimentis ovium, Novitatum amici, Sanctorum Doctorum Con∣temptores, Lutheri & Calvini partiarii, ac de haeresi suspecti, pacis publicae per∣turbatores, Diabolicae Industriae homines, serpentes, ipsi{que} Cacodaemones ac ab omnibus Cavendi ac fugiendi: fraudulent, lyars, Corrupters of truth, defamers of Virtue, Impostors under a veil of Piety, Wolfes in sheeps clothing, lovers of Novelties, Contemners of the holy Doctors, partners with Calvin and Luther, and suspected of heresie, troublers of the Public Peace, men of Diabolical industry, Serpents, and very Devils, and to be shun'd and avoided, or fled from by all men.

Thus their hands and heads being against every one, by a tacit Paction and Confederation of Nature almost all mens are so against them.

They and other Casuists and Jesuited Papists have complain'd of Shammes and Calumnies put on them by Protestants in England since the Plott; and no doubt if they have not suffer'd in that kind, they may expect it, all Pro∣testants having not attain'd to the temper of St. Michael the Arch-Angel to forbear Railing accusations, nor to the holiness of St. Bartholomew, who 'tis said by continual Prayer had his Knees as hard as a Camels.

I have read of an Antidote against the Poyson of Calumny and false testi∣mony beyond what Protestants could Compass, namely, an Indulgence granted by Pope Innocent the 8th to every man and woman that bears upon him or her the length of Christs Nails wherewith he was fastned to the Cross, (the Iust length of which was Nine Inches) and worships them daily with five Pater-Nosters, and five Aves and a Creed, that he or she shall have granted them, these great gifts: the first is that he shall never dye a sudden, nor evil death: the second is that he shall never be slain with the Sword or weapon: the third is, his Enemies shall never overcome him: the fourth is poyson, nor false witness shall never grieve him.

By my Consent every Protestant and Papist shall in this Pestilential time of Shammes Carry this Antidote about him; but whether this be a Shamme-Indulgence or no, and put upon the Pope, and invented by Some non-Papists; I know not. My Author for it is Mr. Iohn Gee, Master of Arts of Exeter Colledge in Oxford, in his Book 4to Call'd New Shreds of the Old Share, p. 103. Printed at London in the Year 1624. In any such wretched Contention be∣tween the faex Romuli and any of the Protestants here who should become most impure by Calumny, as the Protestants being much more Numerous than the Papists would be able to out-shamme them, and to make the more plain detections of the Shammes contriv'd by their Adversaries, it would likewise go the harder with any Sect, that the Majority of Numbers would thus run Page  60 down with Shammes in this Nation at this Conjuncture of time, when the many swarms of those who offer at Wit, and think they merit the being call'd Witts, by doing the exercise in a Coffey-house, Call'd Baldring, that is, with a serious grave face, telling idle feign'd Stories farced with particular Cir∣cumstances to ensnare the belief of the Credulous, which kind of ungenerous triumphing over weak Understandings by ridiculous Shammes, is a false sort of wit and humour below not only the gravity of the English Nation, but the levity of the French, and used by none but Fools who stand for the place of being Knaves.

There is no doubt but the talent of these foolish Shammers as their interest and dependances or humors incline them to wish well either to Popery or Protestancy extending to abuse the belief of the unthinking Vulgar with little romantic Stories concerning those Religions, helps to Convey them into the Press which gives wings to these Shams presently to fly round the King∣dome.

If the Papists think the Press hath not in any of the Pamphlets it dayly spits, charged them with Calumny, and of Such a Nature as to bring univer∣sal odium on them by alarming the Kingdom almost as much as it could be by forrain invasion, and occasionally laying a Tax on men to buy what Arms for their defence the Law allowes, I will ask them what they think of one of our printed Intelligences that Came out on the 26th of February 1680/1, where∣in 'tis said, Last Fryday came a Letter from Stafford, directed to one Bacchus Tenant to the Lord Stafford from one Wilson in Cheshire, but ordered to be left with one Finny of Stafford to be sent to the said Bacchus: but Finny ob∣serving Letters so directed to pass through his hands, and apprehending they might relate to some dangerous Correspondence, took the liberty to Open this, and therein to his great surprize found directions to Bacchus for burning of Stafford and several great Towns: upon which making a speedy discovery to a Magistrate, Bacchus was sent for, who after some evasions did confess he had received Let∣ters to that purpose. And just now the said Wilson is apprehended and commit∣ted, and confesseth he was by the order of a Certain Lord, to fire Stafford, Drayton, Shrewsbury, Nantwich, Chester, Congerton, New-Castle Under-Line, and two more, and that he was to have 900 l. for fireing those Nine Towns.

I having never heard of any Proclamation or proceedings either of the Magistracy or Lievtenancy of this Kingdom after such an alarm of public hostility and of a Rebellion hatch'd in the Kingdom, nor of the last punish∣ment inflicted on the pretended Certain Lord that was the General of those Incendiaries, did look on them under the Notion of an Army in disguise.

But whatever ground the Protestant Religion hath got or shall get by these poor means, I desire that it may go to the Next occupant; for not only the ayr it exhales is Pestilential, but it includes that ayr in it which may pro∣duce Earthquakes, which dangers therefore the New Popish or Jesuited Reli∣gion must be exposed to by the ayr of Shams and Calumnies.

My Lord, I shall here entertain your Lordship with somewhat very Re∣markable out of the Book of Father Parsons of the Succession, whereby you will see that instead of Allowing the oportet esse haereses, he doth in effect tell us, that while the Kingdom has two Religions in it, oportet esse Calumnias: that great Jesuite having with much agility danced on the high rope as to the Casuistical part of the Question of the Succession, affects to do it too in the Politics, but miss'd his Center of gravity in his motion both as a Divine and a States-man, and did shamefully fall in either Capacity, as your Lordship will find by the reading of his words. He saith, p. 217. being near the Con∣clusion of the first part of his Book, And thus much now for matter of Con∣science. Page  61 But if we Consider Reason of State also and worldly Policy, it Cannot be but great folly and oversight for a man of whatsoever Religion he be, to pro∣mote to a Kingdom in which himself must live one of a Contrary Religion to him∣self: for let the bargains and agreements be what they will, and fair promises and vain hopes never so great, yet seeing the Prince once made and settled, must needs proceed according to the Principles of his own Religion, it follows also, that he must Come quickly to break with the other party, tho he loved him never so well (which yet perhaps is very hard if not impossible for two of different Reli∣gions to love sincerely) but if it were so, yet many jealousies, suspicions, accusa∣tions, Calumniations, and other aversions must needs light upon the Party that is of different Religion from the State and Prince under whom he lives, as not only he Cannot be Capable of such Preferments, Honours, Charges, Government and the like, which men may deserve and desire in their Commonwealth, but also he shall be in Continual danger, and subject to a thousand molestations and injuries, which are incident to the Condition and state of him that is not Current with the same Course of his Prince and Realm in matters of Religion; and so before he be aware, he becomes to be accounted an Enemy or backward man: which in Mind he must either dissemble deeply, and against his own Conscience make shew to favour and set forward that which in his heart he doth detest, which is the greatest Ca∣lamity and Misery of all other, tho yet many times not sufficient to deliver him from suspicion; or else to avoid this everlasting perdition, he must break with all the temporal Commodities of this life, which his Country and Realm might yield him; and this is the ordinary end of all such men, how soft and sweet soever the beginning be.

This Iesuite (who was before mention'd to have been Call'd one of the grea∣test Men that his Order has produced) was here (it seems) a States-man in his heart, and no More: and has very honestly foretold all Protestants that shall live under a Prince of another Religion, how dishonest Roman Catholics will prove to them. The Jesuite was here an Almanac-maker, who predicted no∣thing to Protestants but Lightning and Thunder, and too the Continual Rain∣ing of Snares upon them during such a Conjuncture, and the causing each of them to be with the darts of Calumny and obloquy forever stuck round like the figure of the man in the Almanac: but how foolish Father Parsons was to write this when the Protestants had the Ball at their foot, and when he could not be sure that the Papists would ever arrive at the state, to have it alwayes at theirs, let any one Judge. He had before used that rhetorical expression, that so the Ship be well and happily guided, I esteem it not much important of what Race or Nation the Pilot be, but he was extremely impolitic, by so early and public an alarm to notify it to many who thought that embarqued in the Civil Government of a Prince of any Religion, they might be safely tran∣sported from this World to the Next, that Popish Masters of the Ship have determin'd before-hand to throw all heterodox Passengers overboard, and their own Oaths and engagements to them likewise.

But what ever person takes a promissory Oath with an intent of not keep∣ing it, may well be Concluded as actually guilty of perjury in the Court of Heaven, as he who knowingly takes a false assertory Oath. They have both equally presumed to try by solemn lying to weather the fear of Divine Om∣niscience and Omnipotence▪ and both their assertory and promissory Oaths are of equal weight in the ballance of humane judgment.

And because I think the Argument will hold from the falsity of their Oaths promissory in this their dernier Resort aforesaid, to the obtaining the Worlds Sentence against the truth of their Oaths assertory, I shall entertain your Lordship with an instance of one of the Church of Rome, of whom it may be said, that a Greater than Father Parsons is here, to vindicate the Page  62 making of Oaths promissory with an intent of breaking them, and 'tis Pope Clement the 8th, of whom Danaeus saith in his Chronology of Popes, that he was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the 'O Politician, as I may say, of whom D'Ossat in his Third Book, Letter 81, viz. to Villeroy in the Year 1597, speaking there how he had discover'd the Popes Inclinations, that the King of France should break with England, and that he told his Holiness that the King's making a particular profession to keep his word would not suffer him to break that Alliance that had been so lately renew'd and sworn, saith, that the Pope thereupon reply'd, That that Oath was made to a heretic, and that his Majesty had made another Oath to God and the Pope: And further mentions what the Pope had told him at other times and in the precedent audience, That Kings and Soverain Princes did per∣mit to themselves all things that turn'd to their profit, and that none blamed them for it or took it ill from them, and alledged to that purpose a Saying of Francisco Maria Duke of Urbin, who was wont to say, That if a plain Gentleman broke his word he would be dishonour'd by it; but that Soveraign Princes for Reason of State without any great blame might make Treaties and break them, and Mentir, trahir, & toutes telles autres choses, i. e. Ly, and betray, and do all things of that nature: whereupon saith D'Ossat, I had but too much to re∣ply to that, but I did not think it my duty there to stay my self in a place so slip∣pery. But toward the close of the Letter he adds, By what is abovesaid you see tho the Pope has no disrespect for the King of France, nor any love for the King of Spain, yet the hatred that he has for Heretics, transports him so far, that he lets fall from his Mouth (tho under the Name of another) some pernicious Maximes unworthy of an honest man, and that the Pope accounts all ways good for his Ma∣jesty to break with his Allyes, because they are not Catholics, altho those ways are infamous. I am so far a Concurrer with that Pope, as to think that ac∣cording to the Law of Nature and Nations, the Oath and Promise to the first of any Prince's Allies is most obligatory; and therefore the Pope doth very honestly notify his opinion, that Harry the 4th intended not to keep any pro∣missory Oath Contrary to that made to God and himself. But the Pope mi∣stakes the factum of that Great Prince's Oaths; and 'tis for the honour of the Roman Catholic Religion, that it has left to Posterity so great an instance of a Protestant Prince turn'd a Papist, and Continuing kind to the persons of Protestants. But they owed no thanks to the Pope or Iesuites for his making or keeping Promises and Alliances with Protestants. The Bohemian History tells us how Ferdinand about the Year 1617, before he was possest of that Crown, did by Oath bind himself, that Matthew being alive he would not meddle with any of the affairs of Bohemia, much less with Religion: but immediately after his Coronation, he going into Moravia to receive homage, the Iesuites erected at Olumacium a Triumphal Arch, and painted on it among the Arms of Austria, the Lion of Bohemia tyed to it with a Chain, and the Eagle of Moravia with a sleeping Hare lying with open Eyes, and this Emblem writ under it, I have pra∣cticed. But the Year following, a new erected Academy of Iesuites spoke out in Print, that tho Ferdinand at his Coronation took an Oath to the Heretics, yet first he left it in the Vestry of the Church, that he would not suffer Heretics to prejudice the Rights of holy Church.

But I believe I may without offending any Candid Papists, say of that Pope, that when he discours'd as that Letter mentions; the glory of his In∣fallibility shined not out of his Mouth, as Porphry said that Plotinus his Soul did when he spake.

The Story is trite concerning a Popes Excommunicating a Bishop of his Church, for owning that there were Antipodes; but there is a sort of greater Excommunication that any Jesuited Papists are to expect that are the Anti∣podes to ingenuous Mankind, and who make Assertory or Promissory lying to Page  63 be venial, or lawful, and that is thus to be excluded from the Communio fide∣lium (tho without the Ceremony of lighting Torches and extinguishing them), namely, by Gentlemens forbearing to keep them Company, and esteeming them worse than Publicans or Heathens, and accounting it neither safe nor honorable to Correspond with the Enemies of Mankind; and this is the Sentence, namely that of a kind of Civil Excommunication or seclusion from ingenuous mens Conversation that they are likely to obtain in England after all their charge and pains in their dernier Resort, and the having seen the birth of their Plott confounded, and the after-birth of it, namely its Shams thrown away.

Since No injury wounds so much as a Contempt, and since they by tramp∣ling on our Understandings with More pride than ever Bajazet walk'd over the dead heads of Christians, affect to try to bring us implicitly to believe their Shammes, they are to thank themselves for our not giving decent burial to any of their undecent Plotts, and for the exasperating any Pro∣testants by despising them, and endeavouring to impose on their Understand∣ings as some did on a raw young Country Gentleman, whom one day treat∣ing at a Puppet-shew, they persuaded that the Puppets were living Creatures, and after he had found out his gross ridiculous misconceit therein, they on the following day attending him to the Theatre, engaged him to believe that the Actors were Puppets: I mean, their endeavoring to make us believe that Sham-Plots were real ones, and that a real one was Shamme.

I shall never wonder at the encrease of the passion of anger incident to humane Nature even in great and generous Souls, on the occasion of gross Calumnies invented against them about a matter of weight, when I consider the Example of the Great Royal Prophet, a Person of a great Understanding, and of so great Courage, that he was not afraid of Ten thousands of men who set themselves against him round about, and tho an Host should encamp ogainst him, his heart would not fear, and a Man that had in his Nature and temper the Gentleness of a Lamb mixt with the stoutness of a Lyon, and one to whom the Divine Promise had ensured a Kingdom; and yet was he by the Sycophan∣cies and little Shammes rais'd against him by Saul's great Courtiers, wrought to so high a pitch of anger, that he did with exquisite forms of imprecation, and such as perhaps are not to be found in any other Story, frequently devote those Calumniators to the most dire Miseries his fancy could lead him to ex∣press. But the Cause of his being so highly provoked by those that would turn his glory into shame, and did seek after leasing, and whose deceitful tongues used all-devouring words, as he saith to Doeg the Edomite in one of his Psalms, (and whose tongue he there sayes did devise mischiefs, like a sharp razor working deceitfully) may be ascribed to the Shammes of his Enemies wounding him in the most sensible Part, namely the Reputation of his Loyalty to his Prince, whose Life he spared when 'twas in his power to destroy him, and who was so far from the use of Shammes against him, that he doom'd the Amale∣kite to dy, that shamm'd himself the author of Saul's death.

And therefore No marvel if the Calumnies of Jesuited Papists attaquing Protestants in that Case too of their Fidelity to their King, render the passion of anger in them against those Shams so intense and vehement. And tho the English Courage or a very little Philosophy would help them to bestow only a generous neglect on other Calumnies, they can never forget those that strike at the heart of their allegiance, and consequently of their Religion that so strictly enjoyns it. Nor if according to the Example of that great man af∣ter Gods heart, who said, Away from me all ye that work vanity, and who would have No lyer tarry in his sight, is it to be admired if every true English Pro∣testant Page  64 shall say too, odi Ecclesiam malignantium, and shall feclude all dictators of Calumny from his company, and banish them home to their own.

And tho the abuse of Excommunication by the Papal Church and Presby∣terian hath been so horrid, that the primitive use of it is in a manner lost and grown obsolete, yet will that which includes somewhat of the Nature of it be still kept alive in the World by private persons who practice the Christian Religion they profess, (and to whom tho the Precepts of the New Testament have not given that hateful thing to humane Nature in charge, namely to be Informers, or Promoters, or judicial accusers of any of Mankind, accordingly as under the Mosaic oeconomy 'twas said, Tu non eris criminator, yet have they obliged them to withdraw themselves from men of corrupt minds, and desti∣tute of the truth, and not to eat with any one who is call'd a Brother and is a rai∣ler, and to turn away from men that are truce-breakers, and to mark those who cause divisions, and to avoid them, and to reject a Heretic who is subverted and self-condemned,) and by men of Cultivated educations and tempers, who va∣lue themselves on the Company they keep, and on it are valued by the World, and will therefore abandon or excommunicate from their Conversa∣tion such Monsters of men, who have renounced the obligations of humane society, and who are guilty of Notorious Contumacy in matters that concern the very Salvation of Souls, and the Safety of Kingdoms. The being staked down therefore to a Narrower Tedder in Conversation, or being Civilly Excom∣municated from Protestants Company, must by necessity of Nature, in my opinion, be the fate of our Jesuited make-bates and criminators of Protestants that have been so unweary'd in raising Jealousies between the King and his People, and between Protestant and Protestant; and all such that go to part whom God and Nature and Interest have joyn'd, will probably come at last to be the derelicts of humane Society when they shall Come to be understood, and especially when there shall be that good understanding between Pro∣testants here of several persuasions that may be expected to arise from their having found out the authors of their divisions, and seen how ridiculous Pro∣testants have been in the view of the World while they have appear'd like the Cat to draw one another through the Pool, and the Jesuits and their Pen∣sioners stood behind undiscern'd, and pull'd the Rope.

My Lord, I know we may justly fear that Popery may during some turbid intervals gain ground in England, and as the Renowned Historian of our Reformation hath in a public Sermon Judiciously observed, that Sure none believed themselves when they say we are not in danger of Popery, and none can think it but they who desire it.

But without presuming to make my self one of Heavens Privy Councel∣lors, and without pretending to a spirit of Prophecy, I shall on the basis of the Course of Nature ground this affirmation, That whatever alterations Time can Cause, yet while the English Nation remains entire and defended from For∣raign Conquest, the Protestant Religion Can never be exterminated out of this Kingdom, nor the public profession of it suffer any long interruption therein.

I will grant it possible that hereafter under a Prince of the Popish Religion, Popery may like the vibration of a pendulum among Certain persons have the greater extent in the return of it, as Becket's Image was by Gardiner set up in London〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with much pomp in Queen Mary's time, after its being pull'd down in Harry the Eighth's, and himself unsainted, and some people may undertake devout Pilgrimages hereafter to some such Images and Reliques as my Lord Herbert saith were in Harry the Eighth's time exploded, and we may again hear of our Lady's Girdle shewn in eleven several places, and her Page  65 Milk in eight, the Bell of St. Guthlac, and the Felt of St. Thomas of Lancaster both Remedies for the head-ake; the Pen-knife and Books of St. Thomas of Canterbury, and a piece of his Shirt much reverenc'd by great belly'd women; the coals that roasted St. Laurence; two or three heads of St. Ursula, Malchus his Ear, and the paring of St. Edmund's Nails, and likewise the trumperies of the Rood of Grace at Boxly in Kent, and in Hales in Glocestershire, things name as trumperies in p. 495, and 496, by Herbert in that History, and as adjudged to be such by H. the 8th.

And no doubt but the Number of such would be very great, who having great Summs of Money given them, would be content to offer small ones in Devotion to such Images; and many Candidates for preferment, among some that now look big for, and among Dissenters that look big against the Church of England, would produce Certificates of their Constant good affection and Zeal for the Roman Catholic Church; and any Legate that came to re∣concile us to the Church of Rome, would be thought by many to have brought the Holy-Ghost in his Sumpters, thô we know what the Inside of Campegius his was made of.

It is moreover possible that Protestant writers may come not to have that freedom of the Press that Popish now have, and all the luxury and wanton∣ness and humor of the Press in sending forth innumerable Pamphlets against Popery, in this Conjuncture, may perhaps prove but like the jollity of a Car∣nival to usher in a long melancholly Lent.

I will grant, that 'tis possible the Writ de haeretico Comburendo being now Abolished that destroyed so many Protestants by retail, certain bloody men may find some Invention to destroy them by wholesale, and to something of that nature Bishop Vshers Prophecy referred, of the Raging Persecution of Pro∣testants yet to come and not lasting, and when their enemies will ipsam saevi∣tiam fatigare: and in the violence of such predicted cruelty not being long lasting, that great Prelate erred not from the Nature of things more then he did when he Prophecy'd of an Irish Rebellion Forty years before it hapned, for that usually happens once in so many years through the force and num∣bers of the Irish within that time outgrowing the English, and their allow∣ing themselves the repossession of their Estates by that time as a Iubile.

I will further grant, that the discipline of our Church (of which I think the Constitution is the best that the world can shew) may be Crusht, as I said before, and our Dissenters then in vain wish that they had the tolerabiles in∣eptiae (as your Lordship knows who imperiously call'd them) in the Room of the intollerable abominations of the Mass; and 'tis possible that di∣vine Iustice and Power may permit the doctrine as well as discipline of our Church to be supprest totally and finally in this Realm, and that the predi∣ction of that Great Man of God whô since his death has been as generally styl'd the Iudicious, as Lewis the Iust was elsewhere so vogued (I mean Mr. Hooker) may impress a deep horror and a too late repentance on us, who in his 5th Book of Ecclesiastical Polity in the end of the 79th Paragraph p. 432. of the old Edition, speaking of the ill affected to our Church, saith, By these or the like suggestions receiv'd with all Ioy and with all sedulity practiced in Cer∣tain parts of the Christian World, they have brought to pass that as David doth say of Man, so it is in hazard to be verify'd concerning the whole Religion and Service of God, the time thereof peradventure may fall out to be Threescore and Ten years, or if strength do serve, unto Fourscore: what follows, is likely to be small joy to them whatsoever they shall be that behold it. Mr. Hooker did first print his 5th Book in the year 1597. (the first four of his Polity being be∣fore printed in the year 1594) and so the period of Fourscore Years in his pre∣diction was in the Year 1677.

Page  66 Thô that good man pretended not to be a Prophet, yet according to the old saying, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. he is the best Prophet who can guess well, both our Church of England and the Dissenters and Papists too have found that Mr. Hookers prudence had so much divination, and his divina∣tion so much prudence, that the small joy with which they have beheld the external face of Religion here since 1677. hath shew'd us that he guess'd shrewdly.

I have only affirm'd, that humanly speaking, and according to the common course of nature, Popery cannot be the overgrown National Religion of Eng∣land, but am not ignorant that the sacred Code hath given us instances of Om∣nipotent power punishing even Heavens peculiar people by the Course of Political and Ecclesiastical Power running out of the common Channel of the Nature of things, and particularly by a succession of Ten evil Kings one after another. For thô humane Nature is so inconstant, and men generally so apt to reel from one extream to another, that the World growes as weary of the prevalence of Vice as of Virtue, and after a long age of Dissoluteness and Luxury, a Contrary humour reigns as long in the World again, a humour that then excludes all Voluptuaries from Public Trusts for an Age together; (and a humour of which I think we now see the Tide Coming in) and thus ordinarily scarce any Kingdom hath more than two or three good or bad Princes successively for any considerable space of time; Yet after the Ten Tribes had made their defection from the Line of the House of David, they were punish't by a Succession of Ten Kings, and not one good one in the whole number, thô some of them were less ill than others; so that no Mar∣vel if the weight of the impiety of so many successive ill Princes sunk them in∣to the power of the Assyrians: and to this their doom, that passage in the Prophecy of Hosea refers, which the vulgus of the Scriblers against Monarchy so Miserably detort and wracke (as I may say) to their own destruction, namely, I gave thee a King in mine anger, and took him away in my wrath; for the Pro∣phet there had not his Eye on Saul, or on a particular Person, but on the whole succession of Kings after their Rent from Iuda, from Ieroboam to the Last under whom the Catastrophe of their Captivity was. Such Kings were given them by Heaven as were proper Instruments of Divine wrath; and when they were took away from the Stage, 'twas that other worse might enter and make their Condition more Tragical.

But secret things belonging to God, I pry not into the Book of Fate, but Con∣fine my sentiments alone to the Book of Nature.

In an Excellent Sermon of the Dean of St. Pauls, 'tis with great Piety and Prudence said, We have liv'd in an Age that has beheld strange Revolutions, astonishing Iudgments, and wonderful Deliverances.

What all the Fermentations that are still among us may end in, God alone knowes.

I only as a Philosopher Considering that the Properties of humane Passions have as Necessary effects in Minds, as gravity or lightness have in Bodies, and that let men intend what male administration they will, things will not be ill administred, do think that the fermentation now in the Kingdome will not end but with Popery it self here ending. And that I may not seem to stand alone in this my opinion, I shall entertain your Lordship with that of An Ex∣cellent Philosopher and Divine, the Author of the History of the Royal Society, who there having said, that experimental Philosophy will enable us to provide before-hand against any alteration in Religious affairs which this Age may pro∣duce, he goes on thus, If we Compare the changes to which Religion has been al∣wayes subject with the present face of things, we may safely conclude, that what∣ever Vicissitude shall happen about it in our time, it will probably be neither to Page  67 the advantage of implicit Faith, nor of Enthusiasme, but of Reason: the fierce∣ness of violent inspiration is in good Measure departed: the Remains of it will be soon chaced out of the World, by the Remembrance of its terrible footsteps it has every where left behind it.

And although the Church of Rome still preserves its Pomp, yet the Real au∣thority of that too is apparently decaying. It first got by degrees to the Tempo∣ral Power, by means of its Spiritual, but now it upholds some shadow of the Spi∣ritual by the strength of the Temporal dominion it has obtain'd. This is the pre∣sent state of Christendome: It is impossible to spread the same Cloud over the World again.

The Vniversal disposition of this Age is bent upon a Rational Religion. And therefore I Renew my affectionate request, That the Church of England would Provide to have the chief share in its first adventure, that it would persist as it has begun to encourage Experiments which will be to our Church as the Brit∣tish Oake is to our Empire, an Ornament and Defence to the Soil wherein 'tis planted.

This Author therefore with such Vigour of Reason passing his sentence concerning any Vicissitudes here not happening that will probably Conduce to the advantage of Popery or Enthusiasme, I hope your Lordship will acquit me both of Singularity and Enthusiasme as to the opinion I have given, espe∣cially since I only profess it to be founded on Natural Reason, and do only Consider the God of Nature, when I think that a Religion that is of God will stand.

'Tis not unknown to Your Lordship, that Columbus being in chace of the New World, and Cast among some barbarous Ilanders that deny'd him the hospitality of their Port, and freedom of Commerce, he Knowing that they worshipt the Moon, and that it would shortly be Eclips'd, thô he was neither Prophet nor Prophet's Son, aw'd them out of their inhumanity, by foretelling that the Moons deity would be shortly obscur'd: and when ever I acquaint any Roman Catholics with my Judgment of the Nearness of their Religion to an Eclipse, I intend no more enthusiasme in my prediction, then Columbus did in his, and design nothing worse neither by mine then he by his, namely the reconciling them to humanity and a fair entercourse with Mankind.

'Twas in the middle of the Worlds long night of barbarisme and ignorance that Popery was in its Meridian, and for hundreds of years all the Learning that busy'd the World referr'd to Iudicial Astrology, Rabinical Resveries, School-Divinity, Latine Rhimes in praise of the Saints, Compiling of Legends, to Monks Histories of Ecclesiastical affairs, and the times they liv'd in (but so partial and so full of ridiculous and incredible Stories, that we have a bet∣ter and truer account of the times when Alexander and Iulius Caesar liv'd, then of the times of Constantine and Charlemain) to gelding of the Fathers writings, and purging away their Gold, Regulating the Hoods, and Hose, and Shoo's of Monks, to inventing of Ceremonies and mystical vestments, and fan∣tastic geniculations, to the making of the Popes brutish Canon Law, and the Commenting thereon in barbarous Latine by Doctors of the Decrees and De∣cretals, and to the Commenting on Aristotle by those that could not read his Text, and the Commenting likewise on the New Testament by such as knew no Greek (insomuch that 'twas then a proverbial saying among those illiterate Writers, Graecum est, non potest legi) to quiddity, esseity, entity and such titi∣vilitium, and to eus rationis, that did (as I may say) destroy the being of Reason, to the improvement of one sort of Mechanics, Viz. by making Images in Churches with little engines and librations turn the eyes and move the lips like the forementioned Rood of Grace at Boxley in Kent (and which was by Bishop Fisher exposed as a cheat at St. Pauls Cross at the time of its being Page  68 there broke in pieces) while their great Real Design was to make the Layety but the Churches automata, as brute Animals may not improperly be said to be God Almighties, to the Composing Paschal Epistles about the time of the Celebration of Easter, a Controvery (as our great Mr. Hales saith) that caused as great a Combustion as ever was in the Church, and in which fantastical hurry all the World were Schismaics, and about which Monk Austin was so quarrelsome with the Britains, when the difference was not in doctrine but in Almanac Calculations, and about which ater the infallibility of the General Councel of Nice had given a Rule in the Cause, the World was yet so much in the dark, that the Bishops of Rome from year to year were fain to address to the Church of Alexandrias's Mathematicians for directions as to the week Easter was to be kept in.

And during this long night, Millions of mankind were brought into the World only to sleep out their span of time, and to have day-dreams of Knowledge, or rather a profound Docta Ignorantia; and men were by dig∣nities rewarded proportionably for their sleeping longest: according to what the Chronicon Frideswidae mentions of Guimundus a Chaplain to our King Henry the First, who in the Celebration of holy offices reading before the King that place of St. Iames, non pluet super terram annos III, & menses VI, thus ridiculously distinguished the Notes in his reading, non pluet super terram, an∣nos, unum, unum, unum, & menses quinque unm, and the King asking him af∣terward, why he red so, he answered quia vos in ita tantum legentes beneficia & episcopatus Confertis.

No marvel then if during that long gross and palpable Darkness of the World, the Pope travesty'd those words in Scripture about Gods making the two great lights, to serve his turn against the Emperor, thô yet the attempt to prove the Popes Supremacy out of the first Chapter of Genesis, is as extrava∣gant as his who would prove the Circulation of the blood out of the first Chap∣ter of Litleton.

And as the Roman Breviary tell's us of S. Thomas very gravely, that when once he was vehement in prayer before a Crucifix at Naples, he heard this voice bene de me scripsisti Thoma, none likewise in that age laught at the Pope for saying bene de me scripsisti Moses. The world then brought no quo warranto against the Popes Charter derived thus in his Canon Law from Moses, nor that gloss on it which says Since the Earth is seven times bigger then the Moon, and the Sun eight times bigger then the Earth, the Papal Power must Conse∣quently be fifty seven times bigger then the Regal dignity.

Our English World will no more allow of the logical Consequence of that doughty argument of Bellarmine (Lib. 1. de Pont. ca. 2. sect. denique, & sect. sed.) There is one King among Bees, therefore there ought to be one Commander, chief Teacher and visible Monarch in the Vniversal Church, then they would allow that argument of the Bees to give our neighbour Monarch a right to an Vni∣versal Temporal Monarchy. The Popes vociferating of that Text Behold two Swords, and while their adherents held so many Thousands in their hands, might then pass muster for as good an argument of his right to Spiritual and Civil power, as the words, that the Lillies spin not, did for the Salic Law with the help of another Army then one of Commentators.

The Renewall of the Popes Charter by Pasce oves, was not then disallowed either for the fleecing of many Millions of Christians or killing some hundreds of thousands in the German Empire, according to what has been observed by the famous Erastus in his Theses, p. 72. & propter excommunicatos Imperatores & Reges, aliquot Centena millia hominum trucidata sunt in imperio Germa∣nico.

Page  69 And perhaps the Popes plea for making the World a great Slaughter-house, might then be admitted by the authority of the Text, Arise Peter, kill and eat.

Conculcabis super aspidem & basilicum then went for a claim of Divine Right, to make the head of the World to be trampled on by the foot of a bald-pated Fryar.

But if the Papacy, the light that was in the World then was darkness (as the Scripture Expression is,) How great was that darkness!

And as the Popes continued art was then to Conceal Nature, so 'twas not then held tanti for art in others to be Curious in following Nature, when an Opinion was imbibed that the Pope could change the very Nature of things, according to that saying, I have been shewn in the Canon Law, glo. in C. proposuit. de Conc. praeb. c. 5. de trans. ep. Papa mutare potest rerum substan∣tialia & de Iustitia injustitiam facere, mutando & Iura corrigendo, adeó{que} qua∣drata aequare rotundis et rotundis quadrata.

And for my part, I should not have repined at the Popes assuming to him∣self the honour of the light that rules by day, if he could have illuminated the World with the demonstration of the quadrature of the Circle, which that gloss pretends to; a great Knowable thing, as Aristotle said, tho not known, and which secret all the penetrating Mathematicians from Archimedes down to Mr. Hobbs, have wooed with very great passion and could not enjoy.

But during the Egyptian plague of darkness that many Ages then lay under, our famous Countreyman Wicliff alarm'd the Lethargic World: and he as∣sail'd several gross Errors of Popery with its own weapons of Metaphysics and School Divinity, and by means of the noise his Two hundred Volumes made in the World, he dispers'd a great terror in that dark Age; and as one saith, Sir Iohn Old-Castle, Lord Cobham and the Lollards being awaken'd out of their first sleep, were desirous to rise before it was day, and before the appointed time was Come for the Reforming the abuses in the Church: and between that time and morning, most men fell asleep again as fast as ever: but yet long be∣fore the dawn of the Reformation, the doctrine of Wicliffe had made such a fermentation in our English World, that in the Year of our Lord 1422, that great States-man Chichley Archbishop of Canterbury, in a Letter to Pope Mar∣tine the Fifth, Complain'd, That there were then so many here in England in∣fected with the heresies of Wicliff and Husse, that without force of an Army they could not be supprest: Whereupon the Pope sent two Cardinals to the Arch-Bishop to Cause a Tenth to be gather'd of all Spiritual and Religious men, and the money to be Laid in the Chamber Apostolic; and if that were not sufficient, the residue to be made up of Chalices, Candlestics, and other imple∣ments of the Church, as the Acts and Monuments Attest.

And it is not unknown, that long before, viz. in Harry the Fifth's time, Chichley foreseeing that a Storm was coming from the Commons on Church-Lands, diverted it, by engaging England in its darling popular War with France, and caus'd the Clergy to contribute very liberally to it.

But that fermentation that Chichley said could not in the Year 1422 be checkt in peoples Minds otherwise then as aforesaid, soon out-grew the power of any Army to allay; for in less than Thirty years afterward, the Invention of Printing came into the World, by which one man could transmit more notices of things in a Day, then another could by writing in a Year, and which did as much out-do the publication of notions by the Goosquill, as the invention of Gun-powder did the killing Force of the gray-goose-wing, and which did, as it were, revive the old Miracle of the Gift of Tongues, (and Cloven too I may Call them, for their being divided from the Sentiments of the Papal Holy Church) and made Learning begin to fly like lightning through the Page  70 World to the Controuling and detecting of the Popes Excommunicating Thunder, and which shew'd the World its true face in the stream of time, and shew'd the greet Fisherman of Rome dancing in the Nett, and which was the true speaking Trumpet, whereby a single Author could preach to the dio∣cess of the World.

And that great birth of Fate the taking of Constantinople within three years after the Invention of Printing, occasioning the World's acquiring the knowledge in the West that it lost in the East, and dispersing the Learned Greeks, Theodore Gaza, Iohn Lascaris, Manuel Chrysaloras, and many others to teach the Greek Tongue where they went, the Press was thereby fur∣nished, with Glad tidings for the Curious World, and Erasmus, and many learned Papists, did soon imbibe the knowledge of that learned Language, and he complained in a Letter to the Archbishop of Mentz, That the Friars would fain have made it Heresy to speak Greek.

So pleasant was it then to consider that that barbarous Generation instead of knowing Heresy to be Greek, voted Greek to be Heresy, and that they who had murdered so many thousands for being Heretics, knew not what the very word in its original language imported.

The Sagacity of Erasmus could not then but easily see through the Cobwebs of the School-Divines: totam Theologiam a Capite usque ad Calcem retexuerunt, & ex divina Sophisticam fecerunt aut Aristotelicam, saith he in vitâ Hier. prae∣fixâ ipsius operibus. And Doctor Colet the Dean of St. Paules, (whom Erasmus often in his Epistles calls praeceptorem unicum & optimum) did as Erasmus saith in his life, account the Scotists dull Fellows and any thing rather then in∣genious, and yet he had a worse opinion of Aquinas then of Scotus. And tho Luther had angred Harry the 8th. by speaking contemptibly of Thomas Aquinas whom that King so highly magnifyed that he was call'd Rex Thomisti∣cus, Collet was not afraid to Pronounce in that case as Luther did.

And here it may not by the way be unworthy of your Lordships observa∣tion as to the concert that is between the Genius of one great Witt and another, that Erasmus and Mr. Hobbs had the same sense of School-Divinity and School-Divines: For Mr. Hobbs in his Behemoth or History of the Civil-Wars speak∣ing of Peter Lombard and Scotus saith, That any ingenious Reader not knowing what was the designe of School-Divinity (which he had before siad was with unintelligible distinctions to blind Men's eyes while it encroach'd on the Rights of Kings) would judge them to have been two the most egregious block∣heads in the World, so obscure and sensless are their Writings.

The New Testament was no sooner open'd and read then in Erasmus his translation and in the English Tongue, but the Popes Cards were by the Clergy that playd his game thrown up as to all claim of more Power here by the word of God then every other forreign Bishop had; and both our Universities sent their judgments about the same to the King, which me∣thinks might make our Papists approach a little nearer to us without fear of infection; for we allow the Bishop of Rome to have as much Power by the Word of God as any other Bishop; and 'tis pitty but that Judgment of our Universities were shewn the World in Print, and sent to the French King, and particularly the Rescript or Iudgment of the University of Oxford as not be∣ing any where in Print (that I know of) but in an old Book of Dr. Iames's against Popery.

Cromwel the Vicegerent to H. the 8th. had (as Fuller saith in his Church-history) got the whole New-Testament of Erasmus his translation by heart: but the sore Eyes of many of the Clergy were so offended with the glaring-Light the New-Testament in Print brought every where, that instead of Studying it as that great Primier Ministre did, they only study'd to suppress it: and Page  71 thus Buchanan in his Scotch History saith that in H. the 8ths time, antaque erat caecitas ut sacerdotum plerique novitatis nomine offensi, eum librum a Marti∣no Luthero nuper fuisse Scriptum affirmarent ac vetus testamentum reposcerent▪ i. e. They look'd on the New-Testament as writ by Martin Luther, and call'd for the Old Testament again.

And the truth is, if Luther had then set himself to have invented and writ a model of Doctrines against Iustification by works, and redeeming our vexation from wrath divine by Summs of Mony, and against implicit Faith and many gross Papal Errors, he could not possibly have writ against them in terminis terminantibus more expresly then the Writers of the New-Testa∣ment did.

But the New Testament was then newly opened, and the legatees permitted to read the whole Will over translated into a language they understood, after they had been long by fraud and force kept out of their legacies by the Bi∣shops Court of Rome, whose Artifice had formerly in effect suppressed that Will: and that inestimable legacy of liberty from all impositions humane being particularly shewn to Mankind, there was no taking their Eyes off from this Will, nor taking it out of their hands, nor suppressing the study of the Greek language it was originally writ in.

King Harry the 8th. had received his Legacy thereby, who before was but a Royal Slave to the Pope; and the triumph of an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was eccho'd round his Kingdom, like that of Archimedes, when he had detected the Imposture that had mingled so much dross in the Sicilian Crown.

'Tis true he retained the profession of several Papal Errors, and such as he being vers'd in School-Divinity knew would still keep themselves in play in the World with a videtur quod sic, & probatur quod non, accordingly as the learned Dr. Iones has observ'd in his Book call'd the Heart and its Right So∣vereign, that Image-Worship, Invocation of Saints, Transubstantiation, Pur∣gatory are and will be learnedly and voluminously defended on each side to the World's end.

Harry the 8th therefore did in his Contest with the Papacy Ferire faciem, and did fight neither against small and great but the King of Rome, as I may say. He attaqued the Pope in his claim of authority over all Christians, the autho∣rity that Bellrmin calls Caput fidei, the head of the Catholic Faith.

'Tis therefore very well said in a Book call'd Considerations touching the true way to suppress Popery in England, Printed for Mr. Broome in the Year 1677; Whatever notions we have of Popery in other things, the Pope himself is not so fond of them, but that to gain the point of authority, he can either connive, or abate, or part with them wholy: though no doubt he never doth it but insidiously, as well knowing that whatever consession he makes for the establishing his authority, he may afterward revoke, &c. And so the Author saith, p. 12. That Harry the 8th for having cast of his obedience to Rome was therefore judged a heretic, and that was look't on by Rome as worse than if he had rejected all its errors together. He was a thorough Papist in all points but only that of obedience, in comparison of which all the rest are but talk.

I account therefore in Harry the 8ths time Poperies most sensible and vital part, viz. the Popes supremacy did end in England per simplicem desinentiam. The radical heat and moisture it long before had was gone: like a senex de∣pontanus it was held useless in a wise Senate. He establish't the doctrine of his own supremacy without a Battel fought, nor did any Rebellion rise there∣upon but what he confounded with a general Pardon.

Many of the Scholars of the University of Oxford did mutinously oppose the introducing the knowledge of the Greek Tongue there, and were there∣upon call'd Trojans, and others of the Schollars were as rohust and loud for Page  72 that Language, who were therefore called Graecians: but by a Letter wit by Sir Thomas More to that University and by the Kings Command (which Let∣ter is extant in the Archives of the public Library there) the Schollars being admonished to lay by those names of distinction, and likewise all animosity against the Greek Tongue, and to encourage the learning of the same, it was there at last peaceably receiv'd.

The day-break of learning then in the world had put a period to the night of ignorance in which the Beasts of Prey had domineer'd, and to their Monastic denns themselves. The enlighten'd part of mankind was weary of growing pale among papers and sometimes red hot with arguing about terms of art (and all those barbarous too, that had formerly hid the God of na∣ture) and would no longer account implicit faith the only justifying one, and could not more esteem the imposing of such a blind faith commendable that was made previous to mens quest after pabulum for their Souls, then that practice of the boy of Athens who did put out the eyes of birds, and then expose them to fly abroad for food.

The Learning then introduced into the world shew'd that the hierarchical grandeur of the Roman Church was not extant formerly in the learned times when the old Roman Empire flourish'd, but was contrived in the times of ignorance between the Bishops of Rome and the Leaders or Princes of the Barbarians, and that it had its beginning from the Inundations of the Nor∣thern people (so that with Mr. Colemans leave by the way, Popery may be call'd too a pestilent Northern heresy) and that to the end that those Barbarians might not find out the original of the papal power, and see how narrow the stream of it was at its fountain when every Bishop was call'd Papa (as every woman is now with us call'd Madam and Lady) that the Pope by af∣fronting the Emperors power effected a strangeness between the Greeks and Latines, by means whereof the Barbarians being brought up in prejudice against the Graecians neglected their Language, to the decay whereof in the world not only the decay of the purity of the Latine Tongue may be impu∣ted, but also of History, Geography, Geometry, skill in antiquity, and even the worlds not knowingly then conversing with the Latine Fathers.

It was in an age of non-sense when a Canonist venturing to be a Critic told the world concerning the Greek word Allegoria, istud vocabulum fit ex duobus vocabulis; ab allo, quod est alienum, & goro sensus; and when an old School∣man Thomas de Argentina, thus gave the derivation of latria, istud vocabulum fit ex duobus vocabulis, à La, quod est laus, & tria, quod est trinitas: quia la∣tria, est laus trinitatis. But the very understanding of two ordinary Greek words, namely 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, equal priviledges in ecclesiastical matters to the Bishops of Rome and Constantinople allow'd by a General Councel, that were obvious to every enquirer into history, did quite blow up all pretences of the Popes supremacy; and one versicle in that long unknown Greek Book〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 viz. Luke 24. 47. which shews, that the teaching of Repentance and remis∣sion of sins in the name of Christ by his own order began at Ierusalem, did sur∣prize thinking men with amazement, when they heard a Pope and General Coun∣cel calling Rome the Mother and Mistress of all the Churches, and anathematising all who think otherwise, and saying further extra hanc fidem nemo potest esse sal∣vus, for this the Trent Councel did.

Thus then the abolition of the papal power here brought the world at the first step out of a blind Chaos into a Paradise of Knowledge, and help'd Chri∣stians to demonstrate to themselves and to Jews, and Pagans the truth of the Christian Religion, for the certainty of the doctrine of which during that time of papal darkness the world had only the assertion of the present age that call'd it self the tradition of the Church; but by the introduction of the Page  73Greek Tongue and other learning, Christians had the sense of the Greek and Latine Fathers, and those historical Records that brought down to them the certainty of the Miracles that were wrought in the founding of Christianity; from the Primitive Christians, who saw them. 'Twas the restoration of learning in general, help'd them to say with Tertullian fidem colimus rationalem, and with St. Paul, I know whom I have believed, and without the introducing of humane learning, the Protestant Religion could no more have been advanced to its height in the world, then men can be perfected in Astronomy without the knowledge of Arithmetic. Luther came into the field arm'd with the Know∣ledg both of the Greek and Hebrew Tongues, when he was to contest with the Errors of the Papacy; and he having for his Antagonist Cardinal Cajetan, who was the Legate in Germany and an eminent School Divine, and who made a home thrust at Luther out of the Scripture according to the Vulgar Latine translation, Luther told him in plain terms, That that translation, was false and dissonant to the original: and hereupon the Cardinal, thô he and the Papacy too had one foot in the grave, Catolike fell eagerly on the studying of Greek, that he might be able so confute Luther and his followers out of the Scriptures, and was put to it to make his weapon when he was in the field.

And can any one think now that in this present state of England, when we see so many that are Critical Masters of Experimental Philosophy, and who by means of the great useful pains formerly taken by Erasmus, Sir Thomas Moore and others, in restoring Philological Learning, have now entire lei∣sure to devote their Studies to the substantial Knowledge of things, and whose Motto is, Nullius in verba, and who know, that if they would have every one trust them, they must take nothing on trust from any one; and who know, that since truth doth always sail in sight of error, they must all the way go sounding by experiment; I say, can any one think that it was less easie for the Sun to go back Ten degrees on Ahaz his Dial, then 'tis to make this Age run back to implicit faith and ignorance and barbarisme?

And is it to be thought that men who weigh Silver in Scales, will not weigh Gold; I mean, not examine notions of Religion with care, when they are so cautious in others? Can we think that men who will not part with those Notions that salve the phaenomena, will quit those that save their Souls, and especially considering the proverbial addiction of the English genius to Religion, and considering too, that men by long use and Custom have been habituated to the profession of a rational Religion, and that it can plead here a hundred years prescription?

It is certainly more easie to unteach men the use of the Sea-Compass in Na∣vigation, then the use of Reason in Religion; and the inclination of the Needle to the North, is not likely to be more durable then the tendency of mens affection in England to the Northern heresy so call'd; and it is more ea∣sie to teach all Mankind the use of Letters, then to unteach it to any one man; and when the temper of an inquisitive Age is like a Trade-wind carry∣ing men toward Knowledge and toward a rational Divinity, they may by some accidents be made to cast Anchor, or they may be sunk, but they can∣not be forced to go back.

When a man hath long been compell'd to creep with Chains on him through a toilsome dark Labyrinth, and having extricated himself out of it and being come to enjoy his liberty in the light of the Sun, the persuasion of words cannot make him go back again.

My Lord, I lately mentioned the Motto of the Royal Society of England, of which your Lordship is a Member, and I look on the very constitution of that Society to be an inexpugnable Bulwark against Popery: In which SocietyPage  74 many of our choice English Witts have shew'd as much subtilty and curiosity in the Architecture of Real Science, and such as tends to the edification of the world, as any of our Countrey men heretofore did in those curious but useless Cobwebs of holy Church call'd School Divinity.

And the constitution of that Society hath not only been useful in encrea∣sing the Trade of Knowledge among its members by a joyned stock, but moreover hath tended to the raising in the Kingdom a general inclination to pursue Real science, and to contemn all science falsly so call'd: and the Rai∣sing of this inclination I will call a Spirit that can never be Conjur'd down, nor can the knowledge that depends on number, weight and local Motion, be ever exterminated by Sophisms or Canting, or terms of Art; Nor will they who have from this Society learned to weigh Ayre, give up their Souls to any Religion that is all Ayre without weighing it, or (notwithstanding any hard name that may come to be in vogue) ever forget that bread is bread.

His Majesty by the founding of this great Conservatory of knowledge presently after his Restoration (wherein his great Minister then the Earl of Clarendon, was an honourable Member) did convey real knowledge and a demonstration of his being an Abhorrer of Arbitrary Power, to all that can understand Reason, and affect not the ridiculous Treasonableness of Brad∣shaw's Court, to say, that they will not hear reason; for had he like the Ea∣stern King's affected Arbitrary Power, he would have used their artifice of endeavouring to cast mists before the understanding faculties of his Subjects, and to detain them from knowledge by admiration, and to de∣prive them of sight, like horses that are still to drudge in the Mill of Go∣vernment by blind obedience; But to shew that he abhorr'd both such obe∣dience and implicit Faith, and that he intended to establish his Throne as well in the heads as in the hearts of his Subjects, he presently setled this Great Store-house of Knowledge, that shew'd it was his desire and ambition by the general Communication of Knowledge in his Dominions, to Command Subjects whose heads were with the Rays of Science crown'd within.

And therefore I think His Majesties Munificence to the Royal Society in giving them Chelsey-Colledge at their first institution, was very Consistent with the Primary Intention of the erecting that Colledge, which was to be a Magazine for Polemical-Divinity wherewith to attaque the Writers for Popery: for the very planting of a general disposition to believe nothing contrary to Reason, is the cutting of the gras under Poperies feet; and His Majesty providing for the growth of reason did apparently check the growth of Po∣pery, as well as of Arbitrary Power, without the prop of which, Popery can never run up to any height more then the Sun-flower without a supporter: and the setling in men an humour of Inquisition into the truth and nature of things is, as I partly said before, an everlasting barricade against the Popes darling Court of the Inquisition.

That great and noble notion of the Circulation of the blood, took its first rise from the hints of a common persons enquiring what became of all the blood that iss••d out of the heart, seeing that the heart beats above Three Thousand times an hour, thô but one drop should be pump'd out at every stroke: and if any one shall tell me that he believes that Popery with its reti∣nue of implicit faith and ignorance can over-run us, I will ask him what will then become of all that knowledge the vital blood of the Soul, that hath issued from the heads of inquisitive Protestants, and been Circulating in the World for above a Hundred and Fifty years, and I doubt not but it will be in mens Souls as long as blood shall have its Circular Course in their bodies; and maugre all the Calumnies cast on the Divines of the Church of England for being fautors of Popery, I shall expect that our learned Colledge of Physi∣ciansPage  75 will as soon be brought to disbelieve the Circulation of the blood, of our Royal Society to take down the Kings Standard that they have set up against implicit faith, as our learned Convocation the learnedest that ever England had, be brought to believe the principles of Popery.

I know, My Lord, 'ts obvious against this my hypothesis, of the unpra∣cticableness of Popery being here the State-Religion, to say that in little more then Twenty years time Four great changes in Religion happen'd in England, and that the generality of the people then like dead Fishes went with the stream of the Times: but I ask, if the generality of the people had been throughly enlighten'd in the rationality of the Protestant Princi∣ples Twenty years together, would they have return'd to the belief of the Popish? Will they now do it after the establishment of a Rational Religion for above a Hundred years together? Can Popery now find the way into most Mens brains here presently after the whole Nation almost were Preach∣ers, and when all our great and little unruly disagreeing Sects yet agreed in this as a fundamental, that the Bishop of Rome is the Antichrist? If Print∣ing had been free in Turky for a Hundred years, and a libera Philosophia and Theologia had been there in fashion for a Hundred years, and every man had been allow'd his Judgment of discretion so long about the sense of the Alchoran, or of the holy Scripture, and of all Books of Religion, could ig∣norance even there come into play again? or if the Turkes had drank Wine for a Hundred years together, could any one Conjure the glasses out of their hands by telling them there was a Devil in every grape?

If that Law in Muscovy that makes it death for any Subject to travel out of that Kingdom without the Emperors Licence, lest his Subjects having seen the freedome of other Countreys, should never again return to the Ar∣bitrary Power in their own again; I say, if that Law had been repeal'd for a Hundred years, and multitudes of oppress'd mankind had thence found the way to breath in the ayre of Liberty like men, could they be persuaded to return to the Yokes of Beasts again?

When a floating Island has been a Hundred years fixt to the Continent, can any teach it to swim again? Consulitur de Religione, is likely to be the eternal business of England, and in case of a Prohibition to any mans little Court of Conscience in that cause, he will certainly give himself a consul∣tation.

The very humour of the English Nation long hath and still doth run against what they think but like Popery, or makes for it, and that with such a ra∣pid current of Antipathy, as is never likely to be stem'd: and nothing is more out of fashion then a kind of Sir-positive, or Dictatorian humour in common discourse; much less then will a dogmatical Popes infallibility ever be digested here, while he makes himself a St. Positive.

The gentile humour of the Age here that abhorrs hard words as loathsom pedantry, will never be reconcil'd to one certain long hard word in Popery; namely Transubstantiation; nor to another namely Incineration, or burning men for not understanding the former word (according to the style of the Historian, Imperator aegrè tulit incinerationem Johannis Husse) and people will account their Protestant Bibles more agreeable to them then the English one published by the Colledge of Doway, where the Translator studied for hard words in the room of plain ones, as for the Passeover, phase, for foreskin, praepuce, for unleaven'd bread, azyms, for high places, excelses, and other such words we have in the English Rhemish Testament, viz. exinanite, para∣sceue, didragmes, neophyt, spiritualness of wickedness in the Celestials.

In our Busy English world while men are most yary after profit and plea∣sure and the study of things, if very few or none can be brought to learn Page  76 the universal real character, and which would tend to the propagating Real Knowledge among the Nations of the World (accordingy as the excellent propounder of it in Print with great modesty saith in his Epistle dedicatory, that he had slender expectation if its coming into common use) our Ingeniosi or Witts (which all men pretend to be now, as they did in the Late times to be Saints, tho yet as few are Witts now, as were Saints then) will not care for troubling their brains with the studying of the Religion whose pretended uni∣versality appears but a kind of universal character, and not real, and tending to obscure the knowledge of things in the World.

If they should see here a Religion that was full of pageantry, and seem'd to be wholly theatrical, they would think it was as much their birthright to censure it, as 'tis to be eternal talking Critics in the Pit to damn Playes, and would think two Supremes in a Kingdome to be of the low nature of two Kings of Branford, and rather then part with their money and stake down their Souls for seing such a Moral Representation of an absolute spiritual and absolute temporal power on the stage of the Kingdom, they would be too apt with Mr. Hobs to thrust the whole Nation of Spiritual Beings out of the world; I mean rather then they would be to their faces cheated and harras'd by a spiritual power: and our people inspir'd with witt as well as those with the zealous spirit of Religion would cry out, conclusum est contra Ma∣nichaeos; I, and against the Schoolmen too, I mean our Romanist Manichaei who make two summa Principia in every State.

In this age where the lower or Sixth rate Witts do so over-value them∣selves on turning every thing into ridicule, the Mass would have here a Re∣ception according to what the gloss in the Canon Law observes, that when a place had layen long under an interdict, the people laughed at the Priests, when they came to say Mass again. Nor would any Papal interdiction unless it could interdict us from the use of Fire and Water be of any moment. The World would now laugh at any Prize that should be play'd between the Two Swords, the very glossator on the Clementines saying occasionly that resipiscen∣te mundo, the World being grown wiser, there must be no longer striving for both Swords. And any one that would obtrude on us gross exploded er∣rors in Church or State will appear as ridiculous as St. Henry the Dane, who as the Martyrology mentions, when worms craul'd out of a corrupted Vlcer in his Knee put them in again.

My Lord, I will further offer it to your Lordships consideration, That if it be found so hard to keep up the external polity of the Church of England, thô in it self so rational and so meriting the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, after the Twenty years discontinuance of it, insomuch that Dr. Glanvile in the first page of his Book call'd the Zealous and impartial Protestant, hath these words, the first occasion of our further danger that I shall mention, is the present diminution, not to say extinction of Reverence to the authority of the Church of England, &c. (and he p. 4. writes largely to that Effect,) what quar∣ter can Popery expect here from an Age of sense and reason when it should break in upon both, after the forementioned Hundred years discontinu∣ance?

According to the foresaid Argument of the Bees for the Popes spiri∣tual Monarchy, we see it improbable for him ever to bring us to a Rendevouz in his Church again; for the sad experience we have had of the Sects here that left the Hive of the Church of England, not gathering together into any one new Hive, but dividing into several swarms and hives, and never returning to the old, may shew the Hive of holy Church how little of our Company 'tis to expect.

Page  77 Having said all this about the mists of Popery, being to contend with knowledge in its meridian, I think I shall comply with the measures taken by our Philosophers in this Critical Age, in founding their observations upon Experiments, if I further add, that the former Experiments England hath had of Poperies being pernicious to its external Polity and Grandeur, will per∣petuate and heighten the fermentation in the minds of our angry people against it.

All our Monkish Historians do attest the experience our Kings had in be∣ing bereav'd of great Sums of Money, while they enrich'd the Pope here by giving him the Office to keep the Theological Thistle, which he Rail'd in with so many censures and distinctions, and non obstantes, that our Kings could not pass to their Palaces but by his leave, and on his terms.

An English King then was but the Popes Primier Ministre, and yet paid great wages too for the being a Servant to the Servus Servorum.

King Iohn used to say, That all his affairs in the World were unprosperous, and went cross and untowardly after he had once subjected himself and his King∣dom to the Church of Rome: His words were, Postquam me & mea Regna Romanae subjec Ecclesiae, nulla mihi prospera, omnia contraria advenerunt. And 'tis obvious to consider on the other hand, what a great figure Henry the Eighth made in the World, after he had manumitted himself and his Kingdoms from the Papal Usurpation: And how he held the Balance of the World in his hand, and trod on the Basilisc of the Papal Supremacy, and notify'd it to the Nations of the Earth that England is an Empire, that being the Style of the Statute of the 24th of H. 8. c. 12. Viz. That this Realm is an Empire, and that the Crown thereof is an Imperial one: And the words of Kings and Emperours of this Realm, being then attribued in our Statutes to the Monarchs of England; and as the great expression in the Prophesie of Ezekiel c. 16. v. 13. is applyed by God to the Iewish state, And thou didst prosper into a Kingdom, it may be justly said that Harry the Eighth's defy∣ing the Popes Usurpation, made England prosper into an Empire. 'Twas his doing that made him hors de page, and 'tis only the doing it that will make the French King truly so too: For 'tis only Air that any feed a Monarch's fancy with, who would amuse him with an Vniversal Empire abroad, till he hath obtain'd one first at home; as no Man is to expect to govern his Neigh∣bours Family, who is Control'd in his own.

And like a Master who imagines himself great, while he is feared by none but some of his own Servants, so how little terrour did Queen Mary's Reign give to any parcel of Mankind, but a few of her own Subjects, of which the number that she burnt and made to languish in Prisons, and such as left her Kingdom by migration to forreign parts, would easily have kept Callais for her, and prevented the ignominy of her Politics, in losing the Real Key of France, while she was finding the Imaginary Keys of the Church!

But 'tis a truth not contestable, That Queen Mary's Reign (in which her persecution of her Subjects was so barbarous, and such a scandal to Govern∣ment, That Dr. Heylin himself applyes to it in the Title Page of his History of Queen Mary that passage in Paterculus, Hujus temporis fortunam, ne de∣flere quidem quispiam satis digne potuit, nemo verbis exprimere potest) served only as a foile to the lustre of Queen Elizabeth, whom all Generations since have called blessed; and who was not more lov'd by the English, then she was feared by the French, and was offered Calice if she would but have con∣nived at the continuing of the French forces in Scotland, and who sent to the great Henry the Fourth a Mandamus to build no more Ships, and had more money offered her by her Subjects then she would accept; and yet (as is said in Towsend's Historical Collections) had spent a Million of Money Page  78 in her Wars with Spain, and laid out 100000 l. to support the King of France against the Leaguers, and 150000 l. in defence of the Low Countries, and dis∣charged a debt of Four Millions she found the Crown indebted in. Nay, our Historians tell us, that She payed the very Pensions that were in arrear in her Father's, and Sister's time to divers of the Religious persons ejected out of Ab∣beys.

It was Queen Elizabeth who by all her Alliances, and especially her Of∣fensive and Defensive one with the States of the Vnited Provinces in the Year 1578. laid such a deep and sure foundation for a vast trade of the Eng∣lish Nation to be built on, that it's overbalance is said to have brought to be Coined in the Tower of London, from the first of October 1599, in the 41st Year of her Reign, to March 31st 1619, (being 19 years) 4,779, 314 l. 13 s. 4 d, And from March 31st 1619, to March 31st, 1638 (being 19 years) 6,900,042 l. 11 s. 1 d, And from March 1638, before May 1657 (being 19 years) 7,733,521 l. 13 s. 4 d; England alone by verture of that her Alliance, having till the Peace of Munster 1648, enjoyed almost the whole Manufacture, and best part of the Trade of Europe: And it was but just for Heaven to punish in England the greatest villany that could be wrought on Earth, I mean the murder of the best of Kings, by suffering the Trade of Eng∣land to have its fatal decay in that year 1648. For then, I count, our over∣balance of Trade for the last mentioned Nineteen years had its Period, and 'twas by the effect of that Peace that both Holland and France, and Spain can∣tonized the power of our Trade, and the most Soveraign of our Manufa∣ctures. Till that black year 'twas to be ascribed to the result of Queen Eli∣zabeth's politics, and not to the conduct of the Long Parliament, that Eng∣land did, as to Trade, both do its business and play, and as to its Command∣ing the Trade of the World, did Sail with a Trade-wind; and during that Wind, it could not happen that any should meet us, or overtake us in our motion, whatever mean Pilots were at the Helm.

It was for the completing the last ternary of the Coinage, that I mentio∣ned, the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or nineteen years, ending in 1657. For I believe that both Astrea and Trade left our Land in that fatal Crisis of 48, of which the Mnth of Ianuary produced the Signing of that Peace at Munster, and the hor∣rid Arraignment, and Martyrdom of that matchless Prince.

'Tis therefore not to be admired, That Queen Elizabeth's provident Ensu∣ring such a plenty of Traffick and Riches to her Kingdom, both for her own and future time, she had what praemium of Taxes from her Parliaments she pleased, accordingly as King Iames tells the Parliament Anno 1620, That Queen Elizabeth had one year with another above 100000 l. in Subsidies; and in all my time I have had but four Subsidies, and six Fifteenths; and he said his Parliament had not given him any thing for Eight or Nine years.

England did thrive apparently while it was to Queen Elizabeth, a Puteus inexhaustus: But while it was such an one to the Pope, was in a miserable and consumptive state, as any one must necessarily conclude, who considers that the nutritive juyce of the wealth of the Kingdom was diverted from che∣rishing its own Head to pamper the Bellies of Forreigners. Deplorable then was the condition of the English Crown, when (as we are told by the Antiquitates Britan. f. 178.) in the Reign of Hen. 3d. Repertus est Annuus reditus Papae talis quem ne Regius quidem attigit: And when according to Matthew Paris f. 549, in the Reign of that King, Anno 1240, it was complai∣ned of, That there remained not so much Treasure in the Kingdom, as was in three years extorted from it by the Pope.

But what is more strange, we are told in Cotton's Collections p. 129 of the times of Edward the Third, That the Taxes paid to the Pope for Ecclesia∣stical Page  79 dignities did amount to five times as much as the People paid the King per annum. One would wonder that so martial a Prince, the Scene of whose Reign lay almost in continual War, should be so careless of the Si∣news of it, as to permit so much of the wealth of the Kingdom to be mis-applyed, and that too while all manner of Experiments of Taxes were tryed on his Subjects, who payed him toward his charge of the War with France Wool and Grain, as not having Mony enough to supply him wholly there∣with: and when, as it is said in Cotton's Collections, A long Bill was brought in by the Commons against the Usurpation of the Pope as being the Cause of All the Plagues, Murrains, Famine and Poverty of the Realm, so as thereby was not left the third Person, or Commodities within the Realm as lately were, and the Commons did desire that it might be enacted, That no Mony might be car∣ried forth of the Realm by Letters of Lombardy, or otherwise on pain of forfei∣ture and imprisonment.

But the Pope knew, it seems, there was mony to be had out of England, though the Commons grudged it him, and that a complaint of the Com∣mons of the decay of Trade was no proof of it, but rather in his case an in∣dication of the contrary, for that 'tis Proverbial with Rich Men when they have no mind to part with their mony, to say, they have none; and it appears out of a balance of Trade on Record in the Exchequer, that in the 28th year of Edward the Third, the Sum of the over-plus of the Exports above the Im∣ports amounted to 255214 l. 13 s. 8 d.

This however shews sufficiently the Indignation of a Popish House of Com∣mons at the Pope and his Lombard-street Bankers, who convey'd his mony for him hence by Bills of Exchange; and if our late Parliaments have not thought fit to comply with the demands for satisfaction of Protestant Ban∣kers there, much less will future ones favour any of the Popes Lom∣bards.

That the Pope formerly had as much mony here from the publick as the King, we may well believe possible, since 'tis generally held that Wolsey's Re∣venue equalled Harry the Eighth's.

Matthew Paris tells us, Anno 1240, Misit Papa Pater noster sanctus quen∣dam exactorem in Angliam Petrum Rubeum, qui excogitata muscipulatione in∣finitam pecuniam a miseris Anglis edoctus erat emungere. i. e. Our holy Father the Pope sent an exactor Peter Rubeus into England, who with a kind of Mouse∣trap trick ••ped the poor English of infinite Sums of Money. And the expres∣sion of Wiping the English of infinite Sums of Mony was in fashion among all eminent later Writers of ours against the Papal Usurpation: and 'tis parti∣cularly used by Parker in his Antiq. Britan. where he saith, Praeterea indul∣gentiarum, dispensationum, similium{que} fraudum immensâ copi infinitis pecuniis Anglos emunxerunt.

Nothing less then infinity of Treasure out of one Island could supply the great exacter of Rome, who it seems resembled him that Cicero brands by say∣ing, infinitum genus invenerat ad innumerabilem pecuniam Corripiendam. But there is now no catching a Nation in Mouse-traps.

As the Pope has never thought it worth his while to send Emissaries to Denmark and Sweden, and some other Northern Countreys, to spunge Mony out of them, which he knows that great spendor called War that so general∣ly infests them, makes them have none to spare for the Popes use (and Curia Romana non vult ovem sine lana) so will the future vast charge too likely to be for ever incumbent on England, and other parts of the World, in pro∣viding and maintaining Capital Ships, effectually provide against the profu∣sion of any on the Projector of Religion at Rome, and against Romes being to us as Matthew Paris called it of old, barathrum proventuum.

Page  80 And any who considers that his Majesty hath not without difficulty obtain'd Supplies of Mony from late Parliaments, and that they have been all appropriated to certain publick uses, may well give the Pope City-security, that he shall have no Mony from England; and no Man I think now supposeth that any thing that time can cause, can make the Pope get much Mony out of the Exchequer of England, but one who (as Charo says) was born in a Bottle, and never saw the World but out of a little hole. But if according to the Calculations that have been by some made, the cur∣rant Coin of the Nation doth not now exceed Six Millions; and the pub∣lick Revenue in times of Peace has amounted to somewhat near one Third of that, and if the Pope should be allow'd here to have a spiritual income equal to the King's, and the restored Abbots and Monks, and the other Clergy be allow'd another Third, (for so the accounts of their proportion were totted by some Critical Calculators) the whole Laity would be nichil'd, as the Exche∣quer word is.

King Edward the First, as the Antiq. Britan. mention, sent some of his Courtiers to treat with the Clergy about the Quota of their supplying him, viz, Misit ex aula suâ Nuntios qui suo nomine agerent cum clero, quoniam eorum & tranquillitas Major & fructus atque reditus annui tunc essent longe uberiores quam populi, ut ad Regem in his bellicis angustiis adjuvandum se ostenderent promptiores. And it appears out of Cotton's Collections, That in the fourth Year of Richard the Second, The Clergy confess'd they had a Third part of the Reve∣nue of the Kingdom, and therefore then consented to pay a Third part of the Taxes. But in those ancient times of Popery▪ beside the Clergies share in the Bal∣lance of Land, it might be justly added to the Inventory of their Wealth, That they generally engrossed the highest and chiefest Offices in the Kingdom, and that from the Office of Lord High Chancellor, to that of the very Clerks in Chancery. and other Clerks places (whence to this day the officiating Registers of Courts are called Clerici or Clerks) whereby they caught in a manner the whole Kingdom in a Purse-net.

'Tis therefore no wonder that the great affluence of the Riches of the Clergy drew to them that Popular esteem, that (as the Antiquaries observe) the English word Sir was affixed to the Christian Names of Clergy-men, from King Iohn's time down to the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, and which was also express'd in Latine by the word Dominus, as for example, in the witnes∣sing of a Deed, Testibus Domino Willielmo de Massy, persona de Bowden, Matheo Hale, &c. And of the people calling their Parish Priests by the name of Sir William Massy, and the like, as in ordinary Communication we call Knights, we have the instance of the first Christian on whom here for his Re∣ligion incineration was practised, viz. Sir William Sautre, Parish Priest of the Church of St. Scythe &c. in London in Henry the Fourths time: for so he is Styled in the Acts and Monuments.

Bishop Sanderson who in his profession of Divinity was greater then any praise, was likewise so accurate an observer of the weight of what he affir∣med in the Pulpit, though it was not of a point of Theology, that every thing he there said has a Title to be regarded: And he in his Sermons in fol. ad Populum, on 1 Cor. 7. 24. pag. 195, and 196, speaking of the Monks, saith, It is well known in this our Land, how both Church and Common-Wealth groan'd under the burden of these heavy Lubbers: The Common-wealth, while they be∣cam Lords of very little less (by their computation who have travelled in the search) hen one half of the temporalties of the Kingdom: and the Church while they engrossed into their hands the fruits of the best Benefices of the Realm, al∣lowing scarce so much as the Chaff to those who tread out the Corn.

Page  81 This profession is God be thanked long since suppressed: There is nothing of them now remains but the rubbish of their Nests, and the stink of their memo∣ries, unless it be the sting of their Devilish Sacriledge, in ••bbing the Church by damnable Impropriations. He had before said they were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and Slow-bellies, Stall-fed Monks and Friars, who liv'd mew'd up in their Cells, like Boors in a Frank, pining themselves into Lord, and beating down their bodies till their Girdles crackt.

But though it hath been truly observ'd, That the not providing for the augmentations of the poorer Livings in England, was a scandal to our Re∣formation, in that it made so many scandalous Livings, and consequently so many such Ministers, and it has been in one of Queen Elizabeth's Par∣liaments, notify'd by Dr. Iames (as Townsend's Collections mention) that of Eight Thousand and odd Parish-Churches then in England, but Six Hundred did afford a competent Living for a Minister: And it has been publickly aver'd by Archbishop Whitgift, That there were Four Thousand Five Hun∣dred Benefices which are not worth above Ten Pound a Year in the King's Books; yet the dispersing of so much of the Church Revenue among the Laity hath had this effect, namely, to engage the possessors of so great a proportion of the Land of England to be Champions against Popery; and one other good effect within my own observation it produced in the late times, when Tithes themselves were thought Delinquent, namely, that the Impropriate Tithes saved the others: And the not augmenting the poorer sort of Livings (the which mostly were in Cities and Corporations in the Coun∣trey) hath not however prov'd any augmentation to the interest of Popery: For though the Reliques, and Images, and Shrines of Saints there, that brought a concourse of Offerers and Offerings thither enrich'd those pla∣ces, and the Churches, and had the effect of Staple Ecclesiastical Commodities, and Harry the Eighth's abolishing them, reduced the value of the Livings there almost to nothing, they grew by occasion thereof afterward to be receptacles for heterodox Divines, who seiz'd on the Livings there in a man∣ner derelict, and finding the Genius of Trading people averse from Ceremo∣nies did represent the few and innocent, and indeed decent ones of the Church of England as odious to them, and therefore were sure of pleasing their au∣ditors by constant declaiming against those of Popery, that were so many, and cumbersome, and had caused so much blood-shed, and were known to be Ceremonies both mortuae & mortiferae.

And as Doleman alias Parsons observed in his time, that the strength of the Puritans lay in those Corporate Towns and Cities, there will the hatred of the Principles of the Papists▪ probably for ever encrease.

I have for this purpose found it truly observed in a Discourse in octavo, concerning Liberty of Conscience, Printed for Nath. Brooks at the Angel in Cornhil: That the Puritan Preachers by their disesteem of Ceremonies and ex∣ternal Pomp in the worship of God, were the more endeared to Corporations, and the greater part of persons engaged in Trade and Traffic, who hate Ceremo∣nies in general, and what does unnecessarily take up time: And that persons who nauseate Ceremonies in Civil things, will loath them likewise in Religious, as a man who has an antipathy against Muscadine in his Parlor, cannot love it at the Sacrament. And that if we reflect on those who did most love Cere∣monies heretofore in our Nation, we shall find them to have been persons of the greatest Rank and Quality (who did effect Ceremonies in Civil things) or of the poorest sort, who did get their daily bread by the Charity of the other. So natural is it for men to Paint God in Colors suitable to their own fancies, that I do not wonder at Trading Persons who hate Ceremonies, that they thus think God in respect of this hatred altogether such as themselves.

Page  82 That Discourse had before set forth, That 'tis natural to Men, who live by Trade and whose being rich or beggars depends much on the honesty of their Ser∣vants, to be enamo•••• on that Preaching that is most passionate and loud against what looks like luxury, and is apt to occasion unnecessary expences to them: And therefore no humane Art will ever Reconcile them to one Casuistical Tenet that is so so branded in the Pope's said Decree of the second of March, viz. Servants of either Sex may secretly steal from their Masters, for the va∣lue of their service, if it is greater than the Salary which they receive.

The Mystery of Iesuitism, letter 6, pag. 80, cites for this Tenet Father Bau∣ny's Summary p. 213, and 214 of the sixth Edition, viz. May Servants who are not content with their Wages advance them of themselves, by filching and purloining as much from their Masters as they imagine necessary to make their Wages proportionable to their services? On some occasions they may, as when they are so poor when they come into service, that they are obliged to accept any proffer that's made to them, and that other servants of their quality get more elsewhere.

At the rate of this Moral Theology no Tradesman knows what Mony he has either in his Pocket, or Compter, or what Cash in his Closet, nor in∣deed any King what Treasure he has in his Exchequer.

But notwithstanding the aversion of many persons of high Birth and Breeding, and who are lovers of Pomp and Ceremony in matters Civil, and likewise in Religious, from the contrary humour of Trading Men, yet is there one thing that hath and always will (in spight of all differences in Religion) occasion an entercourse of Civility between the former Class of Mankind here, and the latter, and 'tis, that necessity of nature that makes the Borrower a Servant to the Lender, namely, that the expensive former Classe taking up Mony at interest from the more frugal latter, obligeth them to give the Lenders the respect of fair quarter: And thus according to that Bull in Tacitus, That in some parts of Scotland the Sun shines all night long, there will still during the contrariety of their tenets, and humours, and which are as opposite as light and darkness, occasionally arise a clear under∣standing between them.

And of the Redundance of Money, the Puritans party had in the late times, and of their designed employing it for the greatning the interest of their party, the establishment of Feoffees by them for purchasing Impropriati∣ons, is a great instance: Of their great progress wherein we have an account in Pryn's Compleat History of the Tryal of Arch-bishop Laud, where he saith, And had they not been interrupted in this good work, they would probably in very few years have purchased in most of the great Towns and noted Parishes Im∣propriate in England in Lay-mens Lands: And which had they effected, they might have settled such a Bank of Land on the Fond whereof to have brought into their possession the greatest part perhaps of the mony Currant in Eng∣land, and that party without any but Silver weapons, have acquired such an arbitrage of the interests of all others in England, as to have usurped Har∣ry the Eighth's Motto of Cui adhaereo praeest.

But though the Livings in these great Corporate Towns are so small, and the value they had by oblations be evaporated every where but in the King's Books, (where it remains still to enhance their payment of first Fruits and Tenths) the heterodox Divines there find Harvests of oblations rich enough, and so will the Divines of the Church of England, if ever a storm of Po∣pish Persecution shall drive them there for shelter to be Pastors of the Mo∣nied Men; and if the worst comes to the worst, they will there find some at gathered Churches better then lean Bishopricks, (as perhaps some heterodox Pastors do now there experiment them) and the ambient heat of Page  83State-favour that call'd out some of the inward one of Religion, being aba∣ted, they will probably grow more exemplary in austere vertue, and there∣by attract so much reverence from their flocks as to become Confessors, as well as Preachers to them, for so the Non-conformist Divines there now in a manner are; and as Confession under Popery proved the only Guaranty to the Priests for their being paid their Personal Tithes, and as then people at their deaths expiated their omissions in the payment of their Tithes, by valuable Legacies, thus too will it probably happen to the Ministers of Christ's New Testament, and often, to be Executors, or at least Legatees in Christians Wills; the very dust of whose feet is thought beautiful by all Men, gene∣rally when their return to their own dust is approaching.

And the persecution design'd them will but reduce their state in the Eye of the World, to look and be like that of the Primitive Christians, who made the