The history of Henry IV. surnamed the Great, King of France and Navarre Written originally in French, by the Bishop of Rodez, once tutor to his now most Christian Majesty; and made English by J. D.

THE HISTORY OF HENRY the Great, King of France and Navarre.

To the King.

SIR,

THat Respect and Love which all good French-••••n have still conserved for 〈…〉〈…〉 hap∣py Memory of King Henry the Great your Grandfather, represents it self as fresh to their remembrance, as if he still reigned; and

Renown conserves the Splendour of his fair Actions in the Hearts and Mouthes of Men, as lively and entirely as in the time of his Tri∣umphs. But we may say moreover, when we consider your Majesty, That he hath regained a new Life in your Person, and that he makes himself dayly be seen under a Visage yet more August, and by Vertues which appear as re∣doubtable to the Enemies of France, as they are sweet and charming to its People.

In truth, Sir, that praise-worthy Impati∣ence which your Majesty hath testified (when I presented our History to your reading) to come to this glorious Reign, and for it to leave behind seven or eight others of Kings that preceded him, is a most certain proof that you desire him for your Model, and that you have resolved to study his Conduct, and con∣serve it in the Government of your Estates. Your happy Birth▪ and your Inclinations whol∣ly Royal, lead you to it: The Hopes and Votes of your Subjects agree to it: The Necessities of your Kingdom, afflicted with the Miseries of the longest War it ever sustained, oblige you to it; and Heaven hath disposed you to it by so many Graces and eminent Qualities, that it would be difficult for you not to follow the ••air P••••••••••ples of this great Monarch. I dare likew•••••• say (and I may speak it with truth) that it will not be impossible for you to surpass him, if you enforce your self to improve well all those Advantages wherewith Heaven hath endowed you above other Princes of your Age.

Yes, Sir, he hath to you, as well as to the King your Grandfather, given a generous Soul, good and beneficent; a Spirit elevated, and capable of the greatest things; a Memory happy and facile; a Courage Heroick and Martial; a Judgement neat and solid; astrong and vigorous Health: but he hath moreover given you one Advantage this great Prince ne∣ver had; that is, A Majestick Presence; an Air and Port almost Divine; a Person and Beauty worthy the Empire of the Universe, which attracts the Eyes and Respects of all the World, and which without the force of Arms, without the authority of Commands, will gain you all those by whom your Majesty shall make your Self be seen.

I will not speak of the Prosperities of your Estates since your happy Advancement to the Crown; how you have been proclaimed Con∣querer as soon as King; how by the assisting Counsels of your great Ministers, your Fron∣tiers have been extended on all sides, and your Enemies everywhere defeated: but I ought not to forget that singular Grace which Heaven hath conferred on you, by instructing you in the Catholick Religion, and in true Piety, by the continual Diligences and Ex∣amples of the Queen your Mother; t•••••• which was without doubt wanting to the Youth of our Henry.

You cannot, Sir, with so fair Dispositions, with so many super-excelling Favours of Hea∣ven, be confined beneath the Glory and Re∣putation

of this great Prince. Remember, if you please, that you have done me the honour to tell me more then once, that you ardently aspire to a like Perfection, and that you have no greater Ambition. All France, who at present have their Eyes upon you, rejoyce to see the Effects already second your Desires, and that you strive as puissantly to imitate, as you have passionaaely desired to hear the Recital of so fair a Life.

Your Majesty knows that Wills pass but for Weaknesses, when they render not them∣selves efficacious; and are so far from being worthy praise, that they condemn those who have them so much the more, because they see well what they ought to do, and have not the heart to attempt or enterprize it. The way of Vertue at first glance seems rude, but it conducts to the Temple of Glory; where it is certain we arrive not by simple Thoughts, and idle Discourses, but by Labour, Application and Perseverance.

I have often taken the Liberty to represent to your Majesty, That Royalty is no Infant-Mystery; That it consists almost altogether in Action; That a King ought to make his Duty his Delights; and, That he ought to know how to Reign; that is, how to hold himself the Helm of his Estate, the better to Conduct them with Vigour, Wisdome and Justice.

Who knows not that there is no Honour in bearing a Title, without executing the Functions of it? That it is in vain to have

acquisted the best Knowledge, without la∣bouring to reduce it into practice? That it is ridiculous to propose to our selves a great Model, unless it be effectually imita∣ted? And in fine, that it is nothing to un∣derstand by heart all the Maximes of Poli∣cy, if we apply them not to their right Use? Without lying, he that hath Eyes, and will not open them; who hath Arms, and will not take the pains to move them, is in a worse estate then the Blinde or the Crip∣ple.

I cannot dissemble, Sir, that unspeakable Joy I have sometimes conceived, when I have understood from the Mouth of your Majesty, that you would chuse rather never to have wore a Crown, then not your Self to govern it, but re∣semble those Infant-Kings of the first Race, who, as all our Historians say, served onely as Idols to the Majors of their Palace; and who had had no Name, but onely to mark the year in the Chronologie.

But it will be enough to make France know how much your Majesty condemns that sleepy Lethargie, to tell them that you are at present resolved to imitate your Grandfather Henry the Great, who hath been the most active and most laborious of all our Kings; who hath de∣dicated himself with most Diligence to the Ma∣nagement of his Affairs, and who hath cheri∣shed his Estates and People with most Affecti∣on and most Tenderness. This is to declare that your Majesty hath taken a firm Resolu∣tion

to put your hand to the Work; to know both the inside and outside of your Realm; to preside in your Counsels; to give feet and motion to all Resolutions; to have a continual Eye over your Revenues; to cause a true, faith∣ful and exact Account to be given; to distri∣bute Graces and Recompences to those of your Creatures shall prove worthy: in fine, fully and amply to enjoy your Authority. It is thus the incomparable Henry acted, whom we are about to see reign, not onely in France by right of Blood, but over all Europe by the esteem of his Vertue.

In effect, since the first foundation of the French Monarchy, the History furnisheth us not with any Reign more memorable, by rea∣son of the great Events, more repleat with the wonders of Divine Assistance, more glorious for the Prince, and more happy for the Peo∣ple, then his: and it is without Flattery or Envy that all the Universe hath given him the surname of Great; not so much for the great∣ness of his Victories, however comparable to those of Alexander or Pompey, as for the great∣ness of his Soul and of his Courage: for he never bow'd either under the Insults of For∣tune, or under the Traverses of his Enemies, or under the Resentments of Revenge, or un∣der the Artifices of Favorites or Ministers: he remained always in the same temper, always Master of himself. In a word, he remained always King and Soveraign, without acknow∣ledging other Superiour then God, Justice and Reason.

Let us then proceed to write the History of* 1.1 his Life; which we shall divide into three prin∣cipal Parts.

The first shall contain what happened from* 1.2 his Birth till his coming to the Crown of France.

The second shall speak what he did after he* 1.3 came to it, until the Peace of Vervin.

And the third shall recount his Actions af∣ter* 1.4 the Peace of Vervin, until the unhappy day of his death.

But before all, it is necessary we speak something briefly of his Genealogie.

He was Son to Anthony de Bourbon, Duke of* 1.5 Vendosme and King of Navarre, and of Jane of Albret, Heiress of that Kingdome.

Anthony descended in a direct and Masculine* 1.6 Line from Robert Count of Clermont, fifth Son to King St. Lewis.

This Robert espoused Beatrix, Daughter and Heiress to John of Burgoyne, Baron of Bourbon, by his Wife Agnes; for which cause Robert took the Name of Bourbon, but not the Arms, still keeping those of France.

This sage Pre-caution served well to his Descendants, to maintain themselves in the Degree of Princes of the Blood, which those

of Courtnay a 1.7 lost, for not having acted in the same manner. And besides the Ver∣tue which gave a splendour to their Acti∣ons, the good management and oeconomy which they exercised to conserve and augment their Revenues, the great Alliances in which they were very diligent to match themselves, ever refusing to mingle their Noble among Vulgar Blood; and above all, their rare Piety towards God, and that singular goodness wherewith they acted towards their Inferiors, conserved them, and elevated them above Princes of elder Branches: for the People see∣ing them always rich, puissant, wise, and in a word, worthy to command, had imprinted in their spirits as it were a prophetick perswasion that this House would one day come to the Crown; and they on their side seemed to have conceived this hope, though it were at great distance, having taken for their Word or Device, Espoir, or Hope.

Among the younger Branches which issued from this Branch of Bourbon b 1.8, the most con∣siderable and most illustrious was that of Ven∣dosm. It carried this Name, because they possessed that great Country, which came to them in the year 1364. by the marriage of Katharine Vendosme, (Sister and Heiress to Bouchard last Count of Vendosme) with John of Bourbon Count of the Marches. At present it was but a County, but was after made a Dutchy by King Francis the first, in the year 1514. in favou•• of Charles, who was great

grand-childe to John, and father of Anthony. This Charles had seven Male-Children; Lewis,* 1.9 Anthony, Francis, another Lewis, Charles, John, and a third Lewis: the first Lewis and the second died in their infancy; Anthony re∣mained the eldest; Francis, who was Count of Anguien, and gained the Battel of Cerisoles, died without being married. Charles was a Cardinal of the title of Chrysogone, and Archbi∣shop of Rouen: this is he who was named The old Cardinal of Bourbon. John lost his life at the Battel of St. Quintin. The third Lewis was called The Prince of Condé, and by two Marriages had several Male-Children; from the first descended Henry Prince of Condé, Francis Prince of Conty, and Charles, who was Cardinal and Archbishop of Rouen af∣ter the Death of the old Cardinal of Bour∣bon.

There were eight Generations from Male in Male, from St. Lewis to Anthony, who was Duke of Vendosme, King of Navarre, and father to our Henry.

As for Jane d' Albret his Wife, she was* 1.10 Daughter and Heiress to Henry of Albret, King of Navarre, and of Margaret du Valois, Sister to King Francis the first, and Widow to the Duke of Alenzon. Henry d' Albret was son to John d' Albret, who became King of Na∣varre by his Wife Katherine du Foix, Sister to King Phoebus deceased without Children; for that Realm had entred into the House of Foix by marriage, as it 〈…〉〈…〉 afterwards in∣to

that of Albret, and since into that of Bour∣bon.

Ferdinand King of Arragon, had invaded and taken the Higher Navarre, that is, that part which is beyond the Pyraenean Hills, and the most considerable of that Realm, from King John d' Albret; so that by consequence there rested to him onely the Lower, that is, that beneath the Mountains towards France: but with it he had the Countries of Bearn, of Al∣brett, of Foix, of Armagnac, of Bigorra, and many other great Signories coming as well by the House of Foix, as that of Al∣bret.

Henry his Son had onely one Daughter, Jane, who was called The Minion of Kings: for King Henry her Father, and the great King Francis the first her Uncle, with Envy to each other, strove most to cherish her.

The Emperour Charles the fifth had cast his Eyes on her, and caused her to be demanded of her Father for his Son Philip the second; proposing this as a means to pacifie their Dif∣ferences touching the Kingdome of Navarre: but King Francis the first, not thinking it fit to introduce so puissant an Enemy into France,* 1.11 causing her to come to Chastellerault, affianced her to the Duke of Cleves; and after releasing her of that Contract, married her to Anthony of Bourbon, Duke of Vendosme: and the Marri∣age was solemnized at Moulins, in the year 1547. the same year that Francis the first died.

The two young Spouses had in their first three or four years, two Sons; both which di∣ed at Berceau by accidents very extraordinary: the first, because its Governess being her self cold of nature, kept it so hot, that she stifled it with heat; and the second by the careless∣ness of the Nurse, who playing with a Gentle∣man, as they danced the Childe from one to another, let it fall to the ground, so that it died in torment. Thus Heaven deprived them of these two little Princes, to make way for our Henry; who merited well both the Birth-right, and to be an onely Son.

Let us now come to the History of his Life.

The First PART OF THE LIFE OF HENRY the Great:

Containing his History from his Birth, until he came to the Crown of FRANCE.

IT hath not been precisely* 1.12 known in what place Henry* 1.13 the Great was conceived. The common opinion holds that it was at la Fleche in Anjou; there where Antho∣ny of Bourbon his father, and the Princess of Navarre his mother, sojourn∣ed from the end of February, anno 1552, until the middle of May, in the year 1553. But it* 1.14 is certain that she first perceived her conce∣ption, and felt it move, at the Camp in Picar∣dy, where she was with her husband, who was Governour of that Province, and who was gone from la Fleche to command an Army a∣gainst Charles the fifth. It was most just, that

he who was destined to be an extraordinary Prince, should begin the first motions of his life in a Camp, at the noise of Trumpets and Cannon, as a true childe of Mars.

His grandfather Henry d' Albret, who yet lived, having understood that his daughter was with childe, recalled her home to him; desiring himself to take care for the conser∣vation of this new fruit, which, by a secret pre-sentiment, he was wont to say ought to revenge him of those injuries the Spaniards had done him.

This couragious Princess taking then leave of her husband, parted from Compeigne the fifteenth of November; traversed all France to the Pyrenaean mountains, and arrived at Pau in Bearne, where the King her father was, the fourth day of December, not having stay'd above eighteen or nineteen days on her jour∣ney: and the thirtieth of the same month, she was happily brought to bed of a son.

Before this, King Henry d' Albret had made his Will; which the Princess his daughter had a great desire to see, because it was repor∣ted that it was made to her disadvantage, in fa∣vour of a Lady that good man had loved. She durst not speak to him of it; but he be∣ing advertised of her desire, he promised to shew it her, and put it in her hands, when she should shew him what she carried in her womb; but on condition, that at her delive∣ry she should sing a Song; to the end (said he) that thou bringst not into the world a weak and

weeping infant. The Princess promised him; and had so much courage, that maugre the great pains she suffered, she kept her word, and sung one in the Bearnois language, so soon as* 1.15 she understood he was entred into the cham∣ber. It was observed that the infant, contra∣ry to the common order of Nature, came into the world without weeping or crying. Nor was it fit, that a Prince who ought to be the joy of all France, should be born among tears and groans.

So soon as he was born, his grandfather car∣ried* 1.16 him in the skirt of his Robe into his own chamber; giving his Will, which was in a box of gold, to his daughter; telling her, My daughter, see there what is for you; but this is for me. Whilst he held the infant, he rub∣bed his little lips with a clove of Garlick, and made him suck a draught of Wine out of a golden cup; that he might render his tempe∣rament more masculine and vigorous.

The Spaniards had formerly said in Raillery* 1.17 concerning the birth of the mother of our Henry; O wonder! the Cow hath brought forth an Ewe: meaning by that word Cow, Queen Margaret her mother, whom they called so; and her husband, Cow-keeper, alluding to the Arms of Bearn, which are two Cows. And King Henry resting assured of the future great∣ness of his little grandchilde, taking him of∣ten in his arms, kissing him; and remembring the foolish Raillery of the Spaniards, spoke with joy to all those who came to visit him,

and congratulate this happie birth: See (said he) how my Ewe hath now brought forth a Li∣on!* 1.18

He was baptized the year following, on* 1.19 Twelfth-day▪ being the sixth of January, 1554.* 1.20 For this Baptism, were expresly made Fonts of silver richly gilded; in which he was ba∣ptized, in the Chappel of the Castle of Pau. His Godfathers were Henry the second King* 1.21 of France, and Henry d' Albret King of Na∣varre; who gave him their Name: and the Godmother was Madam Claudia of France, after Dutchess of Lorain. Jaques de Foix then Bishop of Lescar, and after Cardinal, held him over the Font, in the name of the Most Christian King; and Madam d' Andovins in the name of Madam Claudia of France. He was baptized by the Cardinal of Armagnac Bishop of Rhodez and Vice-Legat of Avi∣gnon.

He was however difficult to be brought up,* 1.22 having seven or eight Nurses, of which the last had all the honour. At his being wean∣ed, the King gave him for Governess Susan de* 1.23 Bourbon wife of John d' Albret Baron of Mios∣sens, who elevated him in the Castle of Coa∣rasse in Bearn, situated amongst the rocks and mountains.

His grandfather would not permit him to* 1.24 be nourished with that delicateness ordinarily used to persons of his quality; knowing well, that there seldom lodged other then a mean and feeble soul in a soft and tender body. He

likewise denied him rich habiliments, and childrens usual babies;

or that he should be flattered or treated like a Prince; because all those things were onely the causers of va∣nity, and rather raised pride in the hearts of infants, then any sentiments of generositie:

but he commanded that he should be habited and nourished * 1.25 like the other infants of the Country, and likewise that they should ac∣custom him to run and mount up the rocks; that by such means he might use himself to labour, and, if we may speak so, give a tempe∣rature to that young body, to render it the more strong and vigorous: which was with∣out doubt most necessary for a Prince who was to suffer so much to reconquer his Estate.

King Henry d' Albret died at Hagetmau in* 1.26 Bearn, on the five and twentieth of May, 1555. being aged about fifty three years, or there∣abouts.* 1.27 He ordained by his Will, that his bo∣dy should be carried to Pampelona, to be in∣terred with his predecessors; and that in the mean time it should be laid in State in the Ca∣thedral of Lescar in Bearn. This Prince was couragious, of a great spirit, sweet and cour∣teous to all the world, and so nobly liberal▪ that Charles the fifth once passing thorow Na∣varre, was in such manner received, that he protested he had never seen a more magnifi∣cent Prince.

After his death, Jane his daughter, and An∣thony* 1.28 Duke of Vendosme his son-in-law, suc∣ceeded him. They were at present at the

Court of France; and with much difficulty obtained their leave to retire to Bearn: for King Henry the second, pressed to it by ill Counsel, would have deprived them of the Lower Navarre, which yet remained to them; pretending, that all that was below the Pyre∣naean Mountains, belonged to the Realm of France. They knew how justly to oppose a∣gainst him the Estates of the Country; and the King durst not too much pursue this subject, for fear lest despair should force them to call the Spaniards to their assistance: but he still remained troublesome to them; and giving to Anthony the Government of Guyenne, which had been likewise held by Henry d' Albret his Father-in-law, he retrenched him of Lan∣guedoc, which he had a long time enjoyed.

About two years after, they returned to* 1.29 the Court of France, whither they brought* 1.30 their Son, aged about four or five years; who was the most jolly and best-composed Lad in the world: but they stayed but few moneths, and returned again to Bearn.

A little after, King Henry the second was* 1.31 slain with a blow of a Lance by Montgomery.* 1.32 Francis the second, his eldest Son, succeeded him; and Messieurs de Guise, Uncles to Mary Stuart his Queen, seized themselves of the Government. The Princes of the Blood could not suffer it; and therefore Lewis, Prince of Condé, younger Brother to Antho∣ny, called that King into the Court to oppose it.

During these Divisions, the Hugonots con∣trived the Conspiration d' Amboyse against the* 1.33 present Government: and the two Brothers,* 1.34 Anthony and Lewis, being accused for the Chiefs of it, were arrested Prisoners in the State of Orleance; and processes made so hotly against the second, that it was believed he would have been beheaded, if the Death of King Francis the second had not hap∣pened.* 1.35

Charles the ninth who succeeded him, be∣ing* 1.36 under age, Queen Katherine his Mother caused her self to be declared Regent of the Estates; and the King of Navarre, first Prince of the Blood, was declared Lieutenant-Gene∣ral of the Realm, to govern the Estate with her: so that by this means he was stay'd in France, whither he caused his Queen Jane, and his young Son Prince Henry, to come. But he enjoyed not long this new Dignity; for the Troubles dayly continuing, by reason of the Surprizes which the new Reformers made* 1.37 of the best Cities of the Kingdome, after ha∣ving re-taken Bourges from them, he came to* 1.38 besiege Rouen; where visiting one day the Trenches, as he was making water, he recei∣ved a Musket-shot in his left shoulder; of which he in few days died at Andely on the Siene. Had he lived longer, the Hugonots had without doubt been but ill treated in France; for he mortally hated them, though his Bro∣ther▪* 1.39 the Prince of Condé, were the principal Chief of their party.

The Queen his wife, and the little Prince his son, were at present in the Court of France.* 1.40 The mother returned to Bearn, where she publickly embraced Calvinism: but she left her son with the King, under the conduct of a wise Tutor, named la Gaucherie, who endea∣voured to give him some tincture of Learning, not by the Rules of Grammar, but by Dis∣courses and Entertainments. To this effect he taught him by heart many fair Sentences like to these:

Ou vaincre avec Justice, Ou Mourir avec Gloire.

Or justly gain the Victory, Or learn with Glory how to die.

And that other;

Les Princes sur leur Peuple ont autorit•• grande, Mais Dieu plus fortement dessus les Rois commande.

Kings rule their Subjects with a mighty hand; But God with greater power doth Kings com∣mand.

In the year 1566. his mother took him* 1.41 from the Court of France, and led him to* 1.42 Pau; and in the place of la Gaucherie, who

was deceased, she gave him Florentius Christi∣an, an ancient servant of the house of Ven∣dosme; a man of a very agreeable conversati∣on, and well versed in Learning; but howe∣ver a Hugonot, and who, according to the or∣ders of the Queen, instructed the Prince in that false Doctrine.

In the first troubles of the Religion, Francis Duke of Guise had been assassinated by Poltrot at the Siege of Orleance, leaving his children in minority: this was in the year 1563. In the second, the Constable of Montmorency re∣ceived* 1.43 a wound at the battle of St. Dennis; of* 1.44 which he died at Paris, three days after the Eve of St. Martin, in the year 1567. In the third, and in the year 1569, Queen Jane ren∣dred her self Protectoress of the Hugonot par∣ty; being for this effect come to Rochel with her son, whom she now devoted to the De∣fence of that new Religion.

In this quality he was declared Chief, and* 1.45 his Uncle the Prince of Condé his Lieutenant in* 1.46 colleague with the Admiral of Coligny. These were two great Chieftains, but they commit∣ted notable errours; and this young Prince, though not exceeding thirteen years of age, had the spirit to observe them. For he judg∣ed well at the great skirmish of Loudun, that if the Duke of Anjou (b) had had troops ready to assault them, he had done it; and that not doing it, he was without doubt in an ill e∣state, and therefore should the rather have been assaulted by them: but they, by not

doing it, gave time to all his troops to ar∣rive.

At the battle of Jarnac, he represented to* 1.47 them yet more judiciously, that there was no means to fight, because the forces of the Prin∣ces were dispersed, and those of the Duke of Anjou firmly imbodied: but they were enga∣ged too far to be able to retreat. The Prince of Condé was killed in this battle, or rather* 1.48 assassinated in cold blood after the Combat, in which he had had his Leg broken.

After that, all the authority and belief of* 1.49 the Party remained in the Admiral Coligny; who, to speak truth, was the greatest man of that time of the Religion he took part with, but the most unfortunate.

This Admiral having gathered together new* 1.50 forces, hazarded a second battle at Mont∣contour in Poictou: he had caused to come to the Army our little Prince of Navarre, and the young Prince of Condé, who was likewise named Henry; and gave them in charge to Prince Lodowick of Nassaw, who guarded them on a Hill little distant with four thousand horse.

The young Prince burned with desire to* 1.51 engage in person, but they permitted him not to run so great a hazard: nevertheless when the Avant-Guard of the Duke of Alenzon was disordered by that of the Admiral, there had been no danger to let him fall upon the Ene∣mies, who were much astonished. Howe∣ver they hindred him, and he now cryed out,

We shall loose our advantage, and by consequence the battle. It arrived as he had foreseen; and* 1.52 it was at that hour judged by some, that a young man of sixteen years of age, had more understanding then the old Souldiers.

Thus* 1.53 he applyed himself entirely to what he did; nor had he onely a Body, but a Spirit and Judgement apt.

Being saved with the remnants of his Ar∣my, he made almost a turn round the King∣dome, fighting in retreat, and rallying toge∣ther the Hugonots troops here and there for five or six moneths; during which, he suffered so much travel, that had he not been elevated in that manner he was, he could not have been able to resist it.

This young Prince always accompanied with the Admiral, led his troops into Guyenne, and from thence through Languedoc, where he took Nismes by stratagem, forced several small places, and burned the suburbs of Tou∣louse in such manner, that the sparkles of that fire flew into that great City. The War be∣ing* 1.54 thus kindled in the heart of France, he shewed himself on the other bank of the Rhone with his troops, gained by storms the City of St. Julien and St. Just, and obliged St. Esti∣enne en Forez to capitulate. From thence he descended to the banks of the Saone, and af∣terwards into the middle of Burgongne. Paris trembled the second time at the approach of an Army so much the more formidable, be∣cause it seemed to be re-inforced by the loss of

two-battles, and to have now gained some ad∣vantage over that of the Catholicks which the Marshal de Cosse commanded.

The Counsel of the King fearing to hazard all by a fourth Encounter, judged it more to the purpose to plaister up a peace with that* 1.55 party: it was therefore treated of, the two Armies being near each other, and concluded in the little City of Arnay-le-Duc, on the ele∣venth of August.

This Peace made every one retire home; the Prince of Navarre went to Bearn. King Charles the ninth married with Elizabeth, Daughter to the Emperour Maximilian the second; and nothing else seemed thought of, but Feasts and Rejoycings. In the mean time, the King having found that he could never compass his Desires on the Hugonots by force, resolved to make use of meáns more easie, but* 1.56 * 1.57 much more wicked: he began to caress them, to feign that he would treat them favourably, to accord them the greatest part of those things they desired, and to lull them asleep with hopes of his making War against the King of Spain in the Low-Countries; a thing they pas∣sionately desired: and the better to allure them, he promised as a gage of his faith, to marry his Sister Margaret to our Henry; and by these means drew the principal Chiefs of their party to Paris.

His mother Jane, who was come before to* 1.58 make preparations for the marriage, died a few days after her arrival: a Princess of a Spi∣rit

and Courage above her Sex, and whose Soul wholly virile, was not subject to the weaknesses and defaults of other women; but in truth, a passionate Enemy of the Catholick Religion. Some Historians say that she was poisoned with a pair of perfumed Gloves, be∣cause they feared that she having a great spirit, would discover the designe they had to massa∣cre all the Hugonots: but if I be not deceived, this is a falsity; it being more likely which o∣thers say, that she died of a Tissick; since those that were about her, and served her, have so testified.

Henry her Son, who came after her, being in* 1.59 Poictou, received news of her death, and pre∣sently took the Quality of King: for hitherto he had onely born that of Prince of Navarre. So soon as he came to Paris, the unhappy Nuptials were celebrated; the two parties be∣ing espoused by the Cardinal of Bourbon, on a scaffold erected for that purpose before the Church of Nostre-Dame.

Six days after, which was the day of St. Bar∣tholomew,* 1.60 all the Hugonots which were come to the solemnity, had their throats cut; a∣mongst others, the Admiral, and twenty o∣ther Lords of remark; twelve hundred Gen∣tlemen; three or four thousand Souldiers and Burgesses; and through all the Cities of the Kingdome, after the example of Paris, near an hundred thousand men.

Execrable action! which never had, nor ever shall a∣gain, if it please God, finde its parallel.

What grief must it needs be to our young King, to see in stead of Wine and Perfumes,* 1.61 so much Blood shed at his Nuptials, his best friends murthered; and hear their pitiful cries, which pierced his ears into the Louvre where he was lodged? And moreover, what trances and fears must needs surprize his very Person? for in effect it was consulted whe∣ther they should murther him and the Prince of Condé with the rest; and all the murderers concluded on their death: nevertheless, by a miracle, they after resolved to spare them.

Charles the ninth caused them to be brought to his presence; and having shewed them a mountain of dead bodies, with horrible* 1.62 threats, not hearkning to their reasons, told them, Either Death or the Mass. They ele∣cted rather the last then the first, and abjured Calvinism: but because it was known they did it not heartily, they were so straitly obser∣ved, that they could not escape the Court du∣ring those two years that Charles the ninth li∣ved, nor a long time after his death.

During this time, our Henry exquisitely* 1.63 dissembled his discontents, though they were very great; and notwithstanding those vexa∣tions which might trouble his spirit, he cloa∣thed his visage with a perpetual serenity, and humour wholly jolly. This was without* 1.64 doubt the most difficult passage of his Life: he had to do with a furious King, and with his two Brothers, to wit, the Duke of Anjou, a dissembling Prince, and who had been edu∣cated

in massacres; and with the Duke of A∣lenzon, who was deceitful and malitious; with Queen Katherine, who mortally hated him, because her Divines had foretold his reign: and in fine, with the house of Guise, whose puissance and credit was at present almost boundless.

He was doubtless necessitated to act with a* 1.65 marvellous prudence in the conduct of himself with all these people, that he might not cre∣ate in them the least jealousie, but rather be∣get a great esteem of himself; make submissi∣on and gravity accord, and conserve his Digni∣ty and Life: in the mean time he dis-engaged himself from all these difficulties, and from all these dangers, with an unparallell'd address.

He contracted a great familiarity with the* 1.66 Duke of Guise, who was about his own age; and they often made secret parties of pleasure together: but he agreed not so well with the Duke of Alenzon, who had a capritious spirit; nor was he over-much troubled at his ill ac∣cord with him, because neither the King nor Queen-mother had any affection for this Duke. However, he gave no credit to the ill* 1.67 counsel of that Queens Emissaries, who en∣deavoured to engage his contending in Duel a∣gainst him; so much the rather, because that he considering him as the brother of his King, to whom he ought respect, he knew well it would have proved his loss, and that she would not have been wanting to take so fair a pretext to ruine him.

He shunned likewise other snares laid for him, but yet not all: for he suffered himself* 1.68 to be overtaken with the allurements of some Ladies of the Court; whom it is said that Queen served her self expressly of, to amuse the Princes and Nobles, and to discover all their thoughts.

From that time, (

for Vices contracted in the blossome of youth, generally accompa∣ny men to their tomb

) a passion for women* 1.69 was the greatest feebleness and weakness of our Henry; and possibly the cause of his last mis∣fortune: for God punisheth sooner or later those who wickedly abandon themselves to this criminal passion.

Besides this, he contracted no other crimes* 1.70 in this Court; and it ought to be attributed* 1.71 to a particular grace of Heaven, that he was not infected with all; for there was never any more vicious nor more corrupted. Impiety, Atheism, Witchcraft, all most horrible wick∣edness, black ingratitude and perfidiousness, poisoning and assassination, reigning there in a soveraign degree: yet all these abominations, in stead of infecting him, fortified him in the na∣tural horror he had against them; and, though amongst wicked persons, he had never any thoughts to become their Companion, but many to be their Enemy.

On St. Bartholomews-day succeeding, they* 1.72 would finish to exterminate the Hugonots; and* 1.73 to this purpose the Duke of Anjou went to be∣siege Rochel, carrying him with him; but

caused him to be so well observed, that he could neither evade to the right hand nor the left. It may be judged what heart-grief it was to him to be made an instrument in the destru∣ction* 1.74 of those which yet remained his friends and servants, and had refuged themselves in this City. After a long siege, it was relieved by the arrival of the Ambassadors of Poland, who came to seek the Duke of Anjou, whom the E∣states of that Country had elected their King.

Some moneths afterwards, Charles the* 1.75 ninth fell mortally sick, vomiting forth blood* 1.76 through all the conduits of his body; so that by many it was believed he was empoisoned: but however it were, it may justly be said, (if it be permitted to judge of Kings, who ought to be judged by none but God) That it was a Divine punishment for his blasphemies.

His extream malady gave birth to a league* 1.77 made by the Duke of Alenson, the Marshals of Montmorency and Cossé, and some Catholicks, with the Hugonot party, to deprive the Queen∣mother of the Government, and drive the Guises from the Court, where they were ve∣ry puissant. Our Henry entred into it, not out of any designe to oblige himself with those* 1.78 people, but onely that he might have the means to retire with security into his own Country.

The Queen-mother having understood these practices, caused him and the Duke of Alenson to be arrested and committed to Guard. The Prince of Condé saved himself happily in Ger∣many.

She caused likewise the two Marshals of Montmorency and Cossé to be secured; and to let the world see she treated not Princes of their degree in this manner without sufficient cause, she made them be strictly examined, on many treasonable Interrogatories, but which were all false: there were onely put to* 1.79 death la Mole, Coconas, and Tourtray; three Gentlemen of note, who had engaged them∣selves in their intrigues: and possibly this ex∣ecution was necessary to calm the spirit of the Nobility and People, who began to murmur, that a son of France, and the first Prince of the blood, should be treated in this man∣ner.

In this affair, the Chancellour would have* 1.80 examined the King of Navarre: but though captive and threatned, he would not so much wrong his Dignity as to reply to him. How∣ever, to content the Queen-mother, he made a long discourse, addressing his speech to her; by which he declared many things touching the present estate of affairs, but charged no person, as the Duke of Alenson had weakly and unworthily done.

King Charles the ninth being near his death,* 1.81 and hating possibly not without reason both his two brothers, and his mother, sent to seek our Henry, in whom alone he acknowledged to have found faith and honour; and most af∣fectionately recommended to him his wife and his daughter.

Katherine de Medicis, knowing that he had sent for him, was fearful lest he should leave* 1.82 to him the Regency; and to this purpose* 1.83 would cast some fear into his soul, to the end he should not dare to accept it. As he went to attend the King, who was at Bois de Vin∣cennes, she gave order he should be made pass under the Arches, between the Guards, who lay in ambush and posture to massacre him. He startled at first with fear, and recoiled two or three paces backwards: however, Nanzay le Chastre, Captain of the Life-guards, re∣assured him, swearing to him he should re∣ceive no prejudice; he was therefore constrai∣ned, though he trusted but little to his words, to pass through the Carabines and Hal∣berds.

After the death of Charles the ninth, Kathe∣rine* 1.84 de Medicis, partly by force, and partly by cunning, seized on the Regency, expecting the return of her dear Son the Duke of Anjou, who was named Henry the third.

When he was returned from Poland, she* 1.85 brought the two Princes before him, to do with them what he pleased; whom after some chidings and threatnings, he set at li∣berty.

These two Princes making reflection on the continual dangers they had for two years past been in, resolved with the first occasion to de∣liver themselves from these fears. The Prince* 1.86 of Condé, who was in Germany, had raised Le∣vies for the Hugonot party; who, about the

end of the reign of Charles the ninth, had re∣taken Arms: and Damville, second son to du Feu Constable, and brother of the Marshal of Montmorency, who was a prisoner in the Ba∣stile, had joyned himself to their party; not taking Religion for his pretext, (because he was a Catholick) but the publick Liberty, and Reformation of the State. This sort of Ca∣tholicks who joyned themselves in league with the Hugonots, were named The Politicians.

Our Henry could not escape from the* 1.87 Court so soon as he desired: he was diligent∣ly watched, and his very Domesticks were as so many spies over him. He well understood, that if he were surprized whilst he endeavour∣ed to save himself, he should certainly be murthered; and now whilst he sought occasi∣ons to do it with security, he engaged him∣self in new snares; becoming passionate of la Dame de Sauves, wife to a Secretary of State,* 1.88 and at present the fairest in the whole Court.

In the mean time the Queen-mother, who with so much diligence kept him at Court, could have been well contented he had been gone. For the King her dear Son, began to take some knowledge of his own affairs; a thing much displeasing to her, because she would have governed all: she therefore ap∣prehending,* 1.89 that as he took the Authority in∣to his own hands, hers would be diminished; believed that she ought to embroile all by fa∣ctions and civil wars; of which she alone, as it may be said, had the Key, so that nothing

could pass without her. See here the reason wherefore so long as she lived she did under∣hand nothing but suscitate troubles, and ani∣mate different parties both at Court and a∣broad; that in the end, after having caused the desolation of the Estate, and the subversi∣on of all Laws and all Orders, she might her self perish in those flames which she had kin∣dled, and supplyed with so much fuel.

Amongst these transactions, as the King went* 1.90 to Rheims to be enstalled, a conspiracy was dis∣covered* 1.91 against his Person; fostred by the Duke of Alenson, at the instigation of the friends of the defunct Admiral, and of de la Mole, who had been his favourite: many believed this to be a thing devised by the Queen-mother, of pur∣pose to astonish and weaken the spirit of her Son: and the reason they had to believe it, was, because she obliged the King to pardon this crime so lightly, none either of the Com∣plices or Instigators being punished for it. However it were, Henry the third testified in this occasion a particular confidence in our King of Navarre; who, assisted by his friends, served him as Captain of his Guards through the whole way, never stirring from the boot of his Coach: and in this appeared so much the more generous, having no reason to love him, beside the obligation of his duty, being his kinsman and his vassal.

Henry the third being arrived at Rheims,* 1.92 was on the fifteenth of the month of February, installed by the Cardinal of Guise; and on

the marrow espoused to Louise de Lorrain, daughter of the Count of Vaudemont: which added yet a great lustre to the house of Guise, of which Duke Henry was chief, who was at present in favour, though after killed at Blois. This Prince, one of the bravest in all manners* 1.93 that Age produced, had ever promised him∣self to govern the King by Queen Louise his kinswoman. He had contracted a very strait familiarity with the King of Navarre, whom he called his Master▪ as that King called him his Gossip.

Queen Margaret, who, to speak the truth, could not live without Intrigues nor Galante∣ries, contributed with all her power to the entertainment of this good intelligence, and essayed to make the Monsieur (who is he we call Duke d' Alenson) enter into it, whom she most passionately loved.

But the union of Princes being the ruine of* 1.94 Favorites, and those that governed, the Queen∣mother straight broke this designe; begetting in the King a jealousie of his wife; incensing Monsieur against the Duke of Guise, by the re∣membrance of the massacre of the Admiral; continually confounding the King of Navarre by the intrigue of some Ladies, but particu∣larly of de Sauves, who enjoying such person as Katherine commanded her, received the love and services of Monsieur to create a diffe∣rence between them.

The Queen-mother entertained likewise an irreconcileable hatred between the King and

Monsieur: by which means there arrived an affair which as much proclaimed the greatness of Courage and Generosity of our Henry, as any action he had done in his life.

The King being fallen sick, and in great dan∣ger* 1.95 of death with a pain in his ear, believed himself to be poisoned, as a 1.96 Francis the se∣cond had been, and accused Monsieur. In this belief he sent to seek the King of Navarre, and commands him to dispatch Monsieur so soon as he was dead; enforcing himself by all reasons possible, to perswade him that that wicked one would make him perish, and all his, if he pre∣vented it not. The favorites of the King ha∣ving the same opinion with their Master, see∣ing Monsieur pass, sacrificed him already to their revenge, by murthering regards.

Our Henry endeavoured to sweeten the fury* 1.97 of the King, and remonstrated to him the hor∣rible consequences of this command: but the King, not content with reasons, contrary to them, emported himself in such manner, that he would he should presently execute it, for fear lest he should fail of it when he were dead.

If the two brothers, to wit, the King and* 1.98 Monsieur, had been out of the world, the Crown appertained to him. Now one in all appearances was about to die; and he might easily finde a death for the other, having the Favorites, the Officers of the King, the Guise, all their friends, and almost all the Nobility at his devotion: for Monsieur was a Prince of an

ill presence, and of low inclinations, yet ma∣lign and cruel; and for all these fair qualities▪ hated by almost all the world, and sustained onely by the brave Bussy d' Amboise. How few Princes are there that would have let slip so fair an occasion! I dare boldly speak it, how few are there would not seek it? and yet our Hero (for in such an action I must of force call him so) was so far from prevailing himself of it, that he conceived a horrour at the furious vengeance of Henry the third.

There is no nobler ambition, then to know how to moderate ambition when it is not just; and to endeavour to conserve our conscience and honour, rather then acquist a crown by wicked ways. Dia∣dems gained by ill means, are not marks of glo∣ry to those fronts that carry them, but rather frontlets of infamy, such as are placed on Thieves and Villains.

Heaven, without doubt, approved the gene∣rous sentiments of our Henry, and destined to him the Scepter of the Flower de Luce, be∣cause guiltless of an impatience to reach it be∣fore his degree. On the contrary, these bro∣thers of the house of Valois, who endeavou∣red to ravish it one from the other, died all unhappily, and had him for their successour, who by a crime refused to be so.

Henry the third being recovered, knew well that he had wrongfully accused his brother to have impoisoned him; yet he loved him never a whit the more: he dayly suffered his favo∣rites to give him a thousand affronts, and

to domineer over him in the publick Assem∣blies. He would likewise cause Bussy d' Am∣boise, who was his favorite and onely support, to be murthered by night at the gates of the Louvre; and it was believed he had given or∣der, if the Duke of Alenzon had gone to his as∣sistance, (for there were people appointed to come and tell him that Bussy was assassinated) to slay him likewise. In such manner, that* 1.99 * 1.100 getting the bridle out of his teeth, he escaped from Court, put himself in the field, gathered together some male-contents, composed an Army, and joyned with that of the Hugonots, commanded by the Prince of Condé, and by Casimir, youngest son of the Count Palatine; who, in these civil wars of the Religion, twice or thrice led great levies of German Horse in∣to France.

Our Henry was puissantly sollicited to fol∣low* 1.101 him; and Monsieur said he had promised him to do it: but they had taken from about him all those who might favour his escape, and placed in their stead people of their own hire. He was moreover promised the Lieute∣nant-Generalship of the Kings Army; which was a strong lure to retain him; nor was the love of the fair de Sauves less powerful. How∣ever, the natural spurs of his courage, and the fear he had left Monsieur and the Prince of Condé should seize on the chief Command a∣mongst the Hugonot party, which had been his Cradle, and was to be his Castle; the remon∣strances of some of his servants, and the in∣ventions

of Queen Katherine, who expresly incensed the King against him, in the end obli∣ged him to escape, and made him take his re∣solution.

He saved himself therefore by feigning to* 1.102 go on the Chace towards Senlis, and retired to Alenzon; where however he acted no∣thing, the peace being soon after concluded with them all. There was granted to Monsieur a great Portion in money and places; to the Hugonots many very advantagious conditions; to the Prince of Condé the Government of Pi∣cardy, and the City of Peronne, for his retreat: but to our Henry nothing else but hopes; of which being in the end dis-abused, he renoun∣ced the peace, re-entred into the Hugonot party; and quitting the Catholick Church, returned anew to his first Religion. It is to* 1.103 be believed, that he did it because he was per∣swaded* 1.104 it was the better: thus his fault will be worthy of excuse, nor can he be accused but for not having the true light. In the mean time it must not be forgot to observe on this, that the greatest reproach his enemies ever made him, I mean those of the League, was his having thus relapsed; and this was likewise the greatest obstacle he found at Rome, when being converted, he demanded the absolution of the Pope.* 1.105

The Rochellers received him into their City, but not without great Pre-cautions, and not until he had driven from him some people, who were neither Catholicks nor Hugonots,

but Atheists, and horrible wicked persons. It hath been held, that they followed him against his will; that truely he had served himself of them in some intrigues, but that it was himself who by secret advice obliged the Rochellers to demand their expulsion.

After he had so journed some months at Ro∣chel,* 1.106 he went to take possession of his Govern∣ment of Guyenne, where he had the displea∣sure to see shut against him the gates of the City of Bourdeaux, under pretext that the in∣habitants feared that if he became Master of it, he would banish the Catholick Religion. A very sensible injury to a young Prince full of courage; but he knew most wisely how to dissemble it at present, because he had not power to revenge it; and generously forgot it, when he had the means to do it.

About this time the League took birth, that* 1.107 puissant faction, which for twenty years toge∣ther tormented France; which thought to in∣troduce the Spanish Domination, and which would have renversed the order of the succes∣sion of the Royal family, under the fairest pre∣text in the world, to wit, the maintenance of the Religion of our Ancestors.

At other times, under the reign of Charles the ninth, there were divers Leagues and As∣sociations made in Guyenne and Languedoc to defend the Church against the Hugonots, (I leave it to judge whether those who rendred themselves Chief of them, had most Zeal, or most Ambition) but they were not pressed so

forward, nor so diligently formed, and there∣fore became extinct. The Grandees of the* 1.108 Realm however might by them observe, that if at any time such associations were made, it would be a fair means to elevate to a great height him who could render himself their Chief.

Henry Duke of Guise, who had a King-like* 1.109 heart, had in all likelyhood this thought; or if he at first had it not, the favorites of Henry the third, by persecuting him, forced him to entertain it, and to apply himself to this party, to defend himself against them. There were of his house seven or eight Princes, all brave to the utmost extent. The principal of them were the Duke of Mayenne, and the Cardinal de Guise his brothers, the Duke d' Aumarle, and the Marquiss d' Elbeuf his Cousins.

Now the Evasion of Monsieur, of which we* 1.110 have spoken, to the Hugonots, and the advan∣tagious peace after granted them, made the League show it self, which was but little in its commencement. Those who to render them∣selves puissant desired a new faction in the State, took this subject, to make it be represen∣ted by their Emissaries the great danger in which the Catholick Religion was, and to remonstrate the excessive puissance of its ene∣mies, who had on their side the two first Princes of the blood, and Monsieur who was their friend. What would it be, said they, if he should come to the Crown with such ill in∣tentions? that therefore they ought to advise

in good time, and fortifie themselves against that danger which threatned the holy Church. They whispered at present these Considerati∣ons, and other like them, into men ears; and when they had disposed their spirits, published them aloud.

Upon this, the Burgesses of Peronne, a free* 1.111 City, and which was accustomed to have so puissant a Governour, refused to receive the Prince of Condé, because a Hugonot. He made his complaints to the King, and demanded the execution of the treaty of peace. The Picards opposed him, and were the first that made a League or Union for the defence, as they said, of the Catholick, Apostolick, and Roman Faith. The Prince of Condé could never have rea∣son, and was constrained to retire into Guy∣enne.

James Lord d' Humieres, was made Chief of this League in Picardy; and Aplincourt a young Gentleman took the Oath of the In∣habitants of Peronne; by whose example the Cities of Amiens, Corbie, St. Quintins, and many others, did the like. Lewis de Tremo∣ville began one likewise in Poictou. The Queen-mother secretly favoured this designe, to the end she might retain her authority a∣mong these discords and disturbances. The first Model, and the Articles of this League, were brought to Paris; and there were* 1.112 some so zealous as to carry them from house to house, endeavouring to engage the most back∣ward: but Christopher de Thou, chief presi∣dent,

hindred for the present the progress of this conspiracy.

Those who were the first inventors of it, had deliberated among themselves, that to the end to give it means to aggrandize it self, and to keep the spirits of the people still warm, it was necessary to continue the war with the Hugonots: for this purpose, they stirred up di∣vers persons who surprized their places, and committed a thousand affronts against our Henry and the Prince of Condé. And much* 1.113 more, they raised so many factions and com∣plaints on all sides, of people who demanded the summoning of the Estates, that the King was obliged to agree to it. They assembled then at Blois, and began in the month of De∣cember, in the year 1575. The Hugonots them∣selves were not at all troubled at this Convo∣cation, because they imagined that the third Estate, which ordinarily is the strongest, and which hath most reason to apprehend the war, would cause the peace to be confirmed: but* 1.114 the Juncto of those which were for war, was so strong, that it was resolved puissantly to pro∣secute it.

They judged it notwithstanding convenient to depute before-hand some persons of the Assembly to our Henry and to the Prince of Condé, to exhort them to return into the bo∣some of the Catholick Church. And this ta∣king* 1.115 no effect, the King was obliged to declare himself Chief of the League; and so from So∣veraign, become Chief of a faction, and enemy to a part of his subjects.

He raised three or four Armies, who made war against the Hugonots in the Daulphinate, in* 1.116 Guyenne, in Languedoc, and in Poictou; and re∣duced,* 1.117 and might have quite crusht them, if their ruine had been resolutely prosecuted, in that astonishment wherein he had put them. But the Queen-mother, who onely desired the* 1.118 war, that she might have affairs in agitation, and not that they might have their issue, perswa∣ded the King her son, for certain studied rea∣sons, to grant them peace.

The Treaty being concluded, the Queen∣mother* 1.119 made a voyage into Guyenne: she* 1.120 feigned that it was to cause it to be punctually executed, and to carry her Daughter Marga∣ret to the King of Navarre her husband; but it was in effect to sow seeds of Discord among the Hugonots, to the end she might be Mistress of that party as she had been in that of the Ca∣tholicks. Henry now kept his little Court at Ne∣rac: he had before kept it at Agen, where he was beloved of the people by reason of his justice and goodness: But it happened, that at a Ball* 1.121 or Dance some young people of his own train blew out the Candles, to commit insolencies; which so scandalized the inhabitants, that they delivered their City to the Marshal of Byron, whom the King had sent Governour into the Province of Guyenne.

A little time after, Henry likewise lost la Reole by another folly of his young people. He had given the Government of it to an old Hu∣gonot Captain named d' Ussac, who had his vi∣sage

horribly deformed: his deformity how∣ever hindred him not from becoming passio∣nate of one of the Ladies attending the Queen∣mother; for she had brought many of the most bewitching with her, to kindle a fire eve∣ry where. The Viscount of Turenne, afterwards Duke of Bouillon, aged at present about twen∣ty one or twenty two years, with some others of his age, would make Raillery of this busi∣ness: our Henry, instead of commanding them silence, made himself of their party; and ha∣ving a fluent spirit, assisted them in lancing out some mocks & jeers against this doting Lover. There is no passion renders a heart so sensible as this. Usac could not suffer this Raillery, though proceeding from his Master; but in prejudice of his Honour and Religion, he yeilded and delivered up la Reole to Duras; a Lord who having been in favour with our Henry, had quitted him, out of envy, because he testified less affection to him then to Roque∣laire, who was without doubt one of the most honest and most pleasant men of his time.

These two losses of Agen and la Reole, gave him, and ought to give all Princes, two very necessary instructions.

The first, that a Prince ought well to go∣vern* 1.122 his Courtiers; the rather, because all their disorders are imputed to him: and that it is presumed when they do them, that it is himself commits them, because obli∣ged to hinder them.

The second, that above all things he ab∣stain from Raillery: for there is no Vice which makes so many enemies, nor which is more dangerous, because others may be concealed. Such a word as issuing from the mouth of a particular person, would be ac∣counted but a light jest, is like a stab of a ponyard from that of a Prince; and leaves in the heart mortal resentments. Nor must great ones be flattered with this opini∣on, that their subjects or their inferiours ought to suffer all things from them: for where honour is concerned, the more the person that wounds is superiour, the greater is the wound; as the impression of a body is deeper, the more feet it hath, and the higher it falls.

The Queen-mother had taken with her, as* 1.123 we have said, Queen Margaret to her husband. Neither the one nor the other of the two Spouses were over-well content. Margaret, who loved the splendour of the French Court, where she swam, if we may so speak, in full in∣trigues, believed to be in Guyenne was a kind of banishment: and Henry, knowing her humour and carriage, would rather have chose her room then her company. However, seeing it a remediless ill, he resolved to suffer it; lea∣ving her an intire liberty: he considered her rather as a Sister of his King, then as his Wife. He likewise pretended some nullities in the Marriage, but attended time and place to

make them known. In the mean time, accom∣modating himself to the season, and to the ne∣cessity* 1.124 of his affairs, he endeavoured to draw advantages from her intrigues, and from her credit. He received no small one in the con∣ference which he and the Deputies of the Hu∣gonots had at Nerac with the Queen-mother: for whilst she thought to inchant them by the charms of those fair Ladies she had expresly brought with her, and by the eloquence of Pi∣brac; Margaret opposed the same Artifices, gained the Gentlemen who were near her Mo∣ther, by the attractions of her Ladies; and em∣ployed so well her own, that she enchanted the spirit and will of the poor Pibrac in such manner, that he acted not but by her motion, and quite contrary to the intentions of the Queen-mother, who, not distrusting that a man so wise could be capable of so great folly, was deceived in many Articles, and insensibly carried to grant much more to the Hugonots then she had resolved.

Scarce were eight months spent since the peace, but the Queen-mother, Monsieur and* 1.125 the Guises, began to be weary of it. The Queen-mother, because she would not have the King rest any long time without having need of her Negotiations and intermission: Monsieur, because by re-kindling the War, he thought to render himself redoubtable to the King, and to make him give him forces to carry into the Low-Countries; which being revolted from Spain, demanded him for their Soveraign:

And in fine, the Guises, because they feared lest the ardour of the League should by too long a calm, grow cold.

In these wishes, they pressed the King to re∣demand* 1.126 the places of security granted to the* 1.127 Hugonots; and under-hand Monsieur and the Queen-mother caused it to be told to our Henry, that he should not surrender them, but hold it out that his cause was just, and that his safety consisted in his Arms. Margaret, who knew his weakness, and who likewise wisht the War, excited him by the perswasion of Ladies whom she fostered to this designe; and by the same means animated alike all those braves who approached her; nor spared she her self with the Viscount of Turenne for this purpose: so that this Prince, possibly with very little ju∣stice, and certainly to very ill purpose, was carried to a rupture, and engaged the Hugonots in a new Civil War, which was named for the reasons I but now spake of, The War of the Lo∣vers.

This was the most disadvantagious they e∣ver* 1.128 yet made: by it they lost a great quantity of strong places; and were in such manner weakned, that had the pursuit of them been finished, they could never have regained strength. But Monsieur, who desired to trans∣port* 1.129 all the forces both of the one and the o∣ther party into the Low-Countries, made himself Mediator of the peace, and obtained it by an Edict, which was concluded after the Conference of Fleix.

This peace was the cause of almost as many evils to the Estate, as all the former Wars had* 1.130 been. The two Courts of the two Kings, and the two Kings themselves, plunged themselves in their pleasures; with this difference however, that our Henry was not so absolutely lull'd a∣sleep with his delights, but he thought some∣times of his affairs, being awakened and lively reminded by the Remonstrances of the Mini∣sters of his Religion, and by the reproaches of the old Captains of the Hugonots, who spoke to him with great liberty. But Henry the third was wholly overwhelmed with softness and feebleness; he seemed to have neither heart nor motion: and his subjects could scarce know that he was in the world, but because he day∣ly charged them with new Imposts; all the money of which, was disposed to the benefit of his Favorites.

He had always three or four at a time; and* 1.131 at present he began to cast his graces on Joyeuse, and the two Nogarets; to wit, Ber∣nard and Jean-Lewis, of whom the eldest di∣ed five or six years after, and the youngest was Duke d' Espernon, one of the most memora∣ble and most wonderful Subjects that the Court had ever seen elevated in its favour; and who certainly had qualities as eminent as his fortune. In the mean time, the excessive gifts which the King gave to all his favorites, excited the cries of the people, because they were trampled on; and their monstrous great∣ness displeased the Princes, because they be∣lieved

themselves despised; in such manner, that they rendred themselves odious to all the world: and the hate carried to them, fell likewise upon the King, whilst that violence which they obliged him to use towards his Parliaments, to confirm his Edicts of Creati∣on and Imposts, augmented it yet more: for if his Authority made his Wills pass as absolute, he drew the peoples curses; and if the vigour of the Soveraign companies, as often hap∣pened, stopt them, he attracted their dis∣dain.

The people, who easily licentiate themselves to Rebellion against their Prince▪ when they have lost for him all sentiments of esteem and veneration, spoke strange things of him and his favorites. The Guises, (whom the Minions* 1.132 (for so the favorites were called) opposed in all occasions, endeavouring to deprive them of their Charges and Governments, to re-invest themselves) were not wanting to blow the fire, and to increase the animosities of the peo∣ple; particularly of the great Cities, whom favorites have always feared, and who have always hated favorites. These were the prin∣cipal Dispositions to the aggrandizing the League, and to the loss of Henry the third.

It is not to our purpose to recount here: all* 1.133 the intrigues of the Court during five or six years; nor the War of the Low-Countries, from which Monsieur a 1.134 brought nothing

but disgrace. It is onely necessary to tell, that in the year 1684. Monsieur died at Castle-Thierry,* 1.135 without having been married; that Henry the third had likewise no Children; and that it was but too well known he was unca∣pable of ever having any, by reason of an uncurable disease which he contracted at Ve∣nice, in his return from Poland. See here the reason why, as soon as Monsieur was judged to death by the Physitians, the Guises and Queen-Mother began to labour each on their side to assure themselves of the Crown, as if the succession had been open to them: for neither the one nor the other accounted for any thing our Henry; so much the rather, be∣cause he was beyond the seventh degree, be∣yond which in ordinary successions is accoun∣ted no kindred; and because he was not of that Religion, of which all the Kings of France have been since Clouis, and by conse∣quence incapable to wear the Crown, or bear the Title of Thrice-Christian. Adde to this that he was two hundred Leagues distant from Paris, and as it were shut up in a corner of Guyenne, where it seem'd to them easie to* 1.136 ensuare him or oppress him.

The Queen-Mother had a design to give the Crown to the Children of her Daughter married to the Duke of Lorrain, whom she would have treated as Princes of the bloud, as if the Crown of France could fall under the command of the Spindle. Nor was she carried to this onely out of the love she had for them,

but out of a secret hatred she had conceived against our Henry, because she saw that con∣trary to all her wishes, heaven opened him a way to come to the Throne.

Besides, she was too much deceived, for so able a woman, to believe that the Duke of Guise would favour her in her design: there* 1.137 was much appearance, and after affaires suf∣ficiently testified it, that seeing himself per∣secuted by the Favorites, and ill treated by the King himself, for their sakes he had thoughts to assure the Crown for his own head.

For ill treatments work at least no other effect then to cast into extreme despaire, Souls so Noble and Elevated as that of this Prince.

But he knowing well that of him∣self he could not arrive at so high a pitch, and that specially because it would be dif∣ficult to divert the affection which the people of France naturally have for the Princes of the Bloud; he advised himself to gain the old Cardinal de Bourbon, who was Uncle of our Henry: he promised him therefore, that the death of Henry the third Arriving, he would employ all his power, and that of his Friends, to make him King: and that good man doting with age, permitting himself to be flattered with these vain hopes, made himself the Bauble of the Dukes Ambition, who by this means drew to his party a great number of Catholiques, who considered the house of Bourbon.

The Question was, if the Uncle ought to

precede the Son of the Elder Brother in the Succession: and to speak truth, the business was not without some difficulty, because ac∣cording to the Custome of Paris, the Capital of the Realm, and many other Customes, col∣lateral representation hath no place. This point of right was diversly agitated by the Reverend Judges; and many treats were had, some in favour of the Uncle, and others of the Nephew: but these were but Combats of words; the sword was to decide the diffe∣rence. It seemed to many great Polititians, that the Duke of Guise acted contrary to his own interests and design, by acknowledge∣ing that the Cardinal of Bourbon ought to Succeed to the Crown; this being to avow, that after his death, which could suffer no long delay, it would appertain to our Henry* 1.138 his Nephew.

Henry 3. knew well his design, or rather was advertised of it by his Favorites, who saw in it their certain ruine, and therefore so much desired to bring back the King of Navarre to the Catholique Church, to the end he might deprive the Leaguers of that specious Pretext they had to entertain the League: He sent therefore to him the Duke d'Espernon, who Essayed to Convert him by reasons of interest and policy. Our Henry hearkened to him; but he testified that those were not motives sufficiently puissant to make him Change; and sent him back with many Civilities.

The Hugonots were so vain, as to publish and cause to be Printed the conference of this Prince with Espernon, to shew that he was unshaken in his Religion, and possibly like∣wise* 1.139 to engage him more strongly in it. The Duke of Guise was not wanting to profit him∣self of it, and to remonstrate to the Catho∣lique people the stubbornness of this Prince; and what they might hope, if he came to the Crown with such sentiments.

To stop therefore his way to it, he made the* 1.140 zealous openly renew the League; and bold∣ly bringing it into Paris, where some new religious persons inspired this Ardour into peoples souls by Confessions, held the first publique Assembly at the Colledge de Fortet, which was called the Cradle of the League. Ma∣ny Burgesses, many Tradesmen, and likewise some Clerks of Paris, entred into it. They carri∣ed it to Rome, and presented it to Pope Gregory the 13. for his approbation; but he never* 1.141 would give it: and continually, so long as he lived, disavowed it.

So soon as it grew a little great and strong, those who had engendred it, made it appear that it was not only to provide for the secu∣rity of Religion for the future, but that at present they might approach themselves neer to the Crown; and that they not onely would have it against the King of Navarre, who was* 1.142 to Succeed, but against Henry the third, who now reigned: They kept in Salary certain new Divines, who durst openly sustain, that a

Prince ought to be deposed who acquits him∣self not well of his duty:

That no power but that which is well ordered, is of God; otherwise, when it passes due bounds, it is not Authority, but Usurpation: and that it is as absurd to say that he ought to be King who knows not how to govern, or who is deprived of understanding, as to believe a blind man a fit guide, or an im∣moveable Statue able to make living men move.

In the mean time the Duke of Guise was retired to his Government of Champagne, feigning himself discontented; but it was to make the Duke of Lorrain sign the League, out of hopes he would cause his Son to Suc∣ceed to the Crown, to which he pretended to have right by his Mother, Daughter to Henry the Second. He held to this purpose a* 1.143 Treaty at Joinville, where he likewise found Agents from the King of Spain, who signed to the Treaty, and as it was reported, did by Letters of Exchange supply the Duke of Guise with great sums of money.

At his departure thence, the Duke assem∣bled Troops on all sides: his friends seized* 1.144 on as many places as they could, not onely amongst the Hugonots, but likewise amongst the Catholiques. The King might easily have dissipated these Levies, had he taken the field. But the Queen-Mother, like to self-inte∣rested Physitians, who would for their pro∣fit augment the disease, withheld and

amused him in his Closet, perswading him that if he would leave to her the management of this affair, she would easily reduce the Duke to his obedience. To this purpose she* 1.145 held a Conference with him at Vitry, and so gave him time to strengthen his party; and when he saw himself in an Estate to fear no∣thing, he broke the Conference, and made shew of some resolutions to come directly to Paris.

The King astonished, prayed his mother to conclude an accommodation upon any terms: which she did by the Treaty of Nemours, by which she granted to the Duke and other Princes of his house, the Government of se∣veral Provinces, many great sums of money, together with a most bloudy Edict against the Hugonots, which forbad the profession of any other Religion then the Catholique, under Penalty of Confiscation of Goods and Estate; with Command to all Preachers and Ministers to depart the Realm within one moneth, and all Hugonots of what degree or quality soever within six months, or otherwise abjure their false Religion. This Edict was called the Edict of Juillet, which the League farther constrain∣ed the King to carry himself into the Parlia∣ment, and cause it to be ratified.* 1.146

A little after arrived news from Rome that* 1.147 Sixtus the fifth, who succeeded Gregory the eighteenth, had approved the League, and had besides fulminated out terrible Bulls a∣gainst the King of Navarre and Prince of

Conde, declaring them Hereticks, Apostates, Chiefs, Favourers and Protectors of Here∣ticks, and as such falling under the Censures and Pains concluded on in the Laws and Can∣nons, depriving them and their descendants of all Lands and Dignities, incapable to suc∣ceed to any Principality whatsoever, especi∣ally to the Kingdome of France; and not onely absolving their Subjects from all Oaths of Fidelity, but absolutely forbidding them to obey them.

It was now that our Henry had need of all* 1.148 the forces both of his Courage and Vertue to sustain so rude assaults. He seemed in a manner lull'd asleep by his pleasures: when the noise of these great assaults awakened him, he recalled all his Vertue, and began to make it appear more vigorously then ever before. And certainly he afterwards avowed that his enemies had highly obliged him, by per∣secuting him in this manner: for had they left him in repose, that rest had possibly En∣tombed him in a corner of Guyenne, and he not have been constrained to think of his affairs; so that at the death of Henry the third, he would not have been in an Estate to at∣tempt or entertain the Crown.

He now did two Actions of great renown:* 1.149 the first, was his commanding Plessis Mornay, a Gentleman of excellent Education, and who could be reproached with nothing but being a Hugonot, to answer the Manifesto of the League by an Apologie, and by a Declara∣tion

which he caused to be drawn. In this last piece, (the Chiefs of the League having spread abroad divers calumnies against his honour) he with all submission besought the King his Soveraign, that he would not be offended if he did pronounce, saving still the respect due to his Majesty, that they did falsely and mali∣ciously lye: and moreover, that to spare the blood of his Nobles, and shun the desolation of the poor people, those infinite disorders, and above all, those blasphemies, burnings and violations which the license of War must cause, he offered to the Duke of Guise, chief of the* 1.150 League, to decide this quarrel by his person against his, one to one, two to two, ten to ten, or what number he should please, with Arms generally in use by Cavaleers of honour, either in the Realm of France, or in such place as his Majesty should command, or else in such place as the Duke of Guise himself should chuse.

This Declaration had a great effect o'er peo∣ples spirit. They said, That force could not justly be employed against him, who so far submitted himself to reason: and the greatest part of the Nobility approved this generous procedure; and proclaimed aloud, that the Duke of Guise ought not to refuse so great an honour.

That Duke wanted no courage to accept the* 1.151 Defiance; but he considered, that drawing his sword against a Prince of the blood, was in France accounted a kinde of Parricide; that otherwise he could willingly have reduced

the cause of Religion, and of the Publick, to a particular Quarrel. He therefore prudent∣ly answered, That he esteemed the person of the King of Navarre, and would have no con∣troversie with him; but that he onely interest∣ed himself for the Catholick Religion, which was threatned; and for the tranquillity of the Kingdome, which onely and absolutely depen∣ded on the unity of Religion.

His other Action was thus. Having under∣stood* 1.152 the noise of those paper-Thunder-bolts which the Pope had thrown out against him, he dispatched one to the King to make his Complaints to him; and to remonstrate to him, That this procedure concerned his Ma∣jesty nearer then himself; That he ought to judge, That if the Pope took upon him to de∣cide concerning his succession, and should seize to himself a right to declare a Prince of the blood unable of the Crown, he might af∣terwards well pass further, and dethrone him∣self, as Zachary is reported to have formerly degraded Childeric 3.

Upon these Remonstrances, the King hin∣dred the publication of those Bulls in his Do∣minions. But our Henry, not contenting him∣self* 1.153 there with, knowing himself to have friends at Rome, proved so hardy as to fix his and the Prince of Condé his opposition at the corners of the chiefest streets of the City: by which those Princes appealed from the sentence of Sixtus, to the Court of Peerage of France; giving the Lye to whoever accused them of

the crime of Heresie; offering to prove the contrary in a general Council: and in the end, professing that they would revenge upon him, and upon all his successours, the injury done their King, the Royal Family, and all the Courts of Parliament.

It could not but be supposed, that this op∣position* 1.154 would incense to the utmost the spirit of Sixtus the fifth; and indeed at first he te∣stified a very furious emotion. However, when his Choler was a little asswaged, he ad∣mired the great Courage of that King, who at such a distance had known how to revenge himself, and fix the marks of his resentment even at the gates of his Palace: in such man∣ner, that he conceived so great an esteem for him, (so true is it, that Vertue makes it self be reverenced by its very enemies) that he was often afterwards heard say, That of all those who reigued in Christendome, there was none but this Prince, and Elizabeth Queen of Enland, to whom he would have communica∣ted those great things which agitated his spirit, if they had not been Hereticks. Nor could all the prayers of the League ever oblige him to furnish any thing towards the charges of this War; which possibly overwhelmed the great∣est part of their Enterprizes, because their hopes in part depended on a Million which he had promised them.

Now as on their side, the Chiefs of the League endeavoured to engage on their party all the Lords and Cities they could; our Hen∣ry

on his part re-united with him all his friends* 1.155 both of the one and the other Religion: the Marshal of Damville-Montmorency Governour of Languedoc: the Duke of Montpensier, Prince of the blood, who was Governour of Poictou, with his Son the Prince of Dombes: the Prince of Condé, who held a part of Poictou, of Xain∣tonge, and of Angoumois: the Count of Soissons, and the Prince of Conty his brother. Of these five Princes of the blood, the three last were his Cousen-Germans, the two first were remo∣ved one degree further; and all professed the Catholick Religion, save onely the Prince of Condé. He had likewise on his part Lesdi∣guieres, who, from a plain Gentleman, had by his Valour elevated himself to so high a point, that he was Master of the Daulphinate, and made the Duke of Savoy tremble: Clau∣dius de la Trimouille, who possessed great Lands in Poictou and Brittany, and was sometimes before turned Hugonot, that he might have the honour to marry his Daughter to the Prince of Condé: Henry de la Tour, Viscount of Turenne, who either out of complacency, or true perswasion, had espoused the new Re∣ligion: Chastillon, son to the Admiral of Co∣ligny; la Boulaye Lord Poitevin; Rene, chief of the house of Rohan; George de Clermont d' Amboise; Francis, Count of Rochefoucaud; the Lord de Aubetterre; James de Caumont∣la-force; the Seigneurs de Pons; Saint Gelais-Lansac: with many other Lords and Gentle∣men of remark, all, or most, of the new Reli∣gion.

At the same time he dispatched to Eli∣zabeth Queen of England, and to the Prote∣stant Princes of Germany, such able Agents, that they joyned all together in a strong Uni∣on, The One to maintain the Other: so that all these being united, all things arrived con∣trary to what the League expected; and our Henry found himself fortified in such manner, that he had no longer any apprehension of be∣ing oppressed, without having the means to defend himself.

I shall not make here a particular Recital of the Actions either of the one or the other par∣ty during the years 1585. and 1586. because I have observed nothing very considerable.

King Henry the third was extreamly per∣plexed* 1.156 at this War, which was maintained at his expence, and to his great prejudice, since they disputed the succession, he yet living, and* 1.157 well, and already considered him as one dead. He loved neither the one nor the other party; but did so much cherish his Favou∣rites, (strange blindness!) that he could have desired, had it been in his power, to have par∣ted his Estate amongst them. The League on* 1.158 their side pretended to have power enough to carry it; and our Henry hoped to frustrate the designes both of the one and the other. The Queen-mother having other wishes for the children of her Daughter married to the Duke of Lorrain, promised the King to finde means

to calm all these tempests. To this purpose she procured a Truce with our Henry: during which, an Interview was agreed upon between* 1.159 him and her at the Castle of St. Brix near Coig∣nac; where both the one and the other met in the month of December.

There was some difficulty to finde security* 1.160 both for the one and the other; but especially for the Queen-mother, who was wonderfully distrustful. Our Henry hereupon did an Acti∣on of great Generosity; which he managed in this manner: There had a Truce been a∣greed upon for the security of this Confe∣rence, in such sort, that if either party broke it, they were in fault, and might justly be ar∣rested: now some of our Henry's followers, feigning to be Traytors, had enticed some of the Catholick-Captains, too greedy of the booty, to Fontenay, which they would have let them take: by this means the Catholicks would have remained convict of perfidy, and he had had good pretence to arrest the Queen-mother: but this generous Prince, having understood the carriage of this foul play, was extreamly troubled against those who contri∣ved it, and forbad them to continue it. Was not this to have the true sentiments of honour founded in his Soul, and not onely in his ex∣teriour Carriage?

And as he testified his Generosity in that* 1.161 Rencounter, so he made known his Constancy and the power of his Spirit in all the Dis∣course. The Qeen demanding of him what

it was he would; he answered, regarding those Ladies she had brought with her, Madam, there is nothing that I would have: as if he would have said, That he would not longer permit himself to be drawn away by such al∣lurements. She endeavoured above all things to disunite him with the other Chiefs of his party, or to render him suspected, offering all that he demanded as to his particular: but he, knowing well her stratagem, held firmly to this point, That he could not treat any thing without communicating it to his Friends.

After a long entertainment, she once de∣manding him if the pains she had taken should produce no more fruit, especially to her, who onely wished for repose; he answered her, Madam, I am not the cause of it; nor is it I who hinder you from resting in your Bed: it is you that hinder me from resting in mine. That pains you take, pleaseth and nourishes you; for Repose is the greatest enemy of your life.

He made many other Replies, very lively and full of spirit: but above all, that was ob∣servable which he made to the Duke of Ne∣vers, of the house of Gonzague, who accom∣panied the Queen-mother. This Duke ad∣vancing once to tell him that he might live much more honourably near the King then a∣mong those people who had no authority; and* 1.162 that if he should have occasion for money at Rochel, he would scarce have the credit to raise one impost; he fiercely replyed, Sir, I

do at Rochel all that I please, because I shall please to do nothing but what I ought.

This Conference of St. Brix having produ∣ced* 1.163 nothing but new Exasperations, and the Queen-mother being returned, the Guises, who endeavoured by all means possible to re∣venge themselves of the Favourites, made of∣fer of their service to our Henry; and the Duke of Mayenne sent to tell him, that there might means be found for an accommodati∣on, if he would understand them: that he would come to finde him with four horse, at whatever place he pleased; and that he would give him his Wife and Children for Hostage. This Negotiation had no success, nor can I finde the cause why it was interrupted.

The rest of the Winter passed in the two* 1.164 Courts in Feasts and Dances: for though a∣mong the miseries and troubles of the King∣dome, Queen Katherine had introduced that custome of Dancing in all places and in all sea∣sons:* 1.165 which she did, as it was said, to amuse the great ones of the Court in those vain Di∣vertisements; there being nothing which more dissipates the powers of the spirit, nor which is more capable, if we may speak so, to dissolve the forces of the soul, then the ravishing sound of Violins, the continual agitation of the body, and Charms of Ladies. After the Ex∣amples of the Court, Dances and Maskes reigned in all the Realm: Nor could the Remonstrances of the Ministers hinder these Dances among the greatest part of the Hugo∣not

Lords, though there were still some who could not suffer it.

In the Spring, some Enterprises began,* 1.166 both on one part and the other; but they* 1.167 were nothing in comparison of what was done towards the end of the Summer. The Protestant Princes of Germany sent an Ar∣my to the assistance of the Hugonots, con∣sisting of Five thousand Lansquenets or Ger∣man Foot, Sixteen thousand Switzers, and Six thousand Reistres or German Horse. They traversed Lorrain and Champagne, af∣terwards passed the Seine, and marched towards the Loire, as if they would have passed it, or coast along it in their re-advan∣cing. At the same time the King of Navarre had gathered his forces towards Rochel, and endeavoured to come to meet them unto the Bankes of the Loire; but he was hindred by an Army of the Kings, commanded by the Duke of Joyeuse, who had order dili∣gently to pursue him. The Duke of Guise* 1.168 having likewise gathered the forces of his party; and though they were very small, fol∣lowed sometimes the German horse, some∣times coasted them, and oftentimes mixed himself amongst them without any great dan∣ger; so much the rather, because this too weighty body of strangers could not easily move, being troubled with a great baggage, not having a Chief either of any great Credit, or sufficiently intelligent to Conduct; and all its Captains being in discord and bad intelli∣gence one with the other.

By reason of all these defaults, this Army* 1.169 could never take any good Resolution. The Loire was fordable in many places; for it was about the end of September: but nevertheless they would not pass it, but came to spread themselves in the Champaines of Beaustre, ex∣pecting News from the King of Navarre, in stead of advancing amongst the Nivernois, and gaining Burgongne. The intention of the King* 1.170 of Navarre, was to advance along Dordogna, and from thence enter into Guyenne; and af∣ter having gathered together all his Forces, to meet the Protestant Army in Burgongne, by the favour of those Provinces were his friends. But the Duke of Joyeuse obstinately pursued him; imagining he fled, because in effect he avoided fighting, having no other end then a Conjunction with the Germans.

This new Duke was much declined in his favour with the King, who had received ad∣vice that he inclined much to the League; not that he loved the Guises, but because he had permitted it to be put into his head by his flat∣terers, that he deserved to be Chief of that great party; and he held the destruction of the Hugonots so certain, that he had obtained from the Pope the Confiscation of all the So∣veraign Territories of our Henry. Desiring▪* 1.171 therefore to sustain his Reputation and Fa∣vour, which were then tottering, he pursued him so closely, that he overtook him near to Coutras.* 1.172

The Army of Joyeuse was, as one may say,

all of Gold, shining with Silver and Gold La∣ces; with Damasked Arms; with Feathers in great Plumes; with Embroydered Scarfs; with Velvet Coats, with which every Lord, according to the mode of the times, had fur∣nished his Companies: but the Army of the* 1.173 King of Navarre, was all of Iron, having no other then Grizled Arms, without any Orna∣ment, with great Belts of Buff, and labouring Habits. The first had the advantage in num∣ber, having six hundred Horse, and a thou∣sand Foot, more then the other; the half of its Infantry, Dragoons; its Cavalry almost all Lances, and most mounted on managed Hor∣ses: it had besides for it, the Name and Au∣thority of the King, and assurance of Rewards; but the better half of it was composed of new Troops, which wanted Order and Discipline: It had a General without Authority; an hun∣dred Chiefs in stead of one; and all young people, elevated in the Delights of the Court; having sufficient Heart and Courage, but with∣out any Experience.

The other on the contrary was composed of all the choice men of its party: the old rem∣nant of the Battails of Jarnac and Montcon∣tour; people bred up in the mystery of War, and hardned by the continual endurance of Fights and Adversities. It had at its Head, three Princes of the Blood, the Chief of them well obeyed and reverenced as the presumptive Heir of the Crown, the love of the Souldiery, and hope of all good French-men: besides, it

was armed with a necessity either to overcome or die; Armour of more proof then either Steel or Brass.

Orders being given, the King of Navarre* 1.174 called all his Chiefs; and from a little rising ground, exhorted them in few words, but such as were agreeable both to his Quality and the time; taking Heaven to witness, that he fought not against his King, but for the De∣fence of his Religion and Right. Afterwards addressing himself to the two Princes of the Blood, Condé and Soissons; I shall say nothing else to you, said he, but that you are of the house of Bourbon; and if God live, I will now shew you that I am worthy to be the first-born of that Family.

His Valour that day appeared above that of all others. He had placed on his Head-piece a Plume of white Feathers, both to make him∣self known, and because he loved that colour: so that some putting themselves before him, out of designe to shelter and defend his per∣son, he cryed out to them, To your Quarter,* 1.175 I pray you, and do not shadow me; for I would ap∣pear.

A Bravery without doubt absolutely necessary for a Conquerour, but which would be temerity and an unsupportable fault in a Prince well established.

He broke the first ranks of the Enemy, and took Priso∣ners with his own hand, and came even to handy-gripes with one named Chasteau-Rey∣nard, Cornet of a Company of Gens ▪ Arms, saying to him, Deliver thy Colours▪

The Battail being gained, some having seen the Flyers, who made a halt, came to tell him, that the Army of the Marshal of Matig∣non appeared: he received this News as a new subject of Glory; and turning bravely towards his people, Let us go, my Friends, said he; this will be a thing never before seen, two Battails in one day.

It was not onely his Valour made him wor∣thy to be admired in this occasion; it was like∣wise his Justice, Moderation and Clemency: for his Justice, we may recount what fol∣lows.

He had debauched the Daughter of an▪ Offi∣cer* 1.176 of Rochel; a thing which had dishonoured that Family, and very much scandalized him among the Rochellers. A Minister, as the Squa∣drons were almost ready to go to the charge, and that the Prayer was to be made, took the Liberty to remonstrate to him, That God could not favour his Arms, if he did not be∣fore demand pardon for that offence, repair the scandal by a publick satisfaction, and re∣store Honour to a Family he had deprived of it. The good King humbly hearkned to these Remonstrances, fell upon his Knees, demand∣ed of God pardon for his fault; prayed all those who were present to serve as witnesses of his repentance; and to assure the Father of the Maiden, that if God gave him the grace to live, he would repair as much as possible the Honour he had deprived her of. So Christian a submission, drew tears from all the Assistants:

nor was there any who would not have ventu∣red a thousand Lives for a Prince who so cor∣dially inclined himself to do Reason to his in∣feriours.

Having thus overcome himself, God made him Conquerour over his Enemies: and who knows but that he exalted him, because he so Christianly humbled himself? The Enemies* 1.177 Army was wholly defeated, with the loss of five thousand men: all their Cannon, baggage, Ensignes, and all their chief Commanders, were taken Prisoners, except two or three, among whom were the Duke of Joyeuse, and of* 1.178 St. Saviour his brother, who were found dead on the place.

That night, our Conquerour finding his Lodgings full of Prisoners and wounded per∣sons of the Enemy, was constrained to cause his Bed to be carried to those of Plessis Mor∣nay: but the Body of Joyeuse being laid forth on the Table in the Hall, he was there forced to mount on high; and there, while he supt, were presented unto him the prisoners, fifty six foot-Ensignes, and twenty two Standards and Cornets.

It was a fair and glorious Spectacle for this Prince, to have under his feet that Enemy who had obtained from the Pope the Confiscation of his Territories; to see his Table environed with so many Noble Captains, and his Cham∣ber tapistred with Ensignes. But to speak truth, it was much more agreeable to gene∣rous Souls, to see, that amongst so many sub∣jects

of Vanity and Pride; and in so just resentments of those bloudy injuries done him, (things which often transport the sweetest Souls to insolence and cruelty) there could not be observed either in his words or countenance, the least sign that might breed any suspition, that either his Constancy or* 1.179 Goodness were ever so little altered: but on the contrary, shewing himself as Courteous and Humane in his victory, as he had shewed himself brave and redoubtable in fight; he sent back almost all the Prisoners without ransome, restored their baggage to many, took great care of the wounded, and gave the body of Joyeuse and S. Saveur to the Viscount de Turenne, who was their Kins∣man; and dispatched the next morning his Master of Requests to the King, to intreat peace of him: from whence it was judged, that so great a courage would overcome all its enemies, and that nothing would be capa∣ble to renverse his fortune, whom so great a prosperity was not able to move.

He was however blamed, for not having* 1.180 hotly pursued his victory, and for having per∣mitted that Triumphant Army to break by, not again employing them in some great ex∣ploit. It was believed, and there was much appearance for it, that he would not press things too forward, for fear of too much offending the King, with whom he desired yet to keep some measures; hoping daily that he might reconcile himself to him, and re∣turn

to Court, where it was necessary he should be, that he might be in a condition to take the Crown, when Henry the third should dye. In fine, were it for this reason, or other, he retired into Gascoigne, and from thence into Bearne, under pretext of some affairs; carrying with him only Five hundred horse, and the Count of Soissons, whom he kept neer him, out of hopes to make him Espouse his sister. The Prince of Conde returned to Rochel, and Turenne to Perigord.

In the mean time, that great Army of* 1.181 Germans having received many checks in several places, but especially at Auneau in Beausse, where the Duke of Guise slew or took Prisoners Three thousand Reistres; afterward at Pont de Gien, where the Duke d' Espernon took Twelve hundred Lansque∣nets or Foot, and almost all the Cannon; willingly hearkened to an agreement, which the King caused to be proposed to them: and afterwards retired by Burgongne, and by* 1.182 the County of Montbeliard, but were still purs••ed farther in that County, by the Duke of Guise.

Now began the year One thousand five* 1.183 hundred eighty eight; which all Judi∣cial* 1.184 Astrologers had called the wonderful year, because they foresaw so great a num∣ber of strange accidents, and such confusion in natural causes, that they were assured, that if the end of the world came not, there would happen at least an Universal Change.

Their Prognosticks were seconded by a a number of terrible Prodigies which ar∣rived throughout all Europe. In France there were great Earth-quakes, along the River Loire, and likewise in Normandy. The Sea was for six weeks together disturbed with continual tempests, which seemed to confound both heaven and earth. In the Aire appeared divers Phantasmes of fire; and on the four and twentieth of January, Paris was covered with so horrible a dark∣ness, that those who had the best eyes, could scarce see any thing at noon-day, without the help of lights. All these Prodigies seemed to signifie what soon after Arrived, the death of the Prince of Conde, the Besieging of Paris, the Subversion of the whole Realm, the Murthering of Messieurs de Guise, and in fine the Parricide of Henry the third.

As for the Prince of Conde, he died in the* 1.185 month of March, at S. John d' Angeli, where he then made his residence. Though there had been a secret jealousie between him and the King of Navarre, even to the making of two factions in their party; yet the King re∣sented* 1.186 this losse with an extreme grief; and having shut himself up in his Closet, with the Count de Soissons, he was heard to cast forth great cries, and say that he had lost his right hand: However, after his grief was a little evaporated, he recovered his Spirit; and* 1.187 casting all his trust on Divine Protection, he came forth, saying with a heart full of Chri∣stian

assurance: God is my refuge and my sup∣port, it is in him alone I will hope, and I shall not be confounded.

It was truly a great losse for him: he was now alone to Support all the weight of affairs; and being denuded of this assister, remained more exposed to the attempts of the League, who had now only to give a like blow to his person, to remain Conquerours in all their affairs. He had therefore just cause to fear their attempts: However, the Duke of Guise had a heart so Noble and great▪ that whilst he lived, he would never suffer such detesta∣ble waies.

The Confidence of the League encreased* 1.188 wonderfully, by the death of this Prince; they testified extraordinary rejoycings, and publi∣shed that it was an effect of the Justice of God, and of the Apostolick curses. The Hugonots on* 1.189 the contrary, were in an extreme consternati∣on, considering that they had lost in him their most assured Chief, because they believed him firmly perswaded in their Religion; but had not the same opinion of the King of Navarre. In effect, the Confusion and Disorder was so great amongst them, that in all appearance, had they continued strongly to prosecute them, they might have soon ruined them.* 1.190 The King hated them mortally, and would willingly have consented; but he would man∣nage things in such manner, that their de∣struction should not prove the agrandizing of the Duke of Guise, and his own losse: but this

Duke knowing his intentions, pressed him* 1.191 continually to give him forces utterly to exterminate the Hugonots, in whose ruine he infallibly hoped to involve the King of Navarre.

He had this advantage over the King, that he had acquisted the love of the people, prin∣cipally by two means; the first, by his oppo∣sing himself to the new Imposts; and the se∣cond, by continually being at variance with the Favorites, nor ever bending before them: whilst the doing of things contrary, had made the King fall into an extreme low Esteem, and had likewise taken away the heat of some of his servants love. See here an Example.

The King had two great men in his Coun∣cel,* 1.192 Peirre d' Espinac Archbishop of Lyons, and Villeroy Secretary of State: The Duke d'Espernon, who was fierce and haughty, would treat them according to his proud humour; they grew exasperated against him, and there∣upon change their affection to the Duke of Guise his party, but without doubt still in their hearts remaining most faithful to the King and Crown of France, as afterward well appeared, especially in the person of Vil∣leroy.

In the mean time, the King lived after the* 1.193 ordinary manner, in the profusions of an odious Luxury, and in the laziness of a con∣temptible Retreat; passing his time either in seeing Dances, or in playing with little Dogs, of which he had great numbers of all sorts;

or else in Teaching Parriquito's to speak, or in Cutting of Images, or in other Occupations more becoming an In••ant then a King.

But the Duke of Guise lost no time: he* 1.194 made dayly new friends, conserved his old ones, caressed the people, testified a great zeal for the Ecclesiasticks, undertook their defence against all would oppress them; and every where appeared with the Splendor and Gravity of a Prince, but yet without Pride, without Arrogancy: The Parisians were in∣toxicated with esteem for him; the greatest part of the Parliament, and most part of the other Officers attended his motions, and testi∣fied to him the affection they ought to the service of the King.

There were an infinite number of people who had signed the League: and in the sixteen Quarters or Wards of Paris, when they could not gain the Quarteniers or Aldermen, they chose one the most violent of the Leaguers to act in their function; by reason of which, they afterwards called at Paris the Principal of this party, and their faction,* 1.195 the sixteen: not that they were but sixteen, for their number exceeded Ten thousand, but all dispersed through the sixteen Quar∣ters.

Now the King, principally incited by the* 1.196 Duke d' Espernon, resolved to punish the forwardest of these sixteen, who in all oc∣casions shewed themselves furious enemies of that Favorite. By this means he thought to

overthrow the League, and absolutely ru∣ine the Credit and Reputation of the Duke of Guise. He caused therefore some Troops secretly to enter into Paris, and gave order to seize on those persons.

The Duke of Guise being advised of it,* 1.197 posts from Soissons, where he then was, re∣solving to perish rather then lose his friends. Barricadoes were raised in the month of May, even to the Gates of the Louvre, and the Kings Troops were all cut in pieces or disarmed. The Queen-mother, according to her ordi∣nary custome, became mediatrix of an Ac∣commodation,* 1.198 but the King fearing to be in∣closed; in a fright, retires to Chartres.

The League by this becoming Mistress of Paris, take possession of the Bastille, the Hostel de Ville, and the Temple; hang the Provost of the Merchants, and the Civil Lieutenant. And at the same time they assured themselves of Orleans, Bourges, Amiens, Abbeville, Montreuil, Rouen, Rheims, Chaalons, and more then twenty other Cities in several Provinces; the people every where crying, Long live Guise, Long live the Protector of the Faith.

The King, not without much reason, was extreamly affrighted. The Parisians deputed* 1.199 some to him to Chartres, to ask pardon: but withal, they demand the extirpation of He∣resie. All the world encreased his fears, none fortified his Courage. In this distress he knew no securer way to shun that danger which threatned him, then by essaying to disarm his

subjects. To this effect he sends one of his Masters of the Requests to the Parliament, to* 1.200 let them understand, that his absolute intenti∣on was to forget all that was past; so that e∣very one returned to his Duty, and to labour diligently for the Reformation of the King∣dome: for which end, he found it convenient to assemble the General Estates at the end of the year, where they might provide for the assuring a Catholick Successor of the Blood-Royal; protesting, that he would observe in∣violably all the Resolutions of the Estates, but that he would have them free, and with∣out Faction, and that from that day all his Subjects should lay down Arms.

It much troubled the Duke of Guise to* 1.201 consent to the laying down Arms; fearing lest when he was left defenceless, he should remain at the mercy of his enemies, and par∣ticularly of the Duke d' Espernon. He there∣fore stirred up the Parisians by a famous de∣putation, to demand the continuation of the War against the Hugonots, and the expulsion of that Duke. The King, after some resistance, granted both the one and the other: for he caused to be Ratified in Parliament an Edict most advantagiously favourable for the League, and most bloody against the Hugonots; and he bid Adieu to the Duke d' Espernon, who retired into his Government of Angou∣mois.

After this, the Duke of Guise came to at∣tend* 1.202 the King at Chartres, having the Queen-mothers

word for his Security; and both gave great assurances of his Fidelity, and received all the testimonies he could wish, of the affe∣ction of the King; insomuch that he made him great Master of the Gens d' Arms of France.

In the mean time the League gained the upper hand throughout all the Provinces on this ••ide the Loire, and caused Deputies for the Estates to be elected at its pleasure. In the moneth of November, the Estates assembled in the City of Blois. It is not necessary here to re∣count* 1.203 all their intrigues. In fine, the King per∣swading that they had conspired to dethrone him, caused the Duke of Guise, and the Car∣dinal* 1.204 his Brother, to be slain in the Castle; and kept prisoner the Cardinal of Bourbon, the Archbishop of Lyons, the Prince of Joinville, who after the Death of his Father was called Duke of Guise, and the Duke of Nemours, bro∣ther by the mother to the first Duke.

The Queen-mother, under whose word the Guises thought to have been in security, was so touched with the reproaches made her, and with the ••lightings of the King her Son, who after this, believed he had no more need of her, that she died with grief and envy few* 1.205 days after, lamented by no person, not so much as by her Son, and generally hated by all par∣ties.

In truth, if ever there were an Action am∣biguous* 1.206 or problematical, it was this. The servants of the King said that he was constrain∣ed to it by the extream audacity of the Guises;

and that if he had not prevented them, they had shaved him, and shut him up in a Monastery. But the ill repute he had among all men, the general esteem these Princes had acquisted, and the odious circumstances of the murther, made it appear horrible even to the eyes of the very Hugonots, who said, that this much resembled the bloody Massacre of St. Bartho∣lomew.

Our Henry conserved a wise Mediocrity in* 1.207 this rencounter: he deplored their death, and gave praises to their Valour: but he said, That certainly the King had very puissant Motives to treat them in that manner: and for the rest, that the Judgements of God were great, and his Grace thrice-special towards him, having revenged him of his Enemies, and neither en∣gaged his Conscience nor his hand in it. For certain Gentlemen having often offered them∣selves to him with a determinate resolution to go kill the Duke of Guise, he had always let them know, that he abhorred such a Proposi∣tion; and that he would neither esteem them his friends, nor honest men, if they conserved it in their thoughts.

His Council being assembled upon this great* 1.208 News, found, that he ought not for it make any change in the conduct of his Affairs, be∣cause the King, though himself might be wil∣ling to it, durst not for some moneths speak of a Peace with him, for fear lest he should make it be believed that he had slain the Guises to favour the Hugonots; so that he continued the War, and kept several places.

In the mean time, the progress of Affairs beat him out a path to lead him to the heart of the Kingdom, and return him to the Court, which was the post he ought most to wish for.

Henry the third, amusing himself after the* 1.209 murther of the Guises, to examine the Acts of* 1.210 the Estates at Blois, in stead of mounting pre∣sently to horse, and shewing himself in those places where his presence was most necessary; the League, which at first had been astonished at so great a blow, regained its spirits. The great Cities, and principally Paris, who were possessed with this madness, having had lei∣sure to dissipate their amazement, passed from fear to pity, and from pity to fury. The Sixteen chose at Paris the Duke of Aumarle for their Governour. The Preachers and Church-men declaimed horribly against the King; the people snatched down his Arms where-ever they found them, and dragged* 1.211 them through the dirt. The Parliament, who would have opposed this rage, were imprison∣ed in the Bastille by Bussy le Clerk, a simple Pro∣ctor, but very much esteemed among the Six∣teen; and were forced, to regain their Liberty, to swear to the League. At their coming forth of the Bastille, there were many who continued to hold the Parliament at Paris; the others stole away by little and little, and went to the King, who transported the Parliament to Tours, where they kept their Session until the reducement of Paris, in the year fifteen hun∣dred

ninety four. These without doubt te∣stified most fidelity to their King; but those who remained at Paris, rendred him after∣wards much greater service, as shall be ob∣served in its place.

The Widow of the Duke of Guise presen∣ted* 1.212 her request to these, to take information of the Death of her Husband; and demanded of the Commissaries, that process might be made against those should be found convicted of it. She received favourable Conclusions from the Proctor-General; and they proceed∣ed very far on this subject, even against the person of Henry 3. but I cannot say to what point, because the Papers were taken from the Registers of Parliament, when Henry the Great re-entred into Paris.

We cannot sufficiently detest like Revolts* 1.213 against a Soveraign: but these Examples ought to make him know, that though he holds his power from on high, yet the O∣bedience depends on the Caprichio of the people, and that he ought so to carry himself as not to attract their hatred; otherwise, since men have the impudence to blaspheme God, why may they not have it to revolt a∣gainst Kings?

Whilst these things were acting, Henry the* 1.214 third understood that Pope Sixtus the fifth had excommunicated him for the murther of Cardinal de Guise. This great fire in a little time flamed quite through France. The Duke* 1.215 of Mayenne, who was at Lyons making war a∣gainst

the Hugonots, being advertized by a Courrier from Roissie•• his Secretary, (who pre∣vented the Kings) departing from that City, came into his own Government of Burgongne, assured himself of Dijon and of Province; and thence passed into Champagne, who stretched out their Arms to him; after to Orleance, which was already revolted; and so Chartres, whom his approaches made likewise rise: and in the end he came to Paris. The Sixteen, and many of his friends, would have advised him to have taken the Title of King, which they would have caused to be given him by the Council which the League had established: but he refused, contenting himself with the Title of Lord-General to the Estate and Crown* 1.216 of France; which he took, as if the Throne had been vacant. They likewise broke the Seals of the King, and made others, whereon on one side was engraven the Arms of France; and on the other, a Throne empty; and for inscription about it, the Name and Quality of the Duke of Mayenne in this manner; Charles Duke of Mayenne, Lieutenant of the Estate and Crown of France.

All France took part in this occasion; and almost all the Cities and Provinces of the Realm ranged themselves on the Duke of May∣enne's side. The King, fearful that he should* 1.217 be shut up in Blois, retired to Tours. There now rested onely one way for him to defend himself against so many dangers as were ready to environ him; and this was, to call to his

assistance the King of Navarre, who had five or six thousand men, old Souldiers, by whom he was well beloved. Yet he durst not do it, for fear to be esteemed a Favourer of Here∣ticks, or incur the blame of violating those Edicts against the Hugonots he had so solemnly sworn to in the Estates of Blois. He tryed* 1.218 therefore all sorts of ways to appease the re∣sentment of the Duke of Mayenne; offering him very advantagious Conditions. But what assurance, said the Leaguers, can this Duke have, his Brothers being murthered in so per∣fidious* 1.219 a manner? So that he not hearkning to any Proposition of Accommodation, Henry the third was constrained to turn his thoughts toward the King of Navarre.

This Prince above all things would have a passage over the River Loire: the City of Saumur was given to him, where he establish∣ed Governour Plessis Mornay, who fortified the Castle, and made it the head of the Hugo∣not-Garisons. Being afterwards from thence approached Tours, his old Captains kept him for some time in distrust, and hindred him* 1.220 from going to see the King, whom they fear∣ed (they said) lest in a time wherein a Treason was so necessary for him, to draw him out of that Labyrinth wherein the Action of Blois had involved him, he should buy his Absolu∣tion at the price of the King of Navarre's Life.

The Duke d' Espernon▪ who was returned to Court to serve his Master at his need, and

the Marshal d' Aumont, would have engaged him to it, and given him their words: but his friends could not consent that he should ex∣pose himself to the Faith of a Prince, who as they believed, had not any. In truth their fears were just, and our Henry was without doubt possessed with them as well as they: However, after he had well considered that he* 1.221 acted now for the safety of France, for the ser∣vice of the King, and to open to himself a way to defend that Crown appertained to him, he resolved to hazard all, and to resigne himself absolutely to the holy Guard of the soveraign Protector of Kings.

The City of Tours is situated as it were in an Island, a little below the place where the Ri∣ver Cher mingles its streams with the Loire, ha∣ving coasted that great River three or four Leagues. The King of Navarre's people would* 1.222 not that he should engage himself between these Rivers, but that the Conference should be held beyond the Cher. He almost alone was of opinion contrary to them all; never∣theless to content them, he was constrained to hold a Council on the Banks, and after to per∣mit his Captains to pass first, as if to sound the Ford. He passed after them, and arrived at Plessis les Tours, about three a Clock in the Afternoon, in a War-like Habit, all dur∣ty, ready to be covered with his Cuira••s; himself onely having a Cloak, all his peo∣ple being in their Doublets, and ready to put on their Arms, that he might shew he was

not come to compose his Court, but to serve him well.

He went to meet the King, who heard Vespers at the Minimes. The crowd of the peo∣ple was so great, that they were a long time before they could joyn. Our Henry being* 1.223 within three paces of the King, cast himself at his feet, endeavouring to kiss them; but the King would not permit him, but lifting him up, embraced him with great tenderness: they reiterated their embraces three or four times, the King naming him his▪ Thrice-dear Brother, and he calling him his Lord. There were now heard eccho the joyful Cries of Vive le Roy, which had for a long time been silent; as if the presence of our Henry had given a new birth to the peoples affections, which seemed extinct for Henry the third.

After the two Kings had for some time en∣tertained* 1.224 each other, our Henry passed the River, and went to lodge at the Suburb of St. Simphorien: for he had been obliged to pro∣mise thus much to the old Hugonots, who be∣lieved snares and traps every where laid for him. But he who was pricked forward by o∣ther* 1.225 Motives, and who was endowed with that generous Principle,

That we ought not be too sparing of our Lives when there is some∣thing to be gained which ought to be more precious then Life it self to a great Courage,

departed the next morning at six of the Clock, without advertizing his people; and attended onely by one Page, passing the

Bridge, went to give a visit to the King. They entertained one another a long time in two or three Conferences; in which our Henry gave great marks of his Capacity and Judgement. Their Resolution in sum, was to raise a puissant* 1.226 Army to assault Paris, which was the princi∣pal head of the Hydra, and gave motion to all the rest: a thing easie for them to do, because the King expected great Levies from towards the Switzers, whither he had sent Sancy for that purpose; adding, that the designe of the siege being published, it would infallibly draw a great number of Souldiers and Adven∣turers, out of hopes of so rich a pillage.

The two Kings having passed two days toge∣ther, he of Navarre went to Chinon, to cause the rest of his Troops to advance, who hither∣to had refused to mingle themselves among the Catholicks.

During his absence, the Duke of Mayenne,* 1.227 who had taken the Field, fell upon the Su∣burbs of Tours, thinking to surprize the City, and the King within it, by means of some in∣telligence. The Combat was very bloody, and the Dukes designe wanted little of taking effect; but after the first endeavours, having lost the hopes to compass it, he easily re∣tired.

Afterwards the Kings Troops being won∣derfully increased, they marched conjoyntly, he and the King of Navarre towards Orleans; took all the little places thereabouts, and from thence descended into Beauce, and drew

together all of a suddain towards Paris. All the Posts round about it, as Poissy, Estampes, and Meulan, were either forced, or obtained Capitulation:

in which they desired no o∣ther security then the word of the King of Navarre; to which they trusted more then to all the Writings of Hen. 3. So great a profession made he of keeping his word, even to the prejudice of his interests.

Let us consider a little the different Estate to which these two Kings were reduced by their different conduct.

The One, for ha∣ving* 1.228 often broken his Faith, was abandoned by his Subjects, and his greatest Oaths found no belief amongst them: and the Other, for having always exactly kept it, was followed even by his greatest Enemies: in all occasi∣ons he gave marks of his Valour and Experi∣ence in point of War; but above all, of his Prudence, and of those Noble Inclinations he had to good, and to oblige all the world. He was always seen in the most dangerous places, to accelerate Labours, animate his Souldiers, sustain them in Sallies, comfort the wounded, and cause Money to be distri∣buted amongst them. He observed all, in∣quired into all, and would himself with the Marshal of the Camp, order the Lodgings of his Souldiers. He observed strictly what was done in the Army of Henry 3. where though he often found faults, he concealed them, out of fear to offend those who had committed them, by discovering their igno∣rance;

and when he believed himself obli∣to take notice of them, he did it with so much Circumspection, that they could not finde any reason to take it in ill part. He was never niggardly of giving praises due to Noble Actions, nor of Caresses and gene∣rous Deport to those came near him: he en∣tertained himself with them when he had time to do it; or at least so obliged them with some good word, that they still went away satisfied. He feared not at all to make himself familiar, because he was assured that the more men knew him, the more they would esteem him. In fine, the conduct of this Prince was such, that there was no heart he gained not, nor no friend he had who would not willingly have become his Mar∣tyr.

Paris was already besieged; the King lodged* 1.229 at St. Clou, and our Henry at Meudon, keeping with his Troops all that is between Vanvres to the Bridge of Charenton. Sancy was already arrived with his Levies of Suisses; and they laboured with Orders to give a general Assault, to the end they might gain the Suburbs be∣neath the River. The Duke of Mayenne, who was in the City with his Troops expecting those Supplies the Duke of Nemours was to bring, was in great apprehensions that he should not be able to sustain the furious shock was preparing; when a young Jacobin of the* 1.230 Convent of Paris, named James Clement, spurred on by a Resolution as devilish and de∣testable

as it was determinate, smote King Henry the third with a blow of a knife in the Belly; of which he died the morrow after. If the frantick Monk had not been slain upon the place by the Kings Guards, many things might have been known, which are now con∣cealed.

Our Henry being advertized late in the* 1.231 Evening of this mournful Accident, and of the danger in which the King was, came to his Lodging, accompanied onely by five and twen∣ty or thirty Gentlemen; and being arrived a little before he expired, he fell on his knees to kiss his hands, and received his last Embraces. The King named him many times his Good* 1.232 Brother, and Legitimate Successour; recom∣mended the Kingdome to him; exhorted the Lords there present to acknowledge him, and not to disunite. In fine, after having conjured him to embrace the Catholick Religion, he gave up the Ghost; leaving all his Army in an astonishment and confusion which cannot be expressed, and all the Chiefs and Captains in Irresolutions and different Agitations, accor∣ding to their Humours, Fancies or Interests.

The Second PART OF THE LIFE OF Henry the Great.

Containing what he did, from the day he came to the Crown of France, until the Peace which was made in the year 1598. by the Treaty at Vervin.

THE Death of Henry the third* 1.233 caused an entire change in* 1.234 the face of affairs. Paris, the League, and the Duke of Mayenne, were transported from a profound Sadness, to a furious Joy; and the Servants of the De∣funct King, from a Pregnant Hope to see him Revenged, to an extreme Desolation.

This Prince, who had been the object of the peoples hatred, being now no more, it seemed that that hatred should cease, and by

consequence the heat of the League relent: but on the contrary, not only all those who compo∣sed that faction, but likewise many others who had held it for a Crime to League themselves against Henry the third, their Catholick and Legitimate King, believed themselves in Conscience Obliged to oppose themselves a∣gainst our Henry, at least till such time as he should return into the bosome of the true Church: a qualification they believed ab∣solutely necessary for that him should succeed Charlemagne of S. Lewis. So that if the League lost that heat which hatred gave it, it gained one much more specious, from a zeal to Religion; and had likewise a most plausible pretext not to lay down Arms till Henry should Profess the Religion of his Ancestors.

It was very difficult to judge, whether the* 1.235 point of time wherein this unhappy Parricide arrived, were good or ill for him: for on one side it seemed that Providence had not drawn him from the utmost parts of the Kingdom, where he was like a banished man, and led him by the hand to the fairest Theatre in France, but only to make known his goodness and virtue, and put him in an Estate to gain that Succession, to which, had he been absent, he had never been called. But on the other side, when the multitude of his Puissant ene∣mies, which armed themselves against him, are considered, the small Treasure, and few Forces he had, the Obstacle of his Religion,

and a thousand other difficulties, it could not be certainly judged, whether the Crown was ordained for him to enjoy, or fallen upon his head to crush him in Pieces: and there might be reason to say, that if this Con∣juncture Elevated him, it was upon a Throne trembling, and erected on the brink of Precipices.

Whilst Henry the third was in his Agony,* 1.236 our Henry held many Tumultuary Councels in the same lodgings, with those whom he Esteemed his most faithful Servants. So soon as he understood he was expired, he retired to his quarter at Meudon, and attired him∣self in the mourning Purple: he was presently followed by a great quantity of Noblemen, who accompanied him as well for Curiosity as affection. The Hugonots with those Troops which he had led, presently swore Allegi∣ance to him: but this number was very small. Some of the Catholicks, as the Mar∣shal* 1.237 d' Aum••nt, Givry, and Humieres, swore Service to him until death, and that willingly, without desiring any Condition of him; but the greatest part of the others, being either estranged by inclination, or exasperated by some discontent, or else believing now to have found the time to make their Services be bought, kept at a greater distance, and held several little Assemblies in divers places, where they formed a number of Fantastick designs.

Each of these proposed to make them∣selves* 1.238

Sovereigns of some City, or some Pro∣vince, as the Governours had done in the decadence of the house of Charlemagne. The Marshal of Byron among others, would have* 1.239 had the County of Perigord; and Sancy, not to reject him, spoke to the King. This Proposition was very dangerous: for if he de∣nied it, he incensed him; and if he accorded to his demand, he opened the way to all o∣thers to make the like, and so the Kingdome would be rent in Peices. It was only his great spirit and understanding, which could walk safely in so dangerous a path: he therefore charged Sancy to assure him on his part of his affection, of which he would willingly in time and place give him all the markes a good Subject could expect from his Sove∣reign; but at the same time, he furnished him with so many puissant reasons wherefore he could not accord to what he desired, that Sancy being himself first perswaded, found it not difficult to work the same effect on the spirit of Byron; whom he obliged not only to renounce that pretence, but likewise to protest that he would never suffer any peice of the Estate to be dismembred, in favour of whomsoever.

We may without doubt conclude, that the great Henry did reason puissantly; and that he explained his reasons in the best manner, since he could in occasions so important, perswade such able Spirits against their pro∣per interests.

Byron being thus gained, went with Sancy to assure themselves of those Suisses which* 1.240 Sancy had brought to the deceased King, but who being of the Catholick Cantons, made some difficulty to bear Arms for a Hugonot Prince, and that without new order from their Superiour. As for the French Troops of the Defunct King, it was not so easie to gain them. The Lords who Commanded them, or who had their Chiefs under their dependance, had every one divers designs; one would have one thing, and the other ano∣ther, according to their several interests or Caprichio's.

There were six Princes of the house of* 1.241 Bourbon, to wit, the old Cardinal of Vendosme, the Count of Soissons, the Prince of Gonti, the Duke of Montpensier, and the Prince of Dombes his Son; which in stead of being his firmest Prop, gave him no little inquietude; because there was none of them which had not his particular pretence; which proved to him a continual Obstacle.

Many of the Lords which were in the Army* 1.242 were not very well intentionated, particular∣ly Henry Grand Prior of France, Natural Son to Charles the ninth, (after Count of Auvergne and Duke of Angoulesme) the Duke of Espernon, and Termes Belle-garde; who out of the fear they had formerly had, lest he should deprive them of the favour of their Master, had opposed him in divers Ren∣counters. For the Courtiers, as Francis d' O,

and Manou his brother, Old-Castle and ma∣ny others, they knowing that our Henry detested their Villanous Debaucheries, and that he would not prove a person of so ill management, as to lavish out his Revenues to supply their Luxury, had no great inclination for him. Nevertheless, hoping to find things better, they resolved to declare in his favour; but with such Conditions as should restrain and bridle him, and in some manner oblige him to depend on them.

For this purpose there met an Assembly of* 1.243 some Noblemen, at d' O's Palace (a man Vo∣luptuous, Prodigal, and by consequence not very scrupulous; but who at present made Conscience a Cloak to render himself necessa∣ry) who there resolved not to acknowledge him, till he were a Catholick. Francis d' O* 1.244 accompanied with some Noblemen, had the confidence to carry to the King the Reso∣lutions of this Assembly; and added a studied discourse, to perswade him to return to the Catholick Religion: but the King, who had already past over his greatest fears, made them an answer so mixt with sweetness and* 1.245 gravity, with spirit and reservedness, that Couragiously repulsing them, without too severely taunting them, he testified to them that he desired to conserve them his, but that after all, he feared not much the loss of them.

Some time after, the Nobility, after divers* 1.246 little Assemblies, held a great one, with Francis de Luxembourg Duke of Piney. There

many Propositions being made, at last the Dukes of Montpensier and Piney subtilly Ma∣traged the Spirits, and Steered the Opinions of the most importunate to this Resolution, That they would acknowledge Henry for King, upon these Conditions: 1. Provided that he would cause himself to be instructed; for they presupposed conversion must necessarily follow instruction. 2. That he should not permit the exercise of any but the Catholick Religion. 3. That he should neither give charge nor employment to the Hugonots. 4. That he should permit the Assembly to depute Agents to the Pope, to let him un∣derstand and agree to the Causes which Obliged the Nobility to remain in the Ser∣vice of a Prince separated from the Romane Church.

The King had the knowledge of this Reso∣lution,* 1.247 from the Duke of Piney: he thanked them for their zeal for the Conservation of the Estate, and the affection they had for his per∣son; promising them, that he would sooner lose his life, then the remembrance of those good services they had rendred him; and granting them easily all the points they de∣manded,* 1.248 only the second: In stead of which, he promised them to re-establish the exercise of the Catholick Religion through all his Territories, and to remit the Ecclesiasticks into the possession of their Estates: and of this he caused a Declaration to be ingrossed, which after all the Lords and Gentlemen of Note

had signed; he sent to be confirmed, by that part of the Parliament which was at Tours.

There were many who signed it with some* 1.249 regret, and others who absolutely refused it; among whom were the Duke of Espernon, and Lewis d' Hospital Vitry. This last, disturbed as it was said by a scruple of Conscience, cast himself into Paris, and gave himself for some time to the League; but first of all, he a∣bandoned the Government of Dourdan, which the Defunct King had given him.

Such were then the Maxims of persons of true honour in the Civil Wars, that in quitting one par∣ty, which ever it was, they quitted like∣wise those places they held, and returned them to those had conferred them.

The Duke d' Espernon protesting, that he* 1.250 would never be either Spaniard or Leaguer, but that his Conscience would not permit him to stay with the King, demanded leave of him to retire to his Government. The King after having in vain endeavoured to retain him, gave him leave, with many Carresses and prayses: but so much was he in his heart troubled at his abandoning him, that it hath been believed he conserved against him a se∣cret resentment so long as he lived.

The Duke of Mayenne was not a little* 1.251 troubled in Paris, what resolution he should take: he saw that all the Parisians, even those who had held of the party of the Defunct King, had fully resolved to provide for the security of Religion: But that however they

would all have a King, contrary to some of the Sixteen, who imagined they might form a Republick, and turn▪ France into Cantons, like to the Suisses; but those were neither sufficiently powerful in Number, Riches, or Capacity, to Conduct such a design. So that the most part of his friends counselled him to take the title of King: but when he went about to sound this Gulfe, he found that this proposition was neither agreeable to the people, nor yet to the King of Spain, from whom he received, and was to receive his Principal stay, and means of Subsistence.* 1.252

Hereupon two other Counsels were given him: the one, to accord willingly with the new King, who without doubt in the con∣juncture wherein things were, would grant him most advantagious conditions: The o∣ther, that he should by Declaration publish to the Catholicks of the Royal Army, that all resentments remaining Extinct by the Death of Henry the third, he had no other interest then that of Religion: That that point being of Divine obligation, and re∣garding all good Christians; he summoned and conjured them to joyn with him, to ex∣hort the King of Navarre to return to the Church; upon which, they promised to ac∣knowledge him immediately for King: but if that he refused to do it, they protested to Substitute in his place another Prince of the blood. This advice was the best. And indeed it was proposed by Jeannin President of the

Parliament of Burgongne, one of the wisest and most Politick heads of his Councel, and who acted in his affairs without Sleights or Stratagems; but with great judgement, and singular Honesty.

The Duke of Mayenne equally rejected* 1.253 both these advices; and took a third, to wit, the causing the old Cardinal of Bourbon (who was at present detained prisoner by order of our Henry,) to be proclaimed King; still re∣serving to himself the quality of Lieutenant-General of the Crown. He published after se∣veral Declarations, one of which he sent to the Parliament, the other to the Provinces and the Nobility, inviting them to endeavour to deli∣ver their King, and defend their Religion.

At the same time the King tried by di∣vers* 1.254 Negotiations, and caused him to be ex∣horted rather to seek his advancement by his friendship, then by the troubles and miseries of France. But to this the Duke answered, that he had engaged his Father in the Publick cause, and given Oath to King Charles the tenth, (for so they called the old Cardinal of Bourbon, who was named Charles) to whom, according to the sentiment of the League, the Crown appertained, as to the nearest Kinsman of the Defunct. And in the mean time, he entertained Plots and Conspiracies in the Royal Army; where his emissaries from day to day debauched many persons, even of those whom the King believed most assured. There were many Generous enough

to resist the temptations of Silver: but no∣thing was proof against the intrigues of the Ladies of Paris, who cunningly attracted the Gentlemen and the Officers in the City, sparing nothing to engage them.

The King knowing that there daily remai∣ned some catch'd in these snares, and having just reason to fear that those which returned, tempted by their Mistresses, might bring back some per••itious designs; and the Duke of Nemours being upon the advance with his Troops, to joyne with the Duke of Mayenne; the Duke of Lorrain being likewise to send* 1.255 his; having cause to doubt his retreat might be cut off on all sides, found it convenient to discamp ▪from before Paris.

But before he dislodged, he writ to the Protestant Princes, to give them an account of what he did, and to assure them that no∣thing should be capable to shake his Con∣stancy, or separate him from Christ: and he spoke at present according to his thoughts and Conscience, not having any desire to change: which yet the Ministers of his Re∣ligion would not believe, but watched him so close on this Subject, that they became importunate.

It was oertainly an unspeakable trouble,* 1.256 which continually for three or four years he was forced to undergo; to hear on one side the exhortatious of those people, and on the other, the most instant Remonstrances of the Catholicks: for it was necessary he

should allay the distrust of the first, and en∣tertain the second with continual hopes of making himself be instructed. How much prudence had he need of? how much pati∣ence? with how much jugdement and policy must he manage such great differences? Cer∣tainly he could not do it without imploying all the powers of his Spirit and experience.

And he well knew how far it was necessary* 1.257 for a Prince to have his Spirit happily ex∣ercised, and to be well instructed how to Negotiate, and Speak well, to be able at his necessity to serve himself of his ta∣lent. Without falsity he might well at present praise those, who having had the care of bringing him up, had formed him in his youth to the Management of affairs, to Treating with men, and to the gain∣ing the affections of all the world.

Those last devoirs he desired to render his Predecessor, served as a fair pretext for raising his Siege from before Paris. To put* 1.258 his body in a place where the resentment of the Duke of Guises creatures might not out∣rage it, he carried it to Compeigne, and laid it in the Abbey of S. Cornille, where he ce∣lebrated all the funebrous Ceremonies, as ho∣nourably as the confusion of the time would permit. Not able to assist himself, because of his Religion, he committed the care to Bellegarde and Espernon; the last of which ac∣companied him thither, and then retired into Angoumois.

There were three advices given, concern∣ing the place to which he ought to retire,* 1.259 when he raised his siege from Paris. The first was, to repass the Loire, and abandon to the League all the Provinces on this side it; be∣cause he could difficultly maintain them. The second, to re-advance along the Marne, and seizing those Bridges and Cities, expect an assistance from the Protestant Suisses and Germans promised to come to him. And the third, to march down into Normandy, to assure himself of some Cities, whose Governours were not yet engaged in the League; to ga∣ther the mony received for Taxes; and to joyne with the Assistance of England, which Queen Elizabeth had promised him, and which could not be long absent.

He concluded on the last of these advices:* 1.260 and so many of the Nobles who accompanied* 1.261 him, desiring some time to go and refresh themselves, he gave them leave. He sent a part of his Troops into Picardie, under the Conduct of the Duke of Longueville; another into Campaine, under that of Marshal d' Au∣mont; and with three thousand French foot, two Regiments of Suisses, and twelve hun∣dred horse only, which he kept with him, he descended into Normandy.* 1.262

The Duke of Montpensier, who was Gover∣nour there, came to joyne him with two hundred Gentlemen, and fifteen hundred Foot. Rolet Governour of Pont d' Arche, a man of Courage and Spirit, brought him

the Keys of that place, demanding no o∣ther recompence but the honour to serve him. Emer de Chattes, a Commandado••e of Mal∣ta, did the same with those of Diepe. Af∣ter which, the King approached Rouen, where he believed to have some▪ intelli∣gence.

This Enterprize put him in extream dan∣ger;* 1.263 but in revenge, gave him a fair oc∣casion to acquist Glory, in retiring him∣self from so great a peril. See how it pas∣sed!

The Duke of Mayenne came to the succour of Rouen with all his forces, and passed the Ri∣vers at Vernon. The King much astonished, retires to Diepe, and sends to the Duke of Longueville and d' Aumont, to return to him with diligence with their forces. The Duke in the mean time takes all the little places a∣bout Diepe, to inviron and invest himself with∣in. In effect, he shuts him up so close, that if he had not amused himself by an untimely motion to go to Bins in Hainault to confer with the Duke of Parma, he had in that disor∣der dissipated the greatest part of his little Ar∣my. He had already caused a report to be* 1.264 spread through France▪ and had writ with as∣surance to all strange Princes, That he held the King of Navarre (so he called him) shut up in a little corner, from whence he could not get, but either by yeilding himself to him, or leaping into the Sea. The danger appear∣ed so eminent, even to his most faithful ser∣vants,

that the Parliament at Tours sent ex∣presly to him a Master of Requests; propo∣sing* 1.265 as the onely expedient they saw to save the Estate▪ the associating him and the Cardinal of Bourbon his Uncle in the Royalty; giving to One the conduct of Civil Affairs, and the Other of Martial. There were likewise the greatest part of the Captains of his Army of opinion, that leaving his Forces on shore, well intrenched in their posts, he should as soon as* 1.266 possible embarque for England or for Rochel, for fear lest if he should longer delay it, he might be shut up by Sea as well as by Land. To the Proposition of the Parliament, he made answer, That he had taken such good order, that the intrigues of the Duke of May∣enne could not deliver the Cardinal of Bourbon, as they apprehended; and the Marshal of By∣ron so stoutly opposed those who counselled him to embarque, that they desisted.

It appeared soon after by the proof, that* 1.267 the Forces of the League, which were thrice as great as his, were not to be feared in pro∣portion to their number; and that the more Commanders they had, the less their power was to be doubted. The King was lodged at the Castle d'Arques, which is seated on a little* 1.268 Hill, to stop the passage of the Valley which goes to Diepe. The Duke had formed a De∣signe to take this Post by Sea, by four or five Reprises; and on divers days he essayed to as∣sault the Suburbs of Polet, and four or five times was driven back. Our Henry dayly

doing wonders, and exposing himself so much, that once he thought he should have been sur∣prized and encompassed by his Enemies. In* 1.269 fine, the Duke, having lost eleven days time, and a thousand or twelve hundred men, raised the Siege, and retired into Picardy.

It was believed, that he passed into this Province upon a fear▪ lest the Picards, a free and honest people, but very simple, should permit themselves to be surprized by the Arti∣fices of the Agents of Spain, who would en∣gage them to cast themselves under the prote∣ction of the King their Master.

It was observed likewise, that that which* 1.270 hindred the success of his enterprize at Diepe, and which kept him two or three days with∣out enterprizing any thing at the time he ought to have done it, was the jealousie and contentions between the Chiefs that accompa∣nied him▪ particularly of the Marquess d•• P••nt∣••-Mousson, Son to the Duke of Lorrain; of the Duke of Nemours, and of Cavalier d'Au∣male: for they, believing the taking of the King infallible, or at least his flight assured, and disposing already of the Kingdome as of their Conquest, regarded one another with an Eye of jealousie, and each formed designes in his head to have the better part of it.

It was observed likewise, that in one of* 1.271 these Combats of Diepe, the Duke of Mayenne, having at present some advantage, had gained an entire Victory if he had advanced but a quarter of an hour quicker: but marching too

slowly, he let slip that opportunity he could never redeem: which made the King, who well observed his faul••, say, If he act not in a∣nother manner, I shall be assured always to gain the Field.

I have recounted these Particularities, be∣cause* 1.272 they make known the defaults of that great Body of the League: and the true causes which hindred its progress, and reduced it to nothing, I finde three principal ones.

The first, was the distrust which the Duke of Mayenne had of the Spaniards: for though he could not be without them, yet he could not but regard them as his secret Enemies; and they assisted him not for love of himself, but out of the designe they had to profit them∣selves out of the calamities of France. And therefore when they saw that he concurred not with them for their ends, and that he thought onely of his own advantage without theirs, they afforded him but seeble succour; in such manner, that they let him fall so low, that when they would themselves have done it, they could not raise him.

The second, was the jealousie of the Chiefs,* 1.273 who never agreed among themselves. They thought more of crossing and ruining one ano∣ther, then of weakning their common Enemy; and confounded themselves in such manner by their delusions and partialities, that they were ever wanting in the greatest Enterprizes: whereas in the party of the King, there was

onely one Chief, to whom all was reported, and by whose Orders all passed.

The third, was the heaviness and dulness of* 1.274 the Duke of Mayenne, who at all times moved slowly. His Flatterers called this Gravity. This default proceeded principally from his nature; and was augmented not onely by the mass of his Body, great and fat beyond all pro∣portion, and which by consequence required a great deal of nourishment, and much sleep; but likewise from a coldness and numness, which a certain malady he had contracted at Paris a little after the death of Henry the third, had reduced to a habitude in his Body; of which, say some, he would very unhandsomely re∣joyce.

King Henry the fourth was not of the same* 1.275 temper: for though he very much loved feast∣ing, and to divert himself with his familiars when he had leisure; nevertheless when he had Affairs of War, or any other nature, he never sate at Table above a quarter of an hour, and never slept above two or three hours toge∣ther: so that Pope Sixtus the fifth being well informed of his manner of living, and that of the Duke of Mayenne, confidently prognostica∣ted,

That the Bearnois (for so he called him, as all the Leaguers did) could not fail to have the better of it, since he lay no longer time abed then the Duke of Mayenne sate at Table.

* 1.276

Officers and Servants form themselves af∣ter the example of their Masters: those of

the King were ready, chearful, vigilant; who executed his Commands so soon as they came out of his mouth; who took care of all, and gave him advice of all. On the con∣trary, those of the Duke were slow, neg∣ligent, idle; and who, upon whatever pressing occasion, would not loose any thing of their Ease and Divertisements.

It seemed to me that, for the better under∣standing our History, it was necessary to ob∣serve these Circumstances, which are abso∣lutely essential, and very instructive.

We have particularized about the end of* 1.277 our first Part, who were the Chiefs of the League, and how that they held all the best Cities and richest Provinces of the Realm. I should never end, should I recount all the Fa∣ctions, Fights, Enterprizes and Changes which happened in every Province for five or six years time. We shall follow onely the gross of Affairs, and behold how the Providence of God, and the incomparable Vertue of our Henry, drew France out of its Labyrinth of Miseries, in such manner, that the Estate and Religion which should have been destroyed by an irrecoverable War, were both the one and the other miraculously saved, and re-flou∣rished with as much happiness and glory as ever.

Though the Duke of Mayenne was retired* 1.278 from before Diepe, yet the people were en∣tirely perswaded that the King could not e∣scape him; particularly the Parisians, whom

the Dutchess of Montpensier made believe by Courriers on purpose, which she caused to ar∣rive from day to day, Now that he demanded to yeild himself, Now that he was taken; and in fine, that he was conducting to Paris: inso∣much that there were many Ladies who hired windows in the street of St. Denis to see him pass by.

Whilst they amused themselves with th••se* 1.279 false Reports, they were much astonished ••o understand, that having received a Re-inforce∣ment of four thousand English, he was now upon his march, and came directly to Pa••i••. He had some Intelligences which promised him, that if he could gain the Suburbs, they would open him a way into the City. He assaul∣ted* 1.280 therefore those of St. Germain, St. Micha∣el, St. James, St. Marceau, and St. Victor, and carried them at unawares: but he could not gain the Quarter of the University, as he ho∣ped, because his Cannon was not brought in time. About eight a Clock in the morning, on All-Saints-day, he entred the Suburbs of St. James, where he found the people to have no aversion for him: for he saw them not af∣frighted, nor despairingly fleeing; but look∣ing out of their windows to regard him, and crying, Vivele Roy. And he used his advan∣tage with a great Moderation; he forbad all sorts of Violences or Plunders, and gave o••∣der* 1.281 that Divine Service should be continued▪ in such manner, that his people peaceably as∣sisted a•• it with the Burgesses, whilst he having

mounted the Steeple of St. Germain, atten∣tively considered what was done in the Ci∣ty.

That Evening the Duke of Nemours having* 1.282 posted thither with the Cavalry, and the Duke of Mayenne following on the morrow after with his Infantry, the King retired to Montle∣hery; but before-hand he drew up his Army in Battalia in the sight of Paris, and kept them four hours at their Arms, to make known to the Parisians the weakness of their Chiefs.

After this, Estampes, Vendosme, le Mans,* 1.283 and Alenzon, not able to sustain his presence and Arms, surrendred to him: and in the manner things went, and as the Chiefs of the League defended themselves, he had without doubt re-conquered the whole Realm in less then fifteen months, if he had not wanted* 1.284 money: this onely default, retarded the course of his Prosperities. The Ransoms im∣posed on Cities reduced by force, all that he could borrow, and the money he could raise by Taxes, did not half suffice to keep his Troops in a Body. For this reason he was* 1.285 constrained for four or five years space, to make War in an extraordinary manner. When his Troops had served some months, and consumed beside their pay all they had for∣raged in their Quarters, he sent them home, as well to refresh them, as to preserve their Country from the invasions of the League. In like manner, when the voluntier-Gentle∣men had spent that money they brought from

other houses, he gave them leave to return, to endeavour to furnish themselves for ano∣ther voyage; inviting them by his Example, to retrench the superfluous expence of Cloths and Equipage; & otherwise treating them with so much Civility and Courtesie, that he never wanted them in the most pressing occasions; for they returned the soonest possible, serving him, if we may so say, each his Quarter.* 1.286

In the mean time, he fell all of a suddain upon Normandy, and almost wholly reduced it; took the Cities of Dompfort, Falaise, Li∣sieux, Bayeux, Honfleur; this last by a very bloody Siege: after his return from thence, he took likewise Meulan on the Seine, seven leagues off Paris, and laid Siege before Dreux.

At the noise of these Conquests, the Duke of Mayenne was obliged in reputation, to come forth of Paris, to assemble his Troops, and to receive, contrary to his inclination, fifteen hundred Lanciers, and five hundred Carabines, from the Duke of Parma Gover∣nour of the Low-Countries: these forces were Commanded by the Count d' Egmont.

After this Duke had regained several little* 1.287 places which incommodated Paris and the Country adjacent, he passed the Seine o'er the Bridges of Mantes, to go succour Dreux; imagining he might do it without hazarding any thing. The King, so soon as he had ad∣vice* 1.288 of his advance, raises his siege, but with an intent to fight him; and came to this effect

to lodge at Non••ncourt, on the passage of the River of Eure.

Two things principally obliged him to that* 1.289 resolution of giving him battail: the one, be∣cause wanting money, he could not long keep his Troops in the body of an Army; and had he led them into Normandy, he should unprofi∣tably have spent all the revenue of that Pro∣vince, which alone he valued above all others he held. The other, because he perceived so great a rejoycing throughout all his Army, who seemed to leap for joy, when they were told they should go to find out their enemy; demonstrating by their outward appearances, that a day of fighting should be unto them as a day of feasting.

The Duke of Mayenne was not of opinion that he ought to engage his fortune and ho∣nour to the hazard of one day, especially considering the valour of the Kings forces, in comparison of his; the great experience, and incomparable vertue of that Prince: and with all this, his great fortune, which had al∣ready gained so great an ascendant over his, that he believed he could no better overcome him, then by avoyding encounters with him. But the reproaches of the Parisians, the in∣stances of the Legat, which the Pope had sent to support the interests of the League; the* 1.290 Spanish Cabal, which on which side soever fortune turned it self, promised themselves great advantages from this battail; and in fine, the shame to have lost more then forty

places in six months, without having endea∣voured to succour any of them; led him as it were perforce to the relief of Dreux: and when he was so near it, the false advice he had, that the King retired towards the City of Verneuil au Perche, and the Bravadoes of the Count of Egmont, who boasted himself capable with his Troops alone to defeat the Army of the King, engaged him with an extraordinary diligence to pass the River of Eure, over the Bridge of Yvry.

To speak truth, both the King and he were equally surprised: the King, to understand that he had so soon passed; and the Duke, to see that the King, whom he believed to have taken the way towards Verneuil, came directly towards him: but now though they would, they could neither withdraw; but of force* 1.291 must come to a battail, which happened on the fourteenth of March, neer the Bourg of Yvry.

The Histories do at large declare the de∣scription of the field of the battail; the or∣der of both Armies, the Charges which the Battalions and Squadrons both on the one and the other side made, and the faults of the Chiefs of the League: We shall therefore speak nothing, but what concerns the person of our Prince.

His rare intelligence, his wonderful genius,* 1.292 and his indefatigable activity in the Mystery of War, were all admired. It was wondred how he knew how to give orders without

perplexing his intellectuals, but with as little Confusion as if he had been in his Closet; how he could know so perfectly to range his Troops; and how, having observed the ene∣mies design, he could in a quarter of an hour change the whole order of his Army: How during the fight, he could be every where, take notice of every thing, and himself give orders, as if he had had a hundred eyes, and as many armes: The noise, confusion, dust and smoak, augmenting rather then troubling his judgement and knowledge.

The Armies being ready to joyn, he lifted up his eyes to heaven; and joyning his hands, called God to witness of his intention, invo∣king* 1.293 his assistance, and praying that he would reduce the Rebels to an acknowledgement of him whom the order of Succession had given them for Legitimate Sovereign: But Lord, said he, if it pleaseth thee to dispose otherwise, or that I should be of the number of those Kings whom thou dedicatest to thy anger, deprive me of my life with my Crown; consent that I may this day fall a victim to thy holy will: let my death deliver France from the Calamities of War, and my blood be the last that shall be shed in this quarrel.

Immediately after, he caused to be given him his Habiliment for his head, on the top of which he had a plume of three white fea∣thers; and having put it on, before he pulled* 1.294 down his Viziere, he told his Squadrons, My Companions, if you this day run my fortune,

I shall likewise run yours: I will overcome, or dye with you: let me only conjure you to keep your rankes; and if the heat of the Combat make you quit them, think as soon of rallying; it will be the gain of the Battail: you may do it between those three trees which you see there on high, on your right hand (they were three Pear-trees) and if you lose your Ensigns, Cor∣nets, or Banners, lose not the sight of my white Feather, which you shall always find in the Road to Honor and Victory.* 1.295

The Decision of the Battail having been a long time uncertain, was in the end favoura∣ble to him. The Principal glory being due to himself alone, so much the more, because he Charged most impetuously on that formi∣dable body commanded by the Count of Egmont; and that having entred that forest of Lances with his sword in his hand▪ ren∣dred them useless, and constrained them to come to their short Arms; at which his had a great advantage, because the French are more agile and active then the Flemings: so that in less then a quarter of an hour, he pierced them, dissipated them, and put them to rout; the cause of the entire gain of the Battail.

Of sixteen thousand men which the Duke* 1.296 had, there were scarce four thousand saved. There remained above a thousand horse on the place with the Count of Egmont, four hundred prisoners of Note, and all the Infan∣try; for the Lansquenets were all cut in pieces.

They took all his Baggage, Cannon, Ensigns and Cornets; to wit, twenty Cornets of Cavalry, the white Cornet of the Duke, the Colonel of his Reistres or German horse, the great Standard of Count Egmont, and sixty Colours of foot.

The Duke of Mayenne behaved himself as* 1.297 valiantly as he ought, and many times en∣deavoured to make some rally; but in the end, for fear of being encompassed, he retired toward the Bridge of Yvry; and having pas∣sed it, caused it to be broken down, to stop those pursued him; and so escaped to Mantes, and thence to S. Denis, and after to Paris. A part of the flyers took the same way with him, others took that of the Plain, and gain∣ed the City of Chartres.

The King having engaged himself, during* 1.298 the defeat, among a Squadron of Waloons, was in great danger of his person; so that his Army for sometime believed him dead: up∣on which the Marshal of Byron, accustomed to speak freely to him, and who had not at all fought, but had kept his quarter with a body of reserve, to hinder the rallying of the enemies, could not refrain from telling him; Ah Sir, this is not just; you have this day done what Byron ought to do, and he only what the King ought to have done.

This Remonstrance was approved by all those that heard it; and the Principal Chiefs took the liberty to entreat the King, not to expose any more his person; but to consider,

that God had not destined him to be a Mus∣quetier, but to be King of France: that all the armes of his subjects ought to fight for him; but that they would all become lame and benummed, should they lose their head, which gave them motion.

His Valour this day out-shone that of the* 1.299 greatest of his Chieftains; but besides that, his Clemency, his Generosity, and his Courtesie, added a wonderful Splendor to his fair acti∣ons: and the manner with which he used his victory, was a certain proof that he gained it by his Conduct rather then fortune.

He chose rather to receive the Battalions of the Suisses on Composition, then to cut them in pieces, as he might have done: he re∣stored them their Ensigns, and caused them to be reconducted into their Country, by his Commissaries; by which he gained the affe∣ction of five little Catholick Cantons.

He had nothing more in his heart, then to make his Subjects know, that he desired to spare their blood, and that they had to do with a mild and merciful King, and not with a cruel and implacable enemy: he caused to be proclaimed in the rout, Save the French, and let your blows fall on the stranger. He took to mercy all those which demanded quarter, and saved them as much as he could from the hands of the Souldiers flesh'd in the slaughter. He treated the Prisoners, particularly the Gentlemen, not only with humanity, but likewise with courtesie: and he loaded with

honour, praises and thanks, all the Nobility which had fought for him; sharing with them* 1.300 the glory of the day, and giving them embra∣ces, as earnests of those recompences they might expect from him when he should be in power.

I cannot forget one Action which he did, of* 1.301 wonderful goodness, and which was of won∣derful efficacy to assure to him the hearts of his Officers and Gentlemen. Colonel Thische, or Theodoric of Schomberg, commanding some Troops of Reisters, had been enforced the evening before the Battel, by the clamours of those Brutes, to demand of him those Musters were due to them; and to represent to him, that upon less Conditions they would not fight. The Suisses and Allemans of that time, used often to act so; of which Histories furnish us with an hundred Examples. The King, much incensed at such a demand, answered him, How, Colonel Thische! is this done like a Man of Honour, to demand money when you ought to receive Orders for the Battel? The Colo∣nel retired much confused, without replying any thing. On the morrow, the King, ha∣ving arranged his Troops, remembred that he had ill treated him; and thereupon, pres∣sed forward by a motion which could finde no place but in a generous Soul, went to seek him, and told him, Colonel, you see we are en∣gaged in an occasion which obliges us to no long stay; but it is not just I should take away the Ho∣nour of so brave a Gentleman as your self: I de∣clare

therefore that I acknowledge you for an ho∣nest Man, and one incapable of committing any thing unworthy.

This said, he cordially embraced him; and the Colonel having the tears standing in his Eyes, with tenderness answered him, Ah, Sir, by restoring me that Honour you had deprived me of, you deprive me of my Life; for I should be unworthy if I should not this day lay it down for your service: if I had a thousand, I would wil∣lingly spend them all at your feet. In short, he was slain in this occasion, as were many other brave Gentlemen.

I will yet recount another worthy Action,* 1.302 which may admirably demonstrate how our Henry spared neither Civilities nor Caresses to Gentlemen who served him well: At night, when he supt at the Castle of Rosny, being ad∣vertized that the Marshal d' Aumont came to render him an account of what he had done, he went forth to meet him; and having strait∣ly embraced him, carried him in to supper, and made him sit at the Table, with these obli∣ging words, That there was great reason he should be at the feast, since he had so well served at his Nuptials.

The terrour was so great in Paris after the* 1.303 loss of this Battel, that if the King had gone directly thither, there could no doubt have been made but they had received him without much difficulty. Some said, that it was the Marshal of Byron who diverted him; fearing lest afterwards, not having more need of him,

he should consider him less. Others thought that it was the Hugonot-Ministers and Captains disswaded him, because they feared lest he should accommodate with the Parisians for Religion; and therefore they counselled him* 1.304 rather to gain this great City by famine: which the Marquiss d' O, at present Superintendant, pressed very strongly; to the end the King ta∣king it by this way, might treat it as a conquer∣ed City, draw thence great Treasuries, seize the Rents of the Hostel de Ville, making Ban∣krupt of the Burgesses for the Debts of the King, which were very great.

The Widow of Montpensier, one of the prin∣cipal* 1.305 Organs of the League, who was accu∣stomed to amuse the people with false News; could not plaister the mischief of the loss of this Battel, but by saying, That truely the Duke had lost it, but that the Bearnois was dead. The Burgesses believed it for five or six days; and this was enough to restrain their first fears, and to gain time to give Orders, and send to levy Succours on all sides.

After the Battel, the King, having stayed* 1.306 some days at Mantes by reason of the great Rains, re-took the Field, takes Lagni, Pro∣vins, Motereau and Melun, without permitting himself to be amused by the Propositions of Truce made him by Villeroy. After having in his passage attempted the City of Sens with little success, he came to block up Paris, and took all the Posts and Castles about it, where he lodged Garisons of Horse to beat the Cham∣paigne.

The Duke of Mayenne was not within; he had left the Duke of Nemours for Governour,* 1.307 and was gone to meet the Duke of Parma at Conde on the Escaut, to demand of him some assistance in his necessity. He was in a great trouble, and in a just fear to loose Paris, whe∣ther he relieved it, or whether he permitted it to be taken; and that the rather, because that he saw well that if he brought in the Spa∣nish Assistance, the Sixteen would serve them∣selves of that advantage again to raise up themselves, and possibly would out of despite to him, engage Paris under the Spanish Yoke. For these Sixteen loved him not at all, because he had broken up their Council of Forty, which bridled his Authority; and that to shew himself absolutely averse to a Republican Government, which they would have intro∣duced, he had created another Council, a Keeper of the Seals, and four Secretaries of State; with which he governed Affairs, with∣out calling them, except when he had need of money.

Besides this trouble, there happened to him* 1.308 another subject of inquietude, which was the decease of the old Cardinal of Bourbon, who died at Fontenay, where he was guarded by the Lord de la Boulay. He had reason to fear, lest his death should give occasion to the Spani∣ards and to the Sixteen to demand the Crea∣tion of a King; and that they should press him so much, that in the necessity he had of their aid, he should be constrained to suffer it. In

effect, this was the first Condition which the Agents of Spain proposed in the Treaty they* 1.309 held with him to give him Assistance: and he, out of fear to displease them, testified that he ardently wished the Convocation of the Estates to elect a King; and transferred the place of their assembly from the City of Melun, where he had assigned it; to that of Paris; that is to say, from a City which he had lost, to one which was besieged. In the mean time he em∣ployed* 1.310 his Friends with the Parliament and at the Hostel de Ville, to keep to himself the qua∣lity of Lord-General: which being continued to him, he demonstrated that he feared no∣thing so much as the Estates, and endeavoured by all his power to hinder them; that which, to speak truth, compleated the ruine of his party.

Paris being blocked up, the Legat and the Sixteen forgot nothing to encourage their people. They consulted their faculty of The∣ologie, and obtained what Resolutions they pleased against him they named the Bearnois. They caused many, both general and particu∣lar, Processions to be made; and the Officers received their Oath of Fidelity to the Holy Union: so it was they called the League.

At the same time the Duke of Nemours* 1.311 took great Order to put the City in a posture of Defence; and the Burgesses being for the most part perswaded, that if the King took it, he would establish Preaching, and abolish the Mass, were possessed with an extream ardour,

and contributed all that was demanded, either of their Purse or Labour, towards its Forti∣fication.

There is no finer passage in the Histories of that time, then the Relation of this Siege, the Orders which Nemours gave in the City, the Garisons he established in divers quarters, the Sallies he made for the first month, the Inven∣tions he used to animate the people, the En∣deavours and divers Practices of the Kings Friends to bring him into the City, the Ne∣gotiations held in one part and the other to essay a Treaty of Accommodation; how Pro∣visions diminished, how they sought means to make them last, how notwithstanding all their oeconomy, the Famine was extream; and how in the end, that great City being within three or four days of utter perishing, was de∣livered by the Duke of Parma.

I shall observe onely some Particularities* 1.312 very memorable. There were in Paris when it was blocked up, onely two hundred thou∣sand persons; and there were of them near thir∣ty thousand of the Country-people there∣abouts, who had there refuged themselves; and there were retired near one hundred thousand of the natural Inhabitants: so that in those times there were no more then three hundred thousand Souls in Paris; whereas it is now believed, that there are twice as ma∣ny.

The King was made hope, that so soon as* 1.313 the Parisians had for seven or eight days seen

the Granaries and Markets without Bread, the Butcheries without Meat, the Ports without Corn, Wine, and other Commodities with which the River is accustomed to be cove∣red, they would go take their Chiefs by the throat, and constrain them to treat with them: or at least if a seditious humour did not so soon prompt them to it, Famine would force them in fifteen days. In effect, they had but five weeks Victuals, but they managed them carefully; and those who had said that, knew not well the people of Paris, for they are won∣derfully patient: nor is there any extremity they are not capable to suffer, provided they have those know how to conduct them; and principally when they act for their Religion. It cannot be read without astonishment, how blinde was the Obedience, and how constant the Union of that fierce and indocile people, for four whole months of horrible Losses and Miseries. The Famine was so great, that the People eat even the Herbs that grew in the Ditches: Dogs, Cats, and Hides of Leather, were Food; and some have reported, that the Lansquenets, or Foot-souldiers, fed upon such Children as they could entrap.

The Hugonots, ravished with delight to* 1.314 hold that City blocked up which had done them so much mischief, insisted strongly in the Kings Council; and not onely cryed it there themselves, but made it be cryed aloud among the Souldiers, That it should be assaulted by lively force; and that in six hours it would so

become a desolate thing. But the good and wise King took no heed to follow those passio∣nate counsels: he knew well, that they would take parts by force, that they might murder all, in revenge of the Massacres of St. Bartho∣lomew.

And moreover, he considered that he should lay desolate a City, the ruine of which, like a wound struck in the heart, might possibly prove mortal to all France: That he should in one day dissipate the rich∣est, and almost the onely Treasure of his E∣state; and that no person would be benefit∣ed by it, but onely the simple Souldiery; who, becoming insolent by so rich a booty, would either overwhelm themselves in their Delights, or as soon abandon him.

Those who within had taken the care of the* 1.315 Politick part, had committed a great fault in not putting forth the poor, populary and use∣less mouths. The scarcity augmenting, they sought too late means to remedy it: but not finding any, they deputed some to the King, to gain permission of him to let a certain num∣ber depart; who, hoping for this grace, were already assembled near the Gate of St. Victor, and had taken leave of their Friends and Neighbours with those Regrets which even rent asunder the Hearts of the most insen∣sible.

The King was so good and merciful, that he permitted himself easily to yeild to grant them his Favour: but those of his Council op∣posed it so strongly, that for fear to disgust

them, he was at first constrained to send back those miserable People. His Clemency ne∣vertheless* 1.316 could not for any long time suffer their violence: for having understood by ma∣ny, who fearing death less then Famine, had leapt from the Walls, the pitiful estate of the City, and they having truely represented unto him what they had beheld of their horrible necessities, with the incredible obstinacy of the Leaguers; his heart was in such manner overburthened with grief, that the tears start out of his eyes; and having a little turned himself away, to conceal that emotion, he cast forth a great sigh, with these words: O Lord, thou knowest who are the causes of this:* 1.317 but give me the means to save those, whom the obstinate malice of my enemies would make pe∣rish.

In vain did the most averse of his Councel, and especially the Hugonots, represent to him that these Rebels merited no favour; he resolved to open a passage to the innocent. I wonder not at all, said he, if the Chiefs of the League, or if the Spaniard have so little compassion on those poor people: they are only Tyrants; but for my self, who am their Father and their King, I cannot bear the recital of these calamities, without being touched to the bottome of my soul, or without ardently desiring to remedy them. I cannot hinder those whom the fury of the League possesses, from perishing with it; but for those who implore my clemeney, and who are only guilty of the Crimes of others,

I will stretch forth my armes to them. This said, he commanded that they should permit those miserable people to depart. There were some who crawled, and others were fain to be carried. There came out at this time more then four thousand, who all with great and unanimous shouts, cryed out, Long live the King.

After that day, since they knew it offen∣ded* 1.318 him not, the Captains that kept the Guards let daily great bands escape, and like∣wise took the boldness to send victuals and refreshments to their friends, and to their an∣cient hosts, and particularly to the Ladies.

For Paris being the common Country of the French, there are few people who love it not, and who have not there some gage of friendship, which forbids them from procuring its loss and utter ruine.

After the example of the Captains, the Souldiers licensed themselves to convey to them meat, bread, and barrels of wine over the walls; receiving in Exchange some rich goods at a vile price, and making themselves brave at the expences of the Merchants: that which these were in some manner constrained to tolerate, because the others had no money wherewith to pay them. This made Paris* 1.319 subsist near a month longer then it would have done: but it is almost impossible but this should always happen in like occasions, as hath been seen not long time since. God be pleased for ever hereafter to preserve France from so great ills.

After all, the King knew certainly that that great City could not long subsist; and he de∣sired to gain absolutely their hearts, to the end he might undermine the very foundations of the League. For this reason he combated their Obstinacy with an excess of Indulgence. He gave Passe-ports to the Scholars, not able to refuse them to their Parents who were with him; after, to the Ladies and to the Ec∣clesiasticks; and in the end, to those who had shewed themselves his most cruel enemies.

In the mean time, to hasten a little the* 1.320 Chiefs of the League to come to a Capitula∣tion, it was agreed in his Councel that he should render himself master of the Suburbs. The evening of the 27. of July, he caused them all to be assaulted at once. They were forced in less then an hour, and all the gates blocked up; his Souldiers having first fortifi∣ed their quarters, and thrown down the houses nearest the ditch.

By this last action he took the Parisians by the throats, and pressed them in such sort, that they could scarce breath: for which cause their Chiefs apprehending that neither their defences, exhortations, or fear of pu∣nishments would be longer capable to retain them, concluded after ten or twelve delibe∣rations, to enter into conference with the King; not out of a cordial intention to treat with him, but only to spin out things to a length, that they might give time to the Duke of Mayenne to make an attempt to succour them.

They received intelligence from that Duke twice every week, and each time he promised* 1.321 them that he would be with them with a pu∣issant Army in five or six days. Having fed them with these hopes for five or six weeks, he advanced in the end to Meaux, where Vitry was Governour, and from thence gave them some greater hopes of relief: however, he was too weak to hazard it.

The Duke of Parma, who had order from Spain to go joyn with him, and not to spare any thing for the relief of Paris, came with great unwillingness. He feared lest during his absence the Council or Cabinet should appoint a Successour in his Government; and that he should loose more in the Low-Countries, then he should gain in France: Notwithstanding he received Commands so express, that he was constrained to obey. He parted there∣fore* 1.322 from Valencienne on the sixth of August, and arrived at Meaux on the two and twen∣tieth. He brought along with him onely twelve thousand Foot, and three thousand Horse; but Artillery and Ammunition, for an Army thrice as great; and fifteen hundred Waggons of Provisions to refresh Paris.

He was without doubt the greatest Cap∣tain* 1.323 amongst strangers of the Age he lived, for all Exploits which depend on profound Rea∣son, and judicious Conduct: he had so well laid the Model of his Designe in his Head, so well taken his Measures by the exactest Mapps of the Country, and so well meditated on all

that could arrive him, and all that he could do, that he held himself assured of success.

Those who were about the King, had al∣ways* 1.324 made him believe, that this Duke would not leave the Low-Countries; and said, That if he did either, that he could not raise so great a power as to dare engage in the heart of France: or that if he raised any great Army, he would not arrive time enough to deliver Paris. The King suffered himself to be a lit∣tle carried away with these false Reasons: but when he understood he marched in this manner, he began already to fear that which arrived; and the danger appeared so much more, because he had less foreseen it. In these Apprehensions he was well content to renew the Negotiation with the Duke of May∣enne,* 1.325 who on his side feigned to desire an Ac∣commodation more then ever; to the end he might amuse him, for fear he should assault Paris by plain force; and to entertain the Pa∣risians with the pregnant hopes of their Deli∣very: for the Famine made them despair in such manner, that it was no longer in his power, with all his inventions, to retain them from sur∣rendry for more then five or six days at most.

When the Duke of Parma was within two days Journey of Meaux, he caused it to be sig∣nified to the King, That the Duke of Mayenne could no longer treat but conjoyntly with him. At present the Council of the King was* 1.326 much astonished, and in a great irresolution, not knowing what to do. It was without

doubt a great shame for the King, and a no∣table diminishing of the Reputation of his Arms, to raise a Siege which had endured four months; and it must needs be a most sensible displeasure to this Prince, who was brave and glorious, to raise it on the Eve of the taking of that great City, the reduction of which had been a mortal wound to the League.

He had therefore but one course to take,* 1.327 but which was without doubt very hazardous; nevertheless the King resolved it: this was, to leave a part of his Troops in the Suburbs, and chuse a place of Battel, where the rest of the Army might make head against the Duke of Parma, and not raise the Siege. To this effect, the King, confirmed in it by the advice of la Noue, Guitry, and Plessis Mornay, left onely three thousand men on the side of the University, and put the rest of his Army in Battalia, in the Plain of Bondy, which was be∣tween Paris and the Duke of Parma.

But the Marshal of Byron, disanulling abso∣lutely* 1.328 that counsel, wrought so far, that it was resolved to advance as far as Chelles with intention to give Battel. It was not known whether he was carried to this advice either out of jealousie, because he had not gi∣ven the first counsel, or because it seemed to him too dangerous to remain so near Paris, from whence there might sally fifteen or six∣teen thousand men on the day of battel to charge them behind. However it were, his Authority was so great among the Men of War,

and it was so dangerous in this Conjuncture to contract that hot spirit, that they were forced to believe him, and absolutely raise the Siege to go encamp at Chelles.

The Duke of Parma seeing that, and judg∣ing it not convenient to fight, retrenched him∣self readily in a Marish so well, that he feared not to be forced: he boasted likewise that the King should not in that Post know how to force him to discharge one Pistol; and yet that he would take a City in his sight, and open a pas∣sage on the Rivers to send Provisions into Pa∣ris. In sum, he executed punctually what he* 1.329 had said. It was not in the power of the King to oblige him to fight; and he took Lagny on the Marne, whilst he was not able to relieve it. Thus Paris was absolutely deliver'd, receiving on the morrow a very great quantity of Boats,* 1.330 laden with all forts of Provisions. Yet their Joy was not equal to their Comfort: for their too long Misery had in such manner weakned their Bodies, and supprest their Courages, that they were not capable of any sentiments of rejoycing.

The Troops of the Duke of Nemours having regained heart by this refreshment, sallied dayly with the most couragious of the Bur∣geffes, and cut off all Provisions from the Kings Camp, in such manner, that a little Scarcity being got amongst them, Sicknesses began to multiply; and the Gentlemen who had flocked thither out of the hopes of a Battel, began to grow impatient; which the King seeing, assem∣bled

his Council to seek some remedy to these inconveniences. He found, that throughout his whole Army there were very ill dispositi∣ons; and that he had better make a Retreat, then expose himself to greater Affronts: but being loth to quit the Enterprize of Paris, he tryed in passing to carry it by storm on the U∣niversity-sides, between the Gates of St. James and St. Marceau: which having done in vain, he retired to Senlis, and thence to Creil. In the end, not able to do better, he took Clermont in Beauvoisis, which incommodated Senlis and Compeigne. Afterwards he put a* 1.331 part of his Troops in the Cities about Paris; sent another into the Provinces, to re-assure them in their Obedience; and kept onely with himself a flying Army.

So soon as he was retired, the Dukes of Par∣ma* 1.332 and Mayenne enlarged themselves in the Brie. Parma, instantly sollicited by the Lea∣guers, besieged Corbeil: he thought to take it in four or five days, but he lay before it a whole month, through the Duke of Mayenne's fault; who either out of neglect or jealousie furnished him with Ammunition but by little and little. So that seeing his Army much di∣minished, and the rest to licentiate themselves to all Disorders, after the Example of the* 1.333 French Souldiers, he returned to Flanders, much discontented with the Conduct of the French Nation,

whom he had found (as he said) inconstant and volatile; full of Jea∣lousies and Divisions; insatiable and ingrate∣ful.

His vexatious Melancholy sure made him say so.

Before his departure, he had the displea∣sure* 1.334 to hear of the loss of Corbeil, which had cost him so much. Givry, Governour of Brie for the King, re-gained it in one night by storm: and the League, whatever instances they made to him, could not oblige the Duke of Parma to stay in France till they had re-ta∣ken it. He left them onely eight thousand Men of his, promising to return at the Spring with a greater Army, and counselling them in the mean time to amuse the King by Treaties of Peace until the next Campagne: a Counsel which the Duke of Mayenne was not wanting to follow; which kept many Cities to his party, were ready to abandon him.

The expedition of the Duke of Parma into France, retarded much the Affairs of the King, but advanced not at all those of the Duke of Mayenne: on the contrary, it embroiled them, and begat those dispositions which in the end ruined them. For the Duke of Parma, know∣ing the defaults of the Duke of Mayenne, re∣presented to the Council of Spain, That he was very improper for the advancement of their interests, being both too weak, and ha∣ving* 1.335 too little Authority to keep in Unity so great a Party; too jealous, too slow, and too idle to give order in all things: that therefore it was necessary that the King of Spain should take care of the League, and become absolute Master of it. That to this effect he should

gain the Ecclesiasticks; and the people of the great Cities; who having a great desire to see the Estate of the Government changed, be∣cause under the last Kings it had been very oppressive to the people, would be easily indu∣ced either to joyn the Cities together in form of Cantons, or make a King, whose power should be so limited, that he could never weaken them, either by Taxes or by Arms, as the two last Kings had done.

In effect, the King of Spain, finding this way* 1.336 most commodious to his designes, and think∣ing by it to change France into a Republick, or make a King who should onely subsist by him, considered no longer the Duke of May∣enne so much as he had done, and assisted him but weakly, and endeavoured to create facti∣ons among the great Cities, and particularly that of the Sixteen at Paris, not sparing any money: so that many believed he expended such great sums in this way, that had he laid them out in raising Armies, he had conquered a good part of the Realm.* 1.337

Now our Henry considering his designes, la∣boured on his part to frustrate them. And first, as to the Duke of Mayenne, he flattered him with Kindnesses and many good Treat∣ments; which he did for two ends; to wit, to essay to gain him, and likewise to render him more suspected to the Spaniards. To the same effect he endeavoured to augment in him the disgust he already had for that Nation; and withal, promised him great Advantages if

he would accommodate with him. By these means he daily a little restrained him, cool'd his ardour, and hindred him from carrying things to exreamities. And as for the people, know∣ing* 1.338 that it was the ill Government of his Pre∣decessor which had altered their Affections, and had furnished them with the pretext and occasion of the League to cause their emport∣ments, he omitted no diligence nor no good∣ness which might reduce them sweetly to their Duty.

This good King considered, that to the re∣covery of a disease, it is necessary that the causes be taken away; and that to this pur∣pose he was to correct and sweeten the ill hu∣mours which had put the Estate into this ex∣tremity. His sight of it had likewise made him know, that three things principally had rendred his Predecessor odious and contem∣ptible.

The first, was his softness and saint∣heartedness;* 1.339 which made him, in stead of employing those fair Talents which God had given him to rule in his Estate and act in the functions of a King, to neglect to apply himself, and not take sufficiently to heart the conduct of his Affairs, but addict him∣self wholly to his pleasures. As if Royalty, which is the greatest and most eminent of all things here below, were onely a vain diver∣tisement▪ or as if God had made Kings one∣ly for the love of themselves, and not for his glory, and the common good of men.

The second, was his ill management, and the wasting his Revenues; which obliged* 1.340 him to seek extraordinary and oppressive ways to exact money. Now he had not onely consumed his Revenues by his own ex∣tream profuseness, and by the immense Gifts he made to his Favourites; a thing which made the people desparate: but much more by his negligence, because he would not give himself the trouble to take knowledge of, or watch over those to whom he trusted their Administration: who, forgetting that they were onely his dispensers, became pro∣digal in a thousand foolish expences; and distributed them to their Creatures, as if they had been their proper Goods.

The third, was the little belief they had in* 1.341 his Faith; and his manner of acting with his subjects too subtil, too fine, and too clouded; in such manner, that he had always this mis∣fortune, they were in continual distrust of him; insomuch that all his words and acti∣ons seemed falsities, and they thought they did prudently in believing quite contrary to all he would have them believe.

Now our Henry, having known that these ill ways had conducted his Predecessor to a Precipice, resolved, as well out of the incli∣nation he had to good, as out of good Policy, to follow paths quite contrary.* 1.342

First, he would shew to the League, who disputed the Scepter with him, that he was worthy to carry it. And for this effect, he

acted continually not onely in the Field, and in matters of War, but in his Cabinet by his deliberations of important Affairs, by his Negotiations, by the order and distribution of his Revenues, by his dispensation of his Charges and Employments, by his know∣ledge of the principal Laws, the order and policy of his Realm; and in fine, in all his Actions, like one who contents himself not with the name of a King, but would be one in effect. He would have faithful Ministers,* 1.343 but would have no Companions. He com∣mitted to them the care of his Affairs in such manner, that he still remained the absolute Master, and they the servants. He loved them tenderly, as it was just, and used a great familiarity with them; but yet per∣mitted them not to be wanting either in submission or respect. If he took their coun∣sel, it was by form of advice; and he obli∣ged them much oftner by reason to follow his, then he followed theirs. He honoured them with his Graces and with Benefits, but in proportion and measure: he gave them not all to one alone, or to two or three; but like a common Father, distributed his re∣compenses to all those he judged worthy: and he would that they should receive them from his hands, and not from others; for he knew that to give and do good is the most glorious Attribute of Soveraignty, which ought not to be communicated to any per∣son.

In the second place, he took a most par∣ticular care to cause his Revenues to be* 1.344 well administred: to which, four motives obliged him. The first, because he was na∣turally, though not covetous, yet a good husband, and one who hated profuseness. The second, because he loved his people, and would spare them the most he could possibly; for he made conscience of draw∣ing money out of their purses, except up∣on most necessary occasions; and there∣fore he never kept near him any of those blood-suckers of the Court, who draw all to their Coffers, and who never care from whence it comes, so that they have it. The third, because the necessity he had often been in, had made him know the value and need of money; and that it was good to manage it well, because hard to recover it. And the fourth, because not having been bred up ignorant in affairs, as too often Princes are, he had been well inform∣ed that the greatest part of those ills which had afflicted France, proceeded from the ill administration of publick monies.

And therefore among all the cares he took to govern well his Estates, he had none grea∣ter nor more continual, then that of ordering well his Revenues, and to clear this matter. The Superintendants had imbroyled and perplexed them with an hundred thousand knots, so that they could neither be loosned nor distinguished; and they had acted in such

manner, that this management, as a Treasurer of that time said, was a kind of Black Art, where nothing could be seen; so that thus the goods of the Prince and the blood of the poor people remained ever at their discre∣tion.

He who at present had care of the Reve∣nues,* 1.345 was a Norman Gentleman, named Fran∣cis d' O, who had been Superintendant since the time of Henry the third. This man, to speak the truth, was horribly prodigal in all sorts of Expences: his profuseness rendred him more ingenious and more subtil to find out new inventions to grasp the substance of the people, even to their very marrow; and to perplex more and more the order of the Revenues, to the end it might not be discovered what spoil he made. Now though* 1.346 the King knew him well for such as he was, nevertheless, because he had a strong Cabal with the Minions and Servants of the Defunct Henry the third, who acted the parts of zea∣lous Catholicks, he was constrained to suffer him in that charge, expecting while his affairs were in a better Estate. In the mean time, to give a check to his insatiable Covetousness; he by little and little himself took knowledge of the management of his monies; and sweet∣ly introduced some orders, now by one means, and then by another, so that he knew in time how to bridle him; and reduced things in such manner, that he could take but little in comparison of what he had done before.

It will be superfluous to tell with what Nobleness and what freedom our Henry acted* 1.347 with all the world.

We may see through the whole course of his life, that his very enemies had more confidence in his word alone, then in the writings of all others. He used much prudence in all his conduct; but he used no deceit, cunning, or artifice. The Prudent man never walkes, but by wayes streight and vertuous; and the cunning man, on the contrary, by paths oblique and wicked. The Prudent cannot but be gene∣rous and good; whilest the other cannot but be base, deceitful, and unworthy. Now it is certain, that all the life of this great King was nothing but generosity, good∣ness, sweetness, and clemency; having a wonderful inclination to oblige all sorts of persons; at least with kindnesses, embraces, and sweet words, when he had no other means: he acknowledged the least services, when he could do it: he shewed himself easie and affable to all the world, familiar* 1.348 to his Souldiers, pitiful to the Country∣people; so that he would often excuse him∣self to them when occasion presented, for the evils they suffered; protesting, that he was not the cause of them, but desired ar∣dently that peace which Jesus Christ re∣commended to Christians; and that it was his enemies which forced him to make that War, which of himself he detested, as the source and fountain of all crimes and

miseries. There appeared in his counte∣nance a certain alacrity, in his discourse a vivacity and particular Grace of Spirit, in all his actions a resolution and prompti∣tude which contented the most difficult, and animated the most frozen. Though he were yet a Hugonot, he spoke with respect of the Pope and of the Ecclesiasticks, trea∣ted the Great ones and Gentlemen as his Companions, and flattered them with the glory of being the right hand of his Estate, and the upholders of the Crown on his head. He scarce knew what vengeance* 1.349 was; his great heart was without any gall: he pardoned injuries, and likewise easily forgot them, so as he knew those that had committed them did repent, and were disposed to do good, or at least to do no more ill. It was with these Arms, rather then* 1.350 with his Sword, that he vanquished his cru∣ellest enemies, that he forced the most ob∣stinate and envenomed hearts to love him, and that of the most passionate Leaguers, he made his most faithful servants; esteeming it a procedure agreeing with the gran∣deur and goodness of a Sovereign, not to lose▪ those he might gain; and to with∣draw men from their faults, rather then ruine them in them.

See here how he fol∣lowed ways quite contrary to those his prede∣cessor had taken.

After the departure of the Duke of Parma▪* 1.351 the two parties, that of the King, and that of* 1.352

the League, remained some time in great weakness; and both were equally tormented with that mischief of Divisions and Jealou∣sies: but with this difference, that those on the Kings party were extinguished by his good conduct, and those of the League daily in∣creased.

There was a furious jealousie between the Duke of Nemours and the Duke of Mayenne, brothers by the mothers side. Nor was it less between the Duke of Mayenne and the Duke of Lorrain; and greater much between the same and the Spaniards, who raised a thou∣sand traverses against him, by means of the Six∣teen: for as he could not suffer them for Companions, they could not suffer him as Master; but desired above all things, that the League had another Chief then he.

In the party of the King, there was likewise* 1.353 three or four factions. The first, of the rigid and obstinate Hugonots, who would not that the King should speak of permitting himself to be instructed; threatning to abandon him, if he thought of it; and to this effect, obser∣ving him continually, and as it were count∣ing all his footsteps. The second, that of the Catholicks, who were zealous, or who feigned to be so; these endeavoured to draw him from the Hugonots, and murmured when he either gave them charges or employments, or en∣tertained them particularly. The third was that of the Servants and Courtiers of Henry the third, whom the humour of our Henry

displeased, because he gave them not all they would, and permitted himself not to be led by their fancy. These were for the most part Atheists, and Libertines; nevertheless com∣municated with the Catholicks, and caused much inquietude to the King.

Of these two last factions joyned together, was a third party formed. Charles Cardinal of Bourbon, who was called Cardinal of Vendosme, whilst the old Cardinal of Bourbon lived, was the Chief of it: This Prince, vain and ambiti∣ous, imagining that the Crown would be con∣ferred on him, if his Couzen Henry the fourth should be excluded, stirred up the Catholicks to press his Conversion, out of the belief he had that the Conscience of that King, and his affairs not being yet disposed, he could not hearken to it; and would by consequent, by these heedless shifts, be taken for an obstinate Heretick, and oblige the Catholicks to aban∣don him, and after turn on his side. This faction was the most dangerous affair that ever our Henry had to deal with, though he seemed to despise it, and called those who were of it, les Tiercelets, or the Thirdlings. It shone not out with an unmasked face, nor did ever open∣ly separate it self from the other; yet for that it self it was the more to be feared: but it produced in the end that good, that he was constrained to let himself be instructed, and wrought to his Conversion.

As for the Hugonots, when they saw that he* 1.354 lent an ear to the Catholick Doctors, they ad∣vised

with themselves, to the end they might entangle him so that he could not escape them, that they ought puissantly to sollicite Queen Elizabeth and the Protestant Princes of Germany, to send him great forces; by whose help they believed they might over∣come the League, after which there was no need of his Conversion, and in the mean time they would continually keep him as it were besieged by those strangers forces. In effect, Elizabeth, who had zeal for the Protestant re∣ligion, interested her self very strongly in the cause of this King, daily generously assisted him, and strenuously sollicited the German Princes to co••cur with her.

At the same time the Hugonots pressed with all their force, that he would grant them an Edict for the Free exercise of their Religion: they pursued it so strongly, that he was forced* 1.355 to accord it them; and they sent it to the Parliament sitting at Tours, but they could ne∣ver obtain it to be confirmed by them, but with these words, by proviso only: shewing themselves as much enemies to this false Re∣ligion, as they were to the factions of the League.

During this time, Pope Sixtus 5. died,* 1.356 leaving in the Treasury of the Church Five Millions of gold, which he had heaped up. He was much disgusted at the League, and stretched forth his armes as much as he could to our Henry, to recal him into the Church; whilst the League endeavoured to shut the

gates against him, that they might exclude him from his Royalty. To Sixtus succeeded Urban 7. who held the Seat only thirteen* 1.357 daies: and to that Urban, Gregory the 14. who being of a violent spirit, and a Spaniard by inclination, zealously embraced the party of the League, as we shall see hereafter.

I silently pass over divers enterprizes made* 1.358 both by one party and the other. The Pari∣sians made one upon St. Denis. The Cavalier d' Aumale, one of their Chiefs, whom they called, the Lion Rampant of the League, was killed in the midst of the City, when he had made himself almost master of it. The King on his side, made an other attempt upon Paris. It was called the battail of the Flour,* 1.359 because he was to surprize the City, under pretext of a Convoy of Flour or Meal car∣ried thither: but it was discovered, and ob∣liged the Duke of Mayenne, upon the vehe∣ment cries of the Sixteen, to receive four thousand Spaniards into the Garrison; which retarded for more then a year the reduction of Paris.

It is convenient to understand, that neither the one nor the other party having any foun∣dation to keep continually their Armies on foot, they only (as we may say) made War by intervals. When they had been three months together, they retired, and then re-assem∣bled again; and according as they were stronger or weaker, made their enterpri∣ses.

The King having Rendezvouzed his, be∣sieged* 1.360 the City of Chartres, where la Bour∣daisiere commanded. There was but a small Garrison within; yet however, the siege was long, difficult and bloody. Its length gave subject to the third party to continue many dangerous intrigues: but the taking of that place repressed them for some time. He re∣stored the Government to Chiverni Chan∣cellour of France, who had had it before the League seized it.

After this, the Duke of Mayenne, who be∣held himself in no very good Estate, follow∣ing the Counsel of the Duke of Parma, re∣newed a Conference for peace; which ending without doing any thing, the Princes Lor∣rains, and the Principal Chiefs of the League, held a general Assembly at Reims. It was re∣solved that they being altogether too weak to resist the King, and wanting money, it was absolutely necessary to unite themselves more firmely with Spain then they had formerly done: and to this Effect, they dispatched the* 1.361 President Janin to Philip the second. This President was a man of a strong brain, and a good French-man, who laboured for the League, and for the Duke of Mayenne; but who would save the Estate by saving the Re∣ligion: so that he well endeavoured to serve himself of the Spaniard; but he would not serve them, or procure their advancement. Yet we cannot doubt, but as he had his ends, they had likewise theirs; and that they de∣signed

to make good their expences laid out for the League, on the Kingdom of France.

The Spaniard had for Aid and Second in his design, the new Pope Gregory the 14. who yet went on more swiftly, and with more heat then he: for without having regard either to the Letters which Monsieur de Luxembourg, after Duke of Piney, writ to him on the part of the Princes and Catholick Lords which were in the Kings party; or to the submissions, and three humble Remonstrances made him by the Marquis of Pisany, who was there at Rome, deputed from them; he strenuously embra∣ced* 1.362 the party of the League, entertained correspondence with the Sixteen, receiving Letters from them, and writing to them; and which is more, he prodigally wasted that treasure which Sixtus 5. had heaped up, to raise an Army of twelve thousand men, giving the Command to Count Hercules Sfondrato his Nephew, whom he made expresly Duke of Montmarcian, to authorize him the more* 1.363 by this new title. He accompanied this Army with a Monitory or Bull of Excommunica∣tion against the Prelates which followed the King, and sent it by Marcelin Landriano his Nuntio, with great quantity of Silver to the Sixteen of Paris, to be distributed among them, and the Chiefs of the Cabals in the great Cities.

The Parliament at Tours having had ad∣vice of this Monitory, caused it to be torn by the hand of the Common Scavenger, and

decreed an Arrest against the Nuntio. That at Paris, on the contrary, annulled that Arrest, as being, said they, by persons without power; and commanded that the holy Father and his Nuntio should be obeyed.

After all, these Bulls produced no great effect at present; and the Cardinal of Bour∣bon tormented himself in vain, to make the assembly of the Clergy which was held at Chartres, declare against the Arrest at Tours. Nor did the Army of the Pope do any great exploits, but was almost quite dispersed, ere it came to render any Service.

The same arrived not to those Troops the* 1.364 King had caused to be raised in Germany, by the Viscount of Turenne. They served the King well in his affairs, and gained him no∣table advantages. In recompence, he honou∣red this Lord with the Staff of Marshal of France; to render him the more capable to Espouse Charlotta de la Mark, Dutchess of Bouillon, and Sovereign Lady of Sedan: who though a Hugonot, had been puissantly sought to, both by friendship and force, by the Duke of Lorrain, who desired to marry her to his Eldest Son the Marquis du Pont. The King made this Match, to oppose a man to the Duke of Lorrain, who helped to sustain the League. Of which the new Marshal acquit∣ted himself, having among other fair exploits surprized Stenay the night preceding his Nuptials.* 1.365

The King had another great Captain in

the Daulphinate, which was Lesdiguieres; who held that Country, having reduced the City of Grenoble; and who saved Provence for him, of which the Duke of Savoy thought to seize himself, and dismember that piece from the Crown. This Duke being Son-in∣law to Philip the second, King of Spain, the puissance of his Father-in-law had raised his Ambition and Courage, and made him for∣get that constant affection which his Prede∣cessors have almost continually had for France, insomuch that they have held themselves much honoured to be Pensioners to our Kings. But the Conduct and Valour of Lesdi∣guieres made him repent all his high, designs, especially by the battails of Esparon de Pa∣lieres, and of Pont-Charra, where that Duke received as much loss as confusion.

About this time, our Henry conceived a* 1.366 passion for the Fair Gabriella d' Estrees; who was of a very noble house: and that passion by degrees grew so strong, that whilst she lived, she held the Principal place in his heart: so that after having had by her three or four Children, he had almost resolved to marry her, though he knew not how to do it, but by hazarding great troubles, and very dangerous difficulties. Having taken the City of Noyon, he gave the Government to Count d' Estrees, Father of this fair one; and a little after, gave him likewise the charge of Great Master of the Artillery, which had formerly been held by John d' Estrees, in the year 1550.

Not long after the Siege of Noyon, he un∣derstood the escape of the Duke of Guise, who* 1.367 after many other attempts, had got at high∣noon out of the Castle of Tours, where he had been in prison since his fathers death. The News at first no less touched the King, then it surprized him: he feared this great Name of Guise, which had given him so much trouble; and he doubted lest this young Prince should re-ingross the love of the people, which his father had possessed to so high a pitch: he was troubled to have lost such a Gage, which* 1.368 might serve him in many things. However, af∣ter he had a little meditated, he diminished his apprehensions, and told those who were about him,

That he had more reason to rejoyce then be troubled: for of force it must hap∣pen, that either the Duke of Guise must take his party; and that if he did so, he would treat him as his Parent and Kinsman: or that he must cast himself into the League; and then it would be impossible that the Duke of Mayenne and he could continue any long time without contending and becoming enemies.

This Prognostick was very true. The Duke of Mayenne having seen those Rejoycings which all the League testified at this News; the Bonefires made in the great Cities, those Actions of thanks which the Pope caused pub∣lickly to be rendred to God, and the hopes which the Sixteen conceived to see revived in this Prince the Protection and Qualities of his

Father, which they had idolatrized: the Duke of Mayenne, I say, seeing all this, was struck* 1.369 with a very strong Jealousie: and though he sent him monies, with entreaties that they might have an Interview; yet notwithstand∣ing he looked not upon him as a new renforce, but as a new subject of inquietude and trouble to him.

In effect, this young Prince immediately* 1.370 knit himself in firm bond with the Sixteen, and promised to take their protection. By this means, and by the help of the Spaniards, they emboldened themselves in such manner, that they resolved to loose the Duke of May∣enne, not ceasing to cry down his Conduct a∣mong the people. I have been assured, that* 1.371 there was some amongst them who writ a Let∣ter to the King of Spain; by which they cast themselves into his Arms, and intreated him, if he would not reign over them, to give them a King of his Race, or to chuse a Son-in∣law for his Daughter, whom they would re∣ceive with all Obedience and Fidelity. They advised themselves besides this, to make a new form of Oath for the League, which excluded the Princes of the Blood; to the end they might oblige all suspected persons, who would not swear a thing so contrary to their thoughts, to depart out of the City, and to abandon their Goods to them. By this arti∣fice,* 1.372 they drave away many persons; among others, the Cardinal of Gonde, Bishop of Pa∣ris, whom they had begun to hate, because

that with some Clerks of the City, he honestly endeavoured to dispose the people in favo••r of the King.

There remained nothing now but to dis∣solve the Parliament, who watched them day and night, and stopt their Enterprizes. They had pursued the Condemnation of one named Brigard, because he had Correspondence with the Royalists; and the Parliament having pardoned him, they were so incensed, that the most passionate, by conspiracy amongst* 1.373 them, and by their private Authority having caused those of their faction to take arms, went to seize on the persons of the President de Brisson, and of de Larcher, and de Tardiff, Counsellours, whom they carried prisoners to the Castelet; and after some formalities, one of them pronounced against them the sen∣tence of death: in execution of which, they caused them all three to be hanged at the win∣dow of the Chamber, and on the morrow to be carried to the * 1.374 Greve, to the end they might move the people in their favour: but the greatest part abhorred so damnable an at∣tempt; and even the most zealous of the party remained mute, not knowing whether they ought to approve or blame it.

Yet there were some of these Sixteen found* 1.375 so determinate as to pass farther: they said, They must finish the Tragedy, and rid them∣selves of the Duke of Mayenne, if he came to Paris, he being at present at Laon: That af∣ter that, they might assure to themselves the

City, elect a Chief who should depend of them, re-establish the Council of Forty which that Duke had abolished, and demand the U∣nion of the great Cities. And certainly there was some appearance, that having the Bastille, of which Bussy was Governour, the common people and the Garison of Spaniards for them, that they might render themselves Masters of Paris, and afterwards treat at their pleasure, either with the King, or with the Duke of Guise, or with the Spaniards: but they want∣ed Resolution. In the mean time, the Duke* 1.376 of Mayenne having been in two days doubt whether he should come to Paris, because he feared they would shut the Gates against him, at length comes with a warlike attendance; and seeing that the Parliament durst not at∣tempt to make process against these people, he resolved, whatever might arrive, to chastise them himself; and thereupon, without form of Process, in his Cabinet, condemns nine to death. They could catch but four, whom he caused to be hanged in the Louvre; the other five saved themselves in Flanders. The most remarkable of these five, was Bussy le Clerke, who had been constrained to yeild the Bastille to the Dukes people. He was seen to lead a miserable life in the City of Bruxels; yet still to conserve his hatred against the French, e∣ven to the last gasp, which he breathed forth a little before the last Declaration of War be∣tween the two Crowns.

This terrible blow having quite quelled the

faction of the Sixteen, the Duke made four Presidents of Parliament, there being now* 1.377 none at all; for Brisson was remaining alone, the rest being gone to Tours.

But he de∣monstrated by this, that he did not well un∣derstand his own interests: for in my opi∣nion, it is impossible that the Parliament and the Nobility should remain any long time separate from the King: nor can the force of a Party contrary to Royalty consist but onely in two things, to wit, the People or the Souldiery.

So soon as the King had received the aid of* 1.378 England, and that of the Protestant Princes* 1.379 of Germany, he besieged the City of Rouen. This was one of the most memorable Sieges of that time. Villars, a Provincial Gentleman who was Governour, did wonderful Actions. The Duke of Parma came to his assistance, ha∣ving for that purpose joyned with the Duke of Mayenne: but Villars, who feared that they would not come in time, and likewise that the Duke of Mayenne would deprive him of his Government if he entred the stronger into his place, endeavoured to relieve himself; and by a Sally, which we may almost call a Battel,* 1.380 drove the Besiegers a good distance from the Walls. The Dukes seeing that, and that he was no more pressed, retired; and Parma lodged his Troops about de Rue in Ponthieu. But two moneths after, Villars wanting Victu∣als, and the Courage of the Burgesses slack∣ning, he was constrained to write to them,

that they should make haste to come and re∣lieve him. The Dukes on so hot an advice,* 1.381 re-assembled their Troops in one day, repassed the Soame; and marching without Baggage, came more then thirty Leagues in four days, though there were on their way four Rivers to pass.

Being arrived within a League of Rouen,* 1.382 they drew into Battalia, in a Valley on the side of Dernetal. The King, who was gone to Diepe, finding at his return his Army too much weakned to resist those within and with∣out, raised the Siege, to his great discontent; and having at a Leagues distance attended them for twelve moneths space in Battail-array, he after retired to Pont de l' Arche. It was held by many, that had they pursued him, he could difficulty have shunned either the fighting of a Battel, or the loosing of it: but the Duke of Mayenne, either out of the jealousie he had of the Duke of Parma, or for other Reasons, was obstinately of opinion, that it was neces∣sary to take Caudebec, to open the mouth of the Seine, and bring provisions to Rouen. The* 1.383 Duke of Parma was forced to yeild to yeild to his advice. They took Caudebec in four and twenty hours: but Parma was wounded in the Arm with a Musquet-shot; and some days af∣ter, the Duke of Mayenne fell sick; so that both Generals were both at one time in their Litters.

In the mean time, in five or six days, the* 1.384 Army of the King encreased by three thou∣sand

Horse, and six thousand Infantry, which flocked to his assistance from the adjacent Pro∣vinces; so that he was stronger then his ene∣mies by near five thousand men. Now For∣tune turned, he went to search them, and shut them up near to Yvetot, and cut off all provi∣sions from them; so that they were constrained to dislodge by night, and go encamp near Cau∣debec. The two Generals being yet in bed, and* 1.385 their Troops very much amazed, the Marshal of Byron beat up one Quarter; and in the end, defeated their light-Horse. The Kings Infan∣try prepared at the same time to charge the Walloon-foot; which without doubt, in the fear they were in, would have demanded quarter: but Byron called them back, for fear, said he, lest they should engage themselves be∣tween two quarters of the Enemies. It was be∣lieved he did thus, that he might not finish the War where he had the principal Command. And see here a sufficient proof of it at another time. The Baron of Byron his Son, who was likewise afterwards Marshal, having demanded of him five hundred Horse, and as many Dra∣goons, to go and invest the Duke of Mayenne, who was as it were in a trap; the Father see∣ing* 1.386 in effect that this enterprize was infallible, regarding him with an angry look, told him swearing, * 1.387 How now, Villain, wouldst thou have us send to plant Cabbages for Byron?

From hence we may know how Wars come to be of such continuance; it being for the interest of their Chiefs to prolong them,

because they finde in them their advantage, in the same manner as Lawyers do theirs in retarding a Process.

Some days after, the Duke of Parma, be∣ing recovered, re-called to minde all those in∣ventions and all those stratagems which he had learnt by a long experience, and by profound meditation, to retire himself from so ill a con∣dition. He found in the end no other way then to pass the River, and retreat in all haste towards Paris. He to this effect caused to be* 1.388 built two Forts, directly opposite to each o∣ther, on the banks of the Seine, with Redoubts which commanded on the Water, and great∣er ones on the outside, which looked towards the Army of the King. By the favour of these Forts, he passed in an obscure night both his Baggage, Cavalry, Infantry and Artillery, over Bridges of Boats, covered with Planks which he had made to descend from Rouen; whilst the King, who in effect had perceived it too late, could not hinder him. So soon as he had passed, he took his march by the plains of Neuf-bourg, and made such haste, that in four days he arrived at Pont de Charenton, not ha∣ving been able to sleep (as himself avowed afterwards) till he was come into Brie.

Afterwards he led back his Troops to the Low-Countries, covered with glory, for ha∣ving the second time made a great King raise his Siege when there was least appearance; and having in his sight, deceiving his Vigilance and Diligence, passed a great River, or rather an

arme of the Sea, without his being able to assault him.

This action was so gallant, that our Henry* 1.389 could not refrain from wondring at it; esteeming it more glorious then the gain of two battails.

Acknowledging that the chief work of a great Captain, was not so much to fight or overcome, as to do what he enterprizes without hazarding a combat.

We ought not forget how that the first time that the Duke of Parma advanced to the relief of Rouen, the King went to meet him with a part of his Army as far as Aumale, as well to hinder him from passing that little River, as to take notice of him; and how with four or five hundred Carabines only he stopt for a long time all the enemies Army, by three or four vigorous Charges. The Duke of Parma believed not that the King was there; not judging that he would hazard his person in so dangerous a post, and with so few forces: but so soon as he knew that him∣self* 1.390 was present, he caused all his Carabines to give the Charge, sustained by his light∣horsemen. The King seeing his men so pressed, gave two vigorous Charges, during which they drew forth the greatest part of the Baggage out of the Bourg: but all the body of the Dukes Cavalry coming on, the King lost many of his men, and himself ran great danger of being slain, or taken prisoner; but God permitted that he was only wounded

with a Pistol-shot, on the Reins, which had been mortal if the Bullet had had more force; but it pierced only his cloths and his shirt, and somewhat razed the skin. His valour and his good fortune, both equally contributed to draw him out of this peril, and to bring, after so sharp a check, both his person, and what remained of his Troops, into safety.

The Duke of Parma admired this action;* 1.391 but praysed the Courage which our Henry had testified, more then his Prudence: for when he was demanded what he thought of this Retreat, he answered,

That in effect it was very gallant; but for his part, he would never bring himself into a place where he should be forced to retire. This was tacitely to say, that a Prince and a General ought to secure themselves better.

And so all the Kings faithful servants came the same evening to intreat him that he would spare his per∣son, on which the safety of France depen∣ded. And the Queen of England, his most faithful friend, prayed him that he would preserve himself, and at least keep within the terms of a great Captain, who ought not to come to handy-stroaks, but in the last ex∣tremity.

After the raising the siege of Rouen, the greatest part of the Kings Army passed into Champagne, in pursuit of the Duke of Parma, and laid siege before the City of Espernay, and* 1.392 took it. The Marshal of Byron was killed by a Faulcon-shot, which carried away his head

as he was viewing the place. His eldest Son, who was named the Baron of Byron, as great a Captain as the Father, and much loved by the King, was a little after honoured with the same Charge of Marshal of France: but he lost his Head somewhat less gloriously then his Fa∣ther.

The Duke of Mayenne and the Duke of Par∣ma being parted ill satisfied one with the o∣ther, it was not difficult to renew the Con∣ferences between the first and the Royalists:* 1.393 however, things were not yet ripe; there were some seeds sown, which some time after brought forth fruit: for the King consented that he would within six moneths permit him∣self to be instructed by those means which might not wrong either his Honour or his Conscience. He gave leave likewise to the Catholick Lords of his party, to depute some towards the Pope, to let him understand the duties he applyed himself to, and to intreat him to add his Authority; and that in the mean time, Peace should be dayly treated of.

The Duke of Mayenne and his party deman∣ded Conditions so advantagious, that they were ill resented; and, to speak truth, many things in this Conjuncture did much trouble our Henry: that which most of all perplexed* 1.394 him, was, that the Duke of Mayenne violent∣ly pressed by the instances of the Pope, and the King of Spain, by the remonstrances of those great Cities which took his party, and

likewise by the necessity of his Affairs, had cal∣led the Estates-General to Paris to proceed to the Nomination of a King.

Now this Nomination had been the indubi∣table* 1.395 ruine of France, and possibly caused the absolute expulsion of our Henry. For there was much appearance and likelyhood that all the Catholick Potentates of Christendome would have acknowledged that King whom the States should have elected; that the Cler∣gy would have done the like; and that the Nobility and people, who followed not our Henry but because he had the Title of King, would not have made conscience to have quit∣ted him, for another to whom the Estates had granted it.

To the end therefore he might hinder this* 1.396 mortal blow, he wisely advised with himself to propose a Conference of the Lords of his Party, with these pretended Estates. The Duke of▪ Mayenne was well content with this Expedient, because he saw well that the King of Spain desired that he who should be elect∣ed, should espouse his Daughter Isabella-Clara-Eugenia; and thus the Election could not re∣gard him, since he was married, and had Children: but likewise out of fear lest they should hearken to an acknowledgement of our Henry, he under hand stirred up some Doctors to say, That this Conference with a Heretick was unlawful; and by vertue of this advice, he wrought in such manner, that the Estates agreed they would not confer with him, nei∣ther

directly nor indirectly, touching his Esta∣blishment, nor touching the Doctrine of the Faith; but that they would confer with the Catholicks holding his party, for the good of Religion, and the publick Repose.

The Legat knowing well what this would come to, endeavoured with all his power to hinder the effect of this Deliberation of the E∣states: but in the end, he was constrained to lend his hand to it. The Conference was then concluded; and the Deputies of one part* 1.397 and the other assembled at the Borough of Surene, near Paris.

The Estates were assembled in the month of* 1.398 * 1.399 January, in the year 1593. and sate in the great Hall of the Louvre. There were few Noble-men, a great number of Prelates, and a sufficient quantity of Deputies of the third Estate; but the most part Creatures of the Duke of Mayenne, or payed by the King of Spain. This Prince, desiring at any price so∣ever to have the Crown for his Daughter, had destined to send a puissant Army into France, which should hasten the Resolutions of the Estates: but happily for our Henry, the incom∣parable Duke of Parma was dead, and the Spaniard had not in the Low-Countries any* 1.400 Captains capable of great things. The Count of Mansfield had order to lead his Troops; the Duke of Mayenne went to meet him. They re-took Noyon, but that was all: afterward they melted away, and became so weak, that not daring to pass any farther, they returned

into Flanders, where Prince Maurice of Nassaw found them sufficient employment.

During the Siege of Noyon, the young By∣ron,* 1.401 to whom the King had newly given the charge of Admiral, yeilded up by the Duke of Espernon in change for the Government of Provence, had besieged Selles in Berry, to take that Thorne out of the foot of the City of Tours. The King, perceiving that this paltry Town held him too long time, had called him thence to go and relieve Noyon; which not∣withstanding he durst not enterprize. These little disgraces wonderfully puffed up the* 1.402 hearts of the Kings enemies, cool'd his friends, and e••boldned the faction. The third party, who had kept under a covert, now began to move; and likewise a report ran, that there were some Catholicks who had conspired to* 1.403 seize the person of the King in Mantes, under colour of snatching him out of the hands of the Hugonots; and would carry him to Mass whether he would or not. He was so much affrighted at it, or feigned to be so, that he took the Field, gathered together his surest friends, and caused the English Forces to come and lodge in the Suburbs of Limay.

At the same time the Duke de Feria, Am∣bassador* 1.404 from the King of Spain to the States-General, arrived at Paris: he presented to them a very civil Letter on the part of his Ma∣ster, and made them a large Speech, by which he exhorted them to expedite the naming of a King; offering them all assistance both of

men and monies. In effect, the King of Spain passionately desired the chusing of one, be∣cause, as we have said, he would give him in marriage his Daughter Isabella, whom he sin∣gula••ly loved.

It was therefore now time that our Henry* 1.405 should either publish to the world that he would persevere in his Religion without wa∣vering, in which case he must resolve on a War, of which possibly he might never see the end; or return into the bosome of the Catho∣lick Church.

The Spaniolized Leaguers feared above all things this change, which would take from them all pretext: the good Catholicks ardently wished it; they onely feared lest his Conversion should be feigned: the rigid Hugonots endea∣voured to divert him; threatning him with the Judgements of God if he abandoned, said they, the Evangelical Truth. But all Politi∣tians, both of the one and the other Religion, counselled him not to delay it. They told him, that of all Canons, the Canon of the Mass would prove best to reduce the Cities of his Kingdome▪ they besought him that he would serve himself of it; and to their Prayers, they added Threats to abandon him, and to retire themselves, being wearied with consuming themselves in his service for the Capricio of some obstinate Preaching-Ministers, who hin∣dred him from embracing the Religion of his Predecessors.

Besides these humane Motives, God, who is never wanting to those who seek him with* 1.406 submission, cleared his understanding with his holy Lights, and rendred him capable to re∣ceive the saving instructions of the Catholick Prelates. This resolution taken, he immedi∣ately gives advice of it to the Deputies of the League in the Conference of Surene. It can∣not be imagined how great was their astonish∣ment, nor how the Duke of Mayenne was sur∣prized: for they least of all expected to hear this News.

The Spaniards and the Legat having advice* 1.407 that he was about to convert, pressed the E∣states more vehemently to elect a King: and seeing that the French would not accept of a∣ny but one of their own Nation, they propo∣sed that their King should name a French Prince, who should reign wholly and indivi∣dually with the Infanta Isabella.

When the Parliament understood this, and* 1.408 that the Estates were not averse to this Propo∣sition; that great Body, though captive and dismembred, remembring its ancient Vigour, ordained, That Remonstrances should be made to the Duke of Mayenne, that he should maintain the Fundamental Laws of the Estate, and that he should hinder the Crown, the Lieutenancy of which was committed to him, from being transferred to Strangers: more∣over, declaring null all Treaties made or that should be made, which should be contrary to that Law of the Estate.

It was suspected that this Arrest was made by Collusion with the Duke of Mayenne: but* 1.409 Villeroy, the greatest States-man of the King∣dom, gave this Testimony for the Parliament, that it took the counsel from himself: Having no▪ other Motives then those of Honour and Duty, as persons who would chuse rather to loose their lives then be wanting either of the one or the o∣ther, by conniving at the renversement of the Laws of the Realm, of which by their institu∣tion they are Protectors, and obliged to main∣tain them by the Oath given them at their Re∣ception. These words are all very memo∣rable.

The Vigour of this Arrest, made all those* 1.410 good French-men which were in Paris, and in the Estates, take heart; and at the same time the taking of Dreux, which the Kings Army forced, caused a great astonishment a∣mong the most passionate Leaguers. Never∣theless the Spaniards ceased not to pursue their designe. The Duke of Mayenne, think∣ing to stop their course, made excessive De∣mands before any proceed should be made to the election of a King: but that they might come to their point, they granted him all; and in the end, they declared that their King* 1.411 would name to the Estates the Duke of Guise, to whom he would give his Daugh∣ter in marriage, and all forces necessary to assure him the Crown, if they found it conve∣nient to give him their Suffrages, and elect him.

Never was man more astonished then the Duke of Mayenne, when he saw that he should* 1.412 be constrained to obey his Nephew, and that his Authority must end. His Wife yet more impatient then he, could not refrain from ma∣king appear her despite and jealousie; and rather then suffer that they should confer the Crown on this young Prince, she counselled her Husband to make peace with the King at any price whatsoever. He was in effect resol∣ved to do all things rather then raise his Ne∣phew above himself; and therefore he em∣ployed all sorts of means to hinder him; and to this purpose he concluded a Truce with* 1.413 the King, notwithstanding the oppositions of the Legat and Spaniards.

In pursuance of this Truce, the King came to St. Denis; where there met many Prelates and Doctors, by whose care he caused himself to be instructed. An Historian reports, that the King causing a Conference to be held be∣fore him between the Doctors of the one and the other Church, and hearing a Minister grant that one might be saved in the Religion of the Catholicks, his Majesty breaking silence, and speaking to the Minister, How! said he, do you agree that one may be saved in the Religion of these Gentlemen? The Minister answering that he doubted it not, so that they lived well; the King very judiciously replyed; Prudence* 1.414 will that I should be of their Religion, and not of yours; because being of theirs, I may be saved both according to their opinion and yours; but

being of yours, I can be saved onely according to your opinion, but not according to theirs: Pru∣dence therefore teaches me to follow the most as∣sured. And thus after long instructions, in which he would amply be cleared in all his Doubts, he abjured his Errour, made pro∣fession* 1.415 of the Catholick Faith, and received Absolution in the Abby-Church of St. De∣nis, in the moneth of July, by the Mini∣stery of Renaud de Beaune, Archbishop of Bourges.

That Evening the whole Champaign be∣tween Paris and Pointoise was made shine with fires of Joy; and great number of Pari∣sians, who had flocked to St. Denis to see this Ceremony, brought back an entire satisfacti∣on, and fill'd the whole City with esteem and affection for the King; insomuch that they called him no longer Bearnois, but absolutely King.

The Estates of Paris sate no long time after.* 1.416 The Duke of Mayenne dismissed the Deputies, who the most part returned ill satisfied into their Provinces; where they served not a lit∣tle to dispose them to reduce themselves un∣der the Obedience of their Legitimate Sove∣raign.

There rested now no other pretext to the League, except that the King had not received Absolution from St. Peter's Chair; that there∣fore he was not yet in the bounds of the Church, and that they could not acknowledge him until he was entred at the great Gate.

He had sent the Duke of Nevers to Rome, to Negotiate this affair with the Pope; who was* 1.417 very much incensed, that the Prelates of France had enterprized to absolve him, though they had not absolved him, but by provision, ad Cautelam only: for he said, that he alone had authority to restore a relapsed person, as having the only Sovereign power to bind and to loose; and for this cause, he* 1.418 appeared so difficult, nor could ever be bended, till he saw the party of the League quite overthrown.

Now since the life and actions of the King* 1.419 made it appear that his conversion was not feigned, the League having no other valuable pretext, was dug up, as we may so say, by the very foundation; so that before the end of* 1.420 the year, it fell to the ground, and there re∣mained to it only a very small number of pla∣ces in the utmost parts of the Realm, the o∣ther Chiefs not being willing to run to the end the fortune of the Duke of Mayenne. This Prince was very irresolute, and knew not what he ought to do, as well because of his natural slowness, as out of the regret he had to quit the Sovereign authority which he had in his hands, and out of fear likewise not to find safety with the King.

In the mean time, Vitry desiring to be the* 1.421 first should re-enter under his obedience, as he had been the first had separated from it, brought back the City of Meaux. The Count of Carces delivered that of Aix in Provence.

Lyons surrendred of it self; of which the Duke of Mayenne was in part cause, by having endeavoured to make himself master of that City, and snatch it from the Duke of Nemours, his brother by the mothers side, who intended to establish a small Sovereignty in that Country. That he might compass his design, he had by secret contrivances made the Burgesses rise against that young Prince; so that they having seized of his per∣son, had made him a prisoner in the Castle of Pierre-Encise. But he found that in this he more laboured for the King then for himself: for the Burgesses, who had made prisoners the Duke of Nemours, fearing lest the brothers should agree among themselves to their pre∣judice, treated secretly with Colonel Al∣fonso d' Ornano, Lieutenant-General for the King in the Daulphinate, and being well for∣tified, took the White-scarfe, and cried, Vive le Roy. The Castle likewise returned to its du∣ty, with the Cities of Orleans and Bourges. The reduction of Paris happened on the two* 1.422 and twentieth day of March. The Parlia∣ment, the Provost of the Merchants, and the Sheriffs, having disposed this great City, re∣ceived the King, maugre the vain endea∣vours of some remnant of the faction of the Sixteen. The Duke of Mayenne was gone into Picardy; and Brissac, to whom he had con∣fided the Government of Paris for some months past, having taken it from the Count of Belin, broke his faith with him; be∣lieving

he ought it rather to the King then him.

The King had a little before caused him∣self* 1.423 to be anointed at Chartres, with the Cruse of St. Martin of Tours. The City of Reims was yet in the hands of the League; but he would not longer defer his Coronation, because he knew that that Ceremony was absolutely necessary, to confirm to him the affection and respect of his people.

It was almost a miracle, how that there* 1.424 being four or five thousand Spaniards En∣garisoned in Paris, and ten or twelve thou∣sand factious persons remaining of the Ca∣bal of the Sixteen, who all cruelly hated the King, he could nevertheless render himself master of it, without striking stroak, or without shedding blood, except that of five or six Mutineers, who came into the streets to cry to Arms. His Troops having by in∣telligence seized on the gates, ramparts, and publick places, he entred triumphantly into the City by the new gate, by which Henry the third had unhappily fled six years before, and went directly to Nostredame, to hear Mass, and cause Te Deum to be sung: after∣ward he returned to the Lo••vre, where he found his Officers, and his Dinner ready; as if he had always remained there.

After Dinner he gave the Spanish Garison a sa••e-Conduct, and a good Convoy, to conduct them as far as the tree of Guise in all security: for so those had desired, who

brought them into the City. The Garison departed about three a Clock, the same day of his entrance, with twenty or thirty of the most obstinate Leaguers; who chose rather to follow strangers, then obey their Natural Prince. He would needs see them depart,* 1.425 and regarded them passing from a window by St. Denis gate: they all saluted him with their hats very low, and with a profound in∣clination: he returned the salutes to their Chiefs with great courtesie; adding these words, Recommend me to your Master; go in a good hour, but return no more.

The same day that he entred into Paris, the Cardinal de Pelleve Archbishop of Sens, a passionate Leaguer, expired in his Palace of Sens. The Cardinal of Placentia, Legat from the Pope, had safe-Conduct to retire home; but he died by the way. Brissac, for recompence had the Staff of Marshal, and a place of Honourable Counsellor to the Par∣liament: a favour very rare in that time. D' O was re-placed in his government of Paris, which he had had under Henry the third: but he enjoyed it not long, dying* 1.426 soon after. That part of the Parliament which was at Tours was recalled, and that which was at Paris re-enabled (for it had been interdicted) and both re-united to serve conjoyntly the King.

By noon of that day on which our Henry* 1.427 entred Paris, the City was every where peaceable; the Burgesses in a moment grew

familiar with the Souldiers, the Artificers worked in their shops: In a word, the Calme was so profound, that nothing inter∣rupted it, but the Ringing of the bells, the Bonfires▪ and the Dances which were made through all the streets, even till midnight. It is certain, that that which caused this joy and wonderful tranquillity, was the great opi∣nion which the people had conceived of the generous goodness of this Prince, and the Commands he gave for the orderly govern∣ment of his Souldiers.

There were two actions which he did the* 1.428 same day he entred Paris, worthy observati∣on, proceeding from an admirable Justice, Goodness, and Policy.

The first was, that he suffered the Baggage* 1.429 of la Noue, one of his principal Chiefs, to be Arrested at his entring into Paris, by the Ser∣jeants, for the debts of his Father contracted in his service: and when la Noue went to complain to him of this insolence, he answer∣ed publickly: La Noue, you must pay his debts, for I pay likewise those of mine.

But after that, he took him apart, and gave him some precious stones, to engage to his cre∣ditors, in stead of the Baggage which they had seized. Was there ever a more wonder∣ful goodness, or more exact Justice?

The second is, that the same evening he* 1.430 played at Cards with the Dutchess of Mont∣pensier, who was of the house of Guise, and the most vehement Leaguess of the Party.

What could be seen of more Policy?

After this reduction of Paris, the other Cities and their Governours hastened like∣wise* 1.431 to conclude their Treaties. Villars made his for Rouen; so gaining to himself the Go∣vernment in chief of this City and Bailiwick, and that of the Country of Caux, with the charge of Admiral, which he was to take out of the hands of Byron, for that of Mar∣shal of France, twelve hundred thousand Li∣vres of present money, and sixty thousand Livres of pension. At the same time, or little after, Montreuil and Abbeville in Picardy, Troyes in Champagne, Sens and Riom in Au∣vergne, Agen, Marmande, and Villeneuve d' Agenois rendred themselves obedient; and their Governours had all they could demand of the King. The City of Poictiers, and the Country thereabouts, treated likewise by means of its principal Magistrates; and the Marquis of Elbeuf, Governour for the League, seeing he could not hinder the Revolution, permitted himself to be drawn in with them, and composed with the King, who left him the Government of that Province.

In the mean time, the Count Mansfield en∣tred* 1.432 into Picardy, to endeavour to sustain the League, which was in a very low condition, and took la Capelle. The King in revenge laid siege to Laon, and took it by capitulation, notwithstanding all the endeavours of the Duke of Mayenne to relieve it.

Balagny with his City of Cambray, renoun∣ced* 1.433

likewise the League, and promised service to the King. He had called himself Sove∣reign of this City, and had held it from the time that Henry the thirds brother, (the Duke of Alenzon) had usurped it from the Baron of Inchi, who in the great Rebellion of the Low-Countries, had quitted the obedience of Spain, to embrace his party. In like* 1.434 manner, the Cities of Beauvais and Peronne renounced the League, as did likewise that of Amiens, shaking off the yoak of the Duke of Aumale: There resting to that party in all Picardy, only Soissons, la Fere and Ham. And* 1.435 which was much more, the Duke of Guise shook off the Duke of Mayenne, and brought the Cities of Reims, Vitry, and Mezieres un∣der the Kings obedience; who in recompence of it, gave him the Government of Provence, from which he was obliged to withdraw the Duke of Espernon, because the People, the Parliament, and the Nobility, had taken Arms against him.

The Duke of Lorrain likewise, who ne∣gotiated* 1.436 his peace by the intermission of Bassompierre, concluded it the twenty sixth of November. But neither the example of this Duke, chief of the house of Lorrain, nor the general revolution of that party, could* 1.437 oblige the Duke of Mayenne to withdraw himself from that danger, wherein he was ready to be overwhelmed: he could not aban∣don that fair title of Lieutenant-General of the Crown, but flattered himself with the

hopes that the assistance of Spain might a∣gain give his affairs the upper hand. He was retired into his Government of Bourgongne, because that remained yet most entire to him; though to keep to himself Dijon, he was forced to make use of an odious cruelty, in cutting off the head of the Mayor, and an∣other, who laboured to reduce it to the Kings service.

Now since it was the Spaniards who main∣tained* 1.438 him in his obstinacy, and who made* 1.439 War against the King in his name; it was pro∣posed and agreed in the Councel, to assault them with an open War; to the end that being imployed at their own homes, they might lose the desire and leasure of coming to dis∣quiet the King in his. For they not only as∣saulted him by force of Arms, and by practi∣ces which encouraged the people in Rebellion; but moreover they would have had his life, and endeavoured to murther him, by base and execrable waies. They contrived or favou∣red many conspiracies against his Sacred per∣son,* 1.440 which were well discovered. Those two which made most noise, was that of one Peter Barriere, and that of John Castel.

The first was a Souldier aged about twen∣ty* 1.441 seven years, who being discovered at Melun, in the year one thousand five hundred ninety three, as he sought the execution of his de∣testable blow, was condemned to have his right hand burned, holding the Knife with which he should have struck the King; after

to have his flesh torn off with burning Pinsers, and to be broken on the wheel alive.

The second was a young Scholar aged a∣bout* 1.442 eighteen years, son of a Merchant-Draper of Paris, keeping Shop before the Palace: this villain about the end of the year fifteen hundred ninety four, having thrust himself with the Courtiers into the Cham∣ber of the fair Gabriella, where the King was, would have struck him with a Knife into the belly; but by good fortune the King then bowing to salute some one, the blow chanced on his face only, piercing his upper lip, and breaking a Tooth. It was not known for the present who had struck it: but the Count of Soissons seeing this young man affrighted, stopt him by the arme. He impudently con∣fessed that he had given the blow, and main∣tained that he ought to do it. The Parlia∣ment condemned him to have his right hand burned, his flesh torn off with red-hot Pin∣sers, and after to be torn in pieces by four horses: This detestable Parricide not shew∣ing any sign of pain; so much had they im∣printed in his spirit, that he would offer a Sacrifice acceptable to God, by taking out of the world a Prince relapsed and Excommu∣nicate. The Father of this miserable villain was banished, his house before the Palace demolished, and a Pyramide erected in its place.

The Jesuites under whom this Miscreant* 1.443 had studied, were likewise accused for having

instructed him with this pernicious Doctrine; and they having many enemies, the Parlia∣ment banished the whole Society out of the Kingdom by the same Arrest of their Scholar. Yet these Fathers were not wanting, not∣withstanding that the times were contrary to them, to labour to sustain their honour; but writ many things to justifie themselves a∣gainst their charge. And truly those who were not their enemies, did not at all believe the Society culpable: so that some years after the King revoked the decree of Parliament, and recalled them, as we shall mention here∣after.

The success of the War declared against Spain, was much different from that which the King maintained against the League; and made it apparent,

That it is another thing to assault a stranger equal in puissance, over whom nothing is to be gained but by force of Arms, then to have to do with rebelli∣ous Subjects, and in ones proper Country, where intrigues and intelligences make more then one half of the enterprizes.

* 1.444

This year the Cities of Beaune, of Auton, and of Aussonne reduced themselves under the Kings obedience. Those of Mascon and Auxerre were returned the year before. The City of Dijon followed their example, and fortified it self against the Castle which By∣ron went to besiege. But in the mean time the Constable of Castile descended with a great Army of Millanois into Bourgongne

by the French County, and passed the Saone at Gray with the Duke of Mayenne.

The King who was gone into that Coun∣try,* 1.445 had the assurance to advance as far as Fountain-Franzoise: it was there that with only fifteen hundred men, he made head a∣gainst that great Army, and did an exploit of War scarce imaginable. Villars-Oudan and Sanson, two of the Principal Chiefs of* 1.446 the enemies Army, charged furiously on his Troops: Villars charged a body commanded by the Marshal of Byron, and Sanson another on the side of it: they made them both give ground and retreat, flying within sight of that of the King. It was reported that Villars knowing he was there, so puissant is the name of a King, durst not assault him, but retired on the left hand: but Sanson* 1.447 was not so happy; for the King having with him but one hundred horse, but all chosen Gentlemen of note, and mounted to ad∣vantage, with his sword in his hand ming∣led amongst them and cut them in pieces. Sanson endeavouring to rally his people lost his life, by acquitting no small honour.

The King was in so great danger in this fight, that he said himself,

That in other occasi∣ons wherein he had been engaged, he had fought for Victory, but that in this he had fought for his Life.

Having therefore made the Constable by* 1.448 this occasion see in what manner he was to act, he so much abashed his courage, that he durst

enterprize nothing; but a little after, retired. The Duke of Mayenne likewise despairing at* 1.449 such ill success, and not knowing longer where to hide his head, had resolved to retire to Sommerive in Savoy; from whence he would send to demand safe-conduct into Spain, to give an account of his Actions to King Philip the second. But the goodness of the King* 1.450 tooke care to divert him from this Precipice, and to lay open to him ways of accommodati∣on. He to this effect sent to seek Lignerac his Confident; entertained him of the good will he always had for that Duke; testified to him, that he pitied him; and assured him, that he would be always disposed to receive him into his favour; permitting him to retire in all safety to Chalons on the Saone, till they could finish a Treaty of Accord.

The Duke accepts this favour; and having understood that the Pope was disposed to re∣ceive the King into the Church, he demanded a general Truce for the rest of his party.

The greatest part of the Kings Council, who considered the Delays and Artifices which he had for six years used, having begun fifty Treaties without ever concluding any, advi∣sed that the King should grant him no inter∣mission, but pursue him to the utmost. But the prudence and goodness of the King con∣formed not with this Sentiment, because he was not ignorant of two Maximes, which are most true ones: the one, That Kings may al∣ways when they please reduce the most rebellious

to their duty; the other, That it is very dange∣rous to make great persons despair, especially per∣sons of the quality of the Duke of Mayenne. And for these Reasons, of his proper motion, con∣trary* 1.451 to the advice of his Council, he grant∣ted him a Truce. That which followed after, demonstrated well that this sage Prince had more knowledge then all his Ministers; and how prejudicial it would have been to his in∣terests to do the contrary.

In the mean time, of those three Cities* 1.452 which we have said remained to the League in Picardy, to wit, la Fere, Ham and Soissons, the Governour of the first, named Colas, had delivered it to the Spaniards; and d'Orvilliers had done the same with Ham. However, this last remained not theirs: Humieres, one of the bravest Gentlemen of those times, came; and at the same hour so hotly assaulted it, that after a long and bloody defence, they were* 1.453 hewen in pieces: but Humieres was killed▪ and more then two hundred brave Gentlemen with him.

This loss did in such manner excite the indignation of the Loyal French against▪ the Leaguers, that the greatest part of them de∣spairing, fled into the Low-Countries, and in∣to Spain, where they found at first a favou∣rable Reception, and good Employments; by which they did very great mischief to France. Amongst others was a valiant Captain named Rosny; who, imagining that they would ex∣tend their utmost rigour upon such, who not

being Governours, had no places to buy their peace with, resolved to make the War so well, that the Spaniards should have cause to re∣compense him, or the King to redeem him.

This was he who inspired the Count of Fu∣entes with the designe to besiege Cambray after he had forced Cattelet, and who perswaded him to facilitate this great Enterprize to take Dourlens first, to the end the French might not bring an Army to relieve it. It was like∣wise by his counsel that Fuentes went to meet the Duke of Nevers, the Marshal of Bouillon, and the Admiral Villars, who came to the re∣lief* 1.454 of Dourlens: that he fought them, and defeated them with a great slaughter of the of the French Nobility, and caused Villars to* 1.455 be slain in cold blood; one of the bravest men of his time. Afterwards returning to Cam∣bray,* 1.456 he took it by Famine, and despoiled Ba∣lagny of his pretended Principality.

But News most important and long time expected, comforted the King for these two great losses of Dourlens and Cambray: which was, that he received advice, that the* 1.457 holy Father, passing by all those difficulties which the Spaniards formed, had granted his Absolution on the sixteenth of September, by the Negotiation and pursuits of d'Ossat and du Perron, his Procurers in the Court of Rome; who were afterwards, upon his Recommenda∣tion, honoured with Cardinal Caps.* 1.458

After this, the Duke of Mayenne, having no more Excuses, nor more Hopes longer to sub∣sist,

resolved to treat. It was very late; and he could not well expect other then an utmost ri∣gour, if the Generosity of the King had not been greater then his obstinacy. It is most true, that the fair Gabriella, very officious to those who sued for his favour, and being at present in hopes to create her self friends and supports to come to the marriage of the King, to which she aspired, did not a little assist to obtain a most favourable Accommodation. Certainly the terms of the Edict which the King granted him, and the Conditions, are so* 1.459 honourable, that never Subject had greater Advantages from any King of France: but they had been greater, if that before his party had been so much ruined, he had treated for those great Cities who yet held him as their Chief, and whom by this means he might still have kept firm to his interests.

Some time after, he came to Monceaux to* 1.460 salute the King; who seeing him coming along an Alley where he was walking, advanced some paces towards him with all Alacrity and good Countenance possible; and thrice straitly embracing him, assured him, that he esteemed him so absolute a man of Honour, that he doubted not of his word; treating him with as much freedom, as if he had always been his most faithful servant.

The Duke surprized with his goodness, said at his departure, That it was now onely that the King had compleatly vanquished him.

And he ever after as well remained in the duty of a most

faithful Subject, as the King shewed him∣self a good Prince, and exact Observer of his word.

At the same time that this Duke had conclu∣ded his Treaty, and obtained an Edict from the King which confirmed it; the Duke of Ne∣mours* 1.461 his Brother by the Mothers side, and who was called Marquiss of St. Sorlin whilst the brave Duke of Nemours his elder Brother was living, by the means of his Mother, reconciled himself likewise to the King, and brought un∣der his Obedience some little places which he yet held in Lyonnois and in Forez.* 1.462

His elder Brother, one of the most noble and generous Courages was ever known, died the year before of a strange malady, which made him vomit through the mouth, and through all his pores, even to the last drop of his blood. Were it that this malady happened to him out of his extream grief when he was shut up in the Castle of Pierre-Encise, to hear of the sur∣rendry of Vienne, which was his surest retreat; or were it caused by a sharp and scalding poy∣son, reported to be given him by those who feared his resentment; he died without being married; and his younger Brother, of whom we speak, was Father to those Messieurs de Ne∣mours, whose deaths we beheld in the years last past.

The Duke of Joyeuse, who after the death* 1.463 of his younger Brother slain in the Battel of* 1.464 Villemur near Mountauban, had quitted his ha∣bit of Capuchin to make himself chief of the

League in Languedoc, and had maintained the City of Tolouse and the Neighbouring Coun∣tries on his party, took likewise this time to make his Accommodation, and obtained very favourable Conditions, by the means of Car∣dinal de Joyeuse his other Brother: among o∣ther things, he had the Staff of Marshal of France. The Lord of Boisdaufin had the same* 1.465 recompence, though he had no more then two little places in Mayne and Anjou; to wit, Sable and Castle-Gontier: the King granting him this good Treatment, rather in Con∣sideration of his Person then his Places.

There were now no more to reduce, be∣sides* 1.466 the Duke of Merceur and Marseilles. This City was governed by Charles de Casaux Consul▪ and by Lewis d' Aix the Viguier or Judge. As these two men were upon the point to deliver it to the Spaniards, a Burgess named Libertat, with a Band of his friends, caused the Inhabitants to rise against them; and ha∣ving killed Casaux, and driven out Lewis d' Aix, put it in full Liberty under the Obe∣dience of the King.

As for the Duke of Merceur, the King* 1.467 granted him a prolongation of the Truce, be∣cause he was not in capacity at present to go so soon to dispossess him of the rest of Brittany, being much hindred by the Siege of la Fere, where he was in person, and where he had made little progress in three or four moneths.* 1.468 Moreover, it happened when he least thought of it, that the Arch-Duke Albert, who com∣manded

the Spanish Army, incited by the counsels of that Rosny of whom we have spoke, came to fall upon Calais; and that Rosny, who was a great Captain, having at first took the Forts of Risban and Nieule, the Spaniards forced the place on the 24 of April, and put* 1.469 all to the sword. A little after, the King took la Fere, which surrendred for want of Victu∣als. The Spaniards having made the Treaty, would have no Hostages from him; saying,

That they knew he was a generous Prince, and of good credit:

a Testimony so much the more glorious for him, because coming from the mouth of his enemies.

The grief which he had for the loss of Ca∣lais,* 1.470 was redoubled by that of the Cities of Guines and Ardres; which were likewise taken by the industry and valour of Rosny, who had done many such other exploits, if some months after he had not been killed, happily for France at the Siege of H••lst near to Gaunt.

Now the noise of these four or five great losses received one upon another, cast some terrour into the hearts of the people; and the Emissaries of Spain excited as much as they could new seeds of division in their spirits; serving themselves to that purpose of all sorts of pretexts, but above all, of that of the op∣pression of the people. Truely it was great; but it was caused by the pillages of War, and by the necessity of Affairs, rather then the Kings fault; who had no greater desire then to procure the ease of his Subjects, as we shall see.

This cast him into a great affliction and trou∣ble, because he had no Treasure to continue the War; and he foresaw by the murmurs al∣ready excited, that if he crushed the people more, he should raise against himself a new tempest. In this trouble, he had recourse to that great Remedy accustomed to be practised when France is in danger; which is, the Con∣vocation of the Estates: but because the pres∣sing* 1.471 necessity gave him not time to assemble them in a full body, he called onely the chiefs of the Peers of his Estate, of the Prelates, and of the Nobility, with the Officers of Justice, and of the Revenues.

He desired that the Assembly should be held* 1.472 at Rouen, in the great Hall of the Abby of St. Ouen: in the midst of which, he was seated in a Chair elevated in form of a Throne, with a Cloth and Canopy of Estate. On his sides, were the Prelates and Lords; behinde, the four Secretaries of Estate; beneath him, the first Presidents of the soveraign Courts, and the Deputies of the Officers of Justice, and of the Revenues. He made his Overtures to them by a Speech worthy a true King;

who ought to believe that his Greatness and Au∣thority consists not onely in an absolute power, but in the good of his Estate, and the safety of his people.

If I should account it a glory (said he to them)* 1.473 to pass for an excellent Orator, I should have brought hither rather good words then good will:

but my ambition tends to something higher then well-speaking; I aspire to those glorious Titles of Redeemer and Restorer of France. Already, by the favours of Heaven, by the counsels of my faith∣ful Servants, and by the sword of my brave and generous Nobility, (from which I distinguish not my Princes, the Quality of Gentleman being the fairest Title we passess) I have delivered it from Slavery and Ruine. I desire at present to re∣store it to its former force, and to its ancient splendour. Participate, my Subjects, in this se∣cond glory, as you have participated in the first. I have not called you hither as my Predecessors have done, to oblige you blindly to approve my will: I have caused you to be assembled to receive your counsels, to believe them, to follow them; and, in a word, to put my self in Guardianship under your hands. This is a desire which seldome pos∣sesses Kings grey-hair'd and victorious like my self: but the love I bear my Subjects, and the extream desire I have to conserve my Estate, makes me finde all things facile and honou∣rable.

The Assembly, moved even to the bottom* 1.474 of their hearts by such tender words, labour∣ed with affection to finde wherewith to con∣tinue the War: and to this effect they ordain∣ed should be gathered one years payment of all Officers Salaries; and that for two years only there should be be imposed one Sol per li∣vre on all which entred into walled Cities, ex∣cept onely for Corn, which is the nourish∣ment

of the poor. This last means caused much trouble in the Provinces beyond the Loire. But Rosny, whom the King had some moneths before made Superintendant, no less able then faithful, as we shall speak other∣where, joyned to this stock a great sum of mo∣ney which the Receivers had diverted, and which he made return to the Kings Cof∣fers.

In the mean time, the King of Spain find∣ing* 1.475 the forces both of his body and minde to diminish by a languor, which after degenera∣ted into a horrible malady, feared lest his weakness should cause Revolts in his Coun∣tries so distant one from the other. More∣over, he had expended his Revenues, and passionately desired to give the Low-Coun∣tries to his dearest Daughter Isabella: and for these Reasons had made known to the holy Father, that he desired peace; and his Holi∣ness had sent the General of the Cordeliers to dispose him more particularly to it.

But now when some progress was made in* 1.476 it, there happened an accident, which re∣tarded it for more then a year. Hernand▪ Teillo Governour of Dourlens for the Spaniard, being advertized of the evil order which the Burgesses of Amiens kept in the Guard of their City, surprized it one morning about nine of the Clock when they were at Sermon, it being Lent-time, having caused the Gate to be pestred with a Cart laden with Nuts, of which a sack was purposely spilt, to amuse

the Souldiers of the Guard. So trouble∣some news astonished the King so much the more, because he was at present rejoycing and divertizing himself at Paris.

He had given order that all important packets should be brought directly to him, and not to others; and that they should bring him them at what hours soever: so that being in a profound sleep after dancing a Ball, a Currier came to waken him, to tell him this accident.

He immediately leapt out of bed, and sent for three or four of his greatest confi∣dents, to consult with them. They all judged that it arrived in a very unhappy con∣juncture, because the Duke of Merceur was powerful in Brittany, the rest of the factions being yet concealed under their ashes, the Hugonots making Cabals or secret Councels; the consternation of Paris being very great,* 1.477 which beheld it self by this means become a Frontier. But this Heroick courage whom so many perils could not affright, was not startled by this; on the contrary, he resol∣ved* 1.478 to encounter it at first, and go immediate∣ly to invest Amiens, before the Spaniards were longer setled in it.

His greatest Captains were not of this advice: but notwithstanding that, he, who had greater knowledge and more constan∣cy then them all, enterprized it coura∣giously; not so much, said he, out of opi∣nion of humane means, as out of the confi∣dence

he had in God, who had alwaies done him the grace to assist him. And in truth it may be said, that he assisted him more visibly in this occasion then he had ever done.

For he discovered many conspiracies a∣gainst* 1.479 his person, amongst the rest, of one under Religious orders, whom an agent of the King of Spain, as it was said, would have induced to kill him; and very dangerous Cabals which the mony of the same King up∣held at Paris, which observed all his moti∣ons, and had designed one day to seize his person at his Castle of St. Germaine in Laye.

Moreover, his people answered as they* 1.480 ought, to his Paternal affection, not denying him any thing that he demanded to hasten the fiege; and all the Leaguers desiring to testifie to him their resentments for all his goodnesses, served him so faithfully and vigo∣rously in this occasion, whilst others wavered, and kept their stations, that he was obliged to say, that he acknowledged that the greatest part of that people hated not his person, but only the Hugonot Religion.

The siege was long difficult and doubtful; and if the King of Spain would have imploy∣ed all his power, the King could never have succeeded in it: but he was become very Melancholy; he desired onely repose, and ca∣red no more for Conquests; so that he gave not any of those assistances which the Arch-Duke* 1.481 demanded. The Arch-Duke ceased not however to use the greatest endeavour he

could to raise the siege. He presented him∣self before the Quarter of Long-Pre with very great forces, on a day when he was not ex∣pected;* 1.482 which put the French into so great a fear and disorder, that had he known how to serve himself of the occasion, and had not lost time in consultation, he had put those three thousand men into the City, which he had destined for it.

The King returning from Hunting, whither he was gone, found a general fear through∣out his Army, and likewise some of his prin∣cipal Chiefs quite daunted. In so great a dan∣ger, neither his heart nor his head failed him; he dissembled his fear, gave orders without passion, and shewed himself every where with a cheerful countenance, and with dis∣courses* 1.483 as resolute as after a victory. He made his forces nimbly draw into the field of battail, which he had chosen three daies be∣fore, eight hundred paces from the lines. From this place having considered the ex∣cellent order of the Spanish Army, the little assurance of his, and the weakness of his Posts, where he had not had leasure to fortifie him∣self, he was a little moved, and doubted of the success of the day. When leaning on the Pummel of his Saddle, with his hat in his hand, and lifting up his eyes to heaven, he uttered these words with a loud voice: Oh! Lord, if it be to day thou wilt punish me as my sins* 1.484 deserve, I offer my head to thy Justice; spare not the Culpable: but Lord, for thy holy mer∣cies

sake, take pity of the poor Kingdom; and smite not the flock for the offence of the shep∣herd.

It cannot be expressed of what efficacy these words were: they were in a moment carried through the whole Army, and it seemed as if some vertue from heaven had given courage to the French.

The Arch-Duke therefore finding them* 1.485 resolved, and in good Countenance, durst not pass farther. Some other attempts he afterwards made, which did not succeed; and he retired by night into the Country of Artois, where he dismissed his Army. In fine, Hernand Teillo being slain by a Musquet-shot, the besieged capitulated, and the King esta∣blished Governour in the City the Seigneur* 1.486 de Vic, a man of great order and exact disci∣pline, who by his command began to build a Citadel there.

At his departure from Amiens, the King* 1.487 led his Army to the very Gates of Arras to visit the Arch-Duke; he remained three days in battalia, and saluted the City with some Volleys of Cannon. Afterward seeing that nothing appeared, he retired towards France ill satisfied, said he gallantly, with the cour∣tesie of the Spaniards, who would not ad∣vance so much as one pace to receive him, but had with an ill grace refused the honour he did them.

The Marshal of Byron served him extraor∣dinarily at this siege: and the King, when he

was returned to Paris, and that those of the City gave him a reception truly Royal, he told them, shewing them the Marshal; Gen∣tlemen, see there the Marshal de Byron, whom I do willingly present both to my friends and to my enemies.

There rested now no appearance of the League in France, but onely the Duke of Merceur, yet keeping a corner of Brittany. The King had often granted him Truces, and offered him great Conditions; but he was so intoxicated with an ambition to make himself* 1.488 Duke of that Country, that he found out dai∣ly new fancies to delay the concluding one; imagining that time might afford him some favourable revolution, and flattering himself with I know not what prophecies, which assured him that the King should dye in two years.

In fine, the King wearied with so many* 1.489 protractions, turns his head that way, resol∣ving to chastise his obstinacy as it deserved. He had been lost without remedy, if he had not been advised to save himself, by offering his only daughter to the eldest son of the Fair Gabriella Dutchess of Beaufort; who is at this day Duke of Vendosme.

His Deputies could at first obtain nothing else, but that he should immediately depart out of Brittany, and deliver those places which he held; which done, his Majesty would grant him oblivion for all past, and re∣ceive him into his favour. But the King

being of a tender heart, and desiring to ad∣vance his natural son by so rich and noble a* 1.490 marriage, granted him a very advantagious Edict, which was verified in the Parliament, as all those of the Chiefs of the League were. This accommodation was made at Angiers, the Contract of marriage passed at Chasteau, and the affiances celebrated with the same Magni∣ficence, as if he had been a Legitimate son of France. He was four years old, and the Vir∣gin six.

The King made gift to him of the Dutchy* 1.491 of Vendosme, by the same right that other Dukes hold them: which the Parliament ve∣rified, not without great repugnancy; and with this condition, that it should be no pre∣sident for the other goods of the Kings patri∣mony, which by the Laws of the Realm were esteemed reunited to the Crown from the time of his coming to it.

From Angiers the King would pass into* 1.492 * 1.493 Brittany. He stayed some time at Nantes; from thence he went to Rennes, where the Estates were held: he passed about two months in this City in feasts, joys, and divertisements; but yet ceasing not seriously to imploy him∣self to hasten the expedition of many affairs.

For it is to be observed, that this great Prince employed himself all the mornings in serious things, and dedicated the rest of the day to his divertisements; yet not in such manner, that he would not readily quit his greatest pleasures, when there was

any thing of importance to be acted; and he still gave express order, not to defer the advertizing him of such things.

* 1.494

He took away a great many superfluous Garisons in this Country, suppressed many imposts, which the Tyranny of many per∣ticular persons had introduced during the War; disbanded all those pilfering Troops, which laid waste the plain Country; sent forth the Provosts into the Campagne, against the theeves which were in great number; resto∣red Justice to its authority, which License had weakned; and gathered four Millions, of which the Estates of the Country, of their own free will, levyed eight hundred thousand crowns. So he laboured profitably for these two ends, which he ought most to intend, to wit, the ease of his people, and the increase of his trea∣sures.

Two things which are incompatible when a Prince is not Just and a good mana∣ger, or lets his mony be managed by others without taking diligent care of his ac∣counts.

Thus was a calme of Peace restored to France within it self, after ten years Civil Wars, by a particular grace of God on this Kingdom; by the labour, diligence, good∣ness, and valour of the best King that ever* 1.495 was. And in the mean time a peace was seri∣ously endeavoured between the two Crowns of France and Spain. The two Kings equally wished it: our Henry, because he passionately desired to ease his people, and to let them

regain their forces, after so many bloody and violent agitations; and Philip, because he found himself incline to the end of his days, and that his Son Philip the third was not able to sustain the burthen of a War against so great a King.

The Deputies of one part and the other* 1.496 had been assembled for three months in the little City of Vervins, with the Popes Nuntio. Those of France, were Pompone of Believre, and Nicholas Bruslard, both Counsellours of State, and the last likewise President of the Parliament; who acting agreeably, and with∣out jealousies, determined on the most diffi∣cult Articles in very little time; and accor∣ding to the order they received from the King, signed the peace on the second of May. The 12. of the same month it was published at Vervin.

It would be too long to insert here all the* 1.497 Articles of the Treaty: I shall say only, that it was agreed, that the Spaniards should surren∣der all the places they had taken in Picardy, and Blavet which they yet held in Brittany: That the Duke of Savoy should be compre∣hended in this Treaty; provided he delive∣red to the King the City of Berry, which he held in Provence. And for the Marquesate of Saluces, which that Duke had taken from France, towards the latter end of the Reign of Henry the third, that it should be remitted to the judgement of the holy Father, who was to decide that controversie in a year.

The Publication of the Peace was made on the same day through all the Cities of* 1.498 France, and the Low-Countries, with those rejoycings, whose rumour spread to the ut∣most bounds of Christendom: but none so truly resented a joy for it, as our Henry, who was accustomed to say,

That it being a thing Barbarous, and contrary to the laws of Nature and Christianity, to make War for the love of War, a Christian Prince ought never refuse peace, if it were not abso∣lutely disadvantagious to him.

The Third PART OF THE LIFE OF Henry the Great.

Briefly containing what he did after the Peace of Vervin, made in the year 1598. unto his death, which hap∣pened in the year 1610.

HItherto we have followed the* 1.499 Fortune of our Henry through* 1.500 ways craggy and intricate, o∣ver Rocks and Precipices, du∣ring times very troublesome and full of storms and tem∣pests: at present we are about to trace it through paths more easie and fair, in the sweetnesses of calm and quiet peace; where however his Vertue slept not in his repose, but appeared always active; where his great Soul was employed without ceasing in the true fun∣ctions of Royalty; and where, in fine, among

his Divertisements, he made his most necessa∣ry and most important employs, his principal pleasures.

In the two first parts of his Life which we* 1.501 have seen, he was by constraint a Man of War and of the Field; in this last, a Man of Coun∣sel and a great Polititian: but in both, invin∣cible and indefatigable.

The true duty of a Soveraign, consists prin∣cipally in protecting his Subjects: he must both defend them against Strangers, and re∣press the Factions and Attempts of Rebels. It is for this purpose that he hath the power of* 1.502 Arms in his hands, and that it is advantagious to him perfectly to understand the mystery of War. But that comprehends but a part of his Functions; and we may truely say, that it is neither the most necessary nor the most satis∣factory.

For besides that he may manage his Wars by his Lieutenants, who doubts him to be the most happy Prince, that go∣verns his▪ Affairs in such a manner, that he hath no need of his Sword, but is powerful enough to distribute Justice, punish the wicked, and to honour and reward deser∣ving men? to confer graces and recompen∣ces, to keep good order, and conserve the Laws? to maintain his Provinces in tran∣quillity, sustain his Reputation and great∣ness by his good Conduct, inform himself often and diligently of all that passes, make himself to be feared by his Enemies, and e∣steemed by his Allies; and, like a Soveraign,

himself preside in his Councils, receive Ambassadours, and answer them; dispatch great Affairs by Treaties and Negotiations; prevent all ill, and deprive wicked persons and enemies of their power to hurt; encou∣rage Traffick and the Studies of Sciences and Noble Arts; to make his Kingdome rich, flourishing and abundant; to fetch wealth from all the corners of the earth; but above all, to procure the glory and ser∣vice of God, so that his Kingdome may be as a Paradise of Delights, and a Harbour of Felicity. These are, in my opinion, Em∣ploys worthy a potent King, a Christian and wise King; who, being the Shepherd of his people, (as Homer often calls the great King Agamemnon) ought not onely know how to drive away the Wolves, I mean, make War; but likewise understand how to ma∣nage his Flock, preserve them from Diseases, fatten and multiply them.

The Peace being published with an incre∣dible* 1.503 joy of the French, Flemins and Spani∣ards, it was solemnly sworn by the King on the one and twentieth of June, in the Church of Nostre-Dame, on the Cross and the holy Evangelists, in the presence of the Duke of Arscot and the Admiral of Arragon, Ambassa∣sadors from the King of Spain for that pur∣pose: and afterwards Cardinal-Arch-Duke Albert, Governour of the Low-Countries for that King, swore it on the six and twentieth of the same moneth, in the City of Bruxels, the

Marshal of Byron assisting; whom our Henry* 1.504 had newly honoured with the Quality of Duke and Peer, confirmed in Parliament, as well to give more splendour to that Embassy, as to recompense those great services that Lord had rendred him in his Wars.

In this Voyage the Spaniards spared neither* 1.505 Caresses nor Prayers to this new Duke, to in∣spire him with Pride and Vanity, and intoxi∣cated him in such manner with a good opinion of himself, that it put a fancie in his head, that the King ought him more then he would ever know how to give him; and that if his vertue were not sufficiently honoured in France, he would finde other places where it should be set at a higher price. That which afterwards produced very ill effects.

Many among the French, who knew not* 1.506 truely the pitiful estate wherein the King of Spain and his Affairs were, could not compre∣hend why this Prince should buy the peace at so dear a rate as the surrendry of six or seven strong places; and amongst others, Calais and Blavet, which might be called the Keys of France. On the contrary, the Spaniards, who beheld their King as it were dying, his Treasury wasted, the Low-Countries shatter∣ed in pieces, Portugal and his Lands in Italy on the point to revolt, the Son which he left a good Prince in truth, but who loved repose, were astonished that the French, having so bravely re-taken Amiens, and re-united all their Forces after the Treaty of the Duke of

Merceur, had not pressed farther into the Low-Countries, seeing that in all appearance they might either have carried them, or at least sorely shaken them. The King answered,* 1.507

That if he had desired peace, it was not be∣cause he was weary of the incommodities of War, but to give leave to afflicted Christen∣dome to breath. That he knew well that from the Conjuncture wherein things were, he might have drawn great advantages; but that God often overturns Princes in their greatest Prosperities; and that a wife man ought never, out of the opinion of some fa∣vourable event, be averse to a good accord, nor trust himself too much on the appea∣rance of his present happiness, which may change by a thousand unexpected Acci∣dents: it having often happened, that a man thrown down and wounded, hath kil∣led him who would make him demand his life.

It was known in a little time, that King Phi∣lip* 1.508 the second had more need of the peace then France; for his sickness was more then redoubled: he had for twenty six days con∣tinually a perpetual flux of blood through all the conduits of his body: and a little before his death, he had four Aposthumes broke in his Groin; from whence there tumbled a continual multitude of Vermin, which all the diligence of his Officers could not drain.

In this strange sickness, his constancy was

wonderful; nor did he ever abandon the reins of his Estate, until the last gasp of his Life: for he took care before his death to treat of the* 1.509 marriage of his Son with Margaret Daughter to the Arch-Duke of Grats; and that of his dear Daughter Isabella, with the Cardinal-Arch-Duke Albert, of the same blood with her; and gave him for Dowry the Low-Countries, and County of Bourgongne, on Condition of its Reversion if she died without issue.

He had already signed the Articles of the* 1.510 peace: but this mortal sickness permitted him not to give Oath to it with the same solemni∣ties as the King and Arch-Duke had done. Philip the third his Son and Successour acquit∣ted* 1.511 himself of this Obligation on the one and twentieth of May, in the year 1601. in the City of Vallidolid, and presence of the Count of Rochepot Ambassodour of France.

The license of the War having for many years permitted mischiefs with impunity, there were yet found a great number of Vagabonds, who believed it still permitted them to take the Goods of others at pleasure: and others there were, who thought they had right to do themselves justice by their arms, not acknow∣ledging any Laws but force. This obliged our wise King to begin the Reformation of the Estate by the Re-establishment of publick Se∣curity. To this effect, he forbad all carrying* 1.512 of Fire-arms to all persons of what quality so∣ever, upon pain of the Confiscation of their

Arms and Horses, and a Fine of two hundred Crowns for the first fault, and of Life without remission for the second: permitting all the world to arrest any who carried them, except his light-horsemen, his Gens d' Arms, and the Guards of his body, which might bear them onely when they were in service.

To the same purpose, and to ease the Coun∣try* 1.513 of the multitudes of his Souldiers, he dis∣missed not onely the greatest part of his new Troops, but likewise reduced the one half of his old. He reduced the Companies of the Or∣dinance to a very little number, and took off the Guards of the Governours of the Provin∣ces, and Lieutenants of the King; not willing to suffer any whatsoever besides himself to have that glorious mark of Soveraignty about their persons.

The Wars had spoiled all Commerce, redu∣ced Cities into Villages, Villages to small Cots, and Lands to Deserts: nevertheless the Receivers constrained the poor Husband-men to pay Taxes for those Fruits they had never gathered. The Cries of these miserable peo∣ple who had nothing but their Tongues to la∣ment with, touched in such manner the very Entrails of so just and so good a King, that he made an Edict, by which he released them of* 1.514 all they owed him for the time past, and gave them hopes to ease them more for the fu∣ture.

Moreover, having understood that during the Troubles there were made a great quan∣tity

of false Nobles, who were exempted from the Tax, he commanded that they should be* 1.515 sought forth: nor did he confirm their Usur∣pation for a piece of mony, as hath been some∣times done, to the great prejudice of other taxed people; but he would that the Tax should be re-imposed upon them, to the end that by this means they might assist the poor people to bear a good part of the burthen, as being the richer.

He desired with much affection to do good to his true Nobility, and repay them those Expences they had been at in his service; but his Coffers were empty: and moreover, all the Gold in Peru had not been sufficient to sa∣tisfie the Appetite and Luxury of so many peo∣ple. For King Henry the third had by his ex∣ample, and that of his Minions, raised expen∣ces so high, that Lords lived like Princes, and Gentlemen like Lords: for which purposes they were forced to alienate the Possessions of their Ancestors, and change those old Castles, the illustrious marks of their Nobility, into Silver-lace, Gilt-coaches, train and horses. Afterwards, when they were indebted beyond their credit, they fell either upon the Kings Coffers, demanding Pensions; or on the backs* 1.516 of the people, oppressing them with a thou∣sand Thieveries. The King, willing to re∣medy this disorder, declared very resolvedly to his Nobility, That he would they should accustom themselves to live every man on his Estate; and to this effect he should be well

content that to enjoy themselves of the peace, they should go see their Country houses, and give order for the improvement of their Lands.

Thus he eased them of the great expences of the Court; and made them un∣derstand, that the best treasure they could have, was that of good management.

More∣over, knowing that the French Nobility would* 1.517 strive to imitate the King in all things, he shew∣ed them by his own example, how to abridge their superfluity in Cloathing. For he ordi∣narily wore gray Cloath, with a Doublet of Sattin or Taffata, without slashing, Lace, or Embroydery. He praised those who were clad in this sort, and chid the others, who carried, said he, their Mills, and their Woods and Forests on their backs.

About the end of the year, he was seized* 1.518 with a suddain and violent sickness at Mon∣ceaux; of which it was thought he would die. All France was affrighted; and the rumours which ran of it, seemed to re-kindle some fa∣ctions: but in ten or twelve days, he was on foot again; as if God had onely sent him this sickness to discover to him what ill wills there were yet in the Kingdome, and to give him the satisfaction to feel by the sorrows of his people, the pleasures of being loved.

In the strength of his Disease, he spoke to* 1.519 his friends these excellent words: I do not at all fear death; I have affronted it in the greatest dangers: but I avow that I should unwillingly leave this Life, till I have put this Kingdome in∣to

that splendour I have proposed to my self; and till I have testified to my people, by governing them well, and easing them of their many Taxes, that I love them as if they were my Children.

After his recovery, continuing in his praise∣worthy* 1.520 designes of putting his Affairs in or∣der, he came to St. Germain in Laya, to re∣solve the Estates of the expence as well of his House, as for the Guard of Frontiers and Ga∣risons, entertainment of Forces, Artillery, Sea-Affairs, and many other Charges. He had then in his Council (as we may say we have at present) very great men, and most experien∣ced in all sorts of Matters; but he still shewed himself more able and more understanding then they. He examined and discussed all the particulars of his expence with a judgement and with a clearness of spirit truely admirable; retrenched and cut off all that was possible, al∣lowing onely what was necessary. Amongst* 1.521 other things, he abridged the superfluous ex∣pences of the Tables in his house; not so much that he might spare himself, as to oblige his subjects to moderate their liquorish prodiga∣lity, and hinder them from ruining their whole houses by keeping too great Kitchins.

In sum, by the example of the King, which hath always more force then Laws, or then Correction, Luxury was soon conver∣ted into a Frugality very necessary for the State.

He had chosen for his Council very able and* 1.522 faithful Ministers; as, Chiverny, Bellievre, Sil∣lery,

Sancy, Janin, Villeroy and Rosny. I speak not here at all of his gallant Men for War, as the Marshal of Byron, Lesdiguieres Governour of the Daulphinate, the Duke of Mayenne, the Constable of Montmorency, the Marshal de la Chastre, the Marshal d' Aumont, Guitry, la Noue, and many others; of whom he served not himself in the Administration of State-af∣fairs, though he often entertained himself with them; and for their honour sometimes com∣municated to them things of consequence, de∣manding their advice.

The Chancellour of Chiverny, who had been* 1.523 raised to this charge under the reign of Henry the third, was a man cold, dissembled, and considerate: but, as his Enemies said, he was a much better Pleader then Counsellour of State.

He died the year following; and in his place the King constituted Pompone de Bellievre, a* 1.524 man perfectly accomplished in the knowledge of the Rights and Interests of France, and a most expert Negotiator, as he well shewed in the Treaty of Vervin. He was old when the King gave him this Charge; and therefore said himself, That he onely entred into it, to go out of it. He counselled the King to make a severe Act against Duels: He established a very good Order in the Council; and or∣dained, That none should be received Master of the Requests, but who had been ten whole years in one of the Soveraign Companies, or sixteen in other of the Subalternate Seats.

Nicholas Bruslard de Sillery, President of the* 1.525 Cap to the Parliament of Paris, who was his Son-in-law, and who had been his Companion at Vervin, was of a spirit sweet, facile and cir∣cumspect. It hath been said, that the Pub∣lick never beheld any passion either in his Countenance or Discourse.

Harlay-Sancy was a man free, bold and* 1.526 dauntless, who feared no person when he act∣ed for the service of the King: but he was a little rugged, and spoke to him too freely; witness what he said concerning Madam Ga∣briella, who knew how to return it to him.

As for Janin President of the Parliament of Bourgongne, and Villeroy chief Secretary of State, they had both taken part with the League; and yet very profitably served both the King and France, having in what they act∣ed endeavoured onely for the defence of the Catholick Religion, and not been moved out of a spirit of faction. They had hindred the Spaniards from planting themselves in this Realm, and the Duke of Mayenne from abso∣lutely casting himself upon them, as his despair had often perswaded him to do. They agreed both in this point, that they loved the Estate and Royalty with passion, and that they had great judgement: but for the rest of their humours, they were very much different.

Janin was an old Gaul, who would manage* 1.527 his Affairs by the ancient forms, according to the Laws and Ordinances; a good Lawyer, firm and resolute, who went directly towards

his end, and who knew no subtile turnings and windings, but entirely loved the publick good.

Villeroy was one of the wisest and most exact* 1.528 Courtiers that was ever seen: he had a spirit clear and neat, which would unravel with an incredible facility the most embroyled Affairs; explain them so agreeably and intelligibly as nothing more, and who turned them as him∣self pleased. He was wonderfully active with∣al, and most excellent at finding Expedients; taking his business by so sure hold, that it was difficult to escape him.

The King often conferred with these Coun∣sellours:* 1.529 for they were now so called, and not Ministers, as they had been for above thirty years before. He spoke to them of his Affairs, sometimes to be instructed, and some∣times to instruct them; which he did either in the Council-chamber, or walking in the Gar∣dens of the Tuilleries, Monceaux, St. Germain, and Fontainbleau. He discoursed often with them apart, calling them one after another; and he did so, either to oblige them to speak to him with more liberty, or not to tell them all together what he would onely tell to some particularly; or for some other reason which he without doubt deduced from good policy. He said, That he found none amongst them who satisfied him like Villeroy; and that he could dispatch more business with him in an hour, then with the others in a whole day.

As for Maximilian de Bethune Baron of* 1.530 Rosny, and after Duke of Sully, he had been bred up with the King in the Hugonot Re∣ligion, and the King had known his capacity and affection in divers affairs of consequence; but above all, that his genius carried him to the good management of Revenues, and that he had all qualities requisite for that purpose. In effect, he was a man of good order, exact, a good husband, a keeper of his word; not prodigal nor proud, nor carried away by vain follies or expences, or play, or women, or any other things not convenient for a man entrusted with such an Employment. More∣over, he was vigilant, laborious, expeditious, and one who dedicated almost his whole time to his affairs, and little to his pleasure: and withal, he had the gift of piercing into the very bottome of matters, and unravelling those twistings and knots with which Trea∣surers, when they are not trusty and faithful, endeavour to conceal their deceits.

We have already said how the King de∣sired* 1.531 above all things to provide for a good Government in his Revenues; and the reasons for which he had been obliged to leave Fran∣cis d' O, in the charge of Superintendant. After this man was dead, he gave that charge to five or six persons, whom he believed both capable and honest men: he was perswa∣ded that he should be better served by them, then by one alone, imagining that they would serve as checks and controulers to one ano∣ther.

But the quite contrary happened: eve∣ry one discharged himself on his Companion, nothing was advanced; and if any would act, the others were not wanting to cross him by their jealousies: so that they only agreed in this point, that every one looked that his Salary was well paid him; which cost the King six times more, then if he had had only one Su∣perintendent, whilst he drew no profit from this multitude.

Knowing then that so many people did* 1.532 onely imbroil his Revenues, he returned them again into the hands of one, and this was Sancy. But a short time after, finding him more proper for other Employments then that, he gave him Rosny for a Compani∣on,* 1.533 and after made Rosny alone Superin∣tendent.

Rosny before he entred into this Charge,* 1.534 was provided with all necessary knowledges to acquit himself well of it; he knew perfectly all the Revenues of the Kingdom, and all the expences which were necessary. He commu∣nicated* 1.535 all he knew to the King, who on his part had likewise studied all these things, so that an hundred Crowns could not be laid out, but he would know whether it were well or ill employed.

As it is the advan∣tage of an unfaithful Steward that his Ma∣ster be ignorant, and make no inspection into his affairs: so it is of a true and faith∣ful Servant, that he be well instructed, and that he clearly see them, to the end

he may know how worthily to esteem his Services.

For the rest of his humour, it agreed per∣fectly* 1.536 well with that of the Kings. When he trusted him with his Revenues, he desired him that he would never take a bottle of wine, or any the least present without advertising him. And when Rosny did advertise him of it, he consented presently to it: and like∣wise was so willing that in serving him well he might find his benefit, that oftentimes he added gifts of his own, to give him courage to serve him still better and better. But Rosny never received them till they were duly ratified in the Chamber of Accounts: to the end all the world might know the libe∣rality of his Prince towards him, and that he might not be reproached that he made use of his favour to load his own Coffers.

Under the Administration of this Super∣intendent,* 1.537 the first Law which the King made concerning affairs of this nature, was the im∣mutable constancy of their ordering; which was never to alter, after it was once agreed and concluded on.

For as the most de∣sperate things are by good order redressed under a firm and constant Conduct: so the best established and most assured become dispersed under a light head, which does, undoes, and redoes without ceasing; and* 1.538 which on the morrow revokes, what it to day commanded.

Rosny soon gave indubitable proofs of his

capacity: for having visited only four * 1.539 Ge∣neralities, he in little time got in a Million and half of money, which was in Arrear. And after the Surprizal of Amiens by the Spaniards, he readily found moneys to raise a great Army, and furnish the expen••e of the siege: so that he was one of the Principal in∣struments in the Recovery of that great City.

It is convenient, since it may prove necessa∣ry* 1.540 in all times, to take notice of an Expedi∣ent which amongst others he found to hin∣der the cousenages of the Tax-gatherers. He knew that there were some persons in the Kings Council, who held part with the Ren∣ters and Farmers, and who caused them to be adjudged to the Council at a low price, and often made be given great Diminutions. To hinder therefore these people from eating the Cake amongst them, he stopt the hands of the general Farmers, forbidding the un∣der-Farmers longer to pay them any thing, but themselves to bring the mony of their under-Farms into the Exchequer. He doubled by this means the Revenues of the King: for the under-Farms and under-Rents were found to surmount almost two thirds the* 1.541 General Rents and Farms.

Those of the Council and the Collectors at first exclaimed highly against his Conduct; they laid snares every where for him, and

begat him a thousand troubles; but with time he brought them to reason. Likewise all those who had no right to demand any thing of him, and who ceased not to impor∣tune him, when they could get nothing from him, stormed against his hardness: but he cared not for their fury; he regarded onely legally to pay the debts of the King, and readily to pay what was ordained for good ends: for he knew not how to let that be an hun∣dred times demanded, which was truly due.

We have stayed somewhat the longer on this point of the Revenues, because it is the most important of all; that by which all things are done, and without which no∣thing can be done; on which depends either the ease or the oppression of the people, and the good or ill success of all designs or enterprizes.

* 1.542

Our Henry much desired at the same time* 1.543 to take care for the Reformation of the Cler∣gy, which in truth was in great disorder, as well in temporals, its goods having been usurped during the Wars by the Hugonots and wicked Catholicks; as in spirituals, the greatest part of both Prelates and Pastors being as ignorant as depraved: but he could not yet apply convenient remedies. The ne∣cessity to which he was driven to recompence those who had well served him, constraining him to tolerate abuses, and likewise to com∣mit* 1.544 them, disposing Benefices as formerly Charles Martell had done. For he gave them

to people incapable, to Married men, to men of the Sword, to Children, and likewise to Women, to recompense the loss of their husbands killed or ruined in his Service.

I have not attempted to excuse this fault; for there can never be any lawful reason given for the prostitution of the goods of the San∣ctuary to prophane uses, or employing the treasures of the Cross in other Services then that of the Altar. I know well that many Ec∣clesiasticks themselves act otherwise; but who doubteth these people to be worse then those Jews, who played at Dice upon the holy Robe of Jesus Christ?

About the end of this year, the general* 1.545 Assembly of the Clergy was held at Paris, who drew up a Remonstrance to the King; by which the Prelates prayed him to cause the Council of Trent to be published in France: Not to charge his conscience with the nomi∣nation of Bishops, Abbots, and other Benefi∣ces having the charge of souls; not to give any persons of the Layty Pensions over Benefices; not to permit Churches and holy places to be profaned as they then were; but to take some order for their reparation, and the re-esta∣blishment of Divine Service.

For what concerned the Council of Trent, it is to be understood that it was received in France, as to those Articles concerned the Faith; but not generally for those which con∣cerned Policy and Discipline, because it seem∣ed to many, that these last were for the most

part contrary to the liberty of the Gallick Church, and the rights of the King. For which reasons, whatever endeavours the zea∣lous have used, they could never compass its reception, the Parliaments having alwaies strongly opposed it.* 1.546

To the Harangue of the Clergy, the King eloquently answered, but in few words: That he acknowledged what they had said con∣cerning the nomination of Benefices was true; but that he was not the author of that abuse. That being come to the Crown during the flames of a Civil War, he had ran where ever he had beheld the greatest fire to extinguish it. That now he had peace, he would endeavour again to raise up those two Pillars of France, to wit, Piety and Justice. That God willing he would restore the Church to as good an Estate as it was in the time of Lewis xii. But, said he, contribute I pray you on your side; let your good Examples as much incite the people to do good, as they have been heretofore diver∣ted: you have exhorted me to my duty, and I exhort you to yours; let us act in this with envy one to another. My Predecessors have given you fair words, but I with my Gray Jacket will give you* 1.547 good effects. I am all Gray without, but you shall find me Gold within. I will see your desires, and answer them the most favourably I can possible.

All his Prudence and all his Address were not too much to teach him to govern himself so that both the Catholicks and Pope might be content with his Conduct, and the Hugonots

have no cause to be alarmed, or cantonize themselves. His Duty and his Conscience carried him to the assistance of the first; but Reason of State, and the great Obligations he had to the last, permitted him not to make them despair. To keep therefore a necessary temperature, he granted them an Edict more ample then the precedent. It was called, The Edict of Nantes, because it was concluded the* 1.548 year before in that City whilst he was there: by this he granted them all liberty for the ex∣ercise of their Religion; and likewise license to be admitted to Charges, to Hospitals, to Colledges, and to have Schools in certain pla∣ces, and preaching every where; and many other things, of which they are since deprived, by reason of their Rebellions and divers En∣terprizes.

The Parliament strongly opposed it for* 1.549 more then a year: but in the end, when they were made understand that not to accord that security to the Hugonots, who were both pow∣erful and quarrelsome, were to rekindle new War in the Kingdom, they confirmed it.

On the other side, to sweeten the Pope,* 1.550 who might be troubled at this Edict, the King shewed him all possible manner of respect, and strenuously embraced his interests, as appeared in the action of Ferrara, in the years 1597. and 1598.

This Dutchy is a Fief Male of the holy Seat,* 1.551 of which the Popes had formerly invested the Lords of the house of Est, in charge of its re∣version

in default of legitimate Males. Al∣phonso d' Est, second of that name, and last Duke, died in the year 1597. without Chil∣dren, and had left great Treasures to Caesar* 1.552 d' Est, Bastard to Alphonso the first his Kinsman. He had done what possibly he could to obtain the Investiture of the Dutchy on this Bastard; who not able to obtain it, yet ceased not to take possession of it after the death of Alphonso the second; resolving to maintain it by force of Arms. Clement the eighth was obliged to* 1.553 make War against him, to dispossess him: the Princes of Italy took part in the Quarrel; and the Dukes of Guise and Nemours were upon the point to undertake the defence of Caesar, whose near Kinsmen they were, being the issues of Anne d' Est, Daughter of Hercules the se∣cond, Duke of Ferrara, and of Madam Renee de France: for that Anne in her first marriage had espoused Francis Duke of Guise; and in her second, James Duke of Nemours. The King of Spain likewise favoured him under∣hand, not desiring that the Pope should grow greater in Italy by the re-union of that Dut∣chy. But Henry the great was not wanting to* 1.554 take this occasion to offer his Sword and his Forces to the holy Father. The Allies know∣ing it, were extreamly disheartned, and he constrained to treat with the Pope, to whom he surrendred all the Dutchy of Ferrara. There remained to him onely the Cities of Modena and Regia, which the Emperour maintained to be Fief of the Empire, and of

which he gave him the Investiture. From whence came the present Dukes of Modena.

If the heat which the King testified in this occasion for the interests of the holy Seat, sen∣sibly obliged the Pope; that care which he made dayly appear to bring back the Hugonots into the bosome of the Church, was no less a∣greeable to him. He acted to this purpose in* 1.555 such a manner, that from day to day many of the most understanding and of the best quality were converted. But that which was more important, was, his taking the young Prince* 1.556 of Conde from the hands of the Hugonots, who had kept him diligently at St. John d' Angely ever since the death of his Father, which hap∣pened in the year 1587. and brought him up in the false Religion, with great hope to make him one day their Chief and Protector. The King, considering how it would be both pre∣judicial to the safety of the young Prince, and to his own interests, to leave him longer there, knew so well how to gain the principal of the party, that they suffered him to be brought to Court; and he gave him for Governour John, Marquess of Pisani, a Lord of a rare merit, and of a wisdome without reproach, who forgot not to instruct him well in the Ca∣tholick Religion, and in the truest sentiments of Honour and Vertue. He was yet but seven or eight years old: when he came to nine, the King gave him the Government of Guyenne; loving him tenderly, and cherishing him as his presumptive Successour.

During this calm of the peace, nothing was spoken of but rejoycings, feasts and marria∣ges.* 1.557 That of the Infanta of Spain, Isabella-Clara-Eugenia, and of the Arch-Duke Al∣bert, was solemnized in the Low-Countries: and that of Madam Katherine, sister of the King, with Henry Duke of Bar, eldest son to Charles the second Duke of Lorrain at Pa∣ris.* 1.558

Katherine was forty years of age; more a∣greeable then fair, having one Leg a little short. She was very spiritual, loved Learning, and knew much for a woman; but was an obstinate Hugonot. The King feared lest she should mar∣ry some Protestant Prince, who by this means might become Protector of the Hugonots, and be like another King in France: by reason of which, he gave her to the Duke of Bar; thinking moreover to gain more belief among the Catholicks, by allying himself with the house of Lorrain. Before this, he had used all possible means to convert her, even to the employing of threats: but not being able to do it, he said one day to the Duke of Bar, My Brother, it is you must vanquish her.

There was some difficulty about the place and the Ceremony of Celebration of this mar∣riage: the Duke would have it done at the Church, and the Princess by a Hugonot-Mini∣ster. The King found a mean: he caused it* 1.559 to be done in his Closet, whither he led his Sister by the hand; and commanded his natu∣ral Brother, who had for about two years been

Archbishop of Rouen, to marry them. This new Archbishop at first made some refusal of it; alledging the Canons: but the King re∣presenting to him that his Closet was a conse∣crated place, and that his presence supply∣ed the default of all solemnities, the poor Archbishop had no longer power to resist him.

This Marriage being made for the good of the Catholick Religion, it seemed that the Pope should have been content. Neverthe∣less, not willing to suffer an ill that a good* 1.560 might come of it, he declared that the Duke of Bar had incurred Excommunication, for having without the dispensation of the Church contracted with an Heretick: nor ever could the Duke, what submission soever he made, obtain Absolution. It was necessary for God to lend his hand. This Princess died three* 1.561 years after with sadness and melancholy to see her self live in a discontented manner with her Husband, who dayly pressed her to turn Ca∣tholick.

Besides the solemnities of these Marriages, many other things entertained the Court. Two notable Changes, one of the Duke of Joyeuse, the other of the Marchioness of Bel' Isle, caused its astonishment.

The Duke of Joyeuse, who had quitted the* 1.562 habit of Capuchin to become chief of the League in Languedoc, on a fair day, without saying any thing to any body, went and cast himself into his Convent at Paris, and re-took

the habit. Few days after, there was much astonishment to see him with that habit of pe∣nitence preach in the Pulpit, whom they had seen the week before dancing of Balls, as one of the most Gallant. It was said, that the holy Exhortations of his Mother, who from time to time put him in remembrance of his Vow, and some ambiguous words which the King had thrown out in converse with him, made him think that he could no longer live in the world either with safety of Conscience, or with Honour.

The Marchioness of Bell' Isle, sister to the* 1.563 Duke of Longueville, and Widow of the Mar∣quess of Bell' Isle, eldest son of the Marshal de Retz, having received some secret displea∣sure, renounced likewise the world, and went and shut her self up in the Convent of the Feuillantines at Tolouse, where she took the veil, and finished her days.* 1.564

After this, came News to the Court, that Phillipin, Bastard to the Duke of Savoy, was killed in a Duel by the Seigneur de Crequy: of whom it might be without flattery said, That he was one of the most gallant and bravest men of his time. The History of this Combat may be found written in so many places, and is yet so firm in the memory of all that wear swords, that it would be superfluous to recount the particularities.

The Chase was now the Kings ordinary di∣vertisement. It is recounted, that Hunting in the Forest of Fountain-bleau, accompanied

by many Lords, he heard a great noise of Horns, Hunters and Dogs, which seemed to be a great way distant; but all of an instant approached them. Some of his company who* 1.565 were twenty paces before him, saw a great black man among the Bushes, who affrighted them in such manner, that they could not tell what became of him: but they heard him cry out to them with a rank and affrightful voice, M' attendez-vous, or m' entendez-vous, or amendez-vous: that is, Do you hear me; or, Do you understand me; or else, Amend your selves. The Wood-men and Country-people thereabouts, said, That it was no extraordina∣ry thing: for they had often seen this black man, whom they named the Great Hunter, with a pack of Hounds which hunted at full cry; but never did harm to any.

Infinite account is made in all Countries in the world of like illusions in Hunting. If we may give any credit to them, we may believe* 1.566 them either to be the tricks of Sorcerers, or of some evil spirits, to whom God gives per∣mission to convince the incredulous, and make them see that there are substances separated, and a being above man.

Now if Prodigies are signes, as some have said of some great and dire Events, it may be believed that this presaged the strange death of the fair Gabriella, which happened some days after. The love which the King had for her, instead of being extinguished by enjoy∣ment, was come to such a point, that she had

dared to demand of him, that he should ac∣knowledge* 1.567 his fault, and legitimate his Chil∣dren by a subsequent marriage: nor durst he absolutely refuse her this grace, but enter∣tained her still with hopes.

Those who love the glory of this great King, can difficultly believe that he would have done such an action which had without doubt begot a low opinion of him, and again thrown him under his peoples hatred. How∣ever, it was to be feared that the allurements of this woman, who had found his weakness, with the flattery of the Courtiers whom she had almost all gained, either by presents or kindnesses, might engage this poor Prince to a dishonour. And without dissembling, he had his soul too tender towards Ladies. He was Master of all his other passions, but he was a Slave to this: nor can his memory be justifi∣ed from this reproach: for though he were admirable in all other parts of his life, he ought not to be imitated in this.* 1.568

In the mean time, Gabriella, flattering her self with a hope to be ere long his Wife, de∣duced from those hopes himself had given her, acted so well, that she obliged him to demand of the Pope Commissioners to judge of the Divorce between him and Queen Margaret. And the King, that he might finde favour with the holy Father, and render him more facile to his intentions, caused to be said under∣hand, that he would marry Maria de Medices his Neece, Sister to the Duke of Florence: for

whom nevertheless it was believed that he had not then any desire.

And the Pope, were it that he distrusted his intention, or that he saw that Queen Marga∣ret lent not her hand to it, protracted the bu∣siness, and returned onely ambiguous Answers. It was likewise said, that being one day much pressed by the Cardinal d'Ossat and by Sillery to give content to their Master, for want of which, said they, he may pass further, and espouse the Dutchess; he was so astonished at this discourse, that he immediately remitted the conduct of this Affair to the hand of God, commanded a Fast through all the City of Rome, and went himself to Prayers, to demand of God to inspire him with what should be best for his glory. That at the end of his Prayer he cryed out as if he had been revived from an Extasie, God hath provided; and that in few days after, there arrived a Courrier at Rome, bringing News of the death of the Dutchess.

In the mean time the King grew impatient at these delays; and it was to be feared lest a disdain to be neglected should cast him into the same inconveniencies it had formerly done Henry the eighth, King of England; or by the counsel of some flatterers, forcing the good∣ness of his nature, be perswaded to rid him∣self of Queen Margaret in any manner so∣ever.* 1.569

Gabriella was at present great with her fourth Childe, when the feast of Easter ap∣proaching,

the King desiring to do his Devo∣tions for that holy time far from all object of scandal, sent her to Paris, accompanying her just half way. She with no small grief parted from him, recommending to him her Chil∣dren with tears in her eyes, as if she had some secret presentiment; telling him that she should never more see him.

Being at Paris, lodged in the house of Za∣met, that famous Treasurer, after having di∣ned with him, and heard * 1.570 Tenebres at little St. Anthonies, (being holy Thursday) as she re∣turned to her Lodging, and being walking in the Garden, she felt her self struck with an A∣poplexy in the brain. The first fury of it be∣ing passed, she would no longer stay in that house, but caused her self to be carried to that of Madam de Sourdis her Aunt, near St. Ger∣main of the Auxerrois. And all the rest of that day, and the morrow, she was perplexed with* 1.571 Swoondings and Convulsions, of which she di∣ed on the Saturday-morning.

The causes of her death were diversly spoken of: but however, it was a happiness to France, since it deprived the King of an object for which he was about to loose both himself and his Estate. His grief was as great as his love had been: yet he, not being of those feeble* 1.572 souls who please themselves in perpetuating their sorrows, and in bathing themselves in their tears, received not onely those comforts he sought, but still conserved for the Chil∣dren, and particularly for the Duke of Ven∣dosm,

that affection he had born the Mo∣ther.

All good French-men passionately desired that so good a King might leave legitimate Children. They durst not press him to take a Wife capable to bring him forth such, so long as Gabriella lived, for fear lest he should espouse her: and out of the same fear, Queen Margaret would not give her consent to dis∣solve his marriage. But when Gabriella was dead, she willingly lent her hand to it; and her self addressed a Request to the holy Fa∣ther* 1.573 to demand the dissolution, founding it principally on two causes of nullity. The first was the want of consent: for she alledged she had been forced to it by King Charles the ix. her Brother. The second, the Proximity of Kindred found between them in the third degree: for which she said there had never been any valuable Dispensation.

In like manner the Lords of the Kingdome* 1.574 and the Parliament besought his Majesty by so∣lemn Deputations, that he would think of ta∣king a Wife: representing to him the incon∣veniencies and the danger wherein France would be found, if he should die without Children. These Deputations will not seem strange to those who know our ancient Histo∣ry; where it may be seen, that neither the King nor his Children married but by the ad∣vice of his Barons: and this passed in that time for almost a Fundamental Law of the E∣state.

The King touched with these just supplica∣tions of his subjects, addressed his request to* 1.575 the Pope, containing the same reasons as that of Queen Margaret; and charged the Cardi∣nal d'Ossat, and Sillery his extraordinal Am∣bassadour, whom he had sent to Rome, to pur∣sue the judgement of the Pope concerning the restitution of the Marquisate of Saluces, to sollicite instantly this Affair.

The cause reported to the Consistory, the* 1.576 Pope gave Commission to the Prelates to judge it on the place, according to the rights of that Crown; which suffers not French-men to be transported for Affairs of the like na∣ture beyond the Mountains, whither it would be almost impossible to bring the necessary proofs and witnesses. These Prelates were the Cardinal of Joyeuse, the Popes Nuntio, and the Archbishop of Arles; who having exami∣ned both Parties, seen the Proofs produced on one and the other, and the Request of the three Estates of the Kingdom, declared this marriage null, and permitted them to marry whom they should think fit.

Queen Margaret, who for many years had* 1.577 deserted the King, and voluntarily shut her self up in the strong Castle of Usson in Auvergne, had now permission to come to Paris, money given her to pay her debts, great Pensions, the possession of the Dutchy of Valois, with some other Lands, and right to bear still the Title of Queen. She lived yet fifteen years, and built a Palace ▪near du Pre-aux-Clercs:

which was after sold to pay his debts, and de∣molished to build other houses. She loved* 1.578 extreamly good Musitians, having a delicate Ear, and knowing and eloquent Men, because she was of a spirit clear and very agreeable in her discourse. For the rest, she was liberal even to prodigality; pompous and magnifi∣cent; but she knew not what it was to pay her debts.

Which is without doubt the great∣est of all a Princes fault, because there is no∣thing so much against Justice, of which he ought to be the Protector and Defender.

This marriage being dissolved, Bellievre and* 1.579 Villeroy, fearing lest the King should engage himself in new loves, and be taken in some of those snares which the fairest of the Court stretched out for him, perswaded him by ma∣ny great Reasons of State to fix his thoughts on Maria de Medicis, who was daughter to* 1.580 Francis, and Neece to Ferdinand, great Dukes of Toscany.

The Cardinal d' Ossat and Sillery made known his intention to the great Duke Ferdi∣nand her Uncle: and Alincour, son to Villeroy, whom he had sent to thank the holy Father for his good and brief Justice touching the afore∣said dissolution of his marriage, had order to testifie to him, that the King having cast his eyes on all the Daughters of the Soveraign Houses of Christendome, had found no Princess more agreeable to him. The business was managed with so much activeness and vigilancy by the diligence of those which had enter∣prized

it, that the King found himself absolute∣ly engaged. The contract of the marriage was* 1.581 signed at Florence by his Ambassadors the fourth of April, in the year one thousand six hundred. And Alincour in seven days brought him the news to Fountain-bleau. He assisted at present at that famous Conference or Dispute between James David du Perron Bishop of Eureux, afterwards Cardinal, and Philip du Plessis Mornay; where truth nobly triumphed over falsehood.

There are particular relations of the so∣lemnities made at Florence, the Magnificences of the great Duke, the Ceremonies of the Affiancing and Marriage of this Queen, of her Imbarking, her being convoyed by the Gallies of Malta and Florence, and her re∣ception at Marseilles, at Avignon, and at Lions, and therefore I shall speak nothing of it.

Whilst the Marriage of Florence was treat∣ing,* 1.582 the King having a heart which could for no long time keep his liberty, became ensla∣ved to a new object.

It is to be understood that▪ Mary Touchet, who had been Mistress to Charles the ninth, from whom came Issue the Count d' Auvergne, had been Married to the Lord d' Entragues, and had by him many children, amongst the rest a very fair daughter named Henrietta, who by consequent was sister by the mothers side to the Count of Auvergne. This Count was about the age of thirty years, and she about eighteen.

It is but too well known, that Flatterers and wicked Sycophants ruine all in the Courts of great Men, and corrupt likewise their persons.

These are they which sweeten* 1.583 the poyson, which embolden the Prince to do ill, which make him familiar with vice, which seek and facilitate occasions for it; and who act, as we may say, the mystery of Satan and of the Tempter. It is impossi∣ble to purge Courts from these plagues; they insinuate, maugre the utmost endea∣vours, into the Palaces of great ones; they render themselves agreeable by new di∣vertisements; gain the ear by flattering pray∣ses, by pleasant and well-devised Fables and Stories: and when they have gained their entrance, they make their venome slide into the heart, and impoison the souls of the most innocent.

Our Henry, though so great a Prince as he was, had these people near him, who know∣ing his weakness as to women, in stead of for∣tifying him against it, and restraining him like true friends, they spurred him (as it were) forward in his wickedness, and made their fortunes from his faults. It was these, who by commending the Beauties, the Carriage, the Spirit, and the divertizing and pleasant discourse of Madamoiselle d' Entragues, made him first have a desire to see and to love her. They could never have done a worse Service for their Master then this. She had certainly many Charms, nor had she less spirit and

cunning. Her refusals and modesty did more and more provoke the Kings Passion. Though* 1.584 he was not prodigal, he caused an hundred thousand crowns to be carried her at once. She refused them not, and reciprocally testi∣fied much love and impatience for so great a King: but she cunningly caused her Father and Mother to observe her so near, that she could not give him a full conveniency to speak to her.

Hereupon she let him understand, that she even dispaired that she could not keep her word with him; that it was necessary to have the consent of her Father and Mother, for which on her part she would labour. After∣wards, after many delays and put offs, she told him, that they could not be brought to so delicate a point, except, were it onely to secure their consciences towards God, and their honour towards the world, his Majesty would make her a promise of Marriage: That she had no desire to serve her self of such a* 1.585 writing; and that if she would do it, she knew well there was no Officer who durst cite a Man who had fifty thousand men of war at his command: but that these good people desired it should be so; and that he need make no difficulty to please their fancy, since he did but give her a little bit of paper in Ex∣change of the most precious thing she had in the world. In fine, she knew so well how* 1.586 to work his spirit, that he gave her a promise under his hand, by which he obliged him∣self

to espouse her in a year, so that in that time she brought forth a Male-child.

All this intrigue may be seen in the Me∣moires* 1.587 of Sully, where he says, that the King having led him alone into the first Gallery of Fountain-bleau, shewed him this promise written under his hand, and demanded his ad∣vice: That in stead of formally answering him concerning it, he tore it in two pieces: That the King remained quite astonished, and speaking angerly, How! now I believe that you are a fool: and that he answered, It is true Sir that I am a fool, and could wish I were more so, so that I alone in France were one. That at his departing from the Gallery, the King entred into his Closet, and demanded a pen and inke, and that he believed it was to write another. However it were, this pro∣mise caused much trouble afterward: for the Lady would have made it valid, as we shall speak.

At the same time that the King pusued the* 1.588 dissolution of his first marriage at Rome, he made likewise instance to the holy Father, that he would decide the difference concern∣ing the restitution of the Marquisate of Sa∣luces, the Decision of which had been refer∣red to him by the Treaty of Vervin.

To understand this well, it must be known* 1.589 that this Marquisate was a Fief dependant of the Daulphinate, of which King Francis the first had seized himself by right of re∣version, for default of heirs Males in the

Succession of the Lords that held it. Now in 1588. during the Estates of Blois, the Duke of Savoy having advice that the League be∣came very strong in France, and that appa∣rently* 1.590 that Monarchy would dismember, snatched this Marquisate, without having any subject of quarrel: he cloaked only this un∣just usurpation with this fair pretext, that he seized it out of fear lest Lesdiguieres should possess himself of it, and by this means esta∣blish Hugonotism in the midst of his Terri∣tories.

Seven years after, to wit, in the year 1595. the King being gone to Lyons, after the bat∣tail of Fountain-franzoise, the Duke, who fore∣saw* 1.591 well he would again have this Marquisate, proposed to him some accommodation for it. The King offered to give it to one of his Sons,* 1.592 to hold it at faith and homage, with some other conditions; but the Duke demanded it without any dependance, and so this Nego∣tiation was broken.

Our Ambassadors treating the general* 1.593 peace at Vervin, were not wanting instantly to demand the restitution of that Fief. Those of the Duke who assisted, alledged in favour of their Master, that piece appertained to him as being a Fief dependant of Savoy, and that he had more essential titles to prove that dependancy, which it was necessary to see, to decide the difference with knowledge of the cause. Now it would have taken up too much time to cause them to come from Savoy: And

the Popes Nuntio pressed the peace, for fear lest during these delays some accident might happen to break it quite: so that not to retard it, it was judged convenient to refer to the Pope the decision of this affair, on conditi∣on that he should terminate it in a year.

The French during that time sollicited strongly at Rome to have it decided. The Savoyards defended it onely at extremity, and that for fear to lose their cause by default. Both the one and the other produced their Titles: Those of the French were the best, and moreover, they had had a peaceable pos∣session of more then sixty years, which was more then sufficient to gain prescription. The year being expired, the Pope demands of the King the prolongation of two months, to give in his sentence of Arbitration, and that in the mean time the Marquisate should be seque∣stred in his hands. The King willingly con∣sents:* 1.594 but the Duke enters into a mistrust that the Pope would have it for one of his Nephews: so that his Ambassador having testified this mistrust, the Pope refuses to meddle any farther, either with the Gage or with the Arbitration.

The Duke imagined that his best way was* 1.595 to use delays, since it might happen that ei∣ther the French King would grow weary of following of this business, or that some other more important affair might divert his thoughts otherwhere. Moreover, knowing that there were many melancholy spirits,

who could not be recovered out of that opi∣nion that the King was still in his heart a Hugonot, and with them many concealed and dangerous enemies, so that no year passed but with many conspiracies against his person, he hoped that in the end some of them might succeed. In effect, that year there had been three discovered, of which that which made most noise was of a woman, who offered to the Count of Soissons to poison him; but the Count discovered it, and she was buried alive in the Greve.

To the end therefore to gain time, he de∣sired* 1.596 to come himself into France, having so good an▪ opinion of his own cunning and slights, that he assured himself he should ob∣tain of the King the gift of this Marquisate; or at least he pretended to make such pro∣positions, and to employ so many artifi∣ces, that there should pass more then a year before he should untangle them. He said that his Ambassador had sent him word, that he had heard the King say, that if they were together, they would decide this difference like friends; and that it was this good word had set him on his voyage. But many suspected, and that with some ap∣pearance, that he had a design to gain some people in the Kings Council, to sound the affections, and observe and watch the discon∣tented; to cast abroad seeds of corruption and division, and▪ renew that intelligence might be useful to him at Court. Others

imagined that he was discontented with Spain, because Philip the second having given the* 1.597 Low-Countries in Dower to his youngest Daughter, he had left to the eldest, wife of this Duke, only a Crucifix and an Image of our Lady. Moreover, he had indeed received some displeasures from the Ministers of Spain; and he spread a report abroad, were it true or not, that he had undertaken this voyage without communicating any thing to Philip the third his Brother-in-law. In fine, every one judged according to his fancy; and pos∣sibly none divined the secrets of his thoughts, there being never any Prince more close or less penetrable then he. And some said his Heart was covered with mountains, as well as his Country; that is, because that he was Hulch-back't, as Savoy was mountainous.

He brought with him a Train which well* 1.598 set forth his degree: for he had with him twelve hundred horse: but all his Officers were clad in mourning, by reason of the death of his Wife; which many took as an ill presage.* 1.599 The King desiring to receive him according to his dignity, commanded all the Cities and the Governours to render him the same honour as if he were there in person.

He came to Lyons by the River of Roan, and was received by la Guiche Governour of that City. But the Chapiter of St. John would not give him the place of Canon and Count of that Church, because he no longer posses∣sed the County of Villars, by virtue of which

the Counts of Savoy had been at other times received. Adding to this, that he had not his Titles, nor would give time to make proof of his Nobility; of which the Chapiter dis∣pences not with any whatsoever beside our Kings.

From Lyons he came to Roanna, descended* 1.600 by water to Orleans, and after came post to Fontain-bleau, where the King was. He ar∣rived the twentieth of December, accompani∣ed with seventy horse: and presently to ac∣quist* 1.601 confidence with him, he lamented high∣ly against the Spaniards; discovered, or feign∣ed to discover to him his most secret thoughts, and a designe he had to drive them out of Italy. He told him his friends, his ways, and his intelligences for that: he would make him believe that he would open his heart to him; that he was an absolute French-man, and desired to fix himself to the interests of France without reserve. The King hearkned to him* 1.602 with attention, and thanked him for his good thoughts: but after all, he finished with this: I am of opinion that we should decide first those affairs between us, and then talk of others. Three days after, the King went to Paris,* 1.603 where they were to discourse more amply on the subject had brought him into France.

Now was the beginning of the last year of* 1.604 the fifteenth Age, which is counted the One thousand six hundredth, celebrated for the Centenary Jubilee, which was opened at Rome. There were found there four and twenty

thousand French; some moved by devotion, others by curiosity: among which, there was a good number of Hugonots, who went to see the great Ceremony. They might do it with all security: for during the great Jubilee, the Inquisition ceases at Rome; where at other times it is much less rigo••ous then in Spain. The Duke of Bar was in a concealed habit at this Jubilee: he went to demand absolution of the holy Father; but his submission, how great soever, could not obtain it; nor had he it till the death of Madam Katherine his Wife.

The beginning of this year beheld the King* 1.605 and the Duke of Savoy live with so much fa∣miliarity, and so many proofs of friendship, that it was believed that they had both but the same heart. The French Courtesie and Civility obliged the King to give the Duke all sorts of good Treatments; and the desire which the Duke had to obtain from him the Marquisate, moved him to a great Complacen∣cy, and to seek all means to render himself a∣greeable to so great a King. The Court of France avowed it had never seen a more per∣fect Courtier; the Ladies, a more pleasing Gallant; and the Officers of the King and the great ones, a Prince more liberal. He knew how to govern himself in such manner with the* 1.606 King, that he neither acted his Companion nor his Servant: and if he would appear infe∣riour to him in Grandeur, he endeavoured to be superiour to him in Generosity and Libera∣lity:

he gave with full hands, especially to the principal men of the Court. The King per∣mitted them to accept his presents, and on his side gave very great ones to the Duke: he treated him, and made the Chiefs of the Court treat him; every day shewing him some new subject of divertisement. Among other things, he desired that he should see his Parlia∣ment;* 1.607 which our Kings have usually shewn to strange Princes, as a Compendium of their great∣ness, and the place where their Majesty sits with the greatest splendour. They went to∣gether into the * 1.608 Lantern of the great Cham∣ber, where they with great delight heard plea∣ded a very singular Cause, chosen of purpose; and the sentence or agreement pronounced by Harlay first President; a Personage so grave and so eloquent, that all which came from his mouth seemed to come from that of Justice her self.

There was no Civility or Courtesie which the King shewed not to the Duke: but after all, he released not to him the Marquisate.* 1.609 The Duke tryed the business all ways possible: sometimes he offered to hold it in homage from the Crown; sometimes he proposed to the King his great Designes on the Milanois, and on the Empire; sometimes he laid before him the platform of a puissant League to de∣stroy the Spaniard in Italy. But the King was too wise * 1.610 to be gulled by gilded shadows: he

answered, That he had no ambition to con∣quer the Estate of another, but onely to reco∣ver his own: That he would not speak of this Affair to the Duke, but that they ought refer that to their Council. In effect, they named some persons, who conferred together: but those of the King insisting dayly on its restitu∣tion, and the Duke endeavouring to free it to himself, nothing was concluded.

Yet though all hopes were wanting to the Duke of obtaining any thing, he lost not at all his Courage, but trusted to the secret intelli∣gences he had renewed with some great ones of the Court, and particularly with the Duke of Byron. Many believe that he began now* 1.611 to debauch him; and that to this effect he ser∣ved himself of one named Laffin, a Gentle∣man of Bourgongne, of the house of Beauvais la Nocle; but the most pernicious and most tray∣terous Fellow that could be found in France; he making a Trade of carrying Tales from one to another. The King knew him well; and often seeing him very familiar with Byron, he had the goodness to tell the Marshall more then once, Let not that man approach you; he is a plague; be will ruine you.

The Duke knew that Byron loved the King, because he had raised him to the greatest Dig∣nities of his Realm; and that the Prince like∣wise honoured him with his Good-will. It was therefore necessary to make him loose this affection, to render him capable of any evil de∣signe.

Byron was without doubt brave and valiant to the utmost; but so puft up with his Gallan∣try,* 1.612 that he could not suffer any person to e∣qual him. After the peace of Vervin, not ha∣ving any thing more to do, he continually boasted of his great Actions: according to his own words, he had done all: and he intoxi∣cated himself in such manner with his own praise, that he raised his own Valour above* 1.613 the Kings. He believed that he ought him his Crown, that he could refuse him nothing, and that he should govern him absolutely. These Bravadoe's pleased not the King; he was trou∣bled* 1.614 that his Subject should think that he e∣qualled him in Valour; but much more, that he should have the presumption to hope to govern him, who had ten times more brains and good judgement then the Marshal.

It is certainly a noble Ambition, and not* 1.615 onely well placed, but absolutely necessary for a King, to believe none of his Subjects more worthy then himself. When he hath not this good opinion of himself, he lets himself be governed by him whom he be∣lieves a more able man then himself; and by this means soon falls into Captivity: there∣fore though he may be deceived, he ought still to esteem himself the most capable per∣son to govern in his whole Realm. I may say rather, that he cannot deceive himself in this, because there is no person more proper then himself, however ignorant he be to rule his Estate, God having destined this

Function to him, and not to others; and the people being always disposed to receive Commands when they come out of a sacred Mouth.

Henry the Great had therefore taken some disgust against the Marshal of Byron by reason of his vanity; so that the Duke of Savoy, praising one day the Noble Actions and great Services of Byron, both Father and Son, the King answered,

That it was true, they had served him well, but that he had taken great pains to moderate the drunkenness of the Fa∣ther, and the violent passions of the Son.

The Duke remembred these words, and caused* 1.616 them to be carried by Laffin to Byron, who, touched in his most sensible part, was transpor∣ted to a thousand extravagancies; and having lost all respect, lost likewise that affection he had left for the King. It hath been suspected that he at present abandoned himself to all manner of wicked designes, and that he pro∣mised to enter into a League which the Sa∣voyard was to make with the King of Spain, on condition that he gave him his Daughter in marriage, and assisted him to make himself Duke of Bourgongne.

After that the Duke of Savoy had remain∣ed more then two moneths in the Court of France, shewing, as the Proverb says, A mer∣ry Countenance at an ill game; and shadowing his discontent with an apparent joy, but not knowing how to return without shame, nor how to stay longer without any fruit: The

King, who would not give him subject to say that he had treated him with the utmost ri∣gour, gave him to understand, that if the* 1.617 Marquisate was so commodious to him, and that he could not restore it without a notable inconveniency, he would be content to take la Bresse in exchange. This Condition seemed no less hard to the Duke then that of the re∣stitution of the Marquisate: however, that he might have some pretext to retire with ho∣nour, he seemed not averse to it; and there* 1.618 were some Articles drawn up, which he pro∣fessed were not disagreeable to him: But he demanded time to consider of the Alternative of the Restitution or Change, and to take advice of the Grandees of his Estate on so im∣portant a thing. There were granted him to this purpose three entire moneths, which was to the end of February in the year sixteen hundred.

A little after he took leave of the King, who* 1.619 conducted him to Pont de Charenton; and gave order to the Baron of Lux, and to Praslin, to accompany him to the Frontier. He return∣ed by Champagne and Bourgongne, from which he entred la Bresse, and went to the Bourg. They had great joy to see him arrived, be∣cause they feared lest he should be arrested in France. Indeed some there were would have* 1.620 counselled the King to have kept him till such time as he should restore the Marquisate: but the King, much offended at this Proposition, answered in anger, That they studied to disho∣nour

him; but that he should chuse rather to loose his Crown, then to incur the least suspition of having falsified his Faith, even to the greatest of his enemies.

The three moneths being expired, and the* 1.621 Duke not having satisfied his promise, the King was troubled, and pressed him to resolve either on the one or the other interchange. The Duke finds new delays, but promises him dayly that he will satisfie him. In the mean time he remonstrates to the Council of Spain the danger in which he was; that the loss of the Marquisate would put him in such an estate,* 1.622 that he should not have the power to serve the Spaniards: that it would open a door to the French to go trouble Italy; and that this tempest, after having laid waste his Country, would fall upon Milain. The Council of Spain apprehended well the importance; but acting very slowly, were a long time before* 1.623 they resolved. In fine, the Count of Fuentes, Governour of Milain, had order, but two moneths later then was necessary puissantly to assist this Prince. He came to this effect to Milain, but too late; where, with two Milli∣ons of Gold which were ready, he begins to make great preparations.

After that the Duke had by divers Artifi∣ces drawn out the Negotiation almost two moneths longer, the King, wearied with these delays, prepared himself to bind this Proteus, who changed himself into all sorts of forms; and to force him to give a certain an∣swer.

He advanced to Lyons, whither he had before sent his Council. The Duke, knowing* 1.624 that he approached, had recourse to other cun∣nings: he sent to him three Ambassadours, who conjoyntly proposed an Act, by which they declared that their Master was ready to accomplish the Treaty made at Paris; and that he promised to restore the Marquisate: but he of the three who had the secret, refused to signe the Articles till first the Duke had shewed them to his Council, and signed them. By this trick the Duke yet gained seven or eight days time: but the King resolved to press him to a conclusion, still followed his* 1.625 trace, discovered his deceits, and left him no further subterfuge: he was forced therefore to answer positively; and he promised to sur∣render the Marquisate by the sixteenth of Au∣gust.

Upon this assurance, the King caused to ad∣vance* 1.626 le Bourg-l' Espinasse, an old Colonel of Infantry, with the Troops of the Suisses, to take possession of the Marquisate. As he ap∣proached, the Duke took off his Mask, and answered clearly, That according to the Con∣ditions proposed, War was less sharp to him then Peace. Wherefore the King was obli∣ged to come to that point to which he had long foreseen he should come, to wit, an open War: he declared it therefore on the* 1.627 eleventh of the moneth of August; but with these express terms, That he did it onely for the Marquisate, and without prejudice to the

Treaty of Vervin, which he desired to ob∣serve inviolably.

At the same time he gave advice of this* 1.628 rupture to all the neighbouring Princes, and made them understand the just reasons he had.

This great King knew well, that among Christians the breach of peace is extream∣ly odious; and that without reasons, which strongly convince our spirits, we ought ne∣ver to trouble the publick tranquillity.

He was at present at Grenoble, where he had to begin this War only three or four Com∣panies of Ordinance. Some proposed to him, to cause his Regiment of Guards to ad∣vance: he answered, that he would not send them from him; that they were the tenth Legion, which never fought without * 1.629 Caesar. But in a little time the French Nobility and the Adventurers flocked to him on all sides, as as if they had come to a Marriage or a Ball.

The Marshal of Byron, though already dis∣gusted,* 1.630 having gathered some Troops, spoiled the Country of Bresse in many places: with his Canon he forced the City of Bourg; but the Cittadel defended it self better, and proved indeed the onely difficulty in this War. Crequy entring into Savoy, gained the City of Montmelian about midnight, but not the Castle.

The Pope Alarm'd by the first sparkles of* 1.631 this fire, and fearing lest it should enflame all Italy▪ imployed himself immediately to ex∣tinguish

it: he dispatcht a Prelate, who bore the title of Patriarch of Constantinople, to remonstrate unto him the inconveniences of this rupture, and to conjure him in the name of God not to pass farther. The King assured him that he had no design to trouble* 1.632 the peace of Italy; that he was a Christian and just Prince; that God had given him a Kingdom sufficient to content him, but that he desired to have what belonged to his Crown; that if he had had other more vast de∣signs, he had made greater preparations.

Few days after he departed, and entred* 1.633 himself into Savoy. His presence so much asto∣nished the City of Chamberry, that they made the Garison depart by a quick Capitulation. He made himself after master of Tarentaise and la Morienne, by taking in two or three days the City of Conflans, and that of la Char∣bonniere; which till then had passed for im∣pregnable.

Yet the Duke of Savoy moved not: he* 1.634 was so little concerned, that he Hunted and Danced whilst his Provinces were despoiling: he seemed not to be the adversary but the spectator: his subjects likewise seemed not much astonished at the Kings Progress; they said, that if he took any places in Savoy, their Duke would take others in France. It could not be divined from whence this great securi∣ty proceeded: some believed that the Duke* 1.635 assured himself on I know not what Progno∣stications of Astrologers, who had foretold,

that in the month of August there should be no King in France: that which happened to be very true, for at that time he was victori∣ous in the midst of Savoy. Others believed* 1.636 that the Duke yet trusted to the intelligences he had with the Marshal of Biron, whose fidelity much shaken by his artifices while he was in France, was now near entirely de∣bauched by those grand Subjects of discon∣tent this Marshal had received since this War. For the King testified, that he put not so much trust in him, nor treated him with the same freedome he had done before; and he committed the principal direction of this Conquest to Lesdiguieres, who indeed better knew the Country, and the manner of making War in those Mountains then he. This Pre∣ference furiously incensed such a high spirit, who believed nothing either could or ought to be done without him. Afterwards the re∣fusals of the King to give him the Govern∣ment of the City of Bourg, put him quite out of his senses. From this time he had none but extravagant and criminal thoughts, and began, as it was said, to treat a League with the Savoyard, for the re-kindling a new Civil War in France. I cannot relate the parti∣culars of this design, because they were never well known.

The Duke of Savoy believed his Fortresses of Montmelian in Savoy, and of Bourg in Bresse impregnable, reposing the security of his Country upon them. He was much sur∣prized

to understand that the Marquis of Brandis Governour of the first, had capitula∣ted to surrender it in a certain time. Up∣on it, he put himself in the field, and used* 1.637 all his endeavours to get into an estate to re∣lieve it. He had recourse to the assistance of the Spaniards; but the Count of Fuentes, who desired to engage affairs farther, re∣fused him forces in his need, and in the mean time the term of the capitulation being fini∣shed, he lost Montmelian, to the great asto∣nishment* 1.638 of his Subjects, and no less shame to Brandis. Want of Victuals and Ammu∣nition, made him likewise in some weeks lose the Citadel of Bourg, which the Go∣vernour* 1.639 held out to the last extremity.

The King passing by the side of Geneva, submitted the Country of the Chablais and the Faussigni. The inhabitants of Geneva took* 1.640 the Fort of St. Katherine, which the Savoy∣ards had built to annoy them, and demolished it. After the taking of this, the King would* 1.641 visit Geneva, so famous for being one of the Ramparts of the Protestant Religion. Theodorus Beza the chief as well in age as in Doctrine of all the Hugonot Ministers, made him a Speech in few words. The Marshal de Biron having considered the place which the inhabitants had been forty years fortifying, with great care and expence, whether to make himself esteemed a great Captain, or to shew the great zeal he had for the Catho∣lick Religion, boasted he could take it in

twenty days. A speech the King was not pleased with, because France had taken it un∣de•• its Protection, since the Reign of Fran∣cis the first; and was obliged to defend it a∣gainst the Duke of Savoy, who pretended that Seignory belonged to him.

In the meantime, the Pope desiring above* 1.642 all things to extinguish the fire of this War, had dispatched towards the King and towards the Duke, his Nephew the Cardinal Aldo∣brandin, who incessantly laboured to make a peace. His greatest difficulty was to find knots strong and sure enough to hold the Duke of Savoy; for those of his promises and his faith▪ were so uncertain and so slippery, that he could not trust them.* 1.643

At the same time the King, whose thoughts of his marriage the War had not interrupted, imbarqued on the Rhone, and went down to Lyons; where the Queen his new Spouse was arrived, and expected him.

The Legat would not discontinue the Trea∣ty* 1.644 of peace, he followed him to Lyons for that purpose; where he made his entrance fifteen days after the Queen. The Ambassa∣dors of Savoy followed him: but their power was given in such terms, that the Duke might find ways to disavow it. However, when they saw the Citadel of Bourg reduced to extremity, they instantly sollicited the Legat to renew the first earnests of the Treaty. But he would do nothing till they had given it him in writing, that they besought it for

the good of their Masters affairs.

When the Articles were drawn up and a∣greed,* 1.645 they were signed on the one part and* 1.646 the other; and the peace was published at Lyons the seventeenth of January 1601. by which the Duke yeilded to the King, and to his Successors Kings of France, the Country and Seignories of Bresse, Bugey, and Veromey, and generally all that appertained to him lying along the River Rhone, from the egress of Geneva; as likewise the Bailiwick and Barony of Gex: and that in exchange of the Marquisate of Saluces, which the King absolutely left to him, both for himself and his. The Treaty agreed likewise, that all the places taken by the King from the Duke of Savoy, should be restored; but all the Kings pretended rights against the said Duke, should be reserved to him; according as was contain∣ed in the Treaties of Cateau in Cambresis, and of Vervin.

By this exchange, both the one and the o∣ther* 1.647 equally gained. The King for a Marquisate of little extent, distant from all his Terri∣tories, and encompassed by those of Savoy, and which he could not keep but by great Garisons, which would consume twice more then the Revenue it yeilded; gained a Coun∣try of more then twenty five Leagues extent, which was bounding upon his, which enlarged his Frontier, in which he had eight hundred Gentlemen, and which was very fertil and abundant, principally in pastures to nourish

Cattel. The Duke appropriating to himself the Marquisate, took a troublesome Thorn out of his foot, or rather a Sword which pierced through his body; and put himself in security. For whilst the French held it, he durst not go out of Turin but with three or four hundred horse for his Convoy; and he was forced to maintain great Garisons in the midle of his Country.

The Treaty being signed, the King depar∣ted from Lyons by Post, to return to Paris;* 1.648 whither the Queen followed him by little journies. Some time after her arrival, he led her to see his buildings of St. Germain in Laye. This was one of his delights, and certainly a very innocent one, and which a∣grees well with a powerful Prince, after he hath paid his great debts, and eased his people of their heavy load of oppressive Impositions.

For by raising these proud Edifices, he leaves the fair marks of his greatness and riches to posterity; he embellishes his Kingdom, attracts the admiration of his people, makes strangers know that his Cof∣fers swell with Treasure, gives life and bread to a great number of poor handy∣crafts-men, labours profitably for his own conveniency and for that of his Successors; and in fine, makes Architecture, Sculpture, and painting flourish, which have ever been infinitely esteemed by all the most Polite nations of the world.

Our Henry took not this divertisement, but* 1.649 to recreate his spirit after labours, and not to imploy it.

For he had his soul too great, and his genius too elevated, to dedicate it self wholly to such mean things, much less to fix it on vain amusements. It is true, that he built, that he hunted, that he was merry; but this was without diverting himself too much from his affairs, without abandoning the helme of his estate, which he held as firmely and diligently during the Calme, as during the Tempest.

Moreover, he had a care not to grow sleepy whilst it was fair weather, which is often de∣ceitful: for besides that a good King ought to labour within his Estate during peace, as well as without during war; he knew that the Spaniard and the Savoyard still grumbled, and contrived in their hearts some enterprize against him. The Count of Fuentes having raised a great army to assist the Savoyard, was troubled that the peace had deprived him of the occasion to employ them. Some places he had taken in Picardy during the War between the two Crowns, had created a vanity in him, and made him believe that he should alwaies gain the advantage over the French. At the same time the King of Spain had put to sea a Naval Army, commanded by one Doria; which had without doubt some designe on* 1.650 Provence, if the peace had not been made. And though it was concluded, Fuentes ceased not to make an attempt of an enterprize upon

Marseilles, to cause a rupture. Those with whom he held intelligence to this purpose▪ offered the King to draw fix or seven hundred men into the snare, and keep them prisoners,* 1.651 or cut them in pieces. But the King judged not so little advantage to countervail the giving subject to the enemies to break the peace, and to re-enter into a War; which might have proved very dangerous, they being so pow∣erfully Armed. Moreover, he feared lest there were still in his Estate some fire con∣cealed under the embers; which on the noise of a War, might more facilely make their attempts upon his person. For to tell the truth, he had more reason to fear their Knives and Daggers then their Swords. He therefore wisely dissembled this enterprize, and answered the Marseillians: That he knew not how to steal a victory; that ambuscadoes were not honest, but onely during War; and that it was necessary for his honour to take hee•• that he did not in any manner contribute to that rupture, the enemies had a design to make.* 1.652

In fine, the Spaniards having found that this wise Argus had too many eyes, and too much vigilance to be surprized on any side; resolved to employ their Arms in pious and honorable enterprizes. A part of their Land-Army passed into Hungary, which was at that present assaulted by the Turks. The Duke* 1.653 of Merceur being gone to seek in that Coun∣try a juster glory, then in the Civil-wars of France, commanded the Emperours forces.

He made known to the Infidels, by many gallant exploits, particularly by the memo∣rable retreat of Canise, that the French va∣lour was chosen by God to sustain the Chri∣stian Religion. Nor was there any doubt made, but that he would have quite chased them out of that Kingdom, of which they had invaded more then one half, if he had not died the year following of a burning Feavour, which seized him at Nurembourg, as he was about to go pay his devotions at the Shrine of the Lady of Loretto.

There arrived some time after an accident by which the King took occasion to let the Spaniards know, that he could not suffer any thing against his honour, nor against the dig∣nity of his estate. Rochepot was his Embassa∣dor* 1.654 in Spain. Some Gentlemen of his train, of which one was his Nephew, washing in the River chanced to have a quarrel with some Spaniards; and killing two, saved them∣selves in the Ambassadors house. The friends of the slain so much excited the people, that they besieged the house, and were ready to* 1.655 put fire to it. The Magistrate, to prevent the Tragick effects of this fury, was constrained to do an injustice, and to violate the freedom of the Ambassadors house; for he seized by force, and led the accused to prison. The King of Spain being troubled that he had violated the right of Nations, sent him to de∣mand pardon of the Ambassador; yet the French men still remained prisoners.

There were made many discourses and writings concerning the rights and priviled∣ges* 1.656 of Ambassadors. It is true, said they, that an Ambassador hath alone right of So∣veraign Justice in his Palace; but the people of his train are subject to the Justice of the estate in which they are, for those faults they commit out of his Palace; and so if they be taken out of it, their Process may be made: and though it be known that this rigour is not generally observed, and that the respect born to the Ambassadors person, extends to all those that follow him; yet however this is a courtesie, and not a right. But notwith∣standing it is not permitted to go seek the Criminal in the Palace of the Ambassador, which is a sacred place, and a certain Sanctua∣ry for his people; yet ought it not however to be abused, or made a retreat for wicked persons, nor give Sanctuary to the Subjects of a Prince against the Laws and Justice of his Realm: for in such cases, on complaint to his Master, he is obliged to do reason.* 1.657

Now the King being offended, as he ought to be, at the injury done to France in the per∣son of his Ambassador, and not judging the satisfaction the Magistrate had given him suf∣ficient; commands him immediately to return; which he did, without taking leave of the King of Spain. He forbade likewise at the same time, all Commerce with Spaniards: and foreseeing that in these beginnings of the rupture, they might enterprize somewhat on

the Towns of Picardy, he with great dili∣gence* 1.658 departed from Paris to visit that Frontier, and came to Calais.

The people, who began to taste the sweet∣ness of repose, and to Till their lands with patience, trembled for fear lest a new War should expose them once more to the Li∣cense of the Souldiers. But God had pity* 1.659 of these poor people: The Pope becoming mediatour to remedy those mischiefs which threatned Christendom, happily accommoda∣ted the difference. The Spaniard remitted the Process and the Prisoners; whom his Holiness consigned some days after into the hands of the Count of Bethune, Ambassador for France at Rome; and the King afterwards sent an Ambassador into Spain, which was the Count of Barraut.

Whilst the King was at Calais, whither as* 1.660 we have said he went, the Arch-Duke who was before Ostend, where he continued that Siege * 1.661 the most famous that ever was since that of Troy, feared with some reason, lest the Kings approach should retard the progress of his enterprize, in which he had already lost so many men, so much time spent, so many Cannot shot, so much money, and such stores of Ammunition: he sent there∣fore to complement him, promising him on the part of Spain satisfaction for the violence done to the Lodgings of his Ambassador; but intreating him, that the besieged might not prevail themselves of this Conjuncture.

The King who never let himself be over∣come by Courtesie no more then by Arms,* 1.662 sent the Duke of Aiguillon, eldest Son of the Duke of Mayenne, to assure him that he de∣sired to maintain the peace; that he was not advanced on the Frontiers but to dissipate some designs which were contriving, and that he hoped in the equity of the King of Spain, which he doubted not would do him reason.

VVhilst he was at Calais, Queen Elizabeth* 1.663 sent likewise to visit him, by my Lord Ed∣monds her principal Confident. For answer to which obliging civility, he caused the Marshal of Byron to pass into England, accom∣panied by the Count d' Auvergne, and the choice of all the Nobility of the Court, to represent to her the displeasure the King had, finding himself so near her, that he could not enjoy the sight of her.

This Queen endeavoured by all means possible, to make known to the French her greatness and power. One day holding* 1.664 Byron by the hand, she shewed him a great number of heads planted on the Tower of London, telling him that in that manner they punished Rebels in England, and recounting to him the reasons she had to put to death the Earl of Essex, whom she had once so tenderly loved. Those who heard the dis∣course, remembred it afterwards, when they saw the Marshal Byron fallen into the same misfortune, and lose his head, after

having lost the favour of his King.

VVe must not forget, how that before the King made his voyage to Calais, he had led the Queen with him to enjoy the Jubilee in* 1.665 the City of Orleans, where the holy Father had ordained the Stations for France to be∣gin. His piety which was sincere and unfeign∣ed, gave a fair Example to his people, who see him go to Processions with great devo∣tion, and pray to God with no less attention; his heart agreeing with his lips. He laid the first stone to the foundation of the Church of the holy Cross at Orleans, which the Hugonots had miserably thrown down, forty years be∣fore; and gave a considerable sum of money to rebuild it.

All France during this holy Jubilee, had in∣stantly demanded of Heaven that it would be pleased to give them a Daulphine, to deliver them from those misfortunes wherein they should be plunged, if the King should die* 1.666 without Male-children. Their vows were heard, and the Queen happily brought to bed of a Son at Fontainbleau, on the day of St. Cosmo, being the twenty seventh of Septem∣ber. They gave him at his Baptism the Name of Lewis, so sweet and dear to France for the memory of the great St. Lewis, and of the good King Lewis xii. Father of the people. Afterwards was appropriated to him the sur∣name of Just; and we at present believe his having been the Father of Lewis the wise and victorious, none of the least worthy of his Ti∣tles.

His Birth was preceded by a great Earthquake, which happened some days be∣fore. The Birth was very hard, and the infant laboured till he was all of a purple-colour; which possibly ruined within the principal Or∣gans of Health and good Constitution. The King invoking on him the Benediction of Hea∣ven,* 1.667 gave him likewise his, and put his Sword in his hand, praying to God, That he would give him the grace to use it onely for his glory, and for the defence of the people. The Prin∣ces of the Blood which were with him in the Chamber of the Queen, all of them saluted the Daulphine one after another. I omit how express Curriers carried this News in∣to all the Provinces, the publick rejoycings throughout the whole Kingdome, particularly in the great City of Paris, who as much loved Henry the great, as they had hated his Prede∣cessor; the Complements the King received on his part from all the Potentates of Europe; and the accustomed Present of the holy Fa∣ther in like occasions, to wit, the blessed swathling bands, which he sent by Seigneur Barbarino, who was afterwards Cardinal and Pope, named Urban the viii.

Five days before, the Queen of Spain was* 1.668 brought to bed of her first Childe, which was a Daughter, whom at the Font of Baptism they named Anne. The Spaniards rejoyced no less then if it had been a Son: for in that Country the Females succeed to the Crown. Those amongst the French who penetrated

farthest into things to come, took likewise part in this joy, but for another reason, which was, that this Princess being of the same age with the Daulphine, it seemed that Heaven had made the one be born for the other, and that she ought one day be his Spouse; as in effect Lewis xiii. had this happiness, and France still possesses it; admiring in all occasions the rare Wisdom, the exemplary Piety, and heroick Constancy of this great Princess.

In acknowledgement of the grace which* 1.669 God had done to the King in giving him a Daulphine, which was the sum of his wishes, he redoubled his care and diligence to acquit himself well of what he ought to his Estate, to better, as he said, the succession of his Son. We will here recount some Establishments and Orders he made to that purpose.

Need of monies having obliged him during* 1.670 the Siege of Amiens to create Triennial Offi∣cers in his Revenues; when it was passed, he knew that there was no need of so many peo∣ple to rifle his purse; and that it was impos∣sible but some little should every day remain in the hands of every one of these: and there∣fore he suppressed these new Officers, and commanded that the ancient and Alternative ones should re-imburse the Triennial. From this suppression were excepted the Treasurers of the Exchequer, and those of casual Forfei∣tures or Fines.

Rosny had so well bridled both the Gather∣ers and the Farmers, that they could no long∣er

devour those great Morsels they did hereto∣fore. But this was not yet enough: they were in such manner gorged before he was Superintendent, that the King with infinite* 1.671 justice ordained a Tribunal, composed of a certain number of Judges chosen out of the Soveraign Courts, and called it, The Cham∣ber-Royal; whom he charged to make an ex∣act search of the misdemeanours of those who had managed the Kings monies. This Cham∣ber made a great many disembogue: how∣ever, a great part found the means to escape them; some out of a Consideration of their Alliances, others by force of money, gaining those who were near the King, principally his Mistr••sses, and corrupting the Judges them∣selves.

So much is it true that Gold pierces every where, and that nothing is proof a∣gainst this pernitious Metal. We need not then wonder if those people filled their Cof∣fers as full as they could, since the fuller they heaped them, the more facile was their justification.

I have already said it, and I say it again, (for it cannot be too often nor too much observed) that there is no remedy to hinder this disor∣der,* 1.672 which is the greatest of all disorders in the Estate, and the cause of all others, save onely the vigilance and exactness of the King.

He must himself hold the strings of his purse, have his eye still upon his Coffers, know punctually what is in them, what comes out of them; what ways his monies accrue, to

what uses they are employed, who are they that manage them: and above all, he must make them give a good account, as our Hen∣ry did, that if they be honest men, they can∣not be corrupted; and if they are knaves, not have the means to act their knavery.

He was made to know, that there were two other disorders in his Realm which extreamly impoverished it, and drew from it all the Gold and Silver. The one was the transpor∣tation of it to strange Countries, into Italy, Germany, and Switzerland, where the little Potentates melted it, and made money of a ••aser Alloy. The other, was the Luxury which consumed likewise a great quantity in Embroyderies, Silver and Gold Lace on Cloaths, and no less in the gilding of Wain∣scots and Chimnies, and divers Moveables.

He made two severe Edicts, which prohibi∣ted* 1.673 these two abuses. For the first, he renew∣ed the ancient Orders concerning the transport of Gold and Silver; adding the punishment of the Halter to the Transgressors; and com∣manding all Governours to watch diligently the Observation of these his Prohibitions, and not to give any Pass-ports to the contrary; o∣therwise he declared them partakers in such Transports.

By the second, he prohibited under the pe∣nalty* 1.674 of great Fines for the first time, and of imprisonment for the second, the wearing of Gold and Silver upon Cloaths, or employing it in Gildings. This Edict was rigorously obser∣ved,

because it excepted no person; the King himself submitting to the Law he made, and having looked with an ill Countenance on a Prince of the Blood who obeyed not this Re∣formation.

There was likewise expended a prodigious quantity of money in Silks; by the buying of which, all our money was gotten into strangers hands. The King seeing that, and consi∣dering* 1.675 that the use of these Stuffs was very good and commodious, thought it best to introduce the Manufacture into France; to the end the French might gain what was now gained by the strangers. To this purpose he gave order for the planting of a great number of white Mulberry-trees in those Countries where they would best thrive, and particularly in Touraine, to nourish Silk-worms; and that people should be provided who understood how to prepare the Webs, and put to work the labour of these pretio•••• Caterpillers.

If care had been taken ••••ter his death to maintain this Order, and to extend it to other Provinces, it might have spared France more then five Millions, which it every year sends out to provide silk Stuffs: besides, a Million of persons, useless for other labours, as are old people, Maids and Children, might have gain∣ed a living by it, and the Employers more ea∣sily have afforded to pay the Imposts and Taxes out of the profit they had made of their in∣dustry.

There was yet a much greater mischief,

which, as we may say, dryed up the very In∣trails of the Kingdom; this was the exces∣sive* 1.676 Usury. The ill Husbands, that is to say, the greatest part of the Nobility, borrow∣ed money at ten or twelve in the hundred. In which there was two great inconveniences. The first, That the Interests undermining by little and little in seven or eight years, dug up* 1.677 the foundations of the richest and most ancient Houses, which are, as we may say, the Props and Pillars that uphold the State. The se∣cond, That the Merchants finding this conve∣niency* 1.678 of laying out their money to so great profit, and without any hazard, absolutely a∣bandoned all Commerce;

the streams of which once dryed up, there must needs fol∣low a famine of Gold and Silver in the King∣dome: for France hath no other Mines then its Traffick, and the distribution of its Mer∣chandizes.

These Considerations obliged the King not* 1.679 onely to prohibit all Usuries, but lay a penalty of the Confiscation of the sum lent, and great Fines beside. Afterwards the Parliament de∣puted some Counsellours in all Provinces to make inquisition after Usurers, and to reduce all Interests or Hypothecated Rents to six and a half in the hundred. They were before at ten or twelve, as we have said. The reason of which was, because when they were con∣stituted, money was much more scarce: now since it was extreamly multiplyed, since the discovery of the Indies, it was just to abate its

interests: And it was for this reason that it was afterwards put at six, and may possibly one day be reduced lower.

Out of the same designe to enrich his peo∣ple,* 1.680 and to bring abundance and plenty into his Kingdome, the King continually received all Proposals which might serve to enlarge Commerce, to bring Commodity to his peo∣ple, and to till and make fruitful the most ste∣rile places. He endeavoured as much as was possible to make Rivers Navigable. He cau∣sed to be repaired all Bridges and Caus∣ways, and the great Roads to be paved; knowing that whilst they are not well kept, Carriages find but a difficult passage, and Commerce is by that means interrupted. From whence happen the same disorders in the oeconomy of an Estate, as doth in that of a mans▪ body, when it findes Obstructions, and when the passage of the blood and spirits are not free.

When he passed through the Countries, he curiously regarded all things, took notice of the necessities and disorders, and immediately remedied all with a great diligence. Under his favour and protection were established in* 1.681 many places of the Kingdom Manufactures of Linen and Woollen Cloths, Laces, Iron-ware, and many other things.

After his example, the Burgesses repaired their houses which the War had ruined. The Gentlemen having laid by their Arms with onely a switch in their hand, dedicated them∣selves

to manage their Estates, and augment their Revenues. All the people were atten∣tive to their work: and it was a wonder to see this Kingdom, which five or six years before had been, as we may say, a Den of Serpents and venemous Beasts, being filled with Thieves, Robbers, Vagrants, Rake-hells and Beggers, changed by the diligence of the King into a Hive of innocent Bees; who strove, as it were, with envy to each other, to give proofs of their industry, and to gather Wax and Honey. Idle∣ness was a shame, and a kinde of Crime; and indeed it is, as the Proverb says, the Mother of all Vices.

That spirit which takes no care to employ it self seriously in something, is un∣profitable to it self, and pernitious to the publick.

And for these Reasons did the Provosts in that* 1.682 time make diligent search after Loyterers, Va∣gabonds, and idle persons, and sent them to serve the King in his Gallies, to oblige them perforce to work.

There is no happiness so stable and assured,* 1.683 but it may be easily troubled: there arrived* 1.684 this year two things which might have over∣turned all France, had not the King in a good hour subverted them.

The Assembly of the Notables or Chiefs at Rouen, which was held in the year 1596. to raise money for the King to continue the War and pay his debts, had granted him, as we have said, the imposition of a Sol pour livre on all Merchandizes carried into walled Cities.

The Estate (says Tacitus, the greatest Politi∣tian

among Historians) cannot be maintain∣ed without Forces, nor the Forces without Payment, nor they paid without Impositi∣ons: by consequence therefore they are ne∣cessary; and it is just that every one should contribute to the expences of an Estate of which he makes a part, as well as partake of those Conveniences and that protection it enjoys. But these impositions ought to be moderate, proportionate to the power of every one; and every one ought to bear his part. Moreover, it should be easie to per∣ceive that the expence of raising them ex∣ceed not the principal; that they be not laid so, as to appear odious, as on Merchan∣dizes which nourish the poor: and that, in fine, they be blood drawn gently from the veins, and not marrow forced from the bones.

Now the imposition of a Sol pour livre was of this nature. It was very oppressive:* 1.685 for in every City they searched the Merchants Goods, opened their Bales, and saw what e∣very one brought: so that liberty was quite lost in the Kingdom. Moreover, it was ex∣cessive: for any Merchandize being ten or twelve times sold, it was found that it paid as much Impost as it was worth. Moreover, there was great expence in the sale of it: for men were forced to employ as many Factors as would have composed an Army; who de∣siring all to make themselves rich as well as their Masters, were so vexatious to the Mer∣chants, that they became desperate. And that

was most strange, was, that there were in the Kings Council Pensioners to these Farmers, who supported them in their violences, and upheld them against all Complaints made of their misdemeanours.

The people are always subject to this Cri∣minal* 1.686 Errour, That when Justice is denied them, they may do it themselves; and have recourse to force, when their prayers cannot prevail. This is the cause of almost all sediti∣ons; and this is it which made all those be∣yond the Loire, incensed at this imposition, drive away the Factors, and, which is more, kill some of them. The Farmers on the other side sharpned the mischief by their furious threats, that they would dismantle the rebel∣lious Cities, that they would build Citadels to keep them in awe. And I believe that these Gentlemen did desire it should be so, not out of love to the Kings Authority, which they had still in their mouths, but for their pro∣per revenge, and particular advantage.

The King having advice of these Commoti∣ons,* 1.687 fearing left they were raised by the Emis∣saries of the faction of the Duke of Byron, which he had then newly discovered, a little after Easter departed from Fontainblean, came from Blois, and from thence to Poictiers. There he favourably hearkned to the com∣plaints* 1.688 of his people, and remonstrated to the Deputies of the Cities of Guyenne, That the Imposts raised were not to enrich his Ministers and Favourites, as his Predecessour had done;

but to support the necessary charges of his Estate: That if his demeans had been sufficient for it, be would not have taken any thing out of his Sub∣jects purses; but since he had first employed all his * 1.689 own, it was just they should contribute some of theirs: That he passionately desired the ease of his Subjects; and that none of his Predecessours▪ had so much desired their prayers to God as he, to bless the increase of his Realm: That those A∣larms given them that he had a designe to build Castles in the Cities, were false and seditious; for he desired to have no other Forts then in the hearts of his Subjects.

By these sweet Remonstrances, he calmed* 1.690 all the seditions, without having need of cha∣stising them, save onely that the Consuls of Limoges were deposed, and the Pancarte (for so it was they called the Sol pour livre) establi∣shed. But this was onely for the honour of the Royal Authority: for soon after, this Prince, the most just and best that ever was, knowing the extream Vexations it caused, re∣voked and utterly abolished it.

The second thing which gave him yet more trouble, and which was capable to overthrow his Kingdome if it were not remedied, was, The Conspiracy of Marshal Byron. It is to be* 1.691 understood, that Laffin had been the principal Instrument of intelligence between the Mar∣shal and the Duke of Savoy: he had carried and re-carried Letters, and had had some Con∣ferences with the Duke and with the Count of Fuentes; so that he understood the whole in∣trigue.

But seeing that there was no assurance in the words of the Savoyard, and that Byron began to shake, he resolved to discover the* 1.692 whole plot to the King; were it that he feared lest if he should too long delay it, it might be discovered other ways; or that he hoped by this service to gain a great recompence, and restore himself to the Kings favour, with whom he stood on very ill terms.

Having laid this designe, he employed the * 1.693 Vidame of Chartres his Nephew, to obtain from the King his Grace and Oblivion of all passed, on condition that he discovered to him the Complices of the Conspiracy, and fur∣nished him with proofs. He had preserved se∣veral Letters committed to his keeping; but they said not enough, nor spoke so clearly as to make a Conviction. But to pass an absolute one, see what he did.

Byron had some Notes written with his own* 1.694 hand, wherein the Conspiracy was laid down in Articles. Laffin remonstrated to him, that it was an imprudence to keep them, and to communicate them, because his writing was too well known: that it would be more secure to make a Copy, and burn the Origi∣nal. Byron approving his counsel, gives them him to transcribe. He indeed transcribes them whilst Byron lay on his Bed: afterwards giving him the Copy, and ruffling up the Original, he makes shew of casting it into the fire; but by a premeditated cunning, he casts in some o∣ther Papers, and keeps them. A thing of this

importance deserved well the care of Byron himself in its burning: but he not taking it, because God so permitted, that negligence cost him his life, as we shall see.

After this, Laffin continuing still his devi∣ces to endeavour yet to gather some more par∣ticular secrets, he went disguised to Milan, and conferred with the Count Fuentes: but this close and able Spaniard, finding well that he would betray them, shewed himself more reserved. It hath been reported, that Laffin having knowledge of this distrust, was fearful lest he should make him away, and therefore returned by the unusual and unfrequented ways: of which the Duke of Savoy being ad∣vertized* 1.695 by Fuentes, kept prisoner the Secre∣tary of Laffin named Renaze, for fear lest he should go serve as a witness against Byron.

In their Conferences they had proposed to dismember the Kingdom of France: That the* 1.696 Duke of Savoy should have Provence and the Daulphinate; Byron, Bourgongne and la Bresse, with the third Daughter of the Duke in marri∣age, and fifty thousand Crowns for Dower: some others should be Lords of other Provin∣ces, with the quality of Peers: That all these little Soveraigns should hold their right from the King of Spain: That to compass this de∣signe, the Spaniards should with a puissant Ar∣my enter the Kingdom, and the Savoyard with another: That they should cause the Hugonots to stir, and at the same time revive many dis∣contents in several places, and animate the

people, already much incensed by the Pancarte, or Tax of a Sol pour livre.

All these propositions, say some, were made* 1.697 in the time of the war against Savoy; and the Marshal of Byron grown outragious, at the Kings refusal to give him the Citadel of Bourg, had not only lent his eare, but had engaged himself very far in these damnable designs. However, he seemed to have repented him∣self: for he had confessed them to the King walking with him in the Cloister of the Cordi∣liers at Lions, and had demanded pardon of him; but he had neglected to take an aboliti∣on or script of indempnity, contrary to the ad∣vice of the Duke d' Espernon, who was more wise and considerate then he.

But a little after, repenting himself for ha∣ving repented, he was returned to his first fault, and yet entertained correspondence with strangers. Moreover, he spoke of the* 1.698 King with little respect, abasing the splendor of his worthy actions, glorifying his own, and boasting that he had put the Crown on his head, and preserved France. In fine, all his discourses were onely Bravadoes, Rhodo∣montadoes, and Threats.

All this was reported to the King: It was told him that he undervalued his great acts, extolled the power of the King of Spain, praysed the wisdome of that Princes Council, his liberality in recompencing all good ser∣vices, and his zeal to defend the true Religion. The King answered plainly and prudently to

those that made him these reports: That he knew the heart of Byron, that it was faithful and affectionate: that in truth his tongue was intemperate; but that in favour of those good actions he had done, he could pardon his ill dis∣courses.

Now two things compleated his loss, and ob∣liged* 1.699 the King to search into the very bottom of his wicked designs. The first was the too great number of his friends, and the affection of the Souldiery, which he made boast of, as if they had been absolute dependants on his Command, and capable to do whatever he would. The second, the most particular friendship he had with the Count d' Auvergne, brother by the Mothers side to Madamoiselle d' Entragues, who was called the Marchioness of Verneuil. For by the one he begat a jealou∣sie in the King, and made himself be feared; and by the other he rendred himself odious to the Queen, who imagined, and possibly not without cause, that he would make a party in the Kingdom to maintain that Rival and her Children, to her prejudice.

Now the King desiring to search the far∣thest* 1.700 he could into this affair, sends for Laffin, who comes to Fountain-bleau, more then a month before the King departed towards Poictou. He had at first some very secret en∣tertainments with him, afterwards very pub∣lick ones; and gave him great quantities of Papers; amongst other, those Memoires or Notes written by Byrons own hand, of which

we have before spoken. That which Laffin revealed to the King, begat great inquietudes in his spirit; so that in all the voyage of Poictiers he was observed extremely pensive; and the Court after his example was plunged in a sad astonishment; though none could divine the cause of it.

At his return from Poictiers to Fountain∣bleau,* 1.701 he sent for the Duke of Byron to come to him. The Duke at first doubted to go, and excused himself with many weak reasons. He presses him, and sends to him some of his Esquires; afterwards the President Janin brought him word that he should receive no harme; which was, provided he put himself into an estate to receive grace, and aggrava∣ted not his crime, by his pride and by his im∣penitence.

Byron knew that Laffin had made a voyage to Court; but he was more assured of that man then of himself. Moreover the Baron of Lux his confident, who was then there, had told him that Laffin had without doubt kept his Counsel, and not revealed any thing which might hurt him. De Lux believed so, because the King after having entertained Laffin, had told him with a merry countenance, I am glad I have seen this man; he hath eased me of many distrusts and suspitions of spirit.

In the mean time the friends of Byron writ to him, that he should not be such a fool as to bring his head to the Court; that it would be more secure for him to justifie himself by

Attorny then in person. But notwithstanding this advice, and against biting of his own con∣science, after having some time deliberated, he took post and came to Fountain-bleau,* 1.702 now when the King no longer expected him, but prepared to go seek him.

The Histories of that time, and many other relations, recount exactly all the circumstan∣ces of the imprisonment, process, and death of that Marshal. I shall content my self to relate onely the chief.

The insolence and blindness of this un∣happy man cannot be sufficiently admired at, nor on the contrary the goodness and cle∣mency of the King be enough praised, who endeavoured to overcome his obstinacy.

Confession of a fault is the first mark of repentance.

The King taking him in pri∣vate,* 1.703 instantly conjured him to declare all those intelligences and Treaties he had made with the Duke of Savoy; engaging his faith that he would bury all in an eternal oblivion: That he knew well enough all the particulars, but desi∣red to understand them from his mouth; swea∣ring to him, that though his fault should be greater then the worst of crimes, his confessi∣on should be followed by an absolute pardon. Byron in stead of acknowledging it, or at least excusing himself with modesty, as speaking to his King who was offended; insolently an∣swered* 1.704 him, that he was innocent, and that he was not come to justifie himself, but to un∣derstand the names of his back-biters, and

demand justice, which otherwise he would do himself. Though this too haughty answer aggravated much his offence, the King ceased not sweetly to tell him, that he should think farther of it, and that he hoped he would take better counsel.* 1.705

The same day after supper, the Count of Soissons exhorted him likewise, on the part of the King, to confess the truth; concluding his Remonstrance with that sentence of the Wise∣man; Sir, know that the anger of the King is as the Messenger of Death. But he answered him with more fierceness then he had done the King.

On the morrow morning the King walking* 1.706 in his Gardens, conjured him the second time to confess the Conspiracy: but he could draw nothing from him, but protestations of in∣nocency, and threatnings of his accusers.

Upon this the King felt himself agitated even at the bottom of his soul with divers thoughts, not knowing what he ought to do. The affe∣ction he had born him and his great services, withheld his just anger: on the other side,* 1.707 the blackness of his crime, his pride and ob∣stinacy gave reins to his justice, and obliged him to punish the criminal. Besides that the danger with which both his Estate and Person were threatned, seemed impossible to be pre∣vented, but by cutting off the head of a con∣spiracy, whose bottom was scarce visible.

In this trouble of spirit he retired into his Closet, and falling on his knees, prayed to

God with all his heart to inspire him with a good resolution. He was accustomed to do thus in all his great affairs;

esteeming God as his surest Counsellour, and most faith∣ful assistance.

At his coming from prayers, as he said afterwards, he found himself deli∣vered from the trouble wherein he was, and resolved to cast Byron into the hands of Ju∣stice,* 1.708 if his Council found that the proofs they had by writing were so strong, that there need no doubt be made of his Condemnation. He chose for this purpose four persons of those which composed it; to wit, Bellievre, Villeroy, Rosny and Sillery, and shewed them the proofs. They all told him with one voice, that they were more then sufficient.

Yet after this he would make a third trial* 1.709 on this proud heart. He employed this last time Remonstrances, Prayers, Conjurations, and assurances of pardon, to oblige him to ac∣knowledge his crime: but he answered still in the same manner; adding, that if he knew his accusers, he would break their heads.

In fine, the King wearied with his Rhodo∣montadoes* 1.710 and obstinacy, left him, giving him these for his last words; Well then, we must learn the truth in another place. Farewel Baron of Byron. This word was as lightning, the Vant-Courier of the Thunder-bolt he was a∣bout to throw: the King by it degrading him of so many eminent dignities with which he had honoured him, shewed that he was about to abase him much more then ever he had raised him.

At his coming forth of the Queens Cham∣ber, where he played at Primero, Vitry Cap∣tain* 1.711 of the Kings Life-Guard demanded his Sword, and Arrested him as his prisoner. Praslin likewise Captain of the Guards secu∣red the Count of Auvergne; and on the morrow putting them in Boats on the Seine, conducted them with a good Convoy by wa∣ter to the Bastille.

Byron had a very great number of friends:* 1.712 but on this occasion wherein he was accused to have conspired against the person of the King, they were all mute and struck dumb. His kindred which were found at the Court, went to cast themselves on their knees before the King, not to demand Justice of him, but to implore his mercy. The Lord de la Force, afterward Marshal of France, spoke for them all. If Byron had at first spoke with so much humility and submission as they did, he had without doubt obtained his grace: but it was now too late; there was now no more room for Clemency, it had given place to Justice.* 1.713

The King commanded his Parliament to make his Process, and sent particular Com∣mission to the chief President, and to the Pre∣sident Potier Blan-Mesnil, and two Counsel∣lours, to draw up the instructions at the re∣quest of the Attorny-General.

The proofs were very strong, and the de∣fence* 1.714 of Byron very weak. He made it plainly appear in a business wherein he acted for his

Life, that he had less brains then heart. For he presently acknowledged his writing; which he might have denied, and have gained some time to have made it be proved. This piece had been written in the time of the War of Savoy. He pretended that the King being at Lyons, had pardoned him all his rebellious Motions. But the King sent Letters under his* 1.715 Great Seal to the Parliament, by which here∣voked that grace. And no great consideration was had upon it: for first, that grace he had granted him, was but verbal; and in the se∣cond place, the Parliament held it for a Ma∣xime, That there are Crimes the King cannot pardon; as those of Laesae Majestatis, Divine and Humane; and those which are of a hor∣rible scandal, and great prejudice to the Pub∣lick. When they came to the re-examination and confronting of Witnesses, and presented Laffin to Byron, in stead of reproaching him, as a man whom an hundred reproaches might have rendred incapable of bearing witness, he acknowledged him for an honest Man, and a* 1.716 brave Gentleman: but afterwards when he heard his Deposition read, he began to charge him with injuries, to call him Traytor, Magi∣cian, and Devilish Fellow. But the time was past, nor were his reproaches any more valuable.

He believed that Renaze was still a Prisoner* 1.717 in Piedmont: but he had escaped some time before, and was now presented to him. He believed that he saw a Fantasm or Ghost; he remained astonished and dumb; and without

making any exception against him, heard his Deposition, which agreed with that of Laffin. They deposed, besides what we have already said, That he had complotted with the Gover∣nour of Fort St. Katherine to kill the King when he went to receive that place: That By∣ron was to march a little before him clad in a certain fashion, to the end he might be known. They said likewise, that he had another designe to take away the King when he should be hun∣ting, or other where ill accompanied, and carry him into Spain.

The Charge of the Impeachment thus made* 1.718 in the Bastille by four Commissioners, he was conducted to the Palace down the River, guarded on both sides by the Regiment of Guards. He was heard in Parliament seated on the Foot-stool, all the Chambers of the Assemblies, but the Peers, being present, though they had been likewise called; and afterwards reconducted to the Bastille.

On the morrow, being the last of July, it* 1.719 was put to the Vote: of one hundred and fifty Judges, there was not one who concluded not of his death. He was declared Attainted and convicted of the crime of Laesae Majestatis, for the Conspiracies made by him against the per∣son of the King, Designes upon his Estate, Trea∣sons and Treaties with his Enemies, being Mar∣shal of the Armies of the said King. And for re∣paration of his Crimes, deprived of all his Estates, Honours and Dignities, and condemned to have his head cut off in the place of the Greve; his

Goods, moveable and immoveable, taken and confiscated to the King; his Lands of Byron for ever deprived of the title of Peerage; and those and all his other Lands re-united to the Demains of the Crown.

The King under pretext of doing a favour* 1.720 to his Kindred, but fearing indeed some tu∣mult, because he was much loved of the Soul∣diery, and had a great number of friends in Court, removed the place of his execution, and would have it done in the Bastille. The Chancellour going with the chief President, caused him to be led to the Chappel, where about ten of the Clock in the morning he* 1.721 pronounced his Sentence, which he heard with one Knee on the ground, with a great deal of patience: onely when they came to these words, Conspiracies against the person of the King, he rise up, and cryed out, There is no such thing; that is false; blot out that. In fine, the Chancellour, according to form, re∣demanded of him the Coller of his Order, his Ducal Crown, and his Marshals Staff. He had not the two last with him, but onely the first, which he drew out of his pocket, and gave.

It will be needless to recount all his Dis∣courses, his Reproaches, his Passions, his La∣ments, his Exclamations, and a hundred other Extravagancies, (for so we may call them) with which he was transported.

About five a Clock that Evening, he was* 1.722 led to the Scaffold, where he had his head cut

off. It was observed that it bounded three times, forced by the impetuosity of his spirits, which were transported; and that there issued more blood out of it, then out of the trunk of his body. He was carried to the Church of St. Paul, where he was buried without any Ce∣remony, but with a great concourse of peo∣ple, who had all tears in their eyes, and la∣mented that brave Courage which a detestable Ambition, and a too boundless Pride, had brought to so unhappy an end.

It is convenient to understand, that this* 1.723 Marshal was very ignorant, but extreamly cu∣rious in the Predictions of Astrologers, Di∣viners, Necromancers, and other Deceivers. It was held likewise, that Laffin had gained his favour by making him believe that he talked with the Devil, and that he had assured him that he should be a Soveraign. It was said likewise, that being young, he went one day disguised to see a Teller of Good-fortune, who foretold that he should be a very great Lord, but that he should have his head cut off: at which being troubled, he outragiously beat him. That another Diviner told him he should be King, if a blow of a sword be∣hinde hindred it not. And another, that he should die by the hand of a Burgonian; and it was found, that the Executioner who cut off his head, was a Native of Bourgongne.

Divers others were reported: but to speak the truth, the most of these Predictions are

ordinarily known after the Events; and though they do effectually precede the event, it must be believed by chance, and not by knowledge; the Prognosticators telling so many stories, that it is impossible but some should happen.

It is therefore a great wisdome to disabuse our* 1.724 spirits of these sorts of curiosities: for be∣sides that they have no foundation in Rea∣son, we offend God by believing them, and give money to let our selves be fool'd and led by the Noses: nor do ever wise men give any faith to them, though sometimes they serve to deceive the simple.

Laffin and Renaze had their full pardon.* 1.725 One named Hebert, Secretary to Marshal By∣ron, suffered the ordinary and * 1.726 extraordinary Question, without confessing any thing; yet he was condemned to perpetual imprison∣ment: but a little after, the King gave him his liberty; yet the resentment of what he had suffered, having more power over him then the favour, he fled into Spain, where he finished his days.

The Baron of Lux, Byrons chief Confident,* 1.727 came to Court on the Kings word. He told him all that he knew, and possibly more: by which means he obtained his pardon in what form he pleased, and was confirmed in his Charges, and in the Government of the Castle of Dijon, and the City of Beaune. The King kept the Government of Bourgongne for Mon∣seur le Dauphine, and gave the Lieutenancy to Bellegarde, who afterwards was Governour in chief.

Montbarot Lord Breston was put into the Bastille upon some suspitions had of him; but* 1.728 being found innocent, the Gates were soon o∣pened to him.

The Baron of Fontanelles, a Gentleman of a very good house, had not the same fortune:* 1.729 for for having a hand in the conspiracy, and besides that, treating of his own accord with the Spaniards to deliver to them a little Island on the Coast of Bretany, he was broke on the Wheele in the Greve, by sentence of the great Council. The King in consideration of his house, which was very illustrious, granted to his Kindred that in the sentence he should not be called by his proper Name: but History could not be silent in it.

The Duke of Bouillon finding himself like∣wise* 1.730 somewhat involved in Byrons business, judged it convenient to retire into his Vis∣county of Turenne; where the King, being ad∣vised that he yet plotted something, sent for* 1.731 him to come and justifie himself. In stead of coming, he writ to him a very eloquent Let∣ter, by which he represented to him, That having understood that his Accusers were both extreamly wicked, and very cunning, he entreated him to dispense with his coming to Court; and think fit, that to satisfie his Maje∣sty, all France, and his own Honour, his Pro∣cess should be made at the Chamber of Castres, by vertue of the priviledge he had granted to those of the pretended Religion; and that he would send thither his Accusers and Accusati∣ons.

In pursuance of which, he came to Ca∣stres, presented himself to the Chamber, and took an Act of his appearance. The King was not at all pleased with this Answer; blamed the Judges of Castres for having given him that Act, and sent to tell him that there was yet no question of leaving him over to Justice, and that therefore he should the rather come.

Being advertized by those friends he had at* 1.732 Court of the Kings resolution, who had sent to him the President Commartin to let him un∣derstand his will, he departed from Castres, went to Orange, passed by Geneva, and so re∣tired to Heidelberg to the Prince Palatine: saying like a sage Politician, as he was, That he ought neither to Capitulate with his King, nor yet go near him whilst his anger lasted. This business lay a breeding some years; we shall see in its place how it terminated.

It must here be acknowledged, that the fa∣vour* 1.733 of Rosny served in this time for a pretext to almost all the discontents and all the conspi∣racies of the great ones. The King had truely raised him by four or five great Charges, be∣cause he believed he could not sufficiently re∣compence those services he had rendred him. And in that this Prince merits onely praise: for a good Master cannot do too much for a good and faithful servant. But though the trouble∣some and discontented Spirits might com∣plain* 1.734 that the King gave him too many Char∣ges and Employments; yet they could not la∣ment his giving him too much power, or that

he gave it to him alone: for we may with truth say••, that Rosny had not the liberty to do the least grace of his own accord. He was forced in all things to address himself directly to the King; who would himself distribute his fa∣vours* 1.735 and recompences to those he knew wor∣thy, that they might acknowledge the whole Obligation and dependence from him. This great Prince knew well,

That he who gives* 1.736 all, may do all; and that he who gives no∣thing, is nothing, but what it shall please him who gives all.

He had too much Ho∣nour, and too much Glory, to suffer that another should act in the most noble Function of his Royal Authority. Whatever favour or whatever familiarity any had with him, if they were wanting to conserve it with a profound respect, or should speak or act with him other∣wise then with their Master and with their King, they would doubtless as soon fall into disgrace: and this was, as we have observed, one of the causes of Byron's loss. Judge then, if he who would not that any should in any thing in the world act the Companion with him, would have endured that they should act the Soveraign. Judge, if he would have been contented that his Ministers should simply have taken his consent in a business, or that they should speak to him of things in manner of discharge, after having themselves resolved them. No, without doubt: He would that all Resolutions should come from his own Head, and from his own Motion: that the

choice should be his: that he alone should have the power to raise and throw down; and that none but himself should be Arbitrator in the Fortunes of his Subjects. Not but that he considered, as it was just, the Recommenda∣tions of the great ones of his Estate, and of his Ministers, in the conferring of his Favours, Em∣ployments and Charges; but it was still in such a manner, that he made them to whom he gave them know, that they ought onely to hold them from him: which the following Example well demonstrates.

The Bishoprick of Poictiers becoming va∣cant,* 1.737 Rosny very instantly besought him to consider in this occasion one named Frenou∣illet, reputed a knowing man, and a great Preacher. The King notwithstanding this Recommendation, gives it to the Abbot of Rochepozay; who, besides his own particular good Qualities, was Son to a Father who had served him well with his Sword in his Wars, and with his knowledge and spirit in Embassies. Some time after, the Bishoprick of Montpellier became vacant: the King out of his own pro∣per motion sent to seek Frenouillet, and told him, that he would give it him; but on this condition, that he should acknowledge no Obligation but to himself. By which it may be seen, how he in some sort considered the Recommendation of Rosny: but it may like∣wise be perceived, that the power of that Fa∣vourite, who caused so much jealousie in the world, was bounded. I call him Favourite,

by reason that he had the most splendent Em∣ployments; though to speak truth he had no pre-eminence over others of the Council: for Villeroy and Janin were more considered then he in Negotiations and Forraign Affairs; Bel∣lievre and Sillery for Justice and Policy within the Kingdome: and it is not to be imagined that those people did in any manner depend on him. There was onely one head in the Estate, which was the King, who alone made all his Members, and from whom onely they recei∣ved spirits and vigour.* 1.738

About the end of this year, the Duke of Sa∣voy thinking to revenge himself, and repair the loss of his County of Bresse on the City of Geneva, attempted to take it by storm. The Enterprize was formed by the Counsels of the Lord of Albigny; and the Duke having passed the Mountains, believed it infallible. D' Al∣bigny conducted two thousand men for this purpose within half a League of the City; yet was not so rash as to engage himself, but left the conduct to others. More then two hun∣dred men mounted the Ladders, gained the Ramparts, and ran through all the City with∣out being perceived. In the mean time, the Burgesses were awakened by the cries of some that fled from a Guard, which had discovered the Enterprizers, and as soon beheld them∣selves charged by them. The Gunner, who was to have broken a Gate within, to cause those without to enter, was unhappily slain: after which, they were weakned on all sides.

The greatest part endeavoured to re-gain their Ladders: but the Cannons on the Flankers having broken them in pieces, they were al∣most all slain, or broke their necks by leaping into the Ditch. There was thirteen taken alive, almost all Gentlemen: amongst the others, Attignac, who had served as second to Don Phillipin bastard of Savoy. They yeilded up∣on assurance given them, that they should be treated as prisoners of War: But the furious cries of the common people, who represented the danger wherein their City was of Massa∣cres, Violation, universal Destruction, or per∣petual Slavery, forced the Council of this lit∣tle Republick to condemn them to the infa∣mous death of the Gibbet, like to Thieves.* 1.739 Their heads, with fifty four others of those that were killed, were stuck on Poles, and their bodies cast into the Rhone.

The Duke of Savoy, confused with such ill* 1.740 success, and much more with the reproaches of all Christendome, for having endeavoured such an Enterprize in time of absolute peace, repassed the Mountains in haste, leaving his Troops near to Geneva, and endevoured to excuse himself to the Suisses, under whose protection that City was, as well as under that of France, for having attempted to surprize it; saying, That he had not done it to trouble the repose of the Confederacy, but to hinder Lesdiguieres from seizing it for the King.* 1.741

The Dukes of Savoy have for a long time pretended that this City appertained to their

Soveraignty; and that the Bishops who bore the title of Earls, and were for some time Lords of it, held it from them: which is how∣ever a thing that the Bishops▪never acknow∣ledged; always maintaining, that they depen∣ded immediately on the Empire. The City on their part sustained that it was a free City, and not subject in temporal things, neither to their Bishops, whom they quite drave out in the year 1533. when they unhappily renoun∣ced the Roman Catholick Religion; nor to the Duke of Savoy, but onely to the Empire: for which reason they always bore the Eagle plant∣ed on their Gates. Both one and the other have very specious Titles to shew their rights:* 1.742 but for the present the City of Geneva enjoyed full liberty, and had for above sixty years, be∣ing become an Allie of the Cantons of Swit∣zerland. Now the Suisses were comprehend∣ed in the Treaty of Vervin as Allies of France, and by consequence so was the City of Geneva; and the King had sufficiently declared it to the Duke of Savoy: notwithstanding which, he cea∣sed not to attempt this Enterprize; hoping that if it succeeded, the King of Spain and the Pope would sustain him in it, and that the King for so small a thing would not break the peace.

The Genevans furiously incensed against* 1.743 him, began to make War couragiously; en∣tred his Country, and took some little Towns. They hoped that the King and the Suisses would second these motions of their resent∣ment; and that all the Princes of Germany

would likewise come to their assistance. But the King desired to keep the peace; and was too wise to kindle a War in which he could not make Religion and Policy agree; or unite the Honour and Interests of France, obliged to protect its Allies, with the good favour of the Pope moved by his duty to the ruine of the Hugonots. He therefore sent de Vic to assure them of his protection: but with order to let them know, that Peace was necessary for them,* 1.744 and War ruinous; and that they ought to em∣brace the one, and shun the other. And they having little power for so much anger, and not being able to do any thing without his assi∣stance, were constrained to consent, and en∣ter into a Treaty with the Savoyard: by which it was said, that they were comprized in the Treaty of Vervin, and that the Duke could not build any Fortress within four Leagues of their City.

It happened almost in the same time, that* 1.745 the City of Mets rose against the Governour of that Citadel. He was called Sobole; who ha∣ving been made Lieutenant by the Duke of Espernon, to whom Henry the third had given the Government in chief, had deserted this Duke, I know not for what consideration, and had taken provision of the King. He had a Brother who seconded him in the Charge of this Government.

During the last War against Spain, these two Brothers had accused the principal inha∣bitants of Mets for having conspired to deliver

the City to the Spaniards. There were many imprisoned, some put to the rack; but none found culpable: so that all the Burgesses be∣lieving with reason that this was a Calumny, conceived a hatred against these Soboles, and drew up several Petitions of complaint against them, accusing them of a great number of Exactions and Cruelties. The Duke d' Es∣pernon, who without doubt sustained these Burgesses at the Court, was sent by the King to accommodate this difference. The Soboles who had offended him, no longer trusted him; they would not permit him to enter into the strongest Citadel, nor let the Garison go out to meet him: so that being justly incensed,* 1.746 he envenomed the plague instead of healing it, and animated the inhabitants in such a manner, that they Barricadoed themselves a∣gainst them. The King who knew that the least sparkles were capable to kindle a great fire, was not content to send La Varenne, but went* 1.747 himself; being moreover willing to visit that Frontier. Sobole gave the place into his hands; and he gave it to Arquien, Lieute∣nant-Colonel of the Regiment of Guards, with the Quality of Lieutenant of the King, to command in the absence of the Duke d' Es∣pernon Governour, who had no great power* 1.748 so long as the King lived.

The King passed the Feast of Easter at Mets. Whilst he was there, he hearkned to the request which the Jesuites made for their re-establish∣ment. He referred the doing them Justice

till he should come to Paris; and gave leave to Father Ignatius Armand, and Father Coton, to come to sollicite their cause. They were not wanting to do it; and Father Coton, being of a sharp and witty discourse, and a very fa∣mous Preacher, gained so soon the favour of all the Court, and pleased the King so well, that he obtained from his Majesty the re∣calling of the Society into the Kingdom, con∣trary to the opinion and advice of some of his Council. He then re-established them by an* 1.749 Act, which he caused to be confirmed in Par∣liament; and caused to be thrown down that Pyramide, which had been erected before the Palace, in the place of the house of John Castel, where there were many writings in Verse and Prose very bloody against these Fathers. Thus was their banishment glori∣ously repaired; and after all, the King kept with him Father Coton as his Chaplain in Ordinary, and Confessor and Director of his Conscience. This was not accomplished till the year 1604.

In these two years of 1602, and 1603. we* 1.750 have yet three or four important things to observe. The first, that the King at his de∣parture from Mets went to Nancy to visit his* 1.751 Sister, the Dutchess of Bar; who died the year following without Children. The se∣cond, that he renewed the Alliance with the Suisses, and some months after with the Gri∣sons; notwithstanding those Obstacles by which the Count of Fuentes endeavoured to

oppose it. The third was, that in returning to Paris, he received news of the Death of* 1.752 Elizabeth Queen of England, one of the most Illustrious and most Heroick Princesses that ever Reigned; and who Governed her Estate with more Prudence and Power, then any of her Predecessors had ever done.

She was Daughter to King Henry the eighth, and to that Anne of Bullen, for whose love he had left Katherine of Arragon, Aunt to Charles the fifth Emperour, his first wife. There was nothing wanting to the happiness of her Kingdom save the Catholick Religion, which she banished out of England. And we might give her the name of good as well as great, if she had not dealt so inhumanely as* 1.753 she did with her Cousin-German Mary Stuart Queen of Scotland; whom she kept eighteen years prisoner, and after beheaded; in∣duced to it by some conspiracies which the Servants and Friends of that poor Princess had made against her person.* 1.754

The Son of that Mary named James the sixth King of Scotland, being the nearest of the blood-Royal of England, as Grandchild to Margaret of England, Daughter to King Henry the seventh, and Sister to Henry the eighth, married to James the fourth King of Scotland, succeeded Elizbeth, who had put his Mo∣ther to death. He caused himself to be called King of Great Britain, to unite under the same title the two Crowns of England and Scotland; which indeed are but one Island,

formerly called by the Romans Magna Bri∣tania.

The Alliance of so powerful a King might make the balance incline to which side soe∣ver it were turned, either of France or Spain: For which reason both the one and* 1.755 the other immediately sent Magnificent Am∣bassadors to salute him, each endeavouring to draw him to his side. It was Rosny who went on the part of Henry the Great: he ob∣tained all the favourable Audience he desired, and the confirmation of the ancient Treaties between France and England. The Ambas∣sador of Spain found not such facility in his Negotiation; the English appeared resolute. The Spaniards were forced to yeild, that the place of the Treaty should be appointed in England, and to grant the English free Taffick in all their Territories, even in the Indies, and* 1.756 give them liberty of Conscience in Spain; so that they should not be subject to the In∣quisition, nor obliged to salute the holy Sacrament in the streets, but onely turn from it.

France was in a profound peace, as well with∣out by the renewing of the Alliances with the Suisses and with England as within, by the discovery of the Conspiracies which were quite dissipated; the King enjoyed a repose worthy his labours, and his past travail made his pleasure more sweet. However, he was* 1.757 not idle, but was seen daily employed: for he endeavoured with as much diligence to con∣serve

peace, that divine daughter of heaven, as he had used courage and valour in making War.

He was often heard say,

That though* 1.758 he could make the house of France as pow∣erful in Europe, as that of the Ottomans was in Asia, and conquer in a moment all the Estates of his neighbours; yet he would not do so great a dishonour to his word, by which he was obliged to the keeping of the Peace.

His most ordinary divertisements during* 1.759 this time, were Hunting and Building. He at the same time maintained workmen at the Church of the holy Cross at Orleans, at St. Germain in Laye, at the Louvre, and at the Place Royal.

The Nobility of France during this peace,* 1.760 could not live out of action: some passed their time in Hunting, others with Ladies; some in Studies of Learning and the Mathematicks, others in travelling into Forraign Countries; and others continued the Exercise of War under Prince Maurice in Holland. But the greatest part, whose hands as it were itched, and who sought to signalize their valour with∣out departing from their Countries, became punctilious, and for the least word, or for a wry look, put their hands to their swords. Thus that madness of Duels entred into the* 1.761 hearts of the Gentlemen; and these Com∣bats were so frequent, that the Nobility shed as much blood in the Meadows with their

own hands, as their enemies had made them lose in Battails.

The King therefore made a second and a* 1.762 most severe Edict, which prohibited Duels, confiscating the bodies and goods of those who went thus into the field. For the pre∣sent, this prohibition made the ardor of the most violent a little relent: but because he often pardoned this crime, not being able to refuse it to those who had faithfully served him in his need; it happened that in a little time this mischief regained its course, almost as strong as before.

His receiving from all persons all advices* 1.763 that might accommodate and in rich his King∣dom, made him understand that there were in divers places of France very good Mines both of Gold and Silver, Copper and Lead; and that if they were wrought, there would be no need to buy of strangers: That like∣wise though there should accrue no great pro∣fit in digging them, yet by them many idle persons might be employed; and likewise those criminals who deserved not death, might be condemned for so many years to work in them. He made therefore an Act which renewed the ancient orders concer∣ning the Officers, Directors, and Workers of Mines. And they began to work in the Pyrenees, where it is most certain that formerly there hath been Gold, and that there still is. In such manner, that had they continued this la∣bour, they might in all appearance have gai∣ned

notable advantages; but either through the negligence of the Overseers, or through the little intelligence, or rather impatience of the French, who cast by any thing that pre∣sently seconds not their desires, this work was discontinued.* 1.764

Another very great conveniency for Paris was enterprized, which was the joyning of the River Loire to the Seine, by the Chanel of Briare. Rosny laboured in this with much expence, employing in it near three hundred thousand crowns: but the work was inter∣rupted, I know not wherefore. It was re∣newed again in the Reign of Lewis the thir∣teenth, and brought to perfection.

There was proposed likewise another,* 1.765 which was to make a conjunction of the two Seas, the Ocean and the Mediterranean, by uniting together the Garonne which runs in∣to the Ocean, and the Aude which fals into the Mediterranean Sea below Narbonne, by Channels which were to be drawn along little Rivers, which run between these great ones. The Country of Languedoc offered to contri∣bute; but there were difficulties found which hindred this enterprize.

Navigation was established by the good or∣der which the King had taken to keep his Coasts in security, and to punish Pirates se∣verely when they catcht them. Our ships were not content to Traffick to the ordinary places, but enterprized likewise to go to the new world; which they had almost forgot

since the time of Admiral Coligny. A Gen∣tleman of Xaintonge named du Gas, began with the Kings Commission the voyage of* 1.766 Canada, where afterwards was established the Commerce of Castors or Beavers, which are the skins of a certain amphibious creature, much like the Otters of this Country.

Among all these establishments, we must* 1.767 not forget a great quantity of new Religious Companies, which were made in Paris. There was first seen the Recollects, which were a branch of the Order of St. Francis of a new Reformation: Capuchins and Feuillantines; Carmelites, who were brought from Spain; Barefooted Carmes, who came likewise from that Country: of the Brothers of Charity, vulgarly called the ignorant brothers, who came out of Italy; and all had soon built them Convents out of the Almes and Charity of Devout persons.

In the midst of this fair Calme, at which the King rejoyced, and during all these fair occupations which were worthy of him, he was not left without troubles and vexations, which perplexed his Spirit. He had none more piercing, nor more continual, then those which came on the part of his Wife and his Mistresses.

We have already said how Madamoiselle* 1.768 d' Entragues had engaged him. He had given her the land of Verneuil near Senlis, and for the love of her had made it a Mar∣quisate. After that he was married, he ceased

not to have the same passion for her, and to carry her with him in his Progresses, and lodge her at Fontain-bleau.* 1.769

These scandalous disorders extremely of∣fended the Queen; and the Pride of the Mar∣chioness more furiously incensed her: for she spoke alwaies of her in terms either injurious or disdainful; sometimes not forbearing to say, that if she had Justice she should hold the place of that fat * 1.770 Banker.

The Queen likewise on her side was with* 1.771 reason transported against her, and made her complaints to all the world. But this was not the way to gain the spirit of the King: she had done better, had she wisely dissembled her displeasure, and by her kindnesses made her self master of that heart, which of right belonged to her. The King loved to be flat∣tered; he loved sweet and compliant dis∣course, and was to be gained by tenderness and affection. The band of love is love it self: this was that she ought to employ with him, and not grumblings, disdains, and ill counte∣nances, which serve onely more and more to disgust a husband, and make him find more pleasure in the allurements of a Mistress who takes care to be alwaies agreeable and alwaies complacent. But in stead of holding this way, she was alwaies in contention with the King; she exasperated him continually by her com∣plaints, and by her reproaches: and when he thought to find with her some sweetness to ease the great labours of his spirit, he

encountred nothing but Gall and Bitter∣ness.

She had belonging to her Chamber a Flo∣rentine woman Daughter of her Nurse, named Leonora Galigay, a creature extreme ugly, but very spiritual, and who knew so perfectly how to insinuate into her heart, that she had in such manner seised on it, that she absolute∣ly commanded her. It hath been said, that this woman fearing that the Queen her Mistress would love her less, if she perfectly loved the King her husband, kept her from it as much as she could, that she might possess her with more ease. Afterwards, to the end she might have a second in her designs, she Married and Espoused her self to a Florentine* 1.772 a domestick of the Queens, named Conchini, of a little better Extraction then her self, be∣ing grand-child to Baptista Conchini, who had been Secretary to Cosmo Duke of Florence.

The Common opinion was that these two persons conjoyntly laboured so long as the King lived, to conserve a spleen in the spirit of the Queen, and to make her always trou∣blesome and humoursome towards him; in such manner, that for seven or eight years to∣gether, if he had one day of peace and quiet with her, he had ten of discontent and vexa∣tion. In this truly the Kings fault was the greatest, because he gave the occasion of these troubles; and the husband being, as St. Paul saith, the head of the wife, ought to give her example, and keep a more strict union with her.

We have observed this once for all. But we cannot too often make this Reflexion,* 1.773

That sin is the cause of all disorder; and that for a little pleasure it causes a thousand troubles and a thousand mischiefs, even in this world it self.

The King being now* 1.774 but just fifty years of age, began this year to have some small feelings of the Gout; which possibly were the doleful effects of his ex∣cessive voluptuousness, as well as of his la∣bours.

To return to the Marchioness; it happened* 1.775 one day that the Queen being very much offended at her discourse, threatned her that she should know how to bridle her wicked tongue. The Marchioness upon this seemed sad and grieved; shunn'd the King, and let him understand that she desired that he* 1.776 would no more demand any thing of her, be∣cause she feared that the continuation of his favours would be too prejudicial both to her and her children. Her design was to inflame more his passion, by shewing her self more difficult. But when she saw that her cunning had not all the effect she hoped, and that the Queens anger was encreased to such a point, that indeed there was some danger for her and hers; she advised her self of another thing. D' Entragues her Father demanded permis∣sion* 1.777 of the King to carry her out of the Kingdom, to avoid the vengeance of the Queen. The King granted her demand easier then she thought he would; wherewith be∣ing

excessively enraged, her Father and the Count d' Auvergne her Brother by the Mo∣thers side, began to Treat secretly with the* 1.778 Ambassador of Spain, to have some retreat in the Territories of his King, casting them∣selves absolutely they and their children into his Arms.

The Ambassador believed that this business would be very advantagious to his Master, and that in time and place he might serve him∣self of that promise of marriage which the King had given to the Marchioness: he there∣fore easily granted them all that they deman∣ded, and added all the fair promises with which weak and feeble spirits might be en∣toxicated.

The King had granted them permission to retire themselves out of France, but yet without the Children, out of a belief he had that they would go into England to the Duke of Lenox and the Earl of Aubigny of the house of the Stuarts, who were their near kinsmen; but when he understood that they consulted* 1.779 of a retreat into Spain, he resolved to hinder them, but to employ fair means to do it. He sends therefore for the Count d' Auvergne, who was then at Clermont, so much beloved in the Province, that he believed he might se∣curely stay there. He refused to come before he had his Pardon Sealed in good form, for all that he might have done. This was a kind of new crime, to capitulate with his King: however he sends it him, but with this Clause,

That he should make his immediate appea∣rance.

His distrust permitted him not to obey on this condition: he stayed still in the Province, where he kept himself on his Guard, with all precautions imaginable. Nevertheless he was not so cunning, but the King could entrap him, and by an Artifice very gross. He being Colonel of the French Cavalry, was desired to go see a Muster made of a Company of the Duke of Vendosmes. He went well mounted, keeping himself at a good distance, that he might not be encompassed: Nevertheless, d' E••••••re Lieutenant of that Company, & Nerestan approaching him to salute him, mounted on little Hobbies for fear of giving him suspition, but with three Souldiers disguised like Lac∣quies, cast him from his horse, and made him* 1.780 prisoner. They led him presently to the Bastille, where he was seized with a great fear, when he saw himself lodged in the same Chamber where the Marshal of Byron his great friend had been.

Immediately after the King caused d' En∣tragues* 1.781 to be Arrested, who was carried to the * 1.782 Conciergerie; and the Marchioness, who was left in her lodgings under the Guard of the Cavalier de Guet. After desiring to make known by publick proofs the ill intention of the Spaniards, who seduced his subjects, and excited and fomented conspiracies in his Estate, he remitted the prisoners into the hands of the Parliament; who having convicted

them of having complotted with the Spa∣niard, declared by a sentence of the first of* 1.783 February, the Count of Auvergne, d' Entra∣gues, and an English man named Morgan, who had been the Agent of this fair Negotia∣tion, guilty of Treason; and as such, con∣demned them to have their heads cut off: The Marchioness to be conducted with a good Guard into the Abby of Nuns at Beaumont near to Tours, to be there shut up; and that in the mean time there should be more ample information made against her, at the request of the Attorny-General.

The Queen spared no sollicitations for the giving of this sentence; believing that the Exe∣cution would satisfie her resentment: but the goodness of the King surpassed her passion▪ The love which he had for the Marchioness was not so far extinct, that he could resolve to Sacrifice what he had adored: he would not permit them to pronounce the Sentence; and two months and a half afterward, to wit, on the fifteenth of April, he by Letters under his Great Seal changed the penalty of Death on the Count of Auvergne and the* 1.784 Lord d' Entragues, into perpetual Imprison∣ment. Some time after he had likewise changed the prison of Entragues into a Con∣finement to his house of Malles-herbes in Beausse. He likewise permitted the Marchio∣ness to retire to Verneuil; and seven months being passed, without the Attorney-Generals procuring any proof against her, he caused

her to be declared absolutely innocent of the crime whereof she was accused.

There rested onely the Count of Auvergne,* 1.785 who being the most to be feared, was the worst treated: for the King not onely kept him prisoner at the Bastille, where he lay for twelve whole years, but likewise depri∣ved him of his propriety in the County of Auvergne. He had bore the title, and en∣joyed it by vertue of the Donation of King Henry the third.

Queen Margaret newly come to the Court, sustained that this▪ Donation could not be valuable, because the contract of the Marri∣age of Katherine de Medicis her Mother, to whom that County appertained, allowing Substitution of her goods, and that Substi∣tution, said she, extending to Daughters in default of Males, that County was to come to her after the death of Henry the third, nor could he give it to her prejudice.

The Parliament having hearkned to her* 1.786 reasons, and seen her proofs, annulled the Do∣nation made by Henry the third, and ad∣judged her this County. In recompence of which obligation, and many others she had received from the King, she made a Donati∣on of all her Estates after death to the Daul∣phin, reserving to her self onely the fruits of them during life.

The Count of Auvergne thus despoiled, re∣mained in the Bastille untill the year one thousand six hundred and sixteen; when

Queen Mary de Medicis having need of him during the troubles, delivered him from thence, and caused him to be justified. She caused likewise the Registers of Parliament and of the Notaries to be taken off the File, with all informations which might conserve the memory of his Crime.

By this see an example how time causes a mutability in all things, and how it changeth the greatest ha∣treds into the greatest affections; and on the contrary, transmutes the strongest affections into mortal hatreds.

By searching into the plot of the Marchio∣ness* 1.787 her Father, to deliver her with her Chil∣dren to the Spaniards, the designes of the Duke of Bouillon were likewise discovered, who at present was the onely person could give the King any trouble in his own Kingdom. It is most certain, that this Prince had conferred* 1.788 on him very considerable Favours, having gi∣ven him the Staff of Marshal of France, and procured him the marriage of the Heiress of Sedan: and this Lord had likewise very well served him in his greatest necessities. But af∣ter he saw him converted to the Catholick Faith, he diminished much of his affection; and moved partly by Zeal for his false Religi∣on, and partly by Ambition, he conceived vast designes of making himself Chief and Pro∣tector of the Hugonot party; and under that pretext, make himself Master of the Provinces beneath the Loire. It was believed that for this effect he had much assisted to exasperate

the spirit of the Marshal of Byron; and that he had made a Treaty with the Spaniard, who was to furnish him with what money he desi∣red; but not with forces, for fear of rendring himself odious to the Protestants.

It was but too visible, that after the conver∣sion* 1.789 of the King, he had instantly laboured to beget distrusts and discontents in the spirits of the Hugonots, and to unite and Rally them to∣gether, that they might make a body: per∣swading himself, that that body must necessa∣rily have a head, and that they could chuse no other but himself. And for these Reasons, so many Assemblies were made, and so many par∣ticular and general Synods of those of this Re∣ligion held, wherein nothing was heard but complaints and murmurs against the King, whom they continually wearied with new Re∣quests and Demands.

Moreover, it was found that this Duke had* 1.790 Emissaries and Servants in Guyenne, and parti∣cularly in Limosin and Quercy, who held pri∣vate Councils among the Nobility, distributed money, and took oath of those who promised him service, and had formed designes against ten or twelve Catholick Cities.

The King judging that he ought to dig up* 1.791 the root of this mischief before it extended far∣ther, and not knowing indeed to what it might extend, resolved himself to go and re∣medy it. He departed from Fontainbleau in the month of December, having sent before Jean-Jacques de Mesmes, Lord of Rossy, to

make process against those that were culpa∣ble.

Immediately all this conspiracy flew into* 1.792 smoak: The best advised came to the King to cast themselves at his feet. The chief Agent of the Duke of Bouillon being advertized that there was order given to arrest him, brought his head to the King, and told him both all he knew before, and all that he did not know. The others either fled out of the Kingdom, or else hid themselves. Five or six unfortunate persons being taken, were beheaded at Limo∣ges, and their heads planted on the tops of the Gates, their bodies burnt, and the ashes thrown into the Air. Three or four others suffered the same punishment at Perigord. There were ten or twelve condemned for Con∣tumacy, and their Effigies hanged up; amongst others, Chappelle-Byron, and Giversac of the house of Cugnac. But in all these procedures, there were found no proofs by writing, nor yet by any formal deposition against the Duke of Bouillon; so cautiously and subtilly had he carried his business.

Before these executions, the King having* 1.793 made his entrance into Limoges, returned to Paris. He passionately wished, that after this the Duke of Bouillon would acknowledge and* 1.794 humble himself. For if he remained impeni∣tent, he was obliged to prosecute him to the utmost; and if he did prosecute him, he of∣fended all that great body of Protestants, which were his faithful Allies. He employed

therefore underhand all means which he could devise, to induce him to have recourse to his Clemency, rather then to the intercession of strangers; which a Soveraign could not agree to in the case of his Officer and Subject. The Duke desired as much as he to draw himself out of this trouble: but he believed he could not finde security at Court, because Rosny, who was not his friend, and who had concei∣ved some jealousie to see him more authori∣zed then himself in the Hugonot party, had so great credit with the King. So that after ma∣ny* 1.795 Treaties and Negotiations, the King re∣solved to go seek him at Sedan with an Ar∣my.

Rosny laboured with great Zeal to make* 1.796 preparation for this Expedition. The King confided much in him; and by honouring him, desired to testifie to the Hugonots, that if he assaulted the Duke of Bouillon, it was not against their Religion, but the Rebellion he made War. For this purpose he erected the* 1.797 Land of Sully into a Dutchy and Peerage; wherefore we shall henceforward call him Duke of Sully. His thoughts were, that the King should pursue the Duke of Bouillon to the ut∣most. Villeroy and the rest of the Council were of a contrary judgement: they would not have the Siege of Sedan hazarded, because* 1.798 the length of that Enterprize might possibly revive divers factions in the other corners of the Kingdom, give time to the Spaniard to as∣sault the Frontiers of Picaray, to the discon∣tented

Savoyard to cast himself with the For∣ces of the Milanois on disarmed Provence, and to the Hugonots and Protestants of Germany to come to the assistance of their friends.

The King well foresaw all these inconveni∣ences;* 1.799 and therefore having advanced to Don∣chery, during the absence of Sully, who was gone to provide Artillery, he treated with the Duke of Bouillon, and received him into grace; on condition that he humbled himself before* 1.800 his Majesty, and received him into the City of Sedan, and delivered up the Castle to him, to keep it with what Garison he should think fit for fo••h years.

These were the publick Conditions: but by the secret Articles the King promised the Duke to stay but five days in Sedan, nor to put but fifty men in the Castle, which should im∣mediately depart upon humble supplication made by the Duke. All these things were faithfully executed, and without the least di∣strust either on the one side or the other. The Duke came to meet the King at Donchery, where* 1.801 he besought his pardon. The King received him as if he had never been faulty; and five or six days after, entred into Sedan; where he stayed onely three days, and then returned to Paris. The Duke accompanied him as far as Mouson, passing then no further: but some days after, when he understood that the Par∣liament had confirmed his pardon, in which were likewise comprehended his friends that had been condemned for the default of Limo∣ges,

he came to Court, where he received more Houours and Kindnesses then ever. This was the custome of that great King:

He had* 1.802 a heart like a Lyon against the Proud, and a∣gainst Rebels; but he was pleased to relieve with an unparallell'd goodness those he had overcome, when by their submissions they rendred themselves worthy to receive his grace.

And the Duke of Bouillon, who perfectly knew his Nature, (for they had lived and made War a long time together) was not wanting in this Conjuncture to comport him∣self with all that Prudence and Compliancy which an understanding man, as he was, could be capable of.

Notwithstanding this great generosity and* 1.803 goodness of the King, his Kingdome was no less turmoiled with incredible infidelities and conspiracies: such were the treason of l' Oste, the attempt on the City of Marseilles by Me∣rargues, and another on Narbonne and Leu∣cate by the Luquisses.

L' Oste was Clerk to Villeroy, and his God∣son:* 1.804 the employment he had under him, was to copy out the dispatches. This unfortunate man revealed all the secrets of the Kings Af∣fairs to some of the Council of Spain; who had corrupted him with twelve hundred Crowns of Pension, which they promised him whilst he was in that Country with the Ambassadour Rochepot. His treachery being discovered, he fled; and as he was pursued by the Provosts of the Marshal, he drowned himself in the Ri∣ver

of Marne, near the Ferry of Fay. It may easily be judged, that Villeroy, whose fidelity by this means remained exposed to the Kings just suspitions, and to the calumnies of his ene∣mies, was sensibly troubled. He had had without doubt some difficulty to clear himself of this business, if the King, who saw him in an extraordinary affliction, had not had the goodness to go visit him himself; and by that honour brought him the comfort of justifying him against all calumnies the Envious might sow against him.

Merargues was a Provincial Gentleman, of* 1.805 a very good House; who having assurance that* 1.806 he should the following year be Viguier or Sheriff of Marseilles, had promised to deliver that City to the Spaniard during his Sheriffal∣ty. He was so imprudent and so foolish as to discover his designe to a Slave of the Gallies of Marseilles; who gave advice of it to the Court, to the end possibly that he might gain his li∣berty.

Upon this advice, Merargues, who was* 1.807 then at Paris, was watched so diligently, that they found him conferring with the Secretary of the Ambassadour of Spain; and speaking so loud, that almost all they said was heard. They searched him, and found in the fold of his Garter a Note containing the model of his Enterprize. He was arrested, and had his* 1.808 head cut off by sentence of the Parliament of Paris, on the nineteenth of December. His body was quartered, and his Quarters fixed

before the City-gates: his head carried to Marseilles, to be planted on a Pole on a Tower of one of the principal Gates. The Secreta∣ry* 1.809 of the Ambassadour was arrested as well as he; and had been in great danger, if the King had been as furious as those counselled him, who desired a rupture with Spain.

This Rencounter gave subject to the Politi∣tians* 1.810 to discourse diversly concerning the Rights of Ambassadours and their people: but Henry the Great decided himself the Question in this manner:

The Ambassadours (said he) are sacred by the right of Nations: now they first break them, when they con∣trive any treason against the State, or against the Prince to whom their Master sent them; and therefore by consequence this right ought not secure them from being sought out and punished. Moreover, it is not to be presumed that they are either Ambassadours, or that they represent the Soveraign who sends them, when they commit those treache∣ries and infidelities which their Masters would neither act nor avow. However, there is more generosity in not using in this point the utmost rigour, but reserving the ad∣vantage to chastise them without doing it. And to this purpose, being well read in Hi∣story, he alleadged that example of the Roman Senate, who having discovered that the Ambassadors of the Allobroges were con∣cerned in the Conspiracy of Catiline, con∣tented themselves with commanding them

to depart the City.

This was his Opinion: and as he always followed the most generous* 1.811 Maximes, he forbad that any process should be made against the Secretary, to whom the Judges were about to give the Question.

In the mean time, the Ambassadour think∣ing* 1.812 to cloak this perfidy by his Exclamations, came to complain to him that the rights of Nations were violated, and in them the Dig∣nity of Ambassadours; and that the King his Master would have that resentment of it, which became a great Prince when offended. The King answering him with a wise coldness, re∣presented unto him what his Secretary had a∣cted with Mirargues. The Ambassadour not willing either to own the Man, or approve his Action, turned the business another way, and complained that the King had made the first breach of the peace of Vervin, by assisting the Hollanders both with men and money. The King replyed, that for the men, they went not by his Orders; and that there were French∣men in the service of the Arch-Duke, as well as in the Hollanders: but for his money, that it was in his power to do with it what he pleased, and to lend it or give it without offending any. The Ambassadour was very hot, and there past some high words both on one part and the other. In fine, the King returned him his Secretary, as he had resolved to do before he spake.

As for the Luquisses, they were two Bro∣thers* 1.813 Genoways by extraction, who had made

agreement with the Governour of Perpignan to deliver to him Narbonne and Lucate. It is certain, that it was not in their power to exe∣cute this designe; and that there was more ill will in them, then danger that the thing should succeed: Nevertheless they were taken, and carried to Tholouse, where the Parliament sent both the one and the other to the Gib∣bet.

It seemed that not onely the malice of men, but even folly it self conspired now against France: for the same day that Merargues was* 1.814 executed, an unhappy Fool made an attempt on the sacred person of the King; throwing himself upon him with a Dagger in his hand, as he passed on horse-back over the Pont-Neuf, returning from hunting. The Foot-men of the King running in, made him loose his aim; and had killed him on the place, if the King had not forbad it, who caused him to be car∣ried Prisoner to For-l' Evesque. He was call∣ed John de l' Isle, Native of Vineux near Senlis. He was presently examined by the President Janin, who could get no reasonable answer from him: for he was indeed quite out of his senses. He believed himself-King of all the world, and said that Henry the fourth having usurped and taken France from him, he would chastise him for his temerity. Upon which, the King judging that he was sufficiently pu∣nished by his folly, commanded that he should onely be kept in prison; where he died not▪ long after.

Those who desired War, lost not the occa∣sion to incense the Kings spirit upon all these* 1.815 Conspiracies and Enterprizes of the Spaniards. They remonstrated to him, That he ought not to expect other from his perpetual Ene∣mies: That having used all their endeavours to hinder him from coming to his Crown, they continued dayly to attempt something against his Repose and Life: That their Am∣bushes were more to be feared in Peace, then in War: That it were better to break with them, because they would have less means to hurt him, being no longer in the Entrails of his Estate: That he had more advantage to act a∣gainst them by open force, then to counter∣plot all their treacherous devices, which they held under the cloak of Peace and Friendship. They moreover presented to him the ill estate of the Affairs of Spain; that having expended all their Treasure in the Low-Country-Wars, they were sain to have recourse to extraordi∣nary ways to recover it. But above all, they forgot not to lay before him the great and ad∣vantagious Qualities that he had above Philip the third his Adversary, that he might be the easier induced to assault a man whom they taught him to despise and esteem feeble.

•• may say to this purpose of this King, that* 1.816 though he had his spirit very clear, and that the diligences of Philip the second his Father had given him all knowledge necessary to go∣vern; nevertheless out of a certain timidity and distrust of himself, too ordinary in many

great men, shunning labour and pains, he had absolutely discharged himself of the Govern∣ment on the Marquiss of Denia, whom he made soon after Duke of Lerma. It will be difficult to express how this man rendred himself odious, and how the other was little esteemed so long as he endured: but in fine, God of his grace opened the eyes of this young Prince: he broke his chains; and he who was become as it were his Master, believed himself no better able to divert all those disgraces which might happen, then by becoming a Church-man and a Cardinal.

We may in passing make some reflection of* 1.817 the pitiful estate to which a Soveraign reduces himself, who for not comporting himself as he ought, necessarily falls into the disdain and aversion of his Subjects.

Without doubt the greatest misfortune can arrive him, is to be regarded as inferiour and subject to ano∣ther; to have his Ears continually filled with that voice of his people, crying on all sides, Govern us; and to permit himself to be guided rather by five or six wicked Flat∣terers, who make him believe that he is Ma∣ster, though he exercises no one Function, then by the truth or judgement of his whole Kingdome. For if he desire to know whe∣ther he be truely Soveraign or no, he need onely regard himself without flattery, If it be he that gives Charges of his proper mo∣tion; if it be he that chuses the persons; if the Officers about him are of his own ma∣king;

if he have ever said, I will have it so, in any affair of importance; if he see him∣self always followed and accompanied by Grandees; if those who have business, who seek employments, and who have need of his favour, are in his Anti-chamber: in fine, that none in his Realm hath more respect and more assiduity; and then he shall clearly know who it is that reigns. But it is not enough for him to know who it is; he must, after the example of Philip the third, of whom we were now speaking, endeavour to put him∣self in possession of his Authority. It is in* 1.818 that the Courage of a Prince principally con∣sists: for in what can he better make known his Resolution and Valour, then in taking upon him that degree and power which God hath given him? Is there a truer point of honour for a King, then in maintaining in his person the rights of his Royalty? With∣out dissembling, it is more weakness and shame for a Soveraign to submit himself to him who ought to be submitted to his will, then to flee in the day of battel before his enemies: for the bravest are sometimes put to the worst; and the courage of a King con∣sists much less in fighting with his hands, then governing with his head. What would it be for him to overcome his enemies, if he sees himself beneath his own subject, who under pretext to serve him, reduces him and his Estate into fetters; and who dares invest himself with all the glory and all the

advantage of command, making him believe that it is to ease him of the burthen?

Our Henry was not of this temper: his* 1.819 goodness was extream, but it was neither weak nor timid: his knowledge and understanding were not useless, but always laborious and a∣ctive: nothing was above him, but God him∣self; nothing on any side of him, but Justice and Clemency, his two faithful Counsellours. The most hardy of his Ministers trembled when he but bent his brow: all familiarities immediately ceased, and none durst be other then silent, when he was pleased to take the tone of Master.

Now this great King conserving still the splendour of his Majesty, we cannot wonder if he were esteemed above Philip the third; who for the present suffered himself to be ab∣solutely governed. And therefore because they knew he understood his fault, they be∣lieved that he would be more easily perswaded to make War against him. Indeed he was suffi∣ciently resolute; and after so many injuries as he had received from the Spaniard, his resent∣ment had no great need of a spur. However, before he would engage himself in so great an Enterprize, he would manage all his Affairs so exactly, gather together so much Money, Artillery and Ammunitions, fortifie so well his Frontiers, take such good order within his* 1.820 Kingdom, assure himself of so many Friends and Allies, raise such powerful Armies; and in fine, make his Party so strong, that the suc∣cess

should not at all be doubtful; and that assaulting that ambitious power, he might be assured to overthrow it: and therefore he judged it not to the purpose too much to ha∣sten.

In the mean time, he neglected not other means to acquire reputation; not thinking it less glorious to blazon forth his name by the repute of his wisdom in Counsels, then by the power of his Arms. By the last, he had been victorious over the Rebels and the Spaniards;* 1.821 by the other, he rendred himself Arbitrator of the great differences of Christendome, and acquired a superiority so much more noble, because given him without constraint.

Pope Clement viii. being dead about the* 1.822 end of the year 1605. he would employ his* 1.823 credit to make a Pope of his Friends. The Cardinal of Joyeuse his Ambassadour, and his other Agents, laboured so well, that they made the Votes fall on Alexander de Medicis, who was named the Cardinal of Florence. He took the name of Leo xi. but he died at the end of sixteen days: so the business was to be∣gin again. The King would not that they should take pains in the choice of another; and declared, That France took no other interest then that an honest man should be chosen. The Conclave in the end chose the Cardinal Bourg∣hese, who was named Paul 5.* 1.824

In the first years of his Papacy, there was re-kindled a great difference which was begun under his Predecessours, which had set on fire

all the corners of Italy, and possibly all Chri∣stendome, if our Henry had not taken care to extinguish it. I am about to tell the subject of it.

The Signory of Venice had formerly made* 1.825 an Ordinance or Decree, which prohibited the Monks from purchasing Lands in their Dominions above the value of twenty thou∣sand Duckats; and enjoyning every one that had purchased above that value, to remit it to the Signory, who would re-imburse them the pur∣chase and the improvements they had made on it. And following the foot-steps of this anci∣ent Decree, they made another, which for∣bad the founding or building of new Churches, Convents and Monasteries, without express permission of the Signory, upon pain of banish∣ment, and confiscation of such Foundations and Buildings.

It was indeed part of the function and charge of Bishops to hinder this multiplication of Convents; but either through negligence, or too much facility, they gave to all as much permission as they demanded: insomuch that the Commonwealth seeing the default of the Prelates, found themselves constrained to take notice of it: otherwise it would soon have happened that all their Cities would have been nothing else but Convents and Churches; and all their Revenues, which ought to bear the charge of their Estate, and serve for the nou∣rishment of married people, who furnish it with Souldiers, Merchants and Labourers,

would have been expended onely in the main∣tenance of Nuns and Fryers.

The Senate therefore made another De∣cree,* 1.826 which prohibited Ecclesiasticks from purchasing any immoveable Goods, except by the permission of the Senate. And at the same time it happened that an Abbot and a Cannon, accused of very horrid Crimes committed in the Territories of the Signory, were imprison∣ed by the Authority of the Secular Justice; which passed for a strange attempt on the o∣ther side the Mountains, where the Ecclesi∣asticks are not at all subject to Secular Ju∣stice.

Now Paul the fifth coming to the Pontificial* 1.827 Chair, not able to pass by, said he, all these at∣tempts of the Secular Estate on the Ecclesi∣asticks, dispatched at the same time two Briefs to his Nuntio of Venice: One containing the* 1.828 revocation of the Decrees made by the Signory touching the purchasing of temporal Estates; and the other commanding the sending back the Abbot and the Canon to the Court of the Church. The Nuntio signified these Briefs to the Signory; who answered boldly, That their Authority was born with them; That no per∣son but they had to do with it; and, That they should know how to maintain it against any would enterprize to oppose it. Both the one and the other employed the best Pens of the time to defend their Rights, and confute the Defences of their Adversaries. There were spread abroad every where great quantities of

Manifesto's and Treaties, full of reasons of Right, passages of holy Scripture, Autho∣rities of Fathers and Councils, and Examples drawn from History.

In the mean time the Pope extremely offen∣ded* 1.829 at this answer, thunders out an Excom∣munication against the Duke and the Senate, if within four and twenty days they revoked not their Decrees, and consigned the priso∣ners into the hands of the Nuntio. The* 1.830 Signory was not at all moved at it, but boldly declared the sentence of Excommu∣nication Null and abusive; nor was there any Ecclesiastick in their whole Territories who would attempt the publishing it, or durst observe the Interdict, or make Divine Ser∣vice cease. There were only the Capuchins and the Jesuites, who resolved to depart, and demand leave of the Signory. They granted it to the Capuchins, with liberty to return when they pleased; and to the Jesuites, with prohibitions of ever re-entring their Domi∣nions.

Things being thus embroyled to the utmost* 1.831 between these two powers, the Spaniards look't out with a sharp eye, to make their pro∣fit of these divisions; and underhand cast oyl into the fire, though openly they made shew of extinguishing it. For on the one side they encouraged the Venetians, and heartned them up to maintain their rights; and on the other, they commanded their Governours of Naples and Milan to serve the holy Father

with all their powers. Henry the Great more sincere and more dis-interested, embraced this* 1.832 occasion, to establish his power in Italy, in a more fair and just manner. He assured the Pope, that as the true Eldest Son of the Church, he would always sustain its Interests; and that in case of rupture, he would go him∣self in person with an Army of forty thou∣sand men: but he intreated him that before it came to that, he would grant that he should try all means possible for an accommoda∣tion.

He answered likewise to the Ambassador of Venice, who demanded his assistance, that he ought it to the holy Father in prejudice of all others: And therefore he exhorted the Signory to give him content; which that they might do without wounding their ho∣nour or rights, he desired to be Mediator.

Both parties having accepted his Mediati∣on,* 1.833 he dispatched the Cardinal Joyeuse into Italy; who, to speak all in two words, mana∣ged this Negotiation with so much Prudence, that in the end he concluded an accord. The Treaty contained four Principal Articles. 1. That the Signory should consign the two prisoners into the hands of the Ambassador of France, to remit them to his Holiness. 2. That they should revoke the Manifesto and Declaration they had made against the Apo∣stolick Censures. 3. That they should re∣establish all Ecclesiasticks in their goods. 4. That the Pope should give them absolu∣tion;

and that in requital, they should send to thank him by a Noble Embassy, and assure him of their fili••l obedience.

On the morrow the Cardinal de Joyeuse* 1.834 coming to the place assigned by the Senate, the doors being shut, in the presence of the Duke and five and twenty Senators, and the Ambassador of France, revoked the Excom∣munication, and gave Absolution to the Sig∣nory. All these things passed without the Spa∣niards having the least participation, though they endeavoured to make themselves of the Feast. Thus had both parties some sort of contentment, by the intermission of Henry the Great.

There was only the business of the Jesuites,* 1.835 which for some months retarded the Treaty, and which some thought would have quite broke it; because the Pope considering that they were driven away for his sake, absolute∣ly resolved that the Signory should re-esta∣blish them in their houses and in their goods: and they were as obstinate, rather to hazard all then to consent to it. In fine, the Pope perswaded by the Eloquence of Cardinal Perron, who was then at Rome, thought it better to release this point, then hazard the putting Christendom in a flame; so that they remained banished out of the lands of the Signory. The present Pope, Alexander the seventh, hath by his intercession re-established them.

If the accommodation of the differences between the Pope and the Venetians added* 1.836 much to the renown and reputation of our Henry, reviving the credit of France be∣yond the mountains, where it seemed dead, and depressing as much that of the Spaniards, which before seemed Paramount; the* 1.837 Treaty which he managed between the King of Spain and the Estates of the United Pro∣vinces, purchased him no less fame among the Protestants and the people of the North. I will recount the History in few words.

The United Provinces, vulgarly called Holland, from the name of the most conside∣rable of the Seven Provinces which compose this body, had some reason to complain, that the King had made the Treaty at Vervins without their consent; and that he had ob∣liged himself not to assist them, neither direct∣ly nor indirectly. However he had not cea∣sed* 1.838 to supply them daily with money, and to cause to go to their Service a great quanti∣ty of Nobility and Voluntiers, in such man∣ner that there were many entire French Regi∣ments. So that it was not without apparent reason that the Spaniards cried out, that he visibly infringed the Treaty at Vervins: but these reproaches were not just; for they had broke it first by an hundred attempts, of which we have before mentioned some.

In the mean time, the King who was a* 1.839 good husband of his money, was weary of furnishing the Hollander with so much, and

did greatly wish them in an Estate that they might not put him to so much charge. There was onely one way to effect it, which was procuring their peace from the Spani∣ard. He resolved then to labour in it; and chose the President Janin, a man of great knowledge, to manage this Negotiation.* 1.840

The two parties presently consented to a Treaty of eight months; during which the Estates, to the end they might Treat with more reputation and security, prayed the* 1.841 King to grant them an offensive and defensive League. He willingly granted it them: of which these were the Principal Articles.

He promised them faithfully to assist and ••id them in all he could, to obtain from the King of Spain a good and assured peace. That if it pleased God they did obtain it, he would cause it to be observed with all his power; and would defend them against all who would infringe it; and to this effect he would maintain in their Service ten thou∣sand Footmen at his own charges, so long as they should have need of them. Reciprocal∣ly the States obliged, that if he were assaul∣ted in his Kingdom by whosoever it were, they would immediately assist him with five thousand Footmen at their own Expence: and they would leave it to the Kings choice, to take this assistance in Souldiers, or in Ships fitted and furnished at all points to fight at Sea.* 1.842

The Spaniards were extremely Alarm'd

at this League. Don Pedro de Toledo, one of the greatest Lords of Spain, passing through France to go to the Low-Countries, made great complaints to the King: Ne∣vertheless,* 1.843 many imagined that all the ••oyse he made, tended onely to oblige him the ra∣ther to prosecute the peace for the Hollanders: for Spain was even to extremity ••wearied with a war so long, so tiresome and so bloody, with so great Expences and so little pro∣gress.

This Don Pedro according to the humour of the Spanish Nobility, was of an austere and grave countenance, high and magnifi∣cent in his words, when he spoke of the ho∣nour and glory of his Nation, and the power of his King: but out of that, courteous and civil, submissive and respectful where ••e should be so, gallant, witty and spriteful. There passed between the King and him, things very remarkable, which we must not forget.

The King believing that he brought him* 1.844 threats of War, and knowing that the Spani∣ards had spread abroad a report that he was quite l••me with the Gout, and unable to mount on horseback; he would make him know that his strength and activity was not at all diminished. He received him in the great Gallery at Fontain-bleau, and made him take twenty or thirty turns at so great a pace, that he put him out of breath; and after told him, You see now, Sir, how well I am.

At this first Audience Don Pedro brought his Beads in his hand. He represented to the King the general interest that all Catho∣lick Princes had in the ruine or conversion of Hereticks, and the great Wars which his Master had made for this purpose. Afterward changing his discourse, he told him, that the* 1.845 Catholick King earnestly desired to Allie him∣self more strictly with him, and to make marriages between their children, Provided that the King would renounce the Alliance and Protection of the Low-Countries. The King freely answered, that his children were of so good a house as might well be accepted; that he desired no constrained friendships no•• conditions; that he could not abandon his friends; but that those who would not be so, might repent them of being his enemies.

Don Pedro upon this exalted the greatness and power of Spain. The King without being mo∣ved let him know that it was the Statue of Ne∣buchadnezzar, composed of several sorts of matters, and which had its feet of Clay. Don Pedro came to reproaches and threats. The King soon gave him his change, and told him, That if the King of Spain continued his at∣tempts,* 1.846 he would carry flames even into the Escurial; and that if he once mounted on horseback, he would soon be at Madrid. The Spaniard arrogantly answered him, King Francis was there indeed. It was therefore, replyed the King, that I would go to revenge his injuries, those of France, and my own.

After some words a little high, the King with a more still voice told him: My Lord Ambassador, you are a Spaniard, and I a Gascon, let not us grow passionate. They retur∣ned then to terms of sweetness and civility.

Another time the King shewing him his Buildings at Fontain-bleau, and demanding of him what he thought of them? he replyed, that in his opinion he had lodged God very narrowly. There was then but two Chappels, which were in the Court, made in oval, and which were truly very little. The King could not endure to have his piety accused; and therefore answered him very sharply: You Spaniards know not how to give God other then Material Temples; we French-men lodge God not onely in stones, we lodge him in our hearts: but though he should be lodged in yours▪ I fear it would be in stone still.

From Fontain-bleau they came to Paris, where the King one day shewing him his Gal∣lery of the Louvre, and demanding his opini∣on of it; The Escurial is much another thing, said Don Pedro. I believe it, replyed the King; but has it a Paris about it like my Gallery?

One day Don Pedro seeing at the Louvre the Kings Sword in the hands of one of his follow∣ers, advanced to it, and putting one knee on* 1.847 the ground, kissed it; rendring this honour, said he, to the most glorious Sword in Christendom.

During the truce of eight months, of which we have spoken, the President Janin inces∣santly laboured for a Treaty. There were

two great difficulties; one, that the King of Spain would not treat with the United Pro∣vinces,* 1.848 but as with Subjects; and they would have him acknowledge them to be free and independent: the other, that the Prince of Orange, whose power and authority would be extremely weakned by the Peace, opposed it by a thousand Artifices, being sustained in it by the Province of Zealand, who ever desired War, and by some Cities of its fa∣ction.

These two obstacles were in the end sur∣mounted. The Spaniard yeilded to the first, and acknowledged that he owned the States for Free States, Provinces, and Countries: and about the second, the King spoke so high to the Prince of Orange, that he durst not stop the course of the Treaty. It ended no longer* 1.849 however in a Peace, but onely in a Truce of twelve years, which was free and assured Commerce on one part and on the other.

The renown of this accommodation car∣ried the Kings glory throughout all Europe. The Duke of Venice told our Ambassador in* 1.850 the Senate, That that Signory entred into new admiration of the prudent conduct of our King, who never deceived himself in his undertak∣ing, nor never gave blow in vain: that he was the true upholder of the repose and felicity of Christen∣dom; and that it had nothing of happiness to de∣sire, but that he might reign for ever. An Elogie so much the more worthy and glorious, be∣cause we may say with truth, that Venice hath

still been the Seat of Politick wisdome, and that the prayses which came from that Senate, are as so many Oracles.

The Friendship and Protection of this great* 1.851 King was sought on all sides; all was refer∣red to his Arbitration, and all implored his assistance. And as he was equally powerful as wise, feared as loved; there was none who durst contradict his judgement, or assault those whom he protected. But he was so just, that he would not enterprize any thing upon* 1.852 the Rights of another, nor maintain the Re∣bellions of Subjects against their Soveraign: A certain proof of which he gave to the Maurisques.

It is known how heretofore the Moores or Sarazins invaded all Spain, towards the year 725. The Christians with the aid of the French, had regained it from them by little and little; so that there remained no more then the Kingdom of Granada, which was little in Extent, but very rich, and ex∣tremely populous, because all the remnants* 1.853 of that infidel Nation were retired into that little space. Ferdinand King of Arragon, and Isabella Queen of Castile, finished the Conquest of that Kingdom, in the year 1492. and so put an end to the Government of the Moores, and to the Mahumetan Religion in Spain; constraining the Infidels to take Baptism, or to retire into Affrica.

Now as those who had thus professed the Christian Religion had done it perforce,

they for the most part remained Mahumetans in their hearts, or Jews (for there were ma∣ny Jews amongst them) and secretly brought up their children in their incredulity. To which likewise the Spanish Rigor did much contribute, putting great distinction between the new Christians and the old: For they re∣ceived not the new ones either to Charges or* 1.854 Sacred Orders; they allied not themselves with them, and, which is worse, made a thousand * 1.855 avanies upon them, and oppressed them with excessive ••mposts. So that these unfortunate people seeing themselves thus trampled on, and being too weak of them∣selves to loosen themselves from their Yoak, they resolved to address themselves to some strange power, but which should be Christi∣an; because that of the King of Morrocco, or the other Princes of Affrica, would have* 1.856 appeared too odious. To this effect they had secret recourse by Deputies to our Henry▪ when he was then but King of Navarre. Af∣terwards in the year 1595. when they saw that he had overcome the League, and had got the upper hand in his affairs, they again implored his Protection. He hearkned fa∣vourably to their propositions; sent disgui∣sed Agents into Spain, to see the Estate of their affairs; and made them hope that he would assist them. And truly he might have done it, since then he was in War with the King of Spain; and it is lawful to make use of all sorts of Arms, to defend our selves against

our enemies. But now being returned this year 1608. to sollicite him instantly to accept their propositions and offers, and to hear the answer from his own mouth; he plainly let them know, that the quality of thrice-Christi∣an King which he bore, permitted him not* 1.857 to undertake their defence, so long as the peace of Vervin lasted; but that if the Spa∣niard should first openly infringe it, he should have just cause to receive them into his Pro∣tection.

Their Deputies having lost all hopes on this side, addressed themselves to the King of England, whom they found yet less disposed then he, to lend them assistance. In the mean time their plots having taken wind in the Court of Spain, caused both fear and asto∣nishment: for they were near a million of souls, and were possessed of almost all the Traffick, particularly that of Oiles, which is very great in that Country.

King Philip the third found no other se∣cure* 1.858 way to hinder the dangerous effects of their conspiracies, but banishing them quite out of his Territories; which he did by an Edict of the tenth of January, in the year 1610. which was executed with much cru∣elty,* 1.859 Inhumanity and Treachery. For in Transporting these unfortunate people into Affrica as they had demanded, part were drowned in the Sea, others despoiled of all they had: so that those who remained to de∣part, perceiving the ill Treatment of their

Companions, fled towards France: one part by land to St. John de Lus, to the number of one hundred and fifty thousand; others in French Vessels, who brought them into divers ports of the Kingdom. But to speak truth, those who came by land were not much better treated by the French, then the others had* 1.860 been by the Spaniards: for in crossing the Countries, they were almost all robbed and stript, and their Wives and Daughters ravish∣ed: so that finding so little safety in a Coun∣try wherein they believed they might find re∣fuge, they embarqued by the Kings permission in the Ports of Languedoc, and crossed over in∣to Affrica, where they are become implacable* 1.861 and most cruel enemies to all Christians. There remained some families in the Maritime Cities of the Kingdom, as in Bourdeaux and Rouen; where it is suspected there is yet some of their Children, who privately follow the obstinacy of their Fathers.

Much contrary to the taking the protection* 1.862 of these Infidels, the King was about very great designes for the glory and extent of the Chri∣stian Religion towards the Levant. But he would not declare himself, till he had so or∣dered the Affairs of Christendome, that there should be no fear of any trouble or division, and that it might make use of all its forces a∣gainst so powerful an enemy as the Grand Sig∣nor. Out of these thoughts, he had sent three* 1.863 or four Gentlemen into the Levant, who un∣der the pretext of travelling and visiting the

holy places, might take notice of the Country, the disposition of the people, the estate of their Forces, the Garisons and Government of the Turks. Which having well considered, he pro∣mised himself, that after having composed the interests, and procured the union of the Chri∣stian Princes, he might in three or four years at most ruine this power esteemed so terrible; and that with an Army of five and thirty thou∣sand foot-men, and twelve thousand horse one∣ly: Alexander the Great not having had more Forces to destroy the Empire of the Persians, which without doubt was greater and more powerful then that of the Turks.

I shall declare what his great designe for the re-union of Christendome was, when I shall in brief have observed some important things which passed in the three or four last years of his Life.

As he laboured diligently to heap up mo∣ney,* 1.864 the Nerves of War, so he hearkned to all Propositions made for the gaining it; so much the more willingly, because his designe was to abolish all Taxes and Impositions. The first could not be done without much diminishing his Revenue; so it was necessary to find some* 1.865 other foundation in its place. Now this stock or foundation was the Demains of the Crown, which he would entirely disengage & encrease by a great quantity of new rights, and parti∣cularly by that of the * 1.866 Greffes, which had been quite withdrawn for five or six years, but had brought him fifteen Millions a year. But when

he was dead, Queen Mary de Medi••is re-enga∣ged it f••rther then it was before.

It is certainly worth our wishing, that this sacred Patrimony of the Crown might be re∣gained; and that care were taken to re-gather this Mass, which the Law of the Realm, and the diligences of so many wise Heads, have made and composed for the space of so many Ages, to maintain our Kings with splendour and mag∣nificence, without being a charge to their King∣dome, except in great and urgent necessities.

As for the Impost, our Henry had a desire* 1.867 to buy from the particular Owners all the Salt-Marishes of Poictou and Britanny; and then when he had them in his hand, sell the Salt upon the place at what price he pleased to the Merchant, who should again retail it through the whole Kingdom, as they do Corn, without any constraint or imposition. In this manner there had been no need of so many Officers, Overseers, Controulers, Factors, and a hun∣dred other people, which without fallacy a∣mounted to near twenty thousand, all fed and paid at the expence of the King and Publick, and against whom he had often very great complaints. Thus the poor Country-people would not be burthened by them with impo∣sed Salt; constraining them, will they, nill they, to take yearly a certain quantity: and it is certain the people would have had it four times better cheap then they have, and the King have raised much more money then he doth, without expence, without pains, and

without the vexation of his subjects.

Now the King seeking means to fill his Cof∣fers, and to finde some other way then Taxes, it must be acknowledged that he made some Imposts, and likewise some creation of Offi∣cers; but that he removed many things which gave cause of complaint to many persons. And moreover, to pay his ancient Debts, and ac∣quit* 1.868 himself of the recompences and pensions due to those which had served him in his Wars against the League, he was constrained to pass for their profit the advice of several things which they proposed: so that he loaded him∣self with that envy and those reproaches, which ought more justly have fallen upon those peo∣ple then on himself. But those who knew his intentions, blamed him not as did the others: for they called that good husbandry and wise oeconomy, which some termed avarice and in∣satiable covetousness.

Moreover, though the will of this Prince was very good for the ease of his people, and for the grandeur of his Estate; nevertheless it cannot* 1.869 be denied but he was sometimes deceived in the choice of the means; and that all those whereby he furnished himself, were not always as innocent as his intentions. He had two par∣ticularly, of which the one made some noise,* 1.870 but never succeeded; and the other was of very dangerous consequence.

The first, was an inquisition of the Rents of the * 1.871 Hostel de Ville, by which he pretended to make those loose them, who had ill gained

them; and this in it self was very just: but most part of the Rents having changed Ow∣ners, or been parted, he must of force trouble an infinite number of Families: so that all Pa∣ris was moved at it, and the Landlords had recourse to their Provost of the Merchants. This was Miron, who was likewise Civil Lieu∣tenant; a man very zealous for the service of the King, as he had demonstrated in several occasions: but withal, a very honest Man, and one whom no interest in the world could bribe against the peoples, whose Magistrate he was. In sum, he sustained it stoutly, he spoke in the* 1.872 Assemblies of the Hostel de Ville, acted with the Superintendent with like vigour, and made Remonstrances to the King. But in these Re∣monstrances, too much heat transported him to make some odious Comparisons, not of the Kings person, but of some people of his Coun∣cil.

The Louvre stormed; the people of the* 1.873 Court cryed out, that he had blasphemed those whom he had taken notice of in his spee∣ches. And those who were interested in this inquisition after Rents, used all their endea∣vours to incense the King, and to perswade him to punish rigorously this boldness. On the other side, the people having understood* 1.874 that their Magistrate was threatned, took fire sooner then it was believed: the Burgesses came in troops about his house to defend it. Miron instantly entreated them to retire, and not to make him Criminal. He remonstrated

to them, that he feared nothing; that they had to do with a King as sweet and just as he was great and wise, and who would not let himself be carried away by the perswasions of ill Coun∣sellors.

Upon this, those who wished him ill, em∣ployed* 1.875 all their endeavours to engage the King to take him by force, and to make valid his su∣preme Authority: but he wisely answered these people, That Authority doth not always* 1.876 consist in prosecuting things to the utmost ex∣tremity: That the time, the persons, and the cause, ought to be regarded: That having been ten years extinguishing the fire of civil War, he feared even the least sparkles: That Paris had cost him too much, to hazard the least danger of loosing it; which seemed to him insallible, if he followed their counsel, because he should be obliged to make terrible exam∣ples, which would in few days deprive him of the glory of his Clemency, and the love of his people, which he prized as much as, nay above, his Crown: That he had in an hundred other occasions made proof the fidelity and honesty of Miron, who had no ill intention; but with∣out doubt he believed himself obliged by the duty of his Charge, to do what he did: That if some inconsiderate words had escaped him, he might well pardon them for his past servi∣ces: That after all, if this man affected to be the Martyr of the people, he would not give him that glory, nor attract to himself the name of Persecutor or Tyrant: And that in

fine, he would not prosecute a man whom he would resolve to loose, in so advantagious oc∣casions.

Thus this wise King knew how prudently to* 1.877 dissemble a little fault: nor would he under∣stand what passed, for fear of being obliged to some blow of Authority, which might possibly have had dangerous Consequences. He re∣ceived therefore very favourably the excuses and humble submissions of Miron, and after prohibited the farther pursuing the inquisiti∣ons of Rents, which had caused so much trou∣ble.

The second means of which he served him∣self* 1.878 to raise money, and which was of very dangerous consequence, was the Paulete, or Annual Right. To understand this business well, we must make some recital of things far∣ther off.

The Offices of Judicature, of Policy and of* 1.879 the Revenues, had formerly been exercised in France under the first and second Race of our Kings, by Gentlemen: for the Nobility was obliged to study and understand the Laws of the Kingdom. They were chosen for the ma∣turity of their Age and Judgement: they were changed from time to time, from one seat to another: nor took they any Fees from Parties, but onely a Salary very mode∣rate, which the Publick paid them rather for honour then recompence. Afterwards in the end of the second Race, and the beginning of the third, the Nobility becoming ignorant and

weak together, the Plebeians and Burgesses ha∣ving learnt the knowledge of the Laws, raised* 1.880 themselves by little and little to these Charges, and began to make them better worth, be∣cause they drew all their Honour and all their Dignity thence, not having any other by their birth, as the Gentlemen had. Yet they had not over-much employment; for the Church∣men possessed almost all the Jurisdiction, and had their Officers which administred Justice.

In the mean time, the Parliament, which* 1.881 before was as the Council of Estate of the King∣dom, and an Epitomy of the general Estates, taking upon them to trouble themselves with the knowledge of differences between particu∣lar persons, whereas before they onely treated of great Affairs of Policy; Philip the fair, or according to some others, Lewis Hutin his son, made it sedentary at Paris. Now this Com∣pany of Judges being most illustrious, be∣cause the King often took seat amongst them, the Dukes, Peers and Prelates of the Realm made a part of them, and that the most able people for Law were chosen to fill places there; they made depend upon them all the* 1.882 power of other Judges-Royal; to wit, the Bayliffs and Seneschals, who though before Soveraign Judges, became now Subalternate to them.

Long time after, our other Kings created likewise at divers times many other Parlia∣ments, but out of a sole intention the better to distribute Justice without any pecuniary

interest: for by it they charged their Coffers with new Wages, to be paid these new Offi∣cers.

At this time the number of the Officers of* 1.883 Justice was very small; and the order which was observed to fill the vacancies in Parlia∣ment, perfectly good. The custome was, to keep a Register of all the able Advocates and Lawyers; and when any Office came to be va∣cant, they chose three, whose Names they carried to the King, who preferred him he pleased. But the Favourites and the Courti∣ers soon corrupted this Order: they perswa∣ded the Kings not to confine themselves to those presented, but to name one of their pro∣per motion: which those people did, to draw some present from him who should be named by their recommendation. And the abuse was so great, that oftentimes the Charges were filled with ignorant People and Porters; by reason of which, people of merit held the condition of an Advocate much more honou∣rable then that of a Counsellour.

The mischief dayly encreasing, and the rich people becoming extreamly liquorish of these Charges for lucre, and their Wives out of va∣nity, those who governed began to make a Merchandize of them, and to draw money from them. Thus under Lewis the xii. his Coffers being exhausted by the long Wars of Italy, the Offices of the Revenue began to be∣come* 1.884 vendible. However, that good King having soon foreseen the dangerous conse∣quence,

resolved to re-imburse those who had bought them: but dying in that good designe, Francis the first, of whom he had well predi∣cted that he would * 1.885 spoile all, sold likewise those of Judicature: afterwards new ones were at several times created, onely of purpose to raise money.

Afterward Henry the second his Son created* 1.886 the Presidents; and Charles the ninth, and Henry the third heaping ill upon ill, and ruine upon ruine, made a great number of other Creations of all sorts, to have these Wares to sell. And moreover, they sold Offices when they were vacant, either by death or forfei∣ture.

Hitherto the ill was great, but not incura∣ble: a part of these Offices need onely have been suppressed, when they became vacant; and the rest when so, filled with persons of ca∣pacity and merit. Thus in twenty years, this Ants-nest of Officers might have been reduced to a very little number, and those as honest people.

But the business was not in this manner* 1.887 made known to Henry the Great: they repre∣sented it to him in another sense. They let him understand, that since he drew no profit from vacant Offices, being almost always obli∣ged to give them, he would do well to finde the means to discharge that way his Coffers of a part of the Wages he paid his Officers; which he might do, by granting them their Offices for their Heirs; reserving a moderate sum of

money which they should yearly pay, yet with∣out* 1.888 constraining any person▪ so that it should be a favour, and not an oppression. This was named the Annual Right, otherwise the Paulete, from the name of the proposer, named Paulete, who gave the Counsel, and was the first Farmer. All the Officers were not wanting to pay this Right, to assure their Offices to their heirs.

We need not here tell the mischiefs and* 1.889 inconveniencies which this wicked invention hath caused, and doth daily cause. The most stupid may easily know them, and see well that it is a disease whose remedy at pre∣sent is difficult.

I will not charge this History with all the Ceremonies and Rejoycings made at the Birth and Baptism of all the Children of Henry the Great; nor at divers Marriages of the Princes and Grandees of the Court, a∣mongst others of the Prince of Conde, and the Duke of Vendosme, which were made in the Month of July, 1609.

The Prince of Conde Espoused C••anlatta* 1.890 Margarita of Montmorency, Daughter of the* 1.891 Constable; who was wonderfully fair, and had a presence absolutely noble: which the King having considered, was more lively struck with her, then he had ever been with any other; which caused a little after, the re∣treat of the Prince of Conde▪ who carried her into Flanders, and thence retired to Milain: Not without the Kings extreme displeasure,

to see the first Prince of his blood cast him∣self into his enemies hands.

The Duke of Vendosme Espoused Mada∣moiselle* 1.892 de Merceur, to whom he had been affi∣anced since the year one thousand six hundred ninety seven, as we have said before; however, the Mother of the Lady standing upon high punctilio's of honour, brought many troubles to the accomplishment of this Marriage; so that it had never been made, had not the King highly concerned himself in it. This was none of the least difficulties of his life: for he had a high and obstinate spirit to bend; however, he employed only ways of sweetness and perswasion; acting in this business, only as a Father who loved his Son, and not as a King who would be obeyed.

Now will I speak of his ordinary divertise∣ments,* 1.893 Hunting, Building, Feasts, Play, and Walking. I will adde only, That in Feasts and Merriments he would appear as good a Companion, and as Jovial as another: That he was of a merry humour when he had the glass in his hand, though very sober: That his Mirth and good Discourses were the delicatest part of the good Chear: That he witnessed no less Agility and Strength in Combats at the Barriers, Courses at the Ring, and all sorts of Gallantries, then the youngest Lords: That he took delight in Balls, and Danced sometimes; but to speak the truth, with more affection then good grace. Some carped that so great a Prince should abase himself to

such follies, and that a Grey-beard should please to act the young man. It may be said for his excuse, that the great toiles of his spi∣rit had need of these divertisements. But* 1.894 I know not what to answer to those who re∣proach him with too great a love to playing at Cards and Dice, little befitting a great King; and that withal he was no fair Gamester, but greedy of Coin, fearful at great Stakes, and humorous upon a loss. To this I must ac∣knowledge, that it was a fault in this great King, who was no more exempt from Blots, then the Sun from Beams.

It might be wished for the honour of his memory, that he had been only guilty of this;* 1.895 but that continual weakness he had for fair Ladies•• was another much more blamable in a Christian Prince, in a of his age, who was married; to whom God had shewed so many graces, and who had conceived such great designs in his spirit. Sometimes he had desires which were passant, and only fixt for a night: but when he met with beauties which struck him to the heart, he loved even to fol∣ly; and in these transports appeared nothing less then Henry the Great.

The Fable saies that Hercules took the Spin∣dle and Spun, for the love of the fair Om∣phale. Henry did something more mean* 1.896 for his Mistresses. He once disguised himself like a Country-man, with a Wallet of straw on his back, to come to the fair Gabriella. And it hath been reported, that the Marchioness

of Verneuil hath seen him more then once at her feet, weeping his disdains and injuries.

Twenty Romances might be made of the intrigues of his several loves with the Coun∣tess* 1.897 of Guiche, when he was yet but King of Navarre; with Jacqueline of Bueil, whom he made Countess of Moret; and with Charlotta d' Essards, without counting many other Ladies, who held it a glory to have some Charm for so great a King.

The high esteem and affection which the French had for him, hindred them from being* 1.898 offended at so scandalous a liberty: but the Queen his wife was extremely perplexed at it; which hourly caused controversies between them, and carried her to disdains and trouble∣som humours. The King, who was in fault, en∣dured it very patiently, and employed his grea∣test Confidents, and sometimes his Confessor, to appease his spirit. So that he had conti∣nually a reconciliation to make. And these contentions were so ordinary, that the Court which at first were astonished at them, in the end took no more notice.

Conjugal duty without doubt obliged the King not to violate his faith to his Legitimate Spouse, at least not to keep his Mistresses in her sight: but if he in this point ought to have been a good husband, so he ought to be likewise in that of Authority, and in accustom∣ing his wife to obey him with more submissi∣on, and not perplex him as she did with hourly complaints, reproaches, and some∣times threats.

The trouble and displeasure of these do∣mestick broiles, certainly retarded the Exe∣cution* 1.899 of that great design which he had for∣med for the good and perpetual repose of Christendom, and in fine for the destruction of the Ottoman power.

Many have spoken diversely; but see here* 1.900 what I find in the Memoires or Notes of the Duke of Sully; who certainly must know something, being as he was, so great a Confi∣dent of this Kings: which makes me report it from him.

The King (said he) desiring to put in Exe∣cution* 1.901 those projects he had conceived after the Peace of Vervin, believed that he ought first to establish in his Kingdom an unshaken Peace, by reconciling all spirits both to him and among themselves, and taking away all causes of bitterness. And that moreover it was necessary for him to choose people capable and faithful; who might see in what his Re∣venue or Estate might be bettered, and in∣struct him so well in all his Affairs, that he might of himself take Counsels, and discern the good from the ill, feasible from impossible enterprizes, and such as were proportionate to his Revenues.

For an expence made be∣yond them, draws the peoples curses,* 1.902 and those are ordinarily followed by Gods.

He granted an Edict to the Hugonots, that the two Religions might live in Peace. Af∣terwards he made a certain and fixed Or∣der

to pay his debts, and those of the King∣dom contracted by the disorders of the times, the profusions of his Ancestors, and by the payments and purchases of men and places which he was forced to make during the League. Sully shewed him an account in the year 1607. by which appeared Acquit∣tances* 1.903 for eighty seven Millions: which esta∣blished the reputation and credit of France among strangers, by whom it was before much cried out upon.

That done, he continually laboured to* 1.904 joyn in his great design all Christian Princes, offering to give them all the fruit of his Enterprizes against the Infidels, without reserving any thing for himself: for he would not, said he, have other Estates then France.

He likewise proposed to himself the* 1.905 seeking of all occasions to extinguish disor∣ders, and to pacifie differences among the Christian Princes, so soon as they should see them conceived; and that without any other interest, then that of the Reputation of a Prince Generous, dis∣interested, wise and just.

He began to make his Friends and Associ∣ates* 1.906 the Princes and Estates which seemed best disposed towards France, and the least indisposed to its interests; as the Estates of Holland, or the United Provinces; the Veneti∣ans, the Swisses, and the Grisons. After ha∣ving bound them to him by very strong ties, he endeavoured to negotiate with the three

puissant Kingdoms of the North, England, Denmark and Swedeland; to discuss and de∣cide their differences, and likewise to endea∣vour* 1.907 to reconcile them to the Pope, or at least to obtain a cessation of that hatred and en∣mity by some formulary, in such manner as they might live together: so that it had been advantagious to the Pope, in that they had acknowledged him for the first Prince of Chri∣stendome▪ as to Temporals, and in that case rendred him all respect. He endeavoured in fine to do the same thing among the Electors▪* 1.908 the Estates and Cities Imperial; being obliged particularly, said he, to take care of an Em∣pire had been founded by his Predecessours. Afterwards he sounded the Lords of Bohemia,* 1.909 Hungary, Transylvania and Poland, to know if they would concur with him in the designe of taking away and rooting up for ever all causes of trouble and division in Christendom. He trea∣ted* 1.910 after that with the Pope, who approved and praised his Enterprize, and desired to con∣tribute on his part all that should be possible.

These were the dispositions of his great de∣signe, of which I shall now shew you the plat∣form and model.

He desired perfectly to unite all Christendom,* 1.911 so that it should be one body, which had been and should be called the Christian Common∣wealth: for which effect he had determined to* 1.912 part it into fifteen Dominions or Estates; which was the most he could do to make them of e∣qual power and strength, and whose limits

should be so well specified by the universal consent of the whole fifteen, that none could pass beyond them. These fifteen Dominati∣ons were the Pontificate or Papacy, the Em∣pire of Germany, France, Spain, Great Britain, Hungary, Bohemia, Poland, Danemark, Swede∣land, Savoy, or the Kingdom of Lombardy, the Signory of Venice, the Italian Commonwealth, or of the little Princes and Cities of Italy, the Belgians or Low-Countries, and the Swisses.

Of these Estates, there had been five succes∣sive;* 1.913 France, Spain, Great Britain, Swedeland and Lumbardy: six elective; the Papacy, the Empire, Hungary, Bohemia, Poland and Dane∣mark: four Republicks; two of which had been Democratical, to wit, the Belgians and the Swisses; and two Aristocratical or Signo∣ries, that of Venice, and that of the little Prin∣ces and Cities of Italy.

The Pope had had besides those Lands he* 1.914 possesses, the whole Kingdome of Naples, and Homages as well of the Italian Common∣wealth, as for the Island of Sicily.

The Signory of Venice had had Sicily in faith* 1.915 and homage of the holy Seat, without other rights then a simple kissing of feet, and a Cruci∣fix of gold, from twenty years to twenty years.

The Italian Commonwealth had been com∣posed* 1.916 of the Estates of Florence, Genoua, Lucca, Mantoua, Parma, Modena, Monacho, and other little Princes and Lords; and had likewise held of the holy Seat, paying onely for all by ad∣vance of a Crucifix of gold worth ten thou∣sand Franks.

The Duke of Savoy besides those Lands he possessed, should likewise have Milain; and all* 1.917 should be erected into a Kingdom by the Pope, under the title of the Kingdom of Lombardy: from which should have been taken Cremona in exchange of Mo••tferrat, which should be joyn∣ed.

There should have been incorporated with* 1.918 the Helvetian or Republick of the Swisses, the French County, Alsatia, Tirol, the Country of Trent and their dependences; and it had done a simple homage to the Emperour of Germa∣ny, from five and twenty to five and twenty years.

All the seventeen Provinces of the Low-Countries,* 1.919 as well Protestants as Catholicks, should have been established into a free and so∣veraign Republick, save onely a like homage to the Empire: and this Dominion should have been encreased by the Dutchy of Cleves, of Juliers, of Berghe, de la Mark, and Raven∣stein, and other little neighbouring Signories.

To the Kingdome of Hungary had been* 1.920 joyned the Estates of Transylvania, Moldavia and Valachia.

The Emperour had for ever renounced ag∣grandizing* 1.921 himself or his by any confiscation, disinheritance or reversion of Fiefs Masculine; but had disposed vacant Fiefs in favour of per∣sons out of his Kindred, by the consent of the Electors and Princes of the Empire. It should likewise have been held of accord that the Em∣pire should never upon any occasion whatso∣ever

be held successively by two Princes of one house, for fear of its perpetuating, as it hath for a long time in that of Austria.

The Kingdome of Hungary and of Bohemia* 1.922 had been likewise elective by the voice of se∣ven Electors; to wit, 1. that of the No∣bles, Clergy, and Cities of that Country: 2. of the Pope: 3. of the Emperour: 4. of the King of France: 5. of the King of Spain: 6. of the King of England: 7. of the Kings of Swedeland, Denmark and Poland, who all three had made but one voice.

Besides, to regulate the differences which* 1.923 might arise between the Confederates, and to decide them without sight of Fact, there should have been established an Order and Form of Procedure by a general Council, composed of sixty persons, four on the part of every Dominion, which should have been placed in some City in the midst of Europe, as Mets, Nancy, Collen, or others. There* 1.924 should likewise have been established three o∣thers in three several places, every one of twenty men, which should all three make re∣port to the grand Council.

Moreover, by the consent of the general* 1.925 Council, which should be called the Senate of the Christian Commonwealth, there should be established an Order and Regulation be∣tween Soveraigns and Subjects; to hinder on one side the Oppression and Tyranny of Prin∣ces; and on the other side, the Tumults and Rebellions of Subjects. There should like∣wise

be raised and assured a stock of money and men, to which every Dominion should* 1.926 contribute according to the Assessment of the great Council, for the assistance of the Domi∣nions bordering upon Infidels from their As∣saults, to wit, Hungary and Poland a∣gainst those of the Turks; and Swedeland and Poland against the Muscovites and Tar∣tars.

After when all these fifteen Dominions had* 1.927 been well established with their rights, their Governours and Limits; which he hoped might be done in less then three years: they should together of their own accord have chosen three general Captains, two by Land, and one by Sea, who should all at once have assaulted the Ottoman-house; to which each Dominion should have contributed a certain quantity of Men, Ships, Artillery and Money, according to the Tax imposed. The sum in* 1.928 gross which they should furnish out, should amount to two hundred sixty five thousand foot-men, fifty thousand horse, a train of two hundred and seventeen pieces of Cannon, with Waggons, Officers, and Ammunition propor∣tionable, and one hundred and seventeen great Ships, without counting Vessels of less force, Fire-ships, or Ships of burden.

This establishment would have been advan∣tagious* 1.929 to all the Princes and Estates of Eu∣rope: There was onely the house of Au∣stria which would suffer any loss, and which was to be despoiled to accommodate others.

But the project was laid to make them either willingly or by force consent, in this manner. First, it is to be supposed, that on the part of* 1.930 Italy, the Pope, the Venetians, and the Duke of Savoy; were well informed of the Kings designes, and that they ought to assist with all their forces; especially the Savoyard, who was moreover extreamly animated, because the King gave his Daughter in marriage to his* 1.931 son Victor Amadeo: In Germany four Electors; to wit, the Palatine, Brandebourg, Colen, and Ments were likewise to know it, and fa∣vour it: and the Duke of Bavaria had their word, and that of the King, to raise him to the Empire: and many Imperial Cities had already addressed themselves to the King, to beseech him to honour them with his prote∣ction, and to maintain them in their Privi∣ledges, which had been abolished by the house* 1.932 of Austria: In Bohemia and Hungaria there was intelligence held with the Lords and No∣bility; and that the people, desperate with the weight of that yoak, were ready to shake it off, and to relieve themselves on the first prof∣fered occasion.

All these dispositions being so favourable to* 1.933 him, the business of Cleves happened, of which we at present shall speak, which furnished him with a fair occasion to begin the execution of his projects: which he was to do in this man∣ner.

Having raised an Army of forty thousand men, as he did, he was in his march to dispatch

towards all the Princes of Christendome, to give them the knowledge of his just and holy intentions. After, under the pretext of go∣ing to Cleves, he was to seize all the passages of la Mense, and all at once assault Charle∣mont, Mastrich, and Namur, which were but ill fortified. At the same time the Cities of the Low-Countries had cryed out for liberty, and the Lords put themselves in the Field for the same purpose, and had blazoned the Bel∣gique* 1.934 Lyon with the Flowers de Lis. The Hollanders had infested the Coasts with their Ships in very great number, to hinder the Traffick of the Flemins by Sea, as it was shut up by the French by Land: which should have been done of purpose to hasten the people to shake off the Spanish Rule, and to address them∣selves to the King and to the Princes his Asso∣ciates, to pray the King of Spain to put them in liberty, and out of his goodness to restore peace to them, which they could never hope so long as they were under his Dominion.

In all probable appearance, at the approach of so great an Army, by reason of the intelli∣gences of the principal Lords, by the insurre∣ction of the great Cities, and of the love which these people have still had for liberty, Flanders would all have risen: especially when they had* 1.935 seen the wonderful order and exact discipline of his souldiers, who should have lived like good Guests, paying for all, and not doing the least outrage upon pain of death; and when it should be known that he laboured for the

safety of the people, not reserving any thing of all his Conquests, but the glory and the satisfa∣ction* 1.936 of having restored those Provinces to themselves, without keeping so much as a Ca∣stle or Village to himself.

At the same time that he had put Flanders into a free state, and accommodated the dif∣ference of the succession of Cleves, all the Princes interested in this business, the Electors we have named, and the Deputies of many great Cities, were to come and thank him, and intreat him that he would joyn his Prayers and his Authority to the supplications they* 1.937 had to make to the Emperour, to dispose him to restore the Estates and Cities of the Empire to their ancient Rights and Immunities; a∣bove all, in the free Election of a King of the Romans, without using any practices, con∣straints, promises and threats: And that for this effect it should be from that moment re∣solved, that they should elect one of another house then that of Austria. They had agreed a∣mong themselves, that it should be the Duke of Bavaria. The Pope had joyned with them in this request; which had been made with such in∣stance, that it had been difficult for the Emperor, being unarmed as he was, to have refused it.

The like request had been made to the* 1.938 King and his Associates, by the people of Bohemia, Hungary, Austria, Stiria, and Ca∣rinthia: above all, for the right they had themselves to make choice of their Prince, and to put themselves under that form of

Government they should think best, by the advice of their friends and allies. To which the King condescending, had used all sorts of fair means, prayers and supplications, even below his dignity; that it might be seen he intended not so much to serve himself of pow∣er, as of equity and reason.

After this the Duke of Savoy by the same* 1.939 way had demanded of the King of Spain, with all sorts of civility, and in the name of his children, that he would be pleased to give them a Dower for their Mother, as good and advantagious as he had to their Aunt Isabella; and in case of refusal, the King was to permit Lesdiguieres to assist him with fif∣teen thousand Footmen, and two thousand Horse, for the Conquest of Milan, or the Country of Lombardy: in which he would have been favoured by the greatest part of the Princes of Italy.

This done, he with his Associates were to* 1.940 beseech the Pope and the Venetians to become Arbitrators between him and the King of Spain, to terminate friendly these dif∣ferences, which were ready to break forth be∣tween them, by reason of Naples, Sicily, Navarre, and Roussillon. And then to shew that he had no thought to aggrandize himself, nor other ambition then to settle the repose of Christendom; he had shewed himself ready* 1.941 to yeild to the Spaniard Navarre and Rous∣sillon, so that he restored Naples and Sicily; not for himself, for he would have no other Estate

then France; but for the Pope, and for the Venetians, to whom he yeilded his right over those Countries.

In fine, by a Legat Apostolick, and by the Remonstrances of all his Associates, he had let the King of Spain understand his design, together with the Princes of his house, and had conjured them by the blood of Jesus Christ to consent to it; as being Holy, Pious, Charitable, Glorious, and Profitable to all Christendom. They had withal laid before him* 1.942 the advantages which would have come to himself; and endeavoured to make him com∣prehend that he would be more rich, less disturbed, and more peaceable: That in twenty years Spain, which was almost desert, would be repeopled, and become the most flourishing Estate of Europe. I believe it would have been difficult to perswade him to it: for unlimited and ill designing ambition embraces rather Chimera's then solid things, and chooses rather to possess vast and desert Countries, then a reasonable extent well cultivated and well peopled: but possibly Arms might have convinced him, had reason failed.

For the rest, the King had resolved to re∣nounce* 1.943 all pretention; not to keep any thing of what he Conquered; not to enterprize any thing, which should not be approved by his Allies, and which he saw not them disposed to contribute to; not to begin in many distant places at a time, but to pursue his expeditions

by degrees, still attending the success of the first, before he engaged in others: To shew himself to be without Ambition, without Covetousness or Pride in the distribution of Quarters, Victuals, Spoils and Con∣quests: To favour weak and necessitated Estates: To send alwaies some honourable and profita∣ble acknowledgement to Captains or Soul∣diers who had done some fair Exploit: Ne∣ver to enter into those partialities often con∣ceived between friends and Allies, but to ap∣pear alwaies an equal, just, and common friend: To treat honourably the men of War, with praises or reproofs when they deserved it, and to maintain exactly disci∣pline, prohibiting Spoils, Violation and Bur∣nings; that he might be received as the re∣storer of Nations, and he who brought Peace and Liberty, and not Rnine and Desolation.

He had laid his designs, made his prepara∣tions,* 1.944 and fitted all his Engines to come to this end, with all diligence imaginable, for the space of eight or nine years: he had made Friends and Allies on all sides, enter∣tained intelligences every where, had gained the Colledge of Cardinals by great pensions, had drawn to his service all the good Cap∣tains in Germany and Switzerland, and had likewise gained all the good Pens in Chri∣stendom: for indeed he would have chosen rather to perswade then force people, and instruct them so well in his intentions, that they should have regarded his Arms onely as Tutelar Succours.

See here the platform of his design; which without dissembling was so great, that it may be said, it was conceived by an intelligence more then humane. But how high soever it was, it was not above his power:

To which if Princes proportionate not their Enterprizes, it happens that they ruine their Estates, just as a man who undertakes a suit at Law, or makes greater bargains then his purse is able to bear out, is con∣strained in the end to sell his stock, and drown himself in a Sea of debts and troubles.

Besides his forces, which were great in* 1.945 number, but ten times greater in valour, being all chosen men, and having amongst them four thousand Gentlemen, daring all things in the sight of their King; the Prince* 1.946 of Orange was to put himself in the field with fifteen thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse: The Prince of Anhalt in Germany* 1.947 had appeared with ten thousand: The Ele∣ctors and Duke of Bavaria had in a readi∣ness twice as many, who would have met at several Rendezvous, at the first Sound of the Trumpet: The Venetians and Duke of Savoy* 1.948 would each have declared with a considerable Army, at the first signal given. For the Swisses, besides a levy of six thousand chosen men which came to the King, he might have had* 1.949 as many more as he would. As for his stock of moneys, all his Troops were paid for three months; his Garisons well furnished, all his

Storehouses on the Frontiers full; his Captains honored with great presents which he had made them: he had fourteen Millions of Livres in the Bastille, seven Millions in the hands of the Trea∣surer of the Exchequer, of the Revenue of the preceding year; two Millions in other hands: Moreover, the accrewing Revenue, which was more then twenty seven Millions: and besides all this, Sully his chief Treasurer assured him of forty Millions extraordinary for three years; so that he might maintain a four years War with∣out burthening his subjects with new charges. But he would do it so hotly, that it should last but a short time: for he held it for a Maxime,

That a wise Prince when he is obliged to it,* 1.950 ought to make it powerful and short, and at first astonish the world with formidable pre∣parations, because by this means it returns to good husbandry; and the Conquests made through fear of his Arms, reach farther then those made by his Arms themselves.

I have told you what was his design: none* 1.951 but God knows what would have been the success. We may say however, judging ac∣cording to appearances, that it could not but be happy; for there appeared no Prince nor Estate in Christendom, who would not have favoured it, or who would have taken the part of the house of Austria, except the Duke of Saxony in Germany, and the Duke of Florence in Italy. But the King might have made them both consent: The first, by assi∣sting against him the heirs of that Duke Willi∣am,

who had formerly been despoiled of the Electorate by the Emperour Charles the fifth. The second, by stirring up Pisa, Sienna and Florence to cry for liberty, and shake off their yoak under the Medicis.

But it is time that I tell you what was▪ the* 1.952 business of Cleves and Juliers, which had furnished him with an occasion to take Arms, and opened ways to him to begin his great design. John-Guillaume Duke of Juliers, Cleves and Berghes, Earl of the Mark and Ravensbourg, Son of Duke Guillaume, and Mary of Austria Sister to the Emperour Charles the fifth, and Grand-child to Duke* 1.953 John, being dead without children, on the five and twentieth of March, in the year one thousand six hundred and nine; his Succes∣sion bred a Combustion in the neighbouring States. He had four Sisters; the first married* 1.954 to the Marquis of Brandenbourg; the second to the Count Palatine of Newbourg; the third to the Duke of Deux-ponts; and the fourth to the Marquis of Burgaw. The chil∣dren issued from these marriages, pretended to this Succession, the nearest excluding the farthest off, and the Sons the Daughters. The Duke of Saxony, descended from an Elder Daughter of Duke John Grand-father of Duke William, said likewise that it preferably appertained to him, because it was concluded in the contract of the marriage of that Lady, that in case an issue Male were wanting to the house of Juliers, the Succession should re∣turn

to him and his descendants: Now that arriving, it necessarily followed that the Suc∣cession was open to him. The Duke of Ne∣vers pretended likewise to the Dutchy of Cleves, as he alone carrying the Name and Arms of Cleves: and the Count of Maulevrier for the same reason demanded the County de la Mark, for he was the Eldest de la Mark; and in this quality he pretended likewise to the Dutchy of Bouillon and the Signory of Se∣dan, which were held by the Viscount of Turenne Marshal de Bouillon. The Emperour said that all the pretensions of those concur∣rents* 1.955 were ill founded, for that those Lands being Fiefs Masculine, could not fall to Daughters; but in default of Males, were devolved to the Empire, and therefore he to have the disposal of them. And upon this right* 1.956 he secretly gave the investiture to Leopold of Austria Bishop of Strasbourg, and sent his forces to seize those lands under pretext of Right, and in the mean time assigned the par∣ties to appear before his Imperial Majesty, to give in their reasons.

The pursuits of the Duke of Nevers and the Count of Maulevrier were not very hot, because they were made understand that the Fiefs they demanded were united, and could not be dismembred. The Right of the Marquis of Brandenbourg, and that of Newbourg, being most apparent, the greatest contestation was between them. The Land∣grave of Hesse, their common friend, became

Mediator for them, and made them pass a transaction to decide their difference friendly, without imploying their forces, except a∣gainst Usurpers; the administration of the Succession remaining equal and common a∣mongst* 1.957 them, saving the Rights of the Em∣perour. But in the mean time Leopold of Au∣stria arrives with his forces, and seizes Juliers.

The two Princes resolved to drive him out, sought assistance on all sides, and particularly* 1.958 implored the Kings: to whom they sent the Prince of Anhalt with the Letters of the E∣lectors Palatine and of the Duke of Wirten∣bourg, who assured him that his Arms would be just, powerful, and by the grace of God victorious. The Prince of Anhalt without doubt discoursed with him of many other things touching the great design. The King gave his person a most gracious reception, and received his propositions with an unparallel'd joy: he answered him in terms as obliging* 1.959 as he could, that he would march in person to the assistance of his good Allies; and that till such time as he could mount on horse∣back with an Equipage befitting a King of France, he would dayly make some Troops advance; which he did about the end of the year 1609. But moreover he prayed him to* 1.960 let the Confederate Princes understand, that they would do him great wrong, if they thought that he intended any prejudice to the Catholick Religion in that Country: for he desired above all things that the Exercise of

it should be conserved in the same estate it was before the death of Duke William, who was a Catholick; but Brandenbourg and Newbourg were Protestants.

The Emperor likewise sent to him Ambassa∣dors,* 1.961 one of his chiefest Confidents, intreating him not to favour the rebellion and injustice of these Princes; and to consider, that he could not assist them without doing wrong to the Ca∣tholick Religion. Henry the Great answered him, That being the Thrice-Christian King, he should know well how to maintain and ampli∣fie it: but that he acted not to that intent; that the question was onely about succouring his friends, in which he should never be wanting so long as he had life.

During the whole Winter, he gave order* 1.962 for all preparations for this Expedition, which was onely the cover to a greater. Being re∣solved to pursue himself the success, he had de∣liberated before his departure from the King∣dome, to establish so good an Order for the Government of it, that no trouble could ar∣rive. For this effect, he believed that the best way was to leave the Regency to the Queen:* 1.963 but because he knew that she was governed by Conchini, whom he did not at all love, he would have her assisted by a Council compo∣sed of fifteen persons; to wit, the Cardinals of Joyeuse and du Peronne; the Dukes of May∣enne, Montmorency, and Montbazon; the Mar∣shals of Brissac and de Fervaques, Chasteau-Neauf, who should have been Keeper of the

Seals of the Regency, for the King would take his Chancellour with him; Achilles de Harlay first President of Parliament; Nicholas first President of the Chamber of Accounts; the Count of Chasteauvieux, and the Lord of Lian-court, two wise Gentlemen; Pontcarre, Counsellour of Parliament; Gesvres, Secreta∣ry of State; and Maupeou, Controuller of the Revenues.

Moreover, he would establish a little Council* 1.964 of five persons in every one of the twelve Pro∣vinces of France; to wit, one person for the Clergy, one for the Nobility, one for Justice, one for the Revenues, and one for the Body of the Cities: and these twelve little Councils should have correspondence with, and depen∣dence on the great one; which should have ta∣ken its resolutions from the plurality of voices, the Queen having onely hers. Nor could it indeed take any, but according to the general Instructions formed by the King, or without his Majesties being informed of it, if it were a thing which his Instructions did not clearly e∣nough explain. Thus, though absent, he kept the Reins of his Government, and tied up the hands of the Queen, for fear lest she should take too much Authority, or have been indu∣ced to abuse her Command.

Whilst he applyed his spirit to these things,* 1.965 some persons, amongst others Conchini and his* 1.966 wife, put it into the spirit of the Queen, that she should, to acquire more dignity and splen∣dour in the eyes of the people, and more ad∣vantagiously

to authorize her Regency, be in∣stalled and crowned before the departure of the King. For the same Reasons that she de∣sired it, the King found it not agreeable to him; besides that this Ceremony could not be made without a great deal of expence, and without loosing much time, which would keep him at Paris, and retard his designes. He had an extream impatience to depart from that City; I know not what secret instinct pressed him to be gone as soon as possible: but for this reason the Instalment troubled him; yet* 1.967 he could not refuse this mark of his affection to the Queen, who passionately desired it.

Sully recounts that he heard him say more then once, My Friend, this Instalment presages me some misfortune: they will kill me. I shall never depart from this City. My Enemies have no other remedy but my death: they have told me that I should be killed at the first great Magnifi∣cence that I make, and that I should die in a Coach: this makes me often times when I am in one, be assaulted with tremblings, and be fear∣ful in despite of my self.

They counselled him, to shun these ill Pro∣phecies, to depart on the morrow, and leave the Instalment to be done without him: but the Queen was extreamly offended; and he good and obliging, remained onely to content her. The Instalment was made at St. Denis* 1.968 on the 13 of May; and the Queen on the 16 of the same moneth was to make her entrance in∣to Paris, where there were erected Magnifi∣cent

Preparations to honour this Feast.

Already had the forces of the King met at their Rendezvouz on the Frontiers of Cham∣pagne. Already had the Nobility, who were come from all parts, sent their Equipages: The Duke of Rohan was gone to gather toge∣ther the six thousand Swisses; and there were gone fifty piece of Cannon out of the Arsenal. Already had the King sent to demand of the Arch-duke and the Infanta in what manner they would that he should pass their Country, either as a Friend, or an Enemy. Every hour of delay seemed to him a year, as if he had pre∣saged some misfortune to himself: and certain∣ly both Heaven and Earth had given but too many Prognosticks of what arrived. A very* 1.969 great Eclipse of the whole body of the Sun, which happened in the year 1608: A terrible Comet, which appeared the year preceding: Earthquakes in several places: Monsters born in divers Countries of France: Rains of blood, which fell in several places: A great Plague, which afflicted Paris in the year 1606: Appa∣ritions of Fantosms, and many other Prodi∣gies kept men in fear of some horrible event.

His Enemies were at present in a profound silence: which possibly was not caused onely by their Consternation, and by the fear of the success of his Arms, but out of the expecta∣tion they had to see succeed some great blow, in which lay all their hopes. It must needs be that there were many conspiracies against the Life of this good King; since from twenty pla∣ces

advice was given of it; since both in Spain and Milan a report was spread of his death by* 1.970 a printed Paper; since there passed a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 eight days before he was assassinated, through the City of Liege, that said that he carried News to the Princes of Germany that he was killed; since at Montargis there was found a Billet upon the Altar, containing the predicti∣on of his approaching death by a determinate blow; since in fine, the report ran through all Prance, that he would not out-live that year, and that he would die a tragick death in the fifty seventh year of his Age. Himself, who was* 1.971 not over-credulous, gave some faith to these Prognosticks, and seemed as one condemned to death: So sad and cast down he was, though naturally he was neither melancholy nor fear∣ful.

There had been at Paris for about two years,* 1.972 a certain wicked Rogue, named Francis Ra∣vaillac, a Native of the Country of Angoumois; red haired, down-looked, and melancholy, who had been a Monk; but after having quit∣ted the Frock he before professed, was turned Sollicitor of businesses, and come to Paris. It* 1.973 was not known whether he was brought hither to give this blow, or whether being come out of some other designe, he had been induced to this execrable enterprize by those people, who knowing that he had yet in his heart some leven of the League, and that false perswasion that the King was about to overturn the Ca∣tholick Religion in Germany, judged him pro∣per for the blow.

If it be demanded who were the Devils and Furies who inspired him with so damnable a th••••ght, and who spurred him forward to ef∣fect his wicked disposition; the History answers that it knows nothing; and that in a thing so important, it is not permitted to make pass suspitions and conjectures for assured truths. The Judges themselves who examined him, durst not open their mouths, nor ever spoke but covertly.

But see here how he executed his wicked designe! On the morrow after the Instalment,* 1.974 being the 14 of May, the King went forth of the Louvre about four a Clock in the Evening, to go to the Arsenal to visit Sully, who was in∣disposed, and to see as he passed the prepara∣tions made at the Bridge of Nostre-dame and the Hostel de Ville for the reception of the Queen. He was at the bottom of his Coach,* 1.975 having the Duke of Espernon by his side: the Duke of Montbazon, the Marshal of Lavardin, Roquelaure, La force, Mirebeau, and Liancour chief Esquire, were before, and in the Boots. His Coach entring out of the street of St. Ho∣norio* 1.976 into that of the Ferronnerie, or Ironmon∣gers, found on the right hand a Cart laden with Wine, and on the left another laden with Hay; which causing some trouble, he was con∣strained to stop: for the street is very narrow by reason of the shops builded against the wall of the Church-yard of St. Innocents. King Henry the second had formerly command∣ed them to be beaten down, to render that

passage more free: but it was not executed. Alas, that one half of Paris had not rather been beaten down, then it have seen this great mis∣fortune, which hath been the cause of so ma∣ny infinite other miseries! The Foot-men be∣ing passed through the Church-yard of St. In∣nocents to avoid the trouble, and no person be∣ing near the Coach, this wicked person, who for a long time had obstinately followed the King to give his blow, observing the side on which he sate, thrust himself between the shops and the Coach; and setting one foot on one* 1.977 of the spokes of the wheel, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the other against a stall, with an enraged res••••••tion gave him a stab with a knife between the second and third Rib, a little beneath the heart. At this blow the King cryed out, I am wounded. But the Villain, without being affrighted, redoubled it, and struck him in the heart; of which he died immediately, without so much as casting forth a sigh. The Murderer was so assured, that he yet gave a third blow, which light only in the sleeve of the Duke of Montbazon. Af∣terwards he neither took care to flee, nor to conceal his knife; but stood still, as if to make himself be seen, and to glorifie or boast in so fair an exploit.

He was taken on the place, examined by the* 1.978 Commissioners of Parliament, judged by the Chamber of Assemblies, and by sentence drawn by four horses in the Greve, after having had the flesh of his breasts, his arms and thighs, drawn off with burning Pincers, without his

testifying the least emotion of fear or grief at so strange tortures. Which strongly confirmed the suspition had, that certain Emissaries un∣der the mask of Piety and Religion had instru∣cted and inchanted him with false assurances that he should die a Martyr, if he killed him whom they made believe was the sworn enemy of the Church.

The Duke d'Espernon seeing the King speech∣less* 1.979 and dead, caused the Coach to turn, and carried his body to the Louvre, where he cau∣sed it to be opened in the presence of twenty six Physitians a•••• Chirurgeons; who found all parts so soun••, ••hat in the course of Nature he might yet have lived thirty years.

His Entrails were the same hour sent to St. Denis, and interr'd without any Ceremony. The Fathers Jesuites demanded the heart, and carried it to their Church de la Fleche, where this great King had given them his house to build that fair Colledge at present seen. The Corps embalmed in a sheet of Lead, covered with a Coffin of Wood, and a cloath of Gold over it, was placed in the Kings Chamber un∣der a Canopy, with two Altars on each side, on which Mass was said for eighteen days con∣tinuance. Afterwards it was conducted to St.* 1.980 Denis, where it was buried with the ordinary Ceremonies, eight days after that of Henry the third his Predecessor. For it is to be under∣stood, that the body of Henry the third remain∣ed till then in the Church of St. Cornille in Compeigne, from whence the Duke of

Espernon, and Bellegarde great Esquire, for∣merly his favourites, brought it to St. Denis, and caused his funerals to be celebrated; Ci∣vility obliging that he should be buried be∣fore his Successor.

The Kings death was concealed from the City all the rest of that day, and a good part* 1.981 of the morrow; whilst the Queen disposed the Grandees and the Parliament to give her the Regency. She obtained it without much difficulty, having led the young King her Son to the Parliament; and the Prince of Con∣de, and the Count of Soissons, who alone could have opposed it, being absent. The first was at Milan, as we have said before; and the second at his house at Blandy, whither he was retired discontented, some days before the Instalment of the Queen.

When the fame of this Tragical accident* 1.982 was spread through Paris, and that they knew assuredly that the King whom they believed only wounded, was dead; that mixture of hope and fear which kept this great City in suspence, broke forth on a suddain into ex∣travagant cries, and furious groans. Some through grief became immoveable & Statue-like; others ran through the streets like mad men; others embraced their friends, without saying any thing, but, Oh what misfortune! some shut themselves up in their houses; others threw themselves upon the ground: women were seen with their disheveled haire run about howling and lamenting: Fathers told

their Children, What will become of you, my Children? you have lost your Father. Those who had most apprehension of the time to come▪ and who remembred the horrible calamities of the past Wars, lamented the misfortune of France, and said, that that accursed blow which had pierced the heart of the King, cut the throat of all true French-men. It is repor∣ted that many were so lively touched that they died, some upon the place, and others a few days after. In fine, this seemed not to be mourning for the death of one man alone, but for the one half of all men: It might have been said, that every one had lost his whole family, all his goods, and all his hopes, by the death of this great King.

He died at the age of fifty seven years and* 1.983 five months, the thirty eighth of his reign of Navarre, and the one and twentieth of that of France.

He was married twice, as we have said be∣fore:* 1.984 First with Margaret of France, by whom he had no children: The second time with Mary of Medicis. Margaret was Daughter to King Henry the second, and Sister to the Kings Francis the second, Charles the ninth, and Henry the third; from whom he was di∣vorced by sentence of the Prelates deputed for that purpose from the Pope. Mary of Medicis was Daughter to Francis, and Niece to Ferdinand Dukes of Florence. She had three Sons and three Daughters.* 1.985

The Sons were all born at Fontain-bleau.

The first named Louis, came into the world on the 27 September, in the year 1601. at Ele∣ven a Clock at night. He was King after him, and had the Surname of Just. The second was born on the 16 of April 1607. he had the title of Duke of Orleans; but no name, because he died before the Ceremony of his Baptism was celebrated, in the year 1611. The third took birth on the 25 of April 1608. and was named John Baptista Gaston, and had title Duke of Anjou: but the second Son being dead, that of Duke of Orleans was given him, which he bore to his death, which happened two years ago.

The eldest of the Daughters was born at* 1.986 Fontain-bleau, the 22 of November 1602. she was the second child, and was named Elizabeth, or Isabella: she was married to Philip the fourth King of Spain, and died some years past. She was a Princess of a great heart, and had a spirit and brain above her Sex: the Spa∣niards therefore said, that she was truly Daughter to Henry the Great. The second was born at the Louvre at Paris the 10. of Fe∣bruary 1606. There was given to her the name of Christina; and she Espoused Victor Amadeo, then Prince of Piedmont, and after Duke of Savoy; a Prince of the greatest ver∣tue and capacity in the world. The third was born in the same place, on the 25. of Novem∣ber, being the Feast of St. Katherine, in the year 1609. and had name Henrietta-Maria. This is the present Queen-Mother of England,

widow of the unfortunate King Charles Stuart, whom his Subjects cruelly despoiled of his Royalty and Life: but heaven, the pro∣tector of Soveraigns, hath gloriously re-esta∣blished his Son Charles the second.

Besides these six Legitimate children, he* 1.987 had likewise eight Natural ones, of four dif∣ferent Mistresses, without counting those whom he did not own.

Of Gabriella d'▪ Estrees Marchioness of Monceaux and Dutchess of Beaufort, he had Caesar Duke of Vendosme, who yet lives, and was born in the month of June in the year 1594; Alexander great Prior of France, who died prisoner of Estate; and Henrietta, mar∣ried to Charles of Lorrain Duke of Elbeuf.* 1.988

Of Henrietta de Balsac d' Entragues, whom he made Marchioness of Verneuil, he had Henry Bishop of Mets, who yet lives; and Gabriella, who Espoused Bernard of Nogaret Duke of Valette, at present Duke of Espernon, by whom she had the Duke of Candale, dead some time since; and a Daughter at present a Religious Carmilite: after which she died.

Of Jacqueline de Bueil, to whom he gave* 1.989 the County of Moret, was born Anthony Count of Moret, who was killed in the Service of the Duke of Orleans, in the Battail of Castlenauda∣ry, where the Duke of Montmorency was taken. This was a young Prince, whose Spirit and Courage promised much. The Marquis of Vardes Espoused afterward this Jacqueline de Bueil.

Of Charlotta d' Essards, to whom he gave* 1.990 the land of Romorantin, came two Daughters; Jane, who is Abbesse of Fontevrault; and Mary-Henrietta, who was of Chelles. He loved all his children Legitimate and Natural with a like affection, but with different considera∣tion. He would not that they should call him Monsieur, or Sir; a name which seemed to render Children strangers to their Fathers, and which denoted servitude and subjection;* 1.991 but that they should call him Papa, a name of tenderness and love. And certainly in the Old Testament, God took the names of Lord, the Mighty God, the God of Hosts, and others, to set forth his greatness and power: but in the Christian Law, which is a Law of Grace and Charity, he commanded us to make our Prayers as his Children, by those sweet words, Our Father which art in Heaven.

There remains at present that we put here a Summary recapitulation of the Life of this* 1.992 great King, and after er••ct an Eternal Monu∣ment to his glory, in the name of all France, which can never sufficiently acknowledge its Immortal obligations to his Heroick vertue.

He began the first motions of his life in the Camp, at the Sound of Trumpets; his Mother brought him into the world with a wonder∣ful courage; his Grand-father inspired strength into him the first day he saw him; and he was brought up to labor from his tenderest infancy.

The first knowledge that age gave him, was to resent the death of his Father killed at the

siege of Rouen, and to see himself encompassed with dangers on all sides, distant from Court, his friends dis-favoured, his servants persecu∣ted, and his ruine conjured by his enemies.

His Mother, a generous and able woman, gave him excellent instructions for Morality and Policy; but very ill ones for Religion; so that he was a Hugonot by Engagement, and not by Election. And he often professed that he was not prepossessed, that he should be ready to clear and ••ay himself open, and that if they could make him see a better way then that he followed, he willingly and faithfully would walk in it; but that till then he was to be to∣lerated, and not persecuted.

At the age of fifteen years he became chief of the Hugonot party, and gave such sensible advices, that the greatest Captains had cause to admire him, and to repent that they had not followed him. He passed the first flowers of his youth, part in Arms, and a part in his Lands of Gascoin, where he remained till the age of nineteen years. He was then enticed to come to Court, by a Marriage as illegitimate as cruel: for we may say, that the present Nu∣ptial was the suddain death of his Mother; the Feast, the general Massacre of his friends; and the Morrow of his Marriage, his Captivity, which endured almost four years, at the mer∣cy of his most cruel enemies, and in a Court the most wicked and most corrupted that ever was known. His courage was not at all weak∣ned by this servitude, nor could his soul be

infected among so many corruptions: But the Charms of the Ladies which Queen Ka∣therine made use of to retain him, begat in him that weakness and vice which indured all his life, not to refuse any of those desires their beauty inspired.

To withdraw himself from the servitude of the Court, he cast himself into the snare of his ancient party, and of the Hugonot Religion. He received all those troubles, and all those perplexities which the Chiefs of a Civil War make proof of; his dignity of General not dispensing with the pains and dangers of a sim∣ple Souldier. Thrice did he oblige the Court to grant him Peace and Priviledges to his par∣ty: but thrice they violated them; and he seve∣ral times beheld seven or eight Royal Armies make head against him.

His valour, which had already appeared in many occasions, signalized it self with great Renowne at the Battail of Coutras. This was the first important blow that he struck on the head of the League. A little after it, having assembled the Estates at Blois, to Arm the whole Kingdom against him, and exclude him from the Crown of France; the Guises, who were believed the Authors of this Tragedy, were themselves made the terrible Catastrophe; but which filled all with flame, blood and confu∣sion. The Duke of Mayenne Armed himself to Revenge the Death of his Brothers; and the King almost quite abandoned and shut up in Tours, was enforced to call him to his aid.

Our Hero passed by all distrusts and all fears some would have infused into him, to take the part of his Soveraign.

They marched to Paris and besieged it: but upon the point to enter, Henry the third is As∣sassinated by a Monk. The right of Succession calling our Henry to the Throne, he found the way crossed with a thousand terrible difficul∣ties; the League in head against him, the ser∣vants of the defunct King little affected to him, the Grandees every one for his particular ends. The whole Catholick Religion Leagued against him; without, the Spaniard, the Pope, the Sa∣voyard, the Lorrainer; within, on one side the people and the great Cities, on the other the Hugonots, who tormented him with their con∣tinual distrusts. He could not advance one pace without finding some obstacle; so many days, so many battails. His subjects endeavoured to overthrow him as a publick enemy, and he endeavoured to regain them like a good Fa∣ther. In his Closet, and in his Council, there were only displeasures and bitternesses, caused by an infinity of discontents, treasons and per∣nicious designs, which were from moment to moment discovered against his Person and a∣gainst his Estate. Every day a double Com∣bat, a double Victory; the one against his ene∣mies, the other against his followers: using Prudence and Cunning, where Generosity would not serve.

At Arques he made it appear he could not be overcome; and at Yvry, that he knew how

to vanquish. Every where, where he appea∣red, all yeilded to his Arms: The League dayly lost places and Provinces: It was beaten by his Lieutenants in other places, as by him∣self in the heart of his Kingdom. He had for∣ced Paris, if he could have resolved to loose it; but by sparing it, he absolutely gained not onely its walls, but its hearts.

The Duke of Parma stopt a little the progress of his successes; but he could not change their course. Vertne and Fortune, or rather Divine Providence, seemed linked together to crown him with Glory. God visibly assisted him in all his designes, and preserved him from an infinite number of treasons and horrid attempts which were dayly formed against his Life. In fine, he overthrew the intentions of the Thirdlings, and prevented the resolutions of the Estates of the League, by causing himself to be instructed in the Catholick Religion, and re-entring into the bosome of the holy Church.

When that pretext of Religion was wanting to his enemies, all the party of the League moul∣dred away; Paris, and all the great Cities, ac∣knowledged him; the Duke of Mayenne, though very late, was constrained to become his sub∣ject, and return to his duty; and all the Chiefs of the League treated separately. This shew'd a great deal of prudence and cunning in the King, to receive them thus disjoyntly: for if they had all together made a treaty of common accord, the party had by this means conserved its bonds together, and not been overthrown, but ap∣peased.

When he had got the upperhand in his Af∣fairs, and was reconciled to the Pope, and that his subjects were reconciled with him, the ill counsel of the Hugonots, who desired always to see him in trouble, perswaded him to declare a War against Spain. It was now that he thought he should fall into a worse Estate then ever. They took from him Dourlens after the gain of one battel; Calais and Ardres by storm, and Amiens by surprize. The rest of the League which lay hid under the cinders, began to re∣kindle; the discontents of the great ones, to be discovered; Conspiracies were formed on all sides; his servants were amazed, his enemies emboldened. But his Vertue, which seemed to sleep in prosperity, rouzed it self in adversi∣ty: he encouraged his friends, re-took Amiens, and forced the Spaniard to make peace by the treaty of Vervin.

The Duke of Savoy, thinking to deceive him in the restitution of the Marquisate of Saluces, and to raise factions in his Realm which should hinder the King from demanding reason of him, found that he had to do with a Prince who knew as well how to over▪ reach him in his de∣signes, as to conquer his forces: for he forced him among those rocks where he boasted he had nothing to fear but the thunder-bolts of Heaven, and made him shamefully restore what he had unjustly usurped.

At the same time the King had thoughts, as well for the security and tranquillity of France, as for his own, to generate Children of a lawful

marriage. Heaven gave him six, and with them a peace of ten years, which was onely lightly troubled by the conspiracy of Byron, by the de∣vices of the Duke of Bouillon, and by some popu∣lar risings against the Pancarte, or Sol pour livre.

During all this, he laboured principally for two things: the one, his great designe, of which we have spoken; for which he made friends and allies on all sides, cleared his revenues, paid his debts with as good credit as if he had been a Merchant, gathered monies, and pacified all differences which were between those Princes with whom he would associate. The other was to repair the damages and ruines of France, which a forty years civil War had caused; re∣move those causes which imbittered and divi∣ded spirits; reform those disorders which dis∣figured the face of the Estate; make it flourish∣ing and rich, to the end his subjects might live happily under the wings of his protection and his justice.

In the mean time himself was not free from troubles, perplexities and disgusts: his Mistresses caused him a thousand vexations in the midst of his pleasures: he found thorns even in his Nuptial-bed, and in the ill humour of his wife; and Conchini was causer of griefs to him: just as a little but vexatious Mouse may furiously trouble and turmoile the noble Lyon.

As he was ready to mount on horse-back to begin his great designe by the assistance of his Allies, he lost his Life by the most detestable Parricide was ever known. Thus he whom so

many Pikes, so many Musquets and Cannons, so many Squadrons and Battalions of men, could not hurt in the trenches and in the field of bat∣tel, was killed with a Knife by a wicked and trayterous Rogue, in the midst of his capital City, in a Coach, and on a day of publick Joy. Unhappy blow, which put an end to all the joys of France, and which opened a wound which to this day hath left its scar.

Henry was of a middle stature, disposed and active, hardened to labour and travel. His bo∣dy was well formed, his temperament able and strong, and his health perfect; onely about the age of fifty years, he had some light assaults of the Gout, but which soon passed away, and left behinde them no weakness. He had his fore∣head high, his eyes lively and assured, his nose Aquiline, his complexion ruddy, his counte∣nance sweet and noble; and yet withal, his pre∣sence Warlike and Martial, his hair brown, and very thin. He wore his beard large, and his hair very short. He began to grow gray at the age of thirty five years: upon which he was ac∣customed to say to those who wonder'd at it, It is the wind of my adversities hath blown me this.

Indeed to consider well all his life from his very birth, few Princes will be found who have suffered so much as he; and it will be difficult to tell if he had more crosses or more* 1.993 prosperities. He was born the Son of a King, but of a King despoiled of his Estates. He had a Mother generous, and of a great courage; but a Hugonot, and an enemy of the Court.

He gained the battel of Coutras; but he lost a little after the Prince of Conde his Cousin, and his right hand. The League stirred up his vertue, and made him know it; but it thought to overthrow him. It was the cause that the King having called him to his assistance, he found himself at the gates of Paris, as if God had led him by the hand: but Paris arm∣ed it self against him, and all his hopes were almost dissipated by the scattering of the Ar∣my which besieged that City. It was without doubt a great happiness that the Crown of France fell to him, there having never been a succession more distant in any hereditary E∣state: for there were ten or eleven degrees between Henry the third and him; and when he was born, there was nine Princes of the blood before him: to wit, King Henry 2. and his five sons; King Anthony of Navarre his father, and two sons of that Anthony, eldest brothers of our Henry. All these Princes di∣ed to make room for his succession: But he found it so embroyled, that we may say he suffered an infinity of labours, pains and ha∣zards, before he could gather the fair flowers of this Crown. Young he espoused the sister of King Charles, which seemed a match very advantagious for him: but this marriage was a snare to entrap both him and his friends. Afterwards, that Lady, in stead of being his Consort, became his trouble; and in stead of being his honour, became his shame. His se∣cond Wife brought him forth fair children,

to his no little joy: but her grumblings and disdains were the causers of a thousand dis∣contents. He triumphed over all his ene∣mies, and became Arbitrator of Christendom: but the more powerful he made himself, the more was their hatred envenomed, and the more means used they to destroy him; so that after having plotted an infinite number of conspiracies against his life, they found in the end a Ravaillac, who executed in the end what so many * 1.994 others had failed in.

Now it must be acknowledged that all these adversities which he suffered, ought to whet his spirit and his courage; and that in fine he should be the greatest of Kings, because he came to the Crown through so many diffi∣culties,* 1.995 and in an age very mature.

And certainly it is difficult and very rare for those who are born to a Crown, and bred up to a near hope to mount into a Throne after the death of their father, or who finde themselves too soon raised to it, ever to learn well the Art of raigning; be it their not being so happy as to be educated under the care of a Mother so vertuous and so affectionate as that great Queen, who hath so diligently cau∣sed to be instructed King Lewis the 14 her son in all good Rules, and in all Maximes of Christian Policy; or so happy as to be bles∣sed with a Minister so wise and so interested for their good, as that young Monarch hath found in the person of Cardinal Mazarine.

The reasons of this are, that ordinarily

those persons into whose hands they fall in their infancy, desiring to conserve to them∣selves the Authority and the Government, in stead of obliging or indeed constraining them to apply their spirits to things solid and ne∣cessary, act so cunningly, that they employ them onely in trifles unworthy of them, and amuse them with so much subtilty, that it is impossible that a young Prince can know it. In stead of laying incessantly before their eyes the true Grandeur of Kings, which consists in the exercise of their Authority, they feed them onely with appearances and images of that greatness, as are exteriour pomps and magnificences, wherein there is onely pride and vanity. In fine, in stead of instructing them diligently in what they ought to know, and in what they ought to do, (for all the knowledge of Kings ought to be reduced into practice) they keep them in a profound ignorance of all their Affairs, that they may always be Masters, and that they may never be able to be with∣out them. From whence it happens that a Prince, though he be great, knowing his own weakness, judges himself incapable to govern; and from that moment wherein he is possessed with this opinion, he must needs renounce the conduct of his Estate, if that he have not indeed extraordinary natu∣ral qualities, and a heart truly Royal. More∣over, these persons would seize themselves of all Avenues, and hinder ••onest men from ap∣proaching those tender ears: or if they cannot

hinder their approaches, they are not wanting to render them suspected, or to deprive them of all belief in the spirit of these young Prin∣ces, making them pass with them either for their enemies, or people ill affected, or else for ridiculous or impertinent. Moreover, they have some Emissaries who infatuate them with flatteries, with excessive praises and adorations; who never let them know any thing but what shall be to their ends; who improve their defaults by continual complacences; who make them believe they have a perfect intelligence of all things, when they know nothing; who make them con∣ceive that Royalty is onely a Soveraign Bau∣ble, that travel befits not a King, and that the functions of Royalty being laborious, are by consequence base and servile. In this man∣ner they soon disgust them with their own Command: they accustom them to have Masters, because they have yet neither so much knowledge nor so much courage as to be Masters. And thus these poor Princes, being not at all contradicted, but always a∣dored; nor having any experience of them∣selves, or ever suffered pain or necessity, be∣come often presumptuous and absolute in their fancies, and believing their puissance to have Peerage with that of Gods: they be∣gin to consider nothing but their passion, their pleasure and humour, as if Mankinde were created for them, whilst they were created wisely to order and govern Mankind;

who let profusion and waste be made of the life and goods of their subjects; and who with an unparallel'd insensibility, hearken no more to their Laments and Groans, then to the Lowings of a slaughtered Ox.

On the contrary, those who come to the* 1.996 Crown at a greater distance, and in a riper age, are almost always better instructed in their affairs: they apply themselves more strongly to Govern their Estates; they will alwaies hold the Rudder; they are juster, more tender, and more merciful; they know better how to manage their Revenues; they conserve with more care the blood and the goods of their subjects; they more wil∣lingly hear their complaints, and do better Justice; they do not with so much vigor use their absolute power, which oft-times makes the people despair, and causes strange revo∣lutions.

If the reasons why they are so be sought,* 1.997 they are because they have been in a Post or place, where they have often heard truth: where they have understood what ignominy it is for a Prince not to enjoy his own perso∣nal power, but to leave it to another: where though they have had some flatterers, they have likewise had open enemies, who by censuring their faults have induced a Refor∣mation: where they have heard blamed the faults of that Government under which they were, and have blamed them themselves; so that they are obliged to do better, and not

to follow what they have condemned: where they have studied to govern themselves wisely, because they were dependants, and fearful of punishment: where they have of∣ten heard the complaints of particular per∣sons, and seen the miseries of the people: in fine, where they have understood by suffer∣ing, what evil is; and to have pity of those who suffer injustice, because they themselves have proved the rigour of a too high and se∣vere Government. We have two fair Ex∣amples in Lewis the twelfth, surnamed the Father of the people, and in our Henry, two of the best Kings who in the last ages have born the Scepter of the Flowers de Lis.

Now who would gather together and wor∣thily* 1.998 compose all the Heroick vertues, the No∣ble actions and Eminent qualities of Henry the Great, would make him a Crown much more precious and resplendent then that wherewith his head was adorned on the day of his Coro∣nation. That treasure of freedom and since∣rity, free and exempt from malice, from gall and bitterness, should be the matter more precious then Gold. His Renown and his Glo∣ry, which will never have end, should be the Circle. His Victories of Coutras, of Arques, of Yvry, of Fontaine-Franzoise; his Negotia∣tions of the peace of Vervin, of his accommo∣dations between the Venetians and the Pope, of the Truce between the Spaniard and the Hollander, and that great League with all the Princes of Christendom, for execution of the

designe of which we have spoken, should be the branches. Then his war like valour, his gene∣rosity, his constancy, his credit, his wisdome, his prudence, his activity, his vigilance, his oeconomy, his justice, and a hundred other virtues, should be the precious stones. Amongst which, that Paternal and Cordial love he had for his people, would cast a fire more lively and bright then the Carbuncle: The firm∣ness of his courage, alwaies invincible in dan∣gers, would bear the Price and Beauty of a Diamond: And his unparallel'd Clemency, which raised up those enemies he had over∣thrown, would appear like an Emerald, which sends forth enlivenings and joy into the eyes of all that behold it. To continue the Meta∣morphosis; I will yet say, that so many wise Laws which he made for Justice, for Policy, and for his Revenues; so many good and useful Esta∣blishments of all sorts of Manufactures, which produced to France the yearly profit of many Millions; so many proud buildings, as the Galleries of the Louvre, the Pont-neuf, the Place Royal, the Colledge Royal, the Keys for Merchants of the River Seine, Fontain-bleau, Monceaux, St. Germain; so many publick works, Bridges, Causwaies, Highwaies repaired; so many Churches rebuilded in many places of the Realm, should be as the Ingravements and Imbellishments.

Let us Crown then with a thousand prayses the immortal memory of that great King, the love of the French, and the terror of the

Spaniards; the Honour of his age, and the Ad∣miration of Posterity: Let us make him live in our hearts and in our affections, in despite of the rage of those wicked persons deprived him of life: Let us shout forth as many Ac∣clamations to his glory, as he hath done bene∣fits to France. He was a Hereules, who cut off the Head of the Hydra, by overturning the League. He was greater then Alexander, and greater then Pompey, because he was as Valiant; but he was more Just: he gained as many victories, but he gained more hearts. He conquered the Gaules, as well as Julius Caesar; but he conquered them to give them liberty, and Caesar subjugated them to enslave them. Let his Name then be raised above that of the Hercules, the Alexanders, the Pompeys, and the Gaesars: Let his Reign be the Model of good Kings, and his Examples the clear Lights to illuminate the eyes of o∣ther Princes: Let his Posterity be Eternally Crowned with the Flowers de Lis: Let them be alwaies happy, alwaies Triumphant. And to compleat our wishes, let Lewis the Victo∣rious his Grand-child, Resemble, or if it be possible, Surpass him.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The Life of Hen. the Great, di∣vided into three parts.
• * 1.2

  The first.
• * 1.3

  The second
• * 1.4

  The third.
• * 1.5

  His Gene∣alogie.
• * 1.6

  Who Antho. de Bourbon his father was.
• a 1.7

  Peter, sixth Son to Lewis le gross, e∣spoused I∣sabella Heiress of Courtnay, and took both Name and Arms: a fault very prejudicial to his po∣sterity.
• b 1.8

  The branch of Bourbon produced many; a∣mong others that of Vendosme.
• * 1.9

  Charles Duke of Vendosme had Antho∣ny, and six other sons.
• * 1.10

  Who Jane d' Albret his Mother was.
• * 1.11

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. of Bourbon, Duke of Vendosme, and Jane d' Albret, married at Moulins 1547.
• * 1.12

  1552.
• * 1.13

  Henry the Great con∣ceived at la Fleche.
• * 1.14

  1553.
• * 1.15

  His mother sings at her delivery of him. He cries not at his birth.
• * 1.16

  So soon as born, his grandfa∣ther car∣ries him into his chamber: he rubs his lips with Garlick, & makes him taste wine.
• * 1.17

  The Spani∣ards Rail∣lery con∣cerning the birth of his mother
• * 1.18

  Her fathers Reply to it
• * 1.19

  1554.
• * 1.20

  Baptism of Hen. 4.
• * 1.21

  His godfa∣thers and godmo∣ther.
• * 1.22

  He was hard to bring up.
• * 1.23

  He had for Governess Madam de Miossens.
• * 1.24

  His grand∣father per∣mits him not to be nourished delicately.
• * 1.25

  It hath been said that he was ordinarily nourished with coarse bread, beef, cheese and garlick; and that often∣times he was made to march with naked feet, and brre headed
• * 1.26

  The death of Henry d' Albret.
• * 1.27

  1555.
• * 1.28

  His daugh∣ter & son∣in-law suc∣ceed him, and retire from the Court.
• * 1.29

  1557.
• * 1.30

  1558.
• * 1.31

  1559.
• * 1.32

  Death of King Henry the second Francis 2. succee••s.
• * 1.33

  Divisions at Court.
• * 1.34

  1560.
• * 1.35

  Death of Francis 2.
• * 1.36

  Charles 9. succeeds. Queen Ka∣therine de∣clared Re∣gent, and the King of Navarre Lieute∣nant-Ge∣neral of the Realm.
• * 1.37

  1562.
• * 1.38

  He is kil∣led before Rouen.
• * 1.39

  1562.
• * 1.40

  The Queen his wife re∣turns to Bearn, and embraces Calvinism
• * 1.41

  1566.
• * 1.42

  She ta•• her son from the Court, and gives him a Master instructs him in ill Doctrine.
• * 1.43

  1567.
• * 1.44

  Henry Prince of Navarre, declared chief of the Religion.
• * 1.45

  1569.
• * 1.46

  Louys Prince of Condé his Uncle, his Lieutenant with Admi∣ral Coligny. A judici∣ous action, when yet an infant. b This Duke of Anjou, was King after Hen. 3
• * 1.47

  Another a∣ction very judicious at the bat∣tle of Jar∣nac.
• * 1.48

  Lewis Prince of Condé slain
• * 1.49

  After his death, the Admiral commands all.
• * 1.50

  He hazards the battle of Mont∣contour.
• * 1.51

  Our Prince impat••ent to engage, but hin∣dred.
• * 1.52

  Gives marks of his judge∣ment.
• * 1.53

  1570.
• * 1.54

  He with the Admi∣ral conti∣nues the War.
• * 1.55

  The peace of Arnay∣le-Duc.
• * 1.56

  1571.
• * 1.57

  A Resolu∣tion to en∣trap the Hugonots, and exter∣minate them.
• * 1.58

  Death of Jane d' Al∣bret.
• * 1.59

  Her son takes the quality of King of Navarre. He marries the King of France his sister.
• * 1.60

  Massacre of St. Bartho∣lomew.
• * 1.61

  The grief and fear of our young King.
• * 1.62

  He is con∣strained to turn Ca∣tholick.
• * 1.63

  1572.
• * 1.64

  His great dangers & troubles at Court.
• * 1.65

  His wise & prudent conduct.
• * 1.66

  He con∣tracts friendship with the Duke of Guise.
• * 1.67

  He shuns contention with Duke d' Alenzon;
• * 1.68

  but lets himself be overcome by the beauty of Ladies:
• * 1.69

  which was his greatest weakness.
• * 1.70

  1572.
• * 1.71

  He fell not into any o∣ther of the horrible Vices of the Court.
• * 1.72

  1573.
• * 1.73

  The Duke of Anjou besieges Rochel, and carries the King with him.
• * 1.74

  The siege raised, by the election of Duke d' Anjou to the King∣dome of Poland.
• * 1.75

  1574.
• * 1.76

  Charles 9. falls mor∣tally sick at Bois de Vincennes.
• * 1.77

  A league made at Court, into which Hen∣ry enters.
• * 1.78

  The Queen∣mother discove∣ring it, causes him & the Duke Alenson, &c to be arre∣sted;
• * 1.79

  and la Mole, Coconas, & Tourtray, to be put to death.
• * 1.80

  The Chan∣cellour would ex∣amine the King of Navarre.
• * 1.81

  Charles 9. near his death, sends for him.
• * 1.82

  1574.
• * 1.83

  Queen Ka∣therine a∣larm'd, would af∣fright him.
• * 1.84

  After the death of Charles 9. she seizeth on the Re∣gency.
• * 1.85

  The two Princes set at liberty.
• * 1.86

  The Prince of Condé was in Ger∣many.
• * 1.87

  The King of Navarre cannot e∣scape as he desires.
• * 1.88

  He falls in love with a Lady.
• * 1.89

  The Queen∣mother al∣luminates all the fa∣ctions and civil wars.
• * 1.90

  1575.
• * 1.91

  Conspira∣cy against Henry 3. who con∣fides in our Henry.
• * 1.92

  Henry 3. anointed and espou∣sed to Louis de Lorrain.
• * 1.93

  Familiari∣ty between our Henry and the Duke of Guise.
• * 1.94

  The Queen∣mother breaks this union.
• * 1.95

  Henry 3. falls very sick.
• a 1.96

  Francis 2 died of an Aposthume in his▪ ear, which was believed to come of poy∣son.
• * 1.97

  A noble and gene∣rous action of our Hen∣ry.
• * 1.98

  1575.
• * 1.99

  1576.
• * 1.100

  Monsieur departs from Court and joyns with the Hugonots.
• * 1.101

  Our Henry could not soon fol∣low him, but at length saves him∣self at A∣lenzon.
• * 1.102

  Peace made with Monsieur and the Hugonots.
• * 1.103

  1576.
• * 1.104

  Our Henry again turns Hugonot.
• * 1.105

  He is recei∣ved into Rochel, and after goes into Guy∣enne.
• * 1.106

  The gates of Bourde∣aux shut a∣gainst him.
• * 1.107

  The birth of the League.
• * 1.108

  These Leagues a fair path for the am∣bitious to rise by.
• * 1.109

  The Duke of Guise makes himself chief of the League.
• * 1.110

  The War of Monsieur, & his joyning with the Hugonots, the cause of the League.
• * 1.111

  The Cities of Picardy begin it, and why.
• * 1.112

  Christopher de Thou hinders its procedure at Paris.
• * 1.113

  The Lea∣guers o∣blige the King to call the E∣states. They as∣semble at Blois.
• * 1.114

  War resol∣ved against the Hugo∣nots.
• * 1.115

  Henry 3. declares himself chief of the League.
• * 1.116

  1577.
• * 1.117

  He raises three or four Armies against the Hugonots.
• * 1.118

  The Queen∣mother o∣bliges him to grant them peace
• * 1.119

  1578.
• * 1.120

  She makes a voyage to Guyenne, and carries with her her daugh∣ter Marga∣ret.
• * 1.121

  The King of Navarre looses Agen and la Reole by two fol∣lies of youth.
• * 1.122

  Two ex∣quisite Re∣flections.
• * 1.123

  Queen Margaret did not o∣ver-well love her husband, nor he her:
• * 1.124

  but he draws ad∣vantages from her intrigues.
• * 1.125

  The Queen∣mother, Monsieur & the Guises▪ weary of the peace.
• * 1.126

  1579.
• * 1.127

  They un∣der-hand perswade the King of Navarre to a Rupture;
• * 1.128

  which proves ve∣ry disad∣vantagious to him.
• * 1.129

  Monsieur procures the peace.
• * 1.130

  Of much damage to the Estate, being the cause the two Henries plunged themselves in pleasure
• * 1.131

  Henry 3. hath favo∣rites, who prejudice his affairs.
• * 1.132

  Dispositi∣ons to the League, & to the loss of Hen. 3.
• * 1.133

  1584.
• a 1.134

  Monsieur intending to surprize Antwerp, and treating ill the people of the Low-Countries, who had called him, was driven thence.
• * 1.135

  The death of the Monsieur begets thoughts of a Suc∣cessor to the Crown.
• * 1.136

  The Queen-Mother designs to give the Crown to the chil∣dren of her daughter married to the Duke of Lorrain.
• * 1.137

  A belief that the Duke of Guise ho∣ped to Reign himself.
• * 1.138

  Henry 3. knew his design, or was adver∣tized of it by his favorites. He sends the Duke d'Espernon to the King of Navarre, to oblige him to re∣turn to the Catholick Church: but he re∣fuses.
• * 1.139

  The Duke of Guise profits himself of it.
• * 1.140

  The League Establish∣ed at Paris.
• * 1.141

  The Pope disap∣proves it.
• * 1.142

  It is turn∣ed against Henry the third.
• * 1.143

  The Trea∣ty of Join∣ville where the Spani∣ards enter into the League, & furnish money.
• * 1.144

  The League seize ma∣ny places.
• * 1.145

  The Queen∣mother enters into conference with Guise; who breaks it when he sees him∣self in an Estate to fear no∣thing. The King astonished, grants him all he de∣sires.
• * 1.146

  1585.
• * 1.147

  Pope Sixtus 5. excom∣municates the King of Navarre and Prince of Conde.
• * 1.148

  The vertue of our Hen∣ry awake∣ned.
• * 1.149

  He doth two noble actions.
• * 1.150

  He defies the Duke of Guise to single Combat.
• * 1.151

  Why the Duke of Guise ac∣cepted not the defi∣ance.
• * 1.152

  The other gallant A∣ction of our Henry.
• * 1.153

  He causes to be fixed up at the corners of the chief streets of Rome, op∣positions to the sen∣tence of Sixtus 5.
• * 1.154

  who at first is incensed, but after∣wards con∣ceives a great e∣stèem for him.
• * 1.155

  The King of Navarre makes a League to defend himself.
• * 1.156

  1586.
• * 1.157

  Henry 3. hated both the League & the Hu∣gonots, and loved none but his fa∣vourites.
• * 1.158

  The Queen-mother en∣deavours an accom∣modation with the King of Navarre.
• * 1.159

  The Inter∣view and conference at St. Brix.
• * 1.160

  A noble & generous Action of our Prince.
• * 1.161

  His con∣stancy in the whole conference.
• * 1.162

  A hand∣some an∣swer to Duke de Nevers.
• * 1.163

  Confe∣rence at St. Brix pro∣duceth no∣thing.
• * 1.164

  Dances and Feasts in the Courts of the two Kings.
• * 1.165

  Blaise de Monluc, Marshal of France, who writ in these times, says in his Memoires, That what∣ever affair there were of force, the Dancing was still to go forward.
• * 1.166

  1587.
• * 1.167

  An Army of German Protestants enter France.
• * 1.168

  It is fol∣lowed by the Duke of Guise.
• * 1.169

  It doth no∣thing to purpose.
• * 1.170

  The King of Navarre would joyn with them, but the Duke of Joyeuse makes head against him with an Army.
• * 1.171

  The Duke overtakes him near Coutras.
• * 1.172

  What the Army of Joyeuse was▪
• * 1.173

  What that of the King.
• * 1.174

  His Exhor∣tation to his Army, and to the Princes of the Blood.
• * 1.175

  His valour & bravery.
• * 1.176

  An Action of great Justice, and Christian Humility.
• * 1.177

  The Battail of Coutras, which he gains.
• * 1.178

  Joyeuse slain.
• * 1.179

  His mode∣ration and admirable Clemency in his Victory.
• * 1.180

  He pursues it not, and wherefore.
• * 1.181

  Defeat of the Ger∣man horse.
• * 1.182

  The rest of that Army retire.
• * 1.183

  1588
• * 1.184

  Prognosti∣cations of the evils of the year 1588.
• * 1.185

  Death of the Prince of Conde.
• * 1.186

  The King of Na∣varre much afflicted.
• * 1.187

  But in his affliction puts his trust in God.
• * 1.188

  The League rejoyce.
• * 1.189

  The Hugo∣nots affli∣cted.
• * 1.190

  Senti∣ments of Hen. 3.
• * 1.191

  The Duke of Guise presseth him to give him forces to extermi∣nate the Hugonots. The Duke of Guise much loved, and Hen. 3. much ha••ed.
• * 1.192

  D' Espinac & Villeroy become friends to the Duke of Guise, and why.
• * 1.193

  The ill Conduct of Henry 3.
• * 1.194

  The Con∣duct and employs of the Duke of Guise.
• * 1.195

  What the sixteen were.
• * 1.196

  The King would pu∣nish them.
• * 1.197

  The Duke of▪ Guise hastes to defend them.
• * 1.198

  The King retires to Chartres. The league becomes Mistriss Paris.
• * 1.199

  The Parisi∣ans send Deputies to the King
• * 1.200

  The King pardons all; so they lay down Arms.
• * 1.201

  The Duke of Guise demands the expul∣sion of Espernon; which is in the end granted.
• * 1.202

  And after comes to the Court at Chartres.
• * 1.203

  The Estates of Blois.
• * 1.204

  The death of the Guises.
• * 1.205

  Death of Queen Ka∣therine de Medices.
• * 1.206

  Different Judgments concerning the death of the Guises.
• * 1.207

  Our Henry speaks very wisely.
• * 1.208

  He chang∣eth not his Conduct.
• * 1.209

  1589.
• * 1.210

  Henry 3. a∣musiag himself too much at Blois, the League is re-assured, and grows furious.
• * 1.211

  The Parli∣ament im∣prisoned in the Bastille by Bussy le Clerk; forced to swear to the the ••eague. A part re∣mains at Paris, and the others go to the King, who transfers all to Tours
• * 1.212

  Those of the Parlia∣ment re∣maining at Paris, make process a∣gainst Hen∣ry 3.
• * 1.213

  An excel∣lent refle∣ction for Kings.
• * 1.214

  Henry 3. ex∣communi∣cated by Pope Six∣tus 5.
• * 1.215

  The Duke of Mayenne assures himself of Burgongne and Cham∣pagne, and comes to Paris.
• * 1.216

  He takes the quality of Lieute∣nant-Ge∣neral of the Estate and Crown of France: they like∣wise break the Kings Seals.
• * 1.217

  Henry 3. for fear, retires to Tours.
• * 1.218

  He in vain endeavours to appease the Duke of Mayenne.
• * 1.219

  He in the end calls the King of Navarre, & gives him Saumur.
• * 1.220

  The King perswaded by his friends not to trust him.
• * 1.221

  Yet he re∣solves to go, arrive what will:
• * 1.222

  to which purpose he passes the River Cher.
• * 1.223

  His inter∣view with the King at Tours.
• * 1.224

  He repasses the River, and lies in the Fau∣bo••rg;
• * 1.225

  but on the morrow visits the King a∣lone.
• * 1.226

  They re∣solve to besiege Paris.
• * 1.227

  Duke of Mayenne wants little to surprize King Hen. 3 •••• Tours.
• * 1.228

  Great and profitable Reflections made on the diffe∣rent Con∣ducts of Hen. ••. and the King of Navarre.
• * 1.229

  Paris be∣sieged.
• * 1.230

  King Hen. 3. killed by a Jacobin.
• * 1.231

  Our Henry comes to visit him dying.
• * 1.232

  What the King said to him, and those pre∣sent.
• * 1.233

  1589
• * 1.234

  Change caused by the Death of Hen. 3.
• * 1.235

  Problem, if Hen. 3. di∣ed in a time favou∣rable to Hen. 4. or not.
• * 1.236

  Henry 4. holds ma∣ny Coun∣cels.
• * 1.237

  Same Ca∣tholicks acknow∣ledge him, but most refuse.
• * 1.238

  Some de∣sign to make themselves Sovereigns
• * 1.239

  The Mar∣shal of By∣ron among others; but the King made him forgo his desire.
• * 1.240

  Byron and Sancy as∣sure the Catholick Suiss to the Kings Service.
• * 1.241

  What was the disposition of the Princes of the blood towards the King.
• * 1.242

  Many Lords in Camp and Court ill intended.
• * 1.243

  Assembly of Noble∣men at d' O's, who would have the King converted.
• * 1.244

  d' O carrys him word of it.
• * 1.245

  The King answers them han∣somely and couragi∣ously.
• * 1.246

  Another greater Assembly resolved to acknow∣ledge him, provided he will permit himself to be in∣structed.
• * 1.247

  The Duke of Piney carries their reso∣lution to the King; who agrees to it;
• * 1.248

  and grants a Declara∣tion touch∣ing the ex∣ercise of the Catho∣lick Reli∣gion through all his Ter∣ritories.
• * 1.249

  Many sign it with re∣gret, and others re∣fuse, as Vi∣try, who be∣comes a Leaguer.
• * 1.250

  And the Duke of Espernon, who re∣tires.
• * 1.251

  The Duke of Mayenn•• troubled what party to take.
• * 1.252

  Two Coun∣sels given him.
• * 1.253

  He rejects them, and causes to be Pro∣claimed the old Cardinal of Bourbon.
• * 1.254

  The King tries in vain seve∣ral Trea∣ties with the Duke.
• * 1.255

  He raises his League from Paris, and why. He writes to the Pro∣testant Princes, to justifie himself.
• * 1.256

  His trou∣bles for 4. years to content both Ca∣tholicks & Hugonots.
• * 1.257

  He had need of infinite prudence, address, & eloquence.
• * 1.258

  Hee car∣ries the Corps of Henry the third to S. Cornille de Compeigne.
• * 1.259

  Three ad∣vices touching the place to which he should retire.
• * 1.260

  1590.
• * 1.261

  He follows the last, which was to march into Nor∣mandy.
• * 1.262

  Rolet brings him the Keyes of Pont d' Arche; and Chattes of Diepe.
• * 1.263

  He would besiege Rouen: but the Duke of Mayenne coming to its suecour, drives him to Diepe, and invests him.
• * 1.264

  The Duke reports he cannot e∣scape him.
• * 1.265

  The Parli∣ament at Tours counsel him to as∣sociate the Cardinal of Bourbon in the Roy∣alty.
• * 1.266

  Others counsel him to re∣tire to Eng∣land. He derides both one and t'other
• * 1.267

  The Duke of Mayenne besieges Diepe.
• * 1.268

  Bat••ail of Arques.
• * 1.269

  The Duke raises the siege, re∣tires, goes into Picar∣dy, and why.
• * 1.270

  What hin∣dred the success of his enter∣prize.
• * 1.271

  He knew not how to take his advanta∣ges.
• * 1.272

  Th••ee•• au∣ses for. 〈…〉〈…〉 which the great body of the League prospered not in their designes. The distrust between the Spani∣ards and Duke of Mayenne.
• * 1.273

  The jea∣lousie a∣mong the Chiefs of the League
• * 1.274

  The sloth and negli∣gence of the Duke of Mayenne
• * 1.275

  Great acti∣vity and vigilance of Henry 4.
• * 1.276

  Officers & servants resemble their ma∣sters.
• * 1.277

  This Histo∣ry recounts onely the chief affairs
• * 1.278

  The Parisi∣ans made believe the King was taken.
• * 1.279

  They ar•• much asto∣nished to understand him mar∣ching to∣wards them▪
• * 1.280

  He takes the Fau∣bourgs of St. Germain▪ &c.
• * 1.281

  His mode∣ration in this ren∣counter.
• * 1.282

  The Dukes of Nemours & Mayenne post thither The King retires to Montlehery.
• * 1.283

  He takes Estampes, Vendosm, le Mans, & Alenzon.
• * 1.284

  Want of mony stops his pro∣gress.
• * 1.285

  In what manner he made his Troops subsist.
• * 1.286

  He reduces almost all Normandy, and be∣siegeth Dreux.
• * 1.287

  The Duke marches to succour Dreux.
• * 1.288

  The King advances to fight him.
• * 1.289

  Two rea∣sons oblige him to it.
• * 1.290

  What causes en∣gage the Duke of Mayenne to the Battail.
• * 1.291

  Battail of Yvry, March 14▪
• * 1.292

  Wonderful intelli∣gence of Henry the fourth.
• * 1.293

  His pray∣ers to God.
• * 1.294

  His exhor∣tation to his Soul∣d••ers.
• * 1.295

  The bat∣tail won by the King.
• * 1.296

  Great loss of the Leaguers.
• * 1.297

  The Duke of Mayenne escapes to Mantes, and thence to Paris.
• * 1.298

  The King too much exposes his person, which Byron freely re∣monstrates to him.
• * 1.299

  His Cle∣mency a•• Generosi •• after the Victory.
• * 1.300

  His Ac∣know∣ledge∣ments and Justice.
• * 1.301

  A Noble Action he did.
• * 1.302

  Another worthy A∣ction.
• * 1.303

  What hin∣dred the King to go directly to Paris.
• * 1.304

  Devilish counsel.
• * 1.305

  The widow of Mont∣pensier a∣muses the people.
• * 1.306

  The King departs from Man∣tes, takes some Ci∣ties, and goes to block up Paris.
• * 1.307

  The Duke of Mayenne was gone to meet the Duke of Parma, and had left the Duke of Nemours at Paris.
• * 1.308

  The death of the old Cardinal of Bourbon troubles him.
• * 1.309

  The Spani∣ards & the Sixteen ••••••••s him to make a King▪ he assignes the Estates to Paris.
• * 1.310

  He keeps to himself the Title of Lieute∣nant-Ge∣neral.
• * 1.311

  Nemours takes order for the de∣fence of Paris.
• * 1.312

  Number of the inha∣bitants of Paris.
• * 1.313

  It proves not so easie to take it by famine.
• * 1.314

  The Hugo∣nots would have it taken by force, but the King will not.
• * 1.315

  Useless mouths starve Pa∣ris.
• * 1.316

  Great Cle∣mency of the King, to let the miserable people go forth.
• * 1.317

  His gene∣rous words.
• * 1.318

  Those of the Army send victu∣als into Paris.
• * 1.319

  Which makes them sub∣sist.
• * 1.320

  The King takes all the Su∣burbs in one night.
• * 1.321

  The Duke of Mayenne advances to Meaux, but dares not relieve Paris.
• * 1.322

  The Duke of Parma comes to joyn with him with an Army from the Low-coun∣tries.
• * 1.323

  He had so well con∣trived all things, that he was as∣sured to raise the siege of Paris.
• * 1.324

  The King never be∣lieved he would quit the Low-Countries.
• * 1.325

  He renews the Nego∣tiation with the Duke of Mayenne, who feigns to enter∣tain it, to amuse him.
• * 1.326

  The Kings Council mech iron∣bled.
• * 1.327

  The King would take a place of battel, and not raise the siege.
• * 1.328

  Byron advi∣ses to raise the siege, and carries it.
• * 1.329

  The Duke of Parma takes Lagny in the sight of the King, & relieves Paris.
• * 1.330

  Abundance of Victuals carried to Paris.
• * 1.331

  The Army of the King constrain∣ed to sepa∣rate.
• * 1.332

  Duke of. Parma be∣sieges Cor∣beil, and takes it.
• * 1.333

  He returns to Flanders.
• * 1.334

  Corbeil re∣gained by storm.
• * 1.335

  The Duke of Parma counsels the King of Spain to become chief Ma∣ster of the League.
• * 1.336

  The King of Spain no longer con∣siders the Duke of Mayenne, but thinks to render himself Master of the great Cities by factions.
• * 1.337

  The King endeavours to re-gain the Duke.
• * 1.338

  He endea∣vours like∣wise to re∣gain the people.
• * 1.339

  Three means by which Hen∣ry 3. lost the affecti∣on of his subjects. His negli∣gence and inapplica∣tion.
• * 1.340

  The wast∣ing his Re∣venues.
• * 1.341

  His ill kee∣ping his word.
• * 1.342

  Three other ways quite contrary, by which Henry 4. gained the esteem and affection of his subjects
• * 1.343

  His activi∣ty and greatness of soul.
• * 1.344

  His care of his Reve∣nues.
• * 1.345

  Francis d' O Super∣intendant of the Re∣venues, a great ex∣pender.
• * 1.346

  The King constrained to suffer him in this charge, but pares his nailes.
• * 1.347

  His con∣stant keep∣ing his word, and freedom.
• * 1.348

  His good∣ness.
• * 1.349

  He pardo∣ned inju∣ries, and never knew ven∣geance.
• * 1.350

  This re∣conquered his king∣dom, rather then his sword.
• * 1.351

  1591.
• * 1.352

  Divisions and Jea∣lousies in the party of the League, and that of the King.
• * 1.353

  In the par∣ty of the King, three factions of Hugonots, Catholicks, and Ser∣vants of Henry the third.
• * 1.354

  The Hu∣gonots soli∣cite the Protestants to send Henry 4. powerful assistance to hinder him from turning Catholick.
• * 1.355

  An Edict granted to the Hugo∣nots.
• * 1.356

  Death of Pope Sixtus 5.
• * 1.357

  Election of Gregory 14.
• * 1.358

  Enterprize of the League. on S. Denis, where the Cavalier d' Aumale is killed.
• * 1.359

  Enterprize of the King on Paris, called the battail of the Flour.
• * 1.360

  Chartres besieged and taken by the King.
• * 1.361

  President Janin sent to Spain on the part of the League The Spa∣niards de∣sign to profit themselves by the ru∣ine of France.
• * 1.362

  Gregory 14. sends an Army to the League.
• * 1.363

  And a Bull of Excom∣munication against those Pre∣lates fol∣low the King, and money to the Sixteen.
• * 1.364

  O••r Henry well served by the Count of Turenne.
• * 1.365

  And by the Duke Les∣diguieres.
• * 1.366

  He be∣comes pas∣sionate of the fair Gabriella.
• * 1.367

  The Duke of Guise escapes from prison
• * 1.368

  The judi∣cious rea∣soning of Hen. 4. on his escape.
• * 1.369

  The Duke of Mayenne becomes jealous of his nephew
• * 1.370

  The Sixteen lean to the Duke of Guise, and would lose Mayenne.
• * 1.371

  They write to the King of Spain.
• * 1.372

  They drive the Cardi∣nal of Gon∣de. & many others, from Paris.
• * 1.373

  By a hor∣rible at∣tempt they cause to be hanged the President of Brisson, and two Coun∣sellours.
• * 1.374

  The publick place of ex∣ecution in Paris.
• * 1.375

  Some would like∣wise kill the Duke of Mayenne, but want heart to do it.
• * 1.376

  Upon this, the Duke comes to Paris, and hangs four; which quite quells the faction of the Sixteen.
• * 1.377

  He makes four Presi∣dents of Parliament
• * 1.378

  1592.
• * 1.379

  The King besieges Rouen, where Vil∣lars was Governour
• * 1.380

  Great and memorable Sally.
• * 1.381

  The City pressed, Parma comes to relieve it.
• * 1.382

  The King raises his Siege, and retires to Pont de l' Arche.
• * 1.383

  The Duke of Parma takes Cau∣debec, and is wound∣ed; and the Duke of Mayenne falls sick.
• * 1.384

  The Army of the King increases, and the pur∣sues the two Dukes.
• * 1.385

  Byron beats up one quarter, but will not quite de∣feat them.
• * 1.386

  He would continue the War.
• * 1.387

  A French Proverb, a•• if he should say, Wouldst thou have me ruine my own For∣tune?
• * 1.388

  Wonderful retreat of the Duke of Parma, which the King can∣not hinder
• * 1.389

  The King admires the action.
• * 1.390

  A noble and dan∣gerous action of the King at Aumale, where he saved his Rere∣guard.
• * 1.391

  Grave answer of the Duke of Parma's concerning the Kings action.
• * 1.392

  Byron killed at Espernay.
• * 1.393

  Conferen∣ces renew∣ed.
• * 1.394

  The Duke of Mayenne calls the Estates to Paris to e∣lect a King.
• * 1.395

  The electi∣on of a King would have been the ruine of Henry 4. and France.
• * 1.396

  Expedient which the King finds to hinder this electi∣on.
• * 1.397

  Confe∣ence of Su∣rene.
• * 1.398

  1593.
• * 1.399

  Estates of the League assemble at Paris.
• * 1.400

  Mansfield comes with a Spanish Army, takes Noyon, af∣terwards his Army dissipates.
• * 1.401

  Byron raises the siege of Selles to re∣lieve Noyon, but dares not a••tempt it:
• * 1.402

  which puffs up the Kings ene∣mies.
• * 1.403

  Conspiracy to surp••ize his person.
• * 1.404

  The Duke of Feria brings a Letter to the States-General from the King of Spain.
• * 1.405

  It was time for the King to convert.
• * 1.406

  In fine, God tou∣ches him, and he is converted.
• * 1.407

  The Spani∣ards and Legat press the Estates to chuse a King.
• * 1.408

  Grand ar∣rest of the Parliament at Paris for the Salique Law.
• * 1.409

  Advanta∣gious testi∣mony of Villeroy in favour of the Parlia∣ment.
• * 1.410

  The King takes Dreux
• * 1.411

  The Spani∣ards pro∣pose to the Estates to elect the Duke of Guise and their In∣fanta.
• * 1.412

  The Duke of Mayenne enraged, & his Wife more.
• * 1.413

  He makes truce with the King.
• * 1.414

  His subtile Argument against the Minister.
• * 1.415

  He abjures his Errour, and be∣comes a Catholick.
• * 1.416

  The Duke of Mayenne dismisses the Estates
• * 1.417

  The King sends the Duke of Nevers to Rome, to have abso∣lution of the Pope.
• * 1.418

  The Pope shews him self very difficult
• * 1.419

  1594.
• * 1.420

  The League fals in less then a year.
• * 1.421

  Meaux, Aix, Lyons, Orleans & Bourges, surrender to the King.
• * 1.422

  Reduction of Paris.
• * 1.423

  The King anointed at Chartres.
• * 1.424

  It was al∣most a wonder how he became master of Paris.
• * 1.425

  He sees the Spanish Garison depart; and what he saies to them.
• * 1.426

  Parliament at Tours recalled to Paris.
• * 1.427

  The City rejoyce, and are peaceable.
• * 1.428

  Two wor∣thy actions of the King.
• * 1.429

  The one of Justice.
• * 1.430

  The other of Policy.
• * 1.431

  Reduction of Rouen, Abbeville, Troyes, Sens, &c.
• * 1.432

  La Capelle taken by Mansfield, and Laon by the King.
• * 1.433

  Balagny turns to the Kings party with his City of Cambray.
• * 1.434

  Reduction of Amiens, Beauvais, & Peronne.
• * 1.435

  The Duke of Guise compounds with the King.
• * 1.436

  And like∣wise the Duke of Lorrain.
• * 1.437

  The Duke of Mayenne remains alone, and retires into Bourgongne.
• * 1.438

  1595.
• * 1.439

  The King declares war against the Spani∣ards.
• * 1.440

  Two ar∣tempts on his person.
• * 1.441

  Of Peter Barriere,
• * 1.442

  and of John Castel.
• * 1.443

  Jesuites exiled the king∣dom.
• * 1.444

  Reduct on of Beaune, Auxerre, and Dijon▪ &c.
• * 1.445

  The King goes into Bourgongne against the Spanish Army.
• * 1.446

  Battail of Fountain-Franzoise,
• * 1.447

  where the King shews his valour; but is in danger of his life.
• * 1.448

  The Spanish Army re∣tire.
• * 1.449

  The Duke of Mayenne despairing, would re∣tire into Savoy.
• * 1.450

  The King hath pity of him, and offers him an accom∣modation, and place of retreat.
• * 1.451

  He grants him a truce
• * 1.452

  La Fere & Ham deli∣vered to the Spani∣ards;
• * 1.453

  who are cut in pieces at Ham. Humieres killed. Many Lea∣guers de∣spairing, cast them∣selves into the Spani∣ards arms: Amongst others, Rosny, who causeth the taking of Dourlens.
• * 1.454

  Battel of Dourlens.
• * 1.455

  Villars slain
• * 1.456

  Cambray taken by the Spani∣ards.
• * 1.457

  The Pope absolves the King.
• * 1.458

  The Duke of Mayenne in the end makes his Treaty with King.
• * 1.459

  Hath ad∣vantagious Conditions
• * 1.460

  He comes to Mon∣ceaux to salute the King.
• * 1.461

  The Duke of Nemours reconciled likewise.
• * 1.462

  His elder Brother di∣ed of a strange di∣sease.
• * 1.463

  1596.
• * 1.464

  The Duke of Joyeuse makes his Treaty with the King.
• * 1.465

  And the Lord of Boisdaufia.
• * 1.466

  Reduction of Marseilles
• * 1.467

  The King grants a truce to the Duke of Merceur.
• * 1.468

  Arch-duke Albert takes Calais.
• * 1.469

  Taking of la Fere by the King.
• * 1.470

  The Arch∣duke takes likewise Guines and Ardres.
• * 1.471

  The King to have mony, calls an assem∣bly of the Chiefs to Rouen.
• * 1.472

  The man∣ner of their sitting.
• * 1.473

  His Speech
• * 1.474

  The Assem∣bly grant money for the War.
• * 1.475

  King of Spain de∣sires the peace.
• * 1.476

  Surprizal of Amiens by the Spa∣niards, re∣tards the peace.
• * 1.477

  1597.
• * 1.478

  The King resolves to besiege Amiens.
• * 1.479

  Many con∣spiracies discovered.
• * 1.480

  The people contribute willingly, and the Leaguers serve him well.
• * 1.481

  The Arch-Duke comes to relieve Amiens.
• * 1.482

  His arrival & assaults put the Kings Army in disorder.
• * 1.483

  The King re-assures them.
• * 1.484

  Words worthy a good and Christian King▪
• * 1.485

  The Arch-Duke re∣tires to Flanders.
• * 1.486

  The King retakes Amiens.
• * 1.487

  The King marches to the gates of Arras, and dares the Spaniards.
• * 1.488

  The Duke of Merceur daily de∣lays con∣cluding his Treaty.
• * 1.489

  The King goes into Brittany, resolved to chastise him.
• * 1.490

  He gives his daugh∣ter to the Kings na∣tural son, and by this means makes his agreement.
• * 1.491

  By reason of this mar∣riage, the King gives his son the Dukedom of Ven∣dosme.
• * 1.492

  1598.
• * 1.493

  He goes to Nantes and Rennes.
• * 1.494

  He puts good order in the Pro∣vince.
• * 1.495

  Endea∣vours for a general peace, and the two Kings wish it.
• * 1.496

  The Depu∣ties met at Vervin.
• * 1.497

  Substance of the Treaty of Vervin.
• * 1.498

  The peace published.
• * 1.499

  1598.
• * 1.500

  The third part of the Life of Henry the great, more calm and more peaceable then the others.
• * 1.501

  He was a Souldier by con∣straint, but a Polititian by inclina∣on.
• * 1.502

  It is neces∣sary a King should know War; but besides that, there are other functions of Royalty. What those functions are.
• * 1.503

  The Peace sworn by the King and Arch-Duke Al∣bertus.
• * 1.504

  Byron made Duke and Peer, goes to swear the peace in the Ne∣therlands.
• * 1.505

  The Spani∣ards possess him with pride and presumpti∣on.
• * 1.506

  VVhat the French and what the Spaniards said of the peace.
• * 1.507

  VVhy the King de∣sired peace. Excellent words.
• * 1.508

  Strange sickness & death of Philip 2. of Spain.
• * 1.509

  Before his death, he takes care to marry his son and daughter.
• * 1.510

  His sickness hinders his swearing to the peace.
• * 1.511

  His son Philip the 2. doth it af∣ter his death.
• * 1.512

  The King forbids the carrying of arms.
• * 1.513

  He dismis∣ses his Troops.
• * 1.514

  He remits the arrears of Taxes.
• * 1.515

  He com∣mands the false No∣bles to be sought out, and taxes re∣imposed on them.
• * 1.516

  He retren∣ches thelu∣xury of the Nobility, and sends them all to their hou∣ses in the Country.
• * 1.517

  He shews them by his example the mode∣sty of his habits.
• * 1.518

  He falls dangerous∣ly sick.
• * 1.519

  Words of a good King.
• * 1.520

  He gives the Estates an account of his ex∣pences.
• * 1.521

  Cuts off the super∣fluous ex∣pences of his Tables.
• * 1.522

  Who were his Coun∣sellours & Ministers.
• * 1.523

  Chiverny.
• * 1.524

  Bellievre.
• * 1.525

  Sillery.
• * 1.526

  Sancy.
• * 1.527

  Janin.
• * 1.528

  Villeroy.
• * 1.529

  The King confers of∣ten with his Coun∣sellours, & how.
• * 1.530

  Rosny, after Duke of Sully.
• * 1.531

  After the death of Francis d' O, he com∣mits his Revenues to five or six, who ac∣quit them∣selves ill.
• * 1.532

  Seeing that, he makes Sancy alone Superin∣tendent:
• * 1.533

  And very little time after, Rosny,
• * 1.534

  who knows perfectly the Reve∣nues.
• * 1.535

  Which the King knows also so well, that he could not be cheated.
• * 1.536

  He desires Rosny to take no Presents without adverti∣sing him.
• * 1.537

  He begins to establish a constant order in the Revenues.
• * 1.538

  Effects of this good manage∣ment of Rosny.
• * 1.539

  A general place for receipt of Revenues, whereof▪ there be 20. in France, viz. Paris, Rouen, Caen, Nantes, Tours, Bourges, Poictiers, Agen, Tholouse, Mont∣pellier, Aix, Grenoble, Lyons, Dijon, Chaalons, Amiens, Orle∣ans, Limoges, Soissons & Moulin.
• * 1.540

  Expedients to hinder those of the Council to share with the Farmers
• * 1.541

  The Col∣lectors ex∣claim a∣gainst Ros∣ny, but he derides them.
• * 1.542

  1599.
• * 1.543

  The King cannot yet provide for the Re∣formation of the Clergy.
• * 1.544

  His abuse of Bene∣fices.
• * 1.545

  Remon∣strance of the gene∣ral Assem∣bly of the Clergy to the King.
• * 1.546

  The Kings answer.
• * 1.547

  He had need of great Pru∣dence to conduct himself with the Pope and with the Hugonots.
• * 1.548

  Edict of Nantes granted to the Hugo∣nots.
• * 1.549

  The Parli∣ament with great diffi∣culty con∣firm it.
• * 1.550

  The King shews all respect ••o the Pope.
• * 1.551

  Cause of the Dutchy of Ferrara.
• * 1.552

  Caesar ba∣stard of Ferrara, would maintain it.
• * 1.553

  The Pope makes war against him.
• * 1.554

  The King offers his sword to the Pope. Caesar quits Ferrara, & remains Duke of Modena.
• * 1.555

  Many Hu∣gonots con∣verts.
• * 1.556

  The King takes the young Prince of Conde from the Hugo∣nots, and causes him to be in∣structed in the Catho∣lick Reli∣gion.
• * 1.557

  Marriage of the In∣fanta of Spain, and Ratherine sister to the King.
• * 1.558

  Qualities of Kathe∣rine, & why the King married her to the Duke of Bar.
• * 1.559

  The marri∣age made in the Kings Closet.
• * 1.560

  The Pope troubled at the Duke of Bar for this marri∣age.
• * 1.561

  Death of the Dut∣chess of Bar.
• * 1.562

  The Duke of Joyeuse re-takes the habit of Capuchin.
• * 1.563

  The Mar∣chioness of Bell' Isle turns Feu∣illantine.
• * 1.564

  Duel of de Crequy, and Phillipin bastard of Savoy.
• * 1.565

  The Appa∣rition of the great Hunter to the King hunting at Fountain∣bleau.
• * 1.566

  What these fantasms may be.
• * 1.567

  The fair Gabriella demands the King to espouse her, and legitimate his Chil∣dren. He feeds her with hope.
• * 1.568

  She in the end obli∣ges the King to de∣mand Com∣missioners of the Pope to judge of the divorce of Marga∣ret.
• * 1.569

  The King remains at Fontain∣bleau to do his Easter-devotions, and sends the fair Gabriella to Paris.
• * 1.570

  A service in the Ro∣man Church used three days before Easter, which are called, Les t••ois Jours de tenebres
• * 1.571

  She dies in a strange manner.
• * 1.572

  The King comforts himself, & conserves an extream tenderness for her Children.
• * 1.573

  Queen Margaret presents a request to the Pope to dissolve her marriage.
• * 1.574

  The Lords and Parlia∣ment be∣seech the King to take a wife.
• * 1.575

  He presents his request to the Pope, as well as Queen Margaret.
• * 1.576

  The Pope appoints Commissi∣oners, who pronounce the disso∣lution of the marri∣age.
• * 1.577

  After which, Queen Margaret comes to Paris.
• * 1.578

  Her incli∣nation.
• * 1.579

  1600.
• * 1.580

  Maria de Medicis de∣manded for Hen. 4.
• * 1.581

  The con∣tract of the marriage at Florence, and the Nuptials Solemni∣zed by Proxy.
• * 1.582

  The King falls into the snares of Madam d'Entragues afterwards March io∣ness of Verneuil.
• * 1.583

  A good re∣flection concerning flatterers.
• * 1.584

  The King gives an hundred thousand crowns to Madamoi∣selle d' En∣tragues.
• * 1.585

  Her cun∣ning to bring him to her de∣signs.
• * 1.586

  She gets a promise of marri∣age from him.
• * 1.587

  Sully tears it, but the King makes another.
• * 1.588

  He pursues at Rome the decision of the Mar∣quisate of Saluces.
• * 1.589

  How that Marquisate appertain∣ed to him.
• * 1.590

  How the Duke of Savoy seized it.
• * 1.591

  An accom∣modation spoke of.
• * 1.592

  He offers it to be held at faith & homage.
• * 1.593

  By the Treaty of Vervin the business is remitted to the Popes Arbitration
• * 1.594

  The Pope refuses far∣ther med∣ling with the Arbi∣tration, & why.
• * 1.595

  The Duke of Savoy strives to gain time.
• * 1.596

  He would come to France to confer with the King.
• * 1.597

  What might be the mo∣tives of his voyage.
• * 1.598

  His Train.
• * 1.599

  The King causes him to be well received every where. He passes Lyons.
• * 1.600

  Arrives at Fontain∣bleau where the King is
• * 1.601

  His address to gain confidence with the King,
• * 1.602

  who is as sub••ile as himself;
• * 1.603

  and carries him to Paris.
• * 1.604

  Overture of the Cen∣tenary Ju∣bilee at Rome.
• * 1.605

  Great De∣monstrati∣ons of friendship between the King and Duke.
• * 1.606

  How the Duke li∣ved in the Kings Court.
• * 1.607

  The King shews him his Parlia∣ment.
• * 1.608

  A place I suppose so called, which look∣ed into the Parliament-House, and where they might see and not be seen.
• * 1.609

  Yet the King re∣leases not to him the Marquisate
• * 1.610

  The French hath it, Prendre le Change, which is taken for flying out at a wrong Deer like hounds of Riot.
• * 1.611

  The Duke not suc∣ceeding, it is believed he endea∣voured to debauch Byron by the means of Laffin.
• * 1.612

  The vani∣ties of Byron become in∣supportable
• * 1.613

  He esteems himself more then the King,
• * 1.614

  who takes disgust at it.
• * 1.615

  A good and important Reflection.
• * 1.616

  The Duke causes to be carried to Byron some disadvan∣tagious words of the Kings.
• * 1.617

  The King proposes to the Duke the ex∣change of the Mar∣quisate for la Bresse.
• * 1.618

  The Duke seems not a verse, but takes three moneths to consider.
• * 1.619

  He takes leave of the King, who ac∣companies him to Cha∣renton.
• * 1.620

  Some had counselled the King to arrest him. The Kings noble An∣swer.
• * 1.621

  The three months ex∣pired, the King presses the Duke to chuse either the change or the restitu∣tion.
• * 1.622

  The Duke presses the Council of Spain to help him.
• * 1.623

  The Count of Fuentes comes to this purpose to Milain, but too late
• * 1.624

  The King again pres∣ses the Duke to chuse the change or restitution
• * 1.625

  He promi∣ses posi∣tively to surrender the Mar∣quisate.
• * 1.626

  But when the King sends his forces, he takes off his mask, and refuses
• * 1.627

  The King declares war against him.
• * 1.628

  He gives advice of it to the neighbour∣ing Princes
• * 1.629

  Julius Caesar would ne∣ver let the tenth Legion fight but with him.
• * 1.630

  Byron con∣quers all la Bresse.
• * 1.631

  The Pope Alarm'd at this War sends to the King.
• * 1.632

  The Kings good and Christian answer.
• * 1.633

  The King enters Savoy.
• * 1.634

  Yet the Duke stirs not.
• * 1.635

  He trusts some vain predictions of Astrolo∣gers.
• * 1.636

  or to Byron, much in∣censed a∣gainst the King.
• * 1.637

  In fine, the Duke takes the field, but does nothing.
• * 1.638

  The Ci∣tadel of Montmelian taken,
• * 1.639

  and that of Bourg,
• * 1.640

  and fort St. Katherine.
• * 1.641

  The King visits Gene∣va.
• * 1.642

  The Pope endeavours a peace, and sends to that pur∣pose his Nephew Legat.
• * 1.643

  The King comes to Lyons, where his Queen ex∣pected him.
• * 1.644

  The Legat likewise comes, and the Ambas∣sadors of Savoy.
• * 1.645

  1610.
• * 1.646

  The peace agreed, signed and published at Lyons.
• * 1.647

  They both gain by the exchange.
• * 1.648

  After, the King goes to Paris fol∣lowed by the Queen. He carries her to see his build∣ings.
• * 1.649

  He diver∣tised, but never em∣ployed himself about buildings. An excel∣lent reflexi∣on.
• * 1.650

  Count Fu∣entes would surprize Marseilles to break the peace.
• * 1.651

  His people might be intrapped by counter-intelli∣gence; but the King will not.
• * 1.652

  The Spa∣niards turn their Arms against the Infidels.
• * 1.653

  The Duke of Merceur commands the Empe∣ro••rs forces and dies.
• * 1.654

  Gentlemen of the Am∣bassador of France in Spain, kill some Spa∣niards.
• * 1.655

  The Magi∣strate vio∣lates the freedom of the Ambas∣sadors house, and takes them out.
• * 1.656

  Discourse of the free∣dom of Ambassa∣dors Pala∣ces.
• * 1.657

  The King being offended, recals his Ambassa∣dor.
• * 1.658

  And goes in haste to Calais to visit his Frontier.
• * 1.659

  The Pope undertakes to accom∣modate the difference, and doth it.
• * 1.660

  The Arch-Duke be∣sieging Ostend, sends to comple∣ment the King.
• * 1.661

  This siege lasted three years, three months, and three days.
• * 1.662

  The King returns the civility to the Arch-Duke.
• * 1.663

  The Queen of England sends like∣wise to comple∣ment him: and he an∣swers it by Byron.
• * 1.664

  To whom she shews the Earl of Essex head
• * 1.665

  The King & Queen enjoy the Jubilee at Orleans.
• * 1.666

  The Queen brought to bed of a Daulphine, who is na∣med Lewis, after sur∣named The Just.
• * 1.667

  The King gives him his bles∣sing, and puts his sword in his hand.
• * 1.668

  Birth of the Infanta of Spain, na∣med Anne; who after espoused King Lewis xiii.
• * 1.669

  The King makes di∣vers Orders for the good of the Estate.
• * 1.670

  He sup∣presses the Triennial Officers for Revenues.
• * 1.671

  He esta∣blisheth a Chamber of Justice to call Treasurers and Colle∣ctors to ac∣count.
• * 1.672

  The onely remedy a∣gainst their thefts.
• * 1.673

  The King prohibites the trans∣port of gold or silver out of his Kingdome,
• * 1.674

  and wear∣ing gold and silver lace, or gildings.
• * 1.675

  Introduces the manu∣facture of silk into France.
• * 1.676

  The usury excessive in France, which cau∣sed
• * 1.677

  the ruine of the best fa∣milies,
• * 1.678

  and the Merchants to abandon all traffick.
• * 1.679

  The King reduces in∣terests to six in the hundred.
• * 1.680

  His great care to en∣rich his Kingdom.
• * 1.681

  He favours the esta∣blishment of manufa∣ctures. After his example, all labour▪ for their benefit.
• * 1.682

  Idleness punished.
• * 1.683

  1602.
• * 1.684

  The King remedies two things capable to overthrow France.
• * 1.685

  The tax of a Sol pour livre bur∣thensome.
• * 1.686

  It causes commoti∣ons in the Provinces.
• * 1.687

  The King to appease them, goes to Poictiers.
• * 1.688

  His wise and just remon∣stance to the Depu∣ties of Guy∣enne▪
• * 1.689

  He had sold the Lands of his Patrimony.
• * 1.690

  He calms the sediti∣ons, and revokes the Sol pour livre.
• * 1.691

  Conspiracy of the Mar∣shal Byron.
• * 1.692

  Laffin dis∣covers it to the King.
• * 1.693

  Vidame is a Lord who holds his Lordship in Fief of a Bishop.
• * 1.694

  How he got the Notes written with Byron's own hand.
• * 1.695

  The Duke of Savoy keeps Re∣naze Laffins Secretary.
• * 1.696

  Propositi∣ons be∣twixt Byron, the Duke of Savoy, and the Count Fuentes.
• * 1.697

  Byron had demanded pardon of the King, but after fell again.
• * 1.698

  He speaks ill of the King, and boasts ex∣cessively of himself.
• * 1.699

  Two things compleat his loss.
• * 1.700

  Laffin comes to Court, and reveals all to the King.
• * 1.701

  The King sends for Byron to Court, who at first ex∣cuses him∣self.
• * 1.702

  In the end Byron comes.
• * 1.703

  The King conjures ••im the first time to confess the truth.
• * 1.704

  He inso∣lently vin∣dicates himself.
• * 1.705

  The King prayes the Count of Soissons to exhort him to confess his crime. But he is more ob∣stinate.
• * 1.706

  The King speaks to him the second time, but in vain.
• * 1.707

  He is trou∣bled what to resolve on.
• * 1.708

  He resolves to leave him to Ju∣stice.
• * 1.709

  Yet tries the third time to draw truth from him.
• * 1.710

  He finds it in vain, & leaves him.
• * 1.711

  By on and the Count of Auverg∣ne Arrested prisoners.
• * 1.712

  His kind∣red inter∣cede for him.
• * 1.713

  The Par∣liament make his Process.
• * 1.714

  He defends himself weakly.
• * 1.715

  Letters of the King revoking the pardon granted him at Lyons.
• * 1.716

  He re∣proacheth not Laffin.
• * 1.717

  Renaze ap∣pears be∣fore him, at which he is much a∣stonished.
• * 1.718

  He is con∣ducted to the Parlia∣ment, and heard.
• * 1.719

  Sentence of death voted a∣gainst him.
• * 1.720

  The King removes the execu∣tion to the Bastille.
• * 1.721

  Sentence pronoun∣ced.
• * 1.722

  His head cut off.
• * 1.723

  He was ve∣ry ignorant, but a great lover of predictions.
• * 1.724

  A reflection very neces∣sary for great men.
• * 1.725

  Laffin and Renaze pardoned.
• * 1.726

  That is, the Rack.
• * 1.727

  So is the Baron of Lux, and confirmed in his Charges.
• * 1.728

  Montbarot imprison∣ed, and soon relea∣sed.
• * 1.729

  Fontanelles broke on the wheel.
• * 1.730

  Duke of Bouillon had a hand in the con∣spiracy.
• * 1.731

  The King sends for him to Court; but he presents himself to the Cham∣ber of Ca∣stres.
• * 1.732

  After, he retires to Geneva, & thence to Heidelberg to the Prince Pa∣latine his Kinsman.
• * 1.733

  The favour of Rosny a pretext to the discon∣tents of the great ones.
• * 1.734

  Yet the King gave him not too much power;
• * 1.735

  but keeps it to him∣self.
• * 1.736

  An impor∣tant truth.
• * 1.737

  A memora∣ble example, that a King ought not to yeild too much to his Ministers.
• * 1.738

  Enterpri∣zes of the Duke of Savoy on Geneva.
• * 1.739

  Thirteen of the En∣terprizers ••anged.
• * 1.740

  The Duke of Savoy excuses himself to the Suisses.
• * 1.741

  From whom the City of Ge∣neva was held.
• * 1.742

  It was an Allie of the Suisses, and under pro∣tection of France.
• * 1.743

  The Gene∣vans make War on Savoy.
• * 1.744

  But the King obli∣ges them to peace.
• * 1.745

  The inha∣bitants of Mets rise against So∣bole their Governour.
• * 1.746

  The Duke d' Espernon kindles the fire more.
• * 1.747

  The King goes in person.
• * 1.748

  The Jesu∣ites present their re∣quest to the King, for their re∣establish∣ment.
• * 1.749

  He re-esta∣blisheth them glo∣riously.
• * 1.750

  1602, & 1603.
• * 1.751

  He visits his sister at Nancy. Renews his alliance with the Suisses and Grisons.
• * 1.752

  Hears of the death of Queen Elizabeth of England.
• * 1.753

  She be∣headed Mary Queen of Scots.
• * 1.754

  James 6. King of Scotland and Son of Mary, suc∣ceeded to the Kindom of England. He was James the first of that name among▪ the Kings of England.
• * 1.755

  Ambassa∣dors go from France and Spain to desire his friend∣ship.
• * 1.756

  Piety yeilds to Interest.
• * 1.757

  The King labours to conserve peace.
• * 1.758

  Excellent speeches of a good King.
• * 1.759

  His diver∣tisements.
• * 1.760

  Employs of the Nobili∣ty.
• * 1.761

  Duels too frequent.
• * 1.762

  The King makes an Edict a∣gainst this madness.
• * 1.763

  He makes Acts for working the Gold, Silver▪ and Copper Mines.
• * 1.764

  An enter∣prize to joyn the Seine and Loire.
• * 1.765

  Another design to joyn the two Seas.
• * 1.766

  Navigati∣on to Ca∣nada.
• * 1.767

  Establish∣ment of Religious Orders at Paris.
• * 1.768

  The King gives Ver∣neuil to Madamoi∣selle d' En∣tragues.
• * 1.769

  She despises and offends the Queen.
• * 1.770

  Alluding I suppose to the Dukes of Florence, who are all Merchants.
• * 1.771

  The Queen on her part trouble∣some to the King.
• * 1.772

  Leonora & Conchini her husband, foster the Queen in ill humors.
• * 1.773

  1604.
• * 1.774

  The Kings debauche∣ries cause the Gout.
• * 1.775

  The Queen threatens the Mar∣chioness.
• * 1.776

  Who prays the King to see her no more.
• * 1.777

  And her Father de∣mands leave to retire with her out of France.
• * 1.778

  They treat with the Ambassa∣dor of Spain.
• * 1.779

  The King resolves to hinder them. To this end he sends for Auvergne, who is at Clermont, and refuses to come.
• * 1.780

  He is Ar∣rested prisoner, and carried to the Ba∣stille.
• * 1.781

  D' Entragues and the Marchio∣ness like∣wise Arre∣sted.
• * 1.782

  The Com∣mon Goal of Paris.
• * 1.783

  Sentence of Parlia∣ment a∣gainst them.
• * 1.784

  The King pardons them, and justifies the Marchio∣ness.
• * 1.785

  But the Count of Auvergne remained at the Ba∣stille, and is despoiled of his County.
• * 1.786

  Which is adjudged to Queen Margaret, who gives her Estates to the Daulphin.
• * 1.787

  The de∣signes of the Duke of Bouillon discovered.
• * 1.788

  The King had done him many favours, and he had as well ser∣ved the King:
• * 1.789

  But after the Kings conversi∣on, he ex∣cites the Hugonots a∣gainst him, and would make him∣self chief of their party.
• * 1.790

  His Emis∣saries en∣deavour to form a party in Guyenne.
• * 1.791

  The King goes to prevent them.
• * 1.792

  All the Conspiracy dissipated.
• * 1.793

  The King returns to Paris.
• * 1.794

  He in vain endeavours to make the Duke of Bouillon humble himself.
• * 1.795

  He resolves to besiege Sedan.
• * 1.796

  Rosny makes all neces∣sary prepa∣rations.
• * 1.797

  The King makes him Duke of Sully.
• * 1.798

  Inconve∣niences in the siege of Sedan.
• * 1.799

  The King chuses ra∣ther to re∣ceive the Duke into favour.
• * 1.800

  On what conditions.
• * 1.801

  The Duke demands pardon of of the King, who enters Se∣dan, and thence goes to Paris.
• * 1.802

  A great ex∣ample of generosity in our Prince.
• * 1.803

  Notwith∣standing which, there are many con∣spiracies.
• * 1.804

  Treason of l' Oste.
• * 1.805

  1605.
• * 1.806

  Treason of Merargues.
• * 1.807

  He is sur∣prized talking with the Spanish Ambassa∣dours Se∣cretary.
• * 1.808

  His pu∣nishment.
• * 1.809

  The Am∣bassadours Secretary arrested.
• * 1.810

  Several discourses concerning Ambassa∣dours pri∣viledges.
• * 1.811

  The King forbids any process a∣gainst the Secretary.
• * 1.812

  The Am∣bassadour makes a great noise, and threa∣tens his Kings re∣sentment.
• * 1.813

  Treason of the Luquis∣ses.
• * 1.814

  A fool makes an attempt on the Kings person.
• * 1.815

  Those who desire war, whet the Kings spi∣rit upon these Con∣spiracies.
• * 1.816

  Character of Philip 3. of Spair.
• * 1.817

  A good & profitable reflection.
• * 1.818

  In what the courage of a Sove∣raign prin∣cipally consists.
• * 1.819

  The good∣ness of Henry the Great.
• * 1.820

  But the King ha∣stens not the War.
• * 1.821

  He makes himself Ar∣bitrator of the diffe∣rences of Christendom
• * 1.822

  1606.
• * 1.823

  After the death of Clement 8. he causes to be cho∣sen Leo xi. who soon dies, and Paul 5. suc∣ceeds.
• * 1.824

  A great difference between Paul 5. and the Veneti∣ans.
• * 1.825

  The Vene∣tians had made a law to bound the Acqui∣sitions of the Cler∣gy.
• * 1.826

  They make other De∣crees.
• * 1.827

  Paul 5. offended at these Decrees.
• * 1.828

  He sends Briefs to revoke them.
• * 1.829

  He Excom∣municates the Senate.
• * 1.830

  They de∣clare his sentence of Excommu∣nication null and abusive.
• * 1.831

  1607.
• * 1.832

  Henry the great un∣dertakes to accommo∣date the difference.
• * 1.833

  He sends to this pur∣pose Car∣dinal Joyeuse, who con∣cludes an accommo∣dation.
• * 1.834

  The Pope absolves the Signory.
• * 1.835

  There was nothing but the re∣establish∣ment of the Jesuites not obtain∣ed.
• * 1.836

  1608.
• * 1.837

  The King endeavours an accom∣modation between the Hollan∣der and Spaniard.
• * 1.838

  He under∣hand assists the Hollan∣der with men and money.
• * 1.839

  Janin sent for this ac∣commoda∣tion.
• * 1.840

  They come presently to an eight months truce.
• * 1.841

  The King makes an offensive and defen∣sive League with the Hollander.
• * 1.842

  The Spani∣ards A∣larm'd at this League.
• * 1.843

  Don Pedro▪ de Toledo makes great com∣plaints to the King.
• * 1.844

  Things ve∣ry curious which pas∣sed betwixt the King and Don Pedro.
• * 1.845

  Their en∣tertain∣ments.
• * 1.846

  Lively and quick re∣plies.
• * 1.847

  Don Pedro kisses the Kings Sword.
• * 1.848

  Two obsta∣cles in the Treaty of the Hollan∣ders sur∣mounted by the King.
• * 1.849

  The Trea∣ty ends in a twelve years Truce.
• * 1.850

  Great praise given by the repub∣lick of Ve∣nice to our Henry.
• * 1.851

  All desire his friend∣ship and protection.
• * 1.852

  He will not protect Subjects against their Sove∣raign.
• * 1.853

  What the Maurisques were.
• * 1.854

  The Spani∣ards treat them ill.
• * 1.855

  An avanie is, when by a false accu∣sation money is forced from any person.
• * 1.856

  They de∣mand assi∣stance of Henry the Great.
• * 1.857

  He refuses it.
• * 1.858

  The King of Spain banisheth them all.
• * 1.859

  They are horribly ill Treated by the Spani∣ards,
• * 1.860

  and by the French.
• * 1.861

  They are carried in∣to Affrica, but some stay in France.
• * 1.862

  The great designe of Henry 4. for the extent of the Christian Religion in the Le∣vant.
• * 1.863

  He sends some to spy the Coun∣try.
• * 1.864

  He seeks means to raise mo∣ny without burthening his people.
• * 1.865

  He would disengage his demain,
• * 1.866

  The Greffes is a due to the King of 63 ••. 9 d. Tours upon the sale of wood in se∣veral places.
• * 1.867

  and take off the Im∣post by buying the Salt-Marishes.
• * 1.868

  He is con∣strained to acquit himself of old scores, to make some new imposts & creations.
• * 1.869

  He makes not always use of in∣nocent means.
• * 1.870

  Inquisition of the rents of the Ci∣ty-house cause di∣sturbance.
• * 1.871

  Hostel de Ville is the same at Paris, as Guild-hall at London.
• * 1.872

  Miron, Pro∣vost of the Merchants, sustains the interest of the people.
• * 1.873

  Some would in∣cense the King a∣gainst him.
• * 1.874

  The people rise to de∣fend him.
• * 1.875

  The King counselled to take him by force.
• * 1.876

  The Kings wise answer worthy a great Poli∣titian.
• * 1.877

  He will not pursue this business of the Rents.
• * 1.878

  Establish∣ment of the Paulete.
• * 1.879

  Justice for∣merly ad∣ministred in France by Gentlemen.
• * 1.880

  How it fell into the hands, of the Plebei∣ans, who made profit of it.
• * 1.881

  The Parli∣ament of France meddle with parti∣cular af∣fairs, and is made se∣dentary at Paris.
• * 1.882

  They make all other Judges subalter∣nate to them.
• * 1.883

  The num∣ber of the Officers of Parliament small.
• * 1.884

  How Offi∣ces became vendible under Francis 1.
• * 1.885

  He had often said, that fat Boy would spoile all.
• * 1.886

  and Henry 2.
• * 1.887

  How this might be remedied.
• * 1.888

  But on the contrary is made in∣curable by the Paulete.
• * 1.889

  Which causes great a∣buses.
• * 1.890

  1609.
• * 1.891

  Marriage of the Prince of Conde.
• * 1.892

  And of the Duke of Vendosme.
• * 1.893

  What were the Kings divertise∣ments.
• * 1.894

  He loved Play too much.
• * 1.895

  He was ex∣tremely given to women.
• * 1.896

  This passi∣on made him do shameful things.
• * 1.897

  Three or four of his Mistresses.
• * 1.898

  This causes often con∣tentions with his wife.
• * 1.899

  And hin∣ders his great de∣sign.
• * 1.900

  What that was.
• * 1.901

  The means with which he served himself, to put it in Execution.
• * 1.902

  To this purpose he grants an Edict to the Hugo∣nots, and pays his debts.
• * 1.903

  Which re∣gains the reputation and credit of France.
• * 1.904

  He joyns to him all Christian Princes by promising his con∣quests.
• * 1.905

  He reunites them, by ac∣commoda∣ting their differences.
• * 1.906

  The Prin∣ces he made his friends.
• * 1.907

  How he would have accommo∣dated the Protestant Princes with the Pope.
• * 1.908

  He treats with the Electors.
• * 1.909

  With the Lords of Bohemia, Hungary & Poland.
• * 1.910

  With the Pope.
• * 1.911

  Model of the designe of Hen. 4.
• * 1.912

  He would part Chri∣stendome into fifteen equal Do∣minions.
• * 1.913

  To wit, e∣leven Kingdoms, and four Repub∣licks.
• * 1.914

  What the Pope had had.
• * 1.915

  The Signory of Venice.
• * 1.916

  The Italian Common∣wealth.
• * 1.917

  Duke of Savoy.
• * 1.918

  Republick of the Swisses.
• * 1.919

  The Low-Countries.
• * 1.920

  Kingdome of Hungary.
• * 1.921

  The Em∣pire with free electi∣on.
• * 1.922

  Bohemia & Hungary e∣lective.
• * 1.923

  A general Council of sixty per∣sons.
• * 1.924

  Three o∣thers, of each twen∣ty.
• * 1.925

  Order to hinder ty∣ranny and rebellion,
• * 1.926

  and to assist the Provin∣ces ad∣joyning to Infidels.
• * 1.927

  Three ge∣neral Cap∣tains, two by Land, and one by Sea, to war against the Turks.
• * 1.928

  What for∣ces & what train.
• * 1.929

  None but the house of Austria had suffer∣ed by this establish∣ment.
• * 1.930

  In Italy the Pope, Ve∣netians and Savoyard, would con∣sent:
• * 1.931

  In Germany many Ele∣ctors; and had chosen the Duke of Bavaria Emperour.
• * 1.932

  In Bohemia and Hun∣gary, the Lords and Nobility.
• * 1.933

  The busi∣ness of Cleves hap∣pens to give a be∣ginning to the great designe.
• * 1.934

  The Cities of Flanders should re∣volt.
• * 1.935

  The King•• Army should have lived in great or∣der.
• * 1.936

  The King would have reser∣ved no∣thing of his Con∣quests.
• * 1.937

  He had with other Princes prayed the Empe∣rour to re∣restore the Cities of the Empire to liberty.
• * 1.938

  Bohemia, Hungary, & Austria, had made the same request.
• * 1.939

  The Duke of Savoy had deman∣ded the Dower of his wife from the Spaniard.
• * 1.940

  The Pope and Vene∣tians to be∣come medi∣ators of the difference of Navarre, Naples, Savoy, &c.
• * 1.941

  And the King had yeilded his right.
• * 1.942

  They had perswaded the King of Spain, or else forced him.
• * 1.943

  The great Prudence and mode∣ration in∣tended by the King in the pursuit of his de∣sign.
• * 1.944

  The prepa∣rations he made.
• * 1.945

  The forces he had.
• * 1.946

  The Prince of Oranges Army.
• * 1.947

  That of the Electors & German Princes.
• * 1.948

  That of the Venetians and Savoy∣ard.
• * 1.949

  His Ex∣chequer for defray∣ing this great de∣signe.
• * 1.950

  He would make the War pow∣erfully, that it might be short.
• * 1.951

  Great ap∣pearance it might have succeeded, having no Princes to oppose it but the Dukes of Saxony and Florence
• * 1.952

  What was the business of Cleves and Juliers.
• * 1.953

  Death of John Duke of Juliers without issue.
• * 1.954

  His succes∣sion dispu∣ted by ma∣ny, particu∣larly by Branden∣bourg and Newbourg.
• * 1.955

  The Em∣perour said it was de∣volved to the Em∣pire.
• * 1.956

  He invests Leopold of Austria,
• * 1.957

  who whilst Branden∣bourg and Newbourg dispute, seizes Ju∣liers.
• * 1.958

  They im∣plore the Kings assi∣stance,
• * 1.959

  who pro∣mises to march in person:
• * 1.960

  But tells him he in∣tended to conserve the Catho∣lick Reli∣gion in that Country.
• * 1.961

  Answer made to the Ambas∣sador of the Empire.
• * 1.962

  He establi∣shes good order in the King∣dom before his depar∣ture.
• * 1.963

  Leaves the Regency to the Queen, but gives her a good Coun∣cil.
• * 1.964

  He establi∣shes little Councils in the Pro∣vinces, who refer to the great one.
• * 1.965

  1610.
• * 1.966

  Some put it into the spirit of the Queen, that she should be installed before the Kings de∣parture.
• * 1.967

  He, though unwilling∣ly, con∣sents.
• * 1.968

  The in∣stalment of the Queen.
• * 1.969

  Many Progno∣sticks, which see∣med to pre∣sage the death of Henry 4.
• * 1.970

  Advice from seve∣ral places that his life should be attemp∣ted.
• * 1.971

  He seems to believe them, and fear.
• * 1.972

  Who Ra∣vaillac was.
• * 1.973

  He is in∣duced to kill the King, but it is not known by whom.
• * 1.974

  The King departs the Louvre to go to the Arsenal.
• * 1.975

  What per∣sons were with him.
• * 1.976

  His Coach stopt in the street of the Ferron∣nerie.
• * 1.977

  Ravaillac killeth him.
• * 1.978

  He is torn with burn∣ing pin∣cers, and drawn in pieces by four horses.
• * 1.979

  The Kings body o∣pened, and found that he might yet live 30 years.
• * 1.980

  He is buri∣ed at St. Denis.
• * 1.981

  The Queen made Re∣gent.
• * 1.982

  The great desolation in Paris, when they knew of the Kings death.
• * 1.983

  His age, and the time of of his reign.
• * 1.984

  His two wives, Mar∣garet and Mary.
• * 1.985

  He had three Sons by Mary,
• * 1.986

  and three Daughters.
• * 1.987

  He had eight Na∣tural chil∣dren of di∣vers Mi∣stresses. Two Sons and a Daughter of Gabriel∣la.
• * 1.988

  A Son and a Daugh∣ter of the Marchio∣ness of Verneuil.
• * 1.989

  Of the Countess of Moret one Son.
• * 1.990

  Of Madam d' Essards two daugh∣ters.
• * 1.991

  He loved all his children, and would have them call him Papa.
• * 1.992

  Summary recital of the Life of Henry the Great.
• * 1.993

  Parallel of his adver∣sities and prosperi∣ties.
• * 1.994

  There are more then fifty conspi∣racies a∣gainst his person.
• * 1.995

  His adver∣sities whet his spirit and cou∣rage. Why Prin∣ces who come young to the Crown, seldome learn to govern well.
• * 1.996

  Those who come to a Crown at greater di∣stance and a more ripe age, are more capa∣ble and better.
• * 1.997

  The rea∣sons of it.
• * 1.998

  A mystick Crown to the glory of Henry the Great.