The voyages and travells of the ambassadors sent by Frederick, Duke of Holstein, to the Great Duke of Muscovy and the King of Persia begun in the year M.DC.XXXIII. and finish'd in M.DC.XXXIX : containing a compleat history of Muscovy, Tartary, Persia, and other adjacent countries : with several publick transactions reaching near the present times : in VII. books. Whereto are added the Travels of John Albert de Mandelslo (a gentleman belonging to the embassy) from Persia into the East-Indies ... in III. books ... / written originally by Adam Olearius, secretary to the embassy ; faithfully rendered into English, by John Davies.

MANDELSLO'S TRAVELS INTO THE INDIES. (Book 3)

The Third Book. (Book 3)

WE gave the Reader an account in the precedent Book,* 1.1 how that the calm, which staid our Ship in a manner in fight of the Island of Cey∣lon, occasioned the digression we have made, wherein we have repre∣sented the State of the Indies, even to the utmost extremities of Asia.

We continued at the Altitude of Ceylon,* 1.2 till the 20. of February, at which time the North-west-wind oblig'd us to take our course towards South-east. Taking the Latitude about noon,* 1.3 we found we were two minutes beyond the Aequinoctial Line. I asked the Master of the Ship, what he thought of their opinion, who affirm, that being under the Line, a man may discover both the Poles: but he made it appear to me, that it was an er∣rour, and shewed me clearly, that the Artick Pole is not to be seen within six Degrees of the Line, and that the Artartick cannot be perceiv'd, till a man comes to the eighth degree. He shew'd me farther, that at eight or ten degrees of the Line, the wind seems to be as changeable, as it is in our Seas on this side of it, inasmuch as that of the North-west reigns there six months together; and that of the South-east blows there as constantly for the other six moneths. So that such as go into the Indies, or come thence, may regulate their Voyages accordingly.

In these parts we saw several sorts of Birds,* 1.4 whereof some were white, and not unlike our Pidgeons, save that their Tails are longer and narrower. Others were of sundry co∣lours, and somewhat like wild Ducks. But among others, we saw abundance of those Birds which the Portuguez call Garayos, or Rabos foreados, which are black and white, as Mag-pies, but somewhat bigger, and have their Tails divided like a Taylors pair of Shears. All these Birds live only by the Sea, and feed on a certain flying Fish, which to avoid the pursuit of the Albocores, Bonitos, and Dorados, that continually prey upon them, fly into the Air,* 1.5 where they can abide no longer then while their wings are moist, and where they are caught by these Birds; or if, for want of moisture, they fall back into the Sea, they are devour'd by those Fishes. The Albocores are white all over, and have no Scales, no more then the Bonitos. The former are much bigger then the latter, and have but one bone in them, which comes from the Head to the Tail. Some of them are so large, that if we may credit report, one, between five and six foot long, hath dined sixty Seamen; but the meat of it being not very good, I conceive they were rather glutted then satisfied. The Dorado,

which the English confound with the Dolphin, is much like a Salmon, but incomparably more delicate, and hath smaller Scales.

We also took a certain Fish,* 1.6 which had a mouth like the snout of a Hog; the Portuguez call it Tonina, and the French Marsouin, a name, which no doubt is deriv'd from the German word, which signifies a Sea-hog. The Hollanders, in the Relation of their first Voyage, affirm, that out of curiosity they opened one of them, and that they found within it not only flesh and fat, and the intrails after the same manner as those of a Hog, but also a young Pig in the belly of it, which they cast into the Sea. They are seen alwayes many of them together, and when the Sea is rough, they come near the Vessel, and grunt, as if they desired shelter against the Storm they perceive coming, and whereof the Sea-men look upon them as an infallible sign.

The Sea hath not a more dangerous Fish then those which the Portuguez call Tuberones,* 1.7 the Dutch, Hayes, and the English, Shark. It is a great Fish, and hath much ado to swim; whence it comes, that many times, when the Sea is clam, it is seen floating above water. It is never seen, but there are fastened to the head of it seven or eight other Fish, about the bigness of a Herring, expecting to participate of what he takes. Above all things, they love mans flesh, and there are many sad examples of it, in Sea-men, who have either lost arms or other limbs, or have been devoured by them; for their teeth are as sharp and close as those of a Saw. Their mouth is below the head, so that to take their prey, they lie up∣on their backs, and so catch it upwards. That we took had the heart in the head, and lived a good while after it was taken out. They are not eaten, and are hunted only for recreation, or to cleanse the Sea of them.

The Fish which the Portuguez call Pesce puerco, and whereof there is abundance in these Seas, is no bigger then a Bream, and is so called, only because it grunts like a Pig. There are also about those parts great store of Tortoises, which lie on their backs, and commonly sleep upon the water, when the weather is calm. The Sea-men, when they see them in that posture, get near them, cast out a hook, which fastning in the shells, they draw them into the Boat. Their meat is as delicate as Veal, and it is one of the greatest refreshments the Sea∣men meet with in these great and dangerous Voyages.

February 21. We were at one degree and twenty minutes of the Line, the weather be∣ing rainy and tempestuous, and continuing so much longer then we expected it should at that place; for it is so unconstant there, and changes so of a sudden, that many times they have hardly leisure to take in their Sails, to avoid the violence of the Winds, which the Portuguez call Travados, that is, Whirlewinds.

The 23. died one of our Seamen, who having got the Pox at Surat, neglected the taking of timely Remedies for the cure of it.

The 24. being Sunday, the President treated all the Officers of the Ship, and among other dishes, had the Biggel dressed, and some of the Country Fowl, which the Viceroy of Goa had presented to him.

The 25. We were surprized by a Calm, which kept us in the same place all that day; but the night following there rose a Tempest, that put us out of our course, which we could not well have kept, had that not happened: in regard that having the Sun in the Zenith, ever since the 22. we could not take the altitude, but only in the night, by the Stars.

This inconvenience continued till the fifth of March,* 1.8 having had the twenty seventh and twenty eighth of February, the wind at South-west, which put us in hope, we should soon have the Manson-wind whereof we stood in need to bring us to the Cape of Good Hope. But the continual changes of the Wind, and Tempests, which obliged the Sea-men to be alwayes about the Masts, lest they should be surprized by the Travados, retarded our pro∣gress very much.

March 5. We began to make our Observations by the Sun, and found we were at eight degrees, six minutes Latitude. Our Ship was encompassed by a great number of all sorts of Fish, which seem'd to be our protection against the Whales, by whom they were pur∣sued.

March 10. We were at ten degrees,* 1.9 fourteen minutes, the Wind at West, which turned to a Storm that lasted ten hours.

March 12. and 13. We had a great Storm, accompanied with Lightning and Thunder. But what we thought most strange, was that, though we were not come to the 13. degree, yet we found nothing of the ordinary Wind of the season, which is commonly perceived about the eight or ninth. For the South-wind, which blew constantly, not only retarded the prosecution of our Voyage, but also forced us so much back Eastward, that we were in in some fear, we might be constrain'd to return upon the Coast of the Indies.

March 15. The Wind changed, and came to the South, and at Night, we had it South-east; so that not doubting but it was the Manson, we put out all the Sail we could, and made two Leagues an hour, taking our course South-west. During the time the Wind was thus fair for us, we saw a great number of Dolphins, which followed our Ship, and we took as many of them as found us three good Meals.

March 20. We were surpriz'd by a Calm, which took off much of our courage; in re∣gard our store of fresh Water being somewhat low, at a time when we knew not what to hope of our Voyage, we were forced to assign every Man his allowance; and to make it last the longer, it was resolved, that for some dayes there should be no salt Meat eaten, but that the Swine, and some other Creatures, whereof, having good store, some had died that day upon the eating of Mustard-seed, should be kill'd and consum'd.

Being about this time at sixteen Degrees, we found that the Compass declined thirty Minutes to the West, and it continued so to the four and twentieth Degree. But when the Cape of Good Hope is once doubled, the Loadstone draws towards the Earth.

The 21. While we floated up and down, without so much as a breath of wind, our Ship took fire, which might have proved to the ruine of us all.

The Butler, going to remove a Vat which he had filled with Aqus vitae, set it on fire; whereat he was so startled, that he turned it out about the Cellar, where the fire took in one of the great Vessels, and was going to set thirty more into a flame, ahd it not been time∣ly prevented with Coverlets. The Ship was so loaden with all sorts of Gums, and other fat Drugs, that it would have been impossible to quench it, had there not been a care taken to smother it, at the beginning.

After that day, we began to made use of the invention of drawing fresh Water out of the Sea; but it was fit only to dress Meat withall, in regard it had so untoward a taste, that the Sea-men would not take it for their ordinary drink.

March 22. We made a good dayes sail by the help of the Manson, getting above two Leagues an hour. The same Wind continued the 23. 24. and 25.

This last day, a Sea-man was whipt at the Main-mast, for offering to debauch two young Boyes.

March 26. The Wind continued still fair; but in regard we had some reason to fear that in case the wind should fail us, as it was likely to do, we should be put to great incon∣veinences for want of fresh water, a Councel was call'd, at which it was resolv'd, that we should indeavour to make for Maurice Island, and there take in fresh water. This resolu∣tion very much rejoyced the company. The same night, we discovered the Island called Diego Roiz, or Diego Rodriguez, at twenty degrees, forty five minutes, in so much that we were in hopes the next day to reach Maurice Island, as being but sixty Leagues fur∣ther.

This Island,* 1.10 which the Portuguez call Ilha do Cerno, and the Dutch have named Maurice, Island, from the Prince of Orange, who was Admiral of the Vnited Provinces at the time of their first Voyage into the Indies, lies at 20. degrees, 27. minutes, and is abour 15. leagues in compass.

The Haven of it is very good,* 1.11 as well in regard, that at the entrance of it there is a hun∣dred fathom water, as that it is able to contain above fifty great Vessels, sheltred from all winds. It hath some Mountains, which reaching up to the Clouds are seen at a great di∣stance, and are extreamly delightful to the eye, in as much as Nature maintains them in a constant verdure, though some Cocos-trees, and Date-trees, only excepted, all the other Trees are wild.

In the Vallies there are some Fruit-trees,* 1.12 but such as bear no Fruit are not the less esteem∣ed for that, for these are they which yield the fairest Ebony in all the East. Some o•• it is as black as any Jet, and as smooth as Marble; but the yellow and red is of greater value then the other, as being more rare.

There is, as well in the Rivers of it, as the Sea about it, such abundance of Fish, that at one casting of the Net, as many may be taken, as will fill two or three Tun falted.

The Hollanders in their Relations affirm,* 1.13 that they took a Thornback, which found all in the Ship two good Meals, and that they saw there Tortoyses so big, that four Sea-men sitting on the back of one of them, it went as well as if it had had no bur∣then at all. Whereto they add, that they were so large, that ten Men might sit upon ones Shell.

The Island is not inhabited;* 1.14 whence it comes, that the Birds are so tame, that a man may take them with his hand; and they are commonly killed with Cudgels, especially the Turtles, whereof there is such abundance, that the Dutch in less then two hours, took

above a hundred and fifty, and might have taken more, if they could have carried them. There is also great store of Herons, and a kind of Birds, of the bigness of a Swan, which have neither Wings nor Tail, but so hard a flesh, that no heat can either boyl or roast it. There is no four-footed Creature in all the Island:* 1.15 but for other refreshments, and particularly, for the taking in of fresh water, there is not a fitter place any way near it.

When the Dutch came thither in September,* 1.16 1601. they found there a French Souldier, who had left his Country some three years before, with three English Ships, which were the first in those parts that attempted failing into the Indies upon the account of Pyracy. Of these three Ships, one was cast away near the Cape of Good hope, and sickness having consumed most of the men, they that remained set fire on the second, in regard for want of men, they were not able to govern it. The third was wrack'd upon the Coasts of the Indies, where all the men were lost, seven only excepted, to wit, four English men, two Ne∣groes, and a French Souldier, who attempted to return with some booty, which they dispo∣sed into a Cannow, wherein they set to Sea, and made a shift to get to Maurice Island. The two Negroes had a design there to rid themselves of their Camerades, but being dis∣covered, they cast themselves into the Sea, and were drowned. The four English men would prosecute their Voyage, but the French Souldier chose rather to continue in the Isle, then double the Cape, and expose himself to the mercy of the Sea, in so small a Vessel. Accordingly, of the English men there was no more news heard. The French man had been twenty moneths in the Island, when the Dutch came thither. He was stark naked, in regard that having been in a burning Feaver, which heightned into a degree of mad∣ness, he had torn his clothes; so that having not had any thing about him ever since his sickness, nor fed on any thing but the raw Tortoyses he took, they were not a little sur∣priz'd at the sight of him, and conceived it would be no easie matter to restore him to his Senses, though he behaved himself well enough otherwise, and was in very good health.

We got so near Maurice Island,* 1.17 that we clearly saw it, but in regard the wind conti∣nued fair, the President called together the chief Officers, and represented to them, that if they put into the Island, they should lose at least ten dayes time, whereas if the wind con∣tinued fair, as it then was, we might in that time reach the Cape of Good hope, and so avoid the inconveniences of wintering in the Island of Madagascar; whereupon it was resolved we should prosecute our Voyage, which we did, and the same day got out of sight of Maurice Island.

March 29. After Sermon, the President acquainted all the men with the reasons which had obliged him to change his resolution of taking in Water at Mourice Island, and made it appear, that if they had gone to refresh themselves in the Island, they must have lost the convenience of the Wind, and the fairest Season of the year, and so the means of finishing their Voyage; exhorting all to take courage, and execute his Orders, and to be con∣tent with their allowance, which should be equal to what those had who sate at his own Table.

March 30. We passed the Tropick of Capricorn, continuing our course towards West-South-West.

April 1.* 1.18 We were at 26. degrees, three, minutes. The Wind began to abate, and to∣wards the night it rain'd, and blew not at all; yet ere we were so becalm'd, we had made a shift to get forty Leagues in twenty four hours. The next day we saw several Whales, and night the Wind rose, and in a short time grew into an absolute Tempest. Our course was still to the West-south-west, in order to our gaining the South, which was to bring us to the Cape of Good hope.

The 3. We altered our course a little, taking it more towards the West. We were then at 28. degrees, 30. minutes; and in 24. hours, we got 50. Leagues.

April 5. We had but little Wind, and in regard the Compass still varied and declined, we took our course towards the West, instead of taking it to the South, as we should other∣wise have done. In these two days we made 73. Leagues.

The next day we were at 30. degrees Latitude.

The 7. We began to perceive, that we should not long enioy the good Wind had attend∣ed us some dayes before. Accordingly, the next day, we had a great calm, at 32. degrees Latitude.

The 9. The Wind rising again, put us into some confidence, that within a few dayes we should reach the Cape of Good hope, from which we could not be above three hundred Leagues distant.

From that day to the 14. we still advanced somewhat. That being Easter day, the Pre∣sident made a great Entertainment, whereof all in the Ship participated.

The 15. The North-west-wind grew to a great Tempest,* 1.19 and our Sea-men assirm'd, that they smelt Land, being confirm'd in their perswasion, by those Birds which the Portuguez call Pintados, and which alwayes keep within the distance of fourty Leagues of the Land.

The Tempest ceased with the morning of the 16th, and our Sea-men persisted in affirm∣ing we were near the Coast, in regard many Birds were seen about the Ship.

The 17. Towards night, there blew a fresh Gale of wind: but the next day, and the night following, we had no wind at all, yet was the Sea as rough as it proved to be after∣wards in the Tempest, which surpriz'd us the 19. at night, with the South-west wind, at 35. degrees Latitude. We took in all our Sails, and let down the Yards, preparing our selves by that means against the Tempests, which are very frequent, and in a manner una∣voidable, about the Cape of Good hope, and we hover'd up and down in that posture all the next day.

April 20. We perceiv'd that the Water was somewhat more whitish then it is in the main Sea,* 1.20 and saw abundance of those Birds, which the Portuguez call Mangas de valeudo, and are a kind of Sea Mews, being white all over the bodies, and having black wings. They have also this in particular, that in their flight they beat their wings one against the other, whereas the common Sea-Mews seldom do it, but glide through the Air in an uninterrupt∣ed and even flight. It is observed, that where these Birds are seen, there is ground with∣in a hundred, or hundred and fifty fathom at most. Accordingly upon trial, we found it at eighty fathom. We saw also the same day, a sort of Black-birds, that had only •• ••••ttle white upon the breast. The English ••ffirm, they are Birds presaging misfortune, as being the infallible fore-runners of a great Tempest.

The same day, we had one, with the West-north-west wind, which on the 24. turn'd to a North-west. During that time we were forc'd to go before the Wind, the Water coming into the Ship with such violence, that it took off our Carpenter; but he was so fortunate, as to lay hold on a Rope was cast him, by which he was got aboard again. We found ground at eighty fathom,* 1.21 and in regard the Earth which stuck to the Plummet was ••lack, we inferred thence, that we were not far from the Cap d' Agulhas, which is sixty Leagues from that of Good hope.

The 15. The Tempest increased so, that we began to despair of escaping, in regard the current of the Sea forced us towards the Coasts, where we had inevitably been wrack'd, if it had continued. We were at thirty six degrees, twenty minutes beyond the Line; and this day we had like to have been destroyed by fire, occasioned by a Lamp in the Presidents Chamber: but it was soon put out.

The Storm continued all the next day.* 1.22 Our Sea-men seeing about the Ship many of those Fish called Pesce Puercos, would thence perswade us, that it would not be long ere the weather changed, and that the Wind would blow from the same quarter that those Fishes came. Accordingly, about two in the afternoon, the Wind came to the North-west, and the Tempest ceased, so that we could spread our Sails.

The 27. We had no Wind at all, but in the afternoon, it came to the North-west, which obliged us to take our Course to the North-north-west, failing two Leagues an hour. We saw that day a great number of Trombas,* 1.23 from which we inferred we were not far from the Cape of Good hope. These Yrombas are a kind of great Canes, about the bigness of a mans arm, and three or four foot long, which flote upon the water with their roots, as if the Sea had forced them away from the neighbouring Coast; yet can it not be said whence they come, nor that they are seen any where but about that Cape.

April 28. We discovered the Coast, which before us reach'd from North to West. Some thought at first it was Gabo-Falso, or the Cape of Good hope; but finding ground at forty Fathom, and at thirty four degrees, forty minutes, they were soon convinced, that it was the Cap d' Agulhas, whence it came that we went all that day laveering with a North-west wind.

The 29. The Wind came to the South-east, so that we continued our course to the North-west, keeping still in sight of the Land. That day we took as many Fith as found the whole company two or three good meals. The night following the Wind changed, and came to the North-west, obliging us to laveer; but being in a manner directly contra∣ry, we advanced but little. Taking the Altitude of the Sun that day, we found our selves at 34. degrees, 27. minutes, and consequently, that we wanted 24. Leagues of being at the Altitude of Cap••d' Agulhas.

April 30. We continued laveering along the Coast, the Wind being still contrary.

May 1. The wind coming to the North-east by East, we kept along the Coast, and perceived a very high shore,* 1.24 which was at last known to be Cabo Falso, which is within seven Leagues of that of Good hope.* 1.25 It is called Cabo Falso, because it is seen at a great distance, extending it self into the Sea much after the same manner as the other, though it be not so high.

The 2. A North-east wind brought us in sight of the Cape of Good hope;* 1.26 but turning immediately to the North-west, we could not possibly enter the Bay, which obliged us to make off the Coast, and get into the main Sea, taking our course towards the South.

The next day, with a North-west wind, we had a great tempest, which yet hin∣dred us not from getting somewhat nearer the Coast. That day we cast one of our Sea men over-board, with the ordinary Ceremonies used at funerals upon such occasions. This was the third man died out of our Ship, since our departure from Goa.

May 4. We doubled one of the points of the Cape of Good hope, which is about ten Leagues distant from the Road or Bay, and much about the same time we disco∣vered the Mountain, which the Dutch, in the year 1601. named the Tafelherg, it be∣ing flat and square at the top like a Table. It was our intention to get into the Bay, which is at the foot of the Mountain, and at 34. Degrees, four Minutes, within fifteen Leagues of the Cape; but the wind being contrary, obliged us to keep along the Coast, endeavouring to make the best advantage we could of it.

The 5. At Sun-rising, we were out of sight of Land; whereupon we changed our course, taking it North-east, and turning the prow of the Ship towards the Coast, which we discovered about noon. About two in the afternoon, we passed in sight of the Island called St. Elizabeth, which is inhabited, and at night we got into the Bay, and cast anchor at seven fathom water.

This Promontory of the Continent of Africk,* 1.27 which extends it self into the Sea to∣wards the South, at 36. Degrees beyond the Line, was named Cabo de b••n' Speranza, by Iohn II. King of Portugal, under whom it was discovered, by Bartholomew Dias, about the year 1493. That Prince would needs call it so, out of the hopes he conceiv∣ed to discover afterwards the wealth of the East-Indies; and other Nations have con∣tinued that name, upon this account, that having once doubled the Cape, there is some assurance of compleating the Voyage, whereof the Cape makes one half, as lying in a manner at the equal distance of two thousand five hundred Leagues between Eu∣rope, and the most Easterly Coast of the Indies.

Most Ships take in refreshments at this place, and the Dutch are wont to leave there under a Stone at the entrance of the Haven, some Letters, wherein they acquaint the Ships that are coming after them, with whatever had hapned to them in their Voyage, and the course they take at their departure thence. The water there is excellent good, and so easie to come at, that the taking of it in, is without any trouble. Cattle are ve∣ry cheap; their Oxen are large, and have bunches on their back, as those of the Indies; and there are some Sheep, whose flesh is extreamly delicate; they have long ears, and their tails are as big and weighty, as a good hind quarter of Mutton.

They have also all sorts of wild Fowl,* 1.28 and those Creatures that are hunted, Deer, wild Boars, Partridges, Quails, &c. and among the rest, a kind of Geese, which they call Pinguins, which have no wings, but stumps, and consequently cannot raise themselves off the ground. It is an amphibious Animal, and with those stumps makes a shift to swim. A man may take them up with his hands, but the flesh of them is not edible, it is so hard and in∣sipid. There are also Dogs, or rather Sea-bears, Camels, Tygres, Lyons and Lynxes.

The Inhabitants are of low Stature,* 1.29 ugly and ill-shap'd, living more like Beasts, then men. Their faces are wrinkled, their hair full of grease and nastiness, and they stink so, that they are smelt assoon as they are seen; which proceeds not only hence, that they rub their bodies with train Oyl, but also from their constant eating of raw flesh. They never kill a beast in order to the eating of it, but feed on them only when they die of any disease. A dead Wh••le cast up by the Sea upon the shore, is an excellent dish of meat with them; as is also the hot entrails of some beast, which they eat with all the filth about them, having only taken out the excrements, wherewith some rub their faces.

They go naked,* 1.30 save that both men and women cover their privy parts with a triangu∣lar piece of skin, which they fasten with leathern girdle about the waste: Some of the men cover their buttocks and thighs with a Lyons skin, or Oxe hide, drawing up the taile between their legs, so that it covers not what they intend should not be seen. Nay, there are some, who wear a skin, which comes down from the shoulders to the waste, and cut their faces, arms and thighs, in which they make divers strange incisions and characters, which though they were ugly enough before, adds somewhat to their deformity. The women wear

about their Arms and Leggs, rings of Iron or Brass, which they receive from strangers for their Cattle.

They who live near the Sea-coast feed only upon Oysters,* 1.31 Fish, such Herbs as Nature produces thereabouts, and the Whales cast up by the Sea: but such as inhabit further within the Countrey, and are called Soltanimans, live a little better, though they are no less barbarous and savage then the others.

They do not cultivate the Ground,* 1.32 though it be excellent good and very fertile, nor do they understand any thing of improving and ordering the fruit which Nature bestows on them. They all live in little Huts, or in the same place with their Cattel, without Beds, Stools, or any such superfluous pieces of houshold stuff. Their way of resting themselves is to sit upon their heels. They are never seen near the Sea, but only when they think to drive some Trade, in trucking their Cattle, Ox-hides, Lions, Leopards, Tigers-skins, and Ostritch Feathers, for K••ives, Looking-glasses, Nailes, Hammers, Hatchets, and other pieces of old Iron, to their great advantage who come thi∣ther.

They have no knowledg at all of God,* 1.33 nor never heard any talk of the Devil; but all the mischief they fear, is, what may be done them by the Lyons, against whom they are forc'd to fortifie themselves in the night time by great fires, which they make all about their quarters.

May 10. Having fill'd all our Vessels with fresh water,* 1.34 and bought ewo Oxen of the Soltanimans, who were unwilling to sell any more, we reimbarked, intending to get ou•• of the Bay that day, but the contrary wind would not permit us. The next day, we sent our Boat to bring aboard us fifteen persons, to wit, four men, eight women, and three children, to be transported into the Island of Pingui, which is at the entrance of the Bay, where those poor people were in hopes to live more at their ease upon the Carcasses of Whales, which the Sea is wont to cast ashore there, and to be free from the persecutions of the Soltanimans. The Boat returned in the Evening, loaden with all sorts of Birds, especially Pinguins, which had been all kill'd with sticks.

May 12. Being Sunday, we weighed Anchor before day, and got out of the Bay with a North-east Wind, taking our course Westward. The next day it came to North-north-east, and afterwards to the North, and in the afternoon, we had not any at all: So that we continued all the remainder of the day in sight of the coast. At night it came to the South, but in less then two hours, it returned again to the North, and about mid∣night we had such a Tempest, that we were forc'd to take in all our Sails.

The 17. The Tempest which had continued ever-since the 12. grew so high, that had not our Ship been very sound, and of great burthen, it could not possibly have resisted the violence of the winds and waves, which so covered it sometimes, that all upon the Deck were wet to the skin.

The next day the Skie cleared up, and the wind was something allayed, but still contrary. We took the elevation, and sound our selves, at 34. Degrees, 40. Minutes; whence we concluded, that we were between Cabo Falso, and the Cape of Good hope, and consequently, that the Wind had forc'd us back 25. or 30. Leagues, yet in the evening we had in a manner recover'd what we had lost; but the night following, the wind was so violent, as if the Elements had been near their resolution into their first Chaos.

These extraordinary winds are called Hurricans,* 1.35 and they come not with such fury, but once in seven years, though the Sea in those parts be ordinarily tempestuous. We lost in that tempest two of our best Sea men, who fell from the Scnttle into the Sea, where one was immediately swallowed up; the other had so much strength as to lay hold 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the rope was cast out to him, and got into the Ship; but falling on the sides of the Ship he had so bruised himself, that he died within an hour after. The contrary wind forced us into the main Sea, and reduc'd us to such extremities, that we were not so much concern'd in the prosecution of our Voyage, as the saving of our lives; in as much as had the Sea made the least breach in the Ship, it had been impossible for us to escape.

The next day, the contrary wind continuing in the same violence, we were still in the same danger, having no other hope, but what the next change of the Moon gave us. But though she appeared the next day above the Horizon, yet the tempest was nothing abated, till the rain somewhat allay'd the wind the 22. so that we could make use of our sails, indeavouring to keep our course Westward.

May 23. VVe had a calm, during which the Ship stirr'd not from the same place. VVe discovered the Coast North-east of us; and in regard we were then at 37, Degrees, six Minutes, we imagined our selves to be in the same Altitude with the Coast which

lies between Cabo Palso, and that of Agulhas. In the evening the wind increased, and brought with it a tempest, from the West-north-west, which forc'd us to put off from the Coast.

The 24. The wind continued strll contrary, and in the evening there rose such a tempest, as forced us to go all night before the wind.

The 25. We resum'd our course with a West wind, taking it South-west. We were that day at 36. Degrees Latitude.

The 26. With the Sun-rising, we had the North-east wind, which made us put out all our Sails, taking our course West, and sayling after the rate of two Leagues an hour. But in the evening, the wind turned to the North-west, with so great likelyhood of a tempest, that it was thought fit to take in part of our Sails. Accordingly, the wind increased so by degrees, that we were forc'd to take in all but the main Sail, which was not taken in till the wind grew so violent, as if it would have confounded all the Elements, to have swallowed us up in the disorder. Nay, its fury was such, that our Ship which had resisted all before, as a Rock, was tossed by the waves like a little boat. I must confess it was through Gods infinite mercy to us, that we escaped that danger, wherein we were in all likelihood, to perish, since it was a kind of Miracle, that the Masts stood, considering the violence of the winds was such, as might have rooted up the strongest Trees. This dreadfull Tempest continued the 28. and 29. with so little in∣termission, that we began to despair of prosecuting our Voyage, inasmuch as the first quar∣ter of the Moon had brought no change of weather: whereupon it was taken into con∣sideration whether it were not our safest course to go and pass over the Winter in the Island of Madagascar. It was urged, that the Ship, having been much batter'd by the waves, would not be able to hold out much longer, and that though it should, our provisions would not, and so it would be impossible for us to compleat our Voy∣age. This proposal was generally approved; but when it was considered on the other side, that that delay, which must have been at least six moneths, would be an inconve∣nience equal to the imminent danger we were in, it was thought the best course to pro∣secute the Voyage.

But May 30. The President having called all the Officers together, and represented to them the condition of the Ship, and the little likelihood there was of compleating the Voyage; Nay, on the contrary, that the wind might be more violent, as the Moon in∣creased, and that coming in September, or October upon the Coasts of England, the dan∣ge•• would be as great as that they were then in upon those of Africk, it was resol∣ved, that to preserve the Ship, we should put into the Island of Madagascar, and stay there till September, inasmuch as within that time there would come thither some En∣glish Vessels, which might supply us with things necessary for the prosecution of our Voyage.

According to this resolution, we tack'd about at two in the afternoon, the weather so tempestuous, that we could beat but two Sails. We saild two Leagues an hour, but the Sea was so rough, that many times the waves came over the Ship. This tempest continued till the next day, but about noon it ceased.

Iune the first,* 1.36 We faild on, with a VVest wind, taking our course East-ward; VVe put out all our Sails, so that in 24. hours, we got forty Leagues.

The next being Whitsunday, the Tigre we brought from Surat bit the President in the hand, and had forc'd it off, had not I and some others come seasonably in. About 11. at night, the wind changed, and came to South-south-east, which was the best point we could have wi••hed it in for our return; insomuch that we immediately chang'd our resolution, and set things in order to our return to the Cape of Good hope, with an in∣tention, to take in fresh water at the Island of Saint Helene.

The same wind continued the third of Iune, insomuch that about noon, we were got to 35. Degrees, 8. Minutes.

Iune 4. VVe saw abundance of the Manga's de Valudo, but the wind changed, so that we had much ado to keep on our course to South-south-west, and afterwards to North-north-west towards the Coast. VVe saw also abundance of Trombas, whence we inferred we were not far from the Cape of Good hope.

The 6. VVe had no wind at all, so that we spent the day in fishing. We found sometimes, 43. and 48. sometimes 54. and 63. fathome water. Towards night, we had a good North-west wind.

The 7. The wind came to West; and at night we had so great a tempest, that we were forc'd to take in all our Sails.

Iune 8. The Tempest continuing with the same violence, we could advance but little.

About midnight, it came North, and we took our course Northwest.

The 9. The wind ceased, and having taken the Altitude, we were at 35 Degrees, 30. Minutes. In the afternoon we had a North-west wind, with a dreadful Tempest, which forced us to take in all our Sails, and go before the wind, in some danger of running upon the coast. This was the saddest night we had in all our Voyage. For the Master of the Ship fearing the reproaches of his superiours, if he came not to England within the year, endeavoured all he could to prosecute the Voyage; but finding at last, all was to no purpose, he acknowledged there was no other way to save the Ship and the persons in it, but to put in somewhere. Whereupon it was immediately re∣solv'd we should go and winter in Madagascar; and so we presently changed our course.

The 11. The weather was fair; but about midnight the sky was so overcast, that it was not doubted but a Tempest was coming, as indeed it did, and continued the three next dayes.

The 15. It ceased, and the wind being VVest-north-west, we took our course to the North-east, and in 24. hours, got 33. Leagues.

The 16. We got 44 Leagues. The 17th. 50. with an East-south-east wind, taking our course to the North-east.

The 18. VVe got 30. with a VVest-South-west wind; the 19th. 40. and the 20th. having failed 30. Leagues, we were at 31. Degrees 15. Minutes Latitude.

The 23. At break of day, we discovered a Vessel, which soon came up to us. It was a Ship belonging to the new Company, of 500. Tun burthen, and came out of England some four moneths before, under the command of Captain Hall, who being sick, and not able to stir, sent to the President to desire him he would honour him so far as to come aboard his Vessel, which he did, taking along with him the Physitian and my self. He not only treated us kindly, but also proffer'd to supply us with Cordage and Sails, in case we met not with any Vessels of the old Company at Mada∣gascar: whither it was resolved they should make all the haste they could; Captain Hall's Ship being less, and not so loaden as ours,* 1.37 going before, with a South-east wind.

The first of Iuly,* 1.38 he was got out of sight, and in the evening we discovered the Coast. VVe doubted not but it was Madagascar, and so had a watch set in the night, to see we came not too near it, as also that we put not off too ••ar from it: It being on the one side hard to approach, it having once lost the Altitude, and on the other, dan∣gerous to approach it in the night time, by reason of the Rocks that are at the point of the Island,* 1.39 and especially by reason of the little Island, at the entrance of the Bay.

The 2. We arrived at Madagascar, and got into the Bay of Saint Augustin••, find∣ing no bottom, till within a quarter of a League of Land, where we cast Anchor, at 25. fathom water, glad we were got into a Harbour, after so many dangers escaped.

Our joy was hight••ed by our finding in the Bay two English ships, belonging to the same Company, one whereof was upon her return for England; the other bound for the Indies. It was but three months since the latter came from England; commanded by Captain Willis, being 1400. Tun burthen. Her name was the London, and she was one of the noblest Vessels I ever saw. The Captain came immediately aboard us, ac∣companied by a young Merchant, and proffer'd the President to supply him with all things necessary for the prosecution of his Voyage.

The 3. The Officers of all the three ships had a meeting aboard ours, to consider what course they should take with the Inhabitants, that they might not hold their provisions at too dear a rate; and it was resolved, that what ever were bought should be bought upon a common account; and to that end, every one should bring out the commodities they were willing to truck, which should be put off by the Secretaries of the three Ships.

The Glass-bracelets, beads and Agats, we had brought from the Indies were incom∣parably beyond what they were laden with,* 1.40 out of Europe; so that it was resolved ours should not be produced, till the others were sold. By this means, we bought every day four Oxen for forty pair of Glass-bracelets, which the Inhabitants call Rangus; a Sheep for two, and a Calf for three Rangus; and for a brass ring, ten or twelve in∣ches about, a man might have an Oxe worth here six or seven pound.

The 4. The President, Captain Willis, and Captain Hall, went up the River to disco∣ver the Countrey, and to see what Cattle was brought down to the Bay. We found neer Captain Willis's Tent about thirty men, and some women, who had brought milk to sell. They had brought also about twenty Oxen, Sheep, and Goats: but hear∣ing there was a greater number coming after them, we provided our selves only for three dayes.

The 6. The President invited the two Captains and all the Officers of both the other Ships to dinner; and some dayes after Captain Willis treated the whole Company. In the afternoon he entertain'd us with a Comedy, which lasted above three hours.

The 14. Captain Hall went on his Voyage towards the Indies, and the 16. Captain Wil∣lis went away also, having supplied us with all things necessary for the prosecution of ours. He intended to touch at the Maldives, and stay there till the 20. of August, that he might arrive at Surat in the Winter. We accompanied him to the Island, at the entrance of the Bay, and having taken leave of him, went into the Island, where we found abundance of odd Shells of divers forms, several sorts of Fish cast up there by the Sea, and rotted Co∣cos, which the Wind had forced thither from the Eastern Coast of Madagascar, where some grows, but not from the Coast of the Saint Augustines Bay, which is opposite to the West.

The 21. The President took up his Lodging in the Tent pitched for him on the Sea∣side, intending to continue there, till he imbark'd in order to our return. They made there also certain Huts, for the Souldiers that were about him, as also for such as were repairing some things belonging to the Ship, and for the Butchers, who kill'd and salted the Beef for the Provision of the Ship: but on Sundayes all came aboard, where there was a Sermon.

About four Leagues from the Haven,* 1.41 there lives a Lord, who had three Sons, the eldest of whom was named Massar. They came all three to see us, with a retinue of about a hundred men, arm'd with a kind of Pikes. They brought along with them about three hundred Oxen, some Sheep, Goats, Poultry, Citrons, and Oranges, to truck for our Com∣modities. Being come near the President, they made a little halt, to observe what posture we were in, and at last the eldest of the three Brothers came up, and bestowed on the Pre∣sident twelve Goats, and his two Wives gave him, each of them, a fat Capon. The Presi∣dent presented him with three Strings of Glass Coral, each of his Brothers with two, and each of the Wives with a Bracelet. This signified but very little to us; but they highly valued them.* 1.42 They planted a great Pole in the ground, as a mark of the Alliance they made with us, promising severely to punish such as should injure us, and desiring us to take such a course, as no disorder might happen on our side. They desired to hear our Mu∣sick, and seem'd to be much pleased with it. They sold us ten fat Oxen, some Sheep, Goats and Poultry. They sold us a fat Sheep, the Tail whereof weighed twenty or twenty four pound for seven or eight grains of Coral or Agat, and a Capon for three or four grains of counterfeit Coral. They would not meddle with our money, as being so happy as not to know the value of a thing which occasions the misery of other parts of the World.

During the six weeks we staid in the Island, most of our diversion was shooting at Buts, or fishing with the Angle-rod. We took good store of Fish, and some Oysters, which the Inhabitants call Oring. These stick to the Trees and Bushes that are upon the Sea-side, being at high-water cover'd with the Tide. They are large, and as delicate as any England affords.

From the fifth to the eighth of August,* 1.43 there were such abundance of Grashoppers, that they deprived us of the fight of the Sun. The Inhabitants eat them, but they look on them as fore-runners of famine and mortality of Cattle. One small shower of Rain dis∣persed them all.

As for the Island of Madagascar,* 1.44 which the French call the Island of St. Laurence, (ei∣ther from its being discovered by Laurence, Son of Francisco Almeyda, General of the King of Portugal's Army in the Indies, or from its being done upon Saint Laurence his day,* 1.45 in the year 1506.) It lies in the torrid Zone, reaching from North to South, from the tenth to the twenty sixth degree. 'Tis certainly one of the greatest Islands in the World, since it is above 150. Leagues in length,* 1.46 and 180. in breadth, and hath many good Har∣bours, whereof the chiefest are, St. Augustine's Bay, where we put in, St. Iago, Anton Gil, Antipera, St. Iulian's, St. Maries, St. Sebastians, St. Romanus and Manatenga. Its Moun∣tains are for the most part covered with Citron-trees and Orange-trees; and if any are bare and rocky, that Rock is an excellent white Marble, out of which issues forth the best Water in the World. Some of them are covered with a kind of Trees, the Wood whereof is of all sorts of colours, (but especially, such as afford Ebony, and a certain Wood, which in colour comes near that of Brasil, whereof they make their Lances or Pikes) and Date-trees, which gives shelter to an infinite number of Apes and Birds, and among others, a kind of Hens, as big as Turkies, save that they were black all over the body, but marked with little white spots. Their heads are between a red and blew colour, and in their fore∣heads they have a yellow horn. They feed in the Woods whole hundreds of them together.

There is also great store of that Gum, which the Druggists call Dragons-bloud, which is drawn out of the flower of a Tree,* 1.47 about the bigness of a Pear-tree, but much more branchy, and not so full of leaves. Its leaves are longer, but narrower then those of Lawrel, and the flower is taken off in order to the extracting of the juyce, and put into hollow Canes, wherein it is reduced to that form, in which it is brought into Europe.

This Island affords also some Aloes,* 1.48 a Commodity we have before given an account of, in the description of the Island of Zocotora. That which grows in Madagascar, is not so good as the other, in regard it is wild; yet it is used in Medicine, nay, many times instead of the other. They have also Cotton and Indico, but they make it not into a paste, as they do in Indosthan, and elsewhere.

Their greatest wealth consists in Cattel.* 1.49 For where they do till the ground, it is only to get a little Rice, which is excellent good there, as also for Beans, Pompions, and that kind of Melons, which the Persians call Harpus. There are also several sorts of Citron-trees, and Orange-trees, which bring forth twice a year, Date-trees, Cocos-trees, and Bananas. No House but hath some Hives of Bees about it; but they have not yet the invention of ma∣king Wax, nor using their Honey, otherwise then in making a certain Drink of it with Rice, which serves them instead of Wine. The ground yields Salt, and Saltpeter, and upon the Sea-coasts there is found abundance of Ambergreece. It is reported also, that there are mines of Gold and Silver; but the Inhabitants making no use of these Metals, and va∣luing Tin above Silver, have not yet search'd into them.

Madagascar is very populous,* 1.50 and the Inhabitants are for the most part Negroes, of a good stature, and well shap'd. All the clothing they wear is only a piece of Cotton-cloth, of several colours, which they so fasten about their Waste, that one of the ends hangs down to the Knee before, and the other to the Ham behind, and in the night they take it off, and make it serve for a Coverlet. They lie upon Mats, and in regard their Huts are made only of the branches of Trees, (those li••tle wooden Houses only excepted which they make for their Princes) they make a fire of all sides of them, against the Mill-dew, which i•• seems is there very dangerous. Some wear above their Navels a row of Glass∣beads of several colours, and several Bracelets of them about their Necks, their Arms, or above the Elbow, and about their Legs under the gartering place. Both Men and Wo∣men have their Ears bored through, and put into them Copper Rings, somewhat like, but not so large as those they wear about their Wrists, and the small of the Leg. Their Hair is black, but not equally curled all over the Country, and they dispose it into seve∣ral tresses, but it grows not much, though they grease it perpetually, and do all they can to get long Hair. There is little difference between the clothing of the Men, and that of the Women, save that the Women wear also a kind of sleeveless long Coat, and that the Cloth wherewith they cover themselves is so large, that it hides all their Thighs almost down to the Knee. In this Cloth they carry their Children upon their Backs, so as that putting their Legs under the Mothers Arms, they seem to be in a manner fastned together, and yet as she carries them, a Man would think, they should fall backwards, and break their back-bones.

The fidelity of Wives towards their Husbands is here exemplary, and the Men think it no disparagement to take their advice. No Man but hath at least two Wives, but dispos'd into several Huts. For the more aged of the two he hath most compliance, though he un∣dertakes no business, nor concludes any bargain, till he hath consulted both. These they buy of their Parents, or rather Relations, for a certain number of Oxen, Pikes, or other Arms. Adultery and Fornication is punished with death; but they do not easily suspect one another. They are very free in their conversation, and there is no familiarity so great as to raise any jealousie in them.

Some young Women made no difficulty to come into our Tent; nay, one of them made not any to take one of my Shirts from the President, who intreated her to wear it for my sake. She accordingly wore it two dayes, but afterwards tore it to pieces, to be used about other things.

The Men are couragious,* 1.51 and well skill'd in the use of their Lances, Darts, and Pikes, which they carry along with them where ever they go. When they are at work, their Arms lie not far from them, and they are accustomed to them from the eighth or ninth year of their age.

Some Persons of Quality have a bundle of twenty five or thirty of these little Pikes car∣ried after them.* 1.52 They use also Bows and Arrows, and their Bowes are at least five or six foot long, the String being very loose, yet have they a sleight of shooting with a miracu∣lous swiftness and strength. When they cast their Pikes or Javelings, they make several

postures, and are so expert at this exercise, that at the distance of forty paces they will not miss a bird.

The Inhabitants of Madagascar are divided into several Tribes,* 1.53 which consist of Can∣tons of a 100. 200. and 300. persons, and live like Tartars, under a Chief, whom they call Tsehich, that is, King, or Lord. There were two of these Princes lived in a wood neer our Tent, where they had built them huts under Date-trees. VVhen their cattle multiplies so as that the grass falls short, they engage in a kind of a war among them∣selves, and endeavour to get what they can from their neighbours. King Massar, whom we named before, told us, that he had joyn'd with two other Kings, named Machicore, Schich Tango, and Andiam Palola, with whom he made account to get together a body of 500. men, and to set upon some of their neighbours, who had better pastures then theirs. These Princes have an absolute power over their Subjects, and severely punish the crimes committed within their jurisdictions, especially such as tend to the disturbance of the Publick peace: but this dignity is not so continued in the same Family, but that upon the Prince's death, the strongest is advanced to this pretended Crown.

It were a hard matter to say what Religion they are off,* 1.54 save that as I have been in∣formed, they belive there is one God, who hath made Heaven and Earth; and will one day punish bad Actions, and reward the good. I saw one among them, who was cer∣tainly their Priest, getting up a tree, and speaking to the People, for above half an hour: but not one of us understanding their Language, I know not what discourse he made to them, nor yet what difference there is between their Priests and the others; save that I observ'd, they carried at the end of a Cane a piece of a Cowes-tail, and that one of them suffered the nailes of the two fore-fingers of his right hand to grow to the length of Ea∣gles claws. Every Canton hath its Priest, who would also be accounted Sorcerers, and have it thought they can binde the Devil, and force him to do what they please.

The Portuguez of the Island of Mozambique,* 1.55 which is but half a league from the Con∣tinent of Africk, drive a considerable trade here in Aloes, Dragons-blood, Ebony, and other Drugs. For the Captain, who under the King of Portugal hath the command of this little Island, which is but half a league in compass, and who, in the three years of his Government, gets a hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling, is not a little obliged to the Neighbour-hood of Madagascar, though the greatest part of his wealth comes from Soffola, where he hath his Factor, and where the Portuguez have built a Fort.

Hieronymus Osorius,* 1.56 in his History of the Life and Actions of Emanuel King of Por∣tugal, affirms, that when the Portuguez discovered the Island of Madagascar, in the year 1506. there came aboard their Ship as many Negroes as a boat could well carry. They were kindly receiv'd, and had several little Presents made them; but they ill requited that civility, for assoon as they were got into their own boat, they shot so many Arrows at the Portuguez, that they were forc'd to answer them with Cannon and Musket-shot. The same year another Portuguez Captain, named, Rodrigo Pereira, being cast by a tempest up∣on the Eastern Coast of this Island, he sent word to the Inhabitants, by an African Moor, who understood somewhat of their Language, that the design of his coming thither, was to enter into an alliance with them, and to settle an advantagious Commerce for both. The Islanders seem'd to approve of this Proposal, and told the Moor, they would carry him to their King, that he might conclude with him the Treaty desired by the Portuguez, but being got off a little from the others, they fell upon him, and had kill'd him, had they not discharg'd some Muskets at them, whereby some fell, and the rest were forc'd to let go the Moor. The Portuguez Captain having got him again, landed at another place, where he surprized the Inhabitants, and took their King Prisoner: but treated him so well, that he proffer'd to bring them to a place, where they should find a good Haven for their Ship. He brought the Portuguez Captain to a Bay, at the entrance where∣of there was a very populous Island, whereat the Inhabitants were frightned, and fled into the great Island, forsaking Wives and Children, nay even their King: so that it proved no hard matter for the Portuguez to possess themselves of the Island; whence they sent to the Inhabitants, Inviting them to return, and to permit their planting among them, since they desired only their friendships. They returned, and presented the Cap∣tain with 50. Oxen, and 20. Goats; but, to be rid of their Guests, they represented to them, that there were greater advantages to be made in the Port of Matatana, inasmuch as there they would find Silver and several Drugs to truck for. The Captain would have gone thither, but the current of the Sea having forc'd one of his Ships upon the Coast, he retired with the other to the Island of Mozambique. The same Tempest which had cast that Captain upon the Eastern Coast of the Island, forc'd another Ship of the same Fleet into the Port of Matatana, whither there presently came one of the boats

of the Country, into which he sent the Master of his Vessel, who by the many Voyage•• he had made upon the Coasts of Africk, and learnt the Language of the Countrey. The Negroes having him in their boat, made all the haste they could ashore, which obliged the Portuguez to put out their shallop, with fourscore men in it, to overtake them; but the Negroes were too quick for them, and carried away the man. The Shallop coming near Land, the Portuguez•• saw their Master, who told them he had been brought to their King, and civilly received by him, and that he was desirous to speak with the Captain, and enter into friendship with him. The Captain made no difficulty to go ashore, where the King received him kindly, and treated him magnificently, according to the custom of the Country: but thinking to return in the Evening, there rose so great a tempest, that it was impossible for him to get aboard. The tempest continued four dayes, so that those who were in the Ship, believed that their Captain had been kill'd by the Barbarians, weigh∣ed Anchor, and returned to Mozambique. The Captain finding the Ship gone, and that there was little likelihood of ever getting out of the Island, grew so discontented that he died of it. Eight other Persons of his retinue died also, and they who remained em∣barked in the Shallop, choosing rather to expose themselves to the uncertain event of a dangerous Navigation, then stay in a place where they must perish within a few days; and they were so happy as to meet with a Vessel commanded by the Captain Iohn Fonseca, who received them aboard, and carried them into Africk.

The first landing of the Dutch in this Island,* 1.57 was in August 1595. at which they met with as great difficulties as the Portuguez had done. Their design was only to re∣fresh themselves there, upon this account; that, in those first Voyages, they had so lit∣tle knowledge of the disease called the Scurvy, and the remedies now used for the cure of it, that most of their men being not able to perform their labour, they were forced to touch there in order to some relief for their diseased: but ere they could meet with any refreshment, there died above 70. persons out of the four Vessels where∣of their Fleet consisted, whom they buried in a little Island, which upon that occasion they called, The Dutch-Church-yard. The description they make of this Island is very short, and for the most part, taken out of the Relation of Mark Paulo V••net••, which is none of the most exact. That of Francis Couche of Rouen, Printed by the means of the late M. du Puy, is so exact, that that of the Dutch cannot compare with it. What these last relations have in particular, is, that the Inhabitants of Madagascar are circumcised, though there be nothing otherwise that evinces them to be Mahumetans, since they have no Mosques, nor any exercise of Religion, nor appearance of Devotion in all their De∣meanour.

Having passed over the Winter on the other side of the Aequinoctial Line, we began to set things in order for the prosecution of our Voyage, and bought the 19. of August, of King Masiar, and two other neighbouring Princes, Tsebich Tanga, and Andiam Palola, twenty five fat Oxen more, and about a hundred Sheep and Goats, besides the hundred and fifty Oxen we had bought during our aboad in the Island, all which we put aboard the 20. that we might not want fresh meat during our Voyage. The same day we em∣barked our baggage, and the next day we got out of the Bay of St. Augustine, and left the Island of Madagascar, with a South-west wind, which continuing all the night fol∣lowing, we soon got out of sight of the Island.

The 22. The Manson, which we could not yet have hoped for, came unexpectedly up∣on us, and advanced our progress very much, taking our course to West-south-west.

The 23. The wind came to the East, so that having it full behind us, we went on mer∣rily, taking our course the more towards the South, to avoid the Cape of Good hope, where we intended not to touch at all.

The 24. and 25. the wind was somewhat abated; but the 26. it blew so fresh a gale, that we made a great progress. We were that day at 27. degrees, 27. minutes Latitude; and the 28th. at 28. degrees, 12. minutes.

The 29. We had the wind East-south-east, with those storms which the Portuguez call Travados: They were immediately over. We saw that day, being at 31. degrees, 15. minutes Latitude, a great number of the Fishes called Pesce puercos, which leaped three or four foot above water, as if it had been their design to find us sport. The next day we had a Tempest, yet such as hindered not our getting somewhat forward; so that the last of August, we were at 33. degree, 34. minutes.

September the first,* 1.58 the wind grew so violent, that we were forc'd to take in part of our sails, yet we made a shift to get 50. Leagues in 24. hours. The next day, we got but 30. the wind being South-west.

The 3. The Sea being very calm, we kill'd one of the Cowes we had bought in Madagascar,

and found three Calves in the belly of it; as also a Goat, that had four young Kids with∣in it; from which a man may judge of the fruitfulness of the Country.

At night we saw up and down certain Lights, like flames; but we could not judge whether they were the Fishes, which the Spaniards call Dorad••s, and the English Blub∣bers, or those Meteors, which the Spaniards call Cuerpos sanctos. In ancient time, when there appear'd two, they were called Castor and Pollux, Dioscures, and Tyndarides, and when but one, it was called Helene. Some have not shaken off the superstition of believ∣ing, that their fire presages a Tempest. But, on the contrary, we had a great calm, the next day, and saw infinite multitudes of little Sea-birds. About two in the afternoon, we had a North-east wind, which continuing fair all the next day, we failed above two Leagues an hour.

September 6. We had a great tempest; It continued all night, and shook the Ship so, that the water coming in at several places, we were forc'd to pump four times an hour. The same day we came 35. degrees Latitude.

The 7. The weather was somewhat fair, so that we made use of our Sails, taking our course West-north-west. The Sea was very rough, and forc'd us towards the Coast, from which we thought our selves fourty Leagues distant, and from the Cape of Good hope 130. The 8. and 9. the wind South, and it proved rainy weather.

The 10. We had but little wind, yet got 40 Leagues in 24 hours; we saw many of the Man∣gas de Valudo; whence it was inferred we could not be far from the Cape d' Ag••lhas:

The 11. We made but a small progress, with an East wind. Casting the plummet, and finding a sandy bottome, one hundred and twenty fathom water, we are confirm∣ed in the opinion we had before, of our being near Cape d' Agulhas.

The 12. The contrary wind forc'd us to laveering to the North-north-west, and South∣west, going either further from, or neerer to the Coast, which yet they could not disco∣ver. In the afternoon, we resumed our course to the West-north-west, with a South∣west wind, and at night we found a yellowish sand, at 190. fathom water.

The 13. Our course was to the West-north-west, with a South-east wind. About 10. we saw a dead Whale floating upon the water; and being then at 35. degree latitude, we conceiv'd we might be at the altitude of the Cape of Good hope, where many of these creatures are ordinarily seen.

The 14. we found at Sun-rising,* 1.59 that the Compass declin'd four degrees, 50. mi∣nutes to the East, whence we inferr'd, that we had compass'd the Cape of Good hope.

The next day, we had the wind so full a Stern, that had it been contrary, it would have forc'd us once more to think of putting into some place, or at least put us to the same extremities we had been in before near the Cape. We therefore found the declination of the Load-stone to be one degree, fifty minutes, and presently after, the declination of it near the Cape of Good hope, is four degrees, though otherwise it doth not decline so much. Assoon as the Cape is past, the Compass still varies towards the East, in regard the Needle draws to the Earth, where no doubt there is Iron, and other Load-stones that draw it: but the declination on that Coast never exceeds eight degrees.

About 20. Leagues on this side the Cape of Good hope, and at 33. degrees, 15. minutes, lies the Island of St. Elizabeth.* 1.60 It is not above two Leagues distant from the Coasts of Africk, and hath a very good Haven towards the Continent, at 16. fathome water. The Coast of the Isle is but one continued Rock, but there grows such abundance of delicate Herbs in the Island, that it may be presum'd it would afford as great conveniencies and re∣freshments as that of St. Helene, if it were planted with Citron-trees, and Orange-trees, and stock'd with Cattle. 'Tis true, it hath no fresh water, but what falls from the sky, which in all likelihood is the reason that seldom any touch at it, though there come thi∣ther such store of Sea-wolves, that in a few dayes there might be as much fat gotten, as would load a Vessel of 600 Tun.

These creatures are called Sea-wolves,* 1.61 though they are more like Bears, both in colour, and the making of their heads, save that the snowt of these is somewhat sharper. They have only two paws under the breast, and draw the lower part of the body after them, as if it were a taile, yet are they so swift, that it is as much as a man can do to overtake them running.

It is a cruel and fierce beast, which fears not to set upon two or three men together; and his teeth are so close and strong, that he can therewith easily break the handle of a Pati∣zan.

There is also in the same place a kind of Badger,* 1.62 the flesh whereof is as delicate and whol∣some as that of Lambs; the birds call'd Pinguins, are there better and more tender then any where else▪ and in regard few Ships come thither, these birds and some others, are

so tame and so little afraid of a man, that he needs only put out his hand to take them.

The 16th. The wind was contrary, we being at 32. degrees Latitude. The next day, and the 18. with a North-north-west, and South-west wind, we got 64. Leagues, and came to 29. degrees, 16. minutes Latitude.

The 19. With a good South-south-west vvind, vve got 40 Leagues to the North-west, and were at 28 degrees Latitude.

The 20. With a South-east wind, we got 34 Leagues, continuing the same course to the North-west.

The 21th. 28 Leagues, with the same wind, and keeping on the same course.

The 22th. 20 Leagues, with the same wind, and in the same course.

The 23th. 24 Leagues, with the same wind, taking our course West-north-west.

The 24th. We got with the same vvind, 30 Leagues, continuing our course to the West-north-vvest.

The 25th. We had so great a calm, that vve advanced not any thing at all.

The 26th. We got but 20 Leagues, vvith a little East-south-east vvind, continuing the same course.

The 27th. We got 36. Leagues, vvith a North-east vvind, pursuing the same course, and vvere come to 21 degrees Latitude.

The 28th. With the same vvind, and holding the same course, vve got 46. Leagues, and vvere at 20 degrees Latitude.

29th. With an East-north-east vvind, vve got 20 Leagues, continuing the same course.

The 30. Keeping the same course, to the North-vvest, vve advanced 25 Leagues.

October the first,* 1.63 a South-vvest vvinde put us forvvard 25 Leagues; keeping our course to North-vvest, and vve got that day to 17 degrees Latitude.

The 2. With the same vvind, vve got 25 Leagues, keeping on in the same course, till vve vvere come to sixteen degrees, sixteen minutes Latitude.

The 3d. With the same vvind, and in the same course, 28 Leagues.

The 4th. With the same vvind, taking our course to the vvest 20 Leagues.

The 5th. In the same course, 16 Leagues.

The 6th. We got 15 Leagues vvith a South-east vvind,* 1.64 and came that day to the Island of St. Helene.

This Island lies at 16. degrees, 12 minutes, beyond the Aequinoctial, and vvas so called by the Portuguez,* 1.65 upon its being discovered the one and tvventieth of May, on vvhich day is celebrated the memory of Saint Helene, Mother to Constantine the Great. It is distant from the Coast of Angola 350. Leagues, from that of the Cape of Good hope 550. and from that of Bresil 510. So that it is somevvhat strange, that at so great a distance from the continent, the Sea should start out an Island about 7 Leagues in compass. It is so fertile, that there is not any Province in Europe affords such plenty of excellent fruits, and breeds so many creatures as this Island.

Some affirm, it afforded neither, vvhen it vvas first discovered by the Portuguez, and that the fevv Trees they planted, and the little stock of Cattle they left there, hath so furnished it, that it is able sufficiently to refresh all the fleets that come thither. At this place, a man may have at any time of the year, Figs, Pomegranats, Citrons and Oran∣ges, and there are Goats, Swine, Barbary-Hens, Feasants, Partridges, Quailes, Peacocks, Pigeons, and great store of all sorts of Birds, as also salt for the keeping of them; so that Ships might be sufficiently provided with all things, if they would stay there any time. The Sea supplies it with more Fish then can be consumed; and the Earth brings forth so many excellent Herbs, that the Portuguez, unwilling to retard their Voyage, leave at this place their sick men, who recover their health within a few days, and having only a little Oyl, Rice, Bisket and Spice, make a shift to live there till the Ships come thither the next year. Its Mountains are so high, that they reach above the Clouds, and are seen at Sea, at the distance of 14 Leagues. The Trees wherewith they are covered bring forth no Fruit, and are fit only for firing, but the Valleys are extreamly pleasant. The King of Portugal would not have any establishment to be made there upon these reflecti∣ons; that all Ships passing that way might find refreshment there, and that it would be a hard matter to keep the said Island against all the other Nations, who are concerned in its being still free, inasmuch as were it not for that, Vessels many times, would be forc'd upon the Coasts of Guiny, where water is not to be had at all times, and where they should be obliged to stay for Rain, which would be so great an inconvenience that many of the men would in the mean time droop and die.

The fertility of this Island proceeds chiefly from the daily rain which falls there: but they are transient showrs soon over, so that the Sun shining presently after, and that by intervals, it must needs very much advance the maturation of all things.

There are three places where fresh water may be taken in, to wit, where the three Ri∣vers, which come out of the Mountain fall into the Sea. They breed abundance of Snakes; but the Dutch eat them, and prefer them before Eels.

At 190 Leagues,* 1.66 North-west of the Island of Saint Helene, is that of the Ascension, so called by the Portuguez, upon its being discovered upon Ascention-day. It lies at 8. degrees, 30. minutes South of the Line, and hath also very high mountains; but it affords no fresh water, nor any other refreshment; nay, it hath not so much as any verdure; on∣ly what may be particularly said of it, is that upon the Coasts of it, there are more Fish then upon those of Saint Helenes, which occasions the coming thither of abundance of Birds, that live only upon the said Fish. These Birds are somewhat like Geese, at least as the Relations describe them. Assoon as a Vessel comes near, there flie such numbers thereof into it, that they are easily kill'd with sticks, but the meat of them is not good. The Earth of its Mountains is of a reddish colour, much like that which the Spaniards call Almagro, from the name of a City, where there is much of it found.

October 9. The South-east wind continued, but so weakly, that we got that day but 15. Leagues, holding our course to the South-west, and we were at 16. degrees, 11. minutes Latitude.

The 10. We had a great calm, with insupportable heats, so that we got that day bu•• 8. Leagues, keeping the same course.

The 11. With an Easterly wind, and keeping on the same course, we got 15. Leagues.

The 12. We got 21. Leagues with the same wind, taking our course to the North-north-west.

The 13. The wind came to North-east, and helped us forward 25. Leagues to North-north-west, to 14. Degrees, 25. minutes Latitude.

The 14. With the same wind, keeping on the same course, we advanced 22. Leagues.

The 15. The wind came to South-east, and keeping on the same course, we advanced 44. Leagues.

The 16. The wind continued South-east, and we got 46. Leagues; we had that day the Sun in the Zenith, so that we could not observe the Elevation. The heats were very great.

The 17. We got 40. Leagues, with the same wind.

The 18. With the same wind, we got 42. Leagues, to the fifth degree of Latitude. That day we saw Millions of flying fishes, and abundance of those birds the Portuguez call Mangas de Veludo. The heats were excessive.

The 19. With a South-east wind, we got 40. Leagues, and got to 3. Degrees, 19 minutes Latitude.

The 20. With the same wind, we got 40. Leagues further, and at one degree, 18. minutes Latitude.

The 21. VVith the same wind, we got 35. Leagues, and passed under the Aequinoctial Line. At one degree beyond the Line lies the Cape de Lope Gonsales, upon the Coasts of Guiny, the Road whereof is very good. There Vessels take in refreshments, in case they had not done it at Saint Helene's Island.

The Island of Saint Thomas,* 1.67 so called by the Portuguez, from its being discovered on 21th. of December, lies under the Line. Though there be no talk of any Plague at that place, yet is the air thereof very unwholsome, and prejudicial to strangers, who can∣not well bear the excessive heats predominant there; Whence it comes, there are few gray∣beards seen there, and few Christians reach 50. years of Age, though the Inhabitants of the Country live to above a hundred. Day and Night are of an equal length there all the year long, and it rains only in March and September: but all the remainder of the year, the Earth is moistened by a certain Dew, which brings forth all sorts of fruits. They who discovered the Island found it overgrown with a kind of trees, the branches whereof were all streight. Heretofore there grew Sugar there, in such quantities, as that there was enough to load thence yearly above forty Ships: but it is now sometime since that there bred there a kind of Worms, which so gnaw the Canes, that the Island can hardly furnish six Ships therewith. It affords much Wheat, and Wine, Millet, Rye, Bar∣ley, Melons, Cowcumbers, Figs, Ginger, red-Parsnips, Cabbages, Navews, Lettice, Parsly, all sorts of Roots, Pulse, and Pot-herbs, and among others, a certain Root named Ig∣naman, accounted a very delicate dish by the Inhabitants. It is a kind of Toad∣stool,

the rinde whereof is black, and the meat white, about the bigness, and not unlike the French Navew, save that it casts forth several branches below. It is baked in the Em∣bers, and tastes somewhat like, but much better then a great Chesnut. The Spaniards have planted Olive-trees there, as also Peach-trees, and Almond-trees, which grow well enough, but bear no Fruit.

Among the living Creatures,* 1.68 particularly to this Island, there is a kind of Crevisses, which live within the ground, and work like Moles. There is also abundance of Partridges, Quails, Black-birds, Parrats, and other Birds: but particularly great store of excellent fish, especially VVhales, which are of a monstrous bulk, upon the Coasts of this Island.

In the midst of the Island, there is a Mountain covered with Trees, and over-spread with a Cloud, which supplies it with fresh water, and that abundantly enough to water the Sugar Canes: but what is most remarkable is, that the higher the Sun comes over the Horizon, the more water falls from the said Cloud.

The natural Inhabitants of it are Negroes,* 1.69 but Forreigners continue white to the third and fourth Generation; and it is reported, that the lice and fleas, wherewith the Negroes are extreamly troubled, meddle not with the white people, inasmuch as the skins of the former are much more delicate then those of the latter.

VVithin 35. Leagues of St. Thomas Island,* 1.70 South-ward, there is another Island, which the Portuguez. call Rolles Island. wherein there are Oranges, Citrons, Bananas, Ananas, Ginger, Poultry, Swine, and other refreshments, in such plenty, that having besides a very good Haven at ten Fathorn water, it is a more commodious place then the Cape de Lope Gonsales.

The Island of Carisco,* 1.71 which lies 30. minutes on this side the Line, hath no other re∣freshment but fresh-water, and is so neer the Continent, that seldome any Ships Anchor there, but in great extremity.

October 22. VVith a South-west wind, we got 33. Leagues, and about noon, were at one degree, 35. minutes Latitude, North from the Line, having very fair weather.

The 23. The same wind brought excessive heats, and advanced us 26. Leagues and 3. degrees, one minute Latitude.

The 24. VVe got but 22. Leagues, having continual thunder and lightning, which lasted till night.

The 25. The same South-east wind carried us 32. Leagues, taking our course North-North-west; The weather was rainy, with storms, and those winds which the Portuguez call Travados, which are very ordinary towards the Coasts of Guiny, from which we con∣ceived our selves to be then distant about 150. Leagues.

The 26. The wind continuing South-east, we got 25. Leagues, and were at seven degrees Latitude. The heat was much greater here, then it had been on the other side of the Aequinoctial, though the Sun were ten degrees further from our Hemisphere, in as much as the Sun, which had so lately warmed the Septentrional Hemisphere, had not yet had time to warm the Meridional.

The 27. The wind changed and came to North and by East, which obliged us to change our course. We got that day but 13. Leagues, and about noon, were at seven degrees, 50. minutes Latitude. And as we came further off from the Coasts of Guiny, we accordingly removed out of the bad weather, which had much incommodated us before.

The 28. The wind came to North-east, which is ordinary in those parts within the 10th. and 20th. degrees, whereas from thence it changes, as it does on our Seas on this side. We got that day 30. Leagues.

The 29. The same wind carried us 31. Leagues; and at noon, we were got to 10 de∣grees Latitude. The next day, with the same wind, and keeping on the same course, we got 28 Leagues, to 11. degrees, 13. minutes Latitude. The next, with the same wind, the weather rainy, 23. Leagues.

November 1. The same wind continuing, we advanced 26. Leagues.

The 2. The wind North-east, we got 24. Leagues, holding our course to the North-west.

The 3. We kept on,* 1.72 with the same wind, the same course, and were, about noon, at 14. degrees, 40. minutes, and consequently near the Latitude of Capo Verde, which is a point of the Land reaching from the Continent of Africk into the Sea,* 1.73 between the Ri∣vers of Gambea and Sanaga, by Ptolomy called Promontorium Arsinarium.

The Inhabitants are black,* 1.74 bulky and well-shaped, but mischievous and dangerous. They are for the most part Pagans, whereof some invocate the Moon, and others adore the De∣vil, whom they call Cammaté. Some among them profess themselves to be Mahumetans; but all they have of that Religion is only the name and Circumcision.

They are in perpetual wars with their Neighbours, and are expert enough at the man∣nagement of their Horses,* 1.75 which are brought them out of Barbary, and very swift. Their Arms are the Bow, and a kind of Lance or light Pike, which they handle very advantagi∣ously. The most illustrious marks of their Victories are the Privy parts, which having cut off from their Enemies, they present them to their Wives, who dispose them into Neck-laces, and account them a greater Ornament then Pearls.

They marry several Wives,* 1.76 whom they force to work like Slaves, as well in the fields as at home, where the Husband is served up alone, with what his Wife hath provided for him; and as soon as he hath din'd, he reassumes his Arms, and goes either a hunting, or about his business. The Women are accustomed to such hardness, that as soon as they are delivered, they go and wash the Child, either in the Sea, or the next River.

The Men are for the most part much subject to drunkenness,* 1.77 and such lovers of Wine, that some have been seen to take off a Bottle of Aqua vitae at a draught. Their times of debauches are, at the Funerals of their Friends, at which they spend four or five dayes to∣gether in weeping and drinking by intervals, so that they seldom part ere they get their Skins full of Drink. The Entertainments are performed with the Drum and Pipe, and there is set at the head of the deceased a Pot of Wine or Water, which is changed twice a day, and that for several years afterwards.

They believe the dead will rise again,* 1.78 but that they shall be white, and trade there as the Europeans do. The French, Spaniards and Dutch, trade much there in the Hides of Oxen, Bufflers, and Elks, Elephants teeth, Wax, Rice, Ambergreece, which is excellent there. Here it was that Peter de la Brouck, a Dutch Merchant, bought in the year 1606. a piece of Am∣ber of eighty pound weight.

We shall here say by the way,* 1.79 that the Portuguez began their discoveries of this Coast of Africk, in the year 1417. in the reign of Iohn I. who had been Master of Avis, un∣der the direction of the Infanto D. Eurique his third Son. These first Voyages had not the success he expected, till that in the year 1441. Anthony Gonsales, having discovered the Cape del C••vellero, brought away with him certain Negroes, whom the Infanto sent to Pope Martin V. desiring him to promote the Zeal he had for the advancement of Christian Religion, and to bestow on him the places he should discover upon those Coasts, which he pretended were prossessed by such as had no right thereto.

The Pope was pleased to make him a Present of what cost him nothing, and gave him all he should discover in Africk, especially in those parts towards the Indies, upon conditi∣on, that at his death he left them to the Crown of Portugal. The Inf••nte had discovered all the Coast between Capo de Naom, as far as a hundred Leagues beyond Cabo Verde, and died in the year 1453. King Alfonso V. in the year 1457. bestowed all these Conquests on D. Ferand, Duke of Viseo, Heir to the Infanto D. Eurique, and in 1461. the same King ordered the building of a Fort in the Island of Arguin, for the safety of Commerce, by Suero Mendez, which the King D. Iohn II. caused to be rebuilt, before his coming to the Crown, as Lord of those Conquests, and the Commerce of Guiny, by gift from the King his Father. This Prince, in the year 1461. farm'd it out to one named Ferdinand Gomez, upon condition he should every year discover a hundred Leagues of the Coast; so that in the year 1479. they had discovered the Islands of Fernando del Po, St. Thomas, Anno Bueno, those of del Principe, and the Cape of St. Katherine. The wars which happened between the King D. Alfonso, and the Crown of Castile, hindred him from spending his thoughts on these Conquests; but the King D. Iohn II. being come to the Crown, sent away in December 1481. Diego d' Azambuja, who came to Mina, Iannary 19. 1482. to a place called then Aldea de dos partes, and where reigned at that time a King, or Prince, named Caramansa.

This place,* 1.80 on which the Portuguez bestowed the name of Mina, by reason of the abun∣dance of Gold found there, is seated upon the Coast of Guiny, five degrees, forty minutes South of the Aequinoctial Line, between the Kingdoms of Axen and Cara, where within the space of fifty Leagues is carried on the trade of almost all the Gold in those parts. It hath on the North-west Comana, and on the North-east Afuto, small Countries, subject to those of Abarambues. The Fort is built upon an ascent, which the scituation of the Country makes by little and little at the end of a skirt of Land, which advances into the Sea like a Peninsula, having on the North-side the Aethiopian Sea, and on the South a little River, which serves it for a Ditch. It may be easily kept by five hundred men, and the Town, which is at the foot of the Fort, hath about eight hundred Inha∣bitants. But this place is so fenny and barren, that such as have settled themselves there upon the account of Traffick, are forc'd to buy Provisions of those of Camana and Afuto.

The Inhabitants are docile enough, and better natured then the Negroes, though not so rational as to matter of Religion.* 1.81 They make Divinities of all they see, that's new and and extraordinary. They had at that time enclosed with a Wall a great Tree, which they adored, and to which, on certain dayes, Water and Meat was served up by one of their Priests, whom they call Sofo. They had also a veneration for the Bones of a Whale, and religiously worshipped a certain Rock, for this reason, that it was higher then any other near it. No Nation in the World is more superstitious about groundless Divinations and Augury,* 1.82 then this is. They take certain pieces of Straw into their mouths, and according to their falling to the ground they judge ofthe event of things. They all affirm, that they speak to the Devil, and they have a particular respect for such as have the reputation of Sorcerers, but indeed are only Cheats and Impostors, who make their advantages of the weakness of the besotted multitude.

They are very religious in the observance of their Oaths,* 1.83 as being perswaded, that such as violate them small dye suddenly, and alledge to that purpose, the examples of some of their Nation, who having broke the Oath they had taken, not to injure some holy persons, who preach'd the Gospel in those parts, were all destroyed. From this sincerity, there ari∣ses an advantage not known elsewhere; which is, that Law-suits and differences are deci∣ded in a few hours, upon the pure affirmation of the parties. No Crime so heynous, but a man may redeem his life with money, unless he be so lost to goodness, as to fall several times into the same offence.

They go naked,* 1.84 and cover only those parts which are not with decency to be named; and they do it with Ape-skins, or pieces of Cloath of divers colours, which they make of their Date-trees. The Ornament they most affect is, to make their Bodies shine by frequent rubbing them with Oyl, or Fat. Persons of Quality wear Bracelets of Gold a∣bout their Armes and Legs, and tye up their Hair and Beards with small Chains of the same Metal.

In their wars, they observe neither Order nor Discipline, and the Instruments they make use of,* 1.85 are fitter rather to excite laughter, then animate them to fighting. Their defensive Arms are made of Lions, Tigers, or Leopards skins, and the offensive are Darts, and short Lances. Their Hidalgos, when they go to the wars, are attended by two Pages, whereof one carries the Buckler, and the other a little Stool, on which the Master rests himself when any halt is made.

They regulate the number of their Wives according to their Revenue; and they con∣tract Marriages without any Ceremonies, giving the Brides Father only ten Rials for his Wine, which they are such lovers of, that many times they take of it, till they have lost their Senses and Understanding.

The Dutch have there the Fort called Boure,* 1.86 within four Leagues of Mina. They have also their Factors at Cara, Coromantin, and Aldea del Tuerto, and they quietly drive on the trade of Mina, where they return yearly above two millions of Gold, and by that means get out of the Iazans, and other Inhabitants of Aethiopia, great quantities of Gold; espe∣cially since their settling at this place occasioned the Portuguez to attempt what they did at Brasil, contrary to the Treaty they had made with the States of the Vnited Provinces. The Dutch had already destroyed the trade of the Portuguez there, upon this score, that they were content with a moderate profit, and treated the Negroes with so much mildness, that they brought them to some liking of their Religion, which hath made a considerable progress among them.

Christopher Colombo, perceiving King Iohn II. to be much inclined to those Voyages went to the Court of Portugal, to proffer his service, for the discovery of the West-Indies. But the business being taken into consideration at the Councel, they thank'd Colombo, and resolv'd to prosecute their Conquests in the East. In pursuance of this resolution, the King sent away two of the best Pilots in the Kingdom, named Diego Can, and Iuan Alonso d' Avero.

The former took his course to Mina,* 1.87 and arrived at the Cape de Lope Consales, and after∣wards doubling that of St. Katharine, he entred the River Zaire, seven degrees South of the Line, and there took possession of the Kingdom of Congo.

This Kingdom reaches from the Cape of St. Katherine Southward, as far as Cape de Ledo, and hath on the West,* 1.88 the Aethiopian Sea; on the South, the Mountains of the Moon, and the Cafres; on the East, the Mantabas; and on the North, the Kingdom of Beny, being in length about a hundred and sixty Leagues, from the second degree, 30. minutes, to the 13. degree beyond the Line.* 1.89 It consists of six great Provinces, named, Bamba, Sengo, Sunda, Pango, Batta and Pambu.

The Province Bamba reaches along the Coast, from the River Ambrisi, to that of Coanse; the Metropolis,* 1.90 Bamba, lying between the Rivers of Losa and Ambrisi, 30. Leagues from the Sea.

The Province of Songo lies upon the Rivers of Zaire and Loango,* 1.91 reaching from the Ri∣ver Ambrisi, to the Mountains which divide it from the Kingdom of Loango. The Metro∣polis is of the same name.

The City of Sunda does also derive its name to the Province,* 1.92 whereof it is the Metro∣polis. It is 8. Leagues in compass, and comprehends under its jurisdiction all the Coun∣try, which is near the City of Congo, (by the Portuguez named St. Salvader) as far as the River Zaire.

The Province of Pango,* 1.93 which had heretofore its particular King, hath on the North, the Province of Sunda; on the South, that of Batta; on the West, the City of Congo; and on the East, the Mountains of the Sun. The Metropolis, from which it hath the name, lies upon the River Barbella, which hath its Source common with that of the Nile.

The Province of Batta lies North-eastward,* 1.94 between that of Pango, and the River Bar∣bella, and reaches to the burnt Mountains.

The City of Congo,* 1.95 is the Metropolis of the Province of Pamba, and lies upon a Moun∣tain fifty Leagues from the Sea. There is in the same Province, another Mountain which is above six Leagues in length, and hath on it so many Villages and Hamlets, as find Habi∣tations for above a hundred thousand persons.

Duarte Lopez,* 1.96 who lived several years in those parts, and made a particular description of the Kingdom of Congo, which Augustinus Cassiodorus hath taken the pains to translate into the German language, affirms, that the Air is so temperate there in Winter, as it is in Rome in October; and that the greatest annoyance to the Europeans, is the Rain, which falls there every day, for two hours before, and as many in the afternoon, as being rather burning then hot. Their Winter begins the 15. of March, and their Summer the 15. of Septem∣ber, and during the moneths of April, May, Iune, Iuly and August, not a day passes, but it rains, so that there is hardly a fair day in five moneths. But the dayes and nights are of equal length in all seasons of the year.

The River Zaire,* 1.97 which rises out of the same Lake, where the Nile hath its Source, is certainly the greatest River of any in Africk, in as much as having received into its Channel, the waters of the Vambo, and the Barbella, it is 28. leagues broad at the mouth. The River Goanze is a common Frontier between the Kingdoms of Congo and Angola; and in the Lelonda, there are abundance of Crocodiles and Sea-horses.

This last Creature is of a duskish colour,* 1.98 and hath very little hair; It is in the head like a Cartal, without ears, hath broad nostrils, and in his jaws two teeth, like the Tusks of a wild Boar. Its hoof hath the form of a three-leav'd-grass, and he neighs like a Horse, and runs very swiftly. The Dutch in their Relations, affirm, that the Africans make use of them, but avoid watering of them in Rivers, left they should overthrow their Riders.

From the hot Rains we spoke of proceeds the fruitfulness of the Country, which brings forth Herbs, Fruit and Corn in so great plenty, that if the Inhabitants would but cultivate the Ground, the World would not afford a better place.

The Mountains in the Province of Pamba afford Gold,* 1.99 and the Forrests thereof are full of Elephants, which are so big, that some teeth have weighed two hundred pounds a piece. There is also among others, a certain Creature called Sebra, which is like a Mule, save that it is capable of engendring, and from the back-bone down to the belly, it hath three bars, each of about three fingers breadth, whereof one is black, another white, and the third yellow. This Creature is so swift, that the Portuguez, to express extraordinary swiftness, instanee in the Sebra.

The Empalenges is a kind of Oxe, but less and more fierce. The Forrests there are also stored with Wolves, Foxes, wild Bufflers, wild Goats, Deer, and Conies, whereof there must be abundance, in regard they are never hunted, nor indeed any, but the Civet-cats, which they tame and keep,* 1.100 for the advantage made of them. It is reported there are also Serpents fifteen foot in length, which have such wide throats, that they swallow down Creatures en∣tire. There are Amphybia, but not venomous, for the Inhabitants eat of them, and prefer their flesh before any Venison. There are others on the contrary, so dangerous, that such as are stung by them die within twenty four hours.

They have also all sorts of Birds, as Pheasants, Partridges, Hens, Turky-cocks, Ducks, Geese. Turtles, Pidgeons, and all kinds of Hawks and Eagles.

The Mountain of the Province of Pemba brings forth all sorts of Fruits, and very clear

and wholsom Waters, and the Country thereabouts affords a kind of Wheat called Leuco, not much bigger then Mustard-seed, but makes better Bread then any in our parts. It is accordingly more esteemed, then that made of Rice or Turkey-wheat, which is left to the poorer sort; Citrons, Oranges, and Bananas, are as common there, as in the Indies; but the Tree yields them most Fruit is the Date-tree.

There are two kinds of it,* 1.101 for some bear Dates, other Cocos, whereof they make Butter, Oil, Wine, Vinegar, Fruit and Bread, and yet they have withall their use in Physick, since the juyce extracted from them is so great a cleanser of the Reins, that no person of this Country ever complained of the Stone or Gravel.

All Simples are incomparably better there then in any of our parts, as are also the Me∣lons, Cowcumbers and Pulse, which the Country brings forth in great plenty.

No Mountain but is planted with a great number of Fruit-trees, and several others, which keep on their verdant Liveries all the year long: or if they are barren without, they fail not of yielding somewhat within, as Marble, Alablaster, Jasper, Porphyry, nay, some Hyacinths, and particularly that white kind of Marble, which was heretofore so highly esteemed by the Romans.

The Inhabitants of the Country are Negroes, but the Women not so black as the Men. Their Hair curls, but they have not so great lips, nor such flat Noses, as the other Moors. It is particularly affirmed of those of Bamba, that they are so strong, they will at one blow strike off the head of an Oxe, or cut a Slave in the middle.

Their Houses are low,* 1.102 narrow, and ill built, not for want of Materials, but Work-men, in as much as there is neither Mason nor Architect among them, unless a many may say, there is not any place in the World hath more, since every man builds his own House.

The same may be said of Physicians;* 1.103 They all understand Medicine and Botanicks, at least as much as they think necessary for the preservation or recovery of their health. They cure Feavers with a little Sandall-wood beaten to powder, the Head∣ach by bleeding, and the Purge they take is only the Powder made of the Bark of a certain Tree.

They go most bare-headed,* 1.104 save that some wear a kind of Hats made of Nut-shells, or the Barks of Trees. Some also wear Plumes of Feathers, which they fasten to their hair with a piece of Packthread; and as well Men as Women, put into their Ears very weighty Rings of Gold, with Stones in them, and wear Iron, Tin, or Brass Rings or Plates, about the Arms or Legs, though most of quality are cloathed after the Portuguez fashion. They sleep on Mats, and eat upon the Ground, sometimes shuffling flesh, and fish, and fruits toge∣ther all into the same dish; but persons of quality are otherwise serv'd, and eat alone, hav∣ing Mats laid under the meat. They never do their necessities, but they lay a stick cross a pit, upon which they sit for their greater ease.

A man may guess at the Wealth of the Country,* 1.105 by the abundance of Gold, Silver, Cop∣per, Cristal, Iron, and other Metals, which their Mines afford, but especially by the prodigi∣ous quantity of Ivory sold there. There is also a great trade driven in Civet, and the Portuguez and Spaniards buy there a great number of Slaves, whom they set at work in the Mines of Peru, or the Sugar-mills at Bresil.

Instead of Money,* 1.106 they use shells; whence it comes, that the King of Congo hath a Go∣vernour in the Island of Londa, who hath the oversight of the fishing there, which is of so much the greater importance, in that men find there, what is here sought, though under another name, many times with the hazard of life, and the loss of honour and con∣science.

The King of Congo is so absolute,* 1.107 that he doth not only dispose of the lives and estates of his Subjects, but also, there is not a person in all his Country can pretend a propriety to any thing; so that if he were not yearly paid the tribute due to him, he might take all and sa∣tisfie himself. He hath his Governours in all the Provinces, who have their residence in the chief Cities.* 1.108 The Governour of Batta, being of the Blood-royal, is the first, not only of all the Governours, but also of all the Ministers of State: and in that qualification, his authority is so great, that none of the Councel will contradict any thing he proposes. The King sometimes permits him to eat at his own Table, a priviledge he allows not his own Sons; but when he receives that honour, he does not sit down, but stands all the time, He hath also his Pipers and other Musitians, as the King hath, and he hath only the priviledge of having within his Government, such Guards as make use of Fire-arms. He employes them particularly against the Giaques, a people living upon the Nile, which makes incursi∣ons into the Kingdom, and against which an Alarm is given in the Country, by discharging of a Musket.

The Province of Bamba is as it were a Cittadel to the whole Kingdom, in regard thence come the best Souldiers. It can raise above forty thousand able men, with whom, yet those of Batta, where they may raise above seventy thousand, are not to be compared; their Swords which are brought them by the Portuguez, are as big as those of the Swisses, yet they are so expert in the handling of them, as some among us are in handling ordinary Swords. They also use Darts, and make their Bucklers of the barks of Trees.

Their Armies consist only of foot,* 1.109 and fight all at the same time, or if they be divided into several Batallions, the General keeps in the midst of the Army, and commands, by means of divers instruments, by which the other Commanders, whom they call Mani, un∣derstand whether they are to advance or retreat, close, or open, turn to the right or left, fight on, or desist. They have a kind of wooden Trumpets, which make a dreadful noise, as do also their Drums, which are made of barks of trees, and covered with a skin, which they beat with great sticks of Ivory.

They have also an Instrument, made of plates of Iron disposed triangle-wise, which they beat with ordinary sticks; and Elephants teeth made hollow, the noise whereof very much animates them to fighting. The General causes to be brought into the Army a great many of these Instruments, which he distributes among the inferiour Officers, who thereby answer the Signal given them by the General.

Christian Religion was introduced into the Kingdom of Congo,* 1.110 by occasion of an Em∣bassie, which King Caramansa sent to D. Iohn II. King of Portugal, at the second Voyage made by Diego Can into those parts. The chief Embassadour, whose name was Casuta, being baptized in Portugal, the King sent him back with a Convoy of three Ships, under the command of Gonsalo de Sonsa, who being come to Cabo Verde, died there of the Plague, as did also Casuta. Ruy de Sousa, who succeeded his Uncle in the charge of General, was forced to put in at the Port of Finda, in the Province of Songo, where the Dutch have now a Factory, and where the Lord of Governour of the place, who was Uncle to the King, was baptized with his Son, and all his Family. The King and Queen followed their example, and were called Iohn and Eleanor.

This design was prosecuted by King Emanuel, in the year 1504. but the discovery of the Indies, and the advantages made in those parts, having occasioned the discontinuance of the Voyages upon the Coasts of Africk, those foundations of Religion were neglected, and the Dutch made their advantages thereof, to introduce the Protestant Religion into that Country.

Let us now see,* 1.111 what became of Iuan Alonso •• Avero, who left Portugal with Diego Can. He discovered upon the same Coast of Africk, the Kingdom of Beny, between the Mina, and the Kingdom of Congo. It is about fourscore Leagues in length, and fourty in breadth, and about twelve Leagues or thereabouts from the Sea, a man may see the City of Hugatoo, upon the River which the discoverers of it named Rio Fermoso: a little further within the Countrey, the Metropolis, which derives its name to the whole Kingdom. Iuan Alonso was no sooner arrived there, but the King of Beny made a Treaty with him, and promised he would be baptized. But this Conversion, being without any motive either of Faith, or knowledge of the Religion he was to embrace, it accordingly came to no∣thing, as did also the Trade they intended to establish there; for it was soon quitted for that of the Indies.

As to Cabo Verde,* 1.112 which Ptolomey calls Promontorium Arsinarium, and puts at ten degrees, forty minutes, on this side the Line, we affirm it for certain, that it is at fourteen degrees, twenty minutes, and lies between the Rivers of Zanaga, and Gambra, or Gambe••, which Ptolomey seems to call Durago and Stachiris. It is called also Promontorium Hesperium, from its being so much towards the West, and lying over against the Islands, which the Ancients called Hesperides: and it is called Cabo Verde, from the Trees and verdure, for which it is remarkable: But though Ptolomey affirms these Rivers to be very little ones, and that their Sources are hardly known, yet it is certain they rise out of two Lakes, whereof one is called by Ptolomey, Paulus Chelonides, now the Lake of Goaga, and the other that of Naba. The Inhabitants believe they have their rise from the Nile, but there is little likelihood they should.

Ptolomey gives no account of their falling into the Sea; but it hath been found since, that the River Gambra, which runs throughout the Province of Mandiga, having received into its Channel the waters of several other Rivers, which cross that Province, falls into the Ocean, at thirteen degrees, thirty minutes: And that the Zanaga, changing its name seve∣ral times, though its course be not so long, but streight from East to West, loses it quite, at fifteen degrees and a half, where it falls into the River Geny, which derives its name to the Country we now call Guiny.

Ptolomey's Tables discover, that he knew nothing of the people who live between these two Rivers,* 1.113 so that to speak pertinently of them, we are to credit the modern Relations, which affirm, that the people called Budumeys are possest of the Eastern part of the Coun∣try, and reach as far as Cabo Verde: The Foules, and Berbecines, are quarter'd further with∣in the Country, upon the River Zanaga, and more Northerly then the Ialofes, whereof some are subject to the Foules, others to the Budumeyes. They call their King Breque, and their Country is plain and fenny, but very fertile in Cattle, Wine, Cotton, Ivory, wild Fowl, and Horses, by reason of the frequent inundations of the River. They have neither Gold nor Silver, but abundance of Iron, whereof they make all sorts of Instruments, and Uten∣sils. The Air there is very wholsom, though there be no great change of Seasons. The Inhabitants of Cabo Verde are accounted couragious, and they have learnt of the Zene∣guezes, their Neighbours,* 1.114 the Art of mannaging Horses, as they have also Paganisme, which they profess.

They have this advantage over their Neighbours, that Justice is better administred a∣mong them then elsewhere; that they proceed with greater prudence and secrecy about publick Affairs, which concern the greatness and safety of the State; and that they impar∣tially dispose punishments and rewards. The Prince, when he makes choice of any for his Council, regards principally their Age, and he bestows the place of Judicature on such among them as have most experience, and are best acquainted with Affairs. These fit every day to hear Causes, and decide Differences.

They know nothing of our Military discipline,* 1.115 but their way of making war hath something particular in it, which is this: All that are able to bear Arms, are disposed into several Regiments, and lodged in Quarters appointed for that purpose, under their Colo∣nels, whom they call Iugarases; so that as soon as there is any occasion, the Orders are dis∣patched from Quarter to Quarter, and by that means a powerful Army is raised in a few dayes, without any need of making new Levies; in as much as the places are kept for the Sons of the Souldiers, who succeed their Fathers, and put the Prince to no charge, but what he allows them by way of salary, since they bring their provisions and baggage along with them.

The names of buying and selling are not yet known among them: for having neither Gold nor Silver coined, they truck and exchange all, as well among themselves as with Forreigners. Their greatest Commerce consists in trucking of Hides and Slaves. Of these they have only such as they take in war, which being many times civil among themselves, they make the best advantage they can of them.

They have among them some distinction of Nobility and Peasantry,* 1.116 and call the former Sahibibos, who are a kind of Knights, for whom they have a great respect, but not so much as they bear the Grandees, whom they call Thubalas, out of which rank they chuse their King, provided he be full thirty years of age.

When the Portuguez discovered the Country of the Ialofes,* 1.117 there reign'd a very pow∣erful Prince, named Brabiran, who dying left three Sons, by two several Wives. By the former, he had Cibitam and Camba, and by the second, who was the Widow of another Prince, Father of Beomi, Biran, who was chosen King after the Fathers death. His two elder Brethren, envying the greatness of that Prince, declared themselves so openly against him, that Biran, who had great assurances of the affection and fidelity of Beomi, his Bro∣ther by the same Mother, took him so much into favour, that he seem'd to have reserved to himself only the name of King. But that extraordinary favour prov'd fatal to both; for Biran was kill'd by his Brethren, and Beomi, who thought to make his advantage of that Fratricide, to get himself chosen, took up Arms against the two Brethren. He got to∣gether a considerable Army; but being afterwards forsaken by his Friends, he was forc'd to apply himself to Portugal for relief. King Iohn II. having got him instructed in the Christian Religion, had him baptized with all his Family, and sent him back with a consi∣derable Fleet, under the conduct of Pedro Vaz de Cogna, whom he ordered to build a Fort at the mouth of the River Zanaga, it being his design to get further into Africk, as far as the Country of Prester Iohn, whereof he had but a confused knowledge. But that great design proved abortive, and miscarried at the beginning, through the cowardice of Pedro Vaz, who minding his convenience more then his honour, demolished the Fort he had new∣ly built, and not able to endure the just reproaches which Beomi made him upon that occa∣sion, he kill'd him with his own hands, the King of Portugal not expressing the least resent∣ment of so base an action.

The Islands, which the Portuguez call As Ilhas Verdes,* 1.118 and the Dutch, the Salt-Islands, lye over against Cabo Verde, and were not discovered by the Portuguez till the year 1472. Some are of opinion, they are the Gorgonides of Ptolomy: but I dare not affirm, that that

great Person, who hath left us so confused an account of that Coast of Africk, knew any thing of these Islands, whereof the nearest is 70. and the most remote 160. Leagues di∣stant from the Continent. They reach from the 15. to the 19. degree, and are in number ten, to wit, St. Iago, St. Antonio, Santa Lucia, Sant. Vincenle, St. Nicholas, Ilha blanca, Ilha de sal, Ilha de Mayo, Ilha de Eogo, and Ilha de Boa Vista. It is probable, the Portu∣guez gave them the general name of Ilhas Verdes, or the Green-Islands, either from the Cape we spoke of before, or from the verdure which floats upon the water in those parts, and which the Portuguez call Sargasso,* 1.119 from its resemblance to Water-cresses. The Sea is so covered there with, from the twentieth to the twenty fourth degree, that they seem to be floating Islands, intended to block up the passage of Ships. Nay, this Herb is so thick thereabouts, that, without a pretty strong Gale of wind, it would be no easie matter to pass that way. Yet can it not be fai•••• whence the said verdure comes to that place, where the Sea hath no bottom, there being not any but in those parts, at above a hundred and fifty Leagues from the Coasts of Africk. They were desert and not inhabited, when the Portuguez discovered them; but now they are cultivated, and bring forth plenty of Rice, Millet, Abruin, or Turkish wheat, Oranges, Citrons, Bananas, Annanas, Ignaues, Pota∣toes, Melons, Citruls, Cowcumbers, Figs and Raisins, twice a year. The Islands of Mayo, de Sal, and de Boa Vista, are so stored with Cattle, that they load whole Ships thence for Brasil. The same Islands yield also such abundance of Salt, that the Dutch have taken oc∣casion thence to name them the Salt-Islands. The same Portuguez brought thither Bar∣bary, and common Hens, Peacocks and Pidgeons, which are so increased there, that with the Partridges, Quails, and other smaller Birds, whereof there is plenty, people may fare very well, at an easie rate.

There are also among others,* 1.120 a kind of Birds, which the Portuguez call Flamencos, that are white all over the body, and have wings of a lively red, near the colour of fire, and are as big as Swans. They have, above all, abundance of Conies; and the Sea supplies them with so much Fish, that, at all times, a man may find there many Portugal Vessels, fishing for the provision of Bresil. Whence it may be inferred, they lie very conveniently for the re∣freshing of such Ships as are bound for the Indies, in as much as going thither they may easily put in at the Island of Mayo, and coming thence, at that of St. Anthony, so as the Portuguez who live there cannot hinder them.

The Island of St. Iago is the chiefest of them,* 1.121 as being the residence of the Governour and Archbishop, whose spiritual jurisdiction extends not only over these Islands, but also over all the Portuguez are possessed of, upon the Coasts of Africk, as far as the C••pe of Good hope.

November 4. With a North-east wind we got 24. Leagues,* 1.122 keeping our course to the North-north-west, and were got to 16. Degrees, one minute Latitude.

The 5. With the same wind 31. Leagues, to 17. degrees, 27. minutes.

The 6. With the same wind, and in the same course, 34. Leagues, to 19. degrees, 10. minutes.

The 7. The wind continuing North-east, we got 36 Leagues. Not that we had still the advantage of the Manson, at the Latitude; but it is to be observed, that the North-east wind reigns in those parts all the year long, and brings Vessels as far as the Artick Tropick.

The 8. The wind came East-north-east, and we run 32. Leagues, and were got to 22. degrees, 35. minutes Latitude. Here we met with abundance of Sargasso, which I really found like Cresses, save that it was of a more yellowish green, and had little seeds, like those of green Goosberries. Some are of opinion, that the wind forces it from the Rocks upon the Coasts of the West-Indies; but this is the more unlikely, in that the North-east wind reigns there all the year long, as we said before.

The 9. The same wind continuing, we got 33. Leagues, taking our course to the North, and were at 24. degrees, 32. minutes Latitude.

The 10. With the same wind, 25. Leagues, taking our course to North-north-west, at 25. degrees, 40. minutes Latitude.

The 11. The wind came to East-south-east, and afterwards to South, and towards even∣ing, to North-west, with a great Calm; so that we got that day but eight Leagues, changing our course from North to West, at twenty six degrees, forty minutes Lati∣tude. That day we took one of those Fish the Dutch call Haye, which are very com∣mon in the Indies; but our Sea-men affirmed they had never seen any of them in that Sea.

The 12, We got 11 leagues with a North-east wind, keeping our course to the North-west.

The 13. With a North-north-east wind, we got 21. leagues, taking our course West-north-west.

The 14. With the same wind, and in the same course, we got 22. leagues.

The 15. The wind North-east, we got 20. leagues to North-west, at 27. degrees, 30. minutes latitude.

The 16. and 17. With the same wind, keeping the same course, we got these two dayes 32. leagues.

The 18. The wind South-east, we run 21. leagues, to the North-west, at 29. degrees, 20. minutes latitude.

The 19. The wind chang'd, and came to South-south-west, and brought with it Rain, which lasted all day; yet so as we advanced 37. Leagues, taking our course North-east.

The 20. The wind, North-west, we got 12. Leagues, in the same course.

The 11. The same wind carried us 22. Leagues.

The 22. The wind West-south-west, we got 40. Leagues to North-north-east, at 35. degrees, 20. minutes Latitude.

The 23. With a South-west wind, we got 34. Leagues, to the East-north-east.

The 24. the same wind, and course, 35. Leagues.

The 25. With a North-west wind, we got 33. Leagues, to North-east, and were at 38. degrees,—minutes Latitude.

The 26. Being calm weather, we got but 13. Leagues.

The 27. We got but 12. Leagues, taking our course East-north-east, at 38. degrees, 48. minutes Latitude.

The 28. The wind came to South-south-east, and carried us 27. Leagues, taking our course East-south-east.

The 29. The wind South-south-east, we were at noon, at 33. degrees, 30. minutes. We saw the Islands of Corvo, and de Flores, which some number among the Assores; and we got that day 24. Leagues, taking our course East-south-east.

The Islands of Corzo and Flores,* 1.123 are not to be numbred among those which the Spani∣ards call the Assores, by reason of the many Hawks found there, when they were discover∣ed. The Dutch call them the Flemmings Islands, hence, that the first Inhabitants of the Island of Fajal, which is one of the seven Assores, were Flemmings, either born in Flanders, or some other Province of the Low-Countries, where they speak Low-Dutch. The Po∣sterity of those Flemmings live there still, and observe the Customs of their own Country, and have their habitations on the little River rising out of the Mountains, which the Por∣tuguez, upon that occasion, call Ribera dos Flamen••os.

The seven Islands called the Assores,* 1.124 are Tercera, St. Michael, Santa Maria, So••, Geor∣ges, Gratiosa Pico, and Fajal. Tercera is the biggest of them all, as being fifteen or sixteen Leagues in compass. The Country is mountainous, and all the Island is so encompassed with Rocks, that it is in a manner inaccessible.

It hath no Haven, but that at the City of Angra, which is the Metropolis, not only of Tercera, but also of all the other Islands, and that no Rode where Vessels might safely ride.

The Port of Tercera is like a Crescent between two Promotories, whereof one hath two Mountains advancing so far into the Sea, that they seem to be quite loosned from the Island.

They are called Bresil▪ and so high, that a man may from thence discover twelve or thir∣teen Leagues into the Sea. The Governours of the Assores, and the Bishop of all those Islands, live in the City of Angra, within three Leagues whereof lies that which they call Villa da Praya, which is well built, but not very populous, in as much as it is a place of no Commerce, by reason of a flat shore or strand thereabouts, which occasioned the name of the City.

The City of Angra is so called from the manner of its scituation,* 1.125 it being a term where∣by the Portuguez would express the Figure of the Mount when it is half open, or the New-moon. It hath two Forts, whereof one which is towards the Mountains, serves it for a Cittadel; and the other, called the Castle of Saint Sebastiant, is built upon one of the points, which shut up the Port, which it defends with the Artillery. On the other point which is forked, there are two Towers, whence they give the signal, as soon as they disco∣ver any Vessels at Sea, either from Fresil-side, or from Europe.

These Islands belong to the Crown of Portugal; but during the last troubles of that Kingdom, there was a Castilian Garrison there, under the Command of D. A. Alvaro de Vizeros; from whom the Portuguez soon took the Castle of Saint Sestastian; but he

kept the Cittadel, till famine, and the utmost extremity forced him to deliver it up, on com∣position, May 6. 1642. After the relief which had been sent from Saint Lucars, Corogno, and Dunk••rk, had proved ineffectual, partly through the treachery of the Portuguez, who served in the Fleet, and partly by their vigilance, who had possess'd themselves of the Ave∣nues of the Island.

The soil of it is very good, nay the very Rocks yield Wine, though they are in some places so steepy, that it is almost a miracle how the Rock should thrust out of its Veins, which are not covered with Earth, the Vine-stock, which does not thrive so well in the best parts of the Valley. 'Tis true, the Wine is none of the most excellent, and that such as are able to get better, have it brought from Madera, or the Canaries: but this hinders not, but it may be affirmed, that Salt and Oyl only excepted, which are brought thither from Portugal, this Island hath not only what is necessary, but also what may be accounted delicacy, since that, besides the Wheat whereof, there is sufficient to maintain all the Inha∣bitants,* 1.126 they have Apples, Pears, Citrons and Oranges, but especially plenty of Peaches, and of all the kinds thereof. They have also Cherries, Plums, Walnuts, and Chesnuts, but not such quantities thereof, as of other Fruits. Nor do they want any Pulse, or Pot∣herbs.

They have also a Fruit they call Battatas,* 1.127 which spreads its root just under the upper∣most Superficies of the Earth, as the Vine does, and brings forth a Fruit much like a Rad∣dish, save that it is much bigger, there being some Roots that weigh a pound or more. It is much esteemed in Portugal, but in the Island it is of no account, so that only the poorer sort live on it. They have also a certain Plant which grows up five or six foot high, and is fastned to the Earth by an infinite number of Roots, yellow as Gold, and as small as the Hair of Mans Head. The Inhabitants use it instead of Wooll and Feathers, to fill their Beds and Mattresses withall: but would they take the pains to spin it, they might make very good Stuffs thereof.

Cattle is extreamly multiplied there, as also all the several sorts of Poultry brought thither, and there are abundance of Quails, and such multitudes of little Birds, like the Canary Bird, that some of the Inhabitants trade in nothing else. But there is nei∣ther wild Fowl nor Venison, and consequently no hunting, nor any divertisement of that kind, though there be Forrest enough, which might be sufficiently stored in a short time.

The Wheat there is very good,* 1.128 but will not keep, in so much, that they are forc'd to put it under ground, to preserve it to the end of the year. Whence it comes, that every Family hath a pit in some part of the City, the entrance whereof was so big, that a man may go in, into which they dispose their Wheat, seal it with the mark and seal of the Owner, and leave it there till Christmass, and then they have it conveyed to their Houses, and put it into Chests of Bull-rushes, where it keeps the remainder of the year, so as that there is no need of ever stirring it.

There is no Province in Europe,* 1.129 where Oxen are so fair, and so strong, as in the Island of Tercera, or have fairer and larger Horns; and they are withall so tame, that they im∣pose names upon them, as we do on Dogs, that they may go or come when they are called.

To hear the noise which the Rocks make when people go over them,* 1.130 as if they were go∣ing over a Cellar, a man would think the Island were all hollow; and its probable, that the Air which is ra••ified in its Concavities, occasions the frequent Earthquakes, whereto it is subject, as are also most of the other Islands. There happened so great a one in this of Tercera, on the 24. of May, 1614. that it overturn'd, in the City of Angra, eleven Chur∣ches, and nine Chappels, besides private houses; and in the City of Pray••, it prov'd so dreadful, that there was hardly a house left standing: and the 16. of Iune 1028. there happened so horrible an Earthquake in the Island of Saint Michael, that not far from it, the Sea opened,* 1.131 and thrust forth at a place, where there was above a hundred and fifty fathom water, an Island above a League and a half in length, and above sixty fathom high.

There are also, in these two Islands, certain places, out of which there issues forth a sul∣phurous smoak, whence it may be inferred, there is fire hidden under the earth, that gives heat to the Springs of scalding water, which are to be seen thereabouts.

There is a Spring within three Leagues of Angra,* 1.132 which petrifies Wood; whereof there is an evident demonstration in a Tree, the root whereof is absolutely petrified, as far as it was covered by the water, whereas otherwise it is not changed at all.

In the Island of Pico,* 1.133 there is a certain Wood called Texio, which is as hard as Iron, and being cut, is full of Waves like Chamlet, and as red as any Scarlet. The

Cabinets made of this Wood are so highly esteemed, that the Wood is kept for the Kings use.

Cedar is so common,* 1.134 that they do not only make all sorts of Houshold-stuffe thereof, but also Waggons and Boats; Nay, sometimes it serveth for firing.

The Trade of these parts is not very great; for, Woad only excepted, whereof they make great quantities in these Islands, the Inhabitants have few other Commodities to Trade withall; unless it be some provisions, which they sell to the Ships that are bound for the East-Indies, and take in refreshments at these places, in their way.

The Island of Saint Michael,* 1.135 whereof we spoke before, lies at twenty seven or twenty eight Leagues, South-east, from the Island of Tercera, and is above twenty Leagues in length.

Its Metropolis is called Punta Delgada, and its Soil is incomparably more fertile then that of the other, and produces such plenty of Wheat, that it is able to relieve its Neighbours. There are made yearly in this Island above two hundred thousand Quintals of Woad, wherewith the Inhabitants drive a great trade, though it hath neither Haven nor Road, where Ships may ride secure from all wind.

Twelve leagues South from that of Saint Michael,* 1.136 lies the Island of Saint Mary, which is about ten or twelve leagues in compass, and affords only Provisions, and Potters-earth, wherewith the Inhabitants trade into the neighbouring Islands.

The Island Gratiosa is not above five or six Leagues in compass,* 1.137 and lies North-north-east from that of Tercera, from which it is about seven or eight leagues distant. The plea∣santness of it, and the Fruits which grow there in great abundance, occasioned its having that name given it.

The Island of Saint George lies about eight or nine Leagues North-west from that of Tercera,* 1.138 and is twelve leagues in length, and two or three in breadth. It affords plenty of Provisions, but little Woad. The Country is rough and full of Mountains, which yeild great store of Cedar, wherein the Inhabitants drive a considerable Trade, with the Joyn∣ers of Tercera, where most Tradesman have settled themselves, in regard there it is the Ships put in, and that they can best put off their Commodities.

Seven leagues from Saint Georges Island,* 1.139 to the South-west, lies the Island of Fayal, which is seventeen or eighteen Leagues in compass, and is no doubt the best of all the Assores, next those of Tercera, and Saint Michael. The Inhabitants drive a considerable Trade in Woad, as also in Provisions and Fish, whereof they carry whole Caravels loaden, to the Island of Tercera, where they are distributed among the Fleets which put in there. Its Metropolis is called Villa Desta, where live those who are Originally Flemmings, as we said before.

Pico Island,* 1.140 which hath its name from the high Mountain within it, called Pico, and which is conceived to be as high as that of the great Canary, whereof we shall speak anon, lies three Leagues South-east from the Island of Fayal, four South-west of that of Saint George, and twelve West-south-west of that of Tercera. The Inhabitants live by their Cattle and Tillage, the earth answering their expectations, and requites the pains they bestow on it, as being more fertile here, then in any of these seven Islands.

The Island de Flores,* 1.141 whereof we spoke before, and which we discovered the 29. of November, is seventy Leagues distant from that of Tercera, more to the West, and conse∣quently so far from these Islands, that it is unjustly numbred among the Assores, or Flem∣mish Islands, as is also that of Coruo, which is distant from that of Flores, about a League to the North; though both are subject to the Crown of Portugal, and submit to the Gover∣nour of Tercera. Flores Island is about seven Leagues in compass, and affords some Woad, but not much.

The Portuguez are so much the more jealous of the preservation of these Islands, the more convenient they lye,* 1.142 for the relief and accommodation of such Ships, as are bound for the East-Indies and Brasil. Whence it comes they permit not Strangers to compass the Island of Tercera, which serves for a Cittadel to all the rest, (which have no Haven, where Vessels may ride secure as to all winds, nor any fortified place for a retreat) least they should discover the weakness of the Island, and take notice of those places where people might land. Before the English became Masters of Iamaica, their Ships kept for the most part between the Assores and the Island of Flores, and there waited for the Fleet, which comes every year from the Havanna for Spain.

The Air is very healthy in all these Islands,* 1.143 but so piercing, that in very few years it con∣sumes Iron and Stones. Whence it comes that ordinarily they use in their buildings, the Flints, which they find by the Sea-side, under water, in regard they better bear the sharp∣ness of the Air.

The wind coming to the South,* 1.144 we kept on our course to the North-east, leaving the Islands of Flores and Corvo East of us, so that we soon lost sight of them.

But ere we prosecute our Voyage,* 1.145 we shall here take occasion by the way to speak a word or two of the Canary Islands, which lye upon the Coast of Afri••••, near the Streights of Gibralter.

They were discovered in the year 1342.* 1.146 The Ancients called them Insulae Fortunatae, by reason of the wholsomness of the Air, and fertility of their soil. They are seven, to wit, Lanzarotta, For••••ientura, the Great Canary, Teneriffa, Gomera, Fierro and Palma, and reach in a manner upon the same Line, from East to West.

They who affirm that the Discoverers thereof gave them the name of the Canaries, from their finding many Canes or Dogs there are mistaken. For it is certain, that as well Pliny and Soli••us, as Ptolomey name one of these fortunate Islands Canaria, though the two former give the others very different names from those we find in Pta∣lomy.

So that it may probably be said that Canaria being the biggest of all the Fortunate Islands, derived its name to all the rest of them, as that of Tercera communicates its name to all the Assores, and Flauders its name to all the Low-Countries; and Holland its, to all the 〈…〉〈…〉 under the States General.

About the year 1348. Lewis, Count of Clermont,* 1.147 Son of D. Aloso dela Cerda, sir∣named the Disinberited, made ready a Fleet upon the Coasts of Catalonia, under the protection of Alpb••nso King of Arag••n, with a design to go and take possession of the Canary Islands; which the Pope hold bestowed on him, conditionally he would cause the Gospel to be preached to the Barbarious, by whom those Islands were in∣habited.

He could not go along with their himself by reason of the Wars in France, and the battle of Crecy, at which he was in the service of King Philip of Valois; Yet so as this hindred not, but that the Conquest of them was made in his name and he was called the Fortunate Child.

About the end of the same Age the Besques and Adoluzians▪ having made an agreement among themselves for the division of these Islands which had been forsaken ever since the death of D. Lewis de la c••rda set forth certain Vessels, and surprized the Island of Lanza∣••••••a, when they brought so much. wealth, that the King of Castit•• had even then at∣tempted the Conquest of these Islands, had not the Wars, he was ingaged in with his Neighbours, hindred him.

Some time afterwards, Iohn de Betancourt, a French Gentleman made a Voyage thither,* 1.148 with A Commission from Henry III King of Spain; provided, that after the Conquest thereof, he should acknowledge the Kings protection, and do homage for the same to the Crown of Castile, He took the five lesser Islands, but the Inhabitants of the two greater ones defended themselves so well, that he was forc'd to sit down with his former Con∣quest. The King of Castile being thus Sovereign thereof, sent thither a Bishop, to in∣struct the Islanders in the Christian Reigion; but Betancourt's Nephew, who had suc∣deeded his Uncle, not able to brook any Authority that might eclipse his own, would needs drive him thence, and grew so high, that the King was forc'd to interpose in their difference. He sent▪ thither; one named Pedro Barba, who became Master of them, to his use, and sold them afterwards to one named Peraza, who gave them upon a Con••••act of Marriage to his Son-in-Law, named He••••era. This last assumed the qua∣lity of King of the Co••••••ries; but not able to conquer the two greate•• Islands, he sold four of them to Ferdinand▪ King of Aragon, surnamed the Catholick, and reserved to himself only the Island of Gomera, with the quality of Count. King Ferdinand, who was the most fortunate of any Prince in his time▪ sent a Fleet thither, and conquered al∣so the two greater Islands, for the Crown of Castile,* 1.149 whereto they have belonged ever since.

The Great Canary hath above nine thousand Inhabitants, and among others a Bishop,* 1.150 the In••uisition, and the Councel, which governs and the other Island. From the excel∣lence of its Wine, which is much beyoud that of Spain, a man may judge of the fruitful∣ness of the Country, which produces Wheat, Barley, Honey, Wax, Sugar-Canes, Cheese and Woad in great abundance, and breeds such 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Cattel, that the Leather sold there is not one of the least Commodities the Inhabitants trade in not only with those of Sevil, and several other Cities of Spain, but also with the English, Dutch, Hamburgers, and other Nations of Europe, especially the Speniards, who bound for the West-Indies, take the most of their refreshments at this place.

In the Isle of Teneriffe there is a Mountain,* 1.151 called El Pi••o de Terraira. It is certainly the highest Mountain in the World, since that a man cannot get it up in less then three dayes, and that must be too either in Iuly or August, in as much as all the year besides, it is covered with Snow, though there never fall any in those Islands. It is so high, that it may be seen at the distance of sixty Leagues, and from the top of it, a man may discover, and easily count all the other Canary Islands, though some of them be above fifty leagues distant from this.

The Island of Fierro is also one of the most considerable of all the Canaries,* 1.152 and I con∣ceive that name to be given it upon this account, that its soil, not affording so much as a drop of fresh water, seems to be of Iron. And indeed there is in this Island, neither Ri∣ver, nor Rivulet, nor Well, nor Spring, save that towards the Sea-side there are some Wells, but they lie at such a distance from the City, that the Inhabitants can make no use thereof. But the great Preserver, and Sustainer of all, remedies this inconvenience by a way so extraordinary, that a man will be forced to sit down and acknowledge, that he gives, in this, an undeniable Demonstration of his Goodness and infinite Pro∣vidence.

For,* 1.153 in the middest of the Island, there is a Tree, which is the only one in its kind, in as much as it hath no resemblance to those mentioned by us in this Relation, nor to any other known to us in Europe. The leaves of it are long and narrow, and continue in a constant verdure, Winter and Summer, and its branches are covered with a Cloud, which is never dispelled, but resolved into a moisture, which causes to fall from its leaves, a very clear Water, and that in such abundance, that the Cisterns, which are placed at the foot of the Tree, to receive it, are never empty, but contain enough to supply both men and beasts.

Some affirm, that above a hundred leagues West of the Can••ries, there is sometimes seen an Island, called St. Borondon, which, they say, is very delightful and fertile, and inhabited by Christians; yet can it not be said, what Language they speak, nor how the Island came to be peopled. The Spaniards of the Canaries have often endeavoured to find out the said Island; but whether it be that it is alwayes covered with a thick mist, which hinders it from being discovered, or that the current of the water thereabouts was so strong, that it is a hard matter to land thereat; certain it is, that as yet, it subsists only in the opinion wherewith most Sea-men are prepossessed, that, certainly there is an Island in those parts.

The 30th. of November,* 1.154 the wind South-south-west, we got 31. leagues to the North-east, and were at noon got to 40. degrees, 32. minutes Latitude.

December 3. With the same wind we got 34. Leagues,* 1.155 taking our course North-east.

The 4. The wind North-east, carried us twenty seven Leagues, to East-north-east.

The 5. The wind came to South-west, and continuing the same course, we got 34. leagues. This day it was just eleven moneths that we had been tossed up and down the Sea; for we left Surat the 5. of Ianuary, though our Voyage had been prosperous enough ever since our departure from the Island of Madag••••ear.

The 6. The same wind was heightned into a tempest, but having it Easterly, we got 50. leagues that day.

When a man is once come to the Azores,* 1.156 he may assure himself all the year after of a West-wind, which will bring him into England, and never almost turns to South or North, though it may sometimes vary some points of the Compass from one side to the other.

The 7. The wind came to the North-west, and we got 39. Leagues to East-north-east.

The 8. The wind turn'd to South-west, and was so high, that we got 47. leagues, keep∣ing on the same course.

The 9. The wind South-south-west, we got 31. leagues, to North-north-east. We were this day at 49. degrees, 13. minutes. It was very cold, and we found bottom at 68. fathom, the Sand very white.

In the evening we founded again, and found some change in the Sand, which was yel∣lower then that in the morning, at fifty three fathom water. The wind changed at night, and coming to North-east, was just in our teeth.

The 10. About noon, the wind came to South-west, and we found we had got 22. Leagues.

The 11. At break of day we saw two English Vessels, and soon after, we discovered on our left hand, that point of England which is called The Lands end, and in the Coun∣ty of Cornwal. The wind was against us, which oblig'd us to endeavour doubling the point by Laveering. We made shift to get that day 16. Leagues.

The 12. The wind still contrary, we continued Laveering. We saw another English Vessel, but could not come near it.

The 13. The wind South-west, and South-south-west; we continued our course to East-south-east, and to East, with a point towards the South. We got that day 64. Leagues, and were at 49. degrees Latitude.

Then we chang'd our course,* 1.157 taking it to East-north-east, to get into the channel which divides England from France.

The 14. we saw two Scotch Ships, and a Dunkirker. We came somewhat near them, but the Sea made such a noise, that we could not possibly hear one the other.

The 15. We continued our course to East-north-east, and met three Dutch Ships bound for Br••sil.

That day we passed in sight of the Isle of Wight,* 1.158 which lies at 50. degrees, 36. mi∣nutes Latitude, and at 19. degrees, and 4. minutes Longitude.

The 16. About 10. in the morning we passed in sight of Dover-Castle,* 1.159 and at noon came to the Downs. We cast Anchor near three men of war which lay at Anchor in the same Road; and thus we compleated our Voyage, in the 12. month after our depar∣ture from Surat.

There were in the same Road above a hundred other ships lying at Anchor, in ex∣pectation of some change of weather, which was then so boystrous, that for two days we could not get out of our Ship. The Lord Admiral who commanded the Men of War, ventured to send his Shallop to our Ship, to congratulate the Presidents safe re∣turn.

The 19. The wind being somewhat laid, the Admiral invited the President to dinner. I went along with him, and participated of the civility wherewith he received him. I must confess, I was somewhat surprised, to see upon the Sea such a prodigious quanti∣ty of silver Plate; and a Table as well furnished, as that I may boldly say, the King was not better served at London, then the Admiral was in his Vessel. We were so well treated there, that night began to draw on ere we got away.

Our Ship was not above a Musket shot from the Admiral's but we were no sooner got into our boat,* 1.160 ere there rose such a Tempest, as not only hindred us from getting aboard, but forced us to Sea, the waves so filling our little Vessel, that we were forced to cast out the water with our hats.

In the precedent part of this Relation, the Reader may have observed, that we had been in many great dangers ere we got to the Coasts of England; but certain it is, that we were then in, was far greater then any we had escaped; since we were in all probabi∣lity to perish in fight of our dear Country, and to be wrackt in the Port, whereto we were already arriv'd. We were above four hours in these extremities, and at last we discovered a little Vessel, which had lost all its Anchors but the last, which was not so fastned, but that the wind forc'd it towards the Sea. We were in water up to the waste, but that hindred us not from setting our selves to the Oares, so that with much adoo we got to the said Vessel. Assoon as we were got into it, we found that it was as unsafe to be there, as to continue in our own; in regard the Anchor being not able to stay it, we were in danger of being cast on a certain bank, which is one of the most dangerous of any about that Coast. And indeed, we should hardly have recovered our selves out of that fear, had we been in a condition to reflect on the danger we were in: but the cold we had endured, the good chear we had made, the salt water we had swallowed down in our boat, and the violent and extraordinary motion of that little Vessel, put us so out of order, that we were better then half dead, when we were brought the next day to our Ship, where we were received as persons risen from the dead, inasmuch as all who had seen our boat carried away by the violence of the winds, had given us over for irrecoverably lost; nay, so far did they despair of ever seeing us again, that they had already bewailed our death.

December 24. There rose so dreadful a Tempest,* 1.161 that in the same Road, which is ac∣counted one of the safest and best in the World, 24. Ships, were forc'd to cut off their Masts. We were our selves put to the same extremity, but not so much by reason of the violence of the winds, as to avoid the running upon us of two men of War, which were got loose from their Anchors, and would otherwise have run foul upon ours.

The 26. We got ashore, and reach'd that night to Canterbury,* 1.162 the Cathedral where∣of is without doubt the noblest of any in England, and may be compared with the best structures in the World.

The 27. We came to Gravesend;* 1.163 the 28. to London, where certain Deputies of the East-India Company expected the President in eight Coaches at Black-wall. There came along with them the President's Lady, whom he had not seen in seven years before. He would needs have me salute her, according to the English way, and obliged me to take up my lodging at his own house, and to participate of all the honours done him upon his arrival.

December 30. I went to see the East-India House, and thank'd the Overseers there for all the civilities I had receiv'd from the President. They invited me to the entertainment which they made that day for him.

The next day,* 1.164 and the 1. of Ianuary, we were at other treatments, and Ianuary 2. the Lord Major sent to invite us. He was so pleased with the Presidents discourse, that he prevail'd with him to come again the next day. The Lord Major was indeed himself very excellent for discourse, and having heard what dangers he had escaped in that great Voyage, he would shew us that they were not to be compared with such as some others had been in. He gave us the story of a Dutch Sea-man, who being condemned for a crime, his punishment was changed, and he was ordered to be left in St. Helens's Island, a place we have spoken of before. This unhappy person representing to himself the horrour of that solitude much beyond what it really was, since it came not near that we shall have oc∣casion to speak of anon, fell into a despair, that made him attempt the strangest Action that ever was heard of.

There had that day been interr'd in the same Island an Officer of the Ship:* 1.165 This Sea∣man took up the body out of the Coffin, and having made a kind of rudder of the up∣per board, ventured himself to Sea in it. It hapned fortunately to him, to be so great a calm, that the Ship lay as it were immoveable, within a League and half of the Island; but his companions seeing so strange a kind of boat floating on the water, imagined they saw a Spectre, and were not a little startled at the resolution of the man, who durst ha∣zard himself upon that Element, in three boards slightly nail'd together, which a small wave might have overturned, though he had no confidence to be received by those, who had so lately sentenc'd him to death. Accordingly it was put to the question whether he should be received or not, and some would have the sentence put in execution; but at last, they concluded in mitiorem, and he was taken aboard, and came afterwards to Holland, where he lived in the Town of Horn, and related to many, how miraculously God had delivered him.

Whereto the Lord Major added, that it was a great mistake in the said Sea-man, to take so desperate a resolution, upon pure thoughts of the solitude of that Place, since the Spaniards leave their sick there from year to year, to recover themselves of the inconveni∣ences of their long Voyages, and that he could give them an example, which condem∣ned the fortunate temerity of that man, whom fear caused to do what the most resolute courage would never have attempted.

In the year 1616. a Flemming named Pickman,* 1.166 well known in England and Holland, for the Art he had in getting out of the Sea the great Guns of that Spanish Fleet, which was forc'd upon the Coasts of Ireland and Scotland, in the year 1588. coming from Dronthem in Norway, with a Vessel loaden with boards, was overtaken by a calm, during which, the current of the Sea carried him upon a Rock or little Island, towards the ex∣tremities of Scotland, where he was in some danger to be cast away. To avoid a wrack, he commanded some of his men to go into the Shallop, and to tow off the Ship. These having done so, would needs go up into a certain Rock to look for Eggs; but assoon as they were got up into it, they at some distance perceived a man, whence they imagine there were others lay lurking thereabouts, and that he had made his escape thither to avoid some Pirats which might surprise their Ship: so that they made all the haste they could to their Shallop▪ and returned to their Ship. But the calm continuing, and the current of the Sea, driving the Vessel against that Island, they were forc'd to get into the long boat, and tow her off again. The man they had seen before was in the mean time come to the brink of the Island, and made signs to them with his hands, intreating them to come nearer, and falling on his knees, and joyning his hands together, begg'd relief from them. At first, there was some difficulty made; but coming nearer the Island, they saw something, which was more like a Ghost, then a living person, a body stark naked, black and hairy, a meagre and deformed countenance, and hollow and distorted eyes, which raised such compassion in them, that they proffered to take him into the

boat; but the Rock being so steepy thereabouts, that it was impossible to land, they went about the Island, and came at last to a flat shore, where they took the man aboard. They found nothing at all in the Island, nor grass, nor tree, nor ought whence a man could derive any subsistance, nor any shelter, but the ruines of a boat, wherewith he had made a kind of Hut, under which he might lye down, and shelter himself from the rain and injuries of the weather.

The Sun was set ere they got to the Ship, and immediately, there rose a wind, which forc'd them off from the Island; whence they imagined that what they had brought with them was not a man, since he had not the Figure of one; whereupon they would know of him who he was, and how he came to that uninhabitable place. He made answer, He was an English-man, and that about a year before, being to pass in the ordinary passage boat from England to Dublin in Ireland, they were taken by a French Pirate, who being forced by the Tempest which immediately rose, to let go the passage boat, left us to the mercy of the waves, which carried us between Ireland and Scotland into the main Sea, expecting to be cast away every minute, as at last we were. For the bark being split against the Rock where you took me in, I escap'd with one of my comrades into the Island, in a more wretched con∣dition, then if being swallowed up by the Sea, we had been delivered out of the extremities we were in for want of meat and drink.

Of some of the boards of our boat, we made the Hut you saw, and we took some Sea-mews, which we set a drying in the wind and Sun, and so eat them raw. We found also, in the erevices of the Rock, upon the Sea-side, some Eggs, and thus had we wherewithal to subsist, as much as served to keep us from starving▪ but what we thought most insupportable, was thirst, in regard the place affording no fresh water, but what fell from the sky and was left in certain pits, which Time had made in the Rock, we could not have of it at all seasons, by reason the Rock being small, and lying low, the waves came over the Island, and fill'd th•• pits with salt-water. We lived in that condition six weeks, comforting one another, and finding some ease in our common misfortune, till that being left alone, it began to grow insupportable to me. For one day awaking in the morning, and missing my comrade, I fell into such a despair, that I had some thoughts of casting my self down headlong, and so putting a final period to that affliction, whereof I had endured but the one half, while I had a friend divided it with me. I know not what became of him, whither despair forc'd him to that extremity; or whe∣ther getting up in the night, not fully awake, he fell into the Sea; but I am of opinion, he fell in through carelesness, as he looked for Eggs in the crevices of the Rock, which as you saw was very steepy, on that side; Inasmuch as having observed no distraction in him, I cannot imagine, he should of a sudden fall into that despair, against which he had fortified himself by continual and earnest prayers. I lost, with my comrade, the knife wherewith we killed the Sea-dogs, and the Mews, upon which we lived; so that not able to kill any more, I was re∣duced to this extremity, to get out of one of the boards of my Hut a great nail, which I made a shift so to sharpen upon the Rock, that it served me for a knife. The same necessity put me upon another invention, which kept me the last winter, during which I endured the greatest misery imaginable. For finding the Rock and my Hut so covered with Snow, that it was impossible for me to get any thing abroad, I put out a little stick at the crevice of my Hut; and baiting it with a little Sea-dogs fat, I by that means got some Sea-mews, which I took with my hand from under the Snow, and so I made a shift to keep my self from starving.

I lived in this condition and solitude above elevon months, and was resolved to end my days in it, when God sent you hither to deliver me out of the greatest misery th•••• ever man was in.

The Sea-man having ended his discourse, the Master of the Ship treated him so well that within a few dayes he was quite another creature. He set him ashore at Derry in Ireland, and saw him afterward at Dublin, where such as had heard what hapned to him, gave him wherewithal to return into England.

Thus the Lord Major made us acknowledge, that in all we had suffered, there was nothing extraordinary, and that long Voyages, are never without great dangers and in∣conveniences. He urged it to us, that as Ships are now built, and considering the know∣ledge men have of the course taken for the Indies, there is no more danger in those long Voyages, then in such as are made in the sight of Land, which Sea-man fear most.

To this purpose he related a story, wherein we could no less admire the strange Re∣solutions of two men, then the goodness of God in their deliverance beyond all ex∣pectation.

Four Christian slaves being in the Ship of an Algire-pirate,* 1.167 resolved to make their escape in a boat, which one of them, who was a Carpenter, undertook to build. The Carpenter set himself on work about making on woodden Pins, and other pieces necessary for the fastning of the boards, whereof the boat was to consist.

The Turkish Captain asked him one day what he did, and was satisfied with the An∣swer the other made him, that it was only to avoid being idle, and to have things in readiness to mend the long boat, when need were. Having appointed a time for the exe∣cution of their design, they took off five boards from the room, where the provision was kept, whereof they used two for the bottom, two others for the sides, and the fifth for the prow and the poop, and so made up somewhat that was more like a trough then a boat. Their quilt served them for tow, and having pitcht the boat well, they set it into the water: but when they would have got into it, they found that two men loaded it so, that being in danger of sinking, two of the four desisted from an enter∣prise, wherein they thought to meet with more danger, then in staying a while longer among the Turks, so that only two, one English man, the other a Dutch-man, ventured themselves in it. All the tackling they had was only two oars, and a little Sail; all the provisions, a little bread and fresh water; and so they put to Sea, without either Compass or Astrolabe; insomuch that being the first day overtaken by Tempest, which at every wave fill'd their boat, they were forc'd to go as the wind drove them, without keep∣ing any course. They were continually imploy'd in casting out the water; the Sea had spoiled their bread; and they were almost quite spent, inasmuch as they could not take any rest, when they were cast upon the Coasts of Barbary. There they found a little wood, wherewith they somewhat enlarg'd their boat; but they narrowly escap'd being taken and kill'd by the Moors, and had much ado to get to Sea again. What troubled them most, was thirst; but they made some shift for that, with the blood of some Tortoises they took, and at last, after ten days floating up and down, they arrived upon the Coasts of Spain, at the Cape of St. Martin, between Alicant and Valentia. Those of the Country seeing them at a distance, sent a boat to meet them, carried them bread and wine, treated them very civilly, and found them passage for England.

The sixth of Ianuary, being Twelfth-day, the King of England touched many that were troubled with the Evil. The Ceremony ended, my Lord of Strafford brought me to his Majesty, who was pleased to honour me with the kissing of his hand. The next day, the same Lord procured me the like Honour from the Queen; besides which he did me several other extraordinary favours, upon all occasions. Afterwards I went often to Court, where their Majesties were pleased I should entertain them with some particulars of my Travels; especially as to what I had observed in Muscovy and Per∣sia.

I continued at London near three months, partly to refresh my self after so long a Voyage, and partly in expectation of some mony from my own Prince, that I night make some acknowledgments of my Obligations to those who had treated me so kindly, from the day of my arrival at Surat to that time, and set my self in a posture of return∣ing into my own Country. Of the time of my abode in England, I spent some at Court, where I had made several acquaintances, and some in viewing the publick and private Structures of the famous City of London; as also several places near it; as among others, Enfield, Tibulls, White-Hall, Saint Iame's, Hampton-Court, Windsor, Westminster-Hall, and the Abbey, the Tower, Greenwich, &c.

[Of the places above mentioned here in England, as also some of those he passed through in the Low-Countries, the Author gives a short description. But in regard what he says of the former, is known to most English-men, who are in any measure acquainted with the things remarkable in their own Country; and what he delivers of the latter affords no extraordinary satis∣faction to the curious, for whose diversion works of this nature are intended; we thought fit to forbear the insertion thereof, that we might make the more haste to bring him to the end of his Travels, which shall be done according to his ordinary method.]

March the 20.* 1.168 taking water at Graves-end, whence I went to Rochester, and so came the twenty fourth to Dover. The next day, I embarked thence for Dunkirk, whither I got the same day.

The next, I embarked thence for Newport, where I stayed only one night, and got the next day to Bruges.

The 29th. I came to Gaunt, which I left the first of April, and got that night to Brussels the chief city of the Dutchy of Brabant.

At Brussels I staid two dayes, and came the fourth to Louvain, which I left the fifth, and got the same day to Macchlin, about four Leagues distant from Louvain.

The 6th. I left Macchlin, and came to A••werp, where having staid two dayes, and leav∣ing it the ninth, I got the next day to Breda, where I stayed only the remainder of it, and went the next day to Bois-le-due, or Bold••e, five Leagues from Bred••.

April the twelfth, I went to Saint Gertrudenberg, with an intention there to take boat for Rotterdam, as I did the same day.

The thirteenth I came to Rotterdam, whence I went the same day to Delf; thence to the Hague, thence to Leiden, and thence to Haerlem.

The City is the biggest of any in Holland, next Amsterdam, and pretends to the inven∣tion of PRINTING, and would have the Glory of it due to one of its Citizens, named Laurence C••ster, who in the year M.CCCC.XX. framed the first Characters of Beech-wood, and afterwards found out the Ink, now used by Printers, nay, changed the Wooden Characters into Leaden ones, and afterwards those into Tin••e; in so much, that in the year 1440. the Mystery was almost in its perfection.

They are so fully perswaded, as to this in the City of Haerlem, that the Senate would Eternize the Memory of LAVRENCE COSTER, by the Inscription set upon the House he lived in.

Which is this;

MEMORIAE SACRUM. TYPOGRAPHIA▪ ARS ARTIUM OMNIUM CONSERVATRIX, NUNC PRIMUM INVENTA CIRCA ANNUM M.CCCC.XL.

I left Haerlem, about six in the Evening, and came at nine the same night, to Amster∣dam. Of this place I had heard so much, even in the Indies, that I had framed to my self, a certain Idaea of its greatness: but what the more surprised me, was, That going out of my Lodging the next morning, I had much ado to get through the thro••g of peo∣ple▪

walking up and down the Streets, in such numbers, as if there had been some Faire. All the other parts of the World seem'd to have sent their Factours thither, and that the East and North had brought thither all their Commodities; whereof there were in the ••••ops 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Patterns, whereas the main Stock was disposed into Store-houses, publick Weighing-places, upon sledges in the streets, upon the Kayes, in the flat-bottomed boats, which unload the great Ships, and others which serve for Store-houses for the Wheat.

It was at some los••, which I should rather admire in that great City▪ whether the Commerce of it, which is greater then that of all the other Cities of the Low-Coun∣tries put together; the neatness of its Streets, especially that of the New City; the sweetness and cleanlines of its house, the Magnificence of its publick and private Structures; the abundance of Ships and Barks, which come thither, and go thenec eve∣ry day; the largeness of its Port, wherein there are at all times seven or eight hundred Ships; or the Order and Policy observed by the Magistrate, in all things relating to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the City, the well f••••e of its Inhabitants, and the improvement of Trade, by which only the City subsists, and causes to subsist that powerful State, whereof it is a considerable part.

As to its Commerce there is no City in the world; where the Inhabitants of Amsterdam have not their Factors and correspondents. All the maritime towns of England, France, Spain, and Italy, are full of them, as are also those of the Baltick-Sea, and Muscovy it self▪ It is in a manner impossible to number the Ships it sends away every year to Arch∣angel, 〈…〉〈…〉, to the Coasts of Pomerania, and into Norway where they put off their Spic••s and Silk, and Woolen sfuffs; for Wheat, Timber, Pitch, 〈…〉〈…〉, and other things they stand in need of, either for the building of their, ships and houses, or the carrying on of their Trade in the other parts of the world. These Fleets go away commonly twice or thrice a year; but there go some every day West-ward, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hour, for the other Cities of Holland, and the Neighbouring Provinces; yet 〈…〉〈…〉 hinder but that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ports and Clannells are so covered with boats and ships, that it may be questioned, whether the water be not there as much inhabited as the land, and whether there be more people in the houses or the ships. There is such abun∣of Wheat, Wine, Hemp, Flax, Wood, and Spices, as if all other Provinces of the world were emptied of their wealth, to make Amsterdam a publick Treasury of all they pro∣duce: so that it may be said, it is in this City properly, that a man may see those Mira∣cles, which the famous Scaliger attributes to all Holland.

Though a man should consider only the House belonging to the East-India Com∣pany, he would 〈…〉〈…〉 all its In∣habitants. I ha•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 some Ship•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at 〈…〉〈…〉 the Store-houses, and Magazeens reaching at a great distance, from the East-India House, full of Spices, Silk, Stuffs 〈…〉〈…〉 what ever China and the Indies afford that is most 〈…〉〈…〉 had sent thithe•• all its Ci••amon; 〈…〉〈…〉 all their Cloves; ••he Islands of 〈…〉〈…〉 all their Spices, China all its rich stuffs; Iapan its excellent works of several kinds, and the rest of the Indies its Pepper and Silk. Nay, it may be said this Company is a kind of particular Common-wealth in that little world; since its Magistrates, Officers, Arntes, ••l••ets Generals, Governour•• of Provinces and Cities, and its subjects, seem to have no other dependance on this City, then a particular State hath on the Universe.

It is since the year 1595▪ that the Dutch have made Voyages into the Indies, upon the instigation of a Merchant named Cornelius H••••••man, who living at Lisbon, in∣formed himself, from the Portuguez, of all the particulars of those Voyages, and pre∣vailed so far with some Merchants of Amsterdam, that in the year 1595. they sent out four Ships, which thay sent along the Coasts of Africk, and the Cape of good Hope into the Indies; inasmuch as the design, which some others had to find out a passage North-ward, had not proved effectual. About two years and four months after these Ships returned to Amsterdam; and though the profits of this first Voyage answered not the expectations of the persons concerned, yet were they such as engaged several other Mer∣chants in the same design; so that in the year 1598. they sent thither a second Fleet, consisting of ••ight great Ships. They would not stay the return of this Fleeet, but in the year 159••. set forth another, and much about the same time some other Merchants made up a new Company, and set out a particular Fleet, insomuch as to prevent the destruction of Trade likely to be occasioned by many different interests, the States of the United Provinces, in the year 1602. brought the persons concern'd to an agreement

among themselves, and reduced them into one common Company, under their Authori∣ty, and the direction of the Prince of Orange, as Admiral of those Provinces.

By this Agreement, thus authorised by a Grant of the States for one and twenty years, there was a regulation made, according to which the oversight of all that trade was put into the hands of the chiefest persons concern'd therein, divided into six Chambers or Courts, which were settled at Amsterdam; Middleborough for Zealand; at Delf and Rot∣terdam for the Meuse; and at Horn and Enckhuisen for West-Friesland.

The first consisted of twenty Directors; that of Middleborough of twelve, and the four others of seven a piece, so that in all charges, that of Amsterdam bore the one half, that of Zealand a quarter part; those of Meuse and West-friesland each a half-quarter. It was also ordered, that to General Assemblies, that of Amsterdam should send eight Deputies, that of Zealand four, and those of the Meuse and West friesland, each of them two, with a supernumerary for a casting voice, which was to be appointed by the Chambers of Zealand, the Meuse, and West-friesland alternately.

The Stock of this Company amounted to six Millions six hundred French Livers, which was laid out in the setting forth of several Fleets; and the first Voyages proved so fortunate, that it was found in the year 1613. that the money of the persons concern'd had gain'd two hundred and sixty upon the hundred. But the profits were much greater the year following, as may be seen by the D••vidents which have been made from time to time.

In the house belonging to the same Company, I saw also all the Drugs, all the Fruits, and all the living Creatures which I had seen before in the Indies.

It were impossible to imagine any thing more delightful, or more regularly disposed then the Streets, Water-channels, and Houses of this City. All the Rivulets are bordered with Line-trees, and the Quays pav'd at the extremities with Brick, an•• in the middest with Flint. The Houses, especially those of the new City, are so man•• Palaces; so neat with∣out, that painting could add nothing thereto, and so well furnish'd within, that there are some, whereof only the Pictures were enough to enrich a man. But what most speaks the cost imploy'd about them is least seen: For all the Houses being built on piles, it must be confessed, the foundations are no less precious then the rest of the Structure, and that there is not so noble a Forrest in the World as that which the City of Amsterdam hath un∣der its houses.

Among the publick Structures the Churches are remarkable; and among others, those called the Old and the New, and the three others built some years since by the Magistrate. In the former is the Epitaph of Iacob de Heemskerk, who, having made two Voyages to Nova Zembla, and the Indies, was kill'd at the Streights of Gibralter, where he set upon the Spanish Fleet, within reach of the great Guns of the Fort.

What a noble and neat place is the Hospital and Convent of St. George, where there are now received great numbers of Aged persons of both Sexes, who are maintained there? What more charitable, then the care and tenderness wherewith distracted persons are treat∣ed? And what severity do they not exercise in the ordering of incorrigible persons; the men in a House, over the door whereof there is in golden Letters,

VIRTVTIS EST DOMARE, CVNCTI PAVENT.

Where they are constantly imployed in sawing Brasil with inexpressible pains, or some other work, according to the nature of the Crime for which they were sentenced to that punishment; and the women in another house by themselves? But there is not any thing so miraculous as the order observed there for the education of poor Orphans, who are very well kept, maintain'd, and taught; as also in the administration of their Estates who are under Guardians; these being obliged to give an account thereof to the Magistrate.

The Exchanges of London and Antwerp are indeed noble places; but there is something more magnificent in that of Amsterdam; at least this may be affirm'd of it, that for the number of Merchants daily resorting thither at noon, neither of the other two is to be compared to it.

I may put also among the publick Structures, the Weighing places, the Gates of the Ci∣ty, the three Sluces, which have not their like in the World; the publick School, or Col∣ledge, which the Magistrate hath opened there some years since; The Arsenal, the Thea∣tre for Playes, the Anatomy-Hall, the places appointed for shooting with Long-bow, Cross bow, and the Arquebuse; and if I may be allowed to speak of a thing which is not yet, but no doubt will be within a few years, and whereof I have seen the draught, I mean the Town-house, or Guild-hall, I may boldly say there is not any in Europe comes near it.

I stayed at Amsterdam eight dayes, and finding something in that City which pleased my fancy beyond what I had observed in any I saw before, I was unwilling to see any more, but having my imagination full of it, I took shipping the twenty third of April for Ham∣borough, whither I reach'd the twenty eighth following. I rested my self there one day, and got the first of May* 1.169 to Gottorp, where I presented my self to their Highnesses the Duke and Dutchess of Holstein, and so put a period to my long and toilsome TRA∣VELS.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  1639
• * 1.2

  FEBRV∣ARY.
• * 1.3

  The Voyage continued.
• * 1.4

  Several sorts of Birds.
• * 1.5

  And Fish.
• * 1.6

  Marsoui••.
• * 1.7

  Tuberones
• * 1.8

  MARCH.
• * 1.9

  Very changeable weather near the Line.
• * 1.10

  Maurice Island de∣scribed.
• * 1.11

  Its Haven.
• * 1.12

  And offords the best Ebony.
• * 1.13

  A prodigi∣ous Thorn∣back.
• * 1.14

  The Dutch have built a ••or•• there 〈…〉〈…〉 1640.
• * 1.15

  No four∣footed Beasts.
• * 1.16

  A French man lived 20. moneths in Maurice Island.
• * 1.17

  The Ship ••uts not into the Island.
• * 1.18

  APRIL▪
• * 1.19

  Pintados, a Bird disco∣v••ring nearness to Land.
• * 1.20

  Mangas de valeudo, a kind of Bird.
• * 1.21

  The Cape of Agul∣has.
• * 1.22

  Fish ••ore∣shewing the change of weather.
• * 1.23

  Trombas.
• * 1.24

  MAY.
• * 1.25

  Cabo Falso
• * 1.26

  They disco∣ver the Cape of Good hope
• * 1.27

  The Cape of Good hop••
• * 1.28

  Pinquins a kind of ••owl
• * 1.29

  The Inhabi∣tants about the Cape of Goodhope
• * 1.30

  Their cl••∣thing.
• * 1.31

  Their food.
• * 1.32

  Vse no hus∣bandry.
• * 1.33

  Know nei∣ther God nor the De∣vil.
• * 1.34

  Lions their only enemies
• * 1.35

  Hurricans.
• * 1.36

  IUN••.
• * 1.37

  IVLY.
• * 1.38

  They disco∣ver Mada∣gascar.
• * 1.39

  Arive there
• * 1.40

  What Com∣modities go off at Ma∣dagasc••r.
• * 1.41

  The Lord of those parts▪
• * 1.42

  Makes an alliance with the English.
• * 1.43

  AVGVST
• * 1.44

  Madagas∣car descri∣bed.
• * 1.45

  Its great∣ness.
• * 1.46

  Its Havens.
• * 1.47

  Dragons-bloud.
• * 1.48

  Aloes.
• * 1.49

  The Island rich in Cat∣tle.
• * 1.50

  Its Inhabi∣tams.
• * 1.51

  The men are coura∣geous.
• * 1.52

  Their Arms.
• * 1.53

  Their Chief
• * 1.54

  Their Re∣ligion.
• * 1.55

  Mozambi∣que.
• * 1.56

  When disco∣vered by the Portu∣guez.
• * 1.57

  The fist landing of the Dutch 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mada∣gasc••••.
• * 1.58

  SEPTEM∣BER.
• * 1.59

  Declinat•••• of the Load∣stone.
• * 1.60

  The Island of St. Eli∣zabeth.
• * 1.61

  Sea-Wolves
• * 1.62

  Badger.
• * 1.63

  OCTOBER
• * 1.64

  St. Helen's Island.
• * 1.65

  Planted by the Portu∣guez
• * 1.66

  Ascension Island.
• * 1.67

  St. Thomas Island.
• * 1.68

  Land Cre∣visses.
• * 1.69

  The Inhabi∣tants.
• * 1.70

  Rolles-Island.
• * 1.71

  Carisco-Island
• * 1.72

  November.
• * 1.73

  Capo Ver∣de.
• * 1.74

  Its Inhabi∣tants.
• * 1.75

  Their Arms
• * 1.76

  The women do all the work
• * 1.77

  The men drunkards.
• * 1.78

  Believe the immortality of the soul.
• * 1.79

  D. ••urique discovers Guiny.
• * 1.80

  The scitu••∣tion of Mina.
• * 1.81

  The Religi∣on of the Inhabitants.
• * 1.82

  Their Su∣perstitious.
• * 1.83

  Religious in their Oaths.
• * 1.84

  Their Clo∣thing.
• * 1.85

  Their Arms.
• * 1.86

  The settle∣ment of the Dutch in Guiny.
• * 1.87

  Diego Can discovers the King∣dom of Congo.
• * 1.88

  The King∣dom of Cong••.
• * 1.89

  ••s Provin∣ces
• * 1.90

  Bamba.
• * 1.91

  Songo.
• * 1.92

  Sunda.
• * 1.93

  Pango,
• * 1.94

  Batta,
• * 1.95

  Pamba.
• * 1.96

  The Air of the Country
• * 1.97

  The River Zaire.
• * 1.98

  Sea-horses▪
• * 1.99

  Gold Mines.
• * 1.100

  Serpents.
• * 1.101

  Cocos.
• * 1.102

  Their hou∣ses.
• * 1.103

  They are all Ar••hitects and Physi••i∣ons
• * 1.104

  Their Clo∣thing,
• * 1.105

  The wealth of the Country.
• * 1.106

  Their mo∣ney.
• * 1.107

  The obso∣lute power of the King of Congo.
• * 1.108

  The Gover∣nour of Bat∣ta Minister of State. H•• privi∣ledges.
• * 1.109

  Their Ar∣mies and manner of fighting.
• * 1.110

  How Chri∣stian Reli∣gion was introduced there.
• * 1.111

  The King∣dom of Be∣ny.
• * 1.112

  Cabo Ver∣de descri∣bed.
• * 1.113

  The Inha∣bitants of the Cabo Verde.
• * 1.114

  Are Pa∣gans.
• * 1.115

  Their way of raising forces.
• * 1.116

  Their No∣bility.
• * 1.117

  The state of the Country when first discovered.
• * 1.118

  The Green Island.
• * 1.119

  Sargasso.
• * 1.120

  Flamencos
• * 1.121

  St. Jago,
• * 1.122

  The Voyage•• continued.
• * 1.123

  The A••••o∣res.
• * 1.124

  Tercera.
• * 1.125

  Angra
• * 1.126

  They 〈◊〉〈◊〉 good Fruit.
• * 1.127

  Battat••s 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Potatoes.
• * 1.128

  Their Wheat will not keep.
• * 1.129

  Tercera O••en very large.
• * 1.130

  Is 〈…〉〈…〉 Earth∣quakes.
• * 1.131

  An Island started of •• sudden.
• * 1.132

  A Spring that petri∣fies wood.
• * 1.133

  A kind of wood hard as Iron.
• * 1.134

  Cedar.
• * 1.135

  St. Micha∣els Island.
• * 1.136

  St. Maries Island.
• * 1.137

  Gratiosa Island.
• * 1.138

  St. Geor∣ges Island.
• * 1.139

  Fayal Island.
• * 1.140

  Pico Island.
• * 1.141

  The Island de Flores.
• * 1.142

  The conve∣nience of these Islands.
• * 1.143

  The Air ve∣ry sharp in the Asso∣res.
• * 1.144

  1640.
• * 1.145

  The ••ana∣ries.
• * 1.146

  When disco∣vered.
• * 1.147

  Lewis Count of Clermont conquers them.
• * 1.148

  A French Gentleman conquers them by commission from the King of Casteel;
• * 1.149

  〈…〉〈…〉 of Castile.
• * 1.150

  Great Ca∣nary.
• * 1.151

  Teneriffe.
• * 1.152

  Fierro Island.
• * 1.153

  A miracu∣lous tree.
• * 1.154

  The Voyage continued.
• * 1.155

  DECEM∣BER.
• * 1.156

  The West-wind 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from the Azores to England.
• * 1.157

  Come into the Channel
• * 1.158

  The Isle of Wight.
• * 1.159

  Dover.
• * 1.160

  〈…〉〈…〉 like to be cast away in the Haven.
• * 1.161

  Another tempest. Canterbu∣ry.
• * 1.162

  Canterbu∣ry.
• * 1.163

  Come to London.
• * 1.164

  IANV. S. Edmund Wright.
• * 1.165

  A strange attempt of a Duch mar∣riner.
• * 1.166

  An example of a dread∣ful solitude.
• * 1.167

  A strange resolution of two Slaves
• * 1.168

  MARCH. I left London, Mandelslo leaves Lon∣don.
• * 1.169

  MAY.