The English historical library, or, A short view and character of most of the writers now extant, either in print or manuscript which may be serviceable to the undertakers of a general history of this kingdom / by William Nicholson ...

CHAP. III. (Book 3)

Of the Histories that relate to the Times of the old Britains and Ro∣mans. (Book 3)

'TIS a very discouraging Censure which Sir William Temple passes upon all the Accounts given us of the Affairs of this Island, before the Romans came and Invaded it. The Tales (says a 1.1 he) we have of what pass'd before Cae∣sar's Time, of Brute and his Trojans, of many Adventures and Successions, are co∣ver'd with the Rust of Time, or Involv'd in the Vanity of Fables or pretended Tra∣ditions; which seem to all Men obscure or uncertain, but to me forged at pleasure by the Wit or Folly of their first Authors, and not to be regarded. Andb 1.2 again; I know few ancient Authors upon this Sub∣ject [of the British History] worth the pains of perusal, and of Dividing or Re∣fining so little Gold out of so much course Oar, or from so much Dross. But some

other Inferiour People may think this worth their pains; since all Men are not born to be Ambassadors: And, accor∣dingly, we are told of a verya 1.3 Emi∣nent Antiquary who has thought fit to give his Labours in this kind the Title of Aurum ex Stercore. There's a deal of Servile Drudgery requir'd to the Disco∣very of these Riches, and such as every Body will not stoop to: For few States∣men and Courtiers (as one is lately said to have observ'd in his own Case) care for Travelling in Ireland, or Wales, purely to learn the Language.

A diligent Enquirer into our old Bri∣tish* 1.4 Antiquities would rather observe (with Industriousb 1.5 Leland) that the poor Britains, being harass'd by those Roman Conquerours with continual Wars, could neither have leisure nor thought for the penning of a Regular History: and that afterwards their Back-Friends, the Saxons, were (for a good while) an Illiterate Generation; and minded no∣thing but Killing and taking Possession. So that 'tis a wonder that even so much remains of the Story of those Times as

the sorry Fragment of Gildas; who appears to have written in such a Consternation, that what he has left us looks more like the Declamation of an Orator, hired to expose the miserable Wretches, than any Historical Account of their Sufferings. Besides, 'tis not to be imagin'd but another long and cala∣mitous War (with the Picts and Saxons afterwards) that demolish'd their Chur∣ches as well as Libraries, would sweep away even the very Ruines of Religion and Learning. Some have thought that there are considerable Reliques of the British History among the Refugees of Britany in France; and that they have Manuscripts of much elder Dates than the Lives of some ancient Saints, which have been had from thence. We are sure there are many such Books, of a very great Age, that still remain in Wales; a good Collection whereof was lately made by a notable Antiquary, Mr. Maurice of Kevny braich in Denbigh∣shire, and is now (as I am inform'd) fal∣len into the hands of Sir William Wil∣liams.

But 'twill be to no purpose for a Man to seek out these Venerable Remnants,* 1.6 un∣less

he be able to understand the meaning of what he meets with; and therefore 'tis requisite that our Antiquary furnish himself with a competent skill in the British, or Welsh Language. The thing will be of no great Difficulty, if the an∣cient Tongue be so far perish'd, that (as Dr. Bernard hasa 1.7 observ'd) the words in Dr. Davies's Dictionary are one half La∣tin, a Quarter English, and onely another quarter Welsh: But I dare not promise that this will be found to be a true and punctual Account. Mr. Edward Lhwyd (who took the pains to examine into the matter) says, there are about 10000 Words in that Dictionary; whereof 1500 are indeed like the Latin, and 200 like the English: So that not a sixth part can be so much as suspected to be Latin, nor a fortieth English. For, tho' the Welshmen grant 1500 words to be like the Latin, yet they will not allow that their Original is owing to that Language; since many of 'em are also used (in the like signification) by other Nations, who are confess'd to have borrow'd none from thence. Mr. Sheringham takes b 1.8 notice that Brutus, coming from I∣taly

(which I do as verily believe as that Romulus came from Mars and Rhes Syl∣via) must necessarily have had a Lan∣guage near-a-kin to what was spoken there; and that hence are so many words in the Welsh which look like the Roman, and not from the Corruption of it by the Conquering Romans afterwards. Tacitus himselfa 1.9 confesses the Britains zealously kept their Language unmix'd: And Dr. Daviesb 1.10 says, their old Laws expresly forbid the Bards to introduce any new words into their Rhimes. Mr. Sheringham further observes that the Bri∣tains have many words nearly related to such old Latin ones as were grown obso∣lete even before Caesar's time; and that many of the Roman Proper Names may be handsomly deriv'd from the British Tongue, which have no Foundation in the Modern Latin. As to that part of the Language which Dr. Bernard invi∣diously tells them they owe (Dominis Anglis) to their Masters, the Saxons, Mr. Lhwyd will not allow that they are so indebted for one Moyety of the 200 words observ'd to agree in Sound and Signification with the English; since a∣bove

half of 'em are found in the Armo∣rican Vocabulary, publish'd bya 1.11 Ivon Quillivere. Now, 'tis certain the Britains went hence to Armorica in the Year 384, whereas the Saxons came not in before 450.

If then our English Antiquary be not a Native of Wales,* 1.12 'tis indispensably ne∣cessary that (to compleat himself in this Study) he gain a good acquaintance with the Welsh Tongue; which he may pretty readily do with the Assistance of such Grammars as have been compos'd for that purpose. The first of these was publish'd by W. Salesbury, sometime a Member of Lincoln's Inn, under the Title ofb 1.13 A plain and familiar Intro∣duction, teaching how to pronounce the Letters in the British Tongue, &c. The next was Sir Edward Stradling's; which seems to have given occasion to (the Third) that of J. Dav. Rhese, printed (together with a large Preface by H. Prichard) by thec 1.14 Name of Cambro-Britannicae Cymraecaeve Linguae Institu∣tiones & Rudimenta, &c. ad Intelligend. Biblia Sacra nuper in Cambro-Britan. Ser∣monem eleganter versa. The Fourth and

last was written by Dr. Davies, and bears the Title ofa 1.15 Antiquae Linguae Britannicae, nunc communiter dictae Cam∣bro-Britannicae, à suis Cymraecae vel Cam∣bricae, ab aliis Wallicae, Rudimenta, &c.

There are also several Dictionaries publish'd in that Language;* 1.16 which will all be of singular Use and Advantage to a true Antiquary of this Kingdom. Will. Salesbury (beforemention'd) compos'd one in English and Welsh; which was first privately presented to King Henry the Eighth (his very kind Patron) and afterwardsb 1.17 Printed. The Summ and Substance of this (as likewise what was afterwards written in the same kind by Bishop Morgan, H. Salesbury, H. Perry and Tho. Williams) was publish'd in Dr. Joh. Davies's most Elaborate Work, entitul'd,c 1.18 Antiquae Linguae Britanni∣cae, &c. Dictionarium duplex: A Book which shews its excellent Author to have been perfectly acquainted with all the Learned Languages as well as his own Mother Tongue. John Leland is also reported by Pits, to have written a Dictionarium Britannico-Latinum. But I

suspect there's no more grounds for such a Story than only this: Leland pub∣lish'd a Latin Poem upon thea 1.19 Birth of the Prince of VVales, afterwards King Edward the Sixth; and, taking occasion to use some hard words in it, added to it Syllabus & Interpretatio An∣tiquarum Dictionum, quae passim per Li∣bellum Lectori occurrunt. And this, I believe, is all the VVelsh Dictionary that will be found of his Composure.

With these Helps a Man may venture upon those mostb 1.20 Ancient and Au∣thentick Writings of the old Bards;* 1.21 wherein he shall have exact Genealo∣gies of all the British Kings and Princes up to Brute, and from thence to Adam. This very Account is given of those fa∣mous Songsters by Lucan, Strabo, Dio∣dorus Siculus and Am. Marcellinus: c 1.22 And almost all other History (a∣mong the Chaldeans, Greeks and Romans) had its first Foundation in Poetry. Whe∣ther he will find the Rules of their Prosodia to agree with those that are laid down by Captain Middleton in his

a 1.23 Bardoniaeth, or Art of Welsh Poe∣try, I know not: But how methodical∣ly they order'd their TYLWYTHS, or Tribes,b 1.24 Silas Taylour has at large inform'd us. Nor were they content to preserve the Pedigrees of their own Prin∣ces and great Men, but were also so good-natur'd as to do the like Services for the Saxons. Thus we are told that S. Benlanius (who is sometimes quoted by the name ofc 1.25 Samuel Britannus, and liv'd about the Year 600) was a curious Enquirer into the Genealogies of manyd 1.26 English Families; some whereof he carry'd as high as the Flood. 'Twas customary to sing these Compo∣sures in the presence of their Nobles, and at their chief Festivals and Solemni∣ties. And, truly, if the Story of one of these Bards canting the Praises of King Arthur before Henry II. and gi∣ving a hint to the Monks of Glassenbury for the Discovery of that British King's Body, be fairly true (and have nothing of Legend in it) a very great regard is to be had to these Historical Ballads.

Amongst these Bards is to be reckon'd their famous Merlyn;* 1.27 whose true Name (saysa 1.28 Humph. Lhuid) is Merdhyn, so called from Caermarthen [Mariduno] where he was born. This was so migh∣ty a Man in his Time that our Writers have thought it convenient to split him into three. The first of these (God∣father to the two following) they call Merlinus Ambrosius, or Merdhyn Emrys; who liv'd about the Year 480, and wrote several Prophetical Odes, turn'd into Latin Prose by Jeoffrey of Monmouth. The next is Merlinus Caledonius, who liv'd A. D. 570, wrote upon the same Subject with the former, and had the same Translator. The third is surnam'd Avalonius, who liv'd under King Malgo∣cunus (they might as well have made him Secretary to Ioseph of Arimathea, says our greatb 1.29 Stillingfleet; and yet myc 1.30 Author goes gravely on, and affirms that he) was an eminent Anti∣quary, but seems to mix too many Fables with his true Story. They write this last indeed Melchinus, Melkinus and Mewynus, and make him to live some time before the latter Merlyn: But all

this is Stuff; and he's manifestly the same Man, or nothing. Soon after him came Ambrosius Thaliessin; whom Bale and Pits make to live in the days of King Arthur, and to record his Story. Sir John Prisea 1.31 quotes a certain Ode of his call'd Hannes Thaliessin, or Thali∣essin's Errors; which he says is to be seen in several of their old Manuscripts.

The most ancient British Historian* 1.32 now extant is Gildas▪ For the Chronicle that bears the Name of Brutus menti∣ons theb 1.33 Legend of King Lucius, and is apparently a late contriv'd Piece; andc 1.34 Sylvius is much of the same Au∣thority with the Writings ofd 1.35 Samo∣thes. This Gentleman has had the same Respect paid to his Memory that we have already noted of Merlyn: Since Gildas Cambricus, Albanius and Badoni∣cus, are made (by the generality of our Writers) three several Persons. It does not well appear that there was ever more than one Historian of this Name, whatever they thate 1.36 love to multiply Authors as well as Books, have said to the

contrary: And therefore (notwith∣standing Archbishopa 1.37 Vsher's great Authority on the other side) I shall ven∣ture to consider him in a single Capaci∣ty. He was Monk of Bangor, about the middle of the Sixth Century; a sor∣rowful Spectator of the Miseries and al∣most utter Ruine of his Country-men, by a People under whose Banners they hop'd for Peace. His Life is written at large byb 1.38 Car••doc of Lancarvan; and by an Anonymous Author, publish'd byc 1.39 John à Bosco. His lamentable History De Excidio Britanniae is all that's printed of his Writing; and perhaps all that is any where extant. Bale, Pits and others, reckon up some other Mat∣ters whereof they make this Gildas Ba∣donicus (as they distinguish him) to be the Author: But Archbishop Vsher is peremptory in it, that this is thed 1.40 V∣nicum quod restat Opusculum; for he makes it and the Epistle to be all one thing. It was first Publish'd and Dedi∣cated to Bishop Tunstall, bye 1.41 Polydore Virgil; whose imperfect and corrupt

Copy was Reprinted in thea 1.42 Biblio∣theca Patrum. Afterwards there was a∣nother Edition of it by John Josseline; who made use of another Manuscript, but not much more correct than the for∣mer: The latest and best is that we have fromb 1.43 Dr. Gale; who had the advantage of a more ancient and much better Copy than either of the two for∣mer had seen. If he did write any thing more, 'tis now lost. Leland is mighty desirous to believ•• ••hat there is some∣where such a Treatise as his Cambreis in Verse; that 'twas stollen and carry'd in∣to c 1.44 Italy; and that the Poet Gildas and the Historian wered 1.45 two several Persons. But 'tis now fear'd we shall never meet with any other Poetical Treatise, bearing his Name, save only that which Leland himself calls Gildas fictitius; and which Archbishop Vsher frequently quotes by the Name ofe 1.46 Pseudo-Gildas. His Book De Victoria Ambrosii is of the samef 1.47 base metal; out of which have been coin'd John Pits's Regum Britannorum Historia; De

primis Insulae Incolis; Lites Luddi & Nennii, &c.

The next British Historian of Note* 1.48 is Nennius. The first of this Name that is said to have taken care of the Antiqui∣ties of his Country, was (if we are not impos'd on) Son to King Helius, and Brother to Ludd and Cassibelane; who had the Honour to die of a wound given him by Julius Caesar's own hand. 'Twas he, theya 1.49 say, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 first wrote a Book of the British History in his own Tongue; which was afterwards transla∣ted into Latin by his Namesake, Abbot of Bangor. This same Abbot Nennius is generally suppos'd to be one of the Fifty Monks that were so wise as to skulk at Chester, when 1200 of their Brethren fell a Sacrifice to the Pride of Augustine, the first Planter of the Romish Principles and Practices in our Isle? and to have flourish'd about the Year 620. Which will not agree with what is attested by himself in the best Copies of hisb 1.50 Book, that he wrote A. D. 858. An∣no 24^o. Mervini Regis. He is said to have left behind him several Treatises;

whereof all that's publish'd is hisa 1.51 Hi∣storia Britonum. This is the same Book that Bale and Pits have register'd under the Style of Eulogium Britanniae; and the only piece that must answer for what those Gentlemen mention by the Titles of his Collectiones Historiarum; Antiqui∣tates Britannicae; Chronicon, &c. In most of the MS. Copies it is errone∣ously b 1.52 ascrib'd to Gildas. This Histo∣ry says nothing of the other brave Nen∣nius, abovemention'd; whom later Com∣mentators have 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so great in Story. I am of Opinion that the Contrivance of this Hero is one of the best things in all Jeoffrey of Monmouth's Romance. It looks like a gratefull Acknowledgment to the Person that had oblig'd him (or his Au∣thor) with the ground-work of his whole Fabrick: to whom he could not pay a more decent Complement than by ma∣king him Godfather to one of his chief Knights Errant.

Next after Nennius,* 1.53 follow Hoel Dha's Laws; which were enacted about the middle of the Tenth Century; whereof

those that relate to Ecclesiastical Affairs have been publish'd bya 1.54 Sir Henry Spelman. Of these there areb 1.55 several Copies, both in Welsh and Latin, still extant; among which a very old one (written on Parchment) in Jesus Col∣lege at Oxford. The Preface to this last will not allow that King Hoel abro∣gated (as Mr. Camdenc 1.56 says he did) all the Laws of his Ancestors; but ex∣presly tells us, thatd 1.57 according to the Advice of his Council, some of the ancient Laws he retain'd, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he corrected, and some he quite disann••••••, appointing others in their stead. Dr. Powell will not agree that any new Statutes were ordain'd by this Kinge 1.58 But that his Commissio∣ners (according to the Powers given them) retain'd only those ancient Laws that were good and usefull, explain'd the Ambiguous, and abrogated the Superflu∣ous. For, we are to know that (full fourteen hundred years before Hoel's Time) the Britains had a whole Body of Muncipal Laws, enacted by King

a 1.59 Dunwallo Molmutius; which were soon afterwards enlarg'd by Queen Mar∣tia. All these, says Bale, were transla∣ted into Latin by Gildas; and into Sax∣on by King Aelfred. Nay, some wise Writers will needs affirm, that a certain part of our English Saxon Laws, which they call Lex Merciorum, had its Deno∣mination from these Leges Martiae: and this childish Fancy has been embrac'd by several of ourb 1.60 grave and ancient Historians. Others think it improbable that so great a Prince as King Aelfred should ever trouble his Head with Tran∣slating any of the Laws either of Mol∣mutius or Martia; who were only Anti∣quated Legislators among his Enemies, and Heathens. But (since the Britains, as Asserius and others tell us, voluntari∣ly submitted to him) it seems as wise in Him to give them their own Laws in his Language, as 'twas in William the Con∣querour to grant us the Saxon Laws in French. Many of 'em (we have already been told) were abolish'd even by the Britains themselves, after they became Christians: But Mr. Sheringham thinks 'tis evident from several Law-Terms

(such asa 1.61 Murder, Denizon, Rout, &c.) which are purely British, that some of them were taken into the Body of our English Laws. Hoel's are said to have been first Translated into Latin by (a Gentleman with a very hard Name) Ble∣gabride b 1.62 Langauride, Doctor of Laws and Archdeacon of Landaff, in the year 914. which, if the British History do not misinform us, was about 26 years before that King began his Reign. There is lately come to my hands a Latin MS Copy (in Parchment) of these Laws; in the end whereof (in a later hand) is written: Istum Librum Tho Powel Joan∣ni Da. Rhaeso Med. Doctori dono dedit me••se Augusto 1600.

And these,* 1.63 I think, are all the British Historical Writers that liv'd before the Norman Conquest; whose Books are now to be met with in any of our English Libraries. I know not how to direct the Reader to seek for the Histories of Elbo∣dus orc 1.64 Elvodugus (for they are both the same Man) from whom Nennius is made to borrow a good part of what we now have under his Name; nor for

those ofa 1.65 Worgresius and Mawornus, Abbot and Monk of Glassenbury; nor for the Genealogies drawn up, by the Fa∣mous Bard in King Edgar's daies,b 1.66 Saliphilax. When these are retriev'd, I would have them all carefully bound up with the Deflorationes Historiae Bri∣tannicae; which (as Jo.c 1.67 Caius has learnedly prov'd from Stow and Lanquet) were written by King Gurguntius about 370 years before Christ. The Welsh MS. cited frequently in Camden's Britan∣nia, by the name of Triades, seems not to carry Age enough to come within this Class. 'Tis the same, I suppose, which hed 1.68 elsewhere calls the British old Book of Triplicities; running all upon the number three, as appears from his Quo∣tation out of it: Welshmen love Fire, Salt and Drink; Frenchmen Women, Weapons and Horses; Englishmen Good cheer, Lands and Traffick.

We are not to expect any such Assi∣stances* 1.69 for the ascertaining the History of these Times, as After-Ages afford us, from Charters, Letters Patents, &c. And yet 'tis too forward an Assertion to say

there were no such things in the days of our British Kings, if all be true that a 1.70 Leland tells us of King Arthur's Seal: But I am not, I confess, so much in Love with that Venerable Relique as he seems to have been. It might indeed be brought (as he guesses) from Glassen∣bury; where I do believe 'twas hung at a forg'd Charter by some Monk, who was a better Mechanick than Antiquary. The Inscription easily discovers the Cheat: PATRICIVS ARTVRIVS BRI∣TANNIAE, GALLIAE, GERMANIAE, DACIAE IMPERATOR. He is certain∣ly call'd Patricius here (and no where else) out of the abundant Respect that Monastery had for their Guardian, Saint Patrick; and not, as Leland fansies, upon any Account of a Roman Fashion.

Another Help is here wanting,* 1.71 which exceedingly Conduces towards the Illu∣strating the Antiquities of other Nations; and that is the Light that is often gain'd from the Impresses and Inscriptions upon their old Coins and Medals. The mo∣ney used here inb 1.72 Caesar's Time was nothing more than Iron Rings and shape∣less pieces of Brass: nor does it well ap∣pear

that ever afterwards their Kings brought in any of another sort. Cam∣den a 1.73 says he could not learn that, after their retirement into Wales, they had any such thing among them: none of the Learned Men of that Principa∣lity having yet been able to produce so much as one piece of British Coin, found either in Wales or any where else. And, is it likely that a Royalty of this Nature (of so great Benefit to their Subjects, as well as Honour to themselves) would have been laid aside by the Cambrian Princes, if former∣ly enjoy'd by any of their Ancestors? J.b 1.74 Leland tells us he never (in all his Travels, throughout the whole King∣dom of England) could meet with one British Coin, among the many Millions of those of the Romans found in this Na∣tion. And the Reason, he says, was, be∣cause (as he proves out ofc 1.75 Gildas) the Romans would not allow any of our Metal to be stamp'd with any other Image or Superscription, save only that of Caesar's, that is, some of their own Emperours. However, we now have several ancient Coins in our publick and

private Libraries, which are generally reputed to be British: tho' 'tis very hard to determine in what Age of the World they were minted. My very Learned and Ingenious Friend Mr. Lwhyd believes that, before the coming in of the Ro∣mans, they had Gold Coins of their own; because there have been frequent∣ly found (both in England and Wales) thick pieces of that Metal, hollow'd on one side, with variety of unintelligible Marks and Characters upon them. These, he is sure, cannot be ascrib'd ei∣ther to the Romans, Saxons or Danes; and therefore 'tis reasonable we should conclude them to be British. And the Reason why he thinks they were coin'd before the Romans came, is this: If the Britains had learn'd the Art from them, they would (tho' never so inartificially) have endeavour'd to imitate their man∣ner of Coining; and, in all likelyhood, have added Letters and the Head of their Kings. Here's a fair and probable opi∣nion against the express Testimony of Julius Caesar; who could hardly be im∣pos'd on in this part of the Account he gives of our Isle. Camdena 1.76 rather

thinks that, after the Arrival of the Ro∣mans, the Britains first began to imitate them in their Coining of both Gold and Copper: But his Stories of Cunobeline and Queen Brundvica, are much of a piece with those of Doctora 1.77 Plott's Prasutagus; all of 'em liable to very just and (to me) unanswerable Obje∣ctions. For my own part, I am of Opi∣nion, that never any of the British Kings did Coin Money: But that even their Tribute-Money (like the Dane-Gelt and Peterpence afterwards) was the ordinary Current Coin; which was brought in (or minted here) by the Romans them∣selves, as long as this Island continu'd a Province. The most (if not all) of the foremention'd pieces, which are not Coun∣terfeits, I take to be Amulets; whereof Tho.b 1.78 Bartholine gives this sensible Ac∣count: Habuere Veteres in Paganismo res quasdam portatiles, ex Argento vel Auro factas, Imaginibus Deorum, facie humanâ Expressorum signatas, quibus Futurorum Cog∣nitionem explorabant, & quarum possessione felices se & quodam quasi Numinis praesidio tutos judicabant. These were in use among the Romans a good whilec 1.79 after they

came into Britain: and the Amula (from whence they had their Name) was a little drinkinga 1.80 Cup, most probably of this very Fashion. If any man dislikes my Conjecture, I am willing Sir John Pettus should Umpire the matter between us; and his Supposition (that Coin is anb 1.81 Abstract of Coynobeline, who first coin'd Money at Malden) will for ever decide the Controversie.

After the Conquest,* 1.82 The first man that attempted the Writing of the old British History was Geoffery Archdeacon of Monmouth; and he did it to some purpose. This Author liv'd under King c 1.83 Stephen, about the year 1150. He had a peculiar fancy for Stories surmount∣ing all ordinary Faith: which inclin'd him to pitch upon King Arthur's feats of Chivalry, and Merlyn's Prophecies, as proper subjects for his Pen. But his most famous piece is his Chronicon sive Histo∣ria Britonum; which has taken so well as to have had severald 1.84 Impressions. In this he has given a perfect Genealogy of

the Kings of Britain from the Days of Brutus: wherein we have an Exact Regi∣ster of above Seventy glorious Monarchs that rul'd this Island, before ever Julius Caesar had the good fortune to be ac∣quainted with it. The first stone of this fair Fabrick was laid by Nennius: but the Superstructure is all Fire-new, and purely his own. They that are concern'd for the Credit of this Histori∣an tell us, that he had no further hand in the Work, than only to translate an ancient Welsh History brought out of Britany in France by Walter Calenius, Archdeacon of Oxford; who was him∣self an eminent Antiquary, and added aa 1.85 Supplement to the Book. The Translation of the whole he commit∣ted to the care of his Friend Geoffry; who (saysb 1.86 Matt. Paris) approv'd him∣self Interpres verus. And there I am willing to let the matter rest. The Translator might have employ'd his time better, yet may be an honest man: But the Author (whoever he was) has basely impos'd upon the World, and was certainly something of another Nature. The best defence that

can be made for it is that which was written by Sir John Prise; and is pub∣lish'd under the Title ofa 1.87 Historiae Britannicae Defensio: to which some∣thing further is added byb 1.88 Mr. She∣ringham (if it could be help'd) to part with any thing of an old Story that looks gay, and is but even tole∣rably well contriv'd. As to the regard (says the ingenious Mr.c 1.89 Lhwyd) due to this History in general, the judicious Reader may consult Dr. Powel's Epistle d 1.90 De Britannicâ Historiâ rectè Intel∣ligendâ; and Dr. Davies's Preface to his British Lexicon; and balance them with the Arguments and Authority of those that wholly reject them. I am not for wholly re∣jecting all that's contained in that Hi∣story; believing there is somewhat of Truth in it, under a mighty heap of Monkish Forgeries: But, for the main, I am ofe 1.91 Camden's Judgment; and I hope my Friend will allow me to think the Arguments and Authority of that Writer and common Sense to be as weighty (in these Matters) as those of the two greatest Doctors in Christen∣dom.

Ponticus Virunnius, an Italian, a 1.92 Epitomiz'd it; and indeed 'tis of a Complexion fitter for the Air of Italy than England.

Cotemporary with this Jeoffrey was Caradocus Monk of Lancarvan;* 1.93 who contented himself with the Writing of a History of the Petty Kings of Wales, af∣ter they were driven into that Corner of the Island by the Saxons. This Hi∣story (which was written originally in Latin, and brought as low as the Year 1156, by its Author) was afterwards translated into English by Humphrey Lhuid; and enlarg'd and publish'd by b 1.94 Dr. Powel. There are three MSS. of good note, mention'd byc 1.95 Arch∣bishop Vsher, which seem to reach much higher than Caradocus pretends to go; all which I guess to have been written about the same Time. The first is in Welsh, in Sir John Cotton's Library; reported to be the same that was tran∣slated by Jeoffrey of Monmouth. The Second is in old English by one Lazimon: and the Third (as I take it) in Latin, by Geraldus Cornubiensis.

King Arthur,* 1.96 and his Knights of the Round Table, made so considerable a Figure in the British History, that ma∣ny Learned Men have been at a great deal of Trouble to clear up that Prince's Title, and to secure that part of Jeof∣frey's Story, whatever Fate might at∣tend the Rest. The first Stickler (a∣gainst Will. Neubrigensis, &c.) was one Grey, the suppos'd Author of Scalechro∣nicon; whoma 1.97 Pits calls John, and says, he was Bishop of Norwich and E∣lect of Canterbury, and that he dy'd A. D. 1217. Bishopb 1.98 Jewel calls him Thomas. About two hundred Years af∣ter him, Tho. Ma••ory (a Welsh Gentle∣man) wrote King Arthur's Story in Eng∣lish; a Book that is, in our Days, often sold by the Ballad-singers with the like Authentick Records of Guy of Warwick and Bevis of Southampton. But, about the middle of the last Century, his chief Champions appear'd on the Stage; in defence of him against Polydore Virgil's fierce attack. These werec 1.99 Sir John Prise andd 1.100 Mr. Leland; the latter

whereof was as able as any Man alive to give the Story all the Light which the Kingdom could afford it. And yet his Treatise is the most liable to Excepti∣on of any thing he ever publish'd. Ma∣ny of the Authors he quotes are only Jeoffrey of Monmouth's Echoes; others come not up to the Question; and some are too Modern. These, and more Ob∣jections are rais'd against this History by our most Learned Bishopa 1.101 Stilling∣fleet; who nevertheless confesses that he has sufficiently prov'd that there was such a Prince. So that, it seems, there is something ofb 1.102 plain Stuff in the Story; whatever Imbroydery may be In∣troduced by the Spanish vein of Roman∣cing. Arth. Kelton's Chronicle of the c 1.103 Brutes, and H.d 1.104 Lyte's Records, &c. are such Whimsical and Imperfect Pieces as not to deserve the being nam'd with the last mention'd Authors; tho' they treat much on the same Sub∣ject.

After King Charles the Second's Re∣storation,* 1.105 Mr. Robert Vaughan (a Learn∣ed Gentleman of Meryonidshire) pub∣lish'd hisa 1.106 British Antiquities Reviv'd; wherein are a great many very pretty Remarks and Discoveries. The Author, it appears, was well known to Arch∣bishop b 1.107 Vsher; by whom he was much countenanc'd and encourag'd in these Studies. In one of his Letters to that renown'd Primate, he says, he had now finish'd his Annals of Wales; which he then sent to be perus'd by his Grace, and to receive his Approbation (if wor∣thy of it) for the Press. What became of that Work, I cannot tell: but it has not yet appear'd so publickly as the Author (it seems) long since intended it should. His Executors owe him and us the Ju∣stice of sending abroad whatever they have of his that's compleat: For he left also behind him a large Collection of o∣ther Manuscript Papers, relating to the same Subject; which were sometime in the Possession of Sir William Wil∣liams.

After him came forth Aylet Sammes* 1.108 with hisa 1.109 Britannia Antiqua Illustra∣ta; wherein he fetches the Original of the British Customs, Religion and Laws, from the Phoenicians. This Conceit (which is all that looks new in his Book) is wholly borrow'd from Bochartus; as is his long Discourse of the Off-spring of the Saxons, from Sheringham. As for his own part, 'tis visible he equally understood the Phoenician, British, Go∣thick, Saxon, and Islandic Languages; and, if left to himself, could as easily have brought the Britains from New Spain, and the Saxons from Madagascar. Upon the first publishing of this Book, Mr. Oldenburg (Secretary to the Royal Society) gave a very obligingb 1.110 Cha∣racter both of the Work and its Au∣thor: who (by what thec 1.111 Oxford Antiquary has since told us) was every way unworthy of such a Complement. Whether his Uncle or himself was the true Author of what he was pleas'd to publish under his own Name, is not

worth our while to enquire. But, if we believe Mr. Wood that Aylet had never so much as heard of John Leland before the Year 1677, he's the most unaccoun∣table and ridiculous Plagiary and Buf∣foon that ever had his Name in the Title Page of any Book whatever. For that which he pretends to be his, was Printed the Year before; and (in the Preface to it) we are told, that 'twas John Leland's asserting, that the main Body of the Welsh Language consisted of Hebrew and Greek words, which first put the Author upon his search into the Stories of the Phoenician Voy∣ages. So that, it's very probable that good Master Sammes never read so much as the Preface to his Book: Or else, either he or Mr. Wood must be under the misfortune of a very treacherous Memory.

Something of value might have been* 1.112 expected from the many Years Labours and Collections of that excellent Anti∣quary John Aubrey Esquire, Fellow of the Royal Society; if the Proposals he lately made for the publishing of his Mo∣numenta Britannica had met with a sui∣table

Reception. The World is not come to that Ripeness we hope for, as duely to relish Works of this Nature: but how well his have deserv'd a bet∣ter Encouragement than hitherto they have met with, is apparent from the lit∣tle Tasts we have of 'em in the late E∣dition of the Britannia; especially in Wiltshire, Herefordshire and Wales. He would have given us (if we had been so kind to our selves as to have ac∣cepted his Pains) a good view of the Temples, Religion and Manners, of the Ancient Druids; of the Camps, Ca∣stles, Military Architecture, &c. of both Britains and Romans. But we re∣jected his offers; and may possibly too late repent of our Folly.

As to the Roman Writers,* 1.113 there are hardly any that treat of the Affairs of this Isle any otherwise than occasionally only, and by the bye. The Design of Caesar's Commentaries is to give the World an Account of the most glorious Passages of his own Life; and what he says of Britain (as well as Germany) is apparently what he could pick up from uncertain Tattle and Hear-say. Some∣thing

better bottom'd are the Stories we meet with afterwards in Tacitus, Dio Cassius, Suetonius, Eutropius, Spartianus, Capitolinus, Lampridius, Vopiscus,a 1.114 &c. who may all be suppos'd to have had the perusal of such Memorials as were, from time to time, sent to the Empe∣rours from their Lieutenants (and other chief Officers) in this Province. In the use of these, the Reader ought to take a deal of Leisure and Caution. For most of 'em seem to have been loose In∣digested Adversaria; such as had not the last Examination and Thoughts of their Authors; and do therefore want the Re∣gard that should be had to Order and Time. Besides the several Tracts are not well ascertain'd to their Genuine and Proper Writers; the not heeding where∣of may draw one unawares into very dangerous mistakes. These Defects are happily supply'd by the famous Mr. Dod∣well, in his late Learned Praelectiones b 1.115 Camdenianae; which will be highly serviceable to all such as shall hereafter engage in these Studies. Indeed Taci∣tus's

Life of Agricola (especially as im∣prov'd bya 1.116 Sir Henry Savil's most ad∣mirable Translation and Learned Notes) looks something like a Just Treatise upon that great General's Conduct here; and is done with that Fairness and Respect to the Natives, that I cannot see but Gal∣gacus is made to talk as Bravely, Grace∣fully and Eloquently, as the best of his Enemies. Many Defects in these Ac∣counts have been likewise supply'd (as well as good store of Conjectural Mi∣stakes, in more Modern Authors, recti∣fy'd) by the Roman Inscriptions and Coins found in several parts of our I∣sland; and there are daily new Discove∣ries of both these sorts.

Since the acceptable Services done to* 1.117 the Students of Antiquities by Gruterus and Reynesius, the Inscriptions on Altars and other Monuments have carry'd a very high price; and (among others) the Antiquaries of our own Nation have fansy'd that our History has had great Improvements from such as have been discover'd here. Those that Mr. Camden

met with were all preserv'd (as choice Ornaments) in his Britannia; and some few have been added in the late Edition of that Work. Many more might un∣doubtedly be had for seeking after: And 'tis no small Unhappiness, that, among the many Advancements of Learning in this Age, the Recovery of these precious Treasures should be so much neglected. The Persons employ'd in these Searches ought to be Men of Probity as well as Knowledge; Religiously scrupulous in obtruding any thing upon the World, under the Venerable Name of Antiquity, which has not an honest Title to that Character. Annius of Viterbo's scanda∣lous Project of raising the Credit of that City by some forg'd Inscriptions (which he had caus'd to be hid in the Neighbou∣ring Fields, and afterwards discover'd in a Boasting Triumph) has been justly re∣sented and exploded by all true Lovers of ancient Learning: But the Inclinations of all Men are so naturally bent upon doing Honour and Service to their Na∣tive Country in their own way (and the Temptations that we meet with in these Studies are so many and strong) that a very great share of Integrity is

requisite to the making of a Complete Antiquary.

Mr. Camdena 1.118 tells us, that,* 1.119 from the Time of Claudian to that of Valenti∣nian (about five hundred years) the Ro∣man Coin only was current in this Nati∣on: And that (whereas all Money for this part of the World was, for a long time, coin'd either at Rome, Lions or Treves) Constantine the Great erected a Mint at London. Some of his Pieces, which were there coin'd, I have in my poor Collection; and they are not un∣common in many of the Musaea in Eng∣land. But, long before his Days, his Predecessors took occasion to magnify their Exploits, in this other World of Great Britain, on the Reverse of their Coins; from whence several good Illu∣strations of that part of our History may be had. What are given us of this kind, in the Britannia, are very valuable: But their Numbers might be further enlarg'd; and we are the more encouraged to look after those we want, because I have not yet heard that our Trayterous English

Money-makers have hitherto busy'd themselves in Counterfeiting any Coin of so ancient a Date. Such Rogueries are common in France and Germany; where most of their old Medals have been Copy'd (and many New Ones of the first Caesar's stamp'd and minted) by Modern Artists: And yet, even there, those that relate to the Affairs of this Isle are always allow'd to be True and Genuine.

Notes

• a 1.1

  Introduct. to the Hist. of Eng. p. 19.
• b 1.2

  Ib. p. 31.
• a 1.3

  R. Talbot. Vid. Athen. Oxon. Par. I. p. 88.
• * 1.4

  Records lost.
• b 1.5

  Assert. Arth. Fol. 25. b.
• * 1.6

  Lan∣guage.
• a 1.7

  In Epist. ad G. Hickesium, in fine Gramm. An∣glo-sax.
• b 1.8

  De Angl. Orig. p. 108, 109, &c.
• a 1.9

  In Vit. Agric. Cap. 21.
• b 1.10

  In Praefat. ad Gram. Brit.
• a 1.11

  8^o. Paris 1521.
• * 1.12

  Gram∣mars.
• b 1.13

  4^o Lond. 1550, & 1557.
• c 1.14

  Fol. Lond. 1592.
• a 1.15

  8^o. Lond. 1621.
• * 1.16

  Dictiona∣ries.
• b 1.17

  4^o. Lond. 1546.
• c 1.18

  Fol. Lond. 1638.
• a 1.19

  Genethliacon, &c. 4^o. Lond. 1543.
• b 1.20

  Vid. Gyrald. Cambr. Descrip. Cambr. cap. 3.
• * 1.21

  Bards.
• c 1.22

  Shering∣ham de Angl. Orig. p. 165.
• a 1.23

  4^o. Lond. 1593.
• b 1.24

  Hist of Gavelk. p. 20, 21, &c.
• c 1.25

  J. Leland. Assert. Arth. Fol. 11. a.
• d 1.26

  J. Pits, p. 104. Vid. etiam Usser. Hist. Eccles. p. 206.
• * 1.27

  Merlyn.
• a 1.28

  Commentar. Fragm. Fol. 64. b.
• b 1.29

  Orig. Brit. p. 9.
• c 1.30

  J. Pits, p. 97.
• a 1.31

  In Defens. Hist. Brit.
• * 1.32

  Gildas.
• b 1.33

  Usserii Hist. Eccles. p. 72.
• c 1.34

  J. Pits, p. 86.
• d 1.35

  Bale, Cent. I. Cap. 1.
• e 1.36

  Stillingst. Orig. Brit. p. 209.
• a 1.37

  Hist. Eccles. Brit. p. 237.
• b 1.38

  Stillingst. Orig. Brit. p. 207. Usser. Hist. Eccles. p. 237, 250.
• c 1.39

  In Biblioth. Flor.
• d 1.40

  Hist. Eccles. p. 278, 279.
• e 1.41

  8^o. Lond. 1625.
• a 1.42

  Fol. Paris. 1610. Tom. V. Col. 477.
• b 1.43

  Hist. Brit. Tom. I. Tract. 1.
• c 1.44

  Assert. Arth. Fol. 32. b.
• d 1.45

  Comment. in Cygn. Cant. voce Britannia.
• e 1.46

  Hist. Eccles. p. 27, 30, 37.
• f 1.47

  Ib. p. 12.
• * 1.48

  Nennius.
• a 1.49

  Bale Cent. I. Cap. 15. & 59. Edit. 1.
• b 1.50

  Vid. Usser. Hist. Eccl. p. 217. & Edit Galei, p. 93.
• a 1.51

  Dr. Gale's Hist. Brit. p. 93.
• b 1.52

  Vid. Usserii Hist. Eccles. p. 107. & J. Leland, Assert. Arth. Fol. 3. b.
• * 1.53

  Hoel Dha.
• a 1.54

  Concil. Tom. I. p. 408.
• b 1.55

  Vid. Humph. Lhu∣id. Comment. Brit. Frag. Fol. 53. a. & Hen. Spelm. Gloss. in voce Adelingus & Lex.
• c 1.56

  Brit. in Carmar∣densh.
• d 1.57

  Observat. Ed. Lhwyd in novam Edit. Camd. p. 625.
• e 1.58

  In Additament. ad Hist. Cambr.
• a 1.59

  Bale (Edit. I.) Cent. I. Cap. 8. & 10.
• b 1.60

  Vid. R. Higden. Lib. I. cap. 50. & Hist. Jorn. p. 38.
• a 1.61

  Shering. de Orig. Gentis Angl. p. 125, 126.
• b 1.62

  Bale, Cent. 2. Cap. 23.
• * 1.63

  Uncer∣tain Au∣thors.
• c 1.64

  J. Pits, p. 103, 105.
• a 1.65

  J. Pits p. 107.
• b 1.66

  Id. p. 175.
• c 1.67

  De Antiq. Cantab. lib. 1.
• d 1.68

  Camd. Remains, Edit. 1614. p. 17.
• * 1.69

  Charters.
• a 1.70

  Assert. Arth. fol. 12, 13, &c.
• * 1.71

  Coins.
• b 1.72

  Commentar. lib. 5.
• a 1.73

  Remains p. m. 199. 200.
• b 1.74

  Comment. in Cygn. Cant. voce Britannia.
• c 1.75

  Vid. Histor. Gilda, §. 5.
• a 1.76

  Remains p. m. 199.
• a 1.77

  Nat. Hist. of Oxfordsh. cap. 10.
• b 1.78

  Antiq. Dan. p. 466.
• c 1.79

  Vid. Spartian. in Caracal.
• a 1.80

  Coel. Rhodig. Antiq. Lect. lib. 27. cap. 27.
• b 1.81

  Gloss. ad Flet. Min. voce Coin.
• * 1.82

  GEOF∣FREY of Mon∣mouth.
• c 1.83

  J. Pits, p. 217.
• d 1.84

  Apud Jo. Badium A. D. 1508. & Hydelb. 1587, &c.
• a 1.85

  J. Pits, p. 198.
• b 1.86

  Ad An. 1151.
• a 1.87

  4to. Lond. 1573.
• b 1.88

  De Orig. Gentis Angl. p. 124. ad 134.
• c 1.89

  Camd. Brit. N. E. p. 603.
• d 1.90

  In calce Editionis suae Pont. Virun.
• e 1.91

  Britan. in Mon∣mouthsh.
• a 1.92

  8^o. Lond. 1585. curante D. Powel.
• * 1.93

  Carado∣cus Lan∣carvensis.
• b 1.94

  4^o. Lond. 1584.
• c 1.95

  Hist. Eccl. Brit. p. 29, 31.
• * 1.96

  K. Ar∣thur.
• a 1.97

  J. Pits, p. 680.
• b 1.98

  Def. Apolog. Par. I. p. 11.
• c 1.99

  Hist. Brit. Def. 4^o. Lond. 1573.
• d 1.100

  Assert. Regis Arth. 4^o. Lond. 1544.
• a 1.101

  Orig. Brit. p. 339, &c.
• b 1.102

  Sir W. Temple's In∣trod. p. 51, 52, 53.
• c 1.103

  8^o. Lond. 1547.
• d 1.104

  Ath. Oxon. Vol. I. p. 293.
• * 1.105

  R. Vau∣ghan.
• a 1.106

  4^o Oxon. 1662.
• b 1.107

  See Archbish. Usher's Let∣ters, p. 261, 270, &c.
• * 1.108

  A. Sam.
• a 1.109

  Fol. Lond. 1676.
• b 1.110

  Philos. Transact. Num. 124. p. 596.
• c 1.111

  Athen. Oxon. Vol. II. p. 879.
• * 1.112

  J. Aubu∣rey.
• * 1.113

  Roman Histori∣ans.
• a 1.114

  Vid. Hist. August. Script. Edit. à Fred. Sylburgio, in 2 Vol. Fol. Francof. 1588.
• b 1.115

  8^o. Oxon. 1692.
• a 1.116

  Fol. Lond. 1598.
• * 1.117

  Inscripti∣ons.
• a 1.118

  Remains, P. M. 199.
• * 1.119

  Coins.