An account of the growth of popery and arbitrary government in England more particularly, from the long prorogation of November, 1675, ending the 15th of February, 1676, till the last meeting of Parliament, the 16th of July, 1677.

Thus are we at length arrived at this much controverted, and as much expected Session. And though the way to it hath proved much longer then was intended in the entry of this discourse, yet is it very short of what the matter would have afforded, but is past over to keep within bounds of this Volumn. The 15th of February 1676 came, and that very same day, the French King appointed his March for Flanders. It seemed that his motions were in Just Cadence, and that as in a Grand Balet, he kept time with those that were tuned here to his measure. And he thought it a becoming Galant∣trie, to take the rest of Flanders our natural out work in the very face of the King of England and his Petites Maisons of Parliament.

His Majesty demanded of the Parliament in his Speech at the opening of the Sessions, a Supply for building of Ships, and the further continuance of the Additional Excise upon Beer and Ale, which was to expire the 24th. of June 1677, and recommended earnestly a good correspondence betvveen the tvvo Houses, representing their last Differences as the reason of so long a Prorogation, to allay them. The Lord Chancellor, as is usuall with him, spoiled all, which the King had said so well, with straining to do it better; For indeed the mischan∣ces of all the Sessions since he had the Seales, may in great part be ascribed to his indiscreet and unlucky Eloquence. And had not the Lord Treasure a farre more effectual way of Perswasion with the Commons, there had been the same danger of the ill successe of this Meeting, as of those former∣ly. Each House being now seated, the case of this long Pro∣rogation had taken place so farre without doores, and was of that consequence to the Constitution of all Parliaments, and the Ualidity of all proceedings in this Session, that even the Commons, though sore against their inclination, could not passe it over. But they handled it so tenderly, as if they were afraid to touch it.

The first day, insteed of the Question, Whether the Par∣liament

were by this unpresidented Prorogation indeed Dissolved; it was proposed, something ridiculously, Whe∣ther this Prorogation were not an Adjournment? And this Debate too, they Adjourned till the next day, and from thence they put it off till the Munday morning. Then those that had proposed it, yet before they would enter upon the Debate, asked, Whether they might have liberty? as if that had not been more then implied before, by Adjourning the Debate, and as if Freedome of speech, were not a Con∣cession of Right, which the King grants at the first opening of all Parliaments. But by this faintnesse, and halfe-counsell, they taught the House to deny them it. And so all that mat∣ter was wrapped up in a cleanly Question, Whether their grand Committees should sit, which involving the Legitima∣cy of the Houses Sitting, was carried in the Affirmative, as well as their own hearts could wish: But in the Lords House it went otherwise. For the first day, as soon as the Houses were seperate, the Duke of Buckingham, who usually saith what he thinks, argued by all the Laws of Parliament, and with great strength of Reason, that this Prorogation was Null and this Parliament consequently Dissolved, offering more∣over to maintaine it to all the Judges, and desiring as had been usuall in such Cases, but would not here be admitted, that even they might give their opinions. But my Lord Frechvvell as a better Judge of so weighty a point in Law, did of his great Courtship move, That the Duke of Buck∣ingham might be called to the Barre, which being opposed by the Lord Salisbury, as an extravagant motion, but the Duke of Buckinghams proposal asserted, with all the Cecilian height of Courage and Reason, the Lord Arundell of Trerise a Peere of no lesse consideration, and Authority, then my Lord Frechvvell, and as much out of order, as if the Salt had been thrown down, or an Hare had crossed his way, Opening, renewed the motion for calling the Duke to the Barre; But there were yet too many Lords between,

and the Couriers of the Honse of Commons brought up ad∣vice every moment, that the matter was yet in agitation a∣mong them, So that the Earl of Shaftsbury, had opportu∣nity to appear with such extraordinary vigour, in what con∣cerned both the Duke of Buckingham's person and his Pro∣posal, that as the Duke of Buckingham might have stood single in any rational contest, so the Earl of Shaftsbury was more properly another Principal, than his Second. The Lord Chancellour therefore in answer undertook, on the con∣trary, to make the Prorogation look very formal, laying the best colours upon it, after his manner when Advocate, that the Cause would bear (and the worst upon his Oppo∣nents) but such as could never yet endure the Day-light. Thus for five or six hours it grew a fixed Debate, many ar∣guing it in the regular method, till the expected news came, that the Commons were rose without doing any thing; whereupon the greater number called for the Question, and had it in the Affirmative, that the Debate should be laid aside.

And being thus flushed, but not satisfied with their Victo∣ry, they fell upon their Adversaries in cool blood, question∣ing such as they thought fit, that same night, and the mor∣row after, sentencing them, the Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of Salisbury, the Earl of Shaftsbury, and the Lord Whar∣ton to be committed to the Tower, under the notion of Contempt, during his Majestyes, and the Houses pleasure. That Contempt, was their refusing to recant their Opinion, and aske pardon, of the King, and the House of Lords. Thus a Prorogation without President, was to be warranted by an Imprisonment without Example. A sad Instance and whereby the Dignity of Parliamens, and especially of the House of Peers, did at present much suffer, and may pro∣bably more for the future; For nothing but Parliament can destroy Parliament, If a House shall once be Felon of it selfe and stop its own breath, taking away that Liberty of speech,

which the King verbally, and of course, allows them, (as now they had done in both Houses) to what purpose is it comming thither? But it was now over, and by the weak∣nesse, in the House of Commons, and the Force in the House of Lords, this Presumptuous Session, was thus farre settled, and confirmed; so that henceforward men begun to wipe their Mouths, as if nothing had been, and to enter upon the Publick Businesse.

And yet it is remarkable that shortly after, upon occasion of a discourse among the Commons concerning Libells and Pamphlets, first one Member of them stood up, and in the face of their House, said, That it vvas affirmed to him, by a person that might be spoke vvith, that there vvere among them, thirty, forty, fifty, God knovvs hovv many, Outlavved. Another thereupon rose, and told them, It vvas reported too, that there vvere diverse of the Members Papists; A third, That a multitude of them vvere Bribed, and Pensioners. And yet all this was patiently hushed up by their House, and digessed, being it seems, a thing of that Nature, which there is no Re∣ply to; which may very well administer, and deserve a serious Reflexion, how great an opportunity this House of Commons lost, of ingratiating themselves, with the Nation, by acknowledging in this Convention their invalidity to proceed in Parliament, and by addressing to his Majesty as being Dissolved, for a Dismission. For were it so, that all the Laws of England require, and the very Constitution of our Government, as well as Experience, teaches the necessity of the frequent Meeting, and change of Parliaments, and suppose that the Question Concerning this Prorogation, were by the Custom of Parliaments to be justified, (which hath not been done hitherto) yet who that desires to maintaine the reputation of an honest man, would not have layed hold upon so plausible an occasion, to breake company when it was grown so Scandalous. For it is too notorious to be concealed, that near a third part of the House have bene∣ficiall

Offices under his Majesty, in the Privy Councill, the Army, the Navy, the Law, the Houshold, the Revenue both in England and Ireland, or in attendance on his Majesties person. These are all of them indeed to be esteemed Gen∣tlemen of Honor, but more or lesse according to the quality of their severall imployments under his Majesty, and it is to be presumed that they brought along with them some Ho∣nour of their own into his service at first to set up with. Nor is it sit that such an Assembly should be destitute of them to informe the Commons of his Majesties affaires, and com∣municate his Counsells, so that they do not by irregular procureing of Elections in place where they have no proper interest, thrust out the Gentelmen that have, and thereby dis∣turbe the severall Countreys; Nor that they croude into the House in numbers beyond modesty, and which instead of giving a Temper to their deliberations, may seem to affect the Predominance. For although the House of Peers, be∣sides their supream and sole Judicature, have an equal power in the Legislature with the House of Commons, and at the second Thoughts in the Government have often cor∣rected their errours: yet it is to be confessed, that the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses there assembled, are the Representers of the People of England, and are more peculi∣arly impowred by them to transact concerning the Religion, Lives, Liberties, and the Propriety of the Nation. And therefore no Honorable person, related to his Majesties more particular service, but will in that place and opportuni∣ty suspect himself, least his Gratitude to his Master, with his self-interest should tempt him beyond his obligation there to the Publick. The same excludes him that may next in∣herit from being Guardian to an Infant, not but there may the same affection and integritie be found in those of the Fathers side as those on the Mothers, but out of decent and humane caution, and in like manner however his Majesties Officers may be of as, sound and untainted reputation, as the

best, yet common Discretion would teach them not to seek after and ingrosse such different Trusts in those bordering Intrests of the King and Contrey, where from the People they have no Legall advantage, but so much may be gained by betraying them. How improper would it seem for a Privy Counsellour if in the House of Commons he should not justify the most arbytrary Proceedings of the Councill Table, represent affaires of State with another face, defend any misgovernment, patronize the greatest Offenders a∣gainst the Kingdome, even though they were too his own particular enemies, and extend the supposed Prerogative on all occasions, to the detriment of the Subjects certaine and due Libertyes! What self denyall were it in the Learned Counsell at Law, did they not vindicate the Misdemeanours of the Judges, perplex all Remedies against the Corruptions and Incroachment of Courts of Judicature, Word all Acts towards the Advantage of their own Profession, palliate un∣lawfull Elections, extenuate and advocate Publick Crimes, where the Criminall may prove considerable; step into the chaire of a Money Bill' and pen the Clauses so dubiously, that they may be interpret•…•… in Westminister-Hall beyond the Houses intention, mislead the House, not only in point of Law, but even in matter of Fact, without any respect to Ve∣racity, but all to his own further Promotion! What Soldier in Pay, but might think himself sit to be cashiered, should he oppose the increase of Standing Forces, the Depression of Civill Authority, or the Levying of Mony by whatsoever means or in what Quantity? Or who of them ought not to abhorre that Traiterous Position, of taking Armes by the Kings Authority against those that are Commissionated by him in pursuance of such Commission? What Officer of the Navy, but takes himself under Obligation to magnify the expence, extoll the mannagment, conceal the neglect, in∣crease the Debts and presse the Necessity, ringging and un∣ringging it to the House in the same moment, and repre∣senting

it all at once in a good and a bad condition? should any Member of Parliament and of the Exchequer omit to transform the Accounts, conceal the Issues, highten the An∣ticipations, and in despight of himself oblidge whosoever chance to be the Lord Treasurer; might not his Reversioner justly expect to be put into present Posession of the Office? Who that is either concerned in the Customes, or of their Brethren of the Excise, can with any decency refuse, if they do not invent, all further Impositions upon Merchandise, Navigation, or our own domestick Growth and Consump∣tion; and if the Charge be but Temporary, to perpetuate it? Hence it shall come that insteed of relieving the Crown by the good old and certain way of Subsidyes, wherein no∣thing was to be got by the House of Commons, they de∣vised this Foraine course of Revenue, to the great Grei∣vance and double charg of the People, that so many of the Members might be gratified in the Farmes or Commissi∣ons.

But to conclude this digression whatsoever other Offices have been set up for the use of the Members, or have been extinguished upon occasion, should they have failed at a Question, did not they deserve to be turned out? Were not all the Votes as it were in Fee Farme, of those that were intrusted with the sale? Must not Surinam be a sufficient cause of quarrel with Holland, to any Commissioner of the Plantations? Or who would have denyed Mony to continue the War with Holland, when he were a Commissioner of Prizes, of Sick and Wounded, of Transporting the English, or of Starving the Dutch Prisoners? How much greater then would the hardship be for those of his Majesties Houshold, or who attend upon his Royall Person, to forget by any chance Vote, or in being absent from the House, that they are his Domestick servants? Or that all those of the capacity abovementioned are to be look upon as a distinct Body

under another Discipline; and whatsoever they may com∣mit in the House of Commons against the National Inter∣est, they take themselves to be justified by their Circum∣stances, their hearts indeed are, they say, with the Coun∣try, and one of them had the boldness to tell his Majesty, That he was come from Voting in the House Against his Conscience.

And yet these Gentlemen being full, and already in Im∣ployment, are more good natured and less dangerous to the Publick, than those that are hungry and out of Office, who may by probable computation, make another Third part of this House of Commons. Those are such as having obser∣ved by what steps, or rather leaps and strides, others of their House have ascended into the highest Places of the King∣dom, do upon measuring their own Birth, Estates, Parts, and Merit, think themselves as well and better qualified in all respects as their former Companions. They are gene∣rally men, who by speaking against the French; inveighing against the Debauches of Court, talking of the ill manage∣ment of the Revenue, and such Popular flourishes, have cheated the Countrys into Electing them, and when they come up, if they can speak in the House, they make a faint attaque or two upon some great Minister of State, and per∣haps relieve some other that is in danger of Parliament, to make themselves either way considerable.

In matters of money they seem at first difficult, but ha∣ving been discourst with in private, they are set right, and begin to understand it better themselves, and to convert their Brethren: For they are all of them to be bought and sold, only their Number makes them cheaper, and each of them doth so overvalue himself; that sometimes they outstand or let slip their own Market.

It is not to be imagined, how small things in this case, even Members of great Estates will stoop at, and most of them will do as much for Hopes, as others for Fruition, but if their patience be tired out, they grow at last mutinous, and revolt to the Country, till some better occasion offer.

Among these are somemen of the best understanding, were they of equal integrity, who affect to ingrosse all busi∣nesse, to be able to quash any good motion by Parliamentary skill, unlesse themselves be the Authors, and to be the lead∣ing men of the House, and for their naturall Lives to Con∣tinue so. But these are men that have been once fooled, most of them, and discovered, and slighted at Court, so that till some turn of State shall set them in their Adversaryes Place, in the mean time they look Sullen, make big Moti∣ons, and contrive specious Bills for the Subject, yet onely wait the opportunity to be the Instruments of the same Counsells, which they oppose in others.

There is a Third Part still remaining, but as contrary in themselves as Light and Darknesse; Those are either the worst, or the best of Men; The first are most profligate per∣sons, that have neither Estates, Consciences, nor good Man∣ners, yet are therefore picked out as the necessary men, and whose Votes will go furthest; The charges of their Elections are defraied, whatever they amount to, Tables are kept for them at White Hall, and through Westminster, that they may be ready at hand, within Call of a Question: All of them are received into Pension, and know their Pay-day, which they never faile of: Insomuch that a great Officer was pleased to say, That they came about him like so many Jack davvs for Cheese, at the end of every Session. If they be not in Parliament, they must be in Prison, and as they are Protect∣ed themselves, by Priviledge, so they sell their Protections to others, to the obstrnction so many years together of the Law of the Land, and the publick Justice; For these it is, that the long and frequent Adjournments are calculated,

but all whether the Court, or the Monopolizers of the Country Party, or these that profane the title of Old Cava∣liers, do equally, though upon differing reasons, like Death apprehend a Dissolution. But notwithstanding these, there is an hanfull of Salt, a sparkle of Soul, that hath hitherto pre∣served this grosse Body from Putrefaction, some Gentle∣men that are constant, invariable, indeed English men, such as are above hopes, or fears, or dissimulation, that can neither flatter, nor betray their King, or Country: But be∣ing conscious of their own Loyalty, and Integrity, proceed throw good and bad report, to acquit themselves in their Duty to God, their Prince, and their Nation; Although so small a Scantling in number, that men can scarse reckon of them more then a Quorum; Insomuch that it is lesse difficult to conceive, how Fire was first brought to light in the World then how any good thing could ever be produced out of an House of Commons so constituted, unlesse as that is imagi∣ned to have come from the rushing of Trees, or batterring of Rocks together, by accident, so these by their clashing with one another, have struck out, an usefull effect from so unlikely causes. But whatsoever casuall good hath been wrought at any time by the assimilation of ambitious, fact∣ious, and disappointed Members, to the little, but solid, and unbyassed Party, the more frequent ill effects, and conse∣quences of so unequall a mixture, so long continued, are de∣monstrable and apparent. For while scarse any man comes thither with respect to the publick service, but in design to make, and raiso his fortune, it is not to be exprest, the De∣bauchery, and Lewdnesse, which upon occasion of Electi∣on to Parliaments, are now grown habitual thorow the Nation. So that the Vice, and the Expence, are risen to such a prodigious height, that few sober men can indure to stand to be chosen on such conditious. From whence also arise Feuids, and perpetuall Animosityes, over most of the Countyes, and Corporations, while Gentlemen of Worth,

Spirit, and ancient Estates, and Dependances, see themselves overpowered in their own neighbourhood by the Drunk∣nesse, and Bribery, of their Competitors. But if neverthe∣lesse any worthy person chance to carry the Election, some mercenary or corrupt Sheriffe makes a double Return, and so the Cause is handed to the Committee of Elections, who aske no better, but are ready to adopt his Adversary into the House if he be not Legitimate. And if the Gentleman a∣grieved seek his Remedy against the Sheriffe in Westminster-Hall, and the proofes be so palpable, that the Kings Bench cannot invent how to do him injustice, yet the major part of the twelve Judges, shall upon better consideration vacate the Sheriffs Fine, and reverse the Judgement; but those of them that dare dissent from their Brethren are in danger to be turned off the Bench without any cause assigned. While men therefore care not thus, how they get into the House of Commons, neither can it be expected that they should make any conscience of what they do there, but they are onely intent how to reimburse themselves (if their Elections were at their own charge) or how to bargine their Votes for a Place, or a Pension. They list themselves streightways into some Court faction, and it is as well known among them, to what Lord each of them retaine, as when formerly they wore Coates, and Badges. By this long haunting so together they are grown too so familiar among themselves, that all reverence of their own Assembly is lost, that they live to∣gether not like Parliament men, but like so many Good fe∣lows, met together in a Publick House to make merry. And which is yet worse, by being so throughly acquainted, they understand their Number and Party, so that the use of so publick a Counsel is frustrated, there is no place for delibe∣ration, no perswading by reason, but they can see one ano∣thers Votes through both Throats and Cravats before they hear them.

Where the Cards are so well known, they are only fit for

a Cheat and no fair Gamster, but would throw them under the Table.

Hereby it is that their House hath lost all the antient weight and authority, and being conscious of their own guilt and weakness, dare not adventure, as heretofore, the Im∣peaching of any man before the Lords, for the most hainous Crimes of State, and the most Publick Misdemeanours; up∣on which confidence it is, that the Conspirators have so long presumed, and gone unpunished. For although the Con∣spirators have sometimes (that this House might appear still necessary to the People, and to make the money more glib) yeelded that even their own Names should be tossed among them, and Grievances be talked of, yet at the same time they have been so prevalent as to hinder any Effect, and if the House has Emancipated itself beyond Instructions, then by Chastizing them with Proro∣gations, frighting them with Dissolution, comforting them with long, frequent, and seasonable Adjournments, now by suspending, or diminishing their pensions, then again by increasing them, sometimes by a scorn, and otherwhiles by a favour, there hath a way been found to reduce them again under discipline. All these things and more being considered and how doubtful a foot this Long Parliament now stood up∣on by this long Prorogation, there could not have been a more Legal, or however no more wise and honest a thing done, then for both the Lords and Commons to have separated themselves, or have besought his Majesty to that purpose, left the Conspirators should any longer shelter and carry on their design against the Government and Religion, under this sha∣dow of Parliamentary Authority. But it was otherwise order∣ed, of which it is now time to relate the Consequences.

The four Lords having thus been committed, it cannot properly be said that the House of Peers was thence forward under the Government of the Lord Frechvvel, and the Lord Arundel of Trerise but those two noble Peers had of ne∣cessity

no small Influence upon the Counsels of that House, (having hoped ere this to have made their way also into his Majesties Privy Council) and all things fell out as they could have wished, if under their own direction. For most of them, who had been the most active formerly in the Publick Interest, sate mute in the House, whether, as is probable out of reverence to their two Persons, and confidence in their wisdom, they left all to their Conduct, and gave them a general Proxy, or whether, as some would have it, they were sullen at the Commitment of of the four Lords, and by reason of that, or the Prorogation, began now to think the Parliament, or their House to be Non Compos. But now therefore Doctor Cary, a Commner, was brought to the Barre before them, and questioned concerning a written Book which it seems he had carried to be printed, treating of the Illegality of this Prorogation, and because he satisfyed them not in some Interrogatories, which no man would in Common honour to others, or in self preservation, as neither was he in Law bound to have answered, they therefore Fined him a thousand pounds, under that new Notion of Contempt, when no other Crime would do it, and senten∣ced him to continue close Prisoner in the Tovver until pay∣ment. Yet the Commons were in so admirable good tem∣per (having been conjured by the charming Eloquence of the Lord Chancellor, to avoid all misunderstanding between the two Houses) that their could no Member, or time, be found in all the session, to offer their House his Petition; much lesse would that breach upon the whole Parliament; by imprisoning the Lords, for using their liberty of speech, be entertained by them upon motion, for fear of entrench∣ing upon the priviledge of the House of Peers, which it had been well for them if they had been as tender of formerly.

One further Instance of the Completion of their House, at that season, may be sufficient. One Master Harrington, had before the Session been Committed Close Prisoner (for

that was now the mode, as though the Earl of Norhampton, would not otherwise have kept him Close enough) by Or∣der of the King and Councill, the Warrant bearing for sub∣ornation of Perjury, tending to the Defamation of his Majesty, and his Government, and for Contemptuously Declaring, he vvould not ansvver his Majesty any Question, vvhich his Majesty, or his Privy Councill should aske him. As this Gen∣tleman was hurried along to the Tovver, he was so dexterous as to convey into a friends hand passing by, a Blanke Paper onely with his name, that a Petition might be written above it, to be presented to the House of Commons, without reject∣ing for want of his own hand in the subscription. His Case notwithstanding the Warrant was thus.

He had met with two Scotch souldiers in Town returned from Flanders, who complained that many of their Countrey men had in Scotland been seised by force, to be carried over into the French service, had been detained in the Publick prisons till an oportunity to transport them: were heaved on board fast tyed and bound like malefactors, some of them struggling and contesting it, were cast into the Sea, or maimed, in conclusion an intolerable violence and barbarity used to compell them and this near the present session of Parliament. Hereupon this Gentleman considering how oft the House of Commons had addressed to his Majesty and framed an Act for recalling his Majesties Subjects out of the French service, as also that his Majesty had i•…•…ued his Procla∣mation to the same purpose, thought he might do a good and acceptable thing in giving information of it to the House as time served, But withall knowing how witnesses might possibly be taken off, he for his own greater security took them before a Master of Chancery, where they comfirmed by Oath the same things they had told him. But hereupon he was brought before his Majesty, and the Privy Councill, where he declared this matter but being here asked by the Lord Chancellour some insnaring and improper questions,

he modestly, as those that were by affirmed, desired to be ex∣•…•…ised from answering him further, but after this, answered 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Majesty with great humility and respect to divers quest∣•…•…us. This was the subornation of Perjury, and this the Con∣tempt to his Majesty, for which he was made Close Prisoner. •…•…pon his Petition to the House of Commons he was sent for, and called in, where he is reported to have given a very clear account of the whole matter, and of his behaviour at the Council board. But of the two Scotch soldiers the one made himself perjured without being suborned by Harring∣ton, denying or misrepresenting to the House what he had sworn formerly. And the other, the honester fellow it •…•…ms of the two, only was absented. But however divers honourable Members of that House attested voluntarily, that the soldiers had affirmed the same thing to them, and in∣•…•…ed the Truth of that matter is notorious, by several other 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that since came over, and by further account from 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Master Harrington also carryed himself towards 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…ouse with that modesty, that it seemed inseparable 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him, and much more in his Majesties presence, so that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 House was inclined, and ready to have concerned them∣selves for his Liberty. But Master Secretary Williamson stood 〈◊〉〈◊〉 having been a Principal Instrument in commiting him, and because the other crimes rather deserved Thanks and Commendation, and the Warrant would not Justify it self, he insisted upon his strange demeanour toward his Majesty, decipherd his very looks, how truly it matters not, and but that his Majesty and the House remained still living Flesh and Blood, it might have been imagined by his discourse that Master Harrington had the Head of a Gorgon. But this story so wrought with, and amazed the Commons, that Mr. Harrington found no redresse; but might thank God that he escaped again into Close Prison. It was thought notwith∣standing by most men that his looks might have past any where but with a man of Sir Josephs delicacy. For neither indeed had Master Harrington ever the same oportunities

that others of practiting the Hocus Pocus of the Face, of Play∣ing the French Scaramuccie or of living abroad to learn how to make the Plenipotentiary Grimass for his Majestys service.

And now to proceed, rather according to the Coherence of the matters, then to the particular Date of every days action. By this good humour, and the House being so free of the Liberty of their fellow Commoners, it might be guessed that they would not be lesse liberal of their Monythis Session.

The Bill therefore for 600000 l. Tax for eighteen month towards the building and furnishing of Ships easily passed without once dreaming any more of appropriating the Cust∣omes. For the Nation being generally possessed by the Members with the defects of the Navy, and not consider∣ing at all from what neglect it proceeded, the House of Commons were very willing, and glad to take this occasion, of confirming the Authority of their sitting, and to pay double the summe that in the former Sessions they had thought necessary towards the Fleet; hereby to hedg in, and purchase their own continuance. And for the same purpose they ingrossed the Act with so numerous a list of Commissi∣oners, that it seemed rather a Register or Muster-roll of the Nation, and that they raised the whole kingdom to raise the mony. For who could doubt that they were still a lawful Par∣liament, when they saw so many gentlemens names (though by the Clerks hand onely) subscribed to an Act of their ma∣king? Onely Mr. Seymour the speaker, would have dimini∣shed the number in his own Country. For he had entred in∣to a Combination, that none should serve the King or their Country thorow Devonshire, in any capacity but under his approbation, and therefore he highly inveighed against ma∣ny Gentlemen of the best rank there, that ought him no ho∣mage, as persons disaffected, oppossing their names at a Committe of the whole House, before he heard them. But being checked in his careere, he let fall the contest, with as much judgment and modesty, as he had begun it with bold∣nesse and indescretion.

This Bill was not enough, but though the Nation had hoped to be relieved from the Additionall Excise upon Beer and Ale, which the Tripple League had foold them into, but was now of course to expire the 24th of June, 1677. Yet a Bill for the continuing of it for three years more passed them likewise with little Difficulty. For the late fear of Disso∣lution was still so fresh upon them, that they would continue any thing to buy their own Continuance; and this Bill might considering their present want of Legality, have been pro∣perly intituled, An Act for the Extraor dinary Occasion of the House of Commons. But that they might seem with∣in this tendernesse to themselvs not to have cast of all toward the People, they sunk all former Grievances into a Bill of Chancery, knowing well that a sute in that Court would be sooner ended, then a Reformation of it be effected; and that thereby they might gain work enough to direct the whole Session. And of their usuall Bills for the Liberty of the Subjects, they sent up only that of Habeas Corpus; pretend∣ing, and perhaps truly, that they durst not adventure them either in their own or the Lords House as they were now governed, lest they should be further ensnared by strug∣ing for freedome. But least they should trouble themselves too much with Religion, the Lords presented them with two Bills of a very good name, but of a strange and unheard of nature. The one intituled An Ast for securing the Protestant Religion by educating the Children of the Royall Family, and providing for the continuance of a Protestant Clergy. The other, An Act for the more effectuall Conviction and Prosecu∣tion of Popish Recusants. And with these they sent down a∣nother for the further regulation of the Presses and sup∣pressing all unlicensed Books, with clauses most severe and generall upon the subject, whereof one for breaking all Houses whatsoever on suspicion of any such Pamphlet where by Master L' Estranges Authority was much amplifyed to

search any other House with the same liberty as he had Sir Thomas Dolemans.

But as to those two Bills of Religion, although they were of the highest consequence that ever were offered in Parliament since Protestancy came in (and went out of fashion) yet it is not to be imagined, how indisputable and easy a passage they found thorow the House of Peers, to the House of Commons; which must be ascribed to the great unanimity among them, after the committing of the four Lords, and to the Power of those two noble Peers, their Adversaries, which was now so established, that their sense being once declared, the rest seemed to yeild them an Implicite Faith and Obedience; and they were now in such Vogue, that whatsoever was spoken or done any where abroad in perfection, with great weight and judge∣ment, men said it was A la Fraischeville. But if gentily and acutely, A la Trerise.

That Intituled, An Act for the more effectual Convicti∣on and Prosecution of Popish Recusants, is too long to be here inserted, and the Fate it met with, makes it unnecessary, for as soon as it was first read a Gentle-man of great worth and apprehension spake short but roundly and thorow against it.

A second immediately moved that it might not onely be thrown out, but with a particular mark of infamy. And it being without any more ado ready to be put to the Questi∣on, a third demanded that they should stay a while to see whether there were any one so hardy as to speak a word for it. Which no man offerring at, it was forthwith rejected with this censure added to the Journal.

And because the Body of the Bill was contrary to the Title, This unusual sentence of the House of Commons, though excusable by the Crimes of the Bill, yet was not to be justified by the Rules of entercourse between the two Houses. But because all men have hence taken occasion to accuse the Lords Spiritual, as the Authours both of this Bill and the other, it is necessary to insert here the true Fact in their just vindication. It was above two years ago that a select Ca∣ball of great Ministers, had been consulting about Church matters, tho it seldom happens (nor did it in this instance) that the Statesmen are more fortunate in meddling with Re∣ligion, then the Churchmen with Government, but each marrs them with tampering out of their Provinces. This on∣ly difference, that what Ecclesiastical persons may do by chance or consequence, that harm the others commit on set purpose. For it was by these politicians, that these two Coc∣katrice Eggs were layd & by their assiduous incubation hatch∣ed. It is true indeed afterwards they took some few of the Bishops into Communication, and as it were for advice, upon what was before resolved. And to make this Bill go the better down, they flatterd them with the other, as wholy calculated forsooth to the Churches Interest. And by this means possibly they prevailed so far, that the Bishops both there and in the House, lesse vigorously opposed. But that the Bishopes were either the Contrivers or Promoters of the Bill, is a scandalous falshood, and devised by the Au∣thors to throw the Odium off from themselvs upon the Cler∣gy and (the Bills that aimed at the ruine of the Church of England having miscarried) to compasse the same end by this defamation. A sufficient warning to the Clargy, how to be intrigued with the Statesmen for the future.

The second Bill follows.

An Act for further securing the Protestant Religion, by Edu∣cating the Children of the Royal Family therein; and for the providing for the continuance of a Protestant Clergy.

TO the Intent that the Protestant Religion, which through the blessing of God hath been happily Esta∣blished in this Realm, and is at present sufficiently secured by his Majestys known Piety and Zeal for the preservation thereof, may remain secure in all future times.

Be it Enacted by the Kings most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall, and Commons in this Parliament Assembled, and by the Authority of the same, That upon the demise of his Majesty that now is, to whom God grant a long and pros∣perous Reign, and upon the demise of any other King or Queen Regnant, that shall hereafter bear the Imperial Crown of this Realme, the Arch-Bishops, and all and every the Bishops of England and Wales, for the time being, as shall not be disabled by Sicknesse or other Infirmity, shall within fourty dayes next after such Demise, repaire to Lam∣beth House, and being there assembled, to the number of nine at least, shall cause to be fairely ingrosed in Parchment the Oath and Declaration following.

1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 King or Queen of England, do declare and Svvear, that I do beleive that there is not any Transubstan∣tiation in the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, or in the Elements of Bread and Wine, at or after the Consecration, thereof by any person vvhatsoever. So help me God.

Which blanck shall be filled up with the Christian Name of such King or Queen, And thereupon the Prelates so

bled, shall without delay repaire to the persons of such suc∣ceeding King or Queen Regnant, and in humble manner tender 〈◊〉〈◊〉 said Oath or Declaraiton, to be taken by such succeeding King or Queen Regnant, which they are hereby Authorised to Administer, and shall abide in or near the Court by the space of fourteen dayes, and at convenient 〈◊〉〈◊〉, as often as conveniently they may, they shall appear in the presence of such King and Queen ready to receive Com∣mands for Administring the said Oath and Declaration, which if such succeeding King and Queen shall make and subscribe in presence of them, or any nine or more of them, they shall attest the doing thereof, by subscribing their Names to a Certificate, Indorsed upon the said Indorsment, and carry the same into the high Court of Chancery there to be safely deposited amongst the Records of the said Court. And if such King or Queen Regnant, shall refuse or omit to make and subscribe the said Oath, and Decalration, for the space of fourteen dayes after such humble tender made in manner aforesaid, the said Prelates may depart from the Court without any further attendance on this occasion. But if at any time afterward such King or Queen shall be pleased to take and subcribe the said Oath, and Declaration, and shall signifie such pleasure to the Arch-Bishops and Bishops or any nine or more of them, the said Arch-Bishops and Bishops, or such nine or more of them, are here∣by Authorised and required forthwith to Administer the same, and to attest and certify the same in manner afore∣said.

And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if any succeeding King or Queen Regnant, shall re∣fuse or Omit to make such Oath and Declaration, within the time therefore limitted, the same having been tendered in manner aforesaid, or there shall be any Let, Obstructi∣on, or hindrance whatsoever, to their making the said tender

in manner aforesaid, they are hereby enjoyned and requi∣red to endorse upon the said Engrosement such refusall or omission, or any obstruction, let or hinderance, that shall happen to them, whereby they are not able to make the said tender, according to the Act, and attest the same by subscribing their names thereunto, and carry the same into the high Court of Chancery, there to be safely deposited in manner aforesaid. And if any the said persons, hereby ap∣pointed to make the said tender, shall neglect or refuse to do the same, or in case of any refusal, or omission of making the said Oath and Declaration, or in case of any Obstruction or hindrance to the making of the said tender, shall refuse or neglect to make certificate thereof in manner aforesaid, that the Arch-Bishoprick or Bishoprick of the Person or Persons so refusing, shall be Ipso Facto, voide, as if he or they were naturally Dead, and the said Person or Persons shall be incapable, during his or their Life or Lifes, of that, or any other Ecclesiastical perferment.

And be it further Enacted, That if any King or Queen Regnant, at the time when the Imprial Crown of this Realme shall devolve, shall he under the age of fourteen years, and that upon his or her attaining the said age of fourteen years, the Arch-Bishops and Bishops shall, and are upon the like penalties hereby enjoyned, within fourteen dayes next after such attaining to the said Age, to assemble at the said place, and thereupon to do and perform all things in proparing and tendring the said Oath and Declaration, and making certificate of the taking or omission thereof, that are required by this Act to be done, upon the demise of any King or Queen Regnant.

And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That untill any succeeding King or Queen Regnant shall make the said Oath and Declaration, in manner aforesaid, such respective King or Queen shall not grant, confer, or dispose of any Arch-Bishoprick or any Bishoprick, in Eng∣land

or Wales, otherwise than in manner following, that is to say, within seven dayes after the Vacancy of any Biship-prick or See, shall be known to the Arch-Bishop of Canter∣bury for the time being, he shall and is hereby required to send forth a Summons in Writing to all the Prelates in Eng∣land and Wales, requiring them to meet at a certain conveni∣ent time and place, to be appointed by the summons, to con∣sult concerning the nomination of sit persons for the supply of that Vacancy. And in case of vacancy of the Arch Bishop-prick of Canterbury, the Arch Bishop of York, for the time being. And if that See shall be also vacant, such Prelate of the Realm, as by the Statute of 31 H. 8. ought to have place before the rest in Parliament, shall and are hereby re∣quired to issue forth the said Summons, and at the said time and place, so appointed, in manner aforesaid, the Prelates then assembled, being seven at the least, or the major part of them, shall by writing under their Hands and Seals, nomi∣nate three persons, natural born subjects of the King, and in holy Orders, for the supplying of the said Vacancy, and to be placed in such Order as the said Prelates so assembled or the major part of them shall think fit, without regard to dignity, antiquity, or any other form, which Writing shall be presented to the King who may thereupon appoint one of the three persous so to be named, to succeed in the said Va∣cancy. And the person so appointed or chosen, shall by due form of Law, according to the course now used, be made Bishop of that See. But if in 30 days after such presentment, of such Names, the King or Queen Regnant shall not Elect or appoint, which of the said three persons shall succeed in the said vacant See; or if after such Election or appointment there shall be any obstruction in pressing of the usual Instru∣ments and formalities of Law, in order to his Consecration, then such person, whose Name shall be first written in the said Instrument of nomination, if there be no Election or appointment made by the King, within the time aforesaid, shal be the Bishop of the vacant See. And if there be an Electi∣on

or appointment made, then the person so appointed shall be the Bishop of the vacant See. And the Arch-bishop of the Province wherein the said vacancy shall be, or such other person or persons, who ought by his Majesties Ecclesiastical Laws to Consecrate the said Bishop, shall upon reasonable demand, and are hereby required to make Consecration ac∣cordingly upon pain of forfeiting trebble damages and costs to the party grieved, to be recovered in any of his Majesties Courts at Westminster. And immediately after such Conse∣cration, the person so consecrated, shall be, and is hereby Enacted to be compleat Bishop of the said vacant See, and is hereby vested in the Temporalties of the said Bishop-prick and in actual possession thereof, to all intents and purposes, and shall have a Seat and Place in Parliament, as if he had by due forms of Law been made Bishop, and had the Tempo∣ralities restored unto him; And in case the person so first named in the said Instrument of nomination, or the person so Elected by the King or Queen Regnant, shall then be a Bishop, so that no Consecration be requisite, then immedi∣ately after default of Election or appointment by the King, or immediately after such Election or appointment, if any shall be made within the said time, and any Obstructions in pressing the Instruments and Formalities in Law, in such cases used, the Bishop so first Named or Elected and appoint∣ed, shall thereupon, ipso facto, be translated, and become Bi∣shop of that See, to which he was so nominated and appoint∣ed, and shall be, and is hereby vested in the Temporalties and actual possession thereof to all intents and purposes, and shall have his Seat and Place in Parliament accordingly, and his former See shall become vacant, as if he had been by due Forms of Law chosen and confirmed into the same, and had the Temporalities restored unto him.

And be it further Enacted, That until the making the said Oath and Declaration in manner aforesaid, the respe∣ctive succeeding Kings and Queens that shall not have made and subscribed the same, shall not grant or dispose of any

Denary, or Arch-Deconary, Prebendary, Mastership of any Colledge, Parsonage, Viccarage or any Ecclesiastical Bene∣fice or Promotion whatsoever, to any other person, but such person as shall be nominated for the same, unto the said King or Queen Regnant, by the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, or Guardians of the Spiritualities of the said Arch-bishop-prick, for the time being, if the same be within the Province of Canterbury, and by the Arch-bishop-prick of York, or Guar∣dians of the spiritualities of the said Arch-bishop-prick for the time being, if the same be within the Province of York, by writing under their respective Hands and Seals, and in case any such as shall be accordingly nominated, shall not be able to obtein Presentation or grant thereof within 30 dayes, next after such nomination, then the said person shall and may, and is hereby enabled, by force of the said nomi∣nation, to require Institution and Induction from such per∣son and persons unto whom it shall belong to grant the same, who shall accordingly make Institution and Induction, as if the said person were lawfully presented by the said King or Queen Regnant, upon pain to forfeit to the party grieved, trebble damages and costs, to be recovered in any of his Ma∣jesties Courts at VVestminster; and in cases where no Insti∣tution or Induction is requisite the said person so nominated, from and after the end of the said 30 dayes, shall be and is hereby actually vested in the possession of such Denary, Arch-Deaconary, Prebendary, Mastership, Rectory, Parsonage or, Vicarage, Donative, or other Ecclefiastical Benefice or Promotion and shall be full and absolute propri∣etor and Incumbent thereof, to all Intents and Purposes as if he had obteyned possession therof upon a legall grant by the said King or Queen Regnant, and proceeding thereupon in due form of Law.

Provided always and be it Enacted by the Authority afore∣said, That it shall and may be lawful for the Lord High Chan∣cellor of England, or the Lord Keeper of the great Seal of

England, for the time being, to pass presentations or grants, to any Ecclesiastical Benefice, under value in the Kings Gift, in such manner as hath been accustomed, any thing in this present Act to the contrary notwithstanding.

And be it further Enacted, That during such time as any King or Queen Regnant, shall be under the said fourteen yeares, no person that shall be Lord Protector, or Regent of this Realme, During such minority, shall in any wise, either in the name of the King or Queen Regnant, or in his own name grant, confer or dispose, of any Arch-Bishop-prick, Bishoprik, Deanary, Prebendary, Master-ship of any Colledge, Personage, Vicarage, or other Ecclesiastical Bene∣fice or Promotion whatsoever, but the same shall be disposed of in manner above mentioned, during such miniority, untill such Lord Protector or Regent, shall make and subscribe the said Oath and Declaration, (mutatis mutandis) before such nine or more of the said Prelates, as he shall call to Ad∣minister the same unto him, which Oath and Declaration they are hereby Authorized and required to Administer, un∣der the penaltyes aforesaid, when they shall be called there∣unto, by such Lord Protector or Regent, for the time be∣ing.

And be it further Enacted, That the Children of such suc∣ceeding King or Queen Regnant, that shall not have made and subscribed the Oath and Declaration in manner aforsaid, shall from their respective Ages of seven years, untill the respective Ages of fourteen yeares, to be under the care and goverment of the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury and York, and Bishop of London, Durham and VVinchester, for the time being, who are hereby enjoyned and required to take care, that they be well instructed and Educated in the true Protestant Religion, as it is now Established by Law, and to the Intent that the Arch-Bishops and Bishops, for the time being, may effectally have the Care and Government of such Children, according to the true intent of this Law; Be it

Enected, That after any such Children shall have attained their respective Ages of fourteen years, no person shall have enjoy, bear and execute any office, service, imployment or place of attendment relateing to their persons, but such as shall be approved of in writing under the Hands and Seals of the said Arch-Bishops and Bishops in being, or the Major part of such of them as are there in being. And if any person shall take upon him to Execute any such Office, Service, Imployment or place of Attendance, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this Act, he shall forfeit the sum of 100 l. for every moneth he shall so Execute the same, to be recovered by any person that will sue for the same, in any Action of Debt, Bill, Plaint or Information' in any of his Majesties Courts at VVestminister, shall also suf∣fer Imprisonment for the space of six months without Bayle or Manieprize.

And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That no Person born within this Realme or any other of his Majesties Dominions, being a Popish Preist, Deacon or Ecclesiiastical Person, made, or deemed, or professed by any Authority or Jurisdiction derived, challenged, or pretend∣ed from the See of Rome, or any Jesuite whatsoever shall be allowed to attend the person of the Queens Majesty that now is, or any Quen Consort, or Queen Dowager, that shall be hereafter, whilst they are within this Realme, •…•…or by pretence of such service, or any other matter, shall be Exempted from the penall Laws already made against such persons coming into being or remaining in this Kingdom, but shall be, and are hereby lyable to the utmost severity thereof.

Provided alwayes, That it shall and may be lawfull for Master John Huddleston being one of the Queens Majesties Domestique servant, to attend her said Majesties service, any thing in this Act or any other Law to the contrary not∣withstanding.

And be it further Enacted, That after the Death of the Queens Majesty, to whom God grant a long and happy life, all lay persons whatsoever, born within this Realme, or any other of his Majesties Dominions, that shall be of the Hous∣hold, or in the service or Employment of any succeeding Queen Consort, or Queen Dowager, shall do and performe all things, in a late Act of this Parliament, Entituled, An Act for preventing Dangers vvhich may happen from Popish Recusants: required to be done and performed by any person, that shall be admitted into the service or Employ∣ment of his Majesty, or his Royal Highnesse the Duke of York, which if they shall neglect or refuse to do and per∣form, and neverthelesse, after such Refusall and execute any Office, Service, or Employment under any succeeding Queen Consort, or Queen Dowager, every person so offend∣ing, shall be lyable to the same penalties and disabilities, as by the said Act are may be inflicted upon the breakers of that Law Provided alwayes, That all and every person or persons, that shallby vertue of this Act, have or claym any Arch-Bishoprick, Bishoprick, Deanry, Prebendary, Parsonage, Vicarage, or other Ecclesiastical Benefits, with Cure or with∣out Cure, shall be and is hereby, enjoyned, under the like penalties and disabilitys, to do and perform all things what∣soever, which by Law they ought to have done if they had obteyned the same, and by the usuall course and form of Law, without the help and benefit of this Act.

And be it further Enacted, That all and every Arch-Bishops, Bishops, appointed by this Act to Assemble upon the Demise of his Majesty, or any other King or Queen Reg∣nant, in order to repaire and make humble tender of the Oath and Declaration aforementioned, to any succeeding King or Queen, be bound by this Act to Administer the same, shall before such tender and Administration thereof, and are hereby required to Administer the same Oath and Declaration, to one another, with such of the Arch-Bishops and Bishops, at any time assembled as by the statute 31. H. 8. ought to have precedence of all the rest of them,

that shall be so assembled, is hereby Authorized and re∣quired, to administer to the rest of them, and the next in order to such Prelates, is hereby Authorized and required to administer the same to him, and the same Oath and De∣claration being Engrossed in other peice of Parchment, they and every of them are hereby enjoyned to subscribe their names to the same, and to return the same into the high Court of Chancery, hereafter with their Certificate, which they are before by this Act appointed to make. And if any of the said Arch-Bishops or Bishops, shall be under 〈◊〉〈◊〉 same penalties, forfeiture, and disabilities, as are hereby, •…•…ointed for such Arch-Bishops and Bishops, as neglect or refuse to make any tender of the said Oath and Declaration, to any succeeding King or Queen Regnant.

And be it further Enacted, That the Arch-Bishop of Can∣terbury, or Arch-Bishop of York, or such other Bishop to whom it shall belong to issue forth summons to all the Bishops of England and Wales, requiring to meet and consult concern∣ing the Nomination of fit persons, for the supply of any Arch-Bishopprick, or Bishopprick, according to this Act, shall make the said summons in such manner that the time therein mentioned for the meeting the said Arch-Bishops and Bishops, shall not be more then forty days, distinct from the time of the Date, and Issuing out of the said summons.

And be it further Enacted, That in case any person in∣tituled by this Act, doth demand Consecration, in order to make him Bishop of any vacant See, in manner aforesaid, shall demand the same of the Arch-Bishop of the Province, and such Arch Bishop that shall neglect or refuse to do the same, either by himself or by others Commissioned by him, by the space of thirty days, that then such Arch Bishop shall over and besides the trebble Dammages, to the party before appointed, forfeit the summe of 1000 l. to any person that will sue for the same, in any of his Majesties Courts at Westminster by Action of Debt, Bill, Plaint, or

Information, wherein no Essoyn, Protection, or Wager of Law, shall be allowed. And being thereof lawfully convicted, his Arch-Bishopprick shall thereby become, Ipso Facto, voyd as if he were naturally Dead, and he shall be and is hereby made uncapable and disabled to hold, have, re∣ceive the same, or any other Bishopprick, or Ecclesiastical Benefice whatsoever.

And be it further Enacted That after such neglect or re∣fusall by the space of thirty dayes after Demand, to make such Consecration, or in case of the vacancy of the Arch-Bishopprick, such Bishop of the said Province, for time be∣ing, who by the Statute of 31. H. 8. ought to have presidents of all the rest, calling to his Assistance, a sufficient number of Bishops, who are likewise required to assist, at such time and place, as he shall thereunto appoint, shall and is hereby required, upon reasonable Demands, to make such Consecration which shall be good and effectual in Law, as if the said Bishops were thereunto authorized, and em∣powred by Commission from such Arch-Bishop, or any other person, or persons, having authority to grant Com∣mission for the doing the same.

And be it further Enacted, That the said Bishops and every of them, are hereby enjoyned and required to perform the same, upon pain of forfeiting, upon any neglect or refu∣sal, trebble dammages to the party grieved, to be recovered with Costs, in any of his Majesties Courts of Record, at Westminster, as also the sum of 1000 l. to any person that will sue for the same, in any of his Majesties Courts at West∣minster, by any action of Debt, Bill, Plaint or Information, wherein no Essoyn, Protection, or Wager of Law shall be allowed; and being lawfully convicted of any such neg∣lect or refusal, his or their Bishopprick that shall be so con∣victed, shall become, ipso facto, void, as if he or they were naturally dead, and he or they are hereby made incapable, and disabled to have, hold, or receive the same, or any other

Bishopprick or any other Ecclesiastical Benefice whatso∣ever.

Yet this Notorious Bill had not the same accident with the first, but was read a second time, and committed; where∣in their Houses curiousity seemes to have led them, rather than any satisfaction they had in the matter, or hope of amending it, For it died away, the Committee disdaining, or not daring publickly to enter upon it, some indeed ha∣ving, as is said, once attempted it in private, and provided R, S. a fit Lawyer for the Chairman, but were discovered. And thus let these two Bills perish like unseasonable and monstrous Births, but the Legitimate issue of the Conspi∣rators, and upon the hopes of whose growth they had built the succession of their Projects.

Hence-forward another Scene opens: The House of Commons thorow the whole remainder of this Session, falling in with some unanimity, and great Vigor against the French Counsels. Of which their Proceedings it were easy to assigne the more intimate Causes; but they having there∣in also acted according to the Publick Interest, we will be glad to suppose it to have been their only Motive. That business having occasioned many weighty Debates in their House, and frequent Addresses to his Majesty, deserves a more particular account, Nor hath it been difficult to re∣cever it, most of them being unwilling to forget any thing they have said to the purpose, but rather seeking to divulge what they think was bravely spoken; and that they may be thought some-body, often arrogating where they cannot be disproved, another mans Conception to their own ho∣nour.

March the 6th. 1676, the House being resolved into a Com∣mittee of the whole House to consider of Grievances, Resolved.

That a Commitee be appointed to prepare an Addrsse, to repre∣sent unto his Majesty the danger of the Povver of France, and to desire that his Majesty by such Alliances as he shall think fit, do secure his Kingdomes, and quiet the feares of his People, and for preservation of the Spanish Netherlands.

May it please your Majesty.

WE your Majesties most Loyal Subjects, the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses, in Parliament Assembled, find our selves Obliged in duty and faithfulnesse to your Majesty, and in discharge of the Trust reposed in us, by those vvhomvve represent, Most bumbly to Offer to your Majesties consideration, that the mindes of your People are much disquieted, vvith the Manifest dangers arising to your Majesty, by the Grovvth and Povver of the French King; Especially by the acquisition already made and the further progresse like to be made by him, in the Spanish Nether-lands, in the preservation and security vvhereof, vve humbly Conceive the Intrest of your Majesty, and the safety of your People, are highly concerned; and therefore vve most humbly beseech your Majesty, to take the same into your Royall care, and to strengthen your selfe vvith such strictter Al∣liances, as may secure your Majesties Kingdomes and secure and preserve the said Spanish Nether-lands and thereby quiet the Mindes of your Majesties People.

This Addresse was presented to his Majesty the 16. of March, and his Majesties Answer was Reported to the House of Commons, by Mr. Speaker, the 17, of March, which was thus.

That his Majesty was of the Opinion of his two Houses of Parliament; That the Preservation of Flanders was of great consequence; And that he would use all meanes in his power for the Safety of his Kingdoms.

A motion was therefore made for a second Address upon the same subject, on Monday March, 26th. which here followeth.

May it please your Majesty,

WE your Majesties most loyal Subjects, the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses in Parliament Assembled, do vvith unspeakable joy and Comfort, present our humble thanks to your Majesty, for your Majesties gratious acceptance of our late Address, and that your Majesty vvas pleased in your Princely Wisdom to express your Concurrance and Opinion vvith your tvvo Houses in reference to the Preservation of the Spanish Netherlands.

And vve do vvith most carnest and repeated desires implore your Majesty, That you vvould be pleased to take timely care to prevent those dangers that may arise to these Kingdoms by the great Povver of the French King, and the Progress he daily makes in those Netherlands and other places.

And therefore that your Majesty vvould not defer the entring into such Allyances as may obtain those ends, and in case it shall happen, that in pursuance of such Alliances, your Ma∣jesty should be engaged in a War vvith the French King, vve do hold our solves obliged, and do vvith all humility and chearful∣ness assure your Majesty, That vve your most loyal Subject, shall alvvayes be ready upon your signification thereof in Parlia∣ment, fully, and from time to time, to assist your Majesty vvith such Aydes and Supplies as; by the Divine assillance, may enable your Majesty to prosecute the same vvith Success.

All vvhich vve do most humbly offer to your Majesty as the unanimous sence and desire of the vvhole Kingdom.

March 30th. 1677.

IT was alledged against this Address, that to press the King to make further Alliances with the Confederates against the French King, was in effect to press him to a War, that being the direct and unavoidable Consequence there∣of.

That the Consideration of War was most proper for the King, who had the intelligence of Forraine Affaires, and knew the Arcana Imperii.

That it was a dangerous thing hastily to Incite the King to a War.

That our Merchant-Ships and Effects would be present∣ly seised by the French King within his Dominions, and thereby he would acquire the value of, it may be near, a mil∣lion to enable him to maintain the War against us.

That he would fall upon our Plantations and take Plunder and annoy them.

That he would send out abundance of Capers, and take and disturbe all our Trading Ships in these Seas, and the Mediterranean.

That we had not so many Ships of War as he, and those thirty which were to be built with the 600000 l. now given, could not be finished in two years.

That we had not Naval Stores and Ammunition, &c. sufficient for such a Purpose, and if we had, yet the season of the Year was too far advanced to set out a considerable Fleet: and we could not now lay in Beef, Pork, &c.

That when we were ingaged in a War, the Dutch would likely slip Collar, leave us in the War, and so Gain to them∣selves the singular advantage of sole trading in Peace, which

is the Priviledge we now injoy, and should not be weary of.

That it was next to Impossible, to make Alliances with the several parties as might be expected, such and so various were the severall Interests, and crosse-biasses, of and a∣mongst the Emperour, the Spaniard, the Dane, the Dutch, the Brandenburgh, and the severall lesser Princes of Germa∣ny, and others.

That we might easily enter into a War, but it would be hard to find the way out of it, and a long War would be destructive to us; for though the Emperour, French, Spaniard, &c. use to maintain War for many years, yet a Trading Nation as England is, could not endure a long-winded War.

On the other side, it vvas said;

That they did not Addresse for making War but making Leagues, which might be a means ro prevent War.

That the best way to preserve Peace, was to be in a pre∣pration for War

That admitting a War should ensue thereupon, as was not unlikely, yet that would tend to our peace, and safety in con∣clusion; for it must be agreeded, that if the Power of France were not reduced, and brought to a more equal Ballance with its neighbours, we must fight or submit, first or last.

That it was Commonly the Fate of those that kept them∣selves Neutral, when their Neighbours were at VVar, to become a prey to the Conquerour.

That now or never was the Crititall season to make VVar upon the French, whilst we may haveso great auxiliary conjun∣ction; and if it were a dangerous and formidable thing to Encounter him now, how much more would it be so when this Opportunity was lost, the Consederacy disbanded, a Peace made on the otherside the water, and we left alone to withstand him single.

That as to his seizing our Merchants Effects, the Case was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the same and) no other now than it would be three years hence, or at any time when ever the War should commence.

That as to our Plantations and our Traders, we must con∣sider, though the French was Powerful, he was not Omnipo∣tent, and we might as well defend them as the Dutch do theirs by Guards, Convoys, &c. and chiefly when the French have so many Enemies, and we shall have so many Friends, as no other time is like to afford.

That they were sorry to hear we had not Ships, Stores, &c. equal to the French, and to our Occasions, and hoped it would appear to be otherwise.

That the Season was not so far spent, but that a Compe∣tent Fleet might be set out this Summer, and that however Deficient we might be in this kind, the Dutch were forward and ready to make an effectuall Supplement in that behalf.

That howsoever ill and false some men might esteem the Dutch, yet Interest vvill not lie, and it is so much their Inter∣est to confine and bring down the French, that it is not to be apprehended, but they will steadily adhere to every Friend and every Alliance they shall joyn with for that purpose.

That however cross and divers the several Confederates and their Interests were, yet a common Alliance may be made with them against the French, and aswell as they have Allyed themselves together, aswell may the Allyance be ex∣tended to another, to be added to them, viz. the King of England.

That a Numerous and Vigorous conjunction against him is the way to shorten the work, whereas if he should hereafter attaque us singly, he would continue the War on us as long as he pleased, till he pleased to make an end of it and us together, by our final destruction.

That if now we should neglect to make Alliances, we had no cause to expect to have one Friend, when the French should make Peace beyond Sea, and single us out for Con∣quest; for all that are conjoyned against the French, are provoked and disobliged, by reason of the Great Number of English, Scotch and Irish, which have served, and do still serve the French, and it was proved at the Bar of this House within this fortnight, That 1000 men were levyed in Scot∣land, and sent to the French service in January last, and some of them by force and pressing.

Also that it was understood and resented, that we had mainely contributed to this over grown Greatnesse of the French, by selling Dunkirk, that speciall Key and Inlet of Flanders, by making War on the Dutch, in 1665. Where∣upon the French Joyned with the Dutch, under which shel∣ter, and opportunity, the French lying layd the foundation of this Great Fleet he now hath, buying then many Great Ships of the Dutch, and obuilding many others: as to which, but for that occasion, the Dutch would have denyed and hindred him, by not observing the Tripple League, and by our making a Joynt War with the French against the Dutch, in which, the French yet proceeds and Tryumphs. So that in this respect we have much to redeem and retreive.

That enmnity against the French, was the thing where∣in this divided Nation did unite, and this occasion was to be laid hold on, as an opportunity of moment amongst our selves.

That the bent and weight of the Nation, did lean this way, and that was a strong Inducement and Argument to Incline their Representatives.

That it had been made appear, and that in Parliament, that upon the Ballance of the French Trade, this Nation was detrimented yearly, 900000 l. Or a Million, the value of the Goods Imported from France, annually so much exceeding that of the Goods Exported hence thither, where∣by

it is evident, that such a sum of the Treasure and money of the Nation was yearly Exhausted and carryed into France, and all this by unnecessary Wines, Silks, Ribbons, Feathers, &c. The saving and retrenching of which Expence, and Exhaustion, will in a Great Degree serve to maintaine the Charg of a War.

That the present, was the best time for the purpose, and that this would give Reputation to the Confederates, and Comfort and Courradge to our bestfriends Imediately, and safety to our selves in futurity, against the Old perpetuall Ene∣my of England.

The second Addresse was presented to his Majesty, March the 30. and till the 11 of Aprill they received no Answer. Insomuch that it became doubtfull, whether the mony Bill, would be accepted or 10 and if the Commons made any difficulty in passing them, unlesse they were first secured against the Frenuh intrest, it seemed that the supply would be rejected, by the Conspirators good will; And that even the building of Ships, how necessary soever, might rather have been respited again, as it had in former Sessions, and for the whole long Prorogation. But their House was farr from such Obstinacy. And the news being come of the taking both of Valenciennes and St. Omar, with the defeate of the Prince of Orange at Mont-Cassel, so that now there was no further danger of preventing or Interrupting the successes of the French-King, this Campagn, at last therefore upon the 11, of Aprill, this following answer was offerred to their House, from his Majesty by Master Secretary Coventry.

C. R.

HIs Majesty having considered your last, Addresse, and finding some late alteration in affaires abroad, thinks it necessary to put you in mind, That the only vvay to prevent the dangers vvhich may arise to these Kingdoms, must be by putting his Majesty timely in a Condition to make such fitting prepara∣tion, as may enable him to do vvhat may be most for the security of them▪ And if for this reason you shall desire to fit any longer time, his Majesty is content you may Adjourn novv be∣fore Easter, and meet again suddenly after, to ripen this matter, and to perfect some of the most necessary Bills novv depending.

Given at our Court at White-Hall, the 11. of April. 1677.

Somewhat was said on both these matters, but the Great∣er debate of them, was Adjorned till next day, and then reassumed.

Then it was moved that the House should Adjorn till after Easter, and then meet again, with a Resolution to enable the King to make such preprations as should be thought neces∣sary, and also passe some necessary Bills for the Kingdome, which if they did not, the blame of the neglect, must rest upon themselves, and it would be observed, they had not sat to any effect this four yeares; and that now they had a session, and had given a Million, they did take little care to redresse Greviances, or passe Good Laws, for the People, and that they should not be able to give any account of them∣selves

to their Neighbours in the Country, unlesse they should face them down, that there was no Greviance or Mischeife in the Nation to be Redressed, and that the King had stopped their mouths, and laid it to them by offering to them to sit longer.

Others said, they should perfect the two money Bills, and give the King Ease, and take another time to consider further of Religion, Liberty, and Property, especially see∣ing all Bills now depending, would be kept on foot, the Intended Recesse, being to be but an Adjournment, that they had very good Laws already, and would give their shares in any new ones, they were making, to be in the Country at the present time, that it was necessary for them to be there the 10th. of May, to Execute the Act for 600000 l. &c. And some time was to be allowed for their Journyes, and rest after it, that the passing some necessary Bills, came in the end of the Kings Message, and by the by; For his Ma∣jesty saith, That if for this Reason, that is, for making of pre∣parations, &c, they should desire to sit longer, and if so, then also take the opportunity of passing such Bills. So the sence and inclination of the House was to rise before Easter, as had been before intimated and expected.

Then they fell upon the main consideration of the Mes∣sage, and to make a present Answer.

The Secretary and other Ministers of State, said, that the Alteration of Affaires which his Majesty took notice of, was the successe of the French against the Prince of Orange, in the Battel, and their proceeding to take Cambray, and St. Omars.

Thus by Inches or rather great measures they were taking in

Flanders, which was reckoned the Out-work of England, as well as Holland) and they said plainely, nothing could put his Majesty in a condition to make fitting preparations to preserve the Kingdom, but ready money.

To this it was answered, that it was not proper nor usuall to aske money at the end of a Session, and it was fit that Alliances should be first made, and that they should Adjourn rather till that were done, for they ought not to give money till they knew for what, and it was clearely spoken and made out to them, that if there were no Summers War, there was money enough given already.

It was replyed, That they had not direction from his Ma∣jesty as to what he had resolved, and it might be not conve∣nient to discover and publish such things, but they would offer their Guesse and Ayme at some things, if there were any Approaches towards War, though they ought to consi∣der and compute like him in the Gospel, whether with such a force they could encounter a King that came against them with such a force, they should think of providing a Guard for the Isle of Wight, sersey, Carnsey and Ireland, and secure our Coasts, and be in a defensive posture on the Land, we might be Attaqued in a night.

Also there would be a necessity of an extraordinary Sum∣mer Guard at Sea, his Majesty did use to apply 400000 l. vearly out of the Customes upon his Fleets, (the very har∣bour Expence) which in Anchorage, Mooring, Docks, and Repaires, &c. was 110000 l. per annum, and he was now set∣ting forth 40 Ships for the Summer Gard, but if there were a disposition towards War, there must be more Shipps or at least those must be more fully manned, and more strong∣ly appoynted, and furnished the more, especially if the Breach were sudden, for otherwise, our Trading Ships at Sea, as well as those Ships and Goods in the French Ports, would be exposed. Now it is reasonable that the remander which was above and beyond the Kings ordinary Allowance,

should be supplyed by the Parliament, and the Extraordi∣nary preparations of this kind for the present, could not a∣mount to lesse than 200000 l.

It was answered, that it was a Mealancholy thing to think Jersey, &c. Were not well enough secured, at least as well as in the year 1665, when we alone had War with the French and Dutch too, and yet the Kings Revenue was lesse then than now: That the Revenue of Ireland was 50000 l. per annum, beyond the Establishment (that is, the Civill, Military; and all payments of the Government) which if not sent over hither, but disposed there, would suffice to defend that Kingdom, and they remember that about a moneth ago, they were told by some of these Gentlemen, that the French King would not take more Townes in Flanders if he might have them, but was drawing off to meet the Ger∣mans, who would be in the field in May, and therefore it was strang, he should be represented now as ready to Invade us, and that we must have an Army raised and kept on our Islands and Land. No they would not have that, it would be a Great matter in the Ballance, if the Kings Subjects were withdrawn from the French service, and applyed on the other side, and tell that were done, that we did continue to be Contributary to the Greatnesse of France. But a Fleet would protect our whole. Ships are the defence of an Island and thereby we may hope to keep at a distance, and not ap∣prehend, or prepare to meet him at our Dores, he Learns by Sicily what it is to Invade an Island, he is not like to attempt an Invasion of us, till he hath some Masterie at Sea, which is Impossible for him to have so long as he is diverted and im∣ployed at Land in the Mediterranean, and in the West Indies, as he is.

And as to our Merchants Ships and Goods, they are in no more danger now then they were in any War when∣soever. Nay, there was more expectation of this, then there was of the last VVar, for the first notice we or the Dutch

had of that Breach, was the Attempt upon their Smyrna Fleet.

Also it is observed, that what was said a fortnight ago (that the season was too far advanced to lay in Be•…•…f, and it would stink) was admitted to be a mistake, for that now it was ur∣ged, that a greater and better appointed Fleet must be fur∣nished out, but still it was insisted on, that they were in the dark, his Majesty did not speak out, that he would make the desired Alliances against the growth of France, and resolve with his Parliament to maintain them, and so long as there was any coldness or reservedness of this kind, they had no clear grounds to grant money for preparations. His Majesty was a Prince of that Goodness and •…•…are, towards his People, that none did distrust him, but there was a distrust of some of his Ministers, and a Jealousie that they were un∣der French Influences; and Complaints and Addresses had been made against them; and upon the discourse of pro∣viding for the safety of the Nation, it being said we might be secured by the Guarranty of the General Peace, it was re∣flected on as a thing most pernitious to us, and that our mo∣ney and endeavours could not be worse applied, than to pro∣cure that Peace. Articles are not to be relied on. All that they desired was, that his Majesty and his People Una∣nimously, Truly, Sincerely and Throughly declare and en∣gage in this business, with a mutual confidence speaking out on both sides, and this, and nothing but this, would discharge and extinguish all jealousies.

But it was Objected, It was not convenient to discover his Majesties secret purposes in a Publick Assembly, it might be too soon known abroad, and there was no reason to dis∣trust his Majesty, but that being enabled, he would prepare and do all things expedient for the Kingdom.

It was answered, That it was usual for Forraine Ministers to get notice of the Councils of Princes, as the Earl of Bristol Ambassador in Spain, in the last part of King James's Reign,

procured Coppies, and often the sight of the Originals of of Dispatches, and Cabinet papers of the King of Spain. But acknowledging that his Majesties Councels cannot be penetrated by the French, yet the things would in a short time discover themselves: besides they said, they did not much desire secresy, for let the King take a great Resolution, and put himself at the Head of his Parliament and People in this weighty and worthy Cause of England, and let a flying Post carry the news to Paris, and let the French King do his worst.

His Majesty never had nor never will have cause to dis∣trust his People. In 1667, in confidence of our Aid, he made a League without advice of Parliament (commonly called the Tripple League) which was for the Interest of England, and whereby his Majesty became the Arbiter of Cristendom, and in the Name and upon the Account of that, the Parliament gave him several Supplies.

In 1672, He made War without the Advice, of Parlia∣ment, whith War the Parliament thought not for the Interest of England to continue, yet even therein they would not leave him, but gave him 1200000 l. to carry himself on & out of it.

How much more are they concerned and obliged to sup∣ply and assist him in these Alliances (and War if it ensue) which are so much for the Interest of England, and entered into by the pressing Advice of Parliament.

We hope his Majesty will declare himself in earnest, and we are in earnest, having his Majesties heart with us, Let his hand Rot off that is not stretcht out for this Affair, we will not stick at this or that sum or thing, but we will go with his Majesty to all Extremities.

We are now affraid of the French King, because he has great force, and extraordinary thinking men about him, which mannage his affaires to a wonder, but we trust his Majesty will have his Business mannaged by thinking men, that will be provident and careful of his Interest, and not

suffer him to pay, Cent. per Cent. more than the things are worth, that are taken up and used, and if the work be entred upon in this manner, we hope England will have English suc∣cess with France, as it is in Bowling, if your Bowl be well set out, you may think, and it will go to the Mark.

Were the thing clear and throughly undertaken, there would be less reason to dispute of time; there never was a Council but would sit on Sunday, or any day for such Pub∣lick Work.

In fine, they said, the business must lye at one door or another, and they would not for any thing, that it should flat in their hands.

And although they should hope in an Exigence his Ma∣jesty would lend to his People, who had given so much to him, yet they said they could not leave him without pro∣viding him a sum of money, as much as he could use between this and some convenient time after Easter, when he might, if he please command their full attendance, by some publick Notification, and this was the mentioned sum of 200000 l. The Expedient they provided for doing this, was adding a Borrowing Clause to the Bill for almost 600000 l. (such an one as was in the Poll Bill) the Effect of which is to enable his Majesty presently to take up, on the Credit of this Bill 200000 l. ready money at 7 l. per Cent. per annum In∣terest.

And this they said might now be done, though the Bill were passed by them, and also (save that they had made the above mentioned amendment) by the Lords, for that Poll Bill was explained by another Act passed a few days after, in the same session. But in Hackvvells Modus tenendi Parli. pag. 173, was a more remarkable President, and exact in the Point.

But after some Discourse of setting loose part of this 600000 l. &c. they reflected that this 600000 l. &c. was appropriate for the building of Ships, and they would not

have this appropriation unhinged by any means, and there∣upon resolved to annex the borrowing Clause to the Bill for continuing the additional duty of Excise, for three years, which was not yet passed; against which it was Objected, That it was given for other purposes, viz. to give the King ease to pay Interest for his Debts, &c. But on the contrary it was answered, that the Preamble speakes not of his Debts, but His extraordinary Occasions; But besides, they did not intend to withdraw so much of their Gift, but did resolve to re-emburse his Majesty the 200000 l. so much of it as he should lay out in extraordinary Preparations.

But then it was Objected, that this would be a kind of de∣nouncing of War, and that 200000 l. was a miserable, mean and incompetent sum to defend us against those whom we should provoke.

But it was Answered, That it was but an Earnest of what they intended, and that they were willing to meet again and give further Supplies; Besides the French King was not For∣midable for any great hurt that he could do us during the Confederacy, there were several Princes of Germany, as the Arch-Bishop of Metz and Triers, the Palsgrave, the Duke of Nevvburgh, &c. which are at War with him and are safe; and yet they are much more weak and inconsiderable than we; but they are defended not by their own strength, but by the whole Confederacy.

The Debate concluded in Voting the following Answer, which was presented to his Majesty by the Speaker of the whole House, Friday April the 13th.

May it Please your Majesty.

WE your Majesties most dutifull and Loyall subjects the Com∣mons in this present Parliament Assembled, do vvith, Great satisfaction of mind, Observe the regard your Majestie is pleased to Expresse to our former Addresses, by Intimating to us the late alterations of Affaires abroad, and do return our most humble thanks, for your Majesties most Gratious Offer made to us thereupon in your late message: and having taken a serious deliberation of the same, and of the preparation your Majesty hath therein Intimated to us vvere fitting to be made, in order to those publick ends, vve have for the present provided a security in a Bill for the Additional duty of Excise, upon vvhich your Ma∣jesty may raise the sum of 200000 l. And if your Majesty shall think fit to call us together again for this purpose, in some short time after Easter, by any publick signification of your pleasure, commanding our Attendance; vve shall at our next meetting not only be ready to re-imburse your Majesty vvhat Sums of money shall be expended upon such Extraordinary preparations as shall be made in pursuance of our former Ad∣dresses; but shall likevvise vvith thankfull hearts proceed then, and at all other times, to furnish your Majesty vvith so large proportion of assistance and supplyes upon this Occasion, as may give your Majesty and the vvhole vvorld, an ample Testi∣mony of our Loyalty' and affection to your Majesties service and as may enable your Majesty by the help of Almighty God, to maintain sucbstricter Alliances as you shall have entred into against all Opposition vvhatsoever.

Easter Mondy, Aprill 19th.

Another Message in writing from his Majesty, was delivered by Secreatary VVilliamson to the House of Commons (Viz.)

C. R.

HIS Majesty having considered the Answer of this House to the last message about enabling him to make fitting preparations for the security of these King∣doms, finds by it that they have only enabled him to borrow 200000 l. upon a Fond given him for other uses. His Majesty desires therefore this House should know, and he hopes they will alwayes believe of him, that not only that Fond, but any other within his Power shall be engaged to the utmost of his power for the preservation of his King∣doms; but as his Majesties condition is (which his Ma∣jesty doubts not but is as well known to this House as him∣self) he must tell them plainly, that without the summe Six hundred thousand pounds, or Credit for such a summe, upon new Fonds, it will not be possible for him to speak or act those things which should answer the ends of their severall Addresses, without exposing the Kingdom to much Grearer danger: His Majstyes doth further ac∣quaint you that having done his part, and laid the true state of things before you, he will not be wanting to use the best meanes for the safety of his People, which his presen Condition is Capable off.

Given at our Court at White-Hall, April. 16. 1677.

There upon the House fell into present Consideration of an Answer, and in the first place, it was Agreed to return Great thanks to his Majesty for his Zeal for the safety of the Kingdome, and the hopes he had given them that

he was convinced and satisfied, so as he would speak and act according to what they had desired, and they resolved to give him the utmost assurance, that they would stand by him and said no man could be unwilling to give a fourth or third part to save the residue. But they said they ought to consider that now they were a very thine House, many of their Members being gone home, and that upon such a Ground as they could not well blame them; for it was upon a presumption that the Parliament should rise before Easter, as had been intimated from his Majesty within this fortnight, and universally expected since, and it would be un-Parlia∣mentary, and very ill taken by their Fellow-members, if in this their absence they should steal the Priviledge of granting money, and the Thanks which are given for it; That this was a National business if ever any were, and therefore fit to be handled in a full National Representative, and if it had hitherto seemed to go up-hill, there was a greater cause to put the whole shoulder to it, and this would be assuring, animating, and satisfactory to the whole Nation. But they said it was not their mind to give or suffer any delay, they would desire a Recess but for three weeks or a moneth at most.

And the 200000 l. which they had provided for present use, was as much as could be laid out in the mean time, tho his Majesty had 600000 l. more ready told upon the Table.

And therefore they thought it most reasonable and ad∣visable that his Majesty should suffer them to Adjorn for such a time; in the Interim of which his Majesty might if he pleased, make use of the 200000 l. and might also com∣pleat the desired Alliances, and give notice by Proclamation to all Members to attend at the time appointed.

The Answer is as followeth.

May it please your Majesty.

WE your Majesties most Loyal Subjects the Commons in this present Parliament Assembled, having considered your Majesties last Message, and the gratious expressions there∣•…•…n contained, for imploying your Majesties vvhole Revenue at any time to raise money for the preservation of your Majesties Kingdoms; find great cause to return our most humble thanks to your Majesty for the same, and to desire your Majesty to rest assured, that you shall find as much duty and affection in us, as can be expected from a most Loyal People, to their most gratious Soveraign, and vvhereas your Majesty is pleased to signify to us, that the sum of 200000 l. is not sufficient vvithout a further Supply, to enable your Majesty to Speak or Act those things vvhich are desired by your People; We humbly take leave to ac∣quaint your Majesty, that many of our Members (being upon an expectation of an Adjournment before Easter) are gone in∣to their several Countries, vve cannot think it Parliamentary in their absence to take upon us the granting of money, but do therefore desire your Majesty to be pleased that this House may Adjourn it self for such short time, before the sum of 200000 l. can be expended, as your Majesty shall think sit, and by your Roy∣al Proclamation to command the attendance of all our Members at the day of Meeting; by vvhich time vve hope your Majesty may have so formed your Affaires, and fixed your Alliances, in pursuance of our former Addresses, that your Majesty may be gratiously pleased to Impart them to us in Parliament; and vve no vvayes doubt but at our next Assembling, your Majesty vvill not only meet vvith a Complyance in the Supply your Majesty desires, but vvithall such farther Assistance as the posture of your Majesties Affaires shall require; in confidence vvhereof vve hope your Majesty vvill be encouraged in the mean time to speak and act such things as your Majesty shall judge necessary for attaining those great ends, as ye have formerly represented to your Majesty.

And now the money Bill being Passed both Houses, and the French having by the surrender of Cambray also to them, perfected the Conquest of this Campagne, as was project∣ed, and the mony for further preparations having been asked, onely to gain a pretence for refusing their Addresses, the Houses were adjourned April the 16th, till the 21 of May next. And the rather, becuase at the same moment of their rising, a Grand French Ambassador was coming over. For all things betwixt France and England moved with that punctual Regularity, that it was like the Harmony of the Spheres, so Consonant with themselves, although we cannot hear the musick.

There landed immediately after the Recesse, the Duke of Crequy, the Arch-Bishop of Rheims, Monsieur Barrillon, and a Traine of three or four hundred persons of all Qual∣ities, so that the Lords Spirituall and Temporall of France, with so many of their Commons, meeting the King at Nevv-market, it looked like another Parliament, And that the English had been Adjourned, in order to their better Recep∣tion. But what Addresse they made to his Majesty, or what Acts they passed, hath not yet been Published. But those that have been in discourse were,

An Act for continuing his Majesties subjests in the service of France.

An Act of abolition of all Claymes and demandes from the subjests of France, on Account of all Prizes made of the Eng∣lish at Sea, since the year 1674 till that day, and for the future.

An Act for marring the Children of the Royal Family to Protestants Princes.

An Act for a further supply of French mony.

But because it appears not that all these, and many others of more secret nature, passed the Royall Assent, it sufficeth thus far to have mentioned them. Onely it is most certain, that although the English Parliament was kept aloofe from

the businesse of War, Peace, and Alliance, as Improper for their Intermedling, & Presumptuous. Yet with these 3 Estates of France all these things were Negotiated and transacted in the Greatest confidence. And so they were Adjourned from Nevv-Market to London, and there continued till the return of the English Parliament, when they were dismissed home with all the signes and demonstrations of mutuall 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

And for better Preparations at home, before the Parliament met, there was Printed a second Packet of Advice to the men of Shaftsbury, the first had been sold up and down the Nation, and Transmitted to Scotland, where 300 of them were Printed at Edenburgh: and 40 Copyes sent from thence to England fariely bound up and Guilded, to shew in what great Estmiation it was in that kingdome; But this, the sale growing heavy, was dispersed as a Donative all over England, and it was an Incivilty to have enquired from whence they had it, but it was a Book though it came from Hell, that seemed as if it dropped from Heaven, a∣mong men, some Imagined by the weight and the wit of it, that it proceeded from the Two Lords, the Black and the White, who when their care of the late Sitting was over, had given themselves Caviere, and after the Triumphs of the Tongue, had Establish those Trophes of the Pen, over their Imprisoned Adversaries. But that had been a thing unworthy of the Frechvvellian Generosity, or Trerisian Magnanimity; And rather besits the mean malice of the same Vulgar Scribler, hired by the Conspirators at so much a sh•…•…t, or for day wages; and when that is spent, he shall for lesse mony Blaspheme his God, Revile his Prince, and Belye his Country, if his former Books have Omitted any thing of those Arguments; and shall Curse his own Father into the Bargain.

Monday, May 21. 1677.

The Parliament met according to their late Adjorn∣ment, on, and from April 16th. to May, 21, 1677.

There was no speech from the King to the Parliament, but in the House of Commons.

This Meeting was opened with a verball message from his Majesty, delivered by Secretary Coventry, wherein his Majesty acquainted the House, that having according to their desire in their Answer to his late Message April 16th. driected their Adjournment to this time, because they did alledge it to be unparliamentary to grant Supplyes when the House was so thin, in expectation of a speedy Adjourn∣ment; and having also Issued out his Proclamation of sum∣mons to the end there might be a full House, he did now expect they would forthwith enter upon the consideration of his last message, and the rather, because he did intend there should be a Recesse very quickly.

Upon this it was moved, That the Kings last Message (of April 16.) And the Answer thereto should be Read and they were read accordingly.

Thereupon, after a long silence, a discourse began a∣bout their expectation, and necessity of Alliances.

And particularly, it was intimated that an Alliance with Holland was most expedient, for that we should deceive our selves if we thought we could be defended otherwise, we alone could not withstand the French, his purse and power was too great. Nor could the Dutch withstand him. But both together might.

The general discourse was, that they came with an ex∣pectation to have Allyances declared, and if they were not made so as to be imparted, they were not called or come to that purpose they desired, and hoped to meet upon, and if

some few dayes might ripen them, they would be content to Adjorn for the mean time.

The Secretary and others said, these Allyances were things of great weight, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and the time had been short, but if they were finisht, yet it was not convenient to publish them, till the King was in a readinesse and posture to pro∣secute and maintain them, till when his Majesty could not so much as speak out, insisting on his words, That vvithout 600000 l. it vvould not be possible for him to speak or Act those things vvhich should ansvver the ends of their several Ad∣dresses, vvithout exposing the Kingdom to much greater dang∣ers.

By others it was observed and said, That they met now upon a publick notice by Proclamation, which Proclamation was in pursuance of their last Addresse, in which Addresse they desire the King they may Adjourn for such time, as with in which (they hoped) Allyances might be fixed, so as to be imparted, they mentioned not any particular day, If his Majesty had not thought this time long enough for the pur∣pose, he might have appointed the Adjournment for a long∣er time; or he might have given notice by Proclamation that upon this account they should re-adjourn to a yet long∣er time.

But surely, the time has been sufficient, especially con∣sidering the readiness of the Parties to be Allyed with; it is five weeks since our 〈◊〉〈◊〉. He that was a minister chief∣ly imployed in making the Tripple •…•…ague, has since published in print that, that League was made in sive dayes, and yet that might well be thought a matter more tedious and long then this; For when people are in profound peace (as the Dutch then were) it was not easy to embark them present∣ly into Leagues. They had time and might take it for great∣er deliberation. But here the people are in the distresse of War, and need our Allyance, and therefore it might be con∣tracted

with ease and expidition, were we as forward as they.

Neither is five weeks the limit of the time, that has been for this purpose, for it is about ten weeks since we first Ad∣dressed for these Allyances.

And as to the Objection, That it was not fit to make them known before preparation were made, they said, the force of that lay in this, that the French would be allarmed. But they answered that the asking and giving money for this purpose would be no lesse an Allarm. For the French could not be ignorant of what Addresses and Answers have passed; and if mony be granted to make warlike preperations, for the end therein specified, it is rather a greater discovery and denouncing of what we intended against the French.

Grot•…•…us (de jure Belli & Pacis) saies, If a Prince make extraordinary preparations, a neighbour Prince who may be affected by them may expostulate, and demand an ac∣count of the purpose for which they are intended, and if he receive not satisfaction, that they are not to be used against him, it is a cause of War on his part, so as that Neighbour may begin if he think fit, and is not bound to stay till the first preparer first begin actuall Hostility, and this is agree∣able to reason, and the nature of Government.

Now the French King, is a vigilant Prince, and has wise Ministers about him, upon which general account (tho we had not as we have seen an extraordinary French Embassy here dureing our Recesse) we should suppose that the French King has demanded an account of our Kings purpose, and whether the extraordinary preparations that are begun and to be made are designed against him or not. In which case his Majesty could give but one of three answers.

1. To say, They are not designed against him, and then his Majesty may acquaint us with the same, and then there is no occasion of our giving money,

2. To say, They are designed against him, in which case his Majesty may very well impart the same to us. For it were in vain to conceal it from us, to the end that the French might not be allarmd, when it is before expresly told the French, that the design was against him.

3. To give a doubtfull answer. But that resolves into the second. For when a Prince out of an apprehension that ex∣traordinary preparations may be used against him, desires a clear categoricall and satifactory answer concerning the matter (as the manner of Princes is) a dubious answer does not at all satisfie his inquiry, nor allay his jealousy; But, in that case it is, and is used, to be taken and understood, that the forces are desined against him.

And if his Majesty have given no answer at all (which is not probable) it is the same with the last.

So that this being so, by one meanes or other the French have the knowledge of the Kings purpose, and if it be known to, or but guessed at by hem, why is it concealed from his Parliament? Why this darknesse towards us?

Besides we expect not so much good as we would, so long as we are afraid the French should know what we are a doing.

In this state of uncertainty, and un•…•…ipeness the House Adjourned to Wednesday Morning nine a clo•…•…k, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 first ordred the Committe for the Bill for recalling his Majesties Subjects out of the service of the French King, to sit this after-noon, which did sit accordingly, and went thorough the Bill,

Wednesday, May 23d. 1677.

His Majesty sent a Message for the House to attend him presently at the Banqueting House in White-Hall, where he made the following Speech to them.

Gentlemen,

I Have sent for you hither, that I might prevent those mistakes and distrusts vvhich I find some are ready to make, as if I had called you together, only to get money from you, for other uses than you vvould have it imployed. I do assure you on the Word of a King, that you shall not repent any trust you repose in me, for the safety of my Kingdoms; and I desire you to be∣lieve I vvould not break my Credit vvith you, but as I have al∣ready told you, that it vvill not be possible for me to speak or act those things vvhich should ansvver the ends of your several Ad∣dresses, vvithout exposing my kingdoms to much greater dangers, so I declare to you again, I vvill neither hazard my ovvn safety, nor yours, until I be in a better condition than I am able to put my self, both to defend my Subjects and offend my Enemies.

I do further assure you, I have not lost one day since your last meeting, in doing all I could for your desence; and I tell you plainly, it shall be your fault and not mine if your Security be not sufficiently provided for.

The Commons returning to their House, and the Speech being there read, they presently resolved to consider it, and after a little while resolved into a Committee of the whole House, for the more full, free, and regular debate

The Secretary and others propounded the supplying the King, wherein they said they did not press the House, but they might do as they pleased. But if it be expected that Allyances be made, and made known, there must be 600000 l▪

raised to make preperation before, for the king had declared that without it, it could not be possible for him to speak or Act; he could not safely move a step further. The king had the right of making Peace, War, and Leagues, as this House has of giving money, he could not have money with∣out them, nor they Allyance without him. The king had considered this matter, and this was his Judgment, That he ought by such a summe to be put into a posture to maintain and prosecute his Allyance, before they could or should be declared, and truely otherwise our nakednesse and weak∣nesse would be exposed.

Tis true as has been Objected, the asking and giving mo∣ney for this purpose, would allarm as much as the declar∣ing Alliance, but then it would defend too. A Whip will all∣arm a wild Beast, but it will not defend the man, a Sword will allarm the Beast too, but then it will also defend the man.

We know the King would strip himself to his shirt rather then hazard the Nation. He has done much already, he has set out, and made ready to set out, 44 Ships, but they must be distributed to several places for Convoys, &c. Their would need, it may be 40 more in a body. And it is difficult to get Seamen, many are gon into the service of the French, Dutch, &c, The King is fain to presse now.

The King has not had any fruit of the 200000 l. credit provided him upon the three years Excise, he has tryed the City to borrow money of them, thereupon, and my Lord Mayor returned answer, that he had endeavoured but could not encourage his Majesty to depend upon the City for it.

Several others, somewhat different, spake to this effect. We should consider in this case, as in the case of the Kings Letters, Pattents, Proclamations, &c. If any thing in them be against Law and Reason, Lawyers and Courts, Judge is void, and reckon it not to be said or doneby the King. For the King can do no vvrong, tho his Counsel may. So we

must look upon the Kings Speeches and Messages as the pro∣duct of Counsel, and therefore if any mistake be therein, it must be imputed to the error of his Counsel, and it must be taken that the king never said it. Now to apply certainly the treating and concluding of Alliances, requirs, not a previous summe of mony, however the kings Counsel may misin∣form. They may be propounded and accepted, by the meanes of the Forraign Ministers, even without an Embassy to be sent hence, and yet if that were requisite, it were not an extraordinary charg.

Allyances may be made forthwith, and then mony would be granted forthwith; If they were declared to day, the 600000 l. should be given to morrow, and as occasion should require.

And there is no fear but money would be found for this purpose, our own Extravagancies would maintaine a War.

The mony which has been provided the King already this Session, is sufficient for all Preparations that can possibly be made before these Allyances may be made.

Forty Ships of ours with the help of the Dutch, are a good Defence against the French at Sea, now he is so entangled with 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the West Indies, &c, In the Tripple League, it was stipulated, that forty of our Ships, and forty of the Dutch, should be provided, and they were thought suffici∣ent for the purpose.

If it were required that 40 more Ships should be s•…•…t out, 600000 l is enough to maintain and pay a whole year clear for the Carpenters work, and such like as should presently be required, for the fitting them to go out a little money will serve.

And surely this is the only preparation that can be meant, for if it should be meant, that we •…•…ould fortisie the Land with 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Garrisons, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Towns, &c. it is not 6 milli∣ons will do it. But our strength, force and defence, is our

Ships, for the debate of this day it is as great and weighty as ever was any in England it concerns our very being, and in∣cludes our Religion, Liberty and Property; The doore to∣vvards France must be shut and Garded, for so long as it is open our Treasure and Trade vvill creep out and their Religon creep in at it, and this time is ou•…•… season, some mischief will be done us, and so there will at any time when the War is begun, but now the least.

The French is not very dangerous to us, no•…•… to be much feared by us at this present, but we ought to advise and act so now, as we may not fear or despair hereafter when the French shall make peace beyond Sea, and likely he will make Al∣lyances with those People with whom we deferr to make them; How ripe and great is ou•…•… Misery then?

The power and policy of the French is extraordinary, and his money Influences round about him.

We are glad to observe upon what is said by & of the King, that his Majesty agrees with us in the end, and we hope he will be convinced of the reasonableness of the means, which is to make and follow these Allyances, without which plainly we can give no account to our selves, or those we represent, of giving money.

We have made severall Addresses about some of the Kings Ministers, their management, &c. Of which we have seen little fruit, Their have continually almost to this hour gone out of England succours to France, of Men, Powder, Am∣munition, Ordnance, &c. Not to take into the matter, how far the Ministers have been active or passive in this, nor to mention any other particulars, we must say that unless the Ministers, or their minds are altred, we have no reason to trust money in their hands, Though we declare we have no pur∣pose to arrign or attempt upon them, but would rather pro∣pose to them an easy way how they might have Oblivion, nay, and the thanks of the People viz. That they should en∣deavour

and contend, who could do most to dispose the king to Comply with this advice of his Parliament.

We think the prosecuting these Alliances, the only good use for which our money can be imployed, and therefore before we give, we would be secure it should be applyed to this purpose, and not by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…lls be diverted to others.

This 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉 Counsel of the Parliament, and no Cros•…•… other counsel is to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or Trusted, for at∣taining these great advices which the King and Parliament are 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉.

To part with money before Allyances are made, is need∣lesse and to no purpose, at best it would be the way to spend that money before hand, in vaine, which we shall need here∣after, when we shal be forced to enter into this defence against France.

It would be like an errour committed in the late Kings time, and which lookes as if men had given Counsel on pur∣pose to destroy that Good King, he had by the care and faithfullnesse of Bishop Juxton and others, Collected and preserved a good summe of mony before the Scottish Re∣bellion, in One thousand Six hundred Thirty nine, upon that Rebellion he was advised to raise an Army at Land, which indeed was necessary, But he was likewise advised to set out severall of his great Rate 〈◊〉〈◊〉, this appeared in the papers of Sir Robert 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Office, and may there be seen still, if the Papers are not 〈◊〉〈◊〉. A ma•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not tell to what end this advise was given, unlesse to spend the Kings money, for the Admiralty of Scotland is not now, and much lesse then was so considerable, as to require any such force against it. And if the design were to hinder thei•…•… Co•…•…erce and succours by Sea, the charg of one of those great Ships might have been divided and applied to the setting out five or six lesse Ships, each of which was capable of doing as much for that service, as such a great one, and could keep out at Sea longer.

It is a plain case, unless the power of France be lowred we cannot be safe, without Conjunction with other Con∣federates, it cannot be done. The question is, whether the present be the proper time for th•…•… work. Certainly it is, there is a happy Confederation against the French, which we cannot so well hope to have continued without our coming into it, much less can we hope to recover or recruite it, if once broken. The very season of the year favours the businesse. It is proper and safe to begin with the French in the summer, now he is engaged and not at Leisure, whereas in Winter when the Armies are •…•…wn out of the Field he will be able to apply himself to us.

As to the Citizens not advancing mony upon the late cer∣dit, we are informed they were never regularly or effect∣ually asked, my Lord Major indeed was spoken to, and per∣haps some of the Aldermen, but all they are not the City, he sent about curiously to some of the Citizens, to know if they would lend, of which they took little or no notice, it being not agreeable to their way and usage, for the custom in such cases has always been, that some Lord of the Council did go down 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…he Common Counsell, which is the Repre∣sentative body of the City, and there propound the matter.

Besides in this particular case the Citizens generally ask∣ed the same question we do: are the Alliances made, and said if they were made they would lend money, but if not, they saw no cause for it.

Philip the second of Spaine made an observation in his Will, or some last Memorial, and 'tis since published in Print by Monsieur, he observes the vanity of any Princes aspiring at the universal Monarchy, for that it naturally made the rest of the world joyntly his enemies, but ambition blinds men, suffers them not to look back on such Experiences. But this observation shews what is natural for others to do in such a case, and that the way to repell and break such a design, is by their universall confederation.

Philip the Second was most capable of making this Obser∣vation, for in his hands p•…•…ed the Spanish Design of the Universal Monarchy, and that chiefly by reason of the Con∣junction of the English and Dutch against him.

In the process of this debate, Gentlemen did more parti∣cularly explain themselves, and propound to Address their design to the King, for a League offensive and defensive, with the Dutch against the French power.

Against which a specious Objection was made, That the Dutch, were already treating with the French, and 'twas like they would slip Collar, make a separate Peace for themselves and leave us engaged in a War with France.

To which was Answered, That there was no just fear of that, the Dutch were Interessed in repressing the Power of France as well as we, and they knew their Interest; It was reasonable for them to say, If England, which is as much concerned in this danger, will not assist us, we will make the best terms we can for our selves, there is yet a Seam of Land between the French and us, we may Trade by or under them, &c.

But if England will joyn with the Dutch, they cannot find one syllable of reason to desert the Common Cause.

They have observed a propensity in the People of England to help them, but not in the Couurt of England. If they can find that the Court does heartily joyn, it will above all things oblige and confirm them.

In One thousand six hundred sixty seven, when the Dutch were in Peace and Plenty, when Flanders was a greater Bull∣work to them, for the French had not pierced so far into it, and when the direction of their affaires was in a hand of in∣•…•… enmity to the Crown of England (John de Witt) yet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 th•…•… Interest did so far Govern him and them, as to en∣•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tripple League, against the growth and power of 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 more, and most certainly therefore now 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 and weakened by a War, and stand in

need of our help, now the French have approached nearer the b•…•…ink of their Country, and are encreased in Naval force to the danger of their Trade and Navigation, and now their affaires are chiefly directed by a kinsman of the Crown of England, the Prince of Orange, they cannot deflect or start from a League they make with us against our Common Enemy.

It was moved, that there might be a League Offensive and Defensive with Spain and the Dutch, and other convenient Allyances with the rest of the Confederates, but the particu∣lar concerning Spain, was retracted and laid aside by the ge∣neral Discourse of the Members to this purpose, We do covet an Allyance with Spain above others, for that they are Owners of the Netherlands, for whose preservation we have Addressed, that it is with Spain that we have the most, if not the only profitable Trade, and the Spaniards are good, gal∣lant and sure Friends. But they are remote, and we know not whether there are full powers here or at Brussels for this matter, and to wait for their coming from Madrid would make Church-work, whereas we need the swiftest expedi∣tion.

Therefore they Voted their Address to be particular and expresly for such a League with the Dutch, and as to the Spaniards together with the other Confederates in general.

This passed with very general consent, there was an ex∣traordinary full House, and upon putting the question, there were but two negative Voices to it.

There were more ordinary particulars appointed to be in the Address, but no contest or debate about them.

The Vote was as followeth;

Resolved

THat an Addresse be made to the King, That his Majesty vvould be pleased to enter into a League, offensive and defensive, vvith the Sates General of the Vinited Provinces, and to make such other Alliances vvith others of the Confederates,

as his Majesty shall think •…•…it, against the grovvth and povver of the French King, and for the preservation of the Spanish Nether-Lands, and that a Committe be appointed to dravv up the Ad∣dresse, vvith reasons vvhy this House cannot comply vvith his Majestics Speech, until such Alliances be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into, and fur∣ther shevving the necessity of the speedy making such Alliances, and vvhen such Alliances are made, giving his Majesty As∣surance of speedy and chearfull supplyes, from time to time, for supporting and maintaining such Alliances.

To which (the Speaker re-assuming the Chair, and this being reported) the House agreed, and appointed the Committee.

And Adjourned over As•…•…nsion day till Friday,

In the interim, the Committee appointed, met and drew the Address according to the above mentioned Order, a true Coppy of which is here annexed.

May it please your Most excellent Majesty.

YOur Majesties most Loyal and Dutiful Subjects, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Commons in Parliament assembled, have taken into their serious consideration, your Majesties gracious Speech and do beseech your Majesty, to believe it is a great afflicti∣on to them, to find themselves obleiged (at present) to decline the granting your Majesty the supply your Majesty is pleased to demand, conceiving it is not agreeable to the usage of Parliament, to grant Supplyes for mainteance of Wars, and Alliances, before they are signified in Parlia∣ment (which the too Wars against the States of the Vnited Provinces, since your Majesties happy Restoration, and the League made in January 1668, for preservation of the Spanish Nether Lands, sufficiently proved, without

ling your Majesty with Instances of greater antiquity) from which usage if we might depart, the president might be of dangerous consequence in future times, though your Majesties Goodnesse gives us great security during your Majesties Raign, which we beseech God long to con∣tinue

This Consideration prompted us in our last Addresse to your Majesty, before our last Recesse, humbly to men∣tion to your Majesty, our hopes, that before our meeting again your Majesties Alliances might be so fixed, as that your Majesty might begraciously pleased to impart them to us in Parliament, that so our earnest desires of supplying your Majesty, for prosecuting those great ends, we had humbly laid before your Majesty, might meet with no impediment or obstruction; being highly sensible of the necessity of supporting, as well as making the Alliances, humbly desired in our former Addresses, and which we still conceive so important to the safety of your Majesty, and your Kingdomes, That we cannot (without unfaith∣fulnesse to your Majesty and those we Represent) omit up∣on all occasions, humbly to beseech your Majesty, as we now do, To enter into a League offensive and defensive vvith the States General of the United Provinces, against the grovvth and povver of the French King, and for the preservation of the Spanish Nether-Lands, and to make such other Alliances, vvith such other of the Confiderates, as your Majesty shall think fit and usefull to that end; in doing which (That no time may be lost) we humbly offer to his Majesty these Rea∣sons for the expediting of it.

1. That if the entering into such Alliances, should draw on a War with the French King, it would be lest detri∣mental to your Majesties Subjects at this time of the year, they having now fewest effects, within the Dominion of that King.

2. That though we have great reason to believe the

power of the French King to be dangerous, to your Maje∣sty and your 〈◊〉〈◊〉, when he shall be at more leisure to molest us; yet we conceive the many Enemies he has to deal with at present, together with the scituation of your Majesties Kingdoms, the Unanimity of the People in the Cause, the care your Majesty hath been pleased to take of your ordinary Guards of the Sea, together with the Credit pro∣vided by the late Act for an additional Excise for three years make the entering into, and declaring Alliances very safe, until we may in a regular way give your Majesty such fur∣ther Supplies, as may enable your Majesty to support your Allyances, and defend your kingdoms.

And because of the great danger and charge which must necessarily fall upon your Majesties kingdomes, if through want of that timely encouragement and assistance, which your Majesties joyning with the States General of the Uni∣ted Provinces, and other the Confederates would give them, The said States or any other considerable part of the Con∣federates, should this next Winter, or sooner, make a Peace or Truce with the French King (the prevention vvhereof must 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be acknovvledged a singular effect of Gods good∣ness to us) which if it should happen, your Majesty would be afterwards necessitated with fewer, perhaps with no Al∣liances or Assistance to withstand the power of the French king, which hath so long and so succesfully contended with so many, and so potent Adversaries, and whilest he conti∣nues his over-ballancing greatness, must alwayes be dange∣rous to his Neighbours, since he would be able to oppress any one Confederate, before the rest could get together, and be in so good a posture of offending him as they novv are, being joyntly engaged in a War. And if he should be so successful as to make a Peace, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the present Confederation against him, it is much to be feared, whether 〈◊〉〈◊〉 would be possible ever to reunite it, at least it would be work of so much time and difficulty, as would leave

your Majesties Kingdomes exposed to much misery and danger.

Having thus discharged our duty, in laying before your Majesty the Dangers threatning your Majesty, and your Kingdomes, and the onely Remedyes we can think of, for the preventing, securing, and queting the minds of your Majesties People, with some few of those Reasons which have moved us to this, and our former Addresses. On these Subjects; We most humbly beseech your Ma∣jesty to take the matter to your serious Consideration, and to take such Resolutions, as may not leave it in the power of any neighbouring Prince, to rob your People of that happinesse which they enjoy, under your Majesties graci∣ous Governement; beseeching your Majesty to •…•…∣fident and assured, that when your Majesty shall be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to declare such Alliances in Parliament, We shall hold our selves obliged, not only by our promises, and assurances given, and now which great Unaninity revived in a full House, but by the Zeal and desires of those whom we re∣present, and by the Interests of all our safetyes, most chearfully to give your Majesty from time to time such speedy Supplyes, and Assistances, as may fully and plenti∣fully answer the Occasions, and by Gods blessing preserve your Majesty Honour, and the safty of the People.

All which is most humbly submitted to your Majesties great Wisdome.

Friday May 25th. 1677

Sir John Trevor reported from the said Committee the Addresse, as 'twas drawn by them, which was read.

Whereupon it was moved to agree with the Committee, but before it was agreed to, there was a debate and division of the House.

It was observed and objected that there was but one re∣son given herein for declining the granting money and that is the Unpresidentednesse, and as to one of the Instances to this purpose mentioned, Viz. the Kings first Dutch War, it was said to be mistaken for that the 2500000 l. was voted be∣fore the War declared.

But it was answred, that if the Declaration was not before the grant of the money (which Quaere) yet 'twas certain that the War it self, and great Hostilites were before the money, and some said there might be other reasons Assigned against giving money before the Alliances, but they rather desired to spare them, onely in general said, twas not re∣sonable to grant money before there was a Change (they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not say of Counsellors but of Counsells) and an har∣•…•… •…•…dertaking these Alliances would be the best demon∣stration of that Change. For the swerving from this Interest and part, was the step by which we went awry, and the re∣turning thereto would restore us to our right place and way.

And a Gentleman produced and read the Kings Speech made Monday the 10th. of February 1667. wherein he speak chiefly of the League which afterwards when the Svvede came into it, was called the Tripple League.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

I Am glad to see you hear again to tell you what I have done in this Intervall, which I am consident you will be pleased with, since it is so much to the Honour and security of the Nation. I have made a League Offensive and Defensive with the States of the United Provinces, and likewise a League for an efficacious mediation of Peace between the two Crowns, into which League that of Svve∣den by its Ambassador hath offered to enter as a principal, I did not at our last Meeting move you for any Aid,

though I lye under great Debts contracted by the last War but now the posture of our Neighbours abroad, and the consequence of this new Alliance will oblige me for our se∣curity to set out a considerable fleet to Sea this Summer, and besides I must build more great Ships, and tis as ne∣cessary that I do something in order to the fortifying some of our Ports. I have begun my self in order to these ends, but if I have not your speedy assistance, I shall not be able to go thorow with it, wherefore I do earnestly desire you to take it into your speedy consideration, &c.

Which shews the proper course and practice, That Kings first communicate their Alliances made, before they demand Supplies upon the account of them.

So the Exception was let fall.

But the grand Objection mannaged against it, was upon the main point of the Address, wherein they desired his Ma∣jesty to make a League Offensive and Defensive with the Dutch, and such other Alliances with the rest as he should think sit.

Those who were against this particular (or particularize∣ing) in the Address, spoke to this effect.

This is an Invasion upon his Majesties Prerogative of making Peace, War and Leagues, and it is the worse for the Distinction that is used; in respect of the Dutch and the rest; by which you giving him express directions as to the Dutch, and referring to his discretion as to the others, it looks and gives an Umbrage as if what he was to do was by your leave.

The Antient Land-mark, the Boundaries between King and People must not be removed; This power is one of the few things reserved entirely to the Crown. Parliaments are summoned to treat de Arduis, but He, de quibusdam Arduis, this is unpresidented.

The Marriages of the Royal Family is such a peculiar thing reserved to the King, and the matter of the Lady Arrabella is an Instance. Queen Elizabeth resented it high, that the Parliament should propound her marrying, and she said that however it is well they did not name the person, if they had named the person, it had been intolerable, now here you name the person whom you would have the King Ally.

If you may go so far, you may come to draw a Treaty, and propose to the King to sign it, By this you would put a great Indecorum upon the King, he is now concerned as a Mediator at Nimmegen, and it would be an indecent thing for him at the same time to declare himself a party. It is be∣lieved the House of Austria (though they sent full powers to Nimmegen, for the purpose, yet) never intended to con∣clude a Peace. But it was an absurd thing for them to de∣clare so in Publick; There must be publick decorum.

This is the way for the King to have the worse bargain with the Confederates, for they observing how he is im∣portuned, and as it were driven to make these Alliances, will slacken and lessen those advantagious offers, which other wise they would be forced to make.

And again and again, they said his Majesty did agree with this House in the End, and they did not doubt but he would prosecute it by the same means as was desired. But his Pre∣rogative was not to be incroacht upon. This manner of pro∣ceeding would never obtain with the King, nay, it would make the Address miscarry with the King.

On the other Side, several spoke to this effect.

We ought to consider, we are upon the Question of agreeing an Address drawn by our Committee, by our Order.

If they have not in matter and manner corresponded with our direction or intention, we have cause to disagree. But here the Exception taken, and cause pressed why we should not agree with them is, because they have observed the very

words and substance of our Order, which exactly justifieth this Draught.

This passed on Wednesday, upon a full Debate, in a very full House, two only contradicting, but not one speaking or thinking the Kings Prerogative was toucht: and there∣fore its strange it should be made the great Objection and Question of this day.

But the Prerogative is not at all intrenc•…•…d upon, we do not, nor do pretend to Treat or make Alliances, we only offer our advice about them, and leave it with the King he may do as he pleaseth, either make or not make them. It is no more than other persons may do to the King, or doubtless the Privy Council may Advise him in this particular, and why not his Great Council? This rate of discourse would make the Kings Prerogative consist meerly in not being advised by his Parliament (of all People.)

There are manifold Presidents of such Advices: Leagues have been made by Advice of Parliament, and have been ratified in Parliament: In Edvv. 3. R•…•…ch. 2. and especially in Henry the Fifths time, and particularly with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Emperour and king of the Romans, and Henry the fifth was a Magnanimous Prince and not to be •…•…mposed upon.

18. Jac. The Parliament Advised the King about making and mannaging a War, Rushvv. Coll. 36, 41, 42, 45, 46. And we may well remember our own advising the first Dutch War; and making Leagues is less than War.

But if there was no President in this particular Case, it was no Objection; for matter of Advice is not to be circums•…•…ri∣bed by President. If there be a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 case that a Prince should joyn in a War, together with another Prince, when that Prince was too potent before and that when this was discerned, and a Peace made, yet Succors should continual∣ly go out of the first Princes Dominions to the service of the other Prince (and that notwithstanding several Addresses and advices to the contrary.

Tis true (as Objected) that the Commons have sometimes declined advising in the matter of War, &c. proposed to them. But that shews not their want of right to meddle therewith, but rather the contrary. The very truth is, it has been the desire and endeavour of kings in all Ages, to engage their Parliaments in advising War, &c. That so they might be obliged to supply the King to the utmost for and through it, but they out of a prudent caution have some times waved the matter, lest they should engage further or deeper than they were aware or willing.

Since his Majesty is treating as Mediator at Nimmegen, about the general Peace, it is a great reason why he should specifi•…•… the Alliances desired as we have done, that we might make it known, we are far from desiring such Alliances as might be made by and with a general Peace; but on the con∣trary coveting such as might prevent and secure us against that dangerous and formidable Peace.

Doubtless the Confederates will offer honourable and worthy Terms; Their necessity is too great to boggle or take advantages, nor will they think this League the less worth because we advise it, but rather value it the more, be∣cause it is done unanimously by the King with the Advise and applause of his People in Parliament.

We cannot suppose that our proceeding thus to his Ma∣jesty will pejudice our Address or en∣danger its miscarriage since it is for his * 13.1 Majesties advantage, in that it obliges us to supply him to all degrees through this Affaire, and the more particular it is, the more still for the Kings advantage, for if it had been more general, and the King thereupon had made Alliances, whatever they were, men might have thought and said they were not the Alliances intended, and it might be used as an excuse or reason for their not giving money to supply his Majesty here∣after,

but this as it is now, doth most expresly, strictly and particularly bind us up.

We reflect that a great deal of time (and precious time) has been spent since and in our Addresse on this Subject, and finding no effectual fruit, especially of our last Addresse, we have cause to apprehend we are not clearly understood in what we mean. Now it is the ordinary way of pursuing discourse in such Case, and it is Proper and naturall for us to speak (out) more explicitely and particularly, and tell 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Majesty, That what we have meant is a League offensive and defensive, And to perswad us again to Addresse on, in more general Terms, as before, is to perswade us, that as we have done nothing this ten weeks, so we should do no∣thing still.

And said his Majesty in his late Message and last Speech, has been pleased to demand 600000 l. for answering the purpose of our Addresses, and assures us that the money shall not be imployed to other uses than we would have it imploy∣ed, it is most seasonable for us to declare plainly the use and purpose we intend, that so it may be concerted and clearly understood of all hands, and therefore it is well done to mention to his Majesty these express Alliances, we thinking no other Alliances, worth the said Sum, and we withal pro∣mising and undertaking that his Majesty shall have this and and more for these ends.

Nor have we any cause to apprehend that his Majesty will take amisse our advising Leagues in this manner. We have presented more than one Addresse for Alliances against the growth and power of the French King, and his Majesty has received, admitted and answered them without any exception, and if we may Addresse for Alliances against a particular Prince or state, Why not for Alliances with a par∣ticular Prince or state? It cannot be lesse regular or Parli∣amentary then the former.

And moreover (though we know that punctuall presi∣dents

are on our side, besides our Commissions by our Writts. to treat de arduis, & urgentibus Regem, Statum, & Defensionem Reg•…•…, & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Anglicanae, concernentibus. And besides the Kings General intimations in his Printed Speech, yet) if it •…•…e said to be a decent and proper thing to have his Majestys 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and consent, before we proceed on such a matter, in such a manner, as we now do, we say, that that in effect is with us too; for consider all our former Addresses, and his Majestyes Answers, and Messages thereupon, and it will appear that his Majesty has engaged and encouraged us to upon this Subject; and that which he expects and would have, is not to limit or check our advise, but to open and en∣•…•… our 〈◊〉〈◊〉. His Majesty appears content to be through∣ly advised, provided he be proportionably furnished and en∣abled with money, which we being now ready to do, we clearly and conclusively present him our advice, for the ap∣plication of it. To prevent those mistakes and distrusts vvhich his Majesty sayes he findes some are so ready to make, as if he had called us together only to get money from us, for other uses then vve vvould have it imployed.

And truly the advising these Allyances, together with as∣suring his Majesty thereupon to assist and supply him pre∣sently, and plentifully to prosecute the same, is our only way of complying and corresponding with his last speech: For those Leagues followed and supported by these Sup∣plyes are the only means and methodes to put his Majestie in the best condition, both to defend his Subjects, and offend his Enemies: and so there will be no sault in his Majesty nor Us, but His and Our security vvill sufficiently provide for.

Besides it will be worse, it will be a very bad thing indeed not to make the Addresse for this particular League, now, since we have resolved it already. Our intention being to have the Dutch, &c. comforted, encouraged and assured, we did order this on Wednesday, and there is publick notice taken of it abroad, and beyond Sea. If we should now up∣upon

solemn debate set the same aside, it would beget a great doubt, discomfort, and discouragment to them; It is one thing never to have ordered it; another, to retract it.

Also it was said, that this was necessary, but was not all that was necessary, for suppose (which was not credible) that France should be prevailed with to deliver up all Lorraine, Flanders, Alsatia, and other Conquered places; Are we safe? No, He has too many hands, too much Money, and this money is in great measure (a Million Sterling yearly at least) supplyed him from hence. We must depress him by force as far as may be, but further we must have Leagues and Laws to impoverish him, We must destroy the French Trade. This would quiet and secure us, this would make our Lands rise, and this would enable us to set the king at ease.

After this long debate the House came to the Question, Whether this particular of a League Offensive and Defensive vvith the Dutch should be left out of the Address, upon which Question, the House divided,

Yeas 142, Noes 182.

So that it was carried by Forty that it should stand.

Then the main Question was put for agreeing, with their Committee, this Address: which passed in the Affirmative without Division of the House.

Then it was Ordered, That those Members of the House who were of his Majestys Privy Counsel, should move his Majesty to know his pleasure, when the House might wait upon him with their Address.

Mr. Povvle reported from the Committee, Amendments to the Bill for Recalling his Majestys Subjects out of the French Kings Service, which were Read and Agreed to by the House and the Bill with the Amendments Ordered to be Ingrossed.

And then the House Adjourned to the morrow.

Saturday, May 26 1677, in the morn.

The House being sate had notice by Secretary Coventry That the King would receive their Address at three in the afternoon.

The Bill for Recalling his Majesties Subjects, &c. being then Ingrossed, was Read the Third time and Passed; The effect of the Bill in short was this.

That all and every of the Natural born Subjects of his Majesty who should continue or be, after the first of August next, in the Military Service of the French King, should be disabled to inherit any Lands, Tenements or Hereditaments, and be uncapable of any Gift, Grant or Legacy, or to be Executor or Administrator, and being convicted, should be adjudged guilty of Felony, without benefit of the Clergy, and not pardonable by his Majesty, his Heirs or Successors, except only by Act of Parliament, wherein such Offenders should be particularly named.

The like appointment for such as should continue in the Sea-service, of the French King, after the first of May, 1678.

This Act as to the prohibiting the offence, and incurring the penalties, to continue but for two years, but the execute∣ing and proceeding upon it for Offences against the Act, might be at any time, aswell after as within the two years.

Then it was Ordered, that Mr. Povvle should carry up this Bill to the Lords, and withall should put the Lords in mind, of a Bill for The better suppressing the grovvth of Popery, which they had sent up to their Lordships before Easter, which was forth with done accordingly.

As soon as this was ordered, several other Bills were mo∣ved for to be Read, &c. But the Members generally said, No. They vvould proceed on nothing but the French and Popery. So they Adjourned to the afternoon, when they attended the King with their Address, at the Banqueting House in White-Hall. Which being presented, The King Answered,

That it was long and of great importance, that he would consider of it, and give them an Answer as soon as he could.

The House did nothing else but Adjourn till Monday morn.

Monday, May 28, 1677.

The House being sate, they received notice by Secretary Coventry, that the King expected them immediately at the Banqueting-House.

Whether being come, The King made a Speech to them on the Subject of their Address. Which Speech to pre∣vent mistakes, his Majesty read out of his Paper, and then delivered the same to the Speaker. And his Majesty added a few words about their Adjournment.

The Kings Speech is as followeth;

Gentlemen,

Could I have been Silent, I vvould rather have chosen to be so then to call to mind things so unfit for you to meddle vvith, as are contained in some parts of your last Addresses, vvherein you have entrenched upon so undoubted a Right of the Crovvn, that I am confident it vvill appear in no Age (vvhen the Svvord vvas not dravvn) that the Prerogative of making Peace and War hath been so dangerously invaded.

You do not content your selves vvith desiring Me to enter into such Leagues, as may be for the safety of the Kingdome, but you tell Me vvhat sort of Leagues they must be, and vvith vvhom, (and as your Addresse is vvorded) it is more liable to be un∣derstood to be by your Leave, then at your Request, that I should make such other Alliances, as I please vvith other of the Confederates.

Should I suffer this fundamental Povver of making Peace and War to be so far invaded (though but once) as to have the man∣ner

and circumstances of Leagues prescribed to Me by Parliament it's plain that no Prince or State vvould any longer believe that the Soveraignty of England rests in the Crovvn, Nor could I think My Self to signifie any more to Foreign Princes, then the empty Sound of a King. Wherefore you may rest assured, that no Condition shall make Me depart from, or lessen so essential a part of the Monarchy. And I am vvilling to believe so vvell of this House of Commons, that I am confident these ill Conse∣quences are not intended by you.

These are in short the Reasons, vvhy I can by no means approve of your Address; and yet though you have declined to grans Me that Supply vvhich is necessary to the Ends of it, I do again declare to you, That as I have done all that lay in my povver since your last Meeting, so I vvill still apply my self by all the means I •…•…an, to let the World see my Care both for the Security and Satis∣faction of my People, although it may not be vvith those Ad∣vantages to them, vvhich by your Assistances I might have procured.

And having said this, he signified to them that they should Adjourn till the 16th. of July.

Upon hearing of this Speech read, their House is said to have been greatly appalled, both in that they were so severe∣ly Checked in his Majesties name, from whom they had been used to receive so constant Testimones of his Royal Bounty and Affection, which they thought they had deserv∣ed, as also, because there are so many Old and fresh Pre∣sidents, of the same Nature; and if there had not, yet they were led into this by all the stepps of Necessity, in duty to his Majesty and the Nation. And several of them offering therefore modestly to have spoken, they were interrupted continually by the Speaker, contesting that after the Kings pleasure signified for Adjornment, there was no further Li∣berty of speaking. And yet it is certain, that at the same time in the Lords House, the Adjournment was in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 forme, and upon the Question first propounded to that

House, and allowed by them; All Adjournments (unlesse made by speciall Commission under his Majesties Broad Seal) being and having alwaies been so, an Act of the Houses by their own Authority. Neverthelesse, several of their Members requiring to be heard, the Speaker had the confidence, without any Question put, and of his own motion, to pronounce the House Adjourned till the 16th. of July, and s•…•…pt down in the middle of the floor, all the House being astonished at so unheard of a violation of their inherent Priviledge and Constitution. And that which more amazed them afterwards was, that while none of their own transacti∣ons or Addresses for the Publick Good are suffered to be Printed, but even all Written Coppies of them with the same care as Libells suppressed; Yet they found this severe speech published in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 next days News Book, to mark them out to their own, and all other Nations, as refractory disobe∣dient Persons, that had lost all respect to his Majesty. Thus were they well rewarded for their Itch of Perpetual Sitting, and of Acting; the Parliament being grown to that height of Contempt, as to be Gazetted among Run-away Servants, Lost Doggs, Strayed Horses, and High-way Robbers.

In this manner was the second meeting of this, whether Convention or Parliament, concluded; But by what Name soever it is lawfull to call them, or how irregular they were in other things, yet it must be confessed, That this House or Barn of Commons, deserved commendations for have∣ing so far prevented the establishment of Popery, by reject∣ing the Conspiratours two Bills; Intituled.

1.

An Act for further securing the Protestant Religion by educating the Children of the Royal family therein; And for the providing for the Continuance of a Protestant Clergy.

2.

An Act for the more effectual conviction and Prosecu∣tion of Popish Recusants.

And for having in so many Ad∣dresses applyed against the French power and 〈◊〉〈◊〉. And their Debates before recited upon this latter subject, do

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sufficently show, that there are men of great parts among them, who understand the Intrest of the Nation, and as long as it is for their purpose, can prosecute it.

For who would not commend Chastity, and raile against Whoreing, while his Rival injoyes their Mistresse?

But on the other side, that poor desire of Perpetuating themselves those advantages which they have swallowed, or do yet gape for, renders them so •…•…bject, that they are be∣come a meer property to the Conspiratours, and must, in order to their continuance, do and suffer such things, so much below and contrary to the spirit of the Nation, that any honest man would swear that they were no more an English House of Parliament. And by this weaknesse of theirs it was, that the House of Peers also (as it is in contigu∣ous Buildings) yeelded and gave way so far even to the shaking of the Government. For had the Commons stood firme, it had been impossible that ever two men, such as the Black and White Lords, Trerise and Frechvvel, though of so vast fortunes, extraordinary understanding, and so proporti∣onable Courage, should but for speaking against their sense have committed the Four Lords (not much their inferi∣ours) and thereby brought the whole Peerage of England under their vassalage.

They met again at the Day appointed, the 16 of July, The supposed House of Commons were so well appayed, and found themselves at such ease, under the Protection of these frequent Adjournments, which seemed also further to confirme their Title to Parliament, that they quite forgot how they had been out-lawed in the Gazette, or if any sense or it remaind, there was no opportunity to discover it. For his Majesty having signified by Mr. Secretary Coventry his pleasure; that there should be a further Adjournment, their Mr. Seymour (the speaker deceased) would not suffer any man to proceed, But an honourable Member requiring modestly to have the Order Read, by which they were be∣fore

Adjourned, he Interrupted him and the Seconder of that motion. For he had at the last Meeting gained one President of his own making for Adjourning the House with∣out question, by his own Authority, and was loath to have it discontinued, so that without more ado, like an infallible Judge, and who had the power over Counsels, he declared, Ex Cathedra, that they were Adjourned till the third of De∣cember next. And in the same moment stampt down on the floor, and went forth (trampling upon, and treading under foot, I had almost said, the Priviledges and usage of Parlia∣ment, but however) without shewing that decent respect which is due to a multitude in Order, and to whom he was a Menial servant.

In the mean time the four Lords lay all this while in the Tower, looking perhaps to have been set free, at least of Course by Prorogation. And there was the more reason to have expected one, because the Corn Clause which de∣ducted Communibus Annis, 55000 I. out of the Kings Cus∣tomes, was by the Act of Parliament to have expired.

But those frequent Adjournments left no place for Divi∣nation, but that they must rather have been calculated to give the French more scope for perfecting their Conquests, or to keep the Lords closer, till the Conspirators Designes were accomplished; and it is less probable that one of these was false, than that both were the true Causes So that the Lords, if they had been taken in War, might have been ran∣somed cheaper than they were Imprisoned. When there∣fore after so long patience, they saw no end of their Captivi∣ty, they began to think that the procuring of their Liberty deserved almost the same care which others took to conti∣nue them in Durance; and each of them chose the Me∣thod he thought most advisable.

The Earl of Shaftsbury having addressed in vain for his Majesties favour resorted by Habeas Corpus to the Kings Bench, the constant Residence of his Justice. But the

Judges were more true to their Pattents then their Jurisdicti∣on and remanded him, Sir Thomas Jones having done him double Justice, answering both for himself and his Brother Tvvisden, that was absent and had never hard any Argument in the case.

The Duke of Buckingham, the Earle of Salisbury, and the Lord Wharton, had better Fortune then he in recurring to his Majesty by a Petition, upon which they were enlarged, making use of an honorable Evasion, where no Legal Re∣paration could be hoped for. Ingratefull Persons may cen∣sure them for enduring no more, not considering how much they had suffered. But it is Honour enough for them to have been Confessors, nor as yet is the Earl of Shaftsbury a Mar∣tyr, for the English Liberties and the Protestant Religion, but may still live to the Envy of those that maligne him for his Constancy.

There remaines now only to relate that before the meet∣ing appointed for the third of December, his Majesties Pro∣clamation was Issued, signifying that he expected not the Members attendance, but that those of them about Town may Adjourn themselves till the fourth of April 1678. Wherein it seemed not so strange, because often done be∣fore, as unfortunate that the French should still have so much further leisure allowed him to compleat his design upon Flanders, before the Nation should have the last opportuni∣ty of interposing their Counsells with his Majesty (it cannot now be said) to prevent it. But these words that the House may Adjourn themselves were very well received by those of the Commons who imagined themselves thereby restored to their Right, after Master Seymours Invasion; When in re∣versal of this, he probably desiring to retain a Jurisdiction, that he had twice usurped, and to adde this Flower to the Crown, of his own planting, Mr. Secretary Coventry deli∣vered a written Message from his Majesty on the 3d. of De∣cember, of a contrary effect, though not of the same vali∣dity

with the Proclamation, to wit, That the Houses should be Adjourned only to the 15. of January 1677. Which as soon as read, Mr. Seymour would not give leave to a worthy Member offerring to speak, but abruptly, now the third time of his own authority, Adjourned them, without putting the Question, although Sr. J. Finch, for once doing so in Tertio Charoli, was accused of high Treason; This only can be said, perhaps in his excuse, That whereas that in tertio Car. was a Parliament Legally constituted, Mr. Seymour did here do as a Sheriff that disperses a Riotous assembly. In this man∣ner they were kickt from Adjourment to Adjournment, as from one stair down to another, and when they were at the bottom kickt up again, having no mind yet to Go out of Doors.

Notes

• * 13.1

  Rush Coll. 171. 172, 177, 178.