An account of the growth of popery and arbitrary government in England more particularly, from the long prorogation of November, 1675, ending the 15th of February, 1676, till the last meeting of Parliament, the 16th of July, 1677.

An account of the Growth of POPERY, and Arbitrary Government in Eng∣land, &c.

THere has now for diverse Years, a design been carried on, to change the Lawfull Government of England into an Absolute Tyranny, and to convert the established Protestant Religion into down-right Po∣pery: than both which, nothing can be more destructive or contrary to the Interest and Happi∣nesse, to the Constitution and Being of the King and King∣dom.

For if first we consider the State, the Kings of England Rule not upon the same terms with those of our neighbour Nations, who, having by force or by adresse usurped that due share which their People had in the Government, are now for some Ages in possession of an Arbitrary Power (which yet no Presciption can make Legall) and exercise it over their persons and estates in a most Tyrannical man∣ner. But here the Subjects retain their proportion in the Legislature; the very meanest Commoner of England is re∣presented in Parliament, and is a party to those Laws by which the Prince is sworn to Govern himself and his people.

No Mony is to be levied but by the common consent. No than is for Life, Limb, Goods, or Liberty at the Soveraigns discretion: but we have the same Right (modestly under∣stood) in our Propriety that the Prince hath in his Regality; and in all Cases where the King is concerned, we have our just remedy as against any private person of the neighbour∣hood, in the Courts of Westminster Hall or in the High Court of Parliament. His very Prerogative is no more then what the Law has determined. His Broad Seal, which is the Legitimate stamp of his pleasure, yet is no longer cur∣rant, than upon the Trial it is found to be Legal. He can∣not commit any person by his particular warrant. He can∣not himself be witnesse in any cause: the Ballance of Pub∣lick Justice being so dellicate, that not the hand only but even the breath of the Prince would turn the scale. Nothing is left to the Kings will, but all is subjected to his Authority: by which means it follows that he can do no wrong, nor can he receive wrong; and a King of England, keeping to these measures, may without arrogance be said to remain the onely Intelligent Ruler over a Rational People. In recom∣pense therefore and acknowledgment of so good a Go∣vernment under his influence, his Person is most sacred and inviolable; and whatsoever excesses are committed against so high a trust, nothing of them is imputed to him, as being free from the necessity or temptation, but his Ministers on∣ly are accountable for all and must answer it at their perills. He hath a vast Revenue constantly arising from the Hearth of the Housholder, the Sweat of the Laboures, the Rent of the Farmer, the Industry of the Merchant, and consequent∣ly out of the Estate of the Gentleman: a larg competence to defray the ordinary expense of the Crown, and maintain its lustre. And if any extraordinary occasion happen, or be but with any probable decency pretended, the whole Land at whatsoever season of the year does yield him a plentifull Harvest. So forward are his Peoples affections to give even

to superfluity, that a Forainer (or English man that hath been long abroad) would think they could neither will nor chuse, but that the asking of a supply, were a meer formality, it is so readily granted. He is the Fountain of all Honours, and has moreover the distribution of so many profitable Offices of the Houshold, of the Revenue, of State, of Law, of Re∣ligion, of the Navy (and, since his persent Majesties time, of the Army) that it seems as if the Nation could scarse furnish honest men enow to supply all those imployments. So that the Kings of England are in nothing inferiour to other Princes, save in being more abridged from injuring their own subjects: But have as large a field as any of external feli∣city, wherein to exercise their own Virtue and so reward and incourage it in others. In short, there is nothing that comes nearer in Government to the Divine Perfection, then where the Monarch, as with us, injoys a capacity of doing all the good imaginable to mankind, under a disability to all that is evil.

And as we are thus happy in the Constitution of our State, so are we yet more blessed in that of our Church; being free from that Romish Yoak, which so great a part of Christen∣dome do yet draw and labour under, That Popery is such a thing as cannot, but for want of a word to express it, be called a Religion: nor is it to be mentioned with that civility which is otherwise decent to be used, in speaking of the differences of humane opinion about Divine Matters. Were it either open Judaisine, or plain Turkery, or honest Paganisme, there is yet a certain Bona fides in the most extravagant Be∣lief, and the sincerity of an erroneous Profession may ren∣der it more pardonable: but this is a compound of all the three, an extract of whatsoever is most ridiculous and im∣pious in them, incorporated with more peculiar absurdityes of its own, in which those were deficient; and all this delibe∣rately contrived, knowingly carried on by the bold im∣posture of Priests under the name of Christianity. The wis∣dom of this fifth Religion, this last and insolentest attempt

uppon the credulity of mankind seems to me (though not ignorant otherwise of the times, degrees and methods of its progresse) principally to have consisted in their owning the Scriptures to be the word of God, and the Rule of Faith and Manners, but in prohibiting of the same time their common use, or the reading of them in publick Churches but in a Latine translation to the vulgar: there being no better or more rational way to frustrate the very design of the great Institutor of Christianity, who first planted it by the extra∣ordinary gift of Tongues, then to forbid the use even of the ordinary languages. For having thus a book which is uni∣versally avowed to be of Divine Authority, but sequestring it only into such hands as were intrusted in the cheat, they had the opportunity to vitiate, suppresse, or interpret to their own profit those Records by which the poor People hold their salvation. And this necessary point being once gained, there was thence forward nothing so monstrous to reason, so abhorring from morality, or so contrary to scrip∣ture which they might not in prudence adventure on. The Idolatry (for alas it is neither better nor worse) of adoring and praying to Saints and Angels, of worshipping Pictures, Images and Reliques, Incredible Miracles and plapable Fables to promote that veneration. The whole Liturgy and Worship of the Blessed Virgin. The saying of Pater Nosters and Creeds, to the honour of Saints, and of Ave Mary's too, not to her honour, but of others. The Publick Service, which they can spare to God among so many competitors, in an unknown tongue; and intangled with such Vestments, Consecrations, Exorcismes, Whisperings, Sprinklings, Censings, and Phantasticall Rites, Gesticulations, and Re∣movals, so unbeseeming a Christian Office, that it represents rather the pranks and ceremonyes of Juglers and Conjurers. The Refusal of the Cup to the Laity. The necessity of the Priests Intention to make any of their Sacraments effectual. Debarring their Clergy from Marriage. Interdicting of

Meats. Auricular Confession and Absolution, as with them practised. Penances, Pilgrimages, Purgatory, and Prayer for the dead. But above all their other devices, that Tran∣substantiall solacisme, whereby that glorified Body, which at the same time they allow to be in Heaven, is sold again and crucifyed daily upon all the Altars of their Communion. For God indeed may now and then do a Miracle, but a Romish Priest can, it seems, work in one moment a thou∣sand Impossibilityes. Thus by a new and antiscriptural Be∣lief, compiled of Terrours to the Phansy, Contradictions to Sense, and Impositions on the Understanding, their Laity have turned Tenants for their Souls, and in consequence Tributary for their Estates to a more then omnipotent Priesthood.

I must indeed do them that right to avow that, out of an equitable consideration and recompense of so faithfull a slavery, they have discharged the People from all other services and dependance, infranchised them from all duty to God or Man; insomuch that their severer and more learned Divines, their Governors of Conscience, have so wel instruct∣ed them in all the arts of Circumventing their neighbour, and of colluding with Heaven, that, wear the scholars as apt as their teachers, their would have been long since an end of all either true Piety, or common Honesty; and nothing left among them but authorized Hypocrisy, Licentiousnesse and Knavery; had not the naturall worth of the better sort, and the Good simplicity of the meaner, in great measure pre∣ferved them. For nothing indeed but an extraordinary temper and ingenuity of spirit, and that too assisted by a di∣viner influence, could possibly restrain those within any the termes or Laws of humanity, who at the same time own the Doctrine of their Casuists or the Authority of the Pope, as it is by him claimed and exercised. He by his Indul∣gences delivers soules out of the paines of the other world: So that who would refuse to be vicious here, upon so good

security. He by his dispensation annuls Contracts betwixt man and man, dissoves Oaths between Princes, or betwixt them and their People, and gives allowance in cases which God and nature prohibits. He, as Clerk of the spirituall Market, hath set a rate upon all crimes: the more flagitious they are and abominable, the better Commodities, and men pay onely an higher price as for greater rarityes. So that it seemes as if the commands of God had been invented meer∣ly to erect an Office for the Pope; the worse Christians men are, the better Customers; and this Rome does by the same policy people its Church, as the Pagan Rome did the City, by opening a sanctuary to all Malefactors. And why not, if his Power be indeed of such virtue and extent as is by him chalenged? That he is the Ruler over Angels, Purga∣tory and Hell. That his Tribunal and Gods are all one. That all that God, he can do, Clave non errant, and what he does is as God and not as man. That he is the Universall Head of the Church, The sole Interpreter of Scripture, and Judge of Controversy. That 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is above Generall Councils. That his Power is Absolute, and his Decrees In∣fallible. That he can change the very nature of things, mak∣ing what is Just to be Unjust, and what is Vice to be Virtue. That all Laws are in the Cabinet of his Breast. That he can Dispence with the new Testment to the great injury of the Divels. That he is still Monarch of this World, and that he can dispose of Kingdoms and Empires as he pleases. Which things being granted, that stile of Optimum, Maximum & supremum numen in terris, or that of Dominus, Deus noster, Papa, was no such extraordinary stroke of Courtship as we reckoned: but it was rather a great clownishness in him that treated so mighty a Prince under the simple Title of Vice-Deus. The exercise of his Dominion is in all points suitable to this his Pretence. He antiquates the precepts of Christ as things only of good advice, not commanded: but makes it a mortall seu even to doubt of any part of his own Religion,

and demands under paine of damnation the subjection of all Christians to his Papal Authority: the denying of two things so reasonable as blind obedience to this Power, and an Implicite Faith to his Doctrine, being the most unpar∣donable crime, under his Dispensation. He has indeed of late been somewhat more retentive then formerly as to his faculty of disposing of Kingdomes, the thing not having succeeded well with him in some instances: but he layes the same claim still, continues the same inclination, and though velvet headed hath the more itch to be pushing. And how∣ever in order to any occasion he keeps himself in breath al∣ways by cursing one Prince or other upon every Maunday Thusday: Nor is their any, whether Prince or Nation, that dissents from his Usurpations, but are marked out under the notion of Hereticks to ruine and destruction whensover he shall give the signal. That word of Heresy misapplyed, hath served him for so many Ages to Justify all the Executions, Assassinations, Warrs, Massacres, and Devastations, whereby his Faith hath been Propagated; of which our times also have not wanted examples, and more is to be expected for the future. For by how much any thing is more false and un∣reasonble, it requires more cruelty to establish it: and to in∣troduce that which is absurd, there must be somwhat done that is barbarous. But nothing of any sect in Religion can be more recommended by all these qualityes then the Pa∣pacy. The Pagans are excusable by their natural darkness, without Revelation. The Jevvs are tolerable, who see not beyond the Old Testament. Mahomet was so honest as to own what he would be at, that he himself was the greatest Pro∣phet, and that his was a Religion of the Sword. So that these were all, as I may say, of another Allegiance and if Enemys, yet not Traytors: But the Pope avowing Christianity by profession doth in Doctrine and practise renonce it: and presuming to be the only Catholick, does persecute those to

the death who dare worship the Author of their Religion in∣stead of his pretended Vicegerent.

And yet there is nothing more evident, notwithstanding his most notorious forgeries and falsification of all Writers, then that the Pope was for severall Hundred of Years an honest Bishop as other men are, and never so much as dream∣ed upon the Seven Hills of that universal power which he is now come to: nay was the first that opposed any such preten∣sion. But some of them at last, growing wiser, by foisting a counterfeit Donation of Constantine, and wresting another Donation from our Saviour, advanced themselves in a weak, ignorant, and credulous Age, to that Temporal and Spiritual Principality that they are now seised of. Tues Petrus, & super hanc Petram, adificabo Ecclesiam meam. Never was a Bishop-prick and a Verse of Scripture so improved by good manage∣ment. Thus, by exercising in the quality of Christs Uicar the publick function under an invisible Prince, the Pope, like the Maires of the Palace, hath set his master aside and deli∣vered the Government over to a new Line of Papal Succes∣sion. But who can, unlesse wilfully, be ignorant what wretch∣ed doings, what Bribery, what Ambition there are, how long the Church is without an Head upon every Vacancy, till among the crew of bandying Cardinalls the Holy Ghost have declared for a Pope of the French or Spanish Faction. It is a sucession like that of the Egyptian Ox (the living Idol of that Country) who dying or being made away by the Priests, there was a solemn and general mourning for want of a Deity; until in their Conclave they had found out another Beast with the very same marks as the former, whom then they themselvs adored and with great Jubilee brought forth to the People to worship. Nor was that Election a grosser reproach to human Reason then this is also to Christianity. Surely it is the greatest Miracle of the Romish Church that it should still continue, and that in all this time the Gates of Heaven should not prevaile against it.

It is almost unconceivable how Princes can yet suffer a Power so pernicious, and Doctrine so destructive to all Go∣vernment. That so great a part of the Land should be ali∣enated and condemned to, as they call it, Pious Uses. That such millions of their People as the Clergy, should, by re∣maining unmarryed, either frustrate humane nature if they live chastly, or, if otherwise, adulterate it. That they should be priviledged from all labour, all publick service, and ex∣empt from the power of all Secular Jurisdiction. That they, being all bound, by strict Oaths and Vows of Obedience to the Pope, should evacuate the Fealty due to the Soveraign. Nay, that not only the Clergy but their whole People, if of the Romish preswasion, should be obliged to rebel at any time upon the Popes pleasure. And yet how many of the Neighbouring Princes are content, or do chuse to reign, upon those conditions; which being so dishonorable and dangerous, surely some great and more weighty reason does cause them submit to. Whether it be out of personal fear, having heard perhaps of several attempts which the blind obedience of Popish Zelotes hath executed against their Princes. Or, whether aiming at a more absolute and tyran∣nical Government, they think it still to be the case of Boni∣face and Phocas (an usurping Emperour and an usurping Bishop) and that, as other Cheats, this also is best to be managed by Confederacy. But, as farre as I can appre∣hend, there is more of Sloth then Policy on the Princes side in this whole matter: and all that pretense of inslaving men by the assistance of Religion more easily, is neither more nor lesse then when the Bramine, by having the first night of the Bride assures himself of her devotion for the future, and makes her more fit for the husband.

This reflection upon the state of our Neighbours, in aspect to Religion, doth sufficiently illustrate our happinesse, and spare me the labour of describing it further, then by the Rule of Contraryes: Our Church standing upon all points

in a direct opposition to all the forementioned errours. Our Doctrine being true to the Principles of the first Christian institution, and Episcopacy being formed upon the Primi∣tive Model, and no Ecclesiastical Power jostling the Civil, but all concurring in common obedience to the Soveraign. Nor therefore is their any, whether Prince or Nation, that can with less probability be reduced back to the Romish per∣swasion, than ours of England.

For, if first we respect our Obedience to God, what ap∣pearance is there that, after so durable and general an en∣lightning of our minds with the sacred Truth, we should a∣gain put out our own Eyes, to wander thorow the palpable darkness of that gross Superstition? But forasmuch as most men are less concern'd for their Interest in Heaven than on Earth, this seeming the nearer and more certain, on this ac∣count also our alteration from the Protestant Religion is the more impossible. When beside the common ill examples and consequences of Popery observable abroad, whereby. we might grow wise at the expense of our Neighbours, we cannot but reflect upon our own Experiments at home, which would make even fools docible. The whole Reign of Queen Mary, in which the Papists made Fewel of the Protestants. The Excommunicating and Deprivation of Queen Elizabeth by the Pope, pursued with so many Trea∣sons and attempts upon her Person, by her own Subjects, and the Invasion in Eighty-Eight by the Spanish. The two Breves of the Pope, in order to exclude King James from the Succession to the Crown, seconded by the Gunpovvder-Trea∣son. In the time of his late Majesty, King Charles the first, (besides what they contributed to the Civil War in England) the Rebellion and horrid Massacre in Ireland, and, which was even worse than that, their pretending that it was done by the Kings Commission, and vouching the Broad Seal for their Authority. The Popes Nuncio assuming nevertheless and exercising there the Temporal as well as Spiritual Pow∣er,

granting out Commissions under his own Hand, break∣ing the Treatys of Peace between the King, and, as they then styled themselves, the Confederate Catholicks; heading two Armies against the Marquess of Ormond, then Lord Lieu∣tenant, and forcing him at last to quit the Kingdom: all which ended in the Ruine of his Majesties Reputation, Go∣vernment, and Person; which but upon occasion of that Re∣bellion, could never have happened. So that we may reckon the Reigns of our late Princes, by a succession of the Popish Treasons against them. And, if under his present Majesty we have as yet seen no more visible effects of the same spirit than the Firing of London (acted by Hubert, hired by Pied∣delou two French-men) which remains a Controverfie, it is not to be attributed to the good nature or better Principles of that Sect, but to the wisdom of his Holyness; who observes that we are not of late so dangerous Protestants as to deserve any special mark of his Indignation, but that we may be made better use of to the weakning of those that are of our own Religion, and that if he do not disturbe us, there are those among our selves, that are leading us into a fair way of Re∣conciliation with him.

But those continued fresh Instances, in relation to the Crown, together with the Popes claim of the Temporal and immediate Dominion of the Kingdoms of England and Ire∣land, which he does so challenge, are a sufficient caution to the Kings of England, and of the People, there is as little hopes to seduce them, the Protestant Religion being so inter∣woven as it is with their Secular Interest. For the Lands that were formerly given to superstitious uses, having first been applyed to the Publick Revenue, and afterwards by se∣verall Alienations and Contracts distributed into private possession, the alteration of Religion would necessarily in∣troduce a change of Property. Nullum tempus occurrit Ec∣elesiae, it would make a general Earth-quake over the nation, and even now the Romish Clergy on the other side of the

water, snuffe up the savoury odour of so many rich Abbies and Monasteries that belonged to their predecessors. Here∣by no considerably Estate in England but must have a piece torn out of it upon the Titile of Piety, and the rest subject to be wholly forfeited upon the account of Heresy. Another Chimny mony of the old Peter pence must again be payed. as tribute to the Pope, beside that which is established on his Majesty: and the People, instead of those moderate Tithes that are with too much difficulty payed to their Protestant Pastors, will be exposed to all the exactions, of the Court of Rome, and a thousand artifices by which in former times they were used to draine away the wealth of ours more then any other Nation. So that in conclusion, there is no English-man that hath a Soul, a Body, or an Estate to save, that Loves either God, his King, or his Country, but is by all those Tenures bound, to the best of his Power and Know∣ledge, to maintaine the established Protestant Religion.

And yet, all this notwithstanding, there are those men a∣mong us, who have undertaken, and do make it their busi∣nesse, under so Legal and perfect a Government, to intro∣duce a French slavery, and instead of so pure a Religion, to establish the Roman Idolatry: both and either of which are Crimes of the Highest nature. For, as to matter of Govern∣ment, if to murther the King be, as certainly it is, a Fact so, horred, how much more hainous is it to assassinate the Kingdome? And as none will deny, that to alter our Mo∣narchy into a Commonvvealth were Treason, so by the same Fundamenttal Rule, the Crime is no lesse to make that Monarchy Absolute.

What is thus true in regard of the State, holds as well in reference to our Religion. Former Parliaments have made it Treason in whosoever shall attempt to seduce any one, the meanest of the Kings subjects, to the Church of Rome: And this Parliament hath, to all penalties by the Common or Statute Law, added incapacity for any man who shall pre∣sume

to say that the King is a Papist or an Introducer of Po∣pery. But what lawless and incapable miscreants then, what wicked Traytors are those wretched men, who endevour to pervert our whole Church, and to bring that about in ef∣fect, which even to mention is penal, at one Italian stroke attempting to subvert the Government and Religion, to kill the Body and damn the Soul of our Nation.

Yet were these men honest old Cavaliers that had suffered in his late Majesties service, it were allowable in them, as oft as their wounds brake out at Spring or Fall, to think of a more Arbitrary Government, as a soveraign Balsom for their Aches, or to imagine that no Weapon-salve but of the Moss that grows on an Enemies Skul could cure them. Should they mistake this Long Parliament also for Rebells, and that, although all Circumstances be altered, there were still the same necessity to fight it all over again in pure Loy∣alty, yet their Age and the Times they have lived in, might excuse them. But those worthy Gentlemen are too Gene∣rous, too good Christians and Subjects, too affectionate to the good English Government, to be capable of such an Im∣pression. Whereas these Conspiratours are such as have not one drop of Cavalier Blood, or no Bovvels at least of a Cavalier in them; but have starved them, to Revel and Sur∣fet upon their Calamities, making their Persons, and the ve∣ry Cause, by pretending to it themselves, almost Ridicu∣lous.

Or, were these Conspiratours on the other side but avow∣ed Papists, they were the more honest, the less dangerous, and the Religion were answerable for the Errours they might commit in order to promote it. Who is there but must acknowledge, if he do not commend the Ingenuity (or by what better Name I may call it) of Sir Thomas Strickland, Lord Bellassis, the late Lord Clifford and others, eminent in their several stations? These, having so long appeared the most zealous Sons of our Church, yet, as soon as the late

Test against Popery was inacted, tooke up the Crosse, quitted their present imployments and all hopes of the future, rather then falsify their opinion: though otherwise men for Quality, Estate and Abilityes whether in Warre or Peace, as capable and well deserving (without disparagement) as others that have the art to continue in Offices. And above all his Royal Highnesse is to be admired for his unparallelled mag∣nanimity on the same account: there being in all history per∣haps no Record of any Prince that ever changed his Religi∣on in his circumstances. But these persons, that have since taken the worke in hand, are such as ly under no temptati∣on of Religion: secure men, that are above either Honour or Consciencs; but obliged by all the most sacred tyes of Malice and Ambition to advance the ruine of the King and Kingdome, and qualified much better then others, under the name of good Protestants, to effect it.

And because it was yet difficult to find Complices enough at home, that were ripe for so black a desing, but they wan∣ted a Back for their Edge; therefore they applyed them∣selves to France, that King being indowed with all those qualityes, which in a Prince, may passe for Virtues; but in any private man, would be capital; and moreover so abound∣ing in wealth that no man else could go to the price of their wickednesse: To which Considerations, adding that he is the Master of Absolute Dominion, the Presumptive Mon∣arch of Christendom, the declared Champion of Popery, and the hereditary, natural, inveterate Enemy of our King and Nation, he was in all respects the most likely (of all Earth∣ly Powers) to reward and support them in a Project every way suitable to his one Inclination and Interest.

And now, should I enter into a particular retaile of all for∣mer and latter Transactions, relating to this affaire, there would be sufficient for a just Volume of History. But my intention is onely to write a naked Narrative of some the most considerable passages in the meeting of Parliament

the 15 of Febr. 1676. Such as have come to my notice which may serve for matter to some stronger Pen and to such as have more leisure and further opportunity to disco∣ver and communicate to the Publick. This in the mean time will by the Progresse made in so few weeks, demon∣strate at what rate these men drive over the necks of King and People, of Religion and Government; and how near they are in all humane probability to arrive Triumphant at the end of their Journey. Yet, that I may not be too abrupt, and leave the Reader wholly destitute of a thread to guide himself by thorow so intriguing a Labyrinth, I shall summari∣ly as short, as so copious and redundant a matter will admit, deduce the order of affaires both at home and abroad, as it led into this Session.

It is well known, were it as well remembred, what the provocation was, and what the successe of the warre begun by the English i•…•… the Year 1665. against Holland: what vast supplyes were furnished by the Subject for defraying it, and yet after all. no Fleet set out, but the Flower of all the Royal Navy burnt or taken in Port to save charges. How the French, during that War, joyned themselves in assistance of Holland against us, and yet, by the credit he had with the Queen Mother, so farre deluded his Majesty, that upon assu∣rance the Dutch neither would have any Fleet out that year, he forbore to make ready, and so incurred that notable losse, and disgrace at Chatham. How (after this fatall conclusion of all our Sea-Champaynes) as we had been obliged to the French for that warre, so we were glad to receive the Peace from his favour which was agreed at Breda betwixt England, France, and Holland.

His Majesty was hereby now at leisure to remarke how the French had in the year 1667. taken the time of us and while we were imbroled and weakned had in violation of all the most solemn and sacred Oaths and Treatyes invaded and taken a great part of the Spanish Nether-Land, which had

alwayes been considered as the natural Frontier of England. And hereupon he judged it necessary to interpose, before the flame that consumed his next neighbour should throw its sparkles over the water. And therefore, generously slight∣ing all punctilious of ceremony or peeks of animosity, where the safty of his People and the repose of Christendom were concerned, he sent first into Holland, inviting them to a nearer Alliance, and to enter into such further Counsells as were most proper to quiet this publick disturbance which the French had raised. This was a work wholy of his Majestys designing and (according to that felicity which hath allways attended him, when excluding the corrupt Politicks of o∣thers he hath followed the dictates of his own Royal wisdom) so well it succeeded. It is a thing searse credible, though true, that two Treatyes of such weight, intricacy, and so various aspect as that of the Defensive League with Holland, and the other for repressing the further progresse of the French in the Spanish Netherland, should in five days time, in the year 1668. be concluded. Such was the Expedition and secrecy then used in prosecuting his Majesty particuler instructions, and so easy a thing is it for Princes, when they have a mind to it, to be well served. The Svvede too shortly after made the third in this Concert; whether wisely judging that in the minority of their King reigning over several late acquired dominions, it was their true intrest to have an hand in all the Counsells that tended to pease and undisturbed possession, or, whether indeed those ministers, like ours, did even then project in so glorious an Alliance to betray it afterward to their own greater advantage. From their joyning in it was called the Triple Alliance, His Majesty with great sincerity continued to solicite other Princes according to the se∣venth Article to come into the Guaranty of this Treaty, and delighted himself in cultivating by all good means what he had planted. But in a very short time these Counsells, which had taken effect with so great satisfaction to the Nation and

to his Majestyes eternal honour, were all changed and it seemed that Treatyes, as soon as the Wax is cold, do lose their virtue. The King in June 1670 went down to Dover to meet after a long absence. Madam, his onely remaining sister: where the days were the more pleasant, by how much it seldomer happens to Princes then private persons to injoy their Relations, and when they do, yet their kind interviews are usually solemnized with some fatlity and disaster, no∣thing of which here appeared. But upon her first return into France she was dead, the Marquess of Belfonds was immedi∣ately sent hither, a Person, of great Honour dispatched thither? and, before ever the inquiry and grumbling at her death could be abated, in a trice there was an invisible Leagle, in prejudice of the Triple one, struck up with France, to all the height of dearnesse and affection. As if upon discecting the Princess there had some state Philtre been found in her bowells, or the reconciliation wiah France were not to be celebrated with a lesse sacrifice then of the Blood Royall of England. The sequel will be suitable to so ominous a beginning. But, as this Treaty was a work of Darknesse and which could never yet be understood or discovered but by the effects, so before those appeared it was necessary that the Parliament should after the old wont be gulld to the giving of mony. They met the 24th Oct. 1670. and it is not without much labour that I have been able to recover a written Copy of the Lord Bridgmans speech, none being printed, but forbidden, doubtlesse lest so notorious a Practise as certainly was never before, though there have indeed been many, put upon the Nation, might remain publick. Al∣though that Honourable person cannot be persumed to have been accessory to what was then intended, but was in due time, when the Project ripened and grew hopeful, discharg∣ed from his Office, and he, the Duke of Ormond, the late Se∣cretary Trevor, with the Prince Rupert, discarded together out of the Committee for the Forraign Affaires, He spoke thus.

My Lords, and you the Knights, Citi∣zens and Burgesses of the House of Commons.

WHen the two Houses were last Adjourned, this Day, as you well know, was perfixed for your Meeting again. The Proclamation since issued requiring all your attendances at the same time shewed not only his Majesties belief that his busi∣ness will thrive best when the Houses are fullest, but the importance also of the Affaires for which you are so called: And important they are. You cannot be igno∣rant of the great Forces both for Land and Sea-service which our Neighbours of France and the Low-Coun∣tries have raised, and have now in actual Pay; nor of the great Preparations which they continue to make in Levying of Men, Building of Ships, filling their Ma∣gazines and Stores with immense quantities of all sorts of Warlike Provisions. Since the beginning of the last Dutch War, the French have increased the Greatness and Number of their Ships so much, that their Strength by Sea is thrice as much as it was before. And since the end of it, the Dutch have been very diligent also in augmenting their Fleets. In this conjuncture, when our Neighbours Arm so potently, even common prudence requires that his Majesty should make some suitable

preparations; that he may at least keep pace with his Neighbours, if not out-go them in Number and Strength of Shipping. For this being an Island, both our Safety, our Trade, our Being, and our Well-Being depend upon our Forces at Sea.

His Majesty therefore, of his Princely Care for the Good of his People, hath given order for the fit∣ting out of Fifty Sayl of his Greatest Ships, against the Spring, besides those which are to be for Security of our Merchants in the Mediterranean: As fore∣seeing, if he should not have a considerable Fleet, whilst his Neighbours have such Forces both at Land and Sea, Temptation might be given to those who seem not now to intend it, to give us an Affront, at least, if not to do us a Mifchief.

To which may be added, That his Majesty, by the Leagues which he hath made, for the Common Peace of Christendom, and the good of his Kingdoms, is obliged to a certain Num∣ber of Forces in case of Infraction thereof, as al∣so for the Assistance of some of his Neighbours, in case of Invasion. And his Majesty would be in a very ill condition to perform his part of the Leagues (if whilst the Clouds are gathering so thick about us) he should, in hopes that the Wind will dis∣perse them, omit to provide against the Storm.

My Lords and Gentlemen, Having named the

Leagues made by his Majesty, I think it necessary to put you in mind, That since the Close of the late War, his Majesty hath made several Leagues, to his own great Honour, and infinite Advantage to the Nation.

One known by the Name of the Tripple Alliance, wherein his Majesty, the Crown of Sweden and the States of the United Provinces are ingaged to preserve the Treaty of Aix la Capelle, concerning a Peace between the two warring Princes, which Peace produced that effect, that it quenched the Fire which was ready to have set all Christen∣dom in a Flame. And besides other great Bene∣fits by it, which she still enjoyes, gave opportunity to transmit those Forces against the Infidels, which would otherwise have been imbrued in Christian Blood.

Another between his Majesty and the said States for a Mutual Assistance with a certain number of Men and Ships in case of Invasion by any others.

Another between his Maiesty and the Duke of Sa∣voy, Establishing a Free Trade for his Majesties Subjects at Villa Franca, a Port of his own upon the Mediterranean, and through the Dominions of that Prince; and thereby opening a Passage to a Rich part of Italy, and part of Germany, which will be

of a very great advantage for the Vending of Cloth and other our home Commodities, bringing back Silk and other Materials for Manifactures than here.

Another between his Majesty and the King of Denmark, whereby those other Impositions that were lately laid upon our Trade there, are taken off, and as great Priviledges granted to our Merchants, as ever they had in former Times, or as the Subjects of any other Prince or State do now enjoy.

And another League upon a Treaty of Com∣merce with Spain, whereby there is not only a Cessa∣tion and giving up to his Majesty of all their Pre∣tensions to Jamaica, and other Islands and Coun∣tries in the West Indies, in the Possession of his Ma∣jesty or his Subjects, but with all, free Liberty is gi∣ven to his Majesties Subjects, to enter their Ports for Victuals and Water, and safety of Harbour and Return, if Storm or other Accidents bring them thi∣ther; Priviledges which were never before granted by them to the English or any Others.

Not to mention the Leagues formerly made with Sweden and Portugal, and the Advantages which we enjoy thereby; nor those Treaties now depending between his Majesty and France, or his Majesty and the States of tbe United Provinces touching Com∣merce, wherein his Majesty will have a singular re∣gard

to the Honour of this Nation, and also to the Trade of it, which never was greater than now it is.

In a word, Almost all the Princes in Europe do seek his Majesties Friendship, as acknowledging they cannot Secure, much less Improve their present con∣dition without it.

His Majesty is confident that you will not be contented to see him deprived of all the advanta∣ges which he might procure hereby to his own Kingdoms, nay even to all Christendom, in the Repose and Quiet of it. That you will not be con∣tent abroad to see your Neighbours strengthening themselves in Shipping, so much more than they were before, and at Home to see the Government strug∣ling every year with Difficulties; and not able to keep up our Navies equal with theirs. He findes that by his Accounts from the year 1660 to the Late War, the ordinary Charge of the Fleet Communibus annis, came to about 500000 l. a year, and it cannot be sup∣ported with less.

If that particular alone take up so much, add to it the other constant Charges of the Government, and the Revenue (although the Commissioners of the Treasury have mannag'd it with all imaginable Thrift) will in no degree suffice to take of the Debts due upon Interest, much less give him a Fonds for the fitting out of this Fleet, which by common Estimation thereof

cannot cost less than 800000 l. His Majesty in his most gracious Speech, hath expressed the great sence he hath of your zeal and affection for him, and as he will ever retain a grateful memory of your former rea∣diness to supply him in all Exigencies, so he doth with particular thanks acknowledge your frank and chear∣full Gift of the New Duty upon Wines, at your last Meeting: But the same is likely to fall very short in value of what it was conceived to be worth, and should it have answered expectation, yet far too short to ease and help him upon these Occasions. And therefore such a Supply as may enable him to take off his Debts upon Interest, and to set out this Fleet against the Spring, is that which he desires from you, and recom∣mends it to you, as that which concerns the Honour and Support of the Government, and the Wellfare and Safety of your Selves and the whole King∣dome.

My Lords and Gentlemen, You may perceive by what his Majesty hath already said, that he holds it re∣quisite that an End be put to this Meeting before Christmas. It is so not only in reference to the Pre∣paration for his Fleet, which must be in readiness in the Spring, but also to the Season of the Year. It is a time when you would be willing to be in your Countries, and your Neighbours would be glad to see you there, and partake of your Hospitality and Charity, and you

thereby endear your selves to them, and keep up that Interest and Power among them, which is necessary for the service of your King and Country, and a Recesse at that time, leaving your business unfinished till your Return, cannot either be convenient for you, or suit∣able to the condition of his Majesties Affaires, which requires your Speedy, as well as Affectionate Consideration.

There needed not so larg a Catalogue of pass, present and future Leagues and Treaties, for even Villa Franca soun∣ded so well (being besides so considerable a Port, and that too upon the Mediterranean (another remote word of much efficacie) and opeing moreover a passage to a rich part of Italy, and a part of Germany, &c.) that it alone would have sufficed to charm the more ready Votes of the Commons into a supply, and to justifie the Necessity of it in the noise of the Country. But indeed the making of that Tripple League, was a thing of so good a report and so generally acceptable to the Nation, as being a hook in the French nostrils, that this Parliament (who are used, whether it be War or Peace, to make us pay for it) could not have desired a fairer pre∣tence to colour their liberality.

And therefore after all the immense summs lavished in the former War with Holland, they had but in April last, 167•…•…, given the Additional Duty upon Wines for 8 years; amounting to 560000 and confirmed the sale of the Fee Farm Rents, which was no lesse their gift, being a part of the publick Revenue, to the value of 180000l. Yet upon the telling of this Storie by the Lord Keeper, they could no longer hold but gave with both hands now again a Subsidy of 1s. in the pound to the real value of all Lands, and other Estates proportionably, with several more beneficial Clauses into the bargaine, to begin the 24 of June 1671, and expire the 24 of June 1672. Together with this, they granted the Additional Excise upon Beer, Ale, &c. for six years, to reckon from the same 24th of June 1671. And lastly, the Lavv Bill commencing from the first of May 1671, and at nine yeares end to determine. These three Bills summed up therefore cannot be estimated at lesse than two millions and an half.

So that for the Tripple League, here was, also Tripple-Supply, and the Subject had now all reason to beleive that this Alliance, which had been fixed at first by the Publick Interest, Safety and Honour (yet, should any of those give way) was

by these Three Grants, as with three Golden Nailes, suffici∣ently clenched and reivetted. But now therefore was the most proper time and occasion for the Conspirators, I have before described, to give demonstration of their fidelitie to the French King and by the forfeiture of all these obligations to their King and Countrey, and other Princes, and at the ex∣pense of all this Treasure given to contrarie uses, to recom∣mend themselves more meritoriously to his patronage.

The Parliament having once given this Mony, were in consequence Prorogued, and met not again till the 4th of February 1672, that there might be a competent scope for so great a work as was desined, and the Architects of our Ruine might be so long free from their busie and odious in∣spection till it were finished. Henceforward, all the former applications made by his Majesty to induce Forraine Princes into the Guaranty of the Treaty of Aix la Chapelle ceased, and on the contrary, those who desired to be admitted into it, were here refused. The Duke of Loraine, who had alwaies been a true Freind to his Majesty, and by his affecti∣on to the Tripple League had incurred the French Kings displeasure, with the losse of his whole Territorie, seised in the year 1669, against all Laws not only of Peace but Hosti∣lity, yet was by means of these men rejected, that he might have no Intrest in the Alliance, for which he was sacrificed. Nay even the Emperour, though he did his Majesty the Honour to address voluntarily to him, that himself might be received into that Tripple League, yet could not so great a Prince prevail but was turned off with blind Reason, and most srivolous Excuses. So farre was it now from fortifying the Alliance by the Accession of other Princes, that Mr. Henry Goventry went now to Svveden expresly, as he affirm∣ed at his departure hence, to dissolve the Tripple League. And he did so much towards it, cooperating in that Court with the French Ministers, that Svveden never (after it came to a Rupture) did assist or prosecute effectually the ends of the

Alliance, but only arming it self at the expence of the Leagues did first, under a disguised Mediation, Act the French Interest, and at last threw off the Vizard, and drew the Sword in their Quarrel. Which is a matter of sad reflexion, that he, who in his Embassy at Breda, had been so happy an Instrument to end the first unfortunate War with Holland, should now be made the Toole of a second, and of breaking that threefold Cord, by which the Interest of England and all Christendom was fastned. And, what renders it more wretched, is, that no man better than He understood both the Theory and Practick of Honour; and yet, cold in so eminent an Instance, forget it. All which can be said in his excuse, is, that upon his return he was for this service made Secretary of State (as if to have remained the same Honest Gentleman, had not been more necessary and lesse dishonourable) Sir William Lockyard and several others were dispatched to other Courts upon the like errand.

All things were thus farre well disposed here toward a War with Holland: only all this while there wanted a Quar∣rel, and to pick one required much invention. For the Ducth although there was a si quis to find out complaints, and our East India Company was summoned to know whether they had any thing to object against them, had so punctually complyed with all the Conditions of the Peace at Breda, and observed his Majesty with such respect (and in paying the due Honour of the Flagg particulary as it was agreed in the 19th. Article) that nothing could be alleadged: and as to the Tripple League, their Fleet was then out, riding near their own Coasts, in prosecuting of the ends of that Treaty. Therefore, to try a new experiment and to make a Case which had never be∣fore happened or been imagined, a sorry Yatch, but bearing the English Jack, in August 1671. Sailes into the midst of their Fleet, singled out the Admyral, shooting twice, as they call it, sharpe upon him. Which must sure have appeared as ridiculous, and unnatural as for a Larke to dare the Hobby.

Neverthelesse their Commander in Chief, in diference to his Majestys Colours, and in consideration of the Amity be∣twixt the two Nations, payed our Admiral of the Yatch a visit, to know the reason; and learning that it was because he and his whole Fleet had failed to strike Saile to his small-craft, the Dutch Commander civilly excused it as a matter of the first instance, and in which he could have no Instructions, therefore proper to be referred to their Masters, and so they parted. The Yatch having thus acquitted it self, returned, fraught with the Quarrel she was sent for, which yet was for several months passed over here in silence without any Com∣plaint or demand of satisfaction, but to be improved after∣wards when occasion grew riper. Forthere was yet one thing more to be done at home to make us more capable of what was shortly after to be executed on our Neighbours.

The Exohequer had now for some years by excessive gain decoy'd in the wealthy Goldsmiths, and they the rest of the Nation by due payment of Interest, till the King was run (upon what account I know not) into debt of above two Millions: which served for one of the pretences in my Lord Keepers Speech above recited, to demand and grant the late Supplies, and might have sufficed for that work, with peace and any tolerable good husbandry. But as if it had been per∣fidious to apply them to any one of the Purposes declared) it was instead of payment privately resolved to shut up the Exchequer, least any part of the money should be legally ex∣pended, but that all might be appropriate to the Holy War in project, and those further pious uses to which the Conspi∣rators had dedicated it.

This affair was carried on with all the secresy of so great Statesmen, that they might not by venting it unseasonably spoile the wit and malice of the business. So that all on the suddain, upon the first of January 1671, to the great aston∣ishment, ruine and despaire of so many interested persons, and to the terrour of the whole Nation, by so Arbitrary a

Fact, the Proclamation issued whereby the Crown, amid'st the confluence of so vast Aides and Revenue, published it self Bankrupt, made prize of the Subject, and broke all Faith and contract at home in order to the breaking of them abroad with more advantage.

There remained nothing now but that the Conspirators, after this exploit upon our own Countrymen, should mani∣fest their impartiallity to Forainers, and avoid on both sides the reproach of Injustice by their equality in the distribution. They had now started the dispute about the Flag upon oc∣casion of the Yatch, and begun the discourse of Surinam, and somwhat of Pictures and Medalls, but they handled these mat∣ters so nicely as men not lesse afraid of receiving all satis∣faction therein from the Hollanders, then of giving them any umbrage of arming against them upon those pretenses. The Dutch therefore, not being conscious to themselves of any provocation given to England, but of their readinesse, if there had been any, to repair it, and relying upon that faith of Treatyes and Alliances with us, which hath been thought sufficient security, not only amongst Christians but even with Infidels, pursued their Traffick and Navigation thorow our Seas without the least suspicion. And accordingly a great and rich Fleet of Merchantmen from Smyrna and Spain, were on their Voyage homeward near the Isle of Wight, under a small Convoy of five or six of their Men of War. This was the Fleet in contemplation of which the (conspira∣tors had so long deferred the War to plunder them in peace; the wealth of this was that which by its weight turned the Ballance of all Publick Justice and Honour; with this Trea∣sure they imagined themselves in stock for all the wicked∣nesse of which they were capable, and that they should never, after this addition, stand in need again or fear of a Parlia∣ment. Therefore they had with great stilnesse and expidi∣tion equipped early in the year, so many of the Kings Ships as might without jealousy of the number, yet be of compe∣tent

strength for the intended action, but if any thing should chance to be wanting, they thought it abundantly supplyed by virtue of the Commander. For Sir Robert Holmes had with the like number of Ships in the year 1661, even so time∣ly, commenced the first Hostility against Holand, in time of Peace; seizing upon Cape Verde, and other of the Dutch-Forts on the Coast of Guiny, and the whole Nevv Nether-lands, with great success: in defence of which Conquests, the English undertook, 1665, the first War against Holand. And in that same War, he with a proportionable Squadron signalized himself by burning the Dutch Ships and Village of Brandaris at Schelling, which was unfortunately revenged upon us at Chatham. So that he was pitched upon as the person for understanding, experience and courage, fittest for a design of this or any higher nature; and upon the 14th. of March, 1672. as they sailed on, to the number of 72 Vessells in all, whereof six the Convoy; near our Coast, he fell in upon them with his accustomed bravery, and could not have failed of giving a good account of them, would he but have joyned fortunes, Sr. Edvvard Spraggs Asistance to his own Conduct: For Sr. Edvvard was in sight at the same time with his Squadron, and Captaine Legg making saile towards him, to acquaint him with the design, till called back by a Gun from his Admirall, of which severall persons have had their conjectures. Possibly Sr. Robert Holmes, con∣sidering that Sr. Edvvard had sailed all along in consort with the Ducth in their voyage, and did but now return from bring∣ing the Pirates of Algier to reason, thought him not so pro∣per to ingage in this enterprise before he understood it bet∣ter. But it is rather beleived to have proceeded partly from that Jealousy (which is usuall to marshal spirits, like Sr. Roberts) of admitting a Companion to share with him in the Spoile of Honour or Profit; and partly out of too strict a regard to preserve the secret of his Commission. However, by this meanes the whole affair miscarried. For the Mer∣chant

Men themselves, and their little Convoy did so bestir them, that Sir Robert, although he shifted his Ship, fell foul on his best Friends, and did all that was possible, unless he could have multiplied himself, and been every where, was forced to give it over, and all the Prize that was gotten, sufficed not to pay the Chirurgeons and Carpenters.

To descend to the very bottom of their hellish Conspira∣cy, there was yet one step more; that of Religion. For so pious and just an Action as Sir Robert Holmes was imploy∣ed upon, could not be better accompanied than by the De∣claration of Liberty of Conscience (unless they should have expected till he had found that pretious Commodity in plun∣dering the Hoale of some Amsterdam Fly-boat) Accord∣ingly, while he was trying his Fortune in Battle with the Smyrna Merchant-Men, on the thirteenth and fourteenth of Marcb, One thousand six hundred seventy tvvo, the Indulgence was Printing off here in all haste, and was Published on the fifteenth, as a more proper means than Fasting and Prayer for propitiating Heaven to give Success to his Enterprise, and to the War that must second it.

Hereby, all the Penal Lavvs against Papists, for which former Parliaments had given so many Supplies, and against Nonconformists, for which this Parliament had payd more largly, were at one Instant Suspended, in order to defraud the Nation of all that Religion which they had so dearly pur∣chased, and for which they ought at least, the Bargain being broke, to have been re-imbursed.

There is, I confess, a measure to be taken in those things, and it is indeed to the great reproach of Humane Wisdom, that no man has for so many Ages been able or willing to find out the due temper of Government in Divine Matters. For it appears at the first sight, that men ought to enjoy the same Propriety and Protection in their Consciences, which they have in their Lives, Liberties, and Estates: But that to take away these in Penalty for the other, is meerly a more Legal

and Gentile way of Padding upon the Road of Heaven, and that it is only for want of Money and for want of Re∣ligion that men take those desperate Courses.

Nor can it be denied that the Original Lavv upon which Christianity at the first was founded, does indeed expresly provide against all such severity. And it was by the Humility, Meekness, Love, Forbearance and Patience which were part of that excellent Doctrine, that it became at last the Univer∣sal Religion, and can no more by any other meanes be pre∣served, than it is possible for another Soul to animate the same Body.

But, with shame be it spoken, the Spartans obliging them∣selves to Lycargus his Laws, till he should come back again, continued under his most rigid Discipline, above twice as long as the Christians did endure under the gentelest of all Institutions, though with far more certainty expecting the return of their Divine Legislater Insomuch that it is no great Adventure to say, That the World was better ordered under the Antient Monarchies and Commonvvealths, that the number of Virtuous men was then greater, and that the Chri∣stians found fairer quarter under those, than among them∣selves, nor hath there any advantage acrued unto mankind from that most perfect and practical Moddel of Humane So∣ciety, except the Speculation of a better way to future Hap∣piness, concerning which the very Guides disagree, and of those few that follow, it will suffer no man to pass without paying at their Turn-pikes. All which had proceeded from no other reason, but that men in stead of squaring their Go∣vernments by the Rule of Christianity, have shaped Christi∣anity by the Measures of their Government, have reduced that streight Line by the crooked, and bungling Divine and Humane things together, have been alwayes hacking and hewing one another, to frame an irregular Figure of Political Incongruity.

For wheresoever either the Magistrate, or the Clergy, or

the People could gratify their Ambition, their Profit, or their Phanfie by a Text improved or misapplied, that they made use of though against the consent sense and immutable pre∣cepts of Scipture, and because Obedience for Conscience sake was there prescribed, the lesse Conscience did men make in Commanding; so that several Nations have little else to shew for their Christiainity (which requires Instruction only and Example) but a pracell of sever Laws concerning Opi∣nion or about the Modes of Worship, not so much in order to the Power of Religion as over it. Neverthelesse because Mankind must be governed some way and be held up to one Law or other, either of Christs or their own making, the vigour of such humane Constitutions is to be preserved un∣till the same Authority shall upon better reason revoke them; and as in the mean time no private man may without the guilt of Sedition or Rebellion resist, so neither by the Nature of the English Foundation can any Publick Person suspend them without committing an Errour which is not the lesse for wanting a legall name to expresse it. But it was the Master-peice therefore of boldnesse and contrivance in these Conspiratours to issue this Declaration, and it is hard to say wherein they took the greater felicity, whither in suspending hereby all the Statutes against Popery, that it might thence forward passe like current money over the Nation, and no man dare to refuse it, or whether gaining by this a President to suspend as well all other Laws that respect the Subjects Propriety, and by the same power to abrogate and at last inact what they pleased, till there should be no further use for the Consent of the People in Parliament.

Having been thus true to their great designe and made so considerable a progresse, they advanced with all expedition. It was now high time to Declare the War, after they had begun it; and therefore by a Manifesto of the seventeenth of March 1672, the pretended Causes were made publich

which were, The not having Vailed Bonnet to the English Yatch: though the Duch had all along, both at home and here as carefully endevoured to give, as the English Minestrs to avoid the receiving of all satisfaction, or letting them un∣derstand what would do it, and the Council Clock was on purpose set forward lest, their utmost Compliance in the Flag at the hour appointed, should prevent the Declaration of War by some minuts. The detaining of some few English families (by their own Consent) in Surynam after the Dominion of it was by Treaty surrendred up to the Hol∣lander, in which they had likewise constantly yielded to the unreasonable demands that were from one time to another extended from hence to make the thing impracticable, till even Banister himself, that had been imployed as the Agent and Contriver of this misunderstanding, could not at the last forbear to cry shame of it. And moreover to fill up the measure of the Dutch iniquity, they are accused of Pillars, Medalls, and Pictures: a Poet indeed, by a dash of his Pen, having once been the cause of a Warre against Poland; but this certainely was the first time that ever a Painter could by a stroke of his Pencill occasion the Breach of a Treaty. But considering the weaknesse and invalidity of those other al∣legations, these indeed were not unnecessary, the Pillars to adde strength, the Meddalls Weight, and the Pictures Colour to their Reasons.

But herein they had however observed Faith with France though on all other sides broken, having capitulated to be the first that should do it. Which as it was no small peice of French Courtesey in so important an action to yield the Eng∣lish the Precedence, so was it on the English part as great a Bravery in accepting to be the formost to discompose the State of all Christendom, and make themselves principal to all the horrid Destruction, Devastation, Ravage and Slaugh∣ter,

which from that fatal seventeenth of March, One thou∣sand six hundred seventy tvvo, has to this very day conti∣nued.

But that which was most admirable in the winding up of this Declaration, was to behold these Words,

And vvhereas vve are engaged by a Treaty to support the Peace made at Aix la Chapelle; We do finally Declare, that, notvvithstanding thé Prosecution of this War, We vvill main∣tain the true intent and scope of the said Treaty, and that, in all Alliances, vvhich We have, or shall make in the progress of this War, vve have, and vvill take care, to preserve the ends thereof inviolable, unless provoked to the contrary.

And yet it is as clear as the Sun, that the French had by that Treaty of Aix la Chapelle, agreed to acquiess in their former Conquests in Flanders, and that the Eng∣lish, Svvede and Hollander, were reciprocally bound to be aiding against whomsoever should disturbe that Regulation, (besides the League Offensive and Defensive, which his Majesty had entered into with the States General of the Uni∣ted Provinces) all which was by this Conjunction with France to be broken in pieces. So that what is here decla∣red, if it were reconcileable to Truth, yet could not con∣sist with Possibility (which two do seldom break company) unless by one only Expedient, that the English, who by this new League with France, were to be the Infractors and Aggressors of the Peace of Aix la Chapelle (and with Holland) should to fulfill their Obligations to both Parties, have sheathed the Sword in our own Bowels.

But such was the Zeal of the Conspirators, that it might easily transport them either to say what was untrue, or undertake what was impossible, for the French Ser∣vice.

That King having seen the English thus engaged beyond a Retreat, comes now into the War according to agreement. But he was more Generous and Monarchal than to assign Cause, true or false, for his Actions. He therefore, on the 27th. of March 1672, publishes a Declaration of War with∣out any Reasons. Only, The ill satisfaction vvhich his Ma∣jesty hath of the Behaviour of the States General tovvards him, being risen to that degree, that he can no longer, vvithout dimi∣nution to his Glory dissemble his Indignation against them, &c. Therefore he hath resolved to make War against them both by Sea and Land, &c. And commands all his Subjects, Courir sus, upon the Hollauders, (a Metaphor which, out of re∣spect to his own Nation, might have been spared) For such is our pleasure.

Was ever in any Age or Nation of the World, the Sword drawn upon no better Allegation? A stile so far from be∣ing Most Christian, that nothing but some vain French Ro∣mance can parallel or justify the Expression. How happy were it could we once arrive at the same pitch, and how much credit and labour had been saved, had the Compilers of our Declaration, in stead of the mean English way of gi∣ving Reasons, contented themselves with that of the Dimi∣nution of the English Honour, as the French of his Glory! But nevertheless, by his Embassador to the Pope, he gave after∣wards a more clear account of his Conjunction with the English, and that he had not undertaken this War, against the Hollanders, but for extirpating of Heresie. To the Em∣perour, That the Hollanders were a People who had forsaken God, were Hereticks, and that all good Christians were in duty bound to associate for their extiapation, and ought to pray to God for a blessing upon so pious an enterprise. And to other Popish Princes, that it was a War of Religion and in order to the Propagation of the Catholick Faith.

And in the second Article of his Demands afterward from the Hollanders, it is in express words contained, That from

thenceforvvard there shall be not only an intire Liberty, but a Publick Exercise of the Catholick Apostolick Romane Religion throughout all the United Provinces. So that vvheresoever there shall be more than one-Church, another shall be given to the Catholicks. That vvhere there is none, they shall be permit∣ted to build one: and till that be finished, to exercise their Di∣vine Service publickly in such Houses as they shall buy, or hire for that purpose. That the States General, or each Province in particular, shall appoint a reasonable Salary for a Curate or Priest in each of the said Churches, out of such Revenues as have formerly appertained to the Church, or othervvise. Which was conformable to what he published now abroad, that he had entered into the War only for Gods Glory; and that he would lay down Armes streightwayes, would the Holland∣ers but restore the True Worship in their Dominions.

But he made indeed twelve Demands more, and notwith∣standing all this devotion, the Article of Commerce, and for revoking their Placaets against Wine, Brandy, and French manufactures was the first, and tooke place of the Catholick Apostolick Romane Religion, Whether all these were therefore onely words of course, and to be held or let lose according to his occasions, will better appeare when we shall have heard that he still insists upon the same at Nimegen, and that, although deprived of our assistance, he will not yet agree with the Dutch but upon the termes of restoring the True Worship. But, whatever he were, it is evident that the English were sincere and in good earnest in the Design of Popery; both by that Declaration above mentioned of Indulgence to the Recusants, and by the Negotiation of those of the English Plenipotentiaryes (whom for their ho∣nour I name not) that being in that year sent into Holland pressed that Article among the rest upon them, as without which they could have no hope of Peace with England. And the whole processe of affaires will manifest further that booth here and there it was all of a piece, as to the project of Religi∣on

and the same threed ran throw the Web of the English and French Counsells, no lesse in relation to that, then unto Government.

Although the issuing of the French Kings declaration and the sending of our English Plenipotentiaries into Holland be in∣volved together in this last period, yet the difference of time was so small that the anticipation is inconsiderable. For having declared the VVarre but on the 27th of March, 1672. He struck so home and followed his blow so close, that by July following, it seemed that Holland could no long∣er stand him, but that the swiftnesse and force of his motion was something supernatural. And it was thought necessary to send over those Plenipotentiaries, if not for Interest yet at least for Curiosity. But it is easier to find the Markes than Reasons of some mens Actions, and he that does only know what happened before, and what after, might perhaps wrong them by searching for further Intelligence.

So it was, that the English and French Navies being joyn∣ed, were upon the Tvventieighth of May, One thousand six hundred seventy tvvo, Attaqued in Soule Bay by De Ruyter, with too great advantage. For while his Royal Highness, then Admiral, did all that could be expected, but Monsieur d' Estree, that commanded the French, did all that he was sent for, Our English Vice-Admiral, Mountague, was sacrificed; and the rest of our Fleet so mangled, that there was no occa∣sion to boast of Victory. So that being here still on the lo∣sing hand, 'twas fit some body should look to the Betts on the other side of the Water; least that Great and Lucky Gamster, when he had won all there, and stood no longer in need of the Conspirators, should pay them with a Quarrel for his Mony, and their ill Fortune. Yet were they not con∣scious to themselves of having given him by any Behaviour of theirs, any cause of Dissatisfaction, but that they had dealt with him in all things most frankly, That, notwithstanding all the Expressions in my Lord Keeper Bridgmans Speech,

of the Treaty betvveen France and his Majesty concerning Com∣merce, vvherein his Majesty vvill have a singular regard to the Honour and also to the Trade of this Nation, and notwithstand∣ing the intollerable oppressions upon the English Traffick in France ever since the Kings Restauration, they had not in all that time made one step towards a Treaty of Commerce or Navigation with him; no not even now when the English were so necessary to him, that he could not have begun this War without them, and might probably therefore in this con∣juncture have condescended to some equality. But they knew how tender that King was on that point, and to pre∣serve and encrease the Trade of his Subjects, and that it was by the Diminution of that Beam of his Glory, that the Hollan∣ders had raised his Indignation. The Conspirators had therefore, the more to gratify him, made it their constant Maxime, to burden the English Merchant here with one hand, while the French should load them no less with the other, in his Teritories; which was a parity of Trade in∣deed, though something an extravagant one, but the best that could be hoped from the prudence and integrity of our States-men; insomuch, that when the Merchants have at any time come down from London to represent their grie∣vances from the French, to seek redress, or offer their humble advi•…•…e, they were Hector'd, Brow-beaten, Ridiculed, and might have found fairer audience even from Monsieur Col∣bert.

They knew moreover, that as in the matter of Commerce, so they had more obliged him in this War. That except the irresistable bounties of so great a Prince in their own particu∣lar, and a frugal Subsistance-money for the Fleet, they had put him to no charges, but the English Navy Royal serv'd him, like so many Privateers, No Purchase, No Pay. That in all things they had acted with him upon the most abstract∣ed Principles of Generosity. They had tyed him to no

terms, had demanded no Partition of Conquests, had made no humane Condition; but had sold all to him for those two Pearls of price, the True Worship, and the True Government: Which disinteressed proceeding of theirs, though suited to Forraine Magnanimity, yet, should we still lose at Sea, as we had hitherto, and the French Conquer all at Land, as it was in prospect, might at one time or other breed some difficul∣ty in answering for it to the King and Kingdom: However this were, it had so hapned before the arrival of the Plenipo∣tentiaries, that, whereas here in England, all that brought ap∣plycations from Holland were treated as Spies and Enemies, till the French King should signify his pleasure; he on the contrary, without any communication here, had received Addresses from the Dutch Plenipotentiaries, and given in to them the sum of his Demands (not once mentioning his Majesty or his Interest, which indeed he could not have done unless for mockery, having demanded all for himself, so that there was no place left to have made the English any satisfa∣ction) and the French Ministers therefore did very candidly acquaint those of Holland, that, upon their accepting those Articles, there should be a firm Peace, and Amity restored: But as for England, the States, their Masters, might use their discretion, for that France was not obliged by any Treaty to procure their advantage.

This manner of dealing might probably have animated, as it did warrant the English Plenipotentiaries, had they been as full of Resolution as of Power, to have closed with the Dutch, who, out of aversion to the French, and their intolle∣rable demands, were ready to have thrown themselves into his Majesties Armes, or at his Feet, upon any reasonable con∣ditions; But it wrought clean otherwise: For, those of the English Plenipotentiaries, who were, it seems, intrusted with a fuller Authority, and the deeper Secret, gave in also the English Demands to the Hollanders, consisting in eight Ar∣ticles, but at last the Ninth saith,

Although his Majesty contents himself vvith the foregoing Conditions, so that they be accepted vvithin ten dayes, after vvhich his Majesty understands himself to be no further obliged by them. He declares nevertheless precisely, that albeit they should all of them be granted by the said States, yet they shall be of no force, nor vvill his Majesty ma•…•…e any Treaty of Peace or Truce, unless the Most Christian King shall have received sa∣tisfastion from the said States in his particular.

And by this means they made it impossible for the Dutch, however de∣sirous, to comply with England, excluded us from more ad∣vantagious terms, than we could at any other time hope for, and deprived us of an honest, and honourable evasion out of so pernicious a War, and from a more dangerous Alliance. So that now it appeared by what was done that the Con∣spirtors securing their own fears at the price of the Publick Interest, and Safety, had bound us up more strait then ever, by a new Treaty, to the French Project.

The rest of this year passed with great successe to the French, but none to the English. And therefore the hopes upon which the War was begun, of the Smyrna and Span∣ish Fleet, and Dutch Prizes, being vanished, the slender Al∣lowance from the French not sufficing to defray it, and the ordinary Revenue of the King, with all the former Aides be∣ing (as was fit to be believed) in lesse then one years time exhausted, The Parliament by the Conspirators good leave, was admitted again to sit at the day appointed, the 4th. of February 1672.

The Warr was then first communicated to them, and the Causes, the Necessity, the Danger, so well Painted out, that the Dutch abusive Historical Pictures, and False Medalls (which were not forgot to be mentioned) could not be better imitated or revenged, Onely, there was one great omission of their False Pillars, which upheld the whole Fabrick of the England Declarations; Upon this signification, the House of Commons (who had never failed the Crown hitherto up∣on

any occosion of mutual gratuity) did now also, though in a Warre contrary to former usuage, begun without their Advice, readily Vote, no less a summe than 1250000 l. But for better Colour, and least they should own in words, what they did in effect, they would not say it was for the Warre, but for the Kings Extraordinary Occasions.

And because the Nation began now to be aware of the more true Causes, for which the Warre had been undertaken, they prepared an Act before the Money-Bill slipt thorrow their Fingers, by which the Papists were obliged, to pass thorow a new State Purgatory, to be capable of any Publick Imployment; whereby the House of Commons, who seem to have all the Great Offices of the Kingdom in Reversion, could not but expect some Wind-falls.

Upon this Occasion it was, that the Earl of Shafts∣bury, though then Lord Chancellour of England, yet, Engaged so far in Defence of that ACT, and of the PROTESTANT RELIGION, that in due time it cost him his Place, and was the first moving Cause of all those Misadventures, and Obloquy, which since he lyes (ABOVE, not) Under.

The Declaration also of Indulgence was questioned, which, though his MAJESTY had out of his Princely, and Gracious Inclination, and the memory of some former Obligations, granted, yet upon their Re∣presentation of the Inconveniencies, and at their humble Request, he was pleased to Cancel, and Declare, that it should be no President for the Future: For other∣wise some succeeding Governour, by his single Power Suspending Penal Laws, in a favourable matter, as that is of Religion, might become more dangerous to the Government, than either Papists or Fanaticks, and

make us Either, when he pleased: So Legal was it in this Session to Distinguish between the King of Eng∣lands Personal, and his Parliamentary Authority.

But therefore the further sitting being grown very un∣easie to those, who had undertaken for the Change of Religion, and Government, they procured the Recess so much sooner, and a Bill sent up by the Commons in fa∣vour of Dissenting Protestants, not having passed thorow the Lords preparation, the Bill concerning Papists, was en∣acted in Exchange for the Money, by which the Conspira∣iors, when it came into their management, hoped to fru∣strate, yet, the effect of the former. So the Parliament was dismissed till the Tvventy seventh of October, One thousand six hundred seventy three.

In the mean time therefore they strove with all their might to regain by the VVar, that part of their Design, which they had lost by Parliament; and though several ho∣nourably forsook their Places rather than their Consciences, yet there was never wanting some double-dyed Son of our Church, some Protestant in grain, to succeed upon the same Conditions. And the difference was no more, but that their Offices, or however their Counsels, were now to be ad∣ministred by their Deputies, such as they could confide in.

The business of the Land Army was vigourously carried on, in appearance to have made some descent in Holland, but though the Regiments were Compleated and kept Im∣bodyed, it wanted effect, and therefore gave cause of suf∣pition: The rather, because no Englishman, among so ma∣ny well-disposed, and qualified for the work, had been thought capable, or fit to be trusted with Chief Command of those Forces, but that Monsieur Schomberg a French Protestant, had been made General, and Collonel Fitsge∣rald, an Irish Papist, Major General, as more proper for the Secret; the first of advancing the French Government, the second of promoting the Irish Religion.

And therefore the dark hovering of that Army so long at Black-Hearth, might not improbably seem the gatherings of a Storm to fall upon London; But the ill successes which our Fleet met withall this Year, also, at Sea, were sufficient, had there been any such design at home to have quasht it: for such Gallantries are not to be attempted, but in the highest raptures of Fortune.

There were three several Engagements of ours against the Dutch Navy in this one Summer, but while nothing was Tenable at Land, against the French, it seem'd that to us at Sea every thing was impregnable; which is not to be attribu∣ted to the want of Courage or Conduct, either the former Year under the Command of his Royal Highness, so Great a Souldier, or this Year under the Prince, Robert; But is ra∣ther to be imputed to our unlucky Conjunction with the French, like the disasters that happen to men by being in ill Company.

But besides it was manifest that in all these Wars, the French ment nothing less than really to assist us: He had first pra∣ctised the same Art at Sea, when he was in League with the Hollander against us, his Navy never having done them any service, for his business was only to see us Batter one another. And now he was on the English side, he only studied to sound our Seas, to spy our Ports, to learn our Building, to contemplate our way of Fight, to consume ours, and pre∣serve his own Navy, to encrease his Commerce, and to order all so, that the two great Naval Powers of Europe, being crushed together, he might remain sole Arbitrator of the Ocean, and by consequence Master of all the Isles and Continent. To which purposes the Conspirators furnished him all possible opportunities. Therefore it was that Mon∣sieur d' Estree, though a Person otherwise of tryed Courage and Prudence, yet never did worse than in the third and last Engagement; and because brave Monsieur d' Martel did better, and could not endure a thing that looked like Cowar∣dise

or Treachery, though for the Service of his Monarch, commanded him in, rated him, and at his return home he was, as then was reported, discountenanced and dismissed from his Command, for no other crime, but his breaking of the French measures, by adventuring one of those sacred Shipps in the English, or, rather his own Masters Quarrel.

His Royal Highnesse (by whose having quitted the Admiralty, the Sea service thrived not the better) was now intent upon his Marrige, at the same time the Parliament was to reassemble the 27th of October 1673. the Princesse of Modena, his consort, being upon the way for England, and that businesse seemed to have passed all impediment. Nor were the Conspirators who (to use the French phrase) made a considerable Figure in the Government, wholly averse to the Parliaments meeting: For if the House of Commons had after one years unfortunate War, made so vast a Present to his Majesty of 1250000 l. But the last February, it seemed the argument would now be more pressing upon them, that by how much the ill sucesses, of this year had been greater, they ought therefore to give a yet more liberal Donative. And the Conspirators as to their own particular reckoned, that while the Nation was under the more distresse and hurry they were themselves safer from Parliament, by the Publick Calamity.

A supply therefore was demanded with much more im∣portunity, and assurance then ever before, and that it should be a large one and a speedy: They were told that it was now Pro Aris & Focis, all was at stake, And yet besides all this, the Payment of the Debt to the Banckers upon shutting the Exchequer was very civilly recommended to them. And they were assured that his Majesty would be constantly rea∣dy to give them all proofes of his Zeal for the true Religion and the Laws of the Realm, upon all occasions: But the House of Commons not having been sufficiently prepared for such demands, nor well satisfied in several matters of

Fact, which appeared contrary to what was represented, took check; and first interposed in that tender point of his Royall Highuesse's Match, although she was of his own Re∣ligion, which is a redoubled sort of Marriage, or the more spiritual part of its Happynesse. Besides, that she had been already solemnly married by the Dukes Proxcy, so that unlesse the Parliament had been Pope and calmed a power of Dispensation, it was now too late to avoide it. His Majesty by a short Prorogation of six days, when he understood their intention, gave them opportunity to have disisted: But it seems they judged the National Jnterest of Religion so farre concerned in this matter, that they no sooner meet again, but they drew up a second request by way of Addresse to his Majesty with their Reasons against it. That for his Royal Highnesse to marry the Princesse of Modena, or any other of that Religion, had very dangerous consequences: That the mindes of his Majesties Protestant subjects will be much disquieted, thereby filled with infinite discontents, and Jea∣lousies. That his Majesty would thereby be linked into such a foraine Alliance, which will be of great disadvantage and possibly to the Ruine of the Protestant Religion. That they have found by sad experience how such mariages have always increased Popery, and incorraged Priests and Jesuits to prevert his Majesties subjects: That the Popish party already lift up their heads in hopes of his marriage: That they fear it may diminish the affection of the people toward his Royal Highnesse, who is by blood so near related to the Crown: That it is now more then one Age, that the subjects have lived in continual apprehensions of the increase of Popery, and the decay of the Protestant Religion: Finally that she having many Kindred and Relations in the Court of Rome, by this means their enterprises here might be facilitated, they might pierce into the most secret Counsells of his Majesty, and discover the state of the Realm. That the most learned men are of opinion, that Marriages no further Proceeded in,

may lawfully be Dissolved: And therefore they be∣seech his Majesty to Annul the Consummation of it, and the Rather, because they have not yet the Hap∣piness to see any of his Majestyes own Lineage to Suc∣ceed in his Kingdomes.

These Reasons, which were extended more amply against his Royal Highnesses Marriage, obtained more weight, because most men are apt to Judge of things by Circumstances, and to attribute what happens by the Conjuncture of Times, to the Effect of Contrivance. So that it was not difficult to Interpret what was in his Royal Highness, an ingagement only of Honour, and Affection, as proceeding from the Conspirators Counsels, seeing it made so much to their purpose.

But the business was too far advanced to retreat, as his Majesty with great reason had replyed, to their former Address, the Marriage having been celebrated already, and confirmed by his Royal Authority, and the House of Commons though sitting when the Duke was in a Trea∣ty for the Arch Dutchess of Inspruck, one of the same Religion, yet having taken no notice of it.

Therefore while they pursued the matter thus, by a second Address, it seemed an easier thing, and more de∣cent, to Prorogue the Parliament, than to Dissolve the Marriage. And, which might more incline his Ma∣jesty to this Resolution, the House of Commons had now bound themselves up by a Vote that having considered the present State of the Nation, they would not take into

Deliberation, nor have any further Debate upon any other Proposals of Aide, or any Surcharge up∣on the Subject, before the payment of the Tvvelve hun∣dred and fifty thousand pounds, in eighteen Months, which was last granted, were expired, or at least till they should evidently see that the Obstinacy of the Hollanders should oblige them to the contrary, nor till after the kingdom should be effectually secured against the dangers of Popery, and Popish Counsellours, and that Order be taken against other present Misdemeanours.

There was yet another thing, the Land-Army, which appearing to them expensive, needless, and terrible to the People, they addressed to his Majesty also, that they might be disbanded. All which things put together, his Majesty was induced to Prorogue the Parliament again for a short time, till the seventh of January, One thousand six hundred seventy three: That in the mean while the Princess of Mo∣dena arriving, the Marriage might be consummated with∣out further interruption.

That Session was opened with a large deduction also, by the new Lord Keeper, this being his first Experiment, in the Lords House of his Eloquence and Veracity, of the Hol∣landers averseness to Peace or Reason, and their uncivil and indirect dealing in all Overtures of Treaty with his Majesty, and a Demand was made therefore and re-inforced as for∣merly, of a proportionable and speedy Supply. But the Hollanders that had found themselves obstructed alwayes hitherto, and in a manner excluded from all Applications, and that whatever means they had used was still mis-interpre∣ted, and ill represented, were so industrious, as by this time (which was perhaps the greatest part of their Crime) to have undeceived the generallity of the Nation in those parti∣culars.

The House of Commons therefore not doubting, but that if they held their hands in matter of money, a Peace would in due time follow, grew troublesome rather to several of the great Ministers of State, whom they suspected to have been Principal in the late pernicious Counsels. But instead of the way of Impeachment, whereby the Crimes might have been brought to Examination, Proof and Judgment, they pro∣ceeded Summarily within themselves, noting them only with an ill Character, and requesting his Majesty to remove them from his Counsels, his Presence, and their Publick Imploy∣ments. Neither in that way of handling were they Im∣partial.

Of the three which were questioned, the Duke of Buck∣ingham seemed to have muoh the more favourable Cause, but had the severest Fortune. And this whole matter not having been mannaged in the solemn Methods of National Justice, but transmitted to his Majesty, it was easily changed into a Court Intrigue, where though it be a Modern Max∣ime,

That no State Minister ought to be punished, but, espe∣cially not upon Parliamentary Applications.

Yet other Offenders thought it of security to themselves, in a time of Publick Discontent, to have one Man sacrisi∣ced, and so the Duke of Buckingham having worse Ene∣mies, and as it chanced worse Friends, than the rest, was after all his Services abandoned, they having only heard the sound, while he felt all the smart of that Lash from the House of Commons.

But he was so far a Gainer, that with the loss of his Offi∣ces, and dependance, he was restored to the Freedom of his own Spirit, to give thence-forward those admirable

〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 the Vigour, and Vivacity of his better Judgment, 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉, though to his own Imprisonment, the due Li∣•…•… of the English Nation.

〈◊〉〈◊〉 manner of proceeding in the House of Commons, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a new way of negotiating the Peace with Holland, but the •…•…ost effectual; the Conspirators living all the while under continual apprensions of being called to further account for their Actions, and no mony appearing, which would either have prepetuated the War, or might, in case of a Pea•…•…e, be misapplied, to other uses, then the building of Ships, insinuated by the Lord Keeper.

The Hollanders Proposalls, by this means, therefore, began to be thought more reasonable, and the Marquis del Fresno, the Spanish Minister in this Court, labourd so well, that his Majesty thought fit to Communicate the overture to both Houses, and though their advice had not been asked to the War, yet not to make the Peace without it. There was not much difficulty in their resolutions. For the gene∣rall bent of the Nation was against the War, the French now had by their ill behaviour at Sea, in all the Engagements, raised also the English Indignation, their pernicious Counsels were visible in their book of the Politique Francoise, tending by frequent levyes of men, and mony, to exhaust, and weaken our Kingdome, and by their conjuction with us, on set purpose, to raise, betwixt the King and his People, a rationall Jealousy of Popery, and French Government, till we should insensibly devolve into them by Inclination or Necessity: As men of ill conversation, pin themselves maliciously on persons more sober, that if they can no other∣wise debauch them, they may blast their Reputation by their society, and so oblige them to theirs; being suspected by bet∣ter Company.

Besides all which the very reason of Traffick which hath been so long neglected by our greater Statesmen was now of some consideration, for as much as by a Peace with the Hollander the greatest part of the Trade and Navigation of Europe as long as the French King disturbed it, would of course fall into the English management. The Houses there∣fore gave their humble advice to his Majesty for a just and honorable Peace with the States Generall, which when it could be no longer resisted, was concluded.

In the seventh Article of this Treaty it is said.

That the Treaty vvhich vvas made at Breda in the yeare 1667, as also all the others vvhich are by this present Treaty con∣firmed, shall by the present be renevved, and shall continue in their full force and vigour, as far as they shall not be contrary unto this said present Treaty.

Which words are the more to be taken notice of, that they may be compared afterwards with the effects that fol∣low, to see how well on the English part that Agreement hath been observed.

The businesse of the Peace thus being once over, and this Parliament still lowring upon the Ministers of State, or bog∣ling at the Land Forces (whereof the eight new raised Re∣giments were upon the request of the Commons at last dis∣banded) or imployed in further Bills against Popery, and for the Education, and Protestant Marriage henceforward of those of the Royal Family; the necessity of their further sit∣ting seemed not so urgent, but that they might have a repose till the tenth of November 1674. following.

The Conspirators had hitherto failed of the accomplish∣ing their design, by prepetual disappointments, and which

was most grievous to them, foresaw, that the want of mony would still necessitate the frequent sitting of Parliament, which danger they had hop'd long ere this to have conquer'd In this state of their affaires the French King therefore was by no meanes to be further disobliged, he being the Master of their secret, and the only person which if they helped him at this plunge, might yet carry them thorow. They were therefore very diligent to profit themselves of all the advan∣tages to this purpose that their present posture could afford them. They knew that his Majesty being now disengaged from War, would of his Royall Prudence interpose for Peace by his Mediation, it being the most glorious Char∣acter that any Prince can assume; and for which he was the more proper, as being the most Potent, thereby to give the sway, and the most disintressed whereby to give the Equity requisite to such a Negotiation; and the most obliged in Honour, as having been the occasion by an unforeseen con∣sequence of drawing the sword of all this part of Europe. But if they feared any propension in his Majesty to one party it was toward Spaine, as knowing how that Crowne (as it is at large recited, and acknowledged, in the preamble of the last Treaty between England and Holland had been the only instrument of the happy Peace which after that pernicious War we now injoyed.

Therefore they were resolved by all their influence, and industry (though the profit of the War did now wholly, re∣down to the English Nation, and however in case of peace it was our Interest, that if any, France should be depressed to any equality, to labour that by this mediation France might be the onely gainer, and having all quiet about him, might be at perfect leisure to attend their project upon England. And one of these our Statesmen being pressed, solved all Arguments to the contrary with an oraculous French question

Faut il que tout se fasse par Politique, rien par Amitie?

Must all things be done by Maxims or Reasons of State; nothing for Affection?

Therefore that such an absurdity as the ordering of Affairs abroad, according to the Interest of our Nation might be avoided, the English, Sbotch and Irish Regiments, that were already in the French Service, were not only to be kept in their full Complement, but new numbers of Souldiers dai∣ly transported thither, making up in all, as is related, at least a constant Body of Ten thousand Men, of his Majesties Subjects, and which oftentimes turned the Fortune of Battle on the French side by their Valour.

How far this either consisted with the Office of a Media∣tour, or how consonant it was to the seventh Article above mentioned, of the last Treaty with Holland; It is for them to demonstrate who were the Authors. But it was indeed a good way to train up an Army, under the French Discipline and Principles, who might be ready seasoned upon occasion in England, to be called back and execute the same Coun∣sels.

In the mean time, they would be trying yet what they could do at home. For the late proceedings of Parliament, in quashing the Indulgence, in questioning Ministers of State, in Bills against Popery, in not granting Money when∣soever asked, were Crimes not to be forgiven, nor (how∣ever the Conspirators had provided for themselves) named in the Act of General Pardon.

They began therefore after fifteen Years to remember that there were such a sort of men in England as the Old Ca∣valier Party; and reckoned, that by how much the more generous, they were more credulous than others, and so more fit to be a gain abused. These were told, that all

was at Stake, Church and State (How truly said! But meant, how falsly!) That the Nation was running again in∣to Fourty One, That this was the time to refresh their antient merit, and receive the Recompence double of all their Loy∣alty, and that hence-forward the Cavaliers should have the Lottery of all the Great or Small Offices in the Kingdom, and not so much as Sir Joseph Williamson to have a share in it.

By this meanes they indeed designed to have raised a Ci∣vil War, for which they had all along provided, by new Forts, and standing Forces, and to which they had on pur∣pose both in England and Scotland given all provocation if it would have been taken, that so they might have a Rase Campagne of Religion, Government, and Propriety: or they hoped at least by this means to fright the one party, and in∣courage the other, to give hence forward Money at pleasure, and that money on what title soever granted, with what stamp coyned, might be melted down for any other service or uses. But there could not have been a greater affront and indignity offerred to those Gentlemen (and the best did so resent it) then whether these hopes were reall, to think them men that might be hired to any base action, or whether as hitherto but imaginary, that by erecting the late Kings Statue that whole Party might be rewarded in Effigie.

While these things were upon the Anvill the tenth of November was come for the Parliaments sitting, but that was put of till the 13th. of April 1675. And in the mean time, which fell out most opportune for the Conspirators, these Counsells were matured, and something further to be con∣trived, that was yet wanting: The Parliament accordingly meeting, and the House of Lords, as well as that of the Commons, being in deliberation of severall wholesome Bills, such as the, present state of the Nation required the great Design came out in a Bill unexpectedly offered one morn∣ing in the House of Lords, whereby all such as injoyed any

beneficiall Office, or Imployment, Ecclesiastical, Civill, or Military, to which was added, Privy Counsellours, Justices of the Peace, and Members of Parliament, were under a Penalty to take the Oath, and make the Declaration, and Abhorrence, insuing,

I A. B. Do declare, That it is not Lavvful upon any pretence vvhatsoever to take up Armes against the King, and that I do abhorre that Traiterous position, of taking Armes by his Authority against his Person, or against those that are Commissioned by him in Pursuance of such Commission. And I do svvear, that I vvill not at any time Indeavour the Altera∣tion of the Government either in Church or State. So help me God.

This same Oath had been brought into the House of Commons in the Plague year at Oxford, to have been im∣posed upon the Nation, but there, by the assistance of those very same persons, that now introduce it, twas thrown out, for fear of a General Infection of the Vitales of this King∣dome: And though it passed then in a particular Bill, Known by the name of the Five-mile Act, because it only con∣cerned the Non-conformist Preachers, yet even in that, it was throughly opposed by the late Earle of Southampton, whose Judgement might well have been reckoned for the Standard of Prudence and Loyalty. It was indeed happily said, by the Lord Keeper, in the opening of this Session, No Influences of the Starrs, no Configuration of the Heavens, are to be feared, so long as these tvvo Houses stand in a Good Dispo∣sition to each other, and both of them in a happy Conjunction, vvith their Lord and Soveraign. But if he had so early this Act in his prospect, the same Astrology might have taught him, that there is nothing more portentous, and of worse Omen, then when such an Oath hangs over a Nation, like a New Comet forboding the Alteration of Religion, or Govern∣ment:

Such was the Holy League in France in the Reigne of Henry the third. Such in the time of Philip the second, the Oath in the Netherlands. And so the Oaths in our late Kings time taught the Fanaticks, because they could not swear, yet to Covenant. Such things therefore are, if ever, not need∣lessely thought for good fortune sake only to be attempted, and when was there any thing lesse necessary? No King of England had ever so great a Treasure of this Peoples Af∣fections except what those ill men have, as they have, done, all the rest, consumed; whom but out of an excesse of Love to his Person, the Kingdome would never (for it never did formerly) so long have suffered: The Old Acts of Allegi∣ance, and Supremacy, were still in their full Vigour, unlesse against the Papists, and even against them too of late, when∣soever the way was to be smoothed for a liberall Session of Parliament. And moreover to put the Crown in full securi∣ty, this Parliament had by an Act of theirs determined a Question which the wisdome of their Ancestors had never decided, that the King hath the sole power of the Militia. And therefore my Lord Keeper did by his patronizing this Oath, too grossely prevaricate, against two very good State Maximes, in his Harangue to the Parliament, for which he had consulted not the Astrologer, but the Historian, advising them first, That they should not Quieta movere, that is, said he, vvhen men stirre those things or Questions vvhich are, and ought to be in peace. And secondly, That they should not Res parvas magnis motibus agere: That is, saith he againe, vvhen as much vveight is laid upon a nevv and not alvvays nece∣ssary Proposition as if the vvhole summe of affaires depended upon it.

And this Oath, it seems, was the little thing he meant of, being forsooth but a Moderate Security to the Church and Crovvn, as he called it, but which he and his party layd so much vveight on, as if the vvhole sum of Affaires did depend upon it.

But as to the Quieta movere, or stirring of those things or Questions which are and ought to be in Peace, was not this so, of taking Armes against the King upon any pretence whatsoever? And was not that also in Peace, of the Trayte∣rous Position of taking Armes by his Authority against his Person? Had not the three Acts of Corporations, of Militia, and the Five Miles, sufficiently quieted it? Why was it fur∣ther stirred? But being stirred, it raises in mens thoughts many things more; some les, others more to the purpose.

Sir Walter Tirrells Arrow grazed upon the Deer it was shot at, but by that chance kill'd King William Rufus; Yet so far was it that Sir Walter should for that chance shot be adjudged of Treason, that we do not perceive he underwent any other Tryal like that of Manslaughter: But which is more to the point, it were difficult to instance a Law either in this or other Country, but that a private Man, if any king in Christendom assault him, may, having retreated to the Wall, stand upon his Guard; and therefore, if this matter as to a particular man be dubious, it was not so prudent to stirre it in the General, being so well setled. And as to all other things, though since Lord Chancellour, he havein his Speech of the 15 of Feb. One thousand six hundred seveny six, said (to testify his own abhorrency) Avvay vvith that ill meant distinsti∣on betvveen the Natural and the Politique Capacity. He is too well read to be ignorant that without that Distinction there would be no Law nor Reason of Law left in England; To which end it was, and to put all out of doubt, that it is also required in this Test, to declare mens abhorrency as of a Traitorous Position, to take Armes against those that are Com∣missioned by him, in pursuance of such Commission; and yet neither is the Tenour, or Rule, of any such Commission specified, nor the Qualification of those that shall be armed with such Commissions, expressed or limited. Never was so much sence contained in so few words. No Conveyan∣cer could ever in more Compendious or binding terms have

drawn a Dissettlement of the whole Birth-right of Eng∣land.

For as to the Commission, if it be to take away any mans Estate, or his Life by force, Yet it is the Kings Commissi∣on: Or if the Person Commissionate, be under never so many Dissabilities by Acts of Parliament, yet his taking this Oath, removes all those Incapacities, or his Commission makes it not Disputable. But if a man stand upon his Defence, a good Judge for the purpose, finding that the Position is Traitorous, will declare that by this Law, he is to be Executed for Treason.

These things are no Nicetyes, or remote Considerations (though in making of Laws, and which must come after∣wards under Construction of Judges, Durante Bene-placito, all Cases are to be put and imagined) but there being an Act in Scotland for Tvventy thousand Men to March into England upon Call, and so great a Body of English Soulde∣ry in France, within Summons, besides what Forainers may be obliged by Treaty to furnish, and it being so fresh in me∣mory, what sort of persons had lately been in Commission among us, to which add the many Bookes, then Printed by Licence, Writ, some by Men of the Black, one of the Green Cloath, wherein the Absoluteness of the English Mo∣narchy is against all Law asserted.

All these Considerations put together, were sufficient to make any honest and well-advised man, to conceive indeed, that upon the passing of this Oath and Declaration, the vvhole sum of Affaires depended.

It grew therefore to the greatest contest, that has perhaps ever been in Parliament, wherein those Lords, that were a∣gainst this Oath, being assured of their own Loyalty and Merit, stood up now for the English Liberties with the same Genius, Virtue and Courage, that their Noble Ancestors had formerly defended the Great Charter of England, but with so much greater Commendation, in that they had here a fairer

Field, and the more Civil way of Decision: They fought it out under all the disadvantages imaginable: They were overlaid by Numbers, the noise of the House, like the VVind was against them, and if not the Sun, the Fire-side was all∣wayes in their Faces; nor being so few, could they, as their Adversaries, withdraw to refresh themselves in a whole days Ingagement: Yet never was there a clearer Demonstration how dull a thing is humane Eloquence, and Greatness, how Little, when the bright Truth discovers all things in their proper Colours and Dimensions, and shining shoots its Beams thorow all their Fallacies, It might be injurious where all of them did so excellently well, to attribute more to any one of those Lords than another, unless because the Duke of Buckingham, and the Earl of Shaftsbury, have been the more reproached for this brave Action, it be requisite by a double proportion of Praise to set them two on equal terms with the rest of their Companions in Honour. The particu∣lar Relation of this Debate, which lasted many dayes with great eagerness on both sides, and the Reasons but on one, was in the next Session burnt by Order of the Lords, but the Sparkes of it will eterually fly in their Adversaries faces.

Now before this Test could in so vigorous an opposition passe the House of Peers, there arose unexpectedly a great Controversy betwixt the two Houses, concerning their Pri∣viledges on this occasion, The Lords according to their un∣doubted Right, being the Supream Court of Judicature in the Nation, had upon Petition of Doctor Shirley, taken cognizance of a Cause between him and Sir John Fagg, a Member of the House of Commons, and of other Ap∣peales from the Court of Chancery, which the Commons, whether in good earnest, which I can hardly believe, or rather some crafty Parliament men among them, having an eye upon the Test, and to prevent the hazard of its coming a∣mong them, presently took hold of, and blew the Coales to such a degree, that there was no quenching them.

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

In the House of Peers both Partyes, as in a point of their own Privilege, easily united, and were no lesse inflamed a∣gainst the Commons, and to uphold their own ancient Ju∣risdiction; wherein neverthelesse both the Lords for the Test, and those against it, had their own particular reasons, and might have accused each-other perhaps of some arti∣fice; The matter in conclusion was so husbanded on all sides, that any longer converse betwixt the two Houses grew im∣practicable, and his Majesty Prorogued them therefore till the 13th of October 1675, following: And in this manner that fatall Test which had given so great disturbance to the mindes of our Nation, dyed the second Death which in the language of the Divines, is as much as to say, it was Dam∣ned.

The House of Commons had not in that Session been wanting to Vote 300000 l. towards the building of Ships, and to draw a Bill for appropriating the Ancient Tunnage and Poundage, amounting to 400000 l. yearly to the use of the Navy, as it ought in Law already, and had been granted formerly upon that special Trust and Confidence, but nei∣ther did that 300000 l. although Competent at present, and but an earnest for future meeting, seem consider∣able, and had it been more, yet that Bill of appropriating any thing to its true use, was a sufficient cause to make them both miscarry, but upon pretense of the quarrel between the Lords and Commons in which the Session thus ended.

The Conspirators had this interval to reflect upon their own affaires. They saw that the King of France (as they called him) was so busy abroad, that he could not be of far∣ther use, yet, to them here, then by his directions, while his Armyes were by assistance of the English Forces, severall times saved from ruines. They considered that the Test was defeated, by which the Papists hoped to have had Repri∣salls for that of Transubstantiation, and the Conspirators

to have gained Commission, as extensive and arbitrary, as the malice of their own hearts could dictate: That herewith they had missed of a Legality to have raised mony without Consent of Parliament, or to imprison or execute whosoever should oppose them in pursuance of such their Commission. They knew it was in vaine to expect that his Majesty in that want, or rather opinion of want, which they had reduced him to, should be diverted from holding this Session of Par∣liament: nor were they themselves for this once wholy a∣verse to it, For they presumed either way to find their own account, that if mony were granted it should be attributed to their influence, and remaine much within their disposal, but if not granted, that by joyning this with other accidents of Parliament, they might so represent things to his Majesty as to incense him against them, and distrusting all Parliamen∣tary Advice to take Counsel from themselves, from France, and from Necessity.

And in the meane time they fomented all the Jealousies which they caused. They continued to inculcate Forty and One in Court, and Country.

Those that refused all the mony they demanded, were to be the onely Recusants, and all that asserted the Libertyes of the Nation, were to be reckoned in the Classis of Presby∣terians.

The 13th. of October came, and his Majesty now asked not only a Supply for his building of Ships, as formerly, but further, to take off the Anticipation upon his Reve∣nue.

The House of Commons took up again such Publick Bills as they had on foot in their former sitting, and others that might either Remedy Present, or Prevent Future Mis∣chiefs.

The Bill for Habeas Corpus.

That against sending men Prisoners beyond Sea.

That against raising Mony without Consent of Parlia∣ment;

That against Papists sitting in either House.

Another Act for speedier convicting of Papists.

That for recalling his Mejestys Subjects out of the French service, &c: And as to his Majestys supply, they proceeded in their former Method of the two Bills, One for raising 300000 l. and the other for Appropriating the Tunnage and Poundage to the use of the Navy.

And in the Lords House there was a good disposition to∣ward things of Publick Interest: But 300000 l. was so insipid a thing, to those who had been continually regaled with Millions, and that Act of Appropriation, with some others, went so much against stomack that there wanted only an opportunity to reject them, and that which was readiest at hand was the late quarrel betwixt the House of Lords and the Commons. The house of Commons did now more peremptorily then ever, oppose the Lords Jurisdiction in Appeals: The Lords on the otherside were resolved not to depart from so essentiall a Priviledge and Authority, but to proceed in the Exercise of it: So that this Dispute was raised to a greater Ardure and Contention then ever, and there appeared no way of accomodation. Hereupon the Lords were in consultation for an Addresse to his Majesty con∣teining many weighty Reasons for his Majestyes dissolving this Parliament, deduced from the nature and behaviour of the present House of Commons: But his Majesty, although the transaction between the two Houses was at present be∣come impracticable, Judging that this House might at some other time be of use to him, chose only to Prorogue the Parliament; The blame of it was not onely laid, but aggra∣vated, upon those in both Houses, but especially on the Lords-House, who had most vigorously opposed the French and Popish-Jnterest. But those who were present at the Lords, and observed the conduct of the Great Ministers

there, conceived of it otherwise; And as to the House of Commons, who in the heat of the Contest, had Voted,

That vvhosoever shall Sollicity or prosecute any Appeal a∣gainst any Commoner of England, from any Court of Equity be∣fore the House of Lords, shall be deemed and taken abetrayer of the Rights and Liberties of the Commons of England, and shall be proceeded against accordingly.

Their Speaker, going thorow VVestminster Hall to the House, and looking down upon some of those Lawyers, commanded his Mace to seize them and led them up Priso∣ners with him, which it is presumed, that he being of his Majesties Privie Councill, would not have done, but for what some men call his Majesties Service; And yet it was the highest, this, of all the Provocations which the Lords had received in this Controversie. But however, this fault ought to be divided, there was a greater committed in Pro∣roguing the Parliament, from the 22th. of November 1675, unto the 15th, of February 1676. And holding it after that dismission, there being no Record of any such thing done since the being of Parliaments in England, and the whole Reason of Law no lesse then the Practise and Custome hold∣ing Contrary.

This vast space betwixt the meetings of Parliament can∣not more properly be filled up, then with the coherence of those things abroad and at home, that those that are intel∣ligent may observe whether the Conspirators found any in∣terruption, or did not rather sute this event also to the Con∣tinuance of their Counsells. The Earl of Northampton is not to be esteemed as one engaged in those Counsells, be∣ing a person of too great Honour, though the advanceing of him to be Constable of the Tovver, was the first of our Do∣mestick occurrents. But if they could have any hand in it,

'tis more probable that lest he might perceive their Contri∣vances, they apparelled him in so much Wall to have made him insensible. However men conjectured even then by the Quality of the Keeper, that he was not to be disparaged with any mean and vulgar Prisoners. But another thing was all along very remarkable, That during this Inter-Parlia∣ment, there were five Judges places either fell, or were made vacant, (for it was some while before that Sir. Francis North had been created Lord Cheif Justice of the Common Pleas) the five that succeeded, were Sir Richard Rainsford, Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench. Mountagne, Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer. Vere Bartie, Barrister at Law, one of the Barrons of the Exchequer. Sir William Scroggs, one of the Justices of the Common Pleas. And Sir Thomas Jones, one of the Justices of the Kings Bench. Concerning all whom there it somthing too much to be said; and it is not out of a figure of speech, but for meer reverence of their Profession that I thus passe it over, considering also humane infirmity, and that they are all by their Pattens, Durante Bene Placito, bound as it were to the Good Behaviour. And it is a shame to think what triviall, and to say the best of them, obscure persons have and do stand next in prospect, to come and sit by them. Justice Atknis also by Warping too far towards the Laws, was in danger upon another pretense to have made way for some of them, but upon true Repentance and Contrition, with some Almes Deeds, was admitted to Mercy; And all the rest of the Benches will doubtlesse have profited much by his, and some other example. Alas the Wisdom and Probity of the Law went of for the most part with good Sir Mathevv Hales, and Justice is made a meere property. This poysonous Arrow strikes to the very heart of Government, and could come from no Quiver but that of the Conspirators. What French Counsell, what standing Forces, what Parliamentary Bribes, what National Oaths, and all the other Machinations of wicked men have not yet

been able to effect, may be more compendiously Acted by twelve Judges in Scarlet.

The next thing considerable that appeared preparatory for the next session, was a Book that came out by publick Authority, Intitled, Considerations touching the true vvay to suppresse Popery, &c. A very good design, and writ, I be∣leive, by a very good man, but under some mistakes, which are not to be passed over. One in the Preface, wherein he saith, The Favour here proposed in behalf of the Romanists, is not more than they injoy among Protestants abroad at this day. This I take not to be true either in Denmark, or Svveden and some other Countrys were Popery is wholly suppressed; and therefore if that have been effected there, in ways of prudence and consisting with Christianity, it ought not to have been in so general words misrepresented.

Another is, P. 59, and 60. a thing ill and dangerous∣ly said, concluding; I knovv but one Instance, that of David in Gath, of a man that vvas put to all these straits, and yet not Cor∣rupted in his principles. When there was a more Illustrious Example near him, and more obious.

What else I have to say in passing, is, as to the Ground∣work of his whole design; which is to bring men nearer, as by a distinction betwixt the Church and Court of Rome, a thing long attempted, but ineffectually, it being the same thing as to distinguish betwixt the Church of England, and the English Bishops, which cannot be seperated. But the intention of the Author, was doubtlesse very honest, and the English of that Profession, are certainly of all Papiest the most sincere and most worthy of favour; but this seemed no proper time to negotiate further then the Publick Con∣venience.

There was another Book likewise that came out by Au∣thority, towards the Approach of the Session, Intitled, A Packet of Advise to the men of Shaftsbury, &c. But the name of the Author was concealed, not out of any sparke of mo∣Modesty,

but that he might with more security excercise his Impudence, not so much against those Noble Lords, as a∣gainst all Publick Truth and Honesty. The whole composi∣tion is nothing else but an Infusion of Malice, in the Froath of the Town, and the Scum of the University, by the Prescription of the Conspirators. Nor, therefore did the Book deserve naming, no more then the Author, but that they should rot together in their own Infamy, had not the first events of the following Session made it remarkable, that the Wizard dealt with some Superior Intelligence.

And on the other side, some Scattering papers straggled out in Print, as is usuall for the information of Parliament men, in the matter of Law concerning Prorogation, which all of them, it is to be presumed, understood not, but was like to prove therefore a great Question.

As to matters abroad from the Year 1674, That the Peace was concluded betwixt England and Holland; the French King, as a mark of his displeasure, and to humble the English Nation, let Loose his Privateers among our Mer∣chant men: There was thenceforth no security of Com∣merce or Navigation notwithstanding the publick Amity betwixt the two Crowns, but at Sea they Murthered Plun∣dred, made Prize and Confiscated those they met with. Their Picaroons laid before the Mouth of our Rivers, hoverd all along the Coast, took our Ships in the very Ports, that we were in a manner blocked up by Water. And if any made application at his Soveraign Port for Justice, they were in∣solently bassled, except some sew, that by Sir, Ellis Leightous Interest, who made a second prize of them, were redeemed upon easier Composition. In this manner it continued from 1674, till the latter end of 1676 without remedy, even till the time of the Parliaments Sitting: so that men doubted whether even the Conspirators were not Complices also in the matter, and sound partly their own account in it. For evidence of what is said, formerly, the Paper at the end

of this Treatise annexed may serve, returned by some Members of the Privy Council to his Majesties Order, to which was also adjoyned a Register of so many of the English Ships as then came to notice which the French had taken, (and to this day cease not to treat our Merchants at the same rate.) And yet all this while that they made these intolerable and barbarous Piracyes, and depredations upon his Majestyes Subjects, from hence they were more deligent∣ly then ever supplied with Recruits, and those that would go voluntarily into the French service were incouraged, others that would not, pressed, imprisoned, and carried over by maine force, and constraint, even as the Parliament here was ready to sit down; notwithstanding all their former frequent applications to the Contrary. And his Majesties Magazins were daily emptied, to furnish the French with all sorts of Ammunition, of which the following note containes but a small parcell, in comparison of what was daily convey∣ed away, under colour of Cockets for Jarsy, and other places.

A short account of some Amunition, &c. Exported from the Port of London to France, from June, 1675. to June 1677.

Granadoes without number, Shipt off under the colour of unwroght Iron.

Lead Shot

21 Tuns.

Gunpovvder

7134 Barrels.

Iron Shot

18 Tun, 600 Weight.

Matcb

88 Tun, 1900 Weight.

Iorn Ordinance,

441. Quantity, 292 Tuns, 900 Weight.

Carriages, Bandileirs, Pikes, &c. uncertain.

Thus was the French King, to be gratified for undoing us by Sea with contributing all that we could rap and rend of Men, or Amunition at Land, to make him more potent against us, and more formidable.