The commentaries of Messire Blaize de Montluc, mareschal of France wherein are describ'd all the combats, rencounters, skirmishes, battels, sieges, assaults, scalado's, the taking and surprizes of towns and fortresses, as also the defences of the assaulted and besieg'd : with several other signal and remarkable feats of war, wherein this great and renowned warriour was personally engag'd, in the space of fifty or threescore years that he bore arms under several kings of France : together with divers instructions, that such ought not to be ignorant of, as propose to themselves by the practice of arms to arrive at any eminent degree of honor, and prudently to carry on all the exploits of war.

THE COMMENTARIES OF Messire Blaize de Montluc, MARESCHAL OF FRANCE. The Third Book. (Book 3)

WHilst the War was kept on foot in Piedmont, after the manner I have before related,* 1.1 under the conduct of this great Soldier, Mon∣sieur de Brissac, who there established so admirable a Military Discipline, that it might with good reason be said to be the best School of War in Europe; they did not sleep in Picardy, Cham∣pagne, and Mets, which was at this time besieg'd by the Emperor. There it was that the great Duke of Guise acquir'd immortal glory. I was never more troubled at any thing in my whole life then that I had not the good fortune to see this Siege: but a man cannot be in so many places at once. The King, who desired to discompose the Empe∣ror's affairs in Italy, prevail'd so far by the practices and dexterity of some Cardinals of his party,* 1.2 and of Monsieur de Termes, that he made the Inhabitants of Sienna to revolt, which is a very beatiful and important City in Tuscany, insomuch that the Spanish Gar∣rison which was in it was driven out, and the Citadel raz'd to the ground. So soon as these people had thus shak'•• off the Spanish yoke, and saw themselves at liberty, having set up the Ensigns of France, they were not wanting to themselves in imploring succours and assistance from the King,* 1.3 who accordingly gave the charge thereof to Monsieur de Strozzy, (the same who was afterwards Mareschal) who by the help and concurrence of the King's confederates and friends in those parts drew some forces into the field, being therein assisted by the Signiors Cornelio Bentivoglio, Fregosa, and other Italians, with the Sieurs de Termes, and de Lansac; where, though he had all the Forces of the Emperor and the Great Duke of Florence to deal withall, he nevertheless carried himself with so much bravery and conduct, as to make head against the Marquis de Marignano, who prosecu∣ted the War with might and main. Notwithstanding which Monsieur de Strozzy in de∣spight of him took several little Towns belonging to the State of Sienna, the particulars whereof I shall not meddle withal, forasmuch as I was not there present: but, by what I have heard, he there perform'd several very brave exploits: for the Emperor and the Duke of Florence desired nothing more, than to drive the King out of Italy, out of the appre∣hension they had, that having got in a foot, he should afterwards skrew in his whole body: But we never yet knew how to husband our Conquests; I know not what we may do hereafter, though I fear that matter will never be mended, at least I see no signs of it yet; God grant I may be mistaken.

Monsieur de Strozzy then sent to the King to aquaint him, that it was not possible for him both to keep the field,* 1.4 and to govern in Sienna too, and that therefore he most hum∣bly besought his Majesty to make choice of some person in whom he might safely confide to command in the Town, so long as he should continue in the field. The King having receiv'd this dispatch, call'd for the Constable, Monsieur de Guise, and the Mareschal de

St. André, where he acquainted them with Monsieur de Strozzy's request, desiring them to name each of them one for this employment; for all things past through the hands of these three, and nothing was determin'd without them. All our Kings have ever had this trick, to suffer themselves to be govern'd by some particular men, and perhaps too much, so that it looks sometimes as if they stood in awe of their own subjects. Of these the Constable stood in the highest degree of favour, and was ever more belov'd by the King than any other; he therefore first nam'd his man, Monsieur d•• Guise another, and the Mareschal a third. Which having done the King said to them, you have none of you nam'd Montluc,* 1.5 to which Monsieur de Guise made answer, that it was out of his head, and the Mareschal said the same, Monsieur de Guise moreover adding, if) you name Mont∣luc I have done, and shall speak no more of him I nominated before; nor I said the Mares∣chal, who has since related to me the whole debate. The Constable then stood up, and said, that I was by no means proper for this employment, as being too humorous, pee∣vish, and passionate, to which the King made answer, that he had ever observ'd and known me to be peevish and passionate, upon the account of his service only, when I saw h••m not serv'd so well as he ought to be, and that he had never heard I ever had a quarrel with any one upon my own particular account. Monsieur de Guise and the Ma∣reschal said also the same, adding moreover that I had already been Governor both of Montcallier and Alba, without so much as any one man's opening his mouth to com∣plain of my Administration; and that also had I been a person of that temper, the Ma∣reschal de Briss••c. would never have lov'd and favour'd me at the rate he did, not have reposed so great a confidence in me as he had ever done. The Constable hereupon answered very roundly again, and made good his former objection with great vehemency, and would by all means that the person he had nominated should stand: for he was impati∣ent of being controverted, and more of being over-rul'd; neither indeed did he ever much love me, nor any of his. The Cardinal of Lorrain was there present, who may better remember than I, who it was that the Constable nam'd: but (if I be not deceiv'd) it was Boccal, who is since turn'd Hugonot: however in the end the King would carry it, having Monsieur de Guise and the Mareschal de St. André on his side, and dispatch't a∣way a Courier to the Mareschal de Brissac to send me into Avignon, where accordingly I staid expecting a Gentleman his Majesty sent to me, who brought my dispatch to go presently away to Sienna.

Now the Mareschal had some dayes before given me leave to retire to my own house, by reason of a sickness I was fallen into, as I have said elsewhere; who had no mind to do it, as he himself confest to me since; and has done me the honor to tell me, that had he known of what importance the loss of me, would have been to him, he would nat have so commended me to the King as he had done, and that in his life he never repented any thing so much as the letting me depart from him, telling me of a great many things wherein he had not been so well served after my departure out of Piedmont. Monsieur de Cossé, President Birague, and several others can witness how oft they have heard him lament any abs••nce, especially when matters did not succeed according to his desire. And if any one will take the pains to consider what I perform'd while I was there under his Command, he will find that what I say is very true, and that he had some reason to regret me. I was alwayes at his feet, and at his head. I will not say nevertheless, that any thing would have been better done for my being there: but however I must needs speak the truth, and there are who can say more if they please.

He then writ a Letter to the King,* 1.6 and another to the Constable, wherein he sent his Majesty word, that he had made a very ill choice of me to command in Sienna, for that I was one of the most cross-grain'd chollerick f••llows in the whole world, and such a one as that for half the time I had been with him, he had been necessitated to suffer much from me, knowing my imperfections. That indeed I was very good for the main∣taining of discipline and justice in an Army, to command in the field, and to make the Soldiers to fight: but that the humour of the Siennois consider'd, it would be fire to fire, which would be the only means to lose that State, which was to be preserv'd by gentleness and moderation. He moreover entreated the Constable to remonstrate as much to the King, and in the mean time dispatcht a Courier to me, who found me very sick, by whom he sent me word, that the King would send me to Sienna; but, that as a friend of mine, he advised me not to accept of that employment,* 1.7 entreating me not to forsake him, to go serve elsewhere under another, and assuring me withal, that if any Command hapned to be vacant in Piedmont, that I had more mind to than what I al••eady had, I should have it; which were all artifices to detein me.

O that a wise Lieutenant of a Province ought to have an eye, and to take heed of losing

a man in whom he may absolutely confide, and whom he knows to be a man of valour, and ought to spare nothing that he may keep him; for oftentimes one man alone can do much. You must eat a great deal of Salt with a man before you can rightly known him; and in the mean time you are depriv'd of him with whom you were throughly acquainted, in whom you reposed your trust, and of whose fidelity you have already had sufficient proof. The said Mareschal had moreover sent word to the King, that I was in Gascony very sick, and in the morning as the Letters were read, the Constable, who was mighty well pleased with the contents, said to the King, Did not I tell your Majesty as much, you find the Mareschal to be of the same opinion, and no man living can know Montluc bet∣ter than he who has so often seen him at work. To which the King (who naturally lov'd me, and had ever done so, after he had seen my behaviour at the Camisado of Bullen) reply'd, that although all those of his Council should speak against me, yet should they prevail nothing by it: for it was his nature to love me, and that he would not after his election let them all say what they would. Monsieur de Guise then spake and said, here is a letter very full of contradictions: for in the first place the Mareschal de Brissac says that Montluc is cross∣gain'd and cholerick and that he will never suit with the Sie••nois, but will ruine your ser∣vice if you send him thither; and on the other side commends him for qualities that are re∣quired in a man of command, to whom the trust of great things is to be committed: for he speaks him:* 1.8 to be a man of an exact discipline, and great justice, and fit to make the Soldiers fight in great Enterprizes and Executions; and who ever saw a man endued with all these good qualities, that had not a mixture of Choller amongst them? Such as are indifferent whe∣ther things go well or ill may indeed be without passion, and as to the rest, since Sir your Ma∣jesty has your self made the Election, I humbly conceive you ought not revoke it. The Ma∣reschal de St. André spake next, and said, Sir, what the Mareschal de Brissac complains of you may easily correct, by writing to Montluc, that your self having made choice of his person above all others for this employment, he must for your sake at much at he can govern his pas∣sion, having to do with such a fickle••headed people as those of Sienne. To which the King made answer, that he did not fear but that after he had writ me a letter, I would do as he should command me; and immediately thereupon dispatcht away a Courrie: to me to my own house, by whom he sent me word, that although I should be sick, I must nevertheless put my self upon my way to go directly to Marseilles, where I should meet my dispatch, and should there embark my self with the Germans that the Rhinceroc brought, and ten com∣panies of French foot, to which place he would also send me money for my journey, and that I must for a while leave my passion behind me in Gascony, and a little accommodate my self to the humor of that people. The Courrier found me at Agen very sick, and under the Physicians hands, notwithstanding which I told him, that in eight dayes I would begin my journey, which I did, and verily thought I should have dyed at Tholouse, from whence by the advice of the Physicians I was to return back again, which I would not do: but caused my self to be hall'd along as far as Montpellier, where I was again ad∣vised by the Physicians to go no further,* 1.9 they assuring me that if I ventur'd to proceed on my journey I should never come alive to Marseilles: but whatever they could say, I was resolv'd to go on so long as life lasted, come on't what would, when just as I was going away there came another Courrier from the King to hasten me, and from day to day I recovered my health in travelling; so that when I came to Marseilles I was with∣out comparison much better than when I parted from my own house.

In plain truth the King my good Master had reason to defend my cause, for my cho∣ler was never prejudicial to his service, it has indeed been sometimes prejudicial to my self and some others, who would not avoid not comply with my humour. I never lost Place, Battail, nor Rencounter, nor ever was the occasion of losing any one of his Subjects; my choler never so far transported me as to do any thing prejudicial to his service, and if it be violent and prompt, it is the sooner gone: I have ever observ'd that such people are bet∣ter to be employ'd than any other, for they have no malice in them, nor no dangerous re∣servations, and if they be more suddain, they are also more valiant than those who by their moderation would appear to be more wise: but leaving this discourse I shall return to my voyage.

At my coming to Marseilles I found that the Baron de la Garde was already departed with the Army to go to Argiers,* 1.10 there to prevail with the King of Argier to convoy him with his Fleet, forasmuch as the said Baron had been advertized, that Prince Auria lay waiting for him with a great Navy to intercept him by the way; and the Kings Fleet of it self was not strong enough to undertake him, which was the reason that we delayed the time for a few days. So soon then as the Baron arrived, having the Argier Fleet with him,* 1.11 we embarkt our selves at Toulon, and by the way met eight of nine Vessels laden with Corn, la Garde

that came out of Sicily, and was going for Spain, which the Baron caused to be set on fire, excepting two that he took along with him for the support of his Army, and so went on to Port' H••rcole, at which place we could not possibly land, forasmuch as the Marquis de Marignano lay with his Camp near unto the way by which we were of necessity to pass to go to Sienna. We were therefore constrain'd to reimbark our men, and to fall back, to land with greater safety, near to Escarlin, where Monsieur de Strozzy lay with his Camp.* 1.12 We there heard news that the Prior of Capua had but two days before been slain in viewing Escarlin, which was a very great loss, he being as brave a man as liv'd, both by land and sea, and a true Servant of the Kings. He was Brother to Monsieur de Strozzy, and it was said, was kill'd by the hand of a Peasant, that fir'd a Harquebuz at him from behind a Bush. Behold what a sad misfortune this was, that so great a Captain should perish by the hand of a Rascal with his fire stick. And so we marcht on to Bonconvent, Monsieur de Strozzy going always a little before us for conveniency of victual, and there all the Army joyn'd together.

Before the Germans and the French arriv'd at the said Bonconvent, Monsieur de Stroz∣zy went out in the morning before, with the three thousand Grisons (of which Mon∣sieur de Fourcavaux was Colonel) and the Italians, to make room for the Germans and French who had need to lye and rest an hour or two. I went over night to wait upon Mon∣sieur de Strozzy, and in the morning departed with him, that I might come betimes to Sienna; where we found Monsieur de Lansac, who at our coming treated Monsieur de Strozzy, Monsieur de Fourcavaux and me at dinner. At the coming up of the Grisons and Italians there hapned a great skirmish at St. Bonde, a Monastery of Nuns near unto St. Mark another Monastery of Religieux. The Mareschal de Marignano lay with his Camp at the Palace of Diau which is upon the road to Florence, within a little mile of Sienna, and this very morning had raised his Camp to go to St. Bonde, there to assault Captain Bartolmeo de Pesera, whom Monsieur de Strozzy with his Company had quart••r••d at that place. The said Marquis had left his Italians at the said Palace of Diau, and taken all his Spaniards and Germans along with him,* 1.13 and as we were at dinner the skirmish began very br••sk and round at St. Bonde. The Grisons and Italians halted at la Palassot, half a mile from Sienna, and our Italians also, by the command or Monsieur de Strozzy, to the end that he might both the sooner determine where he should lodge the Army, and al∣so because he would, that before they should be lodg'd, the Germans and the French should be come up, that they might all at once sit down in their Quarters: but before we had made an end of dinner, we heard some little pieces go off at St. Bonde, that the Marquis had thither taken along with him. At which I said to Monsieur de Strozzy, Sir, the skirmish grows very loud, and is mixt with Artillery, they will deprive you of Captain Bartolomeo de Pesera, pray let us go see what they are doing; to which he replyed, let us go then, and we must go however to see where we are to lodge the Camp. Monsieur de Lan∣sac lent me a gray Turk, for I had not brought my horses by sea; and I then asked Mon∣sieur de Strozzy if he were pleased that I should go see what the business was, whilst he with Messieurs de Lansac and de Fourcavaux went to take order about lodging the Camp? to which he answered, with all his heart; and so we went out at the Port St. Mark. I went then directly to the place where the skirmish was, and they a little on the right hand to see where they should lodge the Army. So soon as I was on the other side the Tresse, where the skirmish was, I there found not so much as one Captain; so that the skirmish lookt like a very disorderly business, and the Enemy had got the advantage of our people; for they had drawn them from the little hills near unto St. Bonde, and driven them to the Medows that lye upon the banks of the River Tresse. At my arrival I askt for the Captains, but met not one that own••d that title, from whence a great disorder ensu'd: but upon the instant I saw one coming upon a gray horse, and gallopt pre∣sently up to him, to ask him if he was a Captain or no, who told me he was; I then askt him his name, to which he made answer, Io mj chiamo Marioul de Santa Fiore, and I said to him. Signior Capitano Io mj chiamo Montluco audiamo ensiemi, Now all the Army had already heard that I was coming with the recruits;* 1.14 so that though we had never seen one anothers faces before, yet we knew one another well enough by our names. I entreated him them to rally his men, and give a charge upon the Enemy, to beat them back again up the H••ll, which he did, and we accordingly drave them up to the very top. In the mean while the skirmish extended it self all along the ridge of a Hill, and by the Vineyards directly to the Pall••ssot, which is a little Palace, behind which were the Grisons, and on the back of the Mountain a little further the Artillery playd, which the Marquis had brought to St. Bonde. There all the Italian Captains, and Signior Cornelio Bentivoglio, who was there Colonel, were at the corner of the Vineyards looking towards St.

Bonde and St. Mark, behind a little Oratory, by which they were covered from the Canon shot.

Now betwixt la Pallassot and the little Oratory it might be about three hundred paces, and Signior Marioul and I so ruffled the Enemy, that we drave the skirmish all along the ridge of the Vineyards directly upon them: I had brought with me Captain Charry, who was my Lieutenant at Alba, with thirty good Soldiers, almost all Gentlemen, who would by no means by left behind with my brother Monsieur de Lioux, to whom the King had given the government of Alba, at the humble request of Monsieur de Valence my Brother, and I had preferred in his behalf. About which there hapned a very great dispute, for the Mareschal de Brissac deferr'd to accept him till he had first had on answer from me; who so soon as he understood the King's resolution to send me to Sienna, he sent me another Courier,* 1.15 entreating me not to quit the Government of Alba, and that I might name, either my own Lieutenant, or any other to command in the place till my return, assuring me that he would accept whomsoever I should appoint, and in the mean time would take care that my pay should be kept for me, so that I should not lose so much as a denier; advising me withal to consider, that the Command the King gave me at Sienna would not be of so long continuance as that of Alba. But I most humbly be∣sought him to approve of my Brother, ass••ring him that he would be as much his effe∣ctionate servant as I was, and that if it should please God I ever return'd from Sienna, I swore to come and find him out, and to serve him in the condition of a private Soldier, though the King should not please to conferre any command upon me, that I might have the honor to be near his person. Now to give you an account of the humour of the Ma∣reschal, I will say and maintain, that he was one of the bravest Gentlemen, and the best Masters that has been these fifty years in France, for such as he knew to be zealous and affectionate to the King's service; and if President Birague will lay his hand upon his heart, he will swear the same.* 1.16 He was a man that had evermore a greater regard to an∣other man's profit than his own, a man could never lose any thing by him, but every man had his share both of advantage and honor, and so to the rest, he lov'd and honor'd a worthy man, even to the meanest Soldier. The best men he knew by their names, and would give ear to the advice of all, without relying too much upon his own head-piece as Monsieur de Lautrec was too much enclin'd to do. But to return to the Skirmish, I found at the Oratory Signior Corneli••, and Colonel Charamont, whom I had not before seen, since my arrival. Betwixt the said Oratory and la Bonde there is a great High-way, and by the side of it two little houses, some ten or twelve paces distant from one another. In this High-way we gave the Enemy a charge, and gain'd from them the two houses, into one of which Captain Charry put himself, and our Italians into the other, they there conti∣nued about three quarters of an hour, almost alwayes fighting, insomuch that the Mar∣quis sent thither all his Spanish Harquebuzeers, and even the Italians who were at their Fort of St. Mark, and planted six Ensigns of Spanish foot upon the great High-way to maintain the fight. Now the hottest of the skirmish was on the right hand, and on the left amongst the Vines, so that the Cavalry could do nothing. Signior Cornelio then by the advice of his Captains was about to retire, when I remonstrated to him that he must by no means offer to stir, till first he had some horse, and also the Grisons to make good his retreat, to whom I would presently go, and entreat them to come up half way be∣twixt the Pallassot and the Oratory, and would likewise go to request the same of the Count de la Miranda, who was Colonel of the horse, and had halted in a Valley behind a little Wood near unto la Pallassot; which they approv'd of very well; and so I presently ran to the Grisons, entreating them to advance but two hundred paces only; but the Colonel that commanded under Monsieur de Fourcavaux would by no means be perswaded to it. I then spurr'd up to the Count, and pray'd him to send out four Corners of horse, which he presently did, and they were the Count de Pontavala, Cornello, Ioby, the Baron de Rabat, and my Nephew Serillac, who commanded the Com∣pany of Monsieur de Cipierre. Now as the Cornets were advancing at a good round gal∣lop, I saw Signior Cornelio, who at the importunity of his Captains was again begining to retire, and presently ran to him, remonstrating that the six Ensigns were upon their march, and that they were Spaniards, whose colours being so large, it was a sign the Mar∣quis was there in person with all his Army, who would infallibly charge him so soon as ever he should begin to descend the Hill, entreating him therefore to return back to the same place, which he did, being departed from it not above thirty paces. I then return'd to the Corners, and stopt them in the mid-way betwixt the Pallassot and the Oratory, which having done, I once more went to the Grisons, who after I had made them sen∣sible of the danger we were in to lose all the Officers, arose and began to strike up their

Drums, and marcht up close by the Horse. The Marquis seeing the Cavalry and the Gri∣sons begin to appear in the field, thought it now convenient to withdraw his six Ensigns out of the great High-way; there was not one Officer of ours on horseback but my self and Signior Marioul, who never stirred from my side, so that I could plainly see all the Enemy did: I then said to Signior Cornelio, Look you Sir, the Spanish Ensigns having discovered our Cavalry, and the Grisons are facing about, now charge them home, for now it is time: which being said, Signiour Marioul alighted, and clapt a Target to his arm, having his sword in his hand; I then said to Captain Charry, that he was now to shew what he had ever been, and must let these strangers see what a Gascon could do, bid∣ding him be sure to charge in before them all. Monsieur de Fourcavaux had brought four hundred Italian Harquebuzeers from Parma, very brave men, who were drawn up close by the Oratory (for my part) I will not make my self more valiant than I am, for I a∣lighted not, I already began to play the King's Lieutenant, and we divided the men to the right and left, all along a great High-way, and there we made our charge, which was a brave one, if ever any was, and such that we drave them as far as a descent on the left hand of St. Bonde, where the Marquis stood with the remainder of his Spaniards and Germans, and being the Spaniards stood just upon the edge of the ascent, those who were put to flight rusht quite through them, and both one and the other ran full drive upon the Germans. The Marquis who saw the torrent of this disorder coming upon him, be∣gan, as well as he could, to retire by a Valley, without sound of Trumpet, or beat of Drum. Those who were come out of St. Marks, retreated also in very great haste, car∣rying off with them the four little pieces with which they had batter'd St. Bonde, into their Fort. The Marquis told me after, when I came out of Sienna, as he accompanied me two miles from the Town, that had we follow'd the pursuit we had put all his Army to flight, and given him a total defeat: but we were not aware of his disorder; we thought our selves very happy, that we had come off so good cheap; and our Enemies thought themselves happier than we.

Monsieur de Strozzy, who was in a Valley on the other side the Port St. Mark, as he was consulting with Messieurs de Lansac and de Fourcavaux about the situation of the Camp, heard very well that there was a very great skirmish; but he knew that all the Captains were there, and that I was also gone thither; neither did they ever imagine it had been half so sharp as it was; but in the end hearing it grow so loud, they left all and came gallopping to us; yet could they not come time enough to the charge, which the said Monsieur de Strozzy was very much troubled at, and something discontented that no notice had been given him of the fight, and Monsieur de Fourcavaux was the same, foras∣much as the Grisons, of which he was the chief Officer, were come up just to fight, and that his Harquebuzeers had fought. But I excus'd it to them both, telling them that I had never a horse-man with me, but Signior Marioul, and that he was too brave a Gentleman to leave the skirmish, having besides three or four Ensigns under his com∣mand, wherefore it had not been possible for me to send them word. Now Monsieur de Strozzy at his rising from dinner had sent away Signior Roberto his Brother in all haste, to cause the Franch and Germans to advance, which he did, and found the Germans be∣ginning to drink,* 1.17 and consequently could not suddainly get them from the Tables; for the said Signior de Strozzy had caused meat to be set ready for them upon the great High-way, which had he not done they had held on their march, and just in the nick had come into the heat of the fight, and so the Battail had been won; but we must say with the Italian. Fa me indevino, & io ti daro denari. This was that which was done the first day that I arriv'd at Sienna, where I so signaliz'd my self to the Siennois, and all the Italian Captains, that knew me not before, as purchased me a very great esteem, both with the Inhabitants of the City and the whole Army; for by running up and down amongst the foot now here, now there, ordering these on the one side, and those on the other, I gave them to understand that this was not the fist skirmish by a hun∣dred wherein I had been engag'd.

The Mareschal then lodg'd his Camp betwixt Porto Novo and Porto Tuffo, in the beautiful Suburbs that are there, and not only there, for I dare boldly say, that if the Suburbs of Sienna had stood altogether, they would have been bigger than the City; for in the Suburbs were more goodly Palaces, and finer Churches and Monasteries than there were in the body of the Town. The next morning Monsieur de Strozzy carried us up to that part of the wall looking towards the Enemies Camp, where we fell into consul∣tation ,* 1.18 whether or no it were good to hazard a Battail; and there the opinions were va∣rious, some thinking it the best, and others conceiving it not convenient so to do. Those who were of opinion that we ought not to fight objected, that we could not go to the

Palace of Diau, without passing close by a little Fort the Marquis had made, betwixt the little observance and the aforesaid Palace, where there was three or four pieces of great Artillery (as it was true), and that leaving that behind, we should also leave our own Fort of Camolia naked of defence. I then propounded that for any harm the Artillery of the little Fort could do us, we could pass by a little before day, and might leave an Ensign or two to bridle the little Fort from daring to sally out, and as for the Fort of Camolia, we could leave three or four Companies of the City to keep them likewise in aw,* 1.19 and that I on my part with the rest of the Forces of the City would go out by Porto Fontebrando, and should by break of day to got to the top of a little Mountain, ready to present my self in the Plain at so opportune a time, that just as our Camp should appear near to theirs, I should at the same instant be got so near them, that they must of ne∣cessity enter into some apprehension, to see us come the one on the one side, and the o∣ther on the other.

The Siennois made account that they could draw four thousand good men out of the Town. There were some who approv'd of my proposal, and of the Siennois also which was to fight; and others were of a contrary opinion. The Game could not be plaid without being lustily disputed,* 1.20 for the Marquis had three Tertia's of Spaniards, namely that the Sicily, that of Naples, and that of Corsica (which we call Regiments) the two first composed of old Soldiers, and that of Corsica of new-raised men (wherein neverthe∣less there were very good Soldiers) together with two Regiments of Germans, each of them containing twelve Ensigns, and four or five thousand Italians. As to the Cavalry I think ours would have beaten theirs, for we had very good Officers, and very brave Light∣horse ; and for the rest, our Army consisted of ten Ensigns of Germans, ten of Grisons, fourteen of French,* 1.21 and betwixt five and six thousand Italians. Of all this day Mon∣sieur de Strozzy could not resolve what to do, by reason of the diversity of opinions, ne∣vertheless I think he was resolv'd the next day to have fought them; for the Siennols were stark mad of fighting, and I do believe fighting for their liberty would have playd the devils:* 1.22 But the Marquis either had some knowledge of his intent, or else his design was not to stay any longer there; for he departed an hour before day in the morning; so that had God inspir'd Monsieur de Strozzy, that he had this day gone out to fight, we had in the morning found them all dislodg'd, and had fought them upon their retreat, and in disorder: but I must repeat what I said before, Fa me indevino, & io ti daro denari.

The Marquis took the way towards Mauchaut, where the Mareschal had left four Ensigns, or else the Marquis held it, who went to another place hard by, and Monsieur de Strozzy directly to Mauchaut, I do not certainly remember whether: but so it was that their Camps lay eight or nine days within seven or eight miles of one another, the one going to take some place, and the other following after to relieve it. Nevertheless the Marquis at last arrived before Mauchaut, and began to batter either to take or re∣take it. I was not there, for I staid behind at Sienna, according to the King's intention, and in relation to my command; yet had it not been for a sickness that I began to fall into, I do believe Monsieur de Strozzy would have taken me along with him, and have left Monsieur de Lansac Governor, as before; but in the end, as Monsieur de Strozzy march't away, Monsieur de Lansac took his way towards Rome, to acquit himself of his Commission of Ambassador.* 1.23 So soon as the Marquis was sensible of Monsieur de Strozzy's coming, he gave place, and drawing off his Attillery, plac't himself a little on the right hand, at the distance of a hundred and fifty or two hundred paces from the Town, where he made his advantage of two or three little Mountains, under which lie entrencht himself on that side by the Fountains. Monsieur de Strozzy then came and encampt his Army all along a hollow way that there was betwixt the Marquis and the Town. Now Monsieur de Strozzy plac't himself so near in design to fight the Marquis, if he could once tempt him out of this Trenches, and there they lay seven or eight days to see which should first dislodge. The Marquis knew very well, that in case he should first move, Monsieur de Strozzy would infallibly fight him; and therefore would by no means be drawn to do it, being expresly forbid to put any thing to hazard, as we were after told by Don Iuan de Luna* 1.24 himself, who was present with the Marquis at that time, and in his own person, a very brave Spaniard.

Now betwixt the two Camps there was no more than the breadth of one little field, and that not above fifty paces over, wherein there daily hapned skirmishes betwixt the foot of both Armies, and so disadvantageous to us, that we always came off with the worse, by reason of the Artillery the Marquis had planted upon the three forementioned little Mountains; so that Monsieur de Strozzy lost more men by their Canon than by their smaller sho••. The said Sieur de Strozzy was possest of one Fountain only, upon

which the Ar••illery from one of the Mountainers continually playd, and kill'd a great many men; so that they were constrain'd to ••etch all their water by night; neither could he ever draw up his Cavalry into Battalia,* 1.25 but that the great shot did great execution up∣on them, and I was told that in three or four dayes time he had above sixscore men and horses kill'd, insomuch that our Cavalry was infinitely discourag'd, and the foot also very much baffled and out of heart. Notwithstanding all which Monsieur de Strozzy per∣sisted obstinate not to remove his Quarters, and that both out of the hope he had that the Marquis would first d••slodge, and give him an opportunity to fight him, as also out of punctilio, that he would not give him that advantage, as the first to forsake his ground. Both the one and the other of these Generals had mettle enough, and both of them had glory in their prospect: but it is better to do one's Masters business, than to stand upon nicities of honor; I mean if there be no manifest shame in the case.

Monsieur de Strozzy every day sent an account of all he did, both to me and to the Senat, as we also met every day in Council to debate upon what he writ to us, and I eve∣ry hour advised, and entreated him not to consume his Forces with continual loss, which would encourage the Enemies Soldiers, and dishearren his own: the Lords of the Senate likewise counsel'd h••m the same; but he had so passionate a desire to fight with the Mar∣quis, that that longing alone blinded his judgment, and depriv'd him of the knowledge of his daily loss. I dy'd with desire to go to him, but the Senate would by no means consent unto it: at last he writ me word, that within two dayes he would retire in the face of the Enemy, directly to Lusignano, whereupon I immediately dispatcht away a Gentleman to him, who was present when the Letter came, called the Sieur de Lescussan, by him entreating and conjuring him not to make his retreat by day, since the loss in the skirmishes had hapned on his side (for by ill fortune our poeple had lost more the two last dayes, than of all the time before•••• and that whoever might advise him to the con∣trary, I begg'd of him to be rul'd by me, and to retire by night, for it was no more than two miles to Lusignano;* 1.26 beseeching him withall to remember that King Francis had re∣treated from before Landrecy after this manner, and was so far from being condemn'd for so doing, that on the contrary he was highly applauded for it, and it was lookt upon by all the Princes and Potentates of Christendome for the most prudent thing he ever did; yet had he sustain'd no loss by skirmishes. I gave him moreover to understand, that hitherto I had never seen a good retreat made after this manner, neither by Friend nor Enemy, if they who made it were closely pursued. I further represented to him the re∣treat that Messieurs de Montegean and de Boissy would make at Brignolles, who would not be perswaded to retire without seeing the Enemy, for all the Captains who were pre∣sent with them could do or say, which was the cause they were defeated within less than half a mile of their Quarters. I also set before him the exemple of Monsieur d' Anne∣baut, at that time Mareschal of France, at Theroanne, of Monsieur d' Aussun at Carignan, and several others:* 1.27 and that since so great a Prince, and so great a Soldier, as King Francis was, had by all the world been commended for that discreet way of proceeding, he ought to take him for his president, considering also that so many valiant Leaders had lost themselves in retreating at the head of an Army; and that by such a loss (if it should so unhappily fall out) he might guess what would become of the City of Sienna. In short Monsieur de Lesussan brought me word, that once Monsieur de Strozzy was re∣solv'd to do it after his sort,* 1.28 and had it not been for one unlucky fellow called Thomas d' Albene he had with him, he had retreated after the manner I advised: but as there are some men in the world, whom God has appointed to do good, so has he created o∣thers to do mischief, as he did this Thomas; for he represented to Monsieur de Strozzy so many things, and so preacht what a dishonor it would be to him to steal away by night, that in the end he made him to alter his determination; who thereupon sent me word that he was resolv'd to make his retreat in the face of the Enemy: Whereas before, to let me see that he was resolv'd to follow my advice, he had at one of the clock in the night sent away two pieces of Canon he had with him straight to Lusignano; at which place I do believe they were already arriv'd (for it was but two little miles) before he al∣tered his resolution. It was four of the clock in the morning before Monsieur de Les∣cussan parted from him, who brought me his determination, and arriv'd at seven of the clock in the morning a la mode de France. This hapned to be in August, and presently I sent to the Senate, desiring them all to meet me at the Palace, for that I had something of importance to deliver them,* 1.29 which they did. Now my sickness was still more and more encreast upon me, and was at last turn'd into a continued Feavor, with a Flix, not∣withstanding which about nine of the clock I came to the Palace, where I began a Speech to them in Italian, which I spoke better then than I can write it now, which is one rea∣son

why I have here set it down in French, as also to the end that the Gentlemen of Gascony, who few of them understand that Language, and shall read my Book, as I am confident they will, may not be put to the trouble to have it interpreted to them. I very well remember what I said, and do truly believe I do not miss ten words, for my dis∣course was only what was dictated to me by nature, without any help of Art.

Gentlemen,* 2.1

I have requested you to this Assembly, that I might remonstrate to you four things, which I conceive to be very important to your conservation, and have been moved so to do, by reason that Monsieur de Strozzy has this night sent me word by Monsieur de L'Escussan of the resolution he has taken this morning to retreat in o∣pen day to Lusignano, in the very face of his Enemy. You all know very well what perswasions and intreaties we have used, that he would take heed of retreating after this manner, and particularly what arguments and exemples I laid before him by the said Sieur de l'Escussan, which he relisht very well at first, and was once resolv'd to do as King Francis did before Landrecy; nevertheless, by I know not what misfortune, he suffers himself to be carried away by a man he has with him, one Thomas d'Albene, who has made him alter his determination, by making him believe that to retreat by night would be dishonourable to him: God grant the ill counsel of this man do not prove dishonourable and ruinous both to him and to you also. Now Gentlemen, whilst we are in expectation what will be the issue of this Battail, I have four things to remon∣strate to you. The first, and which most nearly concerns you, is, that you will please to call to mind, that you are Soveraigns in your own Republick, that your Predecessors from Father to Son have left you this honorable Title: that this War aims at nothing but the ruine of that Soveraignty; for if the Enemy remain victorious, you are to hope for no other, than from Soveraigns to be converted into Subjects, and Slaves; and that therefore it is much better for you to die with your arms in your hands in the defence of this honorable Title, than tamely to part with your Birth-right, and to outlive the loss of your Priviledges and Liberty with shame and infamy. The second is, that you will consider the friendship the King my Master has towards you, who pretends to no other advantage from you, than that your amity be reciprocal to his, and that since he has generously taken you into his protection, you will have this confidence in him, that he will never forsake you: for should you go less in your resolution for one little blow of fortune, consider with what contempt the whole world will look upon you; there is not a Prince upon the earth that will aid and assist you, should they once disover you to be a m••table and irresolute people.* 2.2 For all these considerations therefore I be∣seech you to continue firm and constant, and approve your selves magnanimous and faithful in adversity, when you shall hear news of the loss of the Battail, which I ve∣ry much fear you will soon do, considering the resolution Monsieur de Strozzy has ta∣ken, though God of his goodness divert the misfortune. The third is, that you will consider in what a height of reputation your forefathers liv'd and dy'd, which also they have left you to inherit, that you may for ever carry the name of the most vali∣ant and warlike people of all Italy, and have moreover left behind them honorable memory of the Battails they have won of those of their own Nation. You also derive your selves from the antient warlike Romans, and pretend to be their true legitimate Sons, giving their antient arms, which is the Wolf with Romulus and Remus, Founders of their proud City, the Metropolis of the World.* 2.3 I therefore most earnestly beseech you Gentlemen, that you will call to mind who you are, and what your Progenitors have ever been; which title of honor should you once lose, what a shame and infamy would it be to your famous Ancestors, and what cause will your children have to curse the hour that ever they were descended of such Fathers, who have abandon'd their Liberty, to submit their necks to the yoke of servitude and subjection? The fourth thing I have to trouble you withal is to remonstrate to you, that as I have an entire confidence, you will manifest your valour and vertue upon this occasion, you in order thereunto will suddainly think of making provision of all things necessary to the conservation of your City; for the Battail I already give you for lost, not that it will nevertheless pro∣ceed from any default in Monsieur de Strozzy, but from the losses we have sustein'd in the several skirmishes that have been fought before Mauchaut, it being impossible by reason thereof, but that our people must be mightily Crest-fallen and dejected, and those of the Enemy in greater heart and courage. 'Tis an effect of victory to be exalt∣ed, and fear is the issue of misfortune and disgrace; neither do the little losses in skir∣mishes, which are the usual forerunners of a Battail, ever portend any thing but disaster and ruine. On the other side also, those who retire must of necessity shew their backs

to the Enemy; where, although they often face about, yet must they still make for∣wards, where it will be impossible but they must meet with some hedge or ditch, o∣ver which they must of necessity pass in disorder; for upon a Retreat every one will strive to be foremost,* 2.4 because fear and terror are the ordinary concomitants of those who would retire; and for never so little disorderly haste they shall make all will be lost, if the Enemy have but half the courage that men should have. Remember (Gentle∣men) the Battail that Hannibal gain'd of the Romains at Cannee near to Rome.* 2.5 The Romans who were at home in the City never suspected it possible that their people should be beaten, and therefore made no kind of provision, nor took any order in their affairs; so that when news came of the defeat, they were strook into so great a terror, that the Gates of Rome remain'd for three dayes and three nights wide open, not a man so much as daring to go shut them; so that had Hannibal pursued his vi∣ctory, he might without any opposition have entred the City; as Titus Livie reports in his History. Therefore (Gentlemen) give present order for the securing of your Gates, and appoint men to guard them, which you must also choose out of those of best re∣pute for the bravest and most faithful amongst you: In the next place cause procla∣mation to be made throughout the Ci••y, that all those who have Corn or Meal at the Mills, shall make haste to get their Corn ground, and bring it all into the City. Cause also all those who have grain, or any other sorts of ptovision in the Villages immediately to fetch it into the Town, upon penalty of having it burnt, or put to sack if by to mor∣row night it be not all brought within the walls; and all this to the end that we may have wherewith to support our selves, and maintain the Siege till the succours the King will send us shall arrive; for he is not so inconsiderable a Prince, but that as he has had the power to send you these aids that are already come, he is yet able to send you more; and moreover command your three Standard-bearers to have all their Companies in a readiness at the beat of Drum. My Fever pressing upon me, I am constrain'd to retire to my lodging, in expectation of such news as God shall please to send us, and you I hope in the mean time will take present order about such things as I have put you in mind of, in which assurance, for the service of the King my Master, and particularly your own, I make you a tender not only of the little experience God has given me, but more∣over of my life for the defence of your City, and the antient priviledges thereof.

Thus then I departed from them, who immediately resolv'd to have patience in what fortune soever God should be pleased to send them, and to eat to their very children, before they would for any misfortune that should befall them, depart from the Amity and Protection of the King of France. I perceived both by their countenance and their speeches, that they were a people very well resolv'd to defend their liberty, and to pre∣serve inviolate the friendship they had promised and sworn to me. A resolution at which indeed I was mightily well pleased. They immediately then caused proclamation to be made, upon which every one ran to the field to fetch in what they had, and about five a clock in the Evening arrived Captain Cambas, Camp-Master to the French Infantry, who came to bring me news that the Battail was lost, and Monsieur de Strozzy wounded to death,* 2.6 whom they had laid upon Poles to carry him to Montalsin, and that that very night all those of the Army who had escap't the Battail would be at the Gates of Sienna. I leave any one to judge what a condition I was in, being sick of a Fever and a Dissente∣ry, seeing our General dead, or what was as bad, it being not above fourteen or fifteen dayes since I arrived in this Republick, not having any acquaintance with any one person in the City, and consequently not knowing who were good Frenchmen, and who were not. Time is requir'd to the knowledge of men. Monsieur de Strozzy had left me but five Italian Companies, of which I did not know so much as one Captain, and those he had left in the Citadel and the Fort of Camolia, which were the Keys of the City. I then sent Captain Cambas to carry the news to the Senate, who were nothing dismai'd at it, but told him that three or four dayes before I had remonstrated to them, that this re∣treat would be dangerous; and that although by what I had said to them they had give•• the Battail for lost, they would nevertheless nothing after the good inclination they had for the King, nor despair of being reliev'd by him.

Do not think it strange (fellow Captains) if foreseeing the loss of a Battail, I also fore∣told it to the Siennois, which I did, not to dishearten, but to assure them, to the end that the sudden news thereof might not strike a general astonishment throughout the whole City; 'twas this mad them resolve, this made them take counsel to prepare themselves▪ and in my opinion men do better in expecting the worst, than in being over confident of their Fortune. Upon what I had said to them every one put on a resolution to die in the

defence of their walls, and every thing was presently brought into the City. At break of day in the morning the Infantry arriv'd, for Cavalry were gone away with Monsieur de Strozzy; neither had there indeed at Sienna been any thing for the horses to eat. Co∣lonel Rheincroc, and Signior Cornelio Bentivoglio came to my lodgings, where amongst us it was determin'd, that the Rheincroc should out of ten Ensigns that he had make six Signior Cornelio six of Italians, and Captain Cambas six of French, and that all the rest should be sent away to Montalsin. The Foot were never permitted to enter the Town, till first the Election was made, and with the remainder we also sent away five Ensigns of Italians to goe to the said Montalsin: to which place I writ to Monsieur de Strozzy (upon the assurance Signior Cornelio had given me that there was yet hopes of his life) to give him an account of the order I had taken, which he did also very well approve. The Marquis knew not how to follow his victory,* 2.7 which if he had, all the Army had been cut to pieces, and all the earth could not have sav'd Monsieur de Strozzy from be∣ing put to a cruel death by the Duke of Florence. 'Tis the ordinary fault of Conque∣rors. You Generals of Armies therefore that shall come after us, learn to be wise at the expence of so many others, and suffer not your selves to be so far transported with joy for the winning of a Battail, that you forget to improve it to the utmost; follow your blow, and do not give your Enemy leisure to recollect himself. The Marquis came not till the next day to Lusignano, for he fear'd lest Monsieur de Strozzy might again rally his Army, considering that he had lost none of his horse, and not knowing him to be wounded, and came not of three dayes before Sienna.

I shall not undertake to give any account how this Battail was fought, nor how it was lost; both because I was not present there, and that also there is some dispute about it, and various reports made of those who had done well and ill. This is like a trial at Law, all parties must be heard before judgment be pronounced: for I have heard the French and the Lansquenets accuse the ••risons and Italians for behaving themselves ill in this Battail (though they deny it) and the Cavalry much worse.* 2.8 Others say, and affirm that there was treachery in the business: for my part I can say nothing to't, for I know nothing but by hearsay; but shall stick to what I said before, that these retreats by day in the face of an Enemy are dangerous, and to be avoided, if possible; or if not, 'tis better to lay all at stake,

Monsieur de Strozzy lay thirteen days without discovering any hopes of life,* 2.9 which notwithstanding he fail'd not to send out Captains towards Romania to raise new For∣ces, and to furnish all the Garrisons upon the Sea Coast, and about Montalsin with foot and horse. He was a man of great vigilancy, diligence, and wisdome; but 'tis imposible to be alwayes fortunate.* 2.10 Now seeing my self reduc't to the last extremity, at the door of death, and given over by all my Physicians, I assign'd over the Government of the City to Signior Cornelio: but Monsieur de Strozzy hearing of my desperate condition, sent away post to Rome for Monsieur de Lansac to come and command there; who accord∣ingly being come as far as Montalsin, he was there advised to go by night, and on foot with two Guides and one Servant, and to balk the great high-wayes, by which means he might the better escape the Enemies Guards: but as he was come hard by Sienna, he was there met by some Soldiers who were going to the warre,* 2.11 by them taken and carried to the Marquis, and by him sent away to Florence, where he remained prisoner during all the time of the War, and a good while after. The said Sieur de Lansac was in this ve∣ry ill advised, for he might have past well enough, had he known how to carry his busi∣ness. Had he come I do certainly believe I had died; for I had then had nothing to do, whereas my mind was so wholly taken up with the care of my business, that I had not leisure to think of my disease. Monsieur de Fourqueva••x was wounded, and taken prisoner at this Battail, and Captain Balleron Colonel of the French Foot, with several o∣thers, to the number of betwixt four and five thousand. 'Twas said that Monsieur de Strozzy in his own person, behav'd himself like a brave and valiant Leader. And this was the success of this unfortunate Battail.

This History may serve for exemple to such as have a vanity in making retreats in the face of an Enemy, and I should ever advise that they would rather put it to the push of a Battail, than to retire after this manner; for I find nothing in the whole practice of Arms so difficult as a retreat. Of this that of the Constable at St. Quentin gives us more∣over sufficient proof; a man who in his time had known both how to shew, and teach o∣ther Commanders what they ought to do, though such was his misfortune here, that he could not make use of those precepts himself had at other times give to others. Though I must nevertheless needs say, that had he been well seconded by the Captains of Foot, who were without with him, he might perhaps have made his retreat; for they had only

needed to hazard three or four hundred Harquebuzeers with the Mareschal de St. André, who might very well have kept the Count d' Aignemont from seeing the disorder that was amongst the Baggage, which was yet mixt with the horse, and he would never have charg'd the said Mareschal, had he been sustein'd by the Harquebuzeers, forasmuch as the said Count had no foot at all,* 2.12 and the Constable had had above half an hours time wherein to be gaining ground, as he had already begun to do, and had recover'd the wood to save his Infantry, and so had retir'd with all the Cavalry to la Fere, by which means they could have lost no more than the Harquebuzeers, and part of the Mareschal's horse only; which it had been much better to do, than to lose the General, and all, as they did. I have since talkt with several of the Foot Officers, who are yet living, and remon∣strated to them what a riddle this business was to all men of understanding, telling them that I at the age of eighteen or nineteen only had very well discover'd in the retreat of Captain Carbon and Monsieur de Grammont, at St. ••ean de Luz, that a small party was to be hazarded to save all, of which I my self had had experience, as I have writ in the beginning: but they excused themselves upon the Camp-Master, and laid all the blame to him, which was all they had to say for themselves. All these exemples I have set down that they may be of use to others for the time to come, and cannot forbear often to repeat, and much to insist upon the fault committed by these kind of retreats, by reason of the great inconveniencies that ensue upon them, to the loss of a Battail. It were not worth so much repentance, if they were resolv'd upon a Battail, and to fight it out, that every one might do his best: but to be beaten when they have a mind to retire, and apparently decline ••ighting is intolerable.

You Generals and Lieutenants of Provinces may here see of what importance these errors are; when that of St. Quentin put the whole Kingdom in danger, and was the occasion that we quitted all our Conquests; and this put the King's affairs of Italy in a very ill condition. Be not then asham'd to cover your designs with the shades of night, which is so far from being shameful, that it is on the contrary honorable to fool and deceive your Enemy, that watches an opportunity to do you a mischief; and who when the day appears shall find nothing but the empty nest, and the birds flown and gone: it is a much grea∣ter shame and dishonor to you to be beaten turning your backs. If you be so nice of your honor ••ight in good earnest in God's name; ••it still in your Fort, if it be a place of the least advantage, and there quietly expect either till your Enemy shall be weary of wait∣ing upon you, or that he comes to attaque you in your Camp, and so you shall be sure at least to play your game above board as they say.

Now the Marquis lodg'd the Tertia of C••••sica at the little Observance, the Tertia of Sicily at the Chartreux,* 2.13 where he entrencht them so well, that we could by no means come to them, and himself with the residue of his Camp remain'd at Arbeirotte, and part of his Cavalry were quarter'd at Bonconvent. He trusted to the Garrison he had in the Fort St. Mark every night to go the Patrouille, and so scour the road on that side towards Fontebrando, that no provision should enter into Sienna; yet could he not order it so, but that there entred Cows and Buffles for six weeks together. I think the thing that made the Marquis proceed with so much leisure and moderation, was that he waited for my death, and that of Monsieur de Strozzy; making account that we being once dead, and Messieurs de Lansac and de Fourqueva••x taken prisoners, our people wanting a French-man to head them would deliberate to retire:* 2.14 Monsieur de Strozzy nevertheless recover'd, and being told that I was dead (for by reason I had for three dayes been look't upon as a dead man, no one entring into my Chamber but the Priests to take care of my soul, for my Body was given over by the Physicians, they had sent him such word) Mon∣sieur de Strozzy, I say, seeing Monsieur de Lansac taken, and me dead, would venture to come from Montalsin, and to put himself into Sienna. According to this resolution then he departed in the beginning of the night from Montalsin, with six Companies of foot and two Troops of horse, one of which was commanded by my Nephew Serillac, who be∣fore he set out bethought himself to borrow three or four Trumpets of his Companions, fearing that would fall out which did; for Monsieur de Strozzy could not so secretly de∣part,* 2.15 but that the Marquis had intelligence of his design, and with all his Camp lay in wait for him about Fonte••rando, and all along the River Tresse.

Monsieur de Strozzy had placed all his Foot before, and his Cavalry behind, being himself mounted upon a very little horse, and having his leg sustain'd in a Scarfe fastned to the pummel of his Saddle, and with him was the Bishop of Sienna. So soon as our Italian Foot came into the Enemies Ambuscado, they fell upon them with so great fury, and so sudden a terror,* 2.16 that without much resistance they betook themselves to flight, and bore Monsieur de Strozzy over and over, who with the Bishop got amongst the ruins

of some old houses, where he staid holding his horse in his hand. The noise was so great that it was heard to Sienna, it being not above a mile off at the furthest. The Ene∣my follow'd their victory with great execution, when S••rillac with his Trumpets charg'd through the middest of them; who hearing so many Trumpets, and seeing the horse fa••n in amongst them, faced about in rout and confusion, and ran full drive upon the Mar∣quis, who seeing the disorder was constrain'd to retire to Arberiotte. Now those who had given the charge, and who also had receiv'd it,* 2.17 were Spaniards and Italians mixt together, insomuch that our people fl••d on the one side, and the Enemy on the other. Two or three hundred Italians of ours recover'd the walls of Sienna, others fled away twelve miles from thence, and old Captains too, whom the Mareschal very much e∣steem'd: but the bravest men in the world having once lost their judgment, and giving all for lost, know not where they are. By this you may see how great the dangers of war are, and how infamous a thing it is to run away, without first seeing an apparent danger. During this bustle the day began to appear, when Serillac remaining upon the place, found he had lost no more than three or four of his Troop only, who were also run away with the Foot: but I believe there were not many left of the other Troop, they ha∣ving only a Lieutenant to command them. Monsieur de Strozzy hearing now no more noise, with much ado again mounted on horseback, beginning to discover our Cavalry, and was looking if he could find Serillac amongst the dead bodies: when seeing him come to him,* 2.18 I leave you to judge what joy there was both on the one side and on the o∣ther, and so they marcht together straight towards the City. Now I must needs say that Monsieur de Strozzy herein committed one of the greatest follies that any man in his command ever did, as I have told him an hundred times since; for he knew very well, that had he been taken all the world could not have sav'd him from being put to an ig∣nominious death by the Duke of Florence, so profest and inveterate a hatred he had con∣ceiv'd against him. And although Serillac be my Nephew, I may with truth give him this honor and commendation, that he was the only cause of Monsieur de Strozzy's safety; which I may the better be bold to write, because Monsieur de Strozzy himself told me so. His Troop indeed was a very good one, being for the greatest part Gascons and French; for it was the old Company of Monsieur de Cypierre. Of Captains there came to the Town only Caraffa, who was since Cardinal, and another, as I was told, whose name I have forgot, and two or three hundred Soldiers, whom Monsieur de Strozzy would not suffer to come into the Town, but that night sent them away with the aforesaid Captain, and kept Caraffa with him.

So soon as Monsieur de Strozzy came into the City he presently enquir'd how I did, and was answer'd, that for three or four dayes they had begun to conceive some hopes of my life,* 2.19 whereupon he came and alighted at my lodging, the Bishop and the said Gentleman being with him, where he found me so miserably worn away, that my bones had pierc't through my skin in several parts of my body. He comforted me after the best manner he could, and there staid twelve dayes expecting how God would dispose of me; when seeing me from day to day recover strength, and grow into a better posture of health, he resolv'd the thirteenth day in the beginning of the night to depart, without acquainting any one with his intention but my self only. A little before he took horse he and the Bishop came to take their leaves of me, knowing very well that his being there would cause the Marquis to proceed with greater vigour against the Town, and also that being abroad he might find some way or other to relieve me; where at parting I promised and assured him to hold out to the last gasp.

The Mareschal had set Guards upon all the Roads to catch him,* 2.20 but he chose to retire by a way, by which of all other the Mareschal never suspected he would attempt to pass; for he went out at the Port Camoglia, from whence he descended on the right hand down into the Valley, leaving the Fort of Camoglia above, and going all along by the Ri∣ver towards the Palace of Dian. During his stay in Sienna he perfectly recover'd of his wounds, so that he arm'd, and mounted himself upon a good horse. He met by the way fourty or fifty of the Enemies foot, which gave him some alarm, but he still held on his way, without losing any but some few servants only belonging to some Gentlemen who went out of the City to attend him. It was not however without peril. In a few dayes he escap't three great dangers. A little after his departure I recover'd my health, and caused my self to be carried in a Chair about the Town. The Marquis lo∣sing no time, shut us up on every side, and every day we had very handsome skir∣mishes: but I knew very well that the Marquis would have me for want of bread; which was the reason that I made this Harangue to the Captains, whom I had assembled together to that effect.

Gentlemen,* 3.1

I believe there is none of us who does not desire to come off from this Siege with honor and repute; the thirst of honor has brought us hither. You see we are here shut up for a long time, for we are not to imagine that the Enemy will ever rise from before us, till he have us by one way or another, seeing upon the reducing of this place depends his victory. You see also that the King is at a great distance from us, and that therefore of a long time it will not be possible for him to relieve us, for∣asmuch as he must of necessity draw our succours from Germany, and out of his own Kingdom of France, the Italians themselves without the help of others not being suffi∣cient to raise the Enemies Siege, who have not only the Forces of Italy, but moreover of almost all other Nations. Now in expectation of this relief we are to have a long pati∣ence, in husbanding as much as is possible our provisions; in order whereunto I am to tell you, that I have deliberated to lessen the Size of bread from four and twenty, to twen∣ty o••nces. I know very well the Soldiers would murmur at this, if you did not remon∣strate to them how far we are distant from the King; that his Majesty cannot suddenly-relieve us, and that you will rather die of famine, than that it shall be laid in your dish, that had you had the patience to lessen your diet the Town had not been lost. It would be an infamous reproach to have it said, that you fill'd your bellies to starve your honor; you have not shut your selves up within these walls to occasion the loss and ruine of the City, but to defend and to save it. Represent to them that they are here amongst strange Nations, where they may set a mark of honor upon their own. What glory do men acquire, when they not only obtain honor and esteem for their own particular persons, but moreover for the Nation from whence they come? 'Tis what a generous heart should principally propose to himself for the reward of his do∣ing and suffering. You Germans shall return home proud of the hardships you have sustein'd, and the dangers you have undergone, and we Frenchmen also: and as for you who are Italians, you shall acquire this renown, with invincible courages to have ••ought for the liberty of your Country, a reputation we can none of us obtein, but by a long patience, in giving the King my Master time to relieve us; and believe I beseech you, that his most Christian Majesty will in nothing fail of the friendship he has promised and sworn to you. If you remonstrate all this to your Soldiers, and that they see and know, that you your selves are thus resolv'd, I am assur'd they will follow the same wayes you take. Therefore, Gentlmen, never think to excuse your selves upon them; I have never known a mutiny happen (and yet I have seen many) thorough Soldiers alone, if they were not by their Officers set on, and encourag'd to it, If you lead them the way, there is nothing they will not do, no incommodity they will not suffer. Do it then I beseech you, or resolve betimes to discover the bottom of your hearts, and plain∣ly tell us you have no mind to undergo the length and inconveniencies of a Siege, that such as had rather dishonourably spend their time in eating and drinking, than stake their persons upon an account of honor, may depart, and not divert others from nobler resolutions.

Now because the Germans did not understand my Gibberish, I bad the Rhein∣croc's Interpreter tell his Master what I said, which he did, and the Rheincroc made an∣swer, that both he and his Soldiers would put on the same patience that we our selves did: and that although it was said of the Germans,* 3.2 that they could not endure without eating and drinking their fill, both he and his upon this occasion would manifest the contrary. I was in plain truth the most afraid of these people, because they love to make good chear more than we. As for the Italian he is more enur'd to hardship and suffering than we are. Thus then every one retir'd to his own Quarters to call their Companies together, to whom they accordingly remonstrated the same things that I had represented to them before.* 3.3 Which having heard the Soldiers all held up their hands, and swore they would suffer to the last gasp of their lives before they would yield, or do any thing unbecoming men of honor. I then sent to the Senate, entreating them the next morning to assemble all the chief men of the City to the Palace, to hear a remonstrance I had to make to them, that concern'd them and their affairs, which they did, and there in Italian I made them this following Oration.

Gentlemen,* 4.1

had Almighty God been pleased sooner to restore to me my health and memory, I had sooner thought of what we are to do for the conservation of your li∣berty, and the defence of this City. You have all seen how I have by sickness been re∣duc't to the very door of death, and how God at last has rather by miracle than any operation of Nature raised me up again, to do yet more service for this Republick in such and so great a necessity. Now, Gentlemen, I very well see, that the conservation of your City and Liberty consists in nothing but the making your provisions hold out;

for should the Marquis attempt to have us by force, we shall I hope give him such an entertainment as shall make him curse the hour that ever he came to besiege Sienna: but I perce he has no mind to go that way to work; on the contrary he intends to reduce us by famine; against which we must if possible provide, and defeat him of that expectation. I yesterday called together the Colonel of the Germans and his Captains, Signior Cornelio here present with his, and Combas also with his French Officers; to whom I remonstrated, that to prolong time, and to give the most Christian King lei∣sure to relieve us, it would be necessary to lessen the Soldiers bread, from four and twenty to twenty ounces. Telling them that so soon as all the world should know, and particularly the King, that we are resolv'd to hold out to the last morsel, it will in∣cite his Majesty to fall speedily in hand with levying of succours, that so many brave men may not be lost, and that he may not seem to abandon those he has taken into his pro∣tection in a time of the greatest necessity and danger. Now, by what I have been told you have, during the time of my extremity, taken account of your provisions, and have only found so much as to last to the fifteenth of November. Of which you have also sent word to his Majesty, a thing that may very well give him occasion to grow cold in sending us relief, considering the great distance betwixt him and us, and that also Winter is drawing on. Armies do not fly, nor ride post. His succours will be worthy a great Prince, suitable to the friendship he bears to you, and sufficient to force the Ene∣my from your Walls, and therefore cannot so suddenly be set on foot. Now (Gentlemen) after I had remonstrated thus much to the Captains, I found them all ready to suffer to the last gasp of their lives, and Nation for Nation went to make the same Remonstrance to their Soldiers, whom they found all willing to have patience, and so have both pro∣mised and sworn.* 4.2 See then what you Siennois ought to do, seeing it concerns the loss of your Liberties and Seigneuries, and peradventure of your lives; for you are to ex∣pect no good usage, having put your selves under the King's protection. I beseech you therefore, that since we who have nothing here to lose, neither wives nor fires have shew'd you the way, you will consider of it, to regulate the expence, and appoint Commissaries to take an account of all the corn you have in the City, and also of the mouths; and this being done, begin to reduce your bread to fifteen ounces, for it is not possible, but you must have some little conveniency in your houses, that the Soldiers cannot have. And of all this good order I shall advertize the King's Ministers at Rome, and from thence shall cause a Gentleman to go on forwards to the King himself, to the end that his Majesty may judge what time he may have wherein to relieve us, and for the rest rely upon me, who will have no more priviledge than the meanest Citizen. The Fast that we shall keep shall not only be for our ••ins, but also for the saving of your lives; for the conservation of which I well willingly lay down my own. Crede••e Signi∣ori, che sin a la morte, io vi gardaro quello che vi o promisso, riposate vi sopradime.

They then return'd me very many thanks for the good advice I had given them, which only tended to their own preservation▪ entreating me to retire to my lodging forasmuch as they would go into the great Hall, where all the most eminent persons of the City were assembled, to whom they would give an account of what I had said to them, and that within two hours by two of their Senators they would return me an answer, and so I departed from them. They were as good as their words, and my Proposition being re∣presented in this Assembly, they at last all with one voice resolv'd to eat to their very wives and children rather than not to wait the King's pleasure, upon the confidence they reposed in him of a certain relief, and immediately went about taking of order for the contracting the allowance of-bread, and for the taking an Inventory of both Corn and other provision,* 4.3 which in five or six days was dispatch't. I then sent away Monsieur de L'Escussan, but with very great difficulty, for the Marquis caused strict Guard to be kept to hinder any from bringing us in any provisions, and as many Countrymen as were ta∣ken attempting so to do, were immediately hang'd without mercy. L'Escussan went first to Montalsin, there to give Monsieur de Strozzy an account of all proceedings, that he might give notice thereof to the King's Ministers at Rome, and from thence went to his Majesty to represent unto him the miserable condition of the Siennois, as I had given him in charge to do, and this might be about the middle of October.

From this time forward I could do nothing worth speaking of until Christmas Eve, saving that a little after the departure of the said l'Escussan, we again abated the Soldiers bread to eighteen ounces, and that of the City to fourteen, though all the while there were frequent skirmishes, and very handsomely fought on both sides. Upon Christmas Eve, about four of the clock in the afternoon, the Marquis de Marignano by one of his

Trumpets sent me half a Stag, six Capons, six Partridges, six Borachio's of excellent wine, and six loaves of white bread, wherewith the next day to keep the Feast. I did nothing, wonder at this courtesie, because in the extremity of my sickness he had ••ermitted my Physitians to send men throught his Camp to fetch certain Drugs from Florence, and had himself three or four times sent me a very excellent sort of Birds, a little bigger than the Becca••icco's that are taken in Provence. He had also suffer'd a Mule to enter the Town laden with Greek wine, which was sent me by the Cardinal of Armagnac, my people having sent the Cardinal word, that in the height of my sickess I talkt of nothing but drinking a little Greek wine. Whereupon he so order'd the business, that the Cardinal de Medici writ to the Marquis his Brother to suffer it to come in to me, it being sent un∣der pretence of making me a Bath. The wine came at a time when I was at the last gasp, and so was not deliver'd to me; but the half of it divided amongst the big-bellied wo∣men of the Town. Whilest Monsieur de Strozzy was there I gave him three or four bottles of it, the rest I drank as they do Hippocras in the Mornings. All these civili∣ties I had receiv'd from the Marquis before, which made me nothing wonder at the Pre∣sent he sent me now: Part of which I sent to the Seigneury, part to the Rheincroc, and the rest I reserv'd for Signior Cornelio, the Count de Gayas, and my self, because we com∣monly are together. Such little civilities as these are very gentile and commendable, even betwixt the greatest Enemies; if there be no thing particular betwixt them, as there was not betwixt us two. He serv'd his Master, and I serv'd mine: He ar••aqu't me for his ho∣nor, and I defended my self for mine. He had a mind to acquire reputation, and so had I. 'Tis for Turks and Sarazens to deny an indifferent courte••ie even to an Enemy: but then it must not be such a one, or of such importance as to break or endammage your design.

But whilest the Marquis caress'd me with his Presents,* 4.4 which I only payd back in thanks, he was preparing for me another kind of feast; for the same night about an hour after midnight he with all his Army gave a Scalado to the Cittadel, and to the Fort Ca∣m••glia. 'Tis a strange thing, that above a month before my mind gave me, and seem'd to presage that the Marquis would give me a Scalado, and the Captain St. Auban would be cause of the loss of the Fort. This was evermore running in my head, and that the Germans also would occasion the loss of the Cittadel, into which an Ensign of that Na∣tion every night entred, to keep Guard there; and that was the reason why I plac't an Ensign of Siennois in Guard overagainst the Gate of the Cittadel. Signior Cornelio pre∣vail'd so far with the Rheincroc, that he promised him that in case of an Alarm, and that the Enemy should offer an assault to the Cittadel, the German Captain that he plac't there every night upon the Guard should from him have command to let in the Siennois to help to defend it, though I think he that night forgot so to do. Every night I went to see a Company of French Foot mount the Guard in the Fort Camoglia, and another of Sien∣nois betwixt the Fort and the Gate of the City, under a great Market-house, which on the two sides was enclosed with a little Trench; but in the front of it, which went di∣rectly to the Fort, it was all plain with the pavement, and it might be from this Court of Guard to the Fort threescore or fourscore paces, and as much to the Gate of the City. I plac't this Guard there for two reasons, whereof one was to relieve the Fort if occasion should be, as the other Company of Siennois was to do the Cittadel, and the other to watch that the Enemy did not storm the Wall of the City; forasmuch as on the left hand, at the going out of the Town, the wall was very low, and moreover a part thereof fallen down. I had several times before said to Signior Cornelio,* 4.5 and to the Count de Gayas, seeing Captain St. Auban's Company enter into the Fort, these words. Would you believe that it eter∣nally runs in my mind that we shall lose this Fort thorough the default of Captain St. Auban and his Company? I never saw him enter into it, that it did not put me into a ••it of an Ague, out of the ill conceit I had of him. I could never fancy him in my heart, be∣cause he never had twenty men of appearance in his Company, for he valued a Teston more than the bravest man under the Sun, and as to himself he would never stir from his lodging, for any thing either I, or any of his companions could say to him. I could have wisht him far enough off, I had so strange an aversion to him. And these were the rea∣sons why I ever fancied that this man would bring upon me some mischief or other.

Our Fort of Camoglia was environ'd with a ditch of a Pikes length in wideness,* 4.6 and as much in depth, and not much more on three sides; and in the front of it which but∣ted directly upon the Siennois Court of Guard, nothing but a little Rampire of six or se∣ven foot high, and no more; and about the middle of the Rampire there was a little len••h or half pace, where the Soldiers had so much room only as to sustein themselves upon their knees. The Enemy had another Fort three times as big as ours, and just opposite

to it, within an hundred and fifty paces the one of the other. So that neither they nor we durst pop up a head without being hurt from that Quarter; and in ours there was a little Tower exactly overagainst theirs, where for greater security we had evermore thre•• or four Soldiers which serv'd us for Centinels, and who got up into it by a little hand ladder, as they do into a Pidgeon-house. The said Tower had been broke through on that side towards the Enemies Fort, and we had there plac't barrels fill'd with earth, for the hole had been made by the Artillery from their Fort. Which Fort of theirs Monsieur de Termes had caused to be made; but when he went away it was not wholly finish't: nevertheless when the Duke of Florence broke with the King, the Marquis in one night made a very long march, carrying a great number of Pioneers along with him, and pos∣ses••ing himself of it (for there was no Guard kept there) immediately put it into de∣fence.

Now, as I have said before, at one of the clock in the night the Marquis at once gave me a Scalado* 4.7 both to the Cittadel and the Fort Camoglia, where by ill luck the Com∣pany of St. Auban was this night upon duty. The Marquis with the Spanish and Ger∣man Foot assaulted the Cittadel, where by good fortune they had but three Ladders long enough, and at the very first so overcharg'd those three with men, that one of them broke. Our G••rmans defended, and the Sienno••s presented themselves at the Gate, as they were appointed to do. But the Captain of the Germans who had the command of the Gate would by no means let them in.* 4.8 This dispute lasted for above half an hour, during which five or six of the Enemy entred, and forc't the Germans, who began to turn their backs and fly. They then open'd the Gate to the Siennois, who ran to the head of the Cittadel, where the Enemy began to enter, and met these five or six, who were already entred, whom they cut in pieces, two of them being the Marquis his Kins∣men, one whereof did not immediately die; and this cool'd the courage of the rest who were upon the point to enter. At the same time they gave a Scalado to the Fort Camoglia. St. Auban was in the City, in bed at his ••ase, and his Lieutenant call'd Com∣borcy was at the Fort, a young man of no experience; but that I think had he had good men in his Company would have done his duty. They are both of them turn'd Hugo∣nots since. So soon as the Enemy presented their Ladders by the three Courtins, all his Company betook them to their heels, and the Enemy consequently entred in; and of the four that were in the Tower, three threw themselves headlong down, and the fourth beat down the barrels from the hole, and drew the Enemy in.* 4.9 This Rogue had been taken a few dayes before, and had remain'd above ten dayes prisoner, and I do believe it was upon his account that the Marquis resolv'd upon this Scalado; for he went away with them, and we never saw him after. Now Signior Cornelio and the Count de Gayas were lodg'd near unto the Port Camoglia, who immediately upon the Alarm ran to the Gate, where they found the greatest part of the Company of the Siennois before it, and the rest were firing at the Enemy, who fallyed out of the Fort to fall upon them. Signior Cornelio then left the Count de Gayas at the Gate, and came running to give me the Al∣arm, where he met me coming out of my lodging with two Pages, each of them carry∣ing two Torches, and whom I immediately sent back, bidding him both he and the Count de Gayas to go out, and of all things to take care that the Siennois did not for∣sake their Court of Guard, and to encourage them the best he could, for I would pre∣sently come out after him. He did as I bid him, and came in so opportune a season, that he found all abandoned, and gave the Enemy a charge with the Siennois, and beat them back into the Fort they had taken. The Alarm was already throughout the whole City, and some ran to the Cittadel, and others to the Fort of Camoglia. As I arriv'd at the Gate there came to me la Moliere and l' Espine, both on horseback, the one being Muster-Master, and the other Treasurer, whom I commanded, the one to the Port St. Mark, and the other to Port•• Nuovo, and that by the way as they went they should cry out vi∣ctory, the Enemy is repuls't. Which I did, fearing le••t some in the Town might have intelligence with the Enemy, who hearing this cry would not dare to discover themselves. In the mean time I was at the Gate of the City,* 4.10 sending out the Captains and French So••t••iers to succour Signior Cornelio, and when I saw there were enow gone out, I com∣manded the Lieutenant of Captain Lussan to stay at the Gate, and to shut the Wicker so soon as ever I was out, and that in case I should be beaten back, he should by no means open it, but rather suffer us all to be killed without, and me in the first place. I then went out with my four Torches, and found Signior Cornelio, the Count de Gayas, and the other Captains I had sent out, who had recovered the Rampire, and had pla∣ced the Soldiers upon the little half pace upon their knees, who shot at the Enemy into the Fort, and they again at ours, who could not put up their heads without being disco∣vered,

and on the other two sides the Enemy assaulted, and ours defended. Now whilst I was putting the men out at the Wicket St. Auban slipt by without my seeing him. The Gate into the Fort which we had lost was contrived after the manner of a hole, having one step forwards, and another one side, waving and winding to and fro, and so straight that one man only could enter a breast, In this Entry I found Captain Bourg, who was Ensign to Captain Charry, Signior Cornelio, and the Count de Gayas close by him. Monsieur de Bassompierre Master of the Ordnance was always with me, and one of his Canoneers. I saw very well that the fight was like to continue, and fearing l••st our powder should fail us, bad Monsieur de Bassompierre dispatch away two of his Canoneers to fetch more, which he did, and I dare boldly say, he was as much the cause of our safety as all our fighting, as you shall hear. Those that we fought withal were Italians, for the Spaniards and Germans stormed the Cittadel. I continually ran first to one, and then to another, crying out to them Courage friends, courage camrades, and presently on that side on the right hand of the Gate, where the three forenamed stood, I spyed St: Auban, to whom (running to him, and setting the point of my sword to his throat, I said Rogue! Son of a whore! thou art the cause that we shall lose the City, which notwithst••nding then shalt never live to see, for I will at this instant kill thee if thou dost not immediately leap into the Fort: to which (sufficiently terrified) he made answer, Yes Sir, I will leap in, and then called to him Lussan, Blagon, and Combas, who were his Companions, saying to them, Come on Camrades, second me, I pray leap in after me; to which they made answer, Do thou leap, and we will follow; whereupon I said to him, T••ke th•••• no care, I will follow thee my self, and we all set foot upon the half pace with him, and immediately after his first step, without any more delaying (for if he had he had died for't) he threw himself desperately in, having a Target upon his arm, and his Companions also, for he was no sooner in the air, but the rest were also with him, and so all four leapt in together, and it was within two steps of the Entry, that le Bourg, Signior Cornelio, and the Count de Gayas disputed. I then immediately made fifteen or twenty Soldiers leap in after the four Captains, and as all these were within, le Bourg, Signior Cornelio, and the Count de Gayas passed and entred into the Fort. I caused the Torches to be set upon the Rampire, that we might see, and not kill one ano∣ther, and my self entred by the same way Signior Cornelio had gone before me. Now neither Pikes, Halberts, nor Harquebuzes could serve us for any use here, for we were at it with Swords and Steeletto's, with which we made them leap over the Curtains by the same way they had entred, excepting those who were killed within. There were yet how∣ever some remaining in the Tower, when Captain Charry came up to us, though but eight days before he had received an Harquebuz shot in his head, and such a one as that there∣upon we had given him for dead, notwithstanding there he was with his Sword and Tar∣get, and a Morrion upon his head, ever the Cap that cover'd his wound: a good heart will ever manifest itself; for though he was desperately hurt, yet would he have his share of the fight.* 4.11 I was at the foot of the Ladder, and had sent Signior Cornelio and the Count de Gayas out of the Fort, to encourage those who defended the Flanks, bidding them take the one the one side, and the other the other, as they did, and found work enough to do. I then took Captain Charry by the hand, and said, Captain Charry, I have bred you up to die in some brave service for the King, you must mount the first; which said, he (who was certainly a man of as much courage as ever any man had) without any more dispute began to climb the Ladder,* 4.12 which could not be above ten or twelve staves, and he was to enter by a Trap-door above, as I have said before. I had very good Har∣quebuzeers, whom I made continually to shoot at the hole of this Trap-door, and put two of the said Harquebuzeers upon the Ladder to follow after him: I had two Tor∣ches with me (for the other two Signior Cornelio and the Count had taken along with them) by the light whereof we saw so clearly, that the Harquebuzeers did not hurt to Captain Charry, who mounted step by step, still giving our Harquebuzeers time to fire, and so soon as he came to thrust up his head into the Trap-door, they fir'd two Harque∣buzes, which pierced through his Target and Morrion without touching his head. The Harquebuzeer who followed next after him discharged his Harquebuz under his Target▪ by which means Captain Charry advanced the last step, and so they all three leapt in the one after the other, where they kill'd three of the Enemy, and the rest leapt out at the hole. Those in the Flancks were also beaten off, and so our Fort was regain'd on every side.

Now the Marquis had given order to him that commanded at the Scalado of the Fort, which was the Governor of their Fort of Camoglia, that in case he the Marquis should first enter by the Cittadel, that then he should come away to him with all his Italians▪

and if also he should first gain the Fort, that then he would come with his Spaniards and Germans to relieve him. According to this Agreement, so soon as the Governor of the Fort had gain'd ours, he presently sent to acq••aint the Marquis with it; but there being several little valleys betwixt the Cittad••l and the Fort Camoglia, the said Marquis could not come so soon as he would, though he had made so good haste, that when we had thought all had been at an end,* 4.13 we saw their whole Camp coming upon us, having above an hundred and fifty torches with them; at which time by good fortune Bassom∣pierr's two Canoneers return'd with the powder, which in great haste we divided a∣mongst the Harquebuzeers, for they had none left, and turning about, I bad him send them again for more. At the same instant la Moli••re and L' Espine returned to me, when I immediately sent back la Moli••re to the Standard-bearer of St. Martin to send me two hundred of the best Harquebuzeers he had, and send them by the son of Misser B••rnardi••, a young man that carried a Colours in his Regiment, full of courage, and of Whom I had taken particular notice in several skirmishes, who accordingly came in all haste, and found us at it with the whole Camp. I then left Signi••r Cornelio and the Count de Gayas with the other Captains to defend the Fort, and my self, Bassompi••rre, and the Muster-M••ster went along the Flancks, doing nothing but ••un up and down from place to place to encourage our people. It might be about three hours after mid∣night when we rebegan the ••ight, and it lasted till the day took them off. They there committed one of the greatest pieces of folly that ever men did; for by the light of so ma∣ny torches we saw them more plainly than if it had been broad day, whereas had they ta∣ken the advantage of the night,* 4.14 and advanced with few lights, they had put us a great deal more hardly to't than they did. The two hundred Si••nnois Harquebuzeers, that the Son of Misser Bernardin brought, did us notable service, as also did the Powder that Bas∣sompierre sent for, for we had use for it all before we parted, by reason of the long con∣tinuance of the fight, where it was well assaulted, and better defended.

This was the issue of the fight, the greatest, and of the greatest duration without a Battail wherein I have ever been, and where I believe God Almighty did as much assist me, if not more, preserving my judgment allthe while entire, as at any time in my whole life; for had I fail'd in the least particle of command we had all been lost, and the City to boot; for on that side we had not fortified at all, and all our confidence was in this Fort: I prot••st to God, that for at least three months after my hair stood an end, so oft as I called to mind the danger we had been in. The Enemy there lost six hundred men killed and wounded, as we were enform'd by prisoners we took, and we lost but an hundred and fifty in all both hurt and slain. That which made them lose so many was the light of the Torches, which gave our men such aim that they could not miss, e∣specially being within a Pikes distance or two at the most of the one another, which made a great incongruity in the Marquis, as I said before: for we having but little light, and they so much, we discovered them so plain, as gave us a mighty advantage. So soon as it was fair light day we went to take a view of what dead we had in the Fort amongst theirs, where I found my Valet de Chambre and my Groom, who both leapt in after the Captains; in my life I never had two better servants. Signior Cornelio and the Count d•• Gayas went likewise to visit the Cittadel, for I was no longer able to stand, being yet so weak with my great sickness, that with a puff one might have blown me down; so that I wonder how I was ever able to take such pains: but God redoubled my forces in time of need; for in truth during all this great and tedious fight I never ceased running and skipping, now here, now there, without ever feeling my self weary, till there appeared no more an Enemy to molest us. They came and gave me an account of all that had past, to be carried to their Lodging, and his wounds dressed.

I will not forget to insert here for an Exemple to others, that if ever man was well se∣conded in a time of so great danger, I was, and would for no consideration deprive the Chiefs who were there of their due honor, nor the common Soldiers: for from the time that Signior Cornelio and the Count went out before me and charged the Enemy; neither after I was gone out to them did so much as any one man ever offer to come in again (as Lussan's Lieutenant, whom I had left at the Gate, swore to me) excepting Bossompierr's two Canoncers, who were sent for powder.* 4.15 All the whole City remain'd in arms during the whole time of the fight, and I will give the Siennois this commendation, with truth (as God is true) that there was no so much as any one man, who staid in the houses, and who did not take arms, both young and old, nor a man that discovered the least affe∣ction to the Emperor; which gave me a great assurance of two things, one of their Loy∣alty, and the other of their Courage. Three dayes after the Marquis sent me a Trum∣pet

(the same who had brought me the Present before) to see if any one of those was living who had entred the Cittadel, and that he would not deny to me, but that there were two of his Kinsmen▪ Signior Cornelio then carried him to look upon that who was yet alive, and he prov'd to be one; whereupon the Trumpet immediately returned to the Marquis to acquaint him with it, who at the same instant sent him back again, entreating me to restore him back to him, and that he would be responsible to me for his ransome, which I did in a Litter he had sent to that purpose: but he died three dayes after he came into their Camp.

Methinks you Governors of places ought here to take a fair exemle to present your selves to the fight: For there are some who say, that a Governor, or a Lieutenant of a Province never ought to hazard his own person, arguing that if he chance to miscarry all is lost. I grant them, that he ought not to expose himself at all times, and upon every light occasion, like an ordinary Captain; but when all lies at stake, what is it that you are made Governors and Lieutenants for? what question will be made of your courage? and how will your honor and reputation be brought into dispute? Will it think you ac∣quit you to say, I would not hazard my self in the fight, left losing my self I should lose all: especially in the night to relieve a Fort or a Citadel, considering I was how∣ever able to defend the Town? This excuse will not serve your turn; and believe me the loss of a Fort is of so great importance, that your Enemy has by that means one foot upon your throat already, you are therefore to die, or to recover what you lost, as I did, having at my going out caused the Wicket to be shu••, to take from us all hopes of retreat, being resolv'd to die, or to expel the Enemy, and also letting them alone with their Conquest I had been infallibly lost.

And you Captains my Camrades, take notice and exemple by St. Auban, that you may value valiant men above money, for the love of money will lead you to the loss of your lives and reputations, and valiant men about you will defend both one and the other, and preserve you from danger and dishonor. Admire, and follow as near as you you can the great heart of Charry, who although half dead, would yet come to the fight, and presented himself to enter the first, and pass by a Ladder through a hole, than which a more dangerous passage could not possibly be; for in such a place an Enemy has a mighty advantage. No danger nevertheless could deterre this brave Soldier from run∣ning the hazard. To conclude, I shall tell you Governors of places, that whenever you entertain an ill opinion of an Officer, you provide against his remisness, cowardise, or in••idelity, as I did, by placing the Companies near to the Forts. But I had done better, St. Auban being suspected to me, since I could not totally rid my hands of him, to have employ'd him in some other place. It has since taught me to be wiser, and I have found advantages by it, having never since that time entrusted any man of whom I had a mis∣like. There are wayes enow to shake them off, without either offending any other, or disincouraging the party himself.

A little after, as we understood, there came a Gentleman of the Emperor's Bed-Chamber, who brought letters to the Duke of Florence, and to the said Marquis, where∣in he writ them word,* 4.16 that he thought it very strange this War should continue so long, and that he very well knew Sienna was not a place to resist Canon, but that it was the Marquis his custom evermore to spin out a War in length. In answer whereunto the Marquis remonstrated, that he had done all that in him possibly lay, and knew very well that Artillery would not take the Town, for I had valiant men within, and the whole City were resolute to stand to me to the last, speaking more honourably of me than I deserv'd, commending my vigilancy, and the provision I had made for my de∣fence, so that he very well knew by the good order I had taken in the City, he should but lose so much time by attempting to batter. Notwithstanding the Gentleman being come from the Emperor to this effect, and having already spoke with the Duke of Flo∣rence, they together order'd it so, that they made the Marquis at last resolve upon a Battery. He had before omitted nothing that a good Soldier ought to do, having coop't us close in, without any hopes of relief, and yet he was accused of a design to protract the War: But it is the ordinary reward of a man's endeavour, when things do not suc∣ceed according to the appetite of such as talk of things at their cafe. The desires of those we serve and fight for run a great deal faster than we are able to follow.

About the twentith of January we had notice that the Artillery set out of Florence, to the number of six or eight and twenty Canon,* 4.17 or double Culverine to come to the Camp. The Siennois hearing this news were so curious as to send out a spy, that they might be certain of the truth of this report, who at his return bringing them word back, that the Artillery was already come as far as Lusignano, it put the whole City into some

apprehension, and made them resolve the next day to assemble all the Gentry and the chief of the City to the Palace, there to determine amongst themselves, whether they should abide the assault, or surrender upon composition. Now I was not to huffe and vapour with these people, for they were stronger than I: I was therefore necessitated to win them by gentle remonstrances, and civil perswasions, without the least heat or shew of anger, and you may believe it was not without great violence to my own nature, that I proceeded after this manner, contrary to my disposition, and the image the Constable had represented of me to the King, as he had seen me in my younger and more precipi∣tous age. A prudent and staid Governor, when he is amongst strange Nations must try as much as in him lies, to conform himself to the humour of the people with whom he has to do.* 4.18 With the Germans and Swiss you must be cholerick and rough: with the Spaniards you must observe their starcht face and formality, and pretend to be a little more religious and devout than you perhaps really are: with the Italians you must be discreet and cir∣cumspect, neither to offend them in themselves, nor to court their wives: as for the French man he is for any thing: but so it was that God gave me the grace, who am a Gascon, sudden, cholerick, willful, and forward, so to deport my self with this jealous and mi∣strustful Nation, that not so much as any one Citizen could ever complain of me. Now as all the Gentry and the Heads of the Corporation were going to the Palace, Misser Hi••∣ronimo Hispano, a Gentleman of Sienna, a principal man in the City, and one of the eight of the Council of War, before he went to the Palace, came in all hast to speak with Sig∣nior Cornelio, where he told him that all the chief of the City were summon'd to repair to the Palace, and that it was to determine, whether they ought to stand out a Ba••tery, or to enter into Capitulation with the Duke of Florence, and the Ma••quis of Marignano, and that he had already heard that the major part of them had voted, that they ought to condition, and not to endure a Battery, and an Assault, for fear they should come by the worse; that he was now going thither to them, wherefore he entreated him to give me notice of it. Hereupon Signior Cornelio came to me, and found me ready to take horse to go view the Guards: but so soon as he had told me the news we both went up into my Chamber, where we long debated by what means we might divert this blow; and whilst we were in this deliberation came Signior Bartolomeo Cavalcano, who told me as much as I had heard before, and moreover, that he thought the resolution was already taken throughout the whole City, and that he only went to the Palace, to cast in his lot, and that after the lots should once be cast it would be too late to speak.

We were all three in a very great straight, they which way to advise me, and I was as much to seek whad advice to take. In the end I resolv'd to go to the Palace, and to take with me the Rhinecroc and his Captains, Signior Cornelio with his Italians, and Captain Combas with the French Officers. Our Germans began to suffer much for want of wine, and their bread was very small, for as for flesh there was no more talk of any, unless of some horse,* 4.19 or some ass, that was exposed to sell in the Butchery, and as for money there was no such thing in nature; for Monsieur de Strozzy had no possible means to send any in to us: all which consider'd, it put us into some fear, lest the Germans should joyn with the City to enter into composition, which was the reason that I desired Signior Cornelio to go to the Rhin••••roc, and entreat him from me to bear me company to the Palace, and to bring his Captains along with him, and that he would in the mean time leave his Lieu∣tenants and Ensigns every one in his own Quarters, to the end there might be no sur∣prize about the Walls whilst we should be at the Palace: I wisht him also himself to do the same, and order'd Captain Combas to come likewise, which being done, I sent Bartolo∣meo in all haste to the Palace, to try if he could secretly gain any one to his party that might help to break this design: for I had an opinion, that if I could but divert this one blow,* 4.20 I would deal with so many people afterwards, that the blancks should be the greater number in the Lottery, and so they all went out of my Chamber without be∣ing further acquainted by me what I intended to do.

I was yet so ex••reamly lean, and worn with my late sickness, and the cold was at this time of the year so very great and sharp, that I was constrained to go continually with both my Body and my head so wrapt and muffled up in Furrs, that as they saw me go up and down the streets of the City, no one had any hopes of my recovery, believing that my inwards were decayed and perished, and that I would fall down and die on a sudden. What shall we do said the Ladies and the Citizens Wives, what will become of us if our Governor should die? we shall all be lost; for next after God all our hope is in him; it is not possible he should escape. I do verify believe that the prayers of those good women redeem'd me out of the extremity and languishing weakness I was in, I mean that of my body; for as to the vigour of my mind, and the quickness of my un∣nderstanding,

I never perceiv'd any decay there. Having then before been accustomed to go so wrapt and mu••••led, and observing what moan the people made for me, to see me in so lamentable a plight, I call'd for a pair of Breeches of Crimson Velvet, which I had brought from Alba, said over with gold lace, finely cut, and very near, for I had made them at a time when I was forsooth in love. We had there leisure enough for those fol••es whilst we lay in Garrison, and having little else to do, it was fit to give the Ladies some part of our time. I put on a Doublet of the same, under which I had a Shirt fine∣ly wrought with crimson silk and gold twist very rich: (for in those dayes they wore the neck-bands of their Shirts a good way falling over the collar) I then took a buffe Collar, over which I put on the Gorget of my Arms, which was very finely gilt. I at that time wore gray and white,* 4.21 in honor of a fair Lady to whom I was a Servant when I had leisure; I therefore put on a Hat of gray silk of the German fashion, with a great silver Hatband, and a plume of Heron's feathers, thick set with silver spangles; the Hats they wore in those dayes were not so broad as they wear them now: I than put on a short Cassock of gray Velvet garnisht with little plaits of Silver, at two fingers distance from one another, and lin'd with cloth of silver, all open betwixt the plaits, vvhich I vvore in Piedmont over my Arms. Now I had yet two little bottles of Greek wine left of those had been sent me by the Cardinal of Armag••ac, vvith vvhich I vvet my hands, and vvith them rubbed my face, till I had brought a little colour into my cheeks, and then drank a small draught with a little bit of bread, after which I look't my self in the Glass. I swear to you I did not know my self, and methought I vvas yet in▪ Pied∣mont, and in love as heretofore. At which I could not forbear laughing, for methought I had got on a sudden quite another face.

The first that came to me vvith his Captains vvas Signior Cornelio and the Count de Gayas, Monsieur de Bossompierre and the Count de Bisque, whom I had also sent for; vvho finding me dress'd after this manner, all fell a laughing. I strutted up and down the room before them like fifteen Spaniards, and yet had not strength enough to have kill'd a Chicken, for I vvas so vveak as nothing more. Combas and the French Cap∣tains came also, and the vvhole Farce tended to nothing but laughter for all the compa∣ny: the last that came vvas the R••intcroc and his Captains, vvho seeing me in this po∣sture, laught to that excess that he sobb'd again, when pulling him by the arm, I said to him, What Colonel, do you think me to be that Montluc that goes every day dying through the streets? No, no, you are mistaken, that fellow's dead, and I am another Montluc sprung up in his room. His Interpeter told him what I said, which made him laugh still more, and Signior Cornelio had already acquainted him with the reason why I had sent for him, and that it was necessary by one means or another to disposses the Siennois of their fear. Thus then we went all on horseback to the Palace, where so soon as we were got up to the top of the stairs, we found the great Hall full of Gentlmen, and such other Burgers of the City as were of the Council. Within the great Hall on the left hand there is a lesser room, into which none were to enter but the Captains of the people, the twelve Counsellors,* 4.22 and the Eight of the Council of War, all which are called the Magistracy. Thus then I entred into the great Hall, where I put off my Hat to them, but was known by no body at first; they all believing me to be some Gentleman sent by Monsieur de Stroz∣zy into the City to command at the Assault, by reason of my great weakness. I then entred into the little Hall, with all the Colonels and Captains after me, who kept at di∣stance by the door whilst I went and sat down by the Captain of the people, in the place vvhere those vvho represented the person of the King vvere used to sit, as I my self upon that account had often done. In going up with my Hat in my hand, I smil'd first upon one, and then upon another, they all vvondring to see me, and tvvo had al∣ready deliver'd their opinions, vvhen I began to speak to them in Italian to this effect.

Gentlemen,* 5.1

I have been told, that since the time you have been certain of the truth of the Enemies bringing up Artillery to your walls, you have entred into some debates which have rather begot amongst you fear and astonishment, than any noble resolution to defend your City and Liberty by Arms. Which I have thought very strange, and grea••ly wondred at, not being able to perswade my self to believe any such thing. However in the end I resolv'd with the Colonels and Captains of all the three Nations the King my Master has in this City, to come to you to this place, and to understand from your own mouths the truth of all that has passed. Now I besiech you Gentle∣men weigh and consider well what you shall determine in this Council to which you are call'd; for upon this Council, and the resolution that shall be the issue of it, de∣pends all your honor, greatness, authority, and the security of your State, your lives

and honors, and the conservation of your ancient liberty; and on the contrary, all the shame, dishonor and reproach, with a perpetual infamy to your posterity, and dis∣honor to your famous Ancestors, who have left you for inheritance the Grandeur you now posses and uphold, having themselves ever defended and maintain'd it by Battels, with their weapons in their hands, against all those who have attempted to take it from them. And no•• when you ought to have purchast the occasion that presents it self at the price of half your wealth, that therein you might to all Christendom manifest and approve your selves the true legitimate Sons of those Ancient Warlike Romans, and of those Noble Ancestors, who have so often, and so bravely fought to assert and maintai•• your liberty, is it possible that so great and so generous hearts as those of the Siennois should enter into astonishment for hearing talk of Canon? will you be afraid for this? I cannot think that this proceeds from you, who have given so many, and so ample testimonies of your valour; neither is it out of any want of friendship to the most Christian King, nor out of any distrust you have in him, that he will not certainly relieve you, neither can it be out of any diffidence you have in one another, by reason of any factions in your City, for I have never observ'd the least division among you: But on the contrary, the greatest unanimity for the con∣servation of your liberty and Republick. I have ever seen you resolute to dye with your swords in your hands, rather than suffer it to be ravish'd from you. I have ever seen all men of all conditions move with the same motion, and inspir'd with the same resolution. Neither can it be for want of courage, for I never saw you sally out to skirmish, that some of your young men did not evermore sigualize themselves above our people, though much older Souldiers than they, who in a longer practice of Arms have perform'd acts worthy to be prais'd and esteem'd of all. I cannot then believe that men who do so well, should for the noise of Canon, which brings more terror than harm, enter into astonishment, and resolve to surrender themselves slaves to that inso∣lent and insupportable Nation of the Spaniards; or your neighbours, your ancient and professed enenemies. Since then this apprehension cannot proceed from any defect in your selves, it must of necessity proceed from me, who have the honour to be Lieutenant for the King of France your good Friend and Protector. If as to what concerns me, you apprehend, that I shall want health and vigour to undergo that toil and labour that will be necessary, and requir'd at the time when the Enemy shall assault us, by reason of the weakness wherein I now am, through my great sickness; that consideration ought not to beget in you the least distrust, arms and legs do not do all: The great Captain Antonio de Leva,* 5.2 gouty and impotent as he was, has won more victories in his chair, than any other of our Age has done on horseback. God has ever been pleas'd to preserve my judgement, to preserve you. Have you ever known me fail? Was I then stretch'd at ease in bed when the Enemy gave you the great Camisado, and Scalado? Do but mark I beseech you, Gentlemen, the great grace God was pleas'd to shew me on a sudden, supplying me with as much strength as I had never been sick; by which you may per∣ceive, that Almighty God loves us, and that he will not that either you or we perish. I feel my self strong enough now to wear my Arms, you shall no more see me swath'd and furr'd up as before. If perhaps you do it out of fear of my incapacity, or little experi∣ence, you do therein a great wrong to the King, that being as much, as to give all the world to understand, that His Majesty has hither sent you a man void of all abili∣ty, and poorly experimented to know how to order what should be done for the de∣fence of your City? What? do you believe the King has so little kindness for you, as to send me hither, had he not had a great confidence in my capacity, and before hand made sufficient tryal elsewhere both what I am, and what I can do? I shall tell you nothing of my self, it would not become me to be my own Trumpet, something you have seen your selves, and the rest you may have heard from others. You may then well judge, that the King has not singled out me, amongst so many Gentlemen of his King∣dom, and has not sent me to you, without having well weigh'd what I am able to do by the long experience he has had, not only of my Politicks in point of Gorvernment, of which you may hitherto have taken some notice: But moreover, of my conduct in matter of Arms, when an Enemy would carry a place by fine force. Do you fear, Gentlemen, my courage will fail me in time of need? what then do all those testimones I have given you since my coming hither being sick avail? You have seen me sally out from the time I have been able to mount to horse, to go to see the skirmishes so near, that my self commanded them. And have you altogether forgot the day, that I en∣tred into this City, and the great skirmish I then made? Your people saw it, and had a share in the sight; and upon Christmas Eve yet a greater, where the sight last∣ed

for fix long hours together? Did I not then ••ight in my own person? Did you not then see, that I neither wanted judgement to command, nor valour to fight? I am asham'd to say so much of my self; but seeing you all know it to be true, I need not blush to speak it. I will tell you nothing, but what your selves have seen, I am no bragging Spamard, I am a Frenchman, and moreover a Gascon, the most frank and plain dealing of all that Nation. Now methinks, Gentlemen, you have so much ex∣perience of your selves, as will render you worthy of a perpetual reproach, should you go less in your resolution, besides the ruine it would infalliby bring upon you. Methinks you ought to know me sufficiently, having been so long amongst you, and that I have omitted nothing of what the King propos'd to himself, I should perform for his service, and yours in the greatest necessity and danger. All this that I have remonstrated to you, as well for what concerns your own particular, as what relates to my self, ought to make you lay aside all apprehension, and to assume the courage and magnanimity that your Predecessors and selves who are now living have ever had. Wherefore I beseech you, that you will unanimously take up such a resolution, as va∣liant men, such as you are, ought to take, that is, to dye with your weapons in your hands, rather than to loose your Sovereignty and the liberty you have so long exercis'd and enjoy'd. And for what concerns me, and these Coloness and Captains, whom you see present here, we swear in the presence of God, that we will dye with you, as at this instant we will give you assurance. It is not for our benefit, nor to acquire Riches, neither is it for our ••afe, for you see we suffer both thirst and hunger: it is only in pur∣suance of our duty, and to acquit our selves of our Oath, to the end that it may one day be said, and by you, that it was we who defended the liberty of this City, and that we may be called Conservators of the Liberty of Sienna.

I then rose up, bidding the German Interpreter to remember well all I had said, to repeat it to Rhinecroc, and his Captains, and then directed my speech to the Colo∣nels, and said to them, Signori mi & fr••••talli juriamo tutti & promettiamo inanzi Iddio, che noi moriremo tutti l'arme in mano conessi loro, per adjutar lia deffendere lor sicuressa & liberta: & ogni uno di noi •• obligi per le soi Soldati, & alsate tutti le vostre mani. Which being said, every one held up his hand, and the Interpreter told it to the Rhine∣croc, who also held up his hand,* 5.3 and all the Captains crying, Io, io buerlie, and the other, O••y, o••y, we promise to do it, every one in his own Language. Whereupon the Cap∣tain of the people arose, and all the Council, returning me Infinite thanks; and then turn'd towards the Captains, whom he also very much thank'd, and with great chear∣fulness. They then entreated me, that I would retire to my Lodgings, till such time as they had spoken with all the Council, who were in the great Hall without, and given them an account of what I had remonstrated to them▪ which I accordingly did, and at my going out of the little room, I there met with Miss••r Bartolomeo Cavalcano, who knew nothing of the Proposition I had made (for he entred not into the Council Cham∣ber) who told me in my ear, that he thought they had all taken a resolution, not to en∣dure a Battery. I then carried him back with me to my Lodgings, and three hours after, came four of the Magistracy, of which Misser Hieronimo Espano was one, having in charge from all the Signeury in general, to return me infinite thanks; and he told me, that Misser Ambrosi•• Mitti had made a speech in the accustomed chair, which is in the middle of the great Hall, against the wall, giving them to understand, what a Re∣monstrance I had made to them, wherein he forgot nothing (for he was a man of great Eloquence and wisdom) and the Oath that all the Colonels and Captains had taken, final∣ly exhorting them to resolve all to fight. I do not remember whether they put it to the * 5.4 Balotte, or if they held up their hands as we had done: But they all four assur'd us, that they had never seen a greater joy, then what generally appear'd amongst them, after the Proposition of the said Ambrosia Mitti. Telling me moreover, that after I had been in the said Hall, and made an end of the forementioned Harangue, the two Gentlemen, who had deliver'd their opinions before, that they ought to capiculate, and come to a composition with the Enemy, had requested the Senate to do them that favour, as to con∣ceal what they had said, and take no notice of it, but give them leave to vote anew; which being accordingly done, they again deliver'd their opinions, that they ought to ••ight, and enter into no kind of composition,* 5.5 but rather dye with their Arms in their hands. I then told Misser Hieronimo Espano, that I would retire my self for all that day, and for all that night, to write down the order of the fight; which having done, I would imme∣diately send it to the Germans in their Language, and to the French in theirs.

Governors and Captains, you ought to take some example here, forasmuch as there are some, who say, they have surrendred a place, that the Soldiers would not defend, and moreover, that the Inhabitants of the Town went about to betray them, and by that means compell'd them to Capitulate. These are mere excuses, believe me they are mere excuses. The thing that compels you▪ is your own want of experience. Gentlemen and Camrades, when ever you shall happen to be at such a Wedding, put on your best Clothes, make your selves as fine as you can, wash your faces with Greek wine, and rub a good colour into your checks, and so march bravely thorough the streets, and amongst the Soldiers with your faces erect, having nothing in your months, but that very soon, by Gods help, and the strength of your own Arms, you will in despite of them, have the lives of your enemies, and not they yours; that it is not for them to come to attaque you in your own Fort; that it is the only thing you desire, forasmuch as upon that depends their ruine, and your deliverance. And by carrying your selves after that manner, the very women will take courage, and much more the Souldiers: But if you sneak up and down with a pale face, speaking to no body, sad, melanchollick and pensive, though all the City, and all the Soldiers had the hearts of Ly••ns, you will make them as timerous as sheep. Speak often to those of the City in four or five words, and likewise to the Soldiers saying to them, Well friends, are you not in heart? I look upon the victory as our own, and hold the death of our Enemies already for certain: For I have I know not what Pro∣phetick spirit, which whenever it comes upon me, I am always certain to overcome, which I have from God, and not from men. Wherefore rely upon me, and resolve all of you to fight, and to go out of this place, with honor and reputation. You can dye but once, and 'tis a thing that is predestin'd, if God has appointed it so, it is in vain for you to fly. Let us then dye honorably; but there is no appearance of danger for us, but rather for our Enemies, over whom we have the greatest advantage imaginable. And who Gover∣nors and Captains, would you have dare to say he is afraid, seeing you so bravely resolv'd? Let me tell you, that though they trembled before, they will lay aside their fear, and the most cowardly will become as bold as the most couragious of the Company.* 5.6 The Soldier is never astonish'd, so long as he sees the confidence of his Chief continue firm and un∣shaken. As the Chief therefore carries away all the honor, and the rest have nothing, but what he shall give them, in his report of their valour to the Prince; so ought he to resolve never to discover the least shadow of fear: For behaving himself after that fearless manner, the Soldiers themselves will be sufficient testimonie for him, so that the reputation he shall have acquir'd, shall remain indisputably his own, without any one being able to contradict it. I do not then advise you any thing, I have not first tryed my self, not only here, but in many other places also; as you will find in this Book, if you have the patience to read it.* 5.7 Now this is the order I set down for the fight, and for all the whole City, all which particularities I represent to you, without contenting my self to say, that Sienna was besieg'd, where I nine or ten months sustain'd the Seige, and was at last con∣strain'd to Capitulatety Famine; for of such a General account as that, a Kings Lieute∣nant, a Captain, or a Soldier, can make no benefit. This is the Historians way, and of these kind of Writers, there are but too many: I write of my self, and will instruct others that come after me; for to be born for a mans self only, is in plain English to be born a Beast.

I then order'd in the first place that the City should be divided into eight parts,* 5.8 of which the eight of the Council of War should have every one a part; that every one of the Council of Eight should appoint a person for whom he should himself be responsible, to take a List of the Quarter should be assign'd him, how many men, women, and chil∣dren there were in that division, from twelve the males to sixty, and the females to fifty years of age, which were to carry Baskets, Barrels, Shovels, Picks, and Mattocks, and that each one of his own Quarter should make Captains of every Trade, without mixing them together: that every one should be commanded upon pain of death, so soon as ever their Captain should send for them to come to the place appointed immediately to haste away, as also the women and children; that every one should forthwith make pro∣vision of such things as were proper for his or her employment, and that the Masters of Men-servants and Maids, or their M••stresses should be obliged speedily to take order, that their Men and Maids be furnisht with tools and utensils wherewith to labour at the work, for which they shall be appointed, upon pain of two hundred Crowns, and the City to furnish the poor, who have not wherewith to buy them, at the expence of the pub∣lick Treasure: that the said Deputies shall make their Catalogues, and shall go from house to house to Register their people; and that so soon as the Captains▪ every one in his own Quarter should cry out Force, Force, every one both men and women should run

to their tools, and present themselves at the place to which the Captain should lead, or appoint them to come; and that the Deputies should deliver in the Lists of all both men and women, they shall have found in their respective Precincts to each of the Eight of the Council of War, Quarter for Quarter; that the old men and women above the fore∣mentioned Ages shall remain in their Masters houses, to get meat, and to look to the house. That the said Deputies should take a List of all the Masons and Carpenters, who should be found in their Quarter, which List they should also deliver to him of the Eight of the Council of War by whom they shall be deputed. And this was the order for the Laborers and Pioneers.

The order for those who bore arms,* 5.9 was, that the the three Standard bearers, namely of St. Martin, of Ciotat, and of Camoglia, should forthwith take a view of all the Com∣panies, which were four and twenty, and examine every mans arms, if they were in good order for fight, and if not to make them presently to be repaired: that they should re∣••ine all the Powder, and cause great store of Bullet and Match to be made: that the three Standard-bearers should every one keep in his own Q••arter without stirring thence, till one of the Eight of War should come to give them order what to do; that the antient Gentlmen who were not able to bear arms, nor to work, should present themselves to sollicit the Pioneers of that Quarter where their houses stood, and to assist the Captains of the said Pioneers. Now I had ever determin'd, that if ever the Enemy should come to assault us with Artillery, to entrench my self at a good distance from the Wall, where the•• Battery should be made, to let them enter at pleasure, and made account to shut up the two ends of the Trench, and at either end to plant four or five pieces of great Ca∣non, loaden with great chains, nails, and pieces of iron. Beh••nd the* 5.10 Retirade I inten∣ded to place the Muskets, together with the Harqu••buzeers, and so soon as they should be entred in, to cause the Artillery and small shot to fire all at once, and we at the two ends then to run in upon them with Pikes and Hal••erts, two banded Swords, short Swords and Targets. This I resolved upon, as seeing it altoget••er impossible for the King to send us relief, by reason that he was engaged in so many places, that it would not be possible for him to set on foot Forces sufficient to raise the Siege, neither by sea nor by land; and Monsieur de Strozzy had no means to relieve us, wherefore I would per∣mit them to enter, and make little defence at the Breach, to the end that I might give them battail in the Town, after they had past the fury of our Canon and smaller shot: For to have defended the Breach had in my opinion been a very easie matter; but then we could not have done the Enemy so much mischief, as by letting them enter the breach, which we would have pretended to have quit, onely to draw them on to the ••ight.

For five or six dayes before the Artillery came I every night sent out two Peasants* 5.11 and a Captain, or a Serjeant, as Centinels perdues, which is a very good thing, and of great safety; but take heed whom you send, for he may do you a very ill turn. So soon as the night came the Captain set a Peasant Centinel at some fifty or sixty paces distant from the Wall, and either in a ditch or behind a hedge, with instructions, that so soon as he should hear any thing he should come back to the Captain at the foot of the Wall, which Captain had in charge from me, that immediately upon the Peasant's speaking to him they should clap down upon all four, and so creep the one after the other to the place where the Peasant had heard the noise, or rather fall down upon their bellies close to the earth, to discover if there were not three or four who came to view that place, and to observe if they did not lay their heads together to confer; for this is a certain sign that they came to view that place in order to the bringing up of Artillery. To do which as it ought to be done, they ought to be no other than the Master of the Ordnance, the Colonel or the Camp-Master of the Infantry, or the Engineer, the Master Carter, and a Captain of Pioneers, to the end that according to what shall be resolved upon by the Master of the Ordnance, the Colonel, and Canoncer; the Master Carter may also take notice which way he may bring up Artillery to the place; and the Canoneer ought to shew the Captain of the Pioneers what is to be done for the Esplanade, or plaining of the way, according to the determination of the rest. And this is the discovery that is to be made by night, after you have discover'd a little at distance by day; for if those within be an Enemy of any spirit, they ought either by skirmi••hes, or by their Canon to keep you from coming to discover at hand. The Captain had order to come give me a present account of what he and the Peasants had heard or seen, and to leave the Pea∣sants still upon their perdue, and a Soldier in his own place till his return. Three times the Enemy was discover'd after this manner, and immediately upon the notice, having also the List of the Eight Quarters, and of the Eight of War who commanded those

Quarters, I suddenly acquainted Signior Cornelio, who could presently tell me both the Quarter against which it was, and the Gentleman of the Eight of War that comman∣ded it. I had never discover'd my intention to any one, but to Signior Cornelio onely, who was a man of great wisdom and valour, and in whom I reposed a very great confi∣dence; who, so soon as he knew that I meant to give them Battail in the City, we did nothing of one whole day but walk the round both within and without, taking very good observation of all the places where the Enemy could make a Battery, and consequently by that knew where to make our Retirade. And so soon as ever notice was given me by the Captain who stood Centinel without the City, I presently advertized the Com∣mander of that Quarter, and he his Deputy, and his Deputy the Captain of the Pio∣neers, so that in an hours time you might have seen at least a thousand, or twelve hun∣dred persons beginning the Retirade. Now I had order'd the City to make great pro∣vision of Torches, so that those who had discover'd were hardly return'd to the Mar∣quis, but that they saw all that part within the Town cover'd with torches and people, insomuch that by break of day we had very much advanc't our Trench, and in the morn∣ing sent back those to rest, calling in another Quarter to the work till noon, and another from noon till night, and consequenty others till midnight, and so till break of day, by which means in a little time we performed so great a work, that we could by no means be surpriz'd. After this manner I still turn'd the defences of the Town towards the Marquis his attempts,* 5.12 who lodg'd at the house of Guillet the Dreamer, and Signior Fer∣nando de Sylva, brother to Signior Rigomez (who commanded on that side towards the little Observance, with whom I had some discourse upon the publick fai••h, the Friday before we departed out of the City, betwixt their Quarters and the Fort Camoglia) told me that the Marquis had some jealousie, that some one of their Council betray'd to me all their deliberations, seeing he had no sooner design'd to batter any part, but that we alwayes fortified against that place; for by night the least noise is easily heard, and so great a bustle cannot be concealed; and because he told me that he had compiled a Book of the particularities of the Siege of Sienna. he entreated me to tell him by what means I so continually discover'd their intentions, whereupon I told him the truth.

But to return to our subject,* 5.13 the Marquis in the end came and planted his Artillery upon a little Hill betwixt Port Oville and the great Observance. The choice of this place put me, who thought my self so cunning, almost to a nonplus, forasmuch as at Port O∣ville there is a very spatious Antiport, where the houses of the City do almost touch, having nothing but the street between, which made it impossible for me of a long time to make the necessary Retirade, to do which I must be constrain'd to beat down above an hundred houses, which extremely troubled me; for it is to create so many enemies in our entrals, the poor Citizen losing all patience to see his house pulled down before his eyes. I gave to the Count de Bisque the charge of terrassing up this Gate, for which use we took the earth out of the Gardens, and vacant places that lie a little on the left hand. O the rare exemple that is here, which I will commit to writing, that it may serve for a mirror to all those who would conserve their liberty.

All these poor Inhabitants, without discovering the least distaste or sorrow for the* 5.14 ruine of their houses, put themselves their own hands first to the work, every one con∣tending who should be most ready to pull down his own. There was never less than four thousand souls at labour, and I was shewed by the Gentlemen of Sienna a great number of Gentlewomen carrying of Baskets of earth upon their heads.* 5.15 It shall never be (you Ladies of Sienna) that I will not immortalize your names so long as the Book of Montluc shall live; for in truth you are worthy of immortal praise, if ever women were. At the beginning of the noble resolution these people took to defend their liberty, all the Ladies of Sienna divided themselves into three Squadrons; the first led by Signiora For∣tagu••rra, who was her self clad in violet, as also all those of her Train, her attire being cut in the fashion of a Nymph, short, and discovering her Buskins; the second was la Signiora Picolhuomini attir'd in carnatian Sattin, and her Troop in the same Livery; the third was la Signiora Livi•• Fausta, apparelled all in white, as also her Train, with her white Ensign. In their Ensigns they had very fine devices, which I would give a good deal I could remember. These three Squadrons consisted of three thousand Ladies, Gentlewomen, and Citizens, their Arms were Picks, Shovels, Baskets, and Bavins, and in this Equipage they made their Muster, and went to begin the Fortifications. Monsieur de Termes, who has often told me this story (for I was not then arriv'd at Sienna) has assur'd me, that in his life he never saw so fine a sight. I have since seen their Ensignes, and they had composed a Song to the honor of France, for which I wish I had given the best horse I have that I might insert it here.

And since I am upon the honor of these women,* 5.16 I will that those who shall come after us admire the courage and virtue of a young Virgin of Sienna, who, though she was a poor mans daughter, deserves notwithstanding to be rank't with those of the no∣bl••st Families. I had made a Decree at the time when I was Dictator, that no one upon pain of severe punishment should fail to go to the Guard in his turn. This young Maid seeing a Brother of hers who was concern'd to be upon duty, not able to go, she took his Morrion and put it upon her head, his Breeches, and a Collar of Buff, and put them on, and with his Halbert upon her neck, in this equipage mounted the Guard, passing when the List was read by her Brothers name, and stood Centinel in turn, with∣out being discover'd, till the morning that it was fair light day, when she was conducted home with great honor. In the afternoon Signior Cornelio shew'd her to me.

But to return to our subject, it was not possible of all that day, nor the night follow∣ing for the Count to perfect his Terrass, nor we our Retirade, at which we wrought exceeding hard, leaving about forescore paces to the Marquis, if he had a mind to enter there. We had made a Traverse by the Port Oville, where we had plac't three great Culverins, laden as I have said before, at which place were Signior Cornelio, the Count de Gayas, and three Can••neers, who were there left by Monsieur Bassompierre. On the right hand upon an Eminence was the great Observance, betwixt which and the walls we had planted five pieces of Canon ram'd with the same, which the said Bassompi••rre com∣manded in his own person; yet both the one and the other were so well conceal'd, that the Enemy could discover nothing from the ••t••e hills about us. Well did they perceive, that above at the Observance there were people; for they had evermore a clap at that: but we were all behind a Trench we had cast up betwixt the Observance and the Wall of the City, tapist, and squat, so that we could not be seen. The Soldiers were all before the houses, through which they had pierc't several holes to come, and go under cover. Be∣hind the Retirade, which was not much above the height of a man, they were also shel∣tred from being seen. Signior Corneli•• was also under cover, by reason that he lay in a low place, and under the shelter of a very thick wall, which join'd to Port Oville. The order of the fight was thus.

Signior Cornelio had with him one Ensign of Germans, two of French, four of Italians,* 5.17 and four of Siennois, having also the Count de Gayas to assist him: and with me at the Observance was the Rhinecroc, with three Companies of Germans, two of French, two of Italians, and four Ensigns of Siennois. In all the two Troops both of Signior Cornelio's and mine there was not so much as one Harquebuz, but Pikes, Halberts, and two hand-Swords, (and of those but few) Swords and Targets, all arms proper for close fight, and the most furious and killing weapons of all other; for to stand popping and pelting with those small shot is but so much time lost; a man must close, and grapple collar to collar, if he mean to rid any work, which the Soldier will never do so long as he has his fire arms in his hands, but will be alwaies fighting at distance.

All the night the Enemy were placing Gabions for six and twenty or seven and twen∣ty pieces of Ordnance, and by break of day they had planted twelve, as they would in that time have done all the rest, had it not been that they had been necessitated to draw their Canon up to this Mountain by strength of hand. The Wall is good enough, which not long since by one of the two Popes Pius's, who were of the house of Picolhuomini, and of the Order of the people, had caused to be made. At break of day they began their Battery within a foot or two of the bottom of the Walls,* 5.18 at the distance of about an hundred paces; which they did to cut the Wall by the bottom, making account the next day with the rest of the Artillery in a short time to beat down the whole wall: but for all that the Count de Bi••que ceassed not continually to fill the Antiport, leaving us Flanckers, so that we could see all along the breach. About noon they gave over their Battery below, and began to batter the middle of the wall, when so soon as I saw them begin to let in light, I left Signior Cornelio, who continually went up and down from place to place, and took Monsieur de Bassomp••erre, with whom I went to the Fort Camoglia, from whence we could plainly see into the recoyle of their Canon: but I shall leave this dis∣conrse to finish the Order.

I left a French Company at the Fort Camoglia, another at the Citadel, there being al∣ready two Companies of Siennois at each, more than two Companies of Germans at the place, each a part by themselves; one of Italians at the Port St. Mark, and all along the wall towards Fonde-brando, Siennois, and towards Porto Novo the same, having given the word to the two French Companies, that in case I should stand in need I would send for them, leaving the Siennois still in the Citadel, and in the Fort. The same Instructi∣ons I left with the Germans, and had taken order that from six hours to six hours we

would change the word, as well by day as by night, to the end that whilst every one lay close at his post, if there should be any Traytor amongst us, he might go to no place where he might have any Intelligence with the Enemy, to draw men from that part to weaken that Post, to carry them to another: but that no one should be believ'd if he did not bring the word, in changing of which it should be carried to the Siennois by two of the Council of Eight, by the one to the one half, and by the other to the other; so that unless those themselves brought the word they were not to stir from their Post. I was ever afraid that the Marquis had some intelligence in the City, which made me take this course to prevent him. The Germans who were at the great place had the same com∣mand, and moreover that an Officer, or a Serjeant of the others should come to fetch them: to which end there were six Serjeants chosen out of our Italian and French Companies, who had in charge, that during the time of the Battery, or of an Assault, they should continually be moving along the Curtain of the Wall to the Quarters I had appointed, and never to abandon their Quarter. It was also ordain'd that no one upon pain of death, of what Nation soever, not so much as the Siennois themselves should dare to a∣bandon the Retirade, being of the number of those who were there appointed for the fight, and the same was carried quite round the walls of the City. It was also order'd, that o•• eight of the Council of War, four were continually to remain with me and Signior Cor∣nelio, to the end that the two who remain'd with him might go continually on horse∣back with the word, to fetch such succours as Signior Cornelio should send for, to relieve him if occasion should be, and my two the like; that is to say of the Captains of the City, and the other four should go to the places where the six Serjeants were appointed to be, to the end that they might joyntly encourage the Soldiers to fight, if necessity should require. And there where there was no business to be done, and that any came to them with the word for succours, they should deliver him the one half, and keep the rest to defend that Post. That the Officers of the King, as Controulers, Commissaries of victu∣al, Treasurers, or their Deputies, should ordinarily be, part by day, and part by night, still on horseback, riding up and down the streets of the City, and that from hour to hour one of them should bring me news how all things stood in the body of the City, and about the Walls, bringing us still some token or another that they had spoke with the four of the Council, and the Serjeants who were deputed with them. This was the order I gave, at least as much as I remember, never failing my self every day to visit the Companies, and to encourage the Inhabitants to do well.

I now return to what we did at the Fort Camoglia: Monsieur de Bassompierre ran to fetch a Canon we had in the Ci••adel; but as he went out to remove it the Carriage broke, so that instead of it he brought a Demy-Canon, which a Siennois the said Bassompierre had entertein'd in the quality of a Canoneer evermore shot in, and so well that he could hit with it as small a mark as if it had been a Harquebuz. He was assisted by some Italian and French Soldiers of the Citadel to bring it, whilst I was making ready a Platform with the Soldiers of the Fort, till my Company of Pioneers came, which I had sent for in all haste, and in less than an hour and a half we dispatcht it, where I mounted my Demy∣Canon. I gave ten Crowns to our Siennois, that he might make some good shots with that Piece here, as he had done several at the Citadel before. The Enemy had plac't Ga∣bions on the Flanck of their Battery towards us. Bassompierre and I went a little on the right hand, and observ'd the Bullet in the air like a hat on fire, flying very wide on the right hand, and the second as much on the left, which made me ready to eat my own flesh for rage: Monsieur de Bassompierre always assur'd me, that he would presently take his level right, and still went and came to and fro betwixt him and me. The third shot light upon the bottom of the Gabions, and the fourth playd directly into their Artillery, and there kill'd a great many of their men, whereupon all those that assisted fled behind a little house which was in the rear of their Canon. At which I ran and took him in my arms, and seeing him with his Linstock ready to fire again, said to him, Fradel ••io da li da seno, per dio facio, ti presente da••teri dieci sco••di, & d'une biechier de vino Graeco. I then left him the French Captain, who had the Guard of the Fort, to furnish him continually with such things as he stood in need of, and Monsieur Bassompierre and I return'd to our Post. There then advanc't a German Ensign to the Enemies battery, who came along by the other Gabionade with his colours flying, and this might be about four of the clock in the afternoon, we could see him march from behind the Observance, and was no sooner come to the Artillery, but our Piece fir'd and kill'd the Ensign, upon which the Germans immediately fled away, retiring to the place from whence they came. And this Sienuois made so many brave shots, that he dismounted them six pieces of Ca∣non, and their Artillery remain'd totally abandon'd till the beginning of the night, with∣out

playing any more than two pieces of Canon, that were covered with Gabions, and ••lanckt towards the Fort Camoglia, which our Artillery could not touch, because they shot over by reason of the height of the Gabions, and in the twilight they made seven or eight shots at the Obs••rvance where we were, and the houses adjoyning, and of all night after shot no more. We work't exceeding hard all night to finish our Retirade, and the Count de Bisque was no less diligent at the Antiport, so that two hours before day all was perfected, and every one settled in his Post where he was to fight. That which made us make so much haste, was, that we heard a great noise at their Artillery, and thought they were bringing up the rest, which made me put out a man to discover their Battery, who brought us word, that they had cut above fourscore paces of the wall, within a span or two of the bottom, and that he believ'd in a few hours they would have beaten it totally down, which we did not much care for though they did, for we hop'd to sell them their Entry very dear; and about an hour before day they ceased their noise, which made us think that they only expected the break of day to give fire. I then mounted upon the wall, having Captain Charry always with me, who by main force would needs have me down when the day began to break, and soon after I perceiv'd, that at the Windows of the Gabions there was no Artillery,* 5.19 and that instead of planting more they had drawn off those there were. I then called out to Signior Cornelio, that we were out of danger of an Assault, and that the Enemy had drawn off their Canon; at which news every one began to come upon the wall, where the Siennois sufficiently rated the Enemy in their language, saying, Coioni marrani, venete qua vi metteremo per terra vinti brassi di muri▪ They were constrain'd to stay three days at the foot of the mountain to repair their Carriages, which the Demy-Canon we had brought to Fort Cam••glia had broken and spoild them.

Now (as I have already said) the Gentleman of the Emperors Bedchamber had all the while kept a great deal of clutter what Canon would do to the winning of the Town: but after he had been an eye witness of all that has been related, and that the Marquis had remonstrated to him that the Retirade, and those other Fortifications I made within, was to let him enter, and to give him Battail in the City (for if I knew what he did, he was no less enform'd of my proceeding, there being evermore one Traytor or another amongst all people) he then was of the same opinion with the Marquis and the other Captains,* 5.20 that the Town was never to be taken by force; but that it was to be re∣duc't to famine, and therefore thought it convenient that the Artillery should be sent back to Florence. He then return'd back to his Master to give him an account of what he had seen, and that the Marquis could do no more than what he had already done. I do not know whether or no he acquainted the Emperor with the fright he had been in, which the Marquis himself gave me a relation of at my going out of Sienna, as he went along with me above two miles of my way, where he told me, that at the time when their Artillery was forsaken, by reason of the Havock our Demy-Canon made amongst them, he was close by the side of the little house in his Litter, being then very lame of the Gout, where his Litter being set down upon the ground, this Gentleman of the Emperor's was talking to him, having his hands upon the Cover of the Litter,* 5.21 and his head with∣in it, whispering with the said Marquis; when our Governor seeing the Artillery aban∣doned, and every one retyr'd under the shelter of the little house made a shot at it, with which a part of the wall, which was of brick fell upon the Litter, so that the said Gentle∣man was by it beaten down upon the Marquis's Legs, sc astonish't as nothing more, and the Marquis swore to me, that in his life he was himself nev••r in so much f••ar of being kill'd, as at that time: that they drew the Gentleman out from off his legs, and himself after with much ado, all the Litter being full of the ruine, and covering of the said house. And the said Marquis moreover told me, that at the great fright he was in his Gout left him, for the whole ruine fell at once upon him, and upon the Gentleman, who verify thought himself to be kill'd. I have often heard that the apprehension of death has cur'd many diseases; I know not if the Marquis his Gout be returned since, but he as∣sur'd me he had never had it after from that fright, till the time I saw him. If it be re∣turn'd or no I leave others to enquire.

This might be about the middle of Ianuary,* 5.22 and not above eight dayes after we be∣gan to perceive that the Germans grew very impatient at the little bread they had, ha∣ving no wine, which was the most insupportable of all. The Rhinecroc himself, who was sickly, could no longer endure, there being nothing to be had unless it were a little horse-••lesh, or a piece of an Ass. Signior Cornelio and I then began to contrive which way we might get these Germans out of the City, and conceited that if they were gone we could yet keep the Town above two moneths longer, whereas if they staid we should

be necessicated to surrender: we therefore concluded to send a man privately to Monsieur de Str••zzy to remonstrate all this to him, and to entreat him to send for them after the most plausible manner he could (which I also directed him how to do) and sent to him Captain Cosseil, who is now my Ensign, very well instructed. It was with exceed∣ing great difficulty that he was to pass, which that he might do, we were to fight two Courts of Guard, by reason that the Marquis had already cast up a great number of Tren∣ches, which came up close to the walls of the City on every side. Of these Captain Charry fought the one, and the Count de Gayas with a Company of Italians the other; so that whilst they were fighting he got over the Trench, and recovered the rear of the Camp with his Guides, and two dayes after return'd in Company with an Italian Gentle∣man call'd Captain Flaminio, who brought Letters to the Rhinecroc, and to me also wherein Monsieur de Strozzy writ to me to send the Rhinecroc with his Companies out to him, for that he intended to set on foot a flying Army, having with him great store of Italian horse and foot,* 5.23 and that without some of those Tramontane sinews he should never be able to relieve me, and that he would protest against me if the City was lost. To the Rhin••croc likewise he sent very obliging letters, having before-hand made Captain Flaminio very perfect in his Lesson. The Rhinecroc upon the receiving these or∣ders broke out into very great complaints, saying that Monsi••ur de Strozzy reduc'd him to the greatest extremities, and that it was impossible for him to get away without being defeated: but that he would however speak to his Officers, which he did, and which begot a very great dispute amongst them. At length one of them in whom he reposed the greatest confidence, and who serv'd him in the quality of Camp-Master, remonstra∣ted to him, that he had much better hazard with his sword in his hand to make his way through the Mar••uis his Camp, than stay to die of famine, or by a Capitulation to sur∣render himself to the Enemies discretion, which however in a few dayes he must of ne∣cessity do; for there was nothing left to eat, and their Soldiers began to murmur, inso∣much that they evermore expected when a great part of them should go give themselves up to the Enemy, which made them resolve to depart. The Rhinecroc was not much to be blam'd for his unwillingness, it being a very perilous Journey, for at the very ••allying out of the Gate, he was of necessity to fight several Spanish Guards, and half a mile from thence another, at a Trench the Enemy had cast up near unto a certain Mill, which was in his way. Upon their determination to depart, I gave express charge that no one living should speak of this sally, causing the Gates of the City to be close shut, and at the beginning of the night they all came with their Baggage to the great place before Porto Novo.

The Siennois,* 5.24 who understood nothing of all this, at the seeing the Germans in this marching posture, began in all haste to repair to the Pallace in very great despair. I then caus'd three Companies to sally out, two of French, and one of Italians; the first where∣of was led by Captain Charry, the second by Captain Blacon (who since dyed a Hugonot at ••••••tonge) and the third by the Count de Gayas. Captain Charry had order to fight the first Court of Guard, which was in a great street of the Suburbs, the second was at the Au∣gustins in the same street, and the third at S. Lazaro. They had in command from me, never to give over ••ill they had fought all the three Courts of Guards, and the Count de Gayas took the way on the outside of the Suburbs on the right hand all along by the houses, still marching softly on to rally our men together, as they should be separated and scatter'd by the fight. The Tertia of Sicily lay at the Charter-house, consisting of very good Soldi∣ers, and the Rhinecroc at the going out of the Gate took on the right hand, entring into a valley, and the Count de Gayas remain'd upon the eminence moving still softly on, which produc'd two effects for the relief of our people, the one as has been said, by ga∣thering our squandred men together, and the other to succour the Rhinecroc also, if he should stand 〈◊〉〈◊〉 need; and so we began to open the Gate, it being about one of the clock in the night. Captain Charry marched out first (for it was he who alwayes led the dance) Blacon after him, the Count de Gayas next, and then the Germans, who in a trice put themselves into the Valley.* 5.25 We immediately heard the fight betwixt our French and the Spaniards: Captain Charry routed the two Courts of Guards, the one after the o∣ther, and beat them up as far as that of St. Lazaro; whereupon those of the Charter-house came out to relieve their people, and came to the Augustins (where Blacon had made a halt expecting Captain Charry) and there clapt in betwixt them. Captain Charry having done his business, thought to return (hearing very well that they were fighting with Blacon) and met the Enemy, which redoubled the fight. The Count de Gayas could not come to assist him, by reason that I had expresly forbid him to engage in the fight, till he should first be sure that the Germans were out of danger: but in the end he was constrain'd to do as the rest did, our two French Companies being driven upon him.

The Fight continued above a long hour. Signior Cornelio and I were without the Gate by the Portcullis, and nothing was open but the wicket, and there as the Soldiers came one after another, we put them in, when on a sudden we heard the fight coming towards us, some crying France, and others Spain, when at last they all came up pel mel together to the Portcullis. We had torches within the Gates, and through the wicket saw a little light, by wich we drew the Soldiers in. I must needs say, there were very valiant men, both on the one side, and the other; for not so much as either French or Italian, ever once ran furiously upon us, but still fac'd about at the Portcullis, and never retir'd, but step by step, till we pull'd them in. All the three Captains were wounded, and we there lost what slain, and wounded above forty of the best Soldiers we had, both French and Ita∣lians, and in the end we got in all the rest of our people. And because before the Sally, the Siennois were astonish'd at the departure of the Germans, I made Signior Cornelio to go about to the several Guards, and to the Forts, to reassure our men, for no one knew that the Germans were to go away, and I my self went to the Palace, where I found all the Senate in a very great distraction, to whom I spoke as followeth:

I see well (Gentlemen) that you have here assembled your selves upon the occasion of* 5.26 the Germans departure, and that you are enter'd into some apprehension and jealousie, that by that means your City will be lost: But I must tell you, it is the conservation, and not the loss of your City; for those six Ensigns devour'd more, than the twelve of the Italians and French. On the other side, I know you must have heard that the said Ger∣mans already began to mutiny, being no longer able to endure. I also discover'd well enough, that even their Captains were not like to govern them, themselves apprehend∣ing that they would go over to the Enemy, and you your selves have for five or six days last past heard the Enemy call out to us at the very foot of our walls, that we were lost, and that our Germans would soon be with them. Yet did not this proceed from any de∣fault in their Officers, but from the impatience of the common Soldiers, who were no longer able to suffer. Now (Gentlemen) should you appear dejected upon their depar∣ture; the world would say, that both your courage and ours, depended only upon theirs, and so we should dishonor our selves, to honor them; to which I shall never give my consent: for you knew all the great fights that have hapned in this siege, have been perform'd by you, and us only, and they have never so much as sallied out of the Town, save once only, that in spite of me the Rhinecroc would send out his people un∣der the conduct of his Nephew and his Camp-Master, and would accept of no one of any other Nation, than his own, at which time you saw how soon, and how easily they were beaten back, even into the ditch of the Ravelin of Porto Novo; so that if, by good fortune,* 5.27 I had not been there, and had not made the Italian Guard sally out to their rescue, not a man of them had come off alive. I will not disparage them, but they are much more proper for a Battel, than a Siege. Why then (Signiors) should you be con∣cern'd at their departure? I will say one thing more to you, that although I had also sent away the t••elve Companies that remain with me in this Town, I would yet undertake to defend your City, provided the Captains stay'd behind to relieve me. You must make your Ensigns Captains of the Watch by turns, who shall have two nights of intermissi∣on, and ours shall have but one, and we must begin to contract our allowance of bread to fourteen ounces, and you of the City to ten. You must also put the useless mouths out of Town, and appoint six persons to take a lift of their names to morrow, without further delay, and that without regard of persons, and speedily thrust them out of your City, by which expedient we shall make our bread last three months longer, which will be a suf∣ficient time for the King wherein to relieve us, especially now that the Spring is drawing on. Cease therefore your apprehensions, and on the contrary approve what I have done in order to your service. If I have done it without pre-acquainting the Senate with my design, it was not out of any dis-respect to them, but to keep this departure secret, which was of very great consequence, as you your selves may have observ'd; I having been constrain'd to put Monsieur de Strozzy upon the business to deliver my self from a people so entirely devoted to their bellies.

The Senate having heard my Remonstrance, desir'd me to go to my repose, and that they would consider of what I had said, rendring me very many thanks for the comfort and good counsel I had given them. In the morning my whole Speech was divulg'd all over the City, and there was no more thought of fear amongst them: But they could not well agree amongst themselves about the unprofitable mo••ths,* 5.28 forasmuch as every one was willing to favour his own relations and friends; wherefore by Ballotte they created me their Dictator General for the space of a month, during which time neither the Captain

of the people, nor the Mag••stracy had any command at all, but I had the absolute autho∣rity and dignity, anciently belonging to the old Dictators of Rome. I thereupon created six Commissaries, to take a list of all the useless people, and afterwards deliver'd the roll to a Knight of Malta, accompanied with five and twenty, or thirty Souldiers, to put them out of the Town,* 5.29 which in three days after I had deliver'd in the List, was performed. A thing, that had I not very good witness of, both of the Siennoi••, the King's Officers, and the Captains who were then present in Sienna, I should not however have mention'd in this place, lest the world should take me for a lyar: but it is most perfectly true. The List of these useless mouths, I do assure you amounted to Four thousand and four hun∣dred people, or more, which of all the miseries and desolations that I have ever seen, was the greatest my eyes ever yet beheld, or that I believe I shall ever see again; for the Master was hereby necessitated to part with his servant, who had serv'd him long, the Mistress with her maid, besides an infinite number of poor people, who only liv'd by the sweat of their brows; which weeping and desolation continued for three days together: and these poor wretches were to go thorow the Enemy, who still beat them back again to∣wards the City, the whole Camp continuing night and day in Arms to that only end; so that they drove them up to the very foot of the walls, that they might the sooner con∣sume the little bread we had left, and to see if the City out of compassion to those misera∣ble Creatures would revolt; but that prevail'd nothing, though they lay eight days in this condition, where they had nothing to eat but herbs and grass, and above the one half of them perish'd, for the Enemy kill'd them, and very few escap'd away. There were a great many Maids and handsome women indeed, who found means to escape, the Spa∣niards by night stealing them into their quarters, for their own provision, but it was un∣known to the Marquis, for it had otherwise been death; and some strong and vigorous men also forc'd their way, and escap'd by night: But all those did not amount to the fourth part, and all the rest miserably perish'd. These are the effects of War. We must of ne∣cessity sometimes be cruel, to frustrate the designs of an Enemy. God had need to be mer∣ciful to men of our Trade, who commit so many sins, and are the causers of many mise∣ries and mischiefs.

You Captains and Governors of places, if you be not perfect already, learn these Arts and Stratagems: It is not all to be valiant and wise, you must also be circumspect and cunning. Had I entreated the Rhinecroc to depart the City, he would have been dis∣pleas'd, and have reproach'd me, that I sent him to the slaughter, but I proceeded more discreetly, serving my self with the authority of Monsi••ur de Strozzy, wherein I had no other end, but to gain time to tire out my Enemy, and to give the King leisure to relieve us: But as I have said before, he emplo'd his Forces there where he had the most concern. Nearer is the skin than the skirt. Never f••ar to discharge your selves of useless mouths, and bar your cars from all crys of the afflicted: Had I obey'd my own disposition, I had done it three months sooner, which if I had, I might peradventure have sav'd the Town, or at least I had longer held my Enemy in play; and I have a hundred times since repented me, that I did not.

The Marquis seeing that I had put the Germans out of the Town (who were the great∣est* 5.30 part of them d••feated by the way, and thorough their own great fault, which I shall not however give any further account of, for they were not defeated about Sienna, but elswhere upon their march, where their own fear surpriz'd them, without any great rea∣son) and seeing also that I had driven out the useless people, both which would help to prolong the Siege, with the contracting our allowance of bread (which he had also learn'd from those that went out) these things made him to think of some other way,* 5.31 to bring us to his bow; fearing l••st some ••now should fall in the Spring (as it often falls out in those parts at that time of the year) which should it so happen, he should then be constraind to raise the Siege, and repa•• •• to the Cities to eat, for he was almost in as great necessity 'as we, and the Soldiers of his Camp were fain to ••at Mallows, and other herbs,* 5.32 as well as ours, by reason that oftentimes their provisions could not be brought in due time; for it all came from ab••ut Florence, which was thirty miles of••, and upon little Asses, excepting 100 Mules, and those were to bring sufficient to serve wh••lst they could go and come, which was five or six days, and every return some of their beasts of burthen dyed. For about the Camp there was no more, so much as one herb; neither hay, straw, nor grain to be found, and much less any one Inhabitant within ten miles of the Road. And all his Cavalry lay ••et ten miles beyond Florence, excepting the Company of Signior C••bri the Marquis his N••phew, which consisted of no more than fifty Horse, and was also eve∣ry fifteen days to be reliev'd, by fifty others that were quarter'd at Banconvent. So that had God been pleas'd to send us a little snow, though but for eight days only, his Camp

would have been necessitated to rise, and to shift for themselves in the most commodious quarters abroad in the Country. All these things together put the Marquis upon an attempt to shorten the War, wherein his design was one way or anotherto sow division amongst the quarters of the City, seeing us weak, and knowing very well, that although we had yet twelve Companies, there was nevertheless not eighteen hundred men: To which effect by those of the Siennois who were banish'd the City, and were with the Marquis, an inven∣tion was found out to gain a Citizen of the Town called Messer Pedro, a man with one eye, and of the order of the people (which was that wherein we most confided, toge∣ther with the order of the Reformators) and that by the means of certain little boys, who went with little sacks to gather herbs in the Meadows upon the River Tresse. By whom the Marquis so order'd the business, that he corrupted this man, and made him a Traytor to his People and Countrey; and the form of this practice was,* 5.33 that Messer Pedro should receive several blancks, sign'd by the Siennois, who were in the Marquis his Camp, which he himself should write over at his own discretion.

The plot of this design was thus, that Messer Pedro should in his Letters write these words, that they wonder'd they should thus suffer themselves to be so manifestly abus'd by the Seigneur de Montluc; and that a child might discern all the assurances he gave them of relief from the King of France to be no other than gulleries and deceits: That although they had unworthily been thrust out of the City, yet did they nevertheless, with tears in their eyes, infinitely lament to see them so miserably loose themselves, and that if they would send out a man to go so far as Rome, to enquire if the King was raising an Army for their succour, they would then infallibly discover the Cheat: That they begg'd of them not to suffer themselves to be reduc'd to the last morsel, which if they should do, they would not then come off cheaper, than at the price of their heads, the ruine of their estates, their wiv••s and chil∣dren: That they had yet means to make their peace with the Emperor, by the Mediation of the Marquis, if they would let him into the Town, which was a thing ••asie enough to do, if they would consult and joyn with some of the City, who had already engag'd themselves to them; and that they might know who were of the intelligence, they were to go into such a street, and where they should see a little whi••e Cross under the door, the Master of th••t house was one. This one ey'd Dog perform'd his o••••ce exactly well, and directed his Letters to one of those in whom we repos'd an absolute trust, being very certain, that he would forthwith carry it to the Magistrate, and that the Magistrate would also in the morning send into the street mention'd in the Letter, and would seize upon the Gentleman of the house, at whose door the Cross should be found. However he resolv'd ever to make his Cross at some house of the orders of the Novl, and the Gentlemen, forasmuch as the other two Orders had them in suspicion, and the Marquis thought (knowing the humor of the Siennois, and the hatred they bore to one another) that immediately, so soon as that person should be taken, they would hurry him without any other form of J••stice to the Scaffold, by which means those two Orders of the Novi, and of the Gen••l••men, would enter into so great an animosity and despair, that to save their lives they wou'd be constrain'd to betake themselves to arms, to possess themselves of a Canton of the City near unto the walls, to favour the Enemy, and to help them into the City.

This cursed Rogue then began to forge his first Letter, and by night went and thrust it under the door of the house of one of the Gentlemen, who was unsuspected, and made his little Cross in another street at the house of one of the richest Gentlemen of the Order of the Novi; so that in the morning the Gentleman to whom the Letter was directed, found it in the Entry of his house, presently read it, and careird it to the Magistrates, who so soon as they had look'd upon it, immediately sent it to me by Misser Hieronimo Hispano, sending me word withal, that they had determin'd to go apprehend the said Gentleman, and forthwith to carry him directly to the Scaffold. Whereupon I sent the Signiors Cornelio and Bartolomeo Cavalcano back to them, to entreat them not so pre∣cipitously to proceed to blood, for that it might be an invention of the Marquis to set division amongst us: but that they might do well to commit him to prison, which they accordingly did. Two days after there was another Letter found in the same manner, in the house of a Gentleman of the Order of the Novi, a man no more suspected than the other, and the little Cross under the door of one of the Order of the Gentlemen: At which the Senate was so incens'd, that I was fain my self to go to the Pallace, where I had much ado to obtain the favour, that they would defer execution for five days only, to see if in that time God would please to give us further light into this Fact. All the whole City was enrag'd, and talk'd of nothing but cutting off heads. As God help me, it could never sink into my head, that it was any other, than a device of the Marquis, for I knew very well with whom I had to do. I then entreated Messer Bartolom••o Cavalcano,

that he would never cease day nor night, to go visit the said Gentlemen, and the Citizens of the Orders of the Gentlemen,* 5.34 and the Novi, whom the misfortune concern'd, to entreat them not to despair, and to tell them, that I would take order no blood should be shed, and that I gave no credit to those Letters and Crosses. Signior Cornelio also assisted me very much in this affair, who had a very great interest in the City, by reason of the Car∣dinal of Ferrara, with whom he had always liv'd during his abode in this City.

Now three or four days after this, thinking the fury to be over, behold another Let∣ter, and another Cross found in the same manner as before: At which every boody lost all patience, and would immediately drag all three to execution. I then ran to the pallace, taking Signior Cornelio and Signior Bartolomeo along with me. As I was going it came into my head, that I had no way to divert this blow; but by a colour of devotion, and so soon as I came there, I found the great Hall already almost full of men of the Reforma∣tors, and of the Order of the people: when so soon as I enter'd into the Hall of the Ma∣gistracy, they all began to cry out, that it was now no longer time to forbear, but that they were to proceed to a speedy execution of Iustice; whereupon having taken my place, I spoke to them in Italian, as at other times, after this manner.

Gentlemen, since the time that I have had the honor to Command in your City,* 5.35 by the appointment of the King my Master, you have never undertaken any thing, whe∣ther as to matters of War, or as to the Government of your Corporation, without first communicating to me your intention, and asking my opinion and advice. Wherein, by God's good pleasure, I have been so happy, that I have hitherto never advis'd you to any thing which has not succeeded to your advantage and honor; neither would I do it for the world, my own life and safety not being dearer to me, than your preservation. Seeing then (Gentlemen) I have been so fortunate, as ever to have given you sound and useful counsels; let me beseech you to retain the same opinion of me now, and to give credit to me in an affair of so great importance, as this that presents it self before you, with which your judgements seem to be very much perplex'd. I beg of you with joyn'd hands, and in the name of God, that of all things you take heed of embruing your hands in the blood of your Citizens till the truth shall be fully known; neither can it possibly be long conceal'd: 'tis to much purpose to cover the fire, the smoak will how∣ever issue out; in like manner they may endeavour to mask and disguise this practice, but the truth will infallibly appear. All the world (and I beseech you be of my opini∣on) cannot make me believe, that this is any other than an Artifice, and a trick of the Marquis, who having found that the Lyon's skin will do him no good, has therefore put on that of the Fox, the better to bring about his design. Which to do, he had no better, nor more subtile way, than by sowing division in the heart of your City. And which way could he better do it, than by making you believe there are Traytors among you, and within your own walls? Knowing very well that that would make you not on∣ly to imprison such suspected persons, but also to put them to death, and by that execution to set discord in your City, for true blood cannot lye. The Parents and friends of the sufferers will bear the death of their kindred, though it should be just, with great sorrow and discontent, and will eadeavour to revenge them; by which means behold you have created so many domestick enemies, much more dangerous than those without, and you will be perplexed about the death of your own people, at the time when you meditate that of your open and declared foes. See then (Gentlemen) what joy, what satisfaction and delight you will administer to your enemies when they shall know that you busie your selves about cutting off the heads of your own Citizens, and of those, who I dare say and swear are innocent. However it may prove to be, the expectation of the truth can no ways be prejudicial to you, for you have them in sure hold: you are secure of your prisoners, you have them under safe custody. I will also be vigilant on my part, why then should you make such haste to put them to death? For the honor of God be∣lieve me, you will not repent your patience. I have no interest but yours, let us have recourse to God in so great a necessity. Command that all your Clergy to morrow or∣dein a general Procession throughout the whole City, and let every one be enjoyn'd to be assisting at it, and let them joyn in prayer, that it may please God to do us that grace as to discover to us the truth of this affair, the treason, if treason there be, and the in∣nocency of the Prisoners, if there be none. I assure my self that God will hear us, and you will soon be satisfied of the truth, after which you may proceed to justice against the guilty if cause require: but to do it before, and in heat to embrew your hands in the blood of your Citizens, without having m••turely weighed every circumstance, you would in my opinion do very ill, and bring a great mischief upon your City. Gentle∣men,

the sole affection I have to your service, your safety, and conservation, has made me speak thus freely to you without any other consideration, and I once more most earnestly beseech you to grant me this favour, as for a few dayes to supersede your sen∣tence, which in the mean time we will employ in prayers and supplications, that God will please, by manifesting to us the truth, to direct our justice.

I had no sooner ended my Speech, but that a confused murmur arose throughout the whole Hall, some saying I, and others no, for there will be evermore some opposers; but in the end my advice was followed, and presently intimation given to the Churches, and to all the people, to prepare themselves against the next day for a general Procession, to pray unto Almighty God; for as for fasting we had enough of that already.* 5.36 I was my self assisting at the Procession, and all the Captains, together with all the Gentlemen and Ladies of the City, the Kindred of the Prisoners followed weeping; and to be short, all the whole body of the City this day, and the day following were in humiliation and prayer, every one beseeching of God, that he would please to afford us that grace, as to discover the truth of this treason. In the mean time I slept not, for all the night Signior Cornelio and I were in consultation, which way this practice of the Marquis could be set on foot. I consider'd with my self, that the business being gone thus far, he who carried on the de∣signe would not rest there, and that the Council of the City would not be kept so secret, that the Marquis would not infallibly have intelligence of what had been concluded, there being evermore some tell-tales in these great Assemblies; and then very well knew that I had committed an error, in so openly declaring that I was assur'd it was a trick of the Marquis, it being to be feared that it would make him enter into some jealousie of his Agent. Now because it was likely he would by his Letters and Tickets give us some new alarm, I thought fit to cause certain men to walk up and down the streets of the City by night, after the most private manner they could, to try if by that means something might not be brought to light, and after this manner caused Centinel to be made two nights together.* 5.37 By day I caused the people to be taken up with Processions in three respective Parishes, and when any of the Signiory came to tell me, that it was so much time lost, and that they must proceed to Justice, I entreated them to have patience, as∣suring them that I began to discover some light into the business; for it was necessary to proceed after this manner, to restrain the fury of the people.

Now it hapned that the third night about midnight this M••ss••r Pedro was seen to pass by, and stopping at a house, put his hand to a Casement, which was low, and hapned to be shut, and one of the three Letters had been found to have been put into a low win∣dow as that was. He then kneel'd down, and under the door put in the Letter as far as he could thrust his arm, which having done he went his way along the street. A Gentleman who lay at watch went presently after him, and taking him by the arm said, c••e siete voi? to whom the other replyed, Io sono Messer Piedro (I cannot remember the sir-name of this Rascal) the Gentleman then knew him,* 5.38 and said to him dove andate? who made answer me ne vo á la guardia, to which the Gentleman return'd, ad••o ad••o; which having done he knockt, and made them open the door, where he found the Letter of the same contents with the former. He then immediately went and carried it to the Magistracy, who sent me two of their Council, to give me an account of the whole bu∣siness, and those two went and call'd up Signior Cornelio, who came along with them; where amongst us it was concluded, that the Gates should not be open'd in the morn∣ing, nor the Guards and Centinels reliev'd, till he was first taken; and in the morning Signior Cornelio went with a hundred men to beset the house both before and behind. Sig∣nior Cornelio knew the man, and so soon as he had placed his Soldiers, knockt at the door, where he found him yet in bed, and presently sent me word of his being taken. Whereupon, the time of my Dictatorship being expir'd, I made use of entreaties, as before, requesting the Senate that he might be forthwith put upon the Rack, for he both denied the Letter, and also that he had seen the Gentleman of all that night. As he was upon the Rack he begg'd that they would to••ment him no more,* 5.39 for he would confess the truth, which he did from point to point, together with the Marquis his practices to set division in the City. Upon which confession they would in the heat have presently hang'd him at the windows of the Palace: but I en••reated them not to do it yet, and so he was clapt up in a Dungeon. I then en••reated the Captain of the people to deliver to me the three Gentlemen, who were prisoners, for that I had a desire to talk with them at my Lodging; which he accordingly did.

They were brought by Signior Cornelio and Bartolomeo Cavalcano, and so soon as they were come to my Lodging I remonstrated to them,

that they ought by no means to

stomach their imprisonment, nor to bear the S••na••e any ••ll will for se••••ing of their per∣sons, affairs being reduced to such te••ms, that the Father ••ught not to trust his Son, nor the Son his Father, since it concern'd no less than their lives and fortunes; and that therefore I desir'd they would go to the Magistracy to give them hearty thanks that they had not proceeded to speedy execution, but had had patience till such time as God had discover'd the truth.

They return'd me answer, that I should pardon them, that be∣ing a thing they would never do; neither was it they that had saved their lives, but that it was I, and that they would give God thanks and me; but that they had no obliga∣tion to them at all. We were all three above a long hour labouring to perswade them, where I remonstrated to them, that not to do the thing I requested of them was to ac∣complish the Marquis his designe, and to give him his hear••s desire, which was, that they should remain in division and mortal hatred; and whatever else I could contrive to say, that might any way serve to perswade them to go, I represented to their consi∣deration to pacifie and appease them. In the end remembring how highly they stood ob∣liged to me for the saving their lives, they promised me that they would do it, and Sig∣nior Cornelio, and Messer Bartolomeo at my request went along with them, for I was a∣fraid they might repent by the way; where so soon as they came before the Magistracy,* 5.40 one of them spake for the rest, remonst••ating their innocency, and the wrong that had been done them; which nevertheless they would no more remember, considering the ne∣cessity of the time, and the Estate of the City, affectiona••ely beseeching them to esteem them for their good Citizens and friends, and loyal to the Common-wealth; and that for the time to come neither they nor their posterity might have any blemish upon their names upon this occasion, they desired they would please to grant them Patents seal'd with the broad Seal for their satisfaction. The Captain of the people then made them a very ample Remonstrance, wherein he entreated they would excuse them, if the publick safety being in question, they had been constrain'd to shut their eyes to particular inte∣rests, and by the importance of the affair had been constrain'd to be so severe in their inquisition: but that they did acknowledge and esteem them to be good and loyal Ci∣tizens. Whereupon they all descended from their seats and embraced them, and as Mess••r Bartolomeo told me, the most of them with tears in their eyes: and so every one retired to his own house.

Now because this one-ey'd Villain was of the Order of the People, which was the greatest party in the Town, and wherein was most Soldiers, I was afraid that should they put him to death, those of his Order might make some s••r in the Town, saying, that now it was well enough known of what Order the Traitors were,* 5.41 which might occasion some mutiny or sedition, and make them in the end betake themselves to arms, which was the reason that I made a request to the Senate to give me his life, and to banish him for ever, that all things might be husht up, and that the Marquis might not say that any of his policies had succeeded any more than his attempts by arms. And thus were all things discovered and hudled up, for the Senate granted my request.

I have often since wondred how I came to be so discree••, and so moderate in an affair of this importance, considering how reasonable it was, that an exemple should be made; but it would peradventure have done more hurt than good. We must not alwayes be so severe, and the seeing others so hot upon blood I do believe made me a little more tem∣perate. And you (Gentlemen) who have the charge of places, do not suffer your selves to be transported at the first appearance of things, nor upon too light information; consider and weigh the circumstances, and hinder the violence of the people over whom you command by one pretence or another, as I did, amusing them with Processions; nor that that was not nevertheless well done, but I would see if time would make any dis∣covery; and had I suffered these men to have been put to death, their kind••ed might per∣haps have been prompted with some spirit of revenge. Above all things endeavour to preserve un••on amongst those over whom you shall happen to command, as I did in this City, where all was accommodated and appeased. Consider also with what enemy you have to do; for you may well imagine that he will leave no stone unremov'd, nor no ar∣tifice untri'd, to set division in your City; as I have formerly read in Livie, the great Captain Han••ibal did to sow dissension amongst the Romans. Your wisdom and pru∣dence (Governors of places) must discern if there be appearance in the thing; whether or no the party accused be a man capable of practice, or have any means whereby to bring his purpose about, and whether or no he have done any thing any wayes tending to such a design. If in apprehending him you discover any confusion in his countenance,* 5.42 or va∣riation in his answers. You ought in this to be very circumspect and discreet, and to consider that there is nothing more easie than to calumniate a man. God be praised.

all here passed with moderation, and the Prisoners with their friends came to give me thanks.

Now after the Marquis saw himself disappointed of his expectation, and that all his plots and stratagems came to nothing, he suffer'd us to rest in peace, not expecting to have us till we should be reduced to the last morsel of bread; and we began to enter in∣to the month of March, when we were in the greatest necessity of all things; for of wine there had not been one drop in the whole City from the middle of February: We had ••aten all the Horses, Asses, Mules, Cats and Rats that were in the Town. Cats sold for three and four Crowns a piece, and a Rat for a Crown. And in all the whole City there was onely remaining four old Mares, so lean as nothing more, which turned the Mills, two that I had, the Controller la Moliere his, the Treasurer P Espine another, Sig∣nior Cornelio a little Bay pad-Nag, that was blind with age, and Misser Hieronimo Hispano a Turk of above twenty years old. These were all the Horses and Mares that were left in the City in this extremity, which was greater than I can represent it, and I do believe there is not in nature so dreadful a thing as Famine. We had from Rome some hopes sent us of succours, and that the King was sending away the Mareschal de Briss••c to relieve us, which was the reason that we again lessened our bread to twelve ounces, and the Sol∣diers and Citizens of the Town to nine: whilst in the mean time by little and little we lost several Inhabitants and Soldiers, who fell down dead as they walked the streets, so that they died without sickness. At last the Physicians found it out that it was the Mal∣lows they fed upon, that being an herb that does relax the stomack, and obstructs digesti∣on. Now we had no other herbs all along the walls of the City, they having been all eaten before; neither could we come by these without sallying out to skirmish, and then all the women and children of the Town went out to gather them. But I saw I lost so many men in these skirmishes, that I would no more permit any one to sa••ly out. Now to hear any more news of the Mareschal de Brissac was henceforward impossible, for the Trenches were brought up to the very Gates of the City,* 5.43 which Trenches the Marquis had also redoubled for fear we should sally out upon him in despair, and give him Battail, as the Siennois in their antient wars had formerly done, as themselves report.

In this condition we languished on till the 8th of April, that we had lost all manner of hopes of relief, and then it was that the Seigneury intreated me not to take it ill if they began to think of their pres••rvation. When seeing there was no other remedy, unless to eat one another? I could not deny them, cursing to the pit of hell all those who engage men of honor in places, and then leave them in the lurch. Yet did I not herein intend to speak of the King, my good Master, he lov'd me too well for that; but those who gave him ill counsels to the prejudice of his affairs, and I have ever observ'd more evil than good Counsellors about Princes.* 5.44 They then sent out one of their people to the Marquis to entreat of him a safe conduct for two of their Senate, whom they would send to him, which he granted, and they began to capitulate. The Marquis himself did very much facilitate the Treaty, and they began to enter into great confidence of him, for he very well saw, that to cause the City to be sack'd and ruin'd would be no profit, neither to the Em∣peror, nor the Duke of Florence, and would only benefit the Soldier, and on the other side he fear'd left if the Siennois could obtain no good conditions, we should sally out upon him, a la desesperade, having already lost above the third part of his men, who were either dead through the length of the Siege, or run away, so that he had almost no Italians,* 5.45 who were quarter'd at the Fort St. Mark; and the Marquis had remain'd for above a moneth with no more than six Ensigns for the Guard of his own person, all the rest being in the Trenches; neither could he ever relieve them with more than ten Ensigns, and those had only one night of intermission, and some such Guards there were that were not reliev'd in six days. To this condition was he reduc'd without, as well as we within; neither could he make any use of his horse, no more than Monsieur de Strozzy could of the Cavalry he had, by reason that there was no manner of thing upon the ground, to give the horses to ••at from M••ntalsin to Sienna, and from Sienna to Florence.

I will now give an account of my self after what manner I liv'd. I had no manner of advantage, no more than the meanest Soldier, and my bread weighed no more than twelve ounces, and of white bread there was never above seven or eight made, whereof three were brought to my Quarters, and the rest were saved for some Captain that was sick. Neither those of the City, nor we from the end of February to the 22th of April ever eat above once a day; neither did I ever hear so much as any one Soldier complain, and I can assure you the Remonstrances I often made to them serv'd to very good purpose; for if they would have gone over to the Enemies Camp, the Marquis would have created them very well; for the Enemy very much esteem'd our Italian and French Soldiers, and in the

skirmishes that had happened betwixt us had had very sufficient tryal of their valour. I had bought thirty hens and a Cock to get me eggs,* 5.46 which Signior Cornelio, the Count de Gayas, and I eat, for we all three constantly eat together; at noon in one place, and in the evening at another; but towards the end of March all these were eaten, the Cock and all. 'Twas pitty we had no more: and so I remain'd without ••lesh, and without eggs, and had nothing to eat but my little loaf, with a few pease boyl'd with a little Bacon and Mallows, and that but once a day only. The desire I had to acquire honor, and to put this bafflle upon the Emperor, so long to have held his Army in play, made me find this so sweet that it was no trouble to me to fast: and this pittiful supper with a bit of bread was a feast to me, when returning from some skirmish, I knew the Enemy to be well drub'd, or that I knew them to suffer under the same necessities we did.

But to return to the Capitulation; the Marquis sent to the Duke of Florence, and Don Iuan Manricon, who was Embassador from the Emperor to the Pope, and resided at Florence by reason of the Siege; whereupon the said Duke sending a safe conduct, the Siennois also sent to the Pope (which was Pope Iulio,* 5.47 who died two or three days after) from whom they received a very scurvey answer, he reproaching them with their obstina∣cy, and commanding them to submit to the Duke of Florence his mercy without any con∣dition. He was a terrible Pope: but the Duke proceeded after a more modest and cour∣teous manner, as a Prince ought to do, who would gain the hearts of a people, and in∣deed he was one of the greatest Polititians of our times. It behooved him so to be to e∣stablish his Principality, in the time of two of the greatest and most ambitious Princes that ever were, who had both of them a great mind to get footing in Italy. But the Spa∣niard was more subtle than we, and this Duke manag'd his business very well;* 5.48 his name was Cosmo, and I believe he is yet living. In the mean time Commissioners for eight daies together went, and came betwixt Florence and the Camp, and upon Monday night the Capitulation was brought to Sienna, and the morning before the Marquis had sent a Trumpet to me, entreating I would send two Gentlemen out to him in whom I might confide, he having something to say to them that he desired I should know, and that he was come to St. Lazare to that effect. I thereupon sent out to him Signior Cornelio, and Captain Charry, who being come to him, he there acquainted them with the terms of the Capitulation, which would that night be brought to the City, and that amongst other things there was one Article which exprest, that the Sieur de Montluc with his Italian and French Companies, and all the Officers of the King, should march out with Bag and Baggage, Colours flying, Drums beating, with match lighted, and Bullet in mouth: but that this Article would do me no good, forasmuch as we did not belong to the Sien∣nois, but to the King of France; and being we did not belong to them, they conse∣quently had no power to capitulate for us; that therefore I was my self to capitulate in the name of the King my Master, which if I thought fit to do,* 5.49 he assur'd me I should have what conditions soever I would demand, and that his service to the Em∣peror excepted, he would do as much for me as for the Cardinal his Brother: that he and I were two poor Gentlemen, who by our Arms were arrived to such degrees of honor, that the greatest both of France and Italy would be glad to have our places, telling them withal he would there stay to expect my answer. They found me at Porto Novo walking with Messer Hieronimo Espanos, where after I had received his Message, I bad them go back and tell him,

that I very well knew he had read the Roman History,* 5.50 wherein he might have taken notice, that in the times of the antient warlike Romans they had sent one of their Colonies to inhabit Gascony, near to the Pyrhenean Mountains, of which Province I was a Native, and that if he would not content himself, that the Siennois had comprized me in their Capitulation, I would at my coming out let him see, that I was descended from those warlike Romans, who would rather have lost a thousand lives, could they have had so many to lose, than an inch of their honor: that I had ra∣ther the Siennois should capitulate for me, than I for them, and that for my part the name of Montluc should never be found subscrib'd to a Capitulation.

They then re∣turn'd to him, to whom having repeated my answer, he said to them in Italian. Che vol dir questo? mi p••re che vol jocar a la desperata. Altre volte io rose due forteresse con ragione, ne per questo ne sui maj represo de l'Imperat••re, & no resta s•• Majesty a servir si di me. Sig∣nior Cornelio then told him, that I was positive in this determination, and would rather put all to the hazard of the sword, than to the hazard of a Capitulation. Well then said he, recommend me to him, and tell him I will let him see that I am his friend, and that he may march out in all assurance upon the Capitulation of the Siennois, or after what manner he pleases himself; and so they return'd.

Oh Camrades, you have here a fair exemple before you, when you shall find your

selves in such an affair, never to discover any fear, for nothing in the world so much ••••artles an Enemy, as to see the Chief with whom he has to do to be undaunted in all extremities, and that he gives him to understand he will rather run the hazard of a Fight than a Capitulation; nothing so much puzzels him as that, besides the encourage∣ment it gives to your own people. I was as much afraid as another, seeing my self so desperately engag'd, and no news of any relief, neither of victuals nor men: but ask any one who is yet living, whether they ever saw me any more dejected than the first day I came into the City. And at the last of all, when we were reduc'•• to the extremest ne∣cessity of all things, I was more resolute to fight than before, which I believe conduced much to the obtaining of so good conditions both for the Siennois and for us, as we could have had, had we capitulated the first day the Enemy sat down before us.

Late at night came the Capitulation, and upon Tuesday morning four of the Senate brought it to me, wherein I found an Article, that every one of what mean condition so∣ever should go out with Bag and Baggage, their Wives and Children, who had a mind to depart the City, except the Exiles and Rebels to the State of the Emperor, the King of England (which was King Phi••ip) and the Duke of Florence. I then very well under∣stood that this Article would fall heavy upon the poor Florentines who were with us in the City, and who had been banisht upon Monsieur de Strozzy's account. There were also Neapolitans, and Millanois; so that I there clearly saw above a hundred men thrown away, and their heads surrendred to the Scaffold, which made me desire the Senators to return, and that in an hour I would come to them to the Palace, and shew them the de∣••••it that was couched in their Capitulation, entreating them in the mean time speedily there to assemble all the principal members of the City, which they did, and I took a∣long with me Signior Cornelio, and Bartolomeo Cavalcano, who was ready to die for fear when he understood my proposition, for he was a Florentine; where being come I made to them this Remonstrance.

Gentlemen,* 6.1

I have seen your Capitulation, which tends rather to the cutting off of your heads, than to any indemnity for your Lives and Estates. You have there one Article, that every one generally shall enjoy the benefit of the Capitulation, their Lives and Estates saved, excepting such as are Rebels to the Emperor, the King of En∣gland, and the Duke of Florence. Now you know very well that the Emperor, has caused you all to be declared Rebels in his Imperial Chamber, as Subjects, of the Empire, for having rebelled against him. By which you see you are declared Subjects, and you say you are not Subjects, but only stand in recommendation to the Empire. The dispute is not yet determined, whether you are Subjects or recommended, and when the Ene∣my shall once be got within your walls, and that you are in their power, what Judges will you have to determine of the Question, except the Hangman, and with your heads, for it will certainly be by that way that they will go about to assert their title. Behold then you will all be put to death, your Estates confiscate, and your Wives and Children a prey to the Conqueror.* 6.2 As for me, and the Soldiers they will permit us safely to depart, for Soldiers pass in all places, and ever better cheap than other sorts of men. They know we have nothing to lose but our Arms, and that we are bound to obey our Prince; should they offer any outrage to us, we shall have our revenge in turn at one time or another, for men do sooner meet than mountains: But all the mischief will fall upon you, con∣sidering the hatred the Emperor and the Duke have conceiv'd against you. A Prince rarely pardons Subjects who have once rebelled against him; but if ever he can pick a hole in their coats, he will be sure to take hold of the occasion. Since then we have so long liv'd together, without ever having so much as one unkind word pass betwixt us, and that I have receiv'd so many honors at your hands, if you will take my advice, we will make the Marquis think of something he never thought of yet, that is we will sally out with our weapons in our hands to the fight, and give him battail, and we ought to believe, that God will be on our side, and assist us, considering the cruelty they would exercise upon you. For my own part, I freely offer you my life, and those of all my Captains and Soldiers to die with you, that as we have liv'd, so we may die together, rather than to see you so basely betray'd and sold to slaughter. Credete à me, à me dico ••he son vechio, & à c••i sono passate molte cose inanti li occhi.

Now I knew very well, that this exception did not point at the Siennois, but only at those I nam'd before, so that this was only a device of mine, to make the Siennois engage with us in the fight, for I had rather have put all to the hazard of the sword, than that any one of those who were within with us, and who upon my account had been obstinate in the

defence of the City should be lost. They took it however for current pay, and after I was departed from them,* 6.3 all of them resolv'd to fight it out to the last man. I then pre∣sently sent them word what they were to do, which was, that the Standard-bearer should command all their Powder to be refined, their Swords, Halberts and Pike-heads to be scowr'd and ground: that upon pain of Death, every one who was able to bear arms, should be ready in two days, and that the Priests and Religicux, who had taken arms for the defence of the Town at the Battery, should now take them again under the same Captains they did before; insomuch that I do believe that for two or three days so great a bustle in the City had never been seen. The two Deputies hereupon of the Duke of Florence and the Marquis, who had safe conduct into the City, return'd about three of the clock in the afternoon back to the Marquis, where they shew'd him this Article, which had put not only the whole City, but also the Soldiers, into despair of fair Quarter, tel∣ling him how we were all resolv'd and by what means they came to understand the hubub, and preparation that was making in the City to give him Battel, which was the reason that he sent all night to the Duke of Florence and Don Iuan Manricou, whom I since saw with the Queen of Spain at Bayonne, giving them an account how all things stood, and entreating them withal, that since he was now upon the point to have the Town surrendred to him, they would not for this one Article put him in danger of losing all; but consider, that he had to do with a great Captain, and an old Souldier, commending me more than I deserv'd: that as themselves very well knew, he had lost near upon the one half of his Army, and had a great many sick of those he had left, and that he had not twenty Horse, there being nothing upon the place to support them, nor any means by which to bring them any from other places; and that they would do well to weigh and consider of this affair, for as for his part, he must discharge himself upon them, if any thing fell our amiss. So soon then as the Duke of Florence and Don Iuan saw the Siennoi•• resolution, they dispatch'd to him le Co••signou the Duke's chief Secretary, with a Blank to put in whatever we would demand, for he stood upon thorns, till he was Master of the City. It was upon Wednes∣day morning that the Cousignou came to the Camp, when the said Marquis sent for the two Deputies,* 6.4 who had been on Tuesday night return'd into the City, where they insert∣ed in the Articles, that all those who had been banish'd, and Rebels of the State of the Emperor, Empire and Duke of Florence, should go out in all security, as well as the rest, and in this posture we remain'd till Sunday morning the 22 of April, that we went out in the order following:

Before any one of us stirr'd out of the Town,* 6.5 I restor'd the Citadel and the Fort Camoglia into the hands of the Siennois, where they put an Ensign of the City into each, as I also made them to place an Ensign at every Gate of the City that stood open, which being done, I return'd to Porto Nov••. The Marquis had planted all his Spanish foot all along the street that leads to S. Lazaro, on both sides the street, his Germans were drawn up in Battalia, a little on the right hand in a Camp, and at S. Lazaro was Signior Cabry his Nephew with fifty or threescore horse, which was all they could make (as I have said before) and three hundred Italian Harquebuzeers,* 6.6 which they had drawn out of the Forts of Camolia and S. Mark, and was the Convoy the Marquis had appointed to conduct us. Signior Cornelio then, and the Coant de Gayas, arm'd at all points, with their Pikes shoul∣dred went out side by side, with a Company of Harquebuzeers at their heels, after them went out two Captains at the head of the Pikes, amongst whom were a great Company of Corsle••s, and in the middle of the Pikes, the Ensigns display'd and advanc'd, and in the reer of them the rest of the Harquebuzeers, with two Captains in their reer. I had over∣night sent to the Marquis,* 6.7 that he would be so civil to the ancient women and children, who were to go out with us, as to lend them forty or fifty of his carriage Mules: which he did, and which before I went out, I distributed amongst the Siennois, who put upon them the ancient women, and some children in their laps. All the rest were on foot, where there were above an hundred Virgins following their Fathers and Mothers, and women who carried cradles with Infants in them upon their heads, and you might have seen several men leading their daughter in one hand, and their wife in the other, and they were num∣bred to above eight hundred men, women and children. I had seen a sad par••ing at the turning out the useless mouths; but I saw as sad a one at the separation of those who went out with us, and who remain'd behind. In my life I never saw so sad a farwel; so that although our Soldiors had in their own persons suffer'd to the last extremes, yet did they infinitely regret this woful parting, and that they had not the power to defend the liberty of these people, and I more than all the rest, who could not without tears behold this misery and desolation of a people, who had manifested themselves so devout for the conservation of their liberty and honor. So soon as Signior Cornelio was gone out,

all the Italians follow'd,* 6.8 and the Citizens in the rear of the Italians. Then at the head of our French went out S. Auban and Lussan arm'd, with pikes upon their shoulders, and a Company of Harquebuzeers after them, two Captains at the head of the Pikes, with another company of Harquebuzeers led by Charry and Blacon, having each of them a Halbert in his hand, and the Ensigns in the middle of the Pikes, after the same manner the Italians had past before. After these I went out arm'd, and Messer Hieronimo Espanos side by side with me, for I was afraid they would have seiz'd upon him, he having been a principal Actor in the revolt of the City. He was mounted upon an old Turk, and I upon another miserably lean and haggled our, notwithstanding which I set a good face on the matter, and made the best meen I could. I left two Siennois Ensigns at the Gate, en∣treating them to clap to the Gate immediately after me, and not to open it till the Mar∣quis himself came. The said Marquis rid up and down, and Signior Chiapino Vitelli with him through all the files, to take care that no one meddled with the Siennois, for as to our Baggage, it was so little, as it made no number. The Spanish Camp-Masters then came to salute me, and all their Captains. The Camp-Masters alighted not, but all the Cap∣tains did, and came to embrace my knee, after which they again mounted on horseback, and accompanied me till we came to the Marquis and Signior Chiapino, which might be about 300 paces from the Gate,* 6.9 where we embrac'd, and they plac'd me betwixt them. After this manner we pass'd on discoursing all the way of the siege, and the particularities had hap∣ned upon it, attributing much honor to us, the Marquis particularly saying, that he had great obligation to me, for that besides he had learn'd several stratagems of War, I was the cause be had been cur'd of his Gout; telling me the fear, that both he and the Emperor's Gentleman had been in, which did not pass without much laughter: Whereupon I told him, that he had put me into a much greater fright the night of the Scalado, and yet that I was not for all that cur'd of my ••eaver; adding moreover, that he had done very ill to come upon me, as the Iews did to take our Lord, for he brought along with him Lanthorns and Torches, which gave me a great advantage: to which he reply'd bowing his head (for he was a very courteous Gentleman) Signior, on altrovolte sero piu savis. I then told him, that had he continued his Battery, he would have had no very good bargain of us; for the Gascons were an obstinate people, but that they were ••lesh and bone as other men were, and must eat. With this, and other discourse of the same nature we entertain'd ourselves, till we were got a mile beyond S. Lazaro, and there the Marquis bad Signior Chi••pino Vitelli go to the head of our people, and speak to Signior Cabry, to take care there should be no disorder, and that if any one offer'd to take any thing from us, he should kill all such as should at∣tempt it, and that he should give the same command to the Captain of the three hun∣dred Harquebuzeers. So soon as Signior Chiapino was gone from us, the Marquis embracing me in his arms said these words, in as good French as I could have spoke my self. Adieu Monsieur de Montluc, I pray present my most humble service to the King, and assure him, that I am his most humble and affectionate servant, as much (my honour safe) as any Gen∣tleman in Italy. I then return'd him thanks for the good inclination he had towards the King, and the courtesies I had receiv'd at his hands, which I would proclaim in all places wherever I should come, and when it should ever lie in my power to do him service, would requit••. He offer'd me the same, and so we fell to embrace again. He had then no more than four or five horse with him, they being all behind in the same order he had left them, and so he return'd back towards the City, and soon after Signior Chiapino Vitelli return'd, where we also embrac'd and parted.

We then went to Arbierroute, a little Village upon the Tresse, or else the River it self is call'd Arbie, and there we found eighteen Asses loaden with bread, which the Marquis had sent thither to distribute amongst us upon the way; of which one part I gave to the Siennois,* 6.10 another to the Italians, and the third to the French. To do which, as I pass'd through the Spaniards, I saw that the Soldiers had also purposely brought bread along with them to give to our people. I dare boldly say, and that by the testimony of those who were then with me, that this bread sav'd the lives of two hundred persons, and there are many who will affirm, that it sav'd the lives of four hundred, and yet could it not go so far, that there was not above fifty who dy'd that very day; for we had been from Wednes∣day till Sunday without eating any more than six ounces of Biscuit a day a man; and upon the Thursday of two horses I had, I kill'd one, that would now be worth 900 Crowns, he was then indeed very lean, which I divided amongst the Italian and French Companies, causing all the oyl to be taken out of the Lamps in the Churches, which I likewise divided amongst the Souldiers, who with Mallows and Nettles boil'd this flesh and oyl,* 6.11 and so sustein'd themselves till Sunday morning, when not a man amongst us at our going out, had eaten one bit of any thing in the world? The Marquis also caus'd

four Borachio's of wine to be brought for me, together with five or six loaves of white bread, and so soon as we came to Arbierroute, we halted, and under some Sallows that were by the River side, eat our bread. I gave two of my Bottles of Wine to the Sien∣nois, the other two we drank our selves, each one a little, and afterwards went on our way directly towards Montalsin, when so soon as we came to Boncovent, Signior Cabry made the foot Convoy to return: but till he saw Monsieur de Strozzy, who came out with a party of horse to meet us, would himself never leave us; and then he bade me far∣wel, taking me in his arms, as he did Signior Cornelio, the Count de Gayas,* 6.12 and all our Captains, for he was a very worthy Gentleman, and a brave Soldier, as any they had in their Camp. So soon as we came up to Monsieur de Strozzy, we embrac'd, without be∣ing able either of us to utter one word; neither am I able to say which of us had his heart the most full of the remembrance of our fortunes. In this manner then, nothing but skin and bone, and more like Ghosts than men, we arriv'd at Montalsin, which was upon Sunday, and all Monday and Tuesday we were shut up with the Treasurers and Comp∣trollers, to examine and state our accompts, and to see what I had borrow'd to lend the Souldiers, where we found that the King was four months to us in arrear, and Monsi••ur de Strozzy gave me 500 Crowns of his own money to carry me into France. I dare swar•• he had not half so much more left; for Signior Cornelio and I had been constrain'd to borrow 400 Crowns to disengage his great Order, which he had pawn'd to a Jew at the beginning when he came to Sienna. I would afterwards have restor'd it to him, and name∣ly at Thionville, though he would never receive it, but laugh'd at me; and this was the end of the Siege.

O Camrades, you who shall do me the honor to read my Book, will you not grant me what I have said before, that God did ever as much go along with my fortune, as with that of any other Captain of my time? You have observ'd the great adversities I sustein'd in this Siege, and the little helps I had, nothing being to be expected from without, his Ma∣jesty having his hands so full on eve•••• side. You have heard that no art nor force was spar'd to reduce me, you have also seen the great famine I endur'd, the traverses the Mar∣quis perplext me withal, and the extremities to which I was at last reduc'd, which if you please maturely to consider,* 6.13 you will find that I have been as much assisted by Almighty God, as any man that has born Arms these hundred years. I cannot lye in my Book if I would, there are too many witnesses alive for that. Do you not then see, that I spoke the truth, when I said before, that we are to employ all that God has given to men, be∣fore we give our selves for overcome? Pray consider, whether or no any thing was here to be omitted, or whether I ever omitted or forgot any thing in what condition soever I was, but put this poor City, and moreover the Kings honour and reputation in dispute through∣out the whole world. I never call it to mind, but it makes me sad to think what a folly I committed in exposing this City, together with his Majestities reputation, and all the rest of us, to the Enemies discretion, at the last morsel of bread. For the King would by no means have had me reduc'd to that, and let any one ask Monsi••ur la Chappelle, whom his Majesty exprefly dispatch'd away to me, to give me advice, that I should not suffer my self to be reduc'd to that extremity, as to come off to his dishonor. Princes are proud, and fight more for glory than for purchase; and I must needs say, that it was not the work of man, but of God, that we came off so good cheap, as we did.

Two days before we came out of Sienna, the Senate gave me my discharge in Patent,* 6.14 signed with their broad Seal, acknowledging therein, that I would neither Capitulate for the City, nor for our selves: but that considering the extremity to which they were reduc'd, I would not hinder them from doing it, calling me to witness of the loyal∣ty and fidelity they had manifested to his Majesties service, wherein they had in nothing fail'd of the Oath they had made to him, and that I went out upon their Capitulation, and not they upon mine. Now where will you find in any History, that ever man went out of a place without capitulation, if he did not steal away by night, but not after the manner I went out. For every one will confess that I did not belong to the Siennois and that consequently they could not capitulate for me; as the Marquis told Signior Cor∣nelio, and Captain Charry. So it was, that by the good will of God, I came out after this manner, and the Patent is to be seen in the King's Treasury, as I shall say here∣after.

I know very well (Gentlemen) that many of you will take delight in what I have to say to you, conc••rning the Government and Conservation of places, and that others will make little account of it, forasmuch as there are a sort of people so good natur'd, as to think they know all things of themselves, and nothing value the knowledge and ex∣perience of other men, as if God had sent them into the world like S. Iohn Baptist,

inspir'd from their Mothers wombs. Which is the reason we are not to wonder, that so many fall into mishaps; for their own arrogancy and self conceit, leads them by the hand till they come to a Precipice, from whence they tumble headlong from the top to the bottom, with so great a fall, that they are never able to rise again. Yet was this no∣thing, if the fall hurt no body but themselves; but the King and his people suffer also by it. Do not then disdain to learn, and although you may have great experience of your own, yet can it do you no great harm to hear and read the discourses of old Cap∣tains. When I was but five and twenty years old, I took more pleasure in hearing an old Soldier talk, than ever I did to sit and chat with the finest woman that ever I was in love with in my life; therefore I beseech you take a little notice of what I am going to say.

When your Prince shall give you a place to keep, you are to consider three things; first the honor he does you in reposing so much confidence in your valour and wisdom, as amongst others to make choice of you, to entrust with a Command of that impor∣tance. Wherein the honor he does you, is no little one, forasmuch as he does not only honor you in your own person, but moreover sets a mark of reputation upon your whole race, by entrusting in your hands a Key of his Kingdom, or some City of very great im∣portance to him as this was, the Siege whereof I have related to you. This honor, I say, that he does you, draws so long a train after it, that your renown does not only spread it self through the whole Kingdom from whence you come, and the Countreys adjoyn∣ing to the place you defend, but moreover throughout the whole world. Every body is curious to enquire who does well or ill, and who is a good or bad Commander; nay, although we have no concern in the affair, yet are we evermore inquisitive after news, for such is the nature of man: by which means thorow all Forreign Nations your name will be for ever known, either to honour or infamy. For whatever is done, is committed to History, without which the greatest part of men of Honor, would not care for acquiring renown,* 6.15 it costs so very dear. Never did any men ever purchase it upon harder terms than I; but the laudable desire we have to perpetuate our names, makes the pain seem easie to him who has a generous heart. Me••hought all the time when I read Titus Livie, that I saw all the brave Scipio's, Cato's, and Caesar's alive, and when I was at Rome, and saw the Capitol, calling to mind the things I had heard (for I for my own part was ever a bad Reader) methought I ought to find those ancient Romans there. The Histo∣rians then, who omit nothing of any kind in their writings, will mark your name in white or black, with glory or with shame, according to your desert, as you see they have done by so many Captains who have gone before us.

The second thing that you ought to set before your eyes, is to consider if you lose the place committed to you, first what a loss it will be to the King, it being part of his estate, and his house, there being no Garrison, that is not properly the Kings own house, be∣sides that the revenue is his, of which you deprive him in losing the place, enrich his Enemy, and augment his reputation, whilst you dishonor your own Master, who shall read in the Histories dedicated to Eternity, that in his Reign such a Town, such a Castle, such a Fortress was lost. You ought then to reflect upon the miseries you bring upon his poor Subjects, how many curses will they load you with, who shall be neighbours to the place you have lost; for they will certainly be destroy'd, and by your carelessness or co∣wardize ruin'd and undone. They will curse the hour that ever you was born, and especially the poor Inhabitants, who through your fault, must either change their King and Master, or taking their children upon their backs, be constrain'd to seek another ha∣bitation. O that the poor English who had above three hundred years been settled in the Town of Calice, have reason to curse the cowardize and treachery of him, who so in∣famously lost so strong a place! How can you ever have the confidence to look up, should you once fall into such a misfortune as this? Before you were honor'd and esteem'd, and every one rejoyc'd at your coming, praying to God to preserve and bless you; but should you once fall into a misfortune like this, instead of prayers and acclamations, you shall meet with affronts and injuries; for prayers, maledictions; and they will curse you to all the Devils in Hell. Instead of caressing, they will turn their backs upon you, every one will point at you, so that a hundred times a day, you will curse the hour that you were not kill'd upon a platform, or in a breach in the defence of your Garrison, rather than so shamefully to have given it up to your Enemy.

And not only your Master, the Princes and Lords will look upon you with an eye of contempt, but the very women and children; nay, I will say more, your own Wife, though she make a shew of love,* 6.16 will hate and despise you in her heart; for the nature of all women is such, that they hate all Poltrons, let them be never so proper men, or

never so handsomely dress'd, and love the bold and couragious, let them be never so slovenly or deform'd. They participate of your shame, and although being in your arms in bed, they may pretend to be glad of your return, they with in their hearts you had been smother'd, or carried away by a Canon shot: for as we conceive it to be the greatest disgrace to a man to have a Whore to his Wife, the women also think that the greatest shame can befal them is to have a Coward to their husband: and thus Monsieur le Gou∣vernor, you who have lost your place, you will be in a marvellous happy condition, when you shall be curss'd in your own bed.

But what shall we say of your Children? people will not only reproach them, that they are the sons of a Cowardly father;* 6.17 but they will moreoever themselves see his name in Print, and the mischiefs of which his Cowardize has been the cause. For a Town is never lost, let it be never so considerable, that it does not draw a great deal of inconveni∣ence along with it. It brings so mighty an inconvenience upon your children, that to ex∣tinguish your ill repute, and to raise their own to some tollerable degree of esteem, they must hazard their lives upon all occasions, without either fear or wit, and few escape being kill'd, who by this means to wipe off the stain from their family, would sig∣nalize themselves. How many have I seen in my time, who by endeavouring to repair some notorious fault, have lost themselves and expos'd themselves to death upon the first occasion has presented it self, being asham'd to live. And though your children should escape these dangers, yet will the King be afraid (what great reputation soever they may have acquir'd) to trust a Town to their custody, left the Son should take after the Father, as it ordinarily comes to pass. Thus shall you not only ruine your selves, but your whole Family.

To avoid and to break the neck of your ill fortune; and of all these mishaps, there is a good remedy, which I have learn'd my self, and am willing to ••each it you, if you know it not already. First you ought to consider all this that I have told you, and set on the one side the shame, and on the other the honor you will obtain, if you bravely defend your place, remaining victorious; or at the least having done all that a man of Honour could do, to come off Triumphant, and like a Conqueror, though you be overcome, as you see I did in this Siege. Imagine still that you see your Prince and Master be∣fore you, and what countenance you ought to hope for, if by your Cowardize you lose his place. And seeing nothing ever had a beginning, but that it had likewise an end, consider from the beginning what the end is like to be, and remember that your Master has not entrusted this place in your hands to deliver it up, but to defend it; that he has put you into it, not to live there only, but to dye there also bravely fighting, if occasion be. If you ask him at your going away to your Command, Sir, must I dye before I sur∣render the place you have given me in trust? he will tell you, that you are to fight to the last moment of your life; for being you are his Subject,* 6.18 your life is his. The Seigneur de Iarnac one day told the King, that it was the greatest craft and Policy, that ever Kings found out, to make their Subjects believe, that their lives were theirs, and that it was the greatest honor they could have to dye for their service: but that it was a great simplicity in us to believe it, and to keep such a clutter with this fine bed of honor. It is neverthe∣less true, that our lives and estates are the Kings, our souls belong to God, and our ho∣nour is our own, for over my honor the King has no power at all.

To return to what I was saying before, if in accepting the charge committed to you, you have not this resolution within your selves, you would do a great deal better to make an excuse. There are ways enow to put it off, and there will be enow,* 6.19 who will be glad to accept of what you refuse. If you accept it with a resolution to bring it to a handsome issue, do one thing, never think of dying. `Tis for a Coxcomb to fear death, till he see it within three inches of him, and yet cannot he forbear representing it to his ima∣gination, though it be a hundred Leagues off. On the contrary, meditate how to kill your Enemy; for if you once enter into an apprehension and fear of death, you may as∣suredly give your place for lost; for that is to take away your understanding and your judgement, which is the best piece in your harness. Tis to much purpose to be valiant, if this fail you at need; which if you intend to preserve, you must by no means enter in∣to this fear of dying; for fear is of it self, and by the fra••lty of our own nature ••oo apt to intrude upon us, without our needing to assist it with our own imagination. If then it present it self before you, you must reject it, and have sudden recourse to the intenti∣on of the King, and to what end he plac'd you there. Think of the shame and disho∣nor you are running into. Read often, or cause to be read to you, Books that speak of the honor of great Captains, principally those of our own times; as for example, Langey and another, who has writ in Italian (I cannot think of his name) who has writ to

well since King Charles the eight. I have often read him, and he is a very good Author. Would to God that all of us who bear arms would take up a custom to write the things we see and do; for I am of opinion it would be better done by our own hands (I mean as to feats of war) than by those letter'd men, for they too much disguise the truth, and this relishes of the Clerk. Read then these Books, and meditate with your selves, if I do like Antonio de Leva at Pavie,* 6.20 the Sieur de Lude at Fontarabie, the Signeur de Bouillon at Peronne, the Signior de Sansac at Miranda, and Montluc at Sienna, what will they say of me? what honor shall I carry back to my own house? and on the contrary, if I surrender, what shame and infamy for me and mine? Then apply your selves to Almighty God, and beg of him that he will defend you from falling into these misfortunes, resigning up all things into his hands. After this assist your selves with all that he has put into the power of men, as you see I did in this Siege, and above all things be always diligent and vigilant, ever∣more mindful of your charge, if you do this (forgetting withal death and danger) you will find means to defend your place, though it were but a Dove-Coat; and though it should be lost, you having perform'd your duty, you must conclude it to be by the hand of God. We must however always trie; for I have seen a place lost that was never suspe∣cted to be in danger, and such a one sav'd as has been given over for gone. If you there die in your defence, you will neither dishonor your selves nor your posterity, but shall be laid in your grave with an immortal renown, which is all that a man of arms ought to desire. For a man that fears to die ought never to go to the wars,* 6.21 there being in the world so many other employments to which he may apply himself, especially in this Kingdom of France, where there are so many orders, what of Justice, and what of the Finances; too many indeed for the good of the King and of his Kingdom, such a brave and numerous youth living idle, who would be fit to bear arms. As I have entred sometimes into the Parliaments of Tholouze and Bordeaux, since my being the King's Lieutenant in Guienne, I have a hundred times wondred how it was possible so many young m••n should eternally amuse themselves in a* 6.22 Palace, considering that the blood ordinarily boyls in young men; I believe it is nothing but custome, and the King could not do better, than to drive away these people, and to enure them to arms. But to return to you who have the Govern∣ment of places, and you who have a mind to put your selves into a Town to defend it, if you so much fear death, never go, though it be but a folly to fear it, for those that blow the fire at home in their own houses are no more exempt than the others, and I do not know what choice there is betwixt dying of a Stone in the kidneys, and being knocked o'th' head with a Musket bullet, though, if God would give me my choice, I should not be long in choosing.

Above all things (Camrades) you must be sure to be evermore intent upon your Ene∣my, and have your Judgment Centinel to spy what he can do against you; and play two parts, saing to your self, If I was the Assailant, what would I do? on which side should I make my attaque? for you ought to believe that your opinion, and that of your Ene∣my do very often jump. Communicate then what you have thought of to such as you know to be of understanding, sometimes in common, that you may give no distaste to the rest; but most frequently in private. When you shall find your selves engaged with a people, where you are to piss small, and have not the ruling power, apply your selves to their humours, and bite your tongues rather than speak too much. Reduce them by sweetness and obligation, and above all things, when you are to suffer, your selves shew the way. For if you (Monsieur le Governor) will keep open house, and in the mean time cut others short of their bread, you will draw upon you the hatred of all your Captains and Soldiers, and it is but reasonable that you who have the greatest share of honor, should likewise have the greatest share of suffering.

I will put you in mind of another thing,* 6.23 which is, that when extraordinary want pres∣ses upon you, you seldom remain shut up in your Cabinet, but shew your selves to the Captains and Soldiers, and appear to the people with a chearful and assured countenance, Your single presence will redouble their courage. I have in my time known several of the King's Lieutenants, who have driven away the Gentlemen, by making them some∣times wait too long in their Halls, without vouchsasing to speak to them. A Gentleman will be civilly used, especially a Gascon, and in the mean time they pretend to be won∣derfully busie. I have known one once in my life (whom nevertheless, because he was Master of a great many very good qualities, I shall forbear to name, for no man is perfect) who two hours in a day would constantly lock himself up in his Closer, pretending to be busie about some dispatch of importance, but it was to read Orlando Furioso in Italian, as his own Secretary told us, which we took highly ill from him, we being in the mean time left to measure his Hall, or to take a survey of his Court. Do not use men of con∣dition

so. Your hours of vacancy and pleasure ought to be spent in walking upon the Ram∣pires, and visiting the Magazines, to see that nothing be wanting.

If you happen to be in a place where you shall be reduced to great scarcity,* 6.24 forget not to serve your selves with the means I used to rid my self of the Germans, and take ex∣emple by my Error; for I deferred it too long: but it was because I thought the Marquis would force me by the sword, and not by famine; but he was as subtle as I.* 6.25 If you sus∣pect any treason, and cannot discover the bottom of it, cause some counterfeit information to be given you, and without naming the person, say you are inform'd that there is treason plotted against you, and that you are upon the point to discover it; pretend also to have some intelligence in your Enemies Camp, though you have none, for this will be a Countermine. I will say but this one word to you more, which is, that you set at once before your eyes the favour and displeasure of your Prince, for you have your choice. A King's inchgnation does not cool like that of another man. They seldom forgive a man that makes them lose any thing, for they would alwayes win. How was that brave Mon∣sieur de Lautrec received at his return from Millan, and yet God knows he was not in fault. He was wont to say, it was the greatest affliction of his whole life. Suffer then all sorts of extremities, and omit nothing that men of honor ought to do. I know very well that men must lose and win, and that no place is impregnable; but choose rather a hundred thousand times to die, if all other means fail, than to pronounce that infamous and hateful, I yield.

Monsieur de Strozzy lent me a Galley to carry me back into France, and sent a Kins∣man of his, a young man of twenty years of age, and a Knight of Malta to Civita Vechia to make it ready,* 6.26 and would that the Knight should himself conduct me to Marseilles. On Wednesday morning then I took post, and went to Rome, where I arriv'd about four of the clock in the afternoon, having sent the Captains Lussan, Blacon, and St. Auban to stay for me at Civita Vechia; Monsieur de Strozzy having given them leave for four months, the rest remain'd with the said Signeur. The Cardinal of Armagnac lodg'd me in his own Palace, and I was receiv'd with as much honor by all the Kings Ministers, as any Gentleman could be. They had already heard of my coming out of Sienna, the Marquis having sent word of it by an express Courrier to the Cardinal his Brother. I there found Monsieur le Cardinal of Guise, and the Duke of Ferrara, the Father of this that now is, being yet there since the creation of Pope Marcellinus. His Holiness asked the Cardinal of Guise if I was arriv'd, as he had been told, to which the Cardinal making answer, that I was, he entreated him to bring me to him, for he had a great desire to see me. The Cardinal found me at the Ambassadors Monsieur d'Avanson, where he told me that I must go to his Holiness, who had a desire to see me, and Monsieur d'Avanson lent me his own Coach. I found the Pope newly got up, and set in a Chair by his Bed side, so ill that he had much ado to speak: but nevertheless he entertained me with very great favour. I told him that I would not now trouble his Holiness with discourse, but that I hoped God would in two or three daies restore him to his health, and that then I would come and give him an account how all things had passed at Sienna. He then told me that he had already been informed of me, but that he should be glad to hear it again from my own mouth; adding these words, That I might say never any man, of what Nation soever, had ever had so much interest, love, and esteem among the Siennois as I. I then took my leave that I might not be a trouble to him, and returning back found the Cardinal de Guise still at the Ambassadors, to whom I said, that they might again go enter the Conclave to choose another Pope, for that this by to-morrow night would not be alive, and my words prov'd true; for the next day about Vespers he died,* 6.27 and the day after I took leave of all my friends, and went to Civita V••chia, which was on Friday, and upon Saturday morning by break of day I went aboard. The pomps, pleasures, delights and curiosities of this City could not detein me a day longer, conceiving I might elsewhere be serviceable to the King my Master. One thing I must needs say, though it be in my own commen∣dation, that as I passed along the streets, and going to the Castle of St. Angelo, every one ran to the windows, and to their doors to see the man that had so long defended Sienna. Which only serv'd to enflame my courage the more to acquire more honor; and though I had scarce money to carry me home, I fancied my self as rich as the greatest man in France.

About break of day we set sail, with as good a wind as we could desire, and in the close of the evening came to Capocorea, we there came to an Anchor, and two hours before day passed the straight betwixt Sardignia and Corsica, and about nine of the clock in the morning came to Bonificaio, where was Monsieur de la Molle. I had heard at Civita Ve∣chia, that Prince Auria was gone towards Piombino with three or four thousand Soldiers,

which he had embarked in two and fifty Galleys,* 6.28 and that he went to fight Monsieur de Termes, who was bat••ring Calvy. This intelligence was the reason that I went to Bonificaio, to give notice of it to the said Sieur de la M••lle, who immediately thereupon sent away to the said Sieur de Termes, and so seasonably, that he was scarce risen in time to avoid being surpriz'd, and was constrain'd, as he himself told me since, to tumble three pieces of Ca∣non into the Sea, which he afterwards went to fish out again. I there did him a good turn, and a good piece of service for the King my Master. You who bear arms, and have a desire to serve your Princes well, have evermore an eye to every thing that concerns them, to give notice of every thing that you conceive conducing to their service. I have known some such good friends, as have rejoyced at the miscarriage of their Companions, thinking to augment their own glory by their disgrace: I never did so, nor would I do it to the greatest Enemy I had in the world. Of this I could produce great and notable exemples; but I pass them by to return to my business. The Baron de la Garde lay also in a Sea port near unto the place where Monsieur de Termes was, and had speedy intelligence, that prince Auria's Fleet was out at sea, but he knew not where, however suspecting the worst, he speed••'y hoist sail, making directly for Marseilles, which was the cause of Mon∣sieur de Term••s his safety; for as Prince Auria thought to have surpriz'd the Baron de la Garde in this Haven where he lay, he had intelligence that he was gone away not above five or six hours before, which made him to follow after, steering the same course (which was upon the same Saturday, that I had the good gale of wind) and pursued him as far as the Isles Dicrcs. The Baron without staying held on his course towards Mars••illes, and it was well he did so, for had he ••tayed at the Islands he had been trussed, forasmuch as he had no more than fourteen or fifteen Gallies. I departed from Monsieur de la Molle up∣on Sunday about ten of the clock, and of all day could make no way, the wind being con∣trary: but about two hours before day the same wind we had upon Saturday before re∣turn'd, and we set forward, it being Monday morning.

About break of day I asked the Knight, if they had no bigger sails, who told me, these were the largest they had, enquiring of me why I asked that question, and whether I had a mind to make more haste, to which I made answer that I had, whereupon he pre∣sently clapt a sail upon the Missen, and about break of day there fell a great mist, which continued till the Sun grew pretty high, that it began to disperse: the Watch then from the Main-top began to cry out a sail, a sail, and presently after a Galley, a Galley, at which the Knight told me,* 6.29 that they could be no other than either Prince Auria, or the Baron de la Garde.: When the mist suddenly clearing up we saw our selves in the middle of two and fifty Galleys, whereof fourteen that were separated from the rest of the Fleet stcered their course toward Sardignia, and we were between them. Every one in the Gal∣ley then began to despair; the Pilots would make for the Coasts of Barbary to escape; the Master was not of this opinion, but rather that we should make forwards by force of O••••s and Sails: St. Auban and the other Captains were in the greatest fright that possibly could be, saying, that being newly come out of so great an extremity as the Siege of Sienna, they were upon the point to be reduc'd to that misfortune, as to see themselves chain'd to the Oar, which rather than to undergo, they had far better die with their swords in their hands. What face soever I might set upon the matter, I was in no much better heart than they, and would have been glad to have been planting Cabages. On a sudden four of the fourteen began to turn their prows to fall upon us, whilst the others in the mean time stroke sayl to stay for them; and as the other had made all the sail they could to come upon us with all their Oars amain, the heads of their Galleys were just over against our Cook-room. Now the Knight all this while not speaking one word, whilst every body in the Galley was crying out in a miserable confusion, I said to him, O Knight, you seem to lose your self; you have been br••d with one of the bravest men that ever went to Sea, which was the Prior of Capua; to which he made answer, No me perde, no me perde per Dio: mas io gardo la mie. The Enemies Gallies in the mean time came within a Harquebuz shot to enclose us, and then the Knight running from Poop to Prow, encouraged every one, making them to row amain, insomuch that when they thought to have hemm'd us in, we were got above fifty paces before them, and began to bestow upon them some Harquebuz shot. They pursued us about half a league; but by reason of our three sails, together with our fear that lent us wings, it seem'd as if our Galley flew before them, so that they presently gave us over, and tack'd about, and our Seamen plyed them with their courteous kind of language, every one striving who should pay them most with railing; and thus by the great diligence of our Seamen, we in despite of them escap'd. Towards night the wind began so to slacken, and change upon us, that we could not get to Marseilles till Tues∣day supper time, where we found the Count de Tande, the Countess, and the Baron de

la Garde at supper in the Garden of Monsieur Blancart, who were all astonish'd to see me, having made account that I was dead, and Sienna sack'd and burnt down to the ground; for they being in Corsica had heard news day by day from Romania, that I was at the last extremity without any hopes of composition; the Baron de la Garde had been confident in this belief all the while he was with Monsieur de Termes in Corsica, and also after he was come back to Marseilles, and that I would play a desperate game at my coming out, in case the Marquis would not give me such conditions as I would have. Others said that I had lost my understanding, and that God would punish me for my great temerity and folly. They were talking of me just as I entred into the Garden, but they would not let me tell them any thing till I had supp'd, for they had almost done. I had soon dispatch'd, for I was forbid to eat much after I had fasted so long, which I think was the death of very many after they came out; for nature must by little and little be com∣posed, and restor'd to her usual habit. I afterwards gave them an account from point to point of all that I had done, which they thought very strange. The Baron was very much astonish'd when I told him, that Prince Auria had pursued him as far as the Isles Dieres, giving God thanks that he had not yielded to the importunity of those he had with him, who would have perswaded him to cast Anchor at the Islands, and gave Mon∣sieur de Termes for lost, or at least all his Artillery: but I told him, that upon my intel∣ligence Monsicur de Molle had dispatch'd away to him in all diligence to give him no∣tice. The next day I dispatch'd away the Sieur de Lecussan to the King, to give his Ma∣jesty notice of my arrival, for the Count had told me,* 6.30 that the King was very much dis∣satisfied with me, for suffering my self to be reduc'd to the last morsel, by reason where∣of he could expect no other than the loss of me, and the ruine of the City, upon which depended all his reputation in Italy. See what hazards we run to serve these Princes! but there is no remedy, they are born to command, and we to serve and obey; and God knows if I had not cause to complain to be so abandon'd, and left a prey; but 'tis all one they think it yet too much honor for us to die in their Quarrels. The Baron mightily pressed me to send thither, and moreover made Lecussan promise him to ride night and day, which he did. I stayd with them until Friday morning, that I took post and came to St. Mathurin the 9th or the 10th of May, where I found the said Sieur de Lecussan, who staid there to tell me the great joy the King was in when he heard the whole story, his Majesty wondring at my fortune, and saying to every one, that he thought me the most fortunate man upon earth, after such and so long a Siege, and without hopes of relief, to come so honorably away, especially having to do not only with the Emperor, but also with the Duke of Florence, who desir'd to be reveng'd of the Siennois. He looked also up∣on the escape I had by Sea, out of the clutches of Prince Auria, for a singular good for∣tune. The next morning I was at the rising of Monsieur de Guise, who could never have his fill of embracing me, and led me to the Kings Bed-chamber, who was yet in Bed, but awake. At his entring into the Chamber he began to cry out aloud, leading me in by the hand, Sir, here is your lost man, and I then drew near to kiss his Majestie's hands, who embrac'd me with both his arms, holding my head to his bosom, almost as long as one might be saying a Pater noster, saying to me twice whilst he held me in this posture. O Monsieru de Montluc, you are infinitely welcome,* 6.31 I never thought to have seen you more, to which I made answer, that God had preserv'd me to do his Majesty yet once in my life one good p••ece of service. He said he believ'd it, and was assur'd that I would not spare my life to do it; whereupon he again embrac'd me, and then start out of his bed. I then retired my self to the appartment the Vice-Chamberlain by his Majestie's order had ap∣pointed for me, as well satisfied with the gracious countenance of my Master, as if he had given me the noblest Present; for I have ever been proud,* 6.32 and 'tis natural for me to be so, being a Gascon. This alone had been sufficient to have made me have gone through impossibilities. The Cardinal of Lorrain, and the Constable were at this time at Ardres, treating a Peace betwixt the Emperor and the King.

After, when his Majesty had din'd, about one of the clock he retir'd into the Gallery, Monsieur de Guise only being with him, where he was pleased to call for me, and so soon as I was enter'd Monsieur de Guise shut to the door.* 6.33 After which his Majesty would have me to give him an account at large of all the particularities of this Siege, from the first day I enter'd into Sienna, to the last, which made the story continue so long, that the Captains who were come along with me, and waited without upon the Terrals, told me, that they heard the clock strike five times whilst I was in the Gallery with the King. He was very much delighted with the order I took about the retrenchment of the bread, and the manner after which I did it, together with the Remonstrances I made to the Captains, and to the Senate. He was also mightily pleased with the resolution I had taken

to give the Marquis battail in the City, and above all things with the order I had drawn in reference to it, which was at that time much fresher in my memory than it is now, and was printed in Italy; and I remember the last time I return'd out of Tuscany the Duke of Vrbin told me at Pesero, that he had it by him, and had never in his life read any thing that pleased him so much as that. His Majesty would also that I should make a Narrative of it in writing, which I did, and whereof he distributed several Copies to divers Governors, and one I remember he caused to be sent to Mariambourg, where the Mares∣chal de Cosseé commanded, or else Monsieur de Fumel. He expressed a great sense of pity when he heard the business of turning out the useless mouths, and in conclusion was pleased to ask me two questions.* 6.34 The first was, how I could make the four Nations, mortal enemies to one another, agree so well together; for all of them in general, as he had been told, had behav'd themselves so exceedingly well to one another, without the least disorder, that they could not possibly have done it better: A thing that every one looked upon as a miracle, so much as the Emperor himself, wondring I could compose these people after this man∣ner (the Italians themselves, who came out of Italy reporting it to him) as an unheard of thing.* 6.35 To which I made answer, that I had found it a very easie matter, and (being I saw he had a mind to hear it, and that I saw he took a delight in my Narration) I told him, that I went one Saturday into the Market, where in the sight of all the people I bought a Sack, and a little Cord to tye it with, together with a Fagot, all which having before them all laid upon my Shoulder, when I came to my Chamber I call'd for fire to light my Fagot, and after took the Sack, and there put into it all my ambition, all my avarice, my particular hatreds, my letchery, my gluttony, my sloth, my partiality, my envy, my particularities, and all my Gascon humours, and to be short, all that I conceiv'd might hinder me from considering every thing I was to do in order to his Majesties service; and told him moreover, that if all his Ministers to whom he entrusted the commands of men and places would do the same, his Majesties affais could not but prosper; for my mind was ever free and undisturbed with any thing that might hinder me from consider∣ing what I had to do, and bring about my design, which was never to go out of that place but with the last morsel in my mouth; and I will say moreover, that whoever shall strip themselves of the forementioned vices, and burn them, God will ever be assisting to them, who favouring our designs, we cannot fail to effect whatever we have a mind to undertake. For God ever goes along with such people, and on the contrary abandons those who do not serve their Masters after this manner, because they forfeit the Oath they have taken, having sworn loyally and faithfully to serve him, which no man can possibly do reteining these vices. His Majesty laughed at my discourse, commanding me to tell him one thing, and to tell him true, to which I made answer, that I would no more lye to him than I would to God Almighty.* 6.36 He then asked me whether Monsieur de Strozzy could not have reliev'd me if he would; for his Ministers at Rome had several times sent him word, that he was in a capacity to do it, and that it only stuck at him that I was not reliev'd? To which I answer'd, that his Majesty asked me a thing himself was better able to resolve than I. How can that be said he, seeing I have not been upon the place? Sir, said I, you Kings and Princes have so long ears, that you hear every thing that is done, though you be a hundred leagues off: notwithstanding I told him that his Majesty being engaged in Scotland, at Calice, at Mariambourg, and other neighbouring Castles; at Metz, and Piedmont, and in Corsica, he ought better to know than I, whether after having pro∣vided all things necessary for all these places, wherein his honor was engaged, he had been in a condition to send money to the said Sieur de Strozzy wherewith to raise a sufficient Army of horse and foot to fight so great forces as the Marquis had before Sienna;* 6.37 which if his Majesty had not been able to do, how could he imagine Monsieur de Strozzy should re∣lieve me, who had not a man to make head against the Spaniards and Germans? That of Italians it was true, he might have had but too many: but that had been no equal match: that Monsieur de Strozzy was full of courage, and very affectionate to his service; but that no one could flye without wings; and that three several times he had run very great hazards for his service, of which I also gave him a particular account. His Majesty then told me, that he was satisfied with my answer, and that he believ'd Monsieur de Strozzy to be his servant, and too much a man of honor to be any way in fault; making me thereupon very many excuses, for that having been engaged in so many places at once, it had not been possible for him to send an Army into Italy to the said Sieur de Strozzy strong enough to raise the Siege, and to give the Marquis battail. Why then Sir, said I, you are neither to blame Monsieur de Strozzy, nor your self, both of you having done all that lay in your power, but this will reach you another time to look better to your affairs. This was a charity had been done the said Monsieur de Strozzy, who was as much con∣cern'd

as the King, and more about the loss of Sienna, for the h••tred he bore to the Duke of Florence. After we had ended our discourse, his Majesty went out to look the Queen, and Madam de Savoy that now is, to whom he repeated all that I had said to him, especial∣ly that about Monsieur de Strozzy, which the Queen was very glad of, and the next day did me the honor to give me thanks for the office of friendship I had done Monsieur de Strozzy, who was a concern of hers. I had no reason to do otherwise, for besides that I had lied, I had a particular honor for him, and it was just I should have so, forasmuch as he lov'd and esteem'd me more than any Gentleman that ever came out of Gascony.

This was upon Monday and upon Tuesday, Madam de Valentinois* 6.38 told me, that she had never known any man return from an employment with whom the King was better satisfied than he was with me, and that he did highly commend me. Which whether or no she said to flatter me, I cannot say: but she better knew then any other, for she had very much gain'd the King's heart, and told me that I was very happy. As I was talking with her, the King came, and put me again upon some passages of my voyage. Now I had there the Patent and Declaration the Senate had given me under their broad Seal; wherein was declar'd, that I would never consent to the Surrender of Sienna, nor Capi∣tulate in the name of the King: but also that they call'd me to witness, whether they would ever hear of any Capitulation, till they were reduc'd to the utmost extremity, and the last morsel of bread. His Majesty took the Patent, and read it; after which he ask'd me, Why I would not Capitulate for my self and the Souldiers, telling me that he won∣dred the Marquis did not defeat me at my coming out. To which I made answer,* 6.39 That it was for two Reasons, whereof one was, that I had made a resolution never to surren∣der any place; but rather to dye, and that the name of Montluc should never be found to a Surrender or a Capitulation, having never put my self into a Town to deliver it up, but to defend it to the last moment of my life, as I had sent word to the Marquis by Signior Cornelio and Captain Charry. The other Reason why I would not Capitulate was, that in case either His Majesty, or any of his Successors, should hereafter reconquer Sienna, and that the Siennois should fortifie themselves with his protection, as they had done before, he might herein be left free to his own liberty and discretion. For they could not say, that his Lieutenant Montluc had consented to their Surrender, and that His Majesty ought not to quit his own interest; nor that of those who were to succeed him to the Crown of France. The chances of War, Sir, said I, are divers and variable. Millan and Naples have been the one twice, the other three times in our possession, and Sienna may be ours again. I have done nothing to prejudice your title, His Majesty lik'd my Reason so well, that he remain'd very well satisfied, commanding me to lay up the Patent amongst the Records of my Family, that it might be preserv'd for ever. Madam de Valentinois then put in, and said, that the Archives of a private Gentleman, was not so secure, as the Treasury of a King, and that if this Patent was of so great im∣portance, his Majestie might do well to cause it to be laid up in his. He then took it out of my hand, and gave it to one of his Gentlemen, or else to Madam de Valentinois to deliver it to Monsieur le Garde de Sceaux, who since was Cardinal of Sens, command∣ing him to lay it up in his Treasury, amongst the Evidences of the Crown. This cannot be above sixteen or seventeen years ago: So that if it would please the King his Son, who now reigns, to command Monsieur de Fizes, who was at that time Secretary to the Cardinal, to search for the Patent, I am confident it would be found. I would I had given 500 Crowns for a Duplicate of it, that I might have such a Record of my self, and insert it in my Book. For that will testifie that I came out of Sienna with Colours flying, Arms shoulder'd, and Drums beating, without any Capitulation at all. A thing not to be found in any History, that ever any man did the like. So that no one ought to think it strange, that I so much desire a Copy of that Patent; neithet ought the King so much to despise it, as to be out of hopes one day to make it useful to him, and His Majesty ought rather to be curious than I to have it sought out; for he is the most concern'd.

The day following being Wednesday, Monsieur de Guise in the evening told me, that His Majesty was the next day resolv'd to give me the Order; which in those times was so noble a thing, and so much sought for, that the greatest Prince in France would not have been satisfied without it, and would rather the King should never confer any honor up∣on him, than deny him that; for it was then a mark of honor, that was not so profan'd as it is now adays. The next day then,* 6.40 being Thursday in the morning, the King was pleas'd to honour me with it, and after dinner I begg'd leave of him, that I might go to Paris, to put my self into some tollerable Equipage, for that I was too torn and tat∣ter'd for a new Knight of the Order. He was pleas'd at the first word to grant me leave,

and before I went gave me an allowance of three thousand Francs in Pension out of the Exchequer, and three thousand Livers Revenue out of his Demeasn, wherein the County of Guar••, where part of my own estate lies, was compriz'd, and Bregeyrac made up the rest. I two years enjoy'd the County, but not Bregeyrac, forasmuch as it was mortgag'd before. I very much desir'd to disengage it, because Monsieur de Valence my Brother had a Priory there, and had rather have settled himself in Perigort, than any other part of France. If I could have done it, I should very well have prevented the Roguery that has been hatch there since. His Majesty also gave me two thousand Crowns in ready money,* 6.41 bidding me moreover ask him any thing else that I wanted. I then asked him two Councellors places in the Parliament of Thoulouze, to help to raise my daughter's Portion, whom I married to Monsieur de Fontenilles, Monsieur de Valence having sent me instructions from Paris to ask that of the King, of which I should sooner raise money than of any other thing. His Majesty was pleased at the first word to give me this also, and with this money I married my said daughter, together with some little more that my wife had. His Majesty moreover promised me the first Company of Gens d' Arms that should become vacant. I had not the first, nor the second, but I had the third; for Kings promise so much, that it is not possible for them to keep their words with all. This vacancy hapned after my return from Montalsin, the second time his Majesty had sent me beyond the Mountains, and was the Company of Monsieur de la Guish. There were the benefits I receiv'd from the King at that time, which were no small ones, and in brief I had whatever I desir'd. I am sure since the death of this good Prince my Master I have a hundred times wish'd my own, considering the traverses have been given me, and the crosses I have had.* 6.42 It had not been in the power of mankind to have done me wrong if he had liv'd, for he never forgot any services, let them be never so inconsidera∣ble; neither was it in the power of calumny to take away his good opinion from any one that did him good service. And on the contrary when any one fail'd in his duty, what good countenance soever he might shew them, out of complacency to such as would dis∣posess him of the ill opinion he had conceiv'd, it never came from his heart, as the Ma∣reschal de St. Andre' has often assur'd me, who told me his humour. He was very famili∣ar with him, and understood him very well. Five or six daies after, his Majesty came to Paris, where I ask'd leave of him to go home to my own house, to see my family, which he freely granted. I shall never conceal the benefits, and the honor my Masters have conferr'd upon me, that being only worthy, and becomming a mean and dirty nature, and an ungrateful heart.

The End of the Third Book.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Piedmont the Nursery of War.
• * 1.2

  Sienna revolts to the French the 5th of Au∣gust, 1552.
• * 1.3

  The Sieur de Strozzy the King's Lieute∣nant in the State of Sienna.
• * 1.4

  Want of a Go∣vernor in Sien∣na.
• * 1.5

  A dispute about the nomination of Monsieur de Mon••luc for the Government of Si••nua.
• * 1.6

  Advice of the Mareschal de Brissac to the King concern∣ing his nomi∣nation of the Sieur de Mont∣luc for the Go∣vernment of Sienna.
• * 1.7

  The Mareschal de Brissac's▪ pollicy to de∣tein Monsieur de Montluc,
• * 1.8

  Cholerick men the best.
• * 1.9

  Cholerick Captains more valiant than o∣thers.
• * 1.10

  The Siege of Sienna was in the year 1555.
• * 1.11

  The Baron de la Garde.
• * 1.12

  The Prior of Capua slain.
• * 1.13

  The Skirmish before Si••nna.
• * 1.14

  Captain Mari∣••ul de Santa Fior.
• * 1.15

  The Sieur de Liouz Gover∣nor of Alba
• * 1.16

  Character of the Mareschal de Brissac.
• * 1.17

  The Germans are eating and drinking in the midst of the skirmish.
• * 1.18

  A Consultati∣on held at Si∣enna about fighting a Bat∣tail▪
• * 1.19

  The Sieur de Montluc's ad∣vice.
• * 1.20

  The Forces of the Marquis of Marignan.
• * 1.21

  The French Forces.
• * 1.22

  The Marquis de Marignan dislodges his Camp.
• * 1.23

  Monsieur de Lansac goes Ambassador to Rome.
• * 1.24

  Don Iuan de Luna.
• * 1.25

  The Fench very much an∣noy'd by the Enemies Ca∣non.
• * 1.26

  The Sieur de Montluc's ad∣vice to Mon∣sieur de Stroz∣zy upon his re∣solution to re∣treat in the face of the E∣nemy.
• * 1.27

  Retreats at the head of an Ar∣my dangerous.
• * 1.28

  Thom. d' Albene the cause of Monsieur de Strozzy's mis∣fortune.
• * 1.29

  The Sieur de Montluc sick.
• * 2.1

  The Sieur de Montluc's Ha∣rangue to the people of Sien∣na.
• * 2.2

  The Sieur de Montluc presa∣ges the loss of the Battail.
• * 2.3

  Monsieur de Montlue is a little mistaken in this point, for the Siennois are not descen∣ded from the antient Romans but from the Gauls.
• * 2.4

  Fear ever ac∣companies a Re••••eat.
• * 2.5

  The Battail of Canuce.
• * 2.6

  Monsieur de Strozzy de∣feated the 3^d of August 1••55.
• * 2.7

  The Marquis de Marignan knows not how to make use of his victory.
• * 2.8

  Disputes about the loss of the Battail.
• * 2.9

  The diligence of Monsieur de Strozzy▪
• * 2.10

  The Sieur de Montluc sick almost unto death.
• * 2.11

  The Sieur de Lansac taken prisoner.
• * 2.12

  The Constable defeated at St. Quentin.
• * 2.13

  The Marquis de Marignan before Sienna.
• * 2.14

  The hopes of the Marquis of Marignan.
• * 2.15

  The Sieur de Strozzy goes to relieve Sienna.
• * 2.16

  Monsieur de Strozzy in very great danger.
• * 2.17

  The flight and fright of both Armies.
• * 2.18

  Serillac and Monsieur de Strozzy meet.
• * 2.19

  Monsieur de Strozzy goes to visit the Sieur de Montluc in Sienna.
• * 2.20

  Monsieur de Strozzy goes out of Sienna.
• * 3.1

  The Sieur de Montluc's Ha∣rangue to the Captains of Sie••••a.
• * 3.2

  The Germans answer.
• * 3.3

  The resolution of the Captains and Soldiers.
• * 4.1

  The Sieur de Montluc's Speech to the Siennois. Sienna.
• * 4.2

  Order propos'd by the Sieur de Mountluc to the Siennois.
• * 4.3

  Monsieur de L'Escus••an sent to the King to acquaint him with the estate of Sienna.
• * 4.4

  The Marquis of Marignam gives a Scalado by night to the Citadel and the Fort of Ca∣mog••ia.
• * 4.5

  The Sieur de Mo••tluc presa∣ges some disa••∣ter through the default of St. Auban a German Cap∣tain.
• * 4.6

  Description of the Fort Camo∣glia.
• * 4.7

  The Scalado;
• * 4.8

  The Citadel seaz'd.
• * 4.9

  The Fort Ca∣moglia seaz'd by the Enemy.
• * 4.10

  A device to break Intelli∣gences.
• * 4.11

  The Fort re∣cover'd by the French.
• * 4.12

  The courage of Captain Char∣ry.
• * 4.13

  The Marquis de Marignan comes to re∣lieve his men at the Fort Ca∣moglia.
• * 4.14

  Error of the Marquis.
• * 4.15

  Loyalty of the Sie••••ois.
• * 4.16

  The Emperor complains of the Marquis his slow Pro∣ceeding a∣gainst Sienna.
• * 4.17

  The Siennois frighted with the coming of the Artillery.
• * 4.18

  A Governor ought to con∣form himself to the humour of the people over whom he is placed.
• * 4.19

  Great scarcity of all things in Sienna.
• * 4.20

  The Sieur de Montluc's pra∣ctice.
• * 4.21

  A pleasant Sal∣ly of the Si••ur de Montlu••.
• * 4.22

  Of what the S••nare of Sien∣na consists.
• * 5.1

  Harangue of the Sieur de Montlue to the Siennois.
• * 5.2

  Commendati∣on of Antonio de Leva.
• * 5.3

  The Oath of the Soldiers, Foreigners.
• * 5.4

  That is a ca∣sting of Lots by little Balls, in use in most Cities of Itlay.
• * 5.5

  The resolution of the Sienois.
• * 5.6

  All things de∣pend upon the Chi••f.
• * 5.7

  The design of the Author.
• * 5.8

  The order at Sienna for the Fortification.
• * 5.9

  Order for the Fight.
• * 5.10

  A Trench within the wall of a City to re∣tire into in case of an Assault.
• * 5.11

  Centinels per∣dues.
• * 5.12

  A phrase sig∣nifying that a man is non∣plust, and knows not what to do, which is pro∣pe••ly to lie at the house of Guillot the Dreamer.
• * 5.13

  A new Enter∣prize upon Sienna.
• * 5.14

  The noble re∣solution of the Siennois.
• * 5.15

  The praise of the Ladies of Sienna.
• * 5.16

  Of a young Mai•• of Sie••na.
• * 5.17

  The order and design of the Fight.
• * 5.18

  The Battery of the Imperial∣ists.
• * 5.19

  The Marquis draws of his Canon.
• * 5.20

  The Marquis his resolution.
• * 5.21

  The Marquis his danger and fright.
• * 5.22

  The Germans can no longer endure the want of bread and wine.
• * 5.23

  A device of the the Sieur de Montluc to be rid of the Ger∣mans.
• * 5.24

  The Germans go out of Si∣••••na.
• * 5.25

  The Fight be∣twixt the French and the Imperialists.
• * 5.26

  Speech of Monsieur de Mo••tluc to the Siennois.
• * 5.27

  The Germans by no means proper for a siege.
• * 5.28

  The Sieur de M••ntluc choseo Dictator at Sienna for a month.
• * 5.29

  The useless mouths thrust out of Sienna.
• * 5.30

  The Germans defeate.
• * 5.31

  The Marquis his design.
• * 5.32

  The Marquis his sufferings.
• * 5.33

  The Marquis his practices in Sienna.
• * 5.34

  The Sieur de Montluc's wis∣dom.
• * 5.35

  The Sieur de Montluc's Ha∣rangue to the Senate of Sien∣na.
• * 5.36

  A General Procession.
• * 5.37

  The prudence of the Sieur de Mo••tluc.
• * 5.38

  The Traytor surpriz'd.
• * 5.39

  Misser Pedro confesses his treason.
• * 5.40

  The Prisoners go to the Se∣nate.
• * 5.41

  The Sieur de Mo••tluc b••g•• the Tray•••••••• life.
• * 5.42

  Worthy consi∣derations of a Governor.
• * 5.43

  This memora∣ble sally of the Siennois was in the year 1526.
• * 5.44

  The people of Sienna begin to capitulate.
• * 5.45

  The extremity of the Marquis.
• * 5.46

  The Sieur de Montluc's pro∣visions.
• * 5.47

  Pope Iulic.
• * 5.48

  The wisdom of the Duke of Florence.
• * 5.49

  A Proposition of the Marquis de Marig••ano to the Sieur de Montluc.
• * 5.50

  The Sieur de Montluc's An∣swer.
• * 6.1

  The Sieur de Montluc's Speech to the Senate upon the Capitula∣tion.
• * 6.2

  Soldiers pass every where.
• * 6.3

  The Siennois resolve to fight.
• * 6.4

  The Capitula∣tion again con∣cluded.
• * 6.5

  The manner of the Surrender of Sienna.
• * 6.6

  The Surrender of Sienna was upon the second of April, 1555.
• * 6.7

  The courtesie of the Marqui•• of Marignan••.
• * 6.8

  The French march out of Sienna.
• * 6.9

  Discourse be∣twixt the Mar∣quis of Marig∣nano, and the Si••ur de Mont∣luc.
• * 6.10

  ••outtesie be∣twix the Sould••ers.
• * 6.11

  Great famine in Sienna.
• * 6.12

  Signior Cabry his Characte••
• * 6.13

  The good for∣tune of the Si••ur de Mont∣luc.
• * 6.14

  The Declara∣tion of the Siennois in ho∣nor of the Sieur de Ment∣luc.
• * 6.15

  The desire of eternizing a mans name.
• * 6.16

  Women hate Cowards.
• * 6.17

  Children de∣fam'd by the Father.
• * 6.18

  A Saying of the Sieur de Iar∣nac to the King.
• * 6.19

  A Captain must never fear death
• * 6.20

  Captains that have well de∣fended places.
• * 6.21

  A man that fears dying must never go to wars.
• * 6.22

  Or Hall, or Court of Ju∣stice, or Law.
• * 6.23

  A Governor ought fre∣quently to shew himself to the people.
• * 6.24

  Error of the Sicur de Mont∣luc.
• * 6.25

  Artifices of a Governor••
• * 6.26

  The Sieur de Montluc at Rome.
• * 6.27

  The death of Pope Marcel∣linus.
• * 6.28

  Mons••••ur de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 before 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 6.29

  Two and fifty Galleys of Prince Auria.
• * 6.30

  The King dis∣satisfied with the Sieur de Montluc.
• * 6.31

  The Si••ur de Montluc arrives at Cour••.
• * 6.32

  The Ga••con•• proud.
• * 6.33

  The Si••ur de Montluc makes a Narrative to the King of the Siege of Sien∣na.
• * 6.34

  A question of the King's to the Sieur de Montluc.
• * 6.35

  His pleasant Answer.
• * 6.36

  Another que∣stion of the King's to the Sieur de Mont∣luc.
• * 6.37

  The Sieur de Montluc justi∣fies Monsieur de Strozzy to the King.
• * 6.38

  Madam de Va∣lentinois.
• * 6.39

  The resolution of the Sieur de Montluc.
• * 6.40

  The Sieur de Montluc made Knight of the Order.
• * 6.41

  Recompences given by the King to the Si••ur de Mont∣luc.
• * 6.42

  The good na∣ture of King Henry the se∣cond.