The history of Britain, that part especially now call'd England from the first traditional beginning, continu'd to the Norman conquest / collected out of the antientest and best authours thereof by John Milton.

THE HISTORY OF BRITAIN. The Sixth Book. (Book 6)

Edward the Younger.

EDward the eldest Son of Edgar by Egel∣fieda his first Wife, the Daughter of Duke Ordmer, was according to right and his Fathers Will, plac'd in the Throne; Elfrida his second Wife, and her faction only repineing, who labour'd to have had her Son Ethelred a Child of 7 years, preferr'd before him; that she under that pretence might have rul'd all. Mean while Comets were seen in Heav'n, por∣tending

not Famin only, which follow'd the next year, but the troubl'd State of the whole Realm not long after to ensue. The troubles begun in Edwi's daies, between Monks and secular Priests, now re∣viv'd and drew on either side many of the Nobles into parties. For Elfere Duke of the Mercians, with many other Pecrs, corrupted as is said with guifts, drove the Monks out of those Monasteries where * 1.1 Edgar had plac'd them, and in thir stead put secular Priests with thir Wives. But Ethelwin Duke of East-Angles, with his Brother Elfwold, and Earl Brit∣noth oppos'd them, and gathering an Army defen∣ded the Abbies of East-Angles from such intruders. To appease these tumults, a Synod was call'd at Win∣chester, and nothing there concluded, a general Councel both of Nobles and Prelates, was held at Caln in Wiltshire, where while the dispute was hot, but chiefly against Dunstan, the room wherin they sat fell upon thir heads, killing some, maiming others, Dunstan only escaping upon a beam that fell not, and the King absent by reason of his tender Age. This accident quieted the controversie, and brought both parts to hold with Dunstan and the Monks. Mean while the King addicted to a Religious life, and of a mild Spirit, simply permitted all things to the ambitious will of his Step-mother and her Son Ethelred: to whom she displeas'd that the name on∣ly of King was wanting, practis'd thenceforth to re∣move King Edward out of the way; which in this manner she brought about. Edward on a day wea∣ried with hunting, thirsty and alone, while his at∣tendance follow'd the Dogs, hearing that Ethelred and his mother lodg'd at Corvesgate (Corse Castle, saith Camden, in the Ile of Purbeck) innocently went the∣ther.

She with all shew of kindness welcoming him, commanded drink to be brought forth, for it seems he lighted not from his Horse; and while he was drinking, caus'd one of her Servants, privately be∣fore instructed, to stab him with a poignard. The poor youth who little expected such unkindness there, turning speedily the Reins, fled bleeding; till through loss of blood falling from his Horse, and expiring, yet held with one foot in the Stir∣rop, he was dragg'd along the way, trac'd by his blood, and buried without honour at Werham, ha∣ving reign'd about 3 years: but the place of his bu∣rial [An. Dom. 978] * 1.2 not long after grew famous for miracles. After which by Duke Elfer (who, as Malmsbury saith, had a hand in his Death) he was Royally enterr'd at Skepton or Shaftsbury. The murdress Elfrida at length repenting spent the residue of her daies in sor∣row and great penance.

Ethelred.

EThelred second Son of Edgar by Elfrida (for Ed∣mund [An. Dom. 979] * 1.3 dy'd a Child) his Brother Edward wickedly remov'd, was now next in right to succeed, and ac∣cordingly Crown'd at Kingston: reported by some, fair of visage, comly of person, elegant of behavi∣our; but the event will shew that with many slug∣gish * 1.4 and ignoble vices he quickly sham'd his outside; born and prolong'd a fatal mischeif of the people, and the ruin of his Country; whereof he gave early signes from his first infancy, bewraying the Font and Water while the Bishop was baptizing him. Where∣at Dunstan much troubl'd, for he stood by and saw it, to them next him broke into these words, By God

and Gods Mother this Boy will prove a Sluggard. Another thing is writt'n of him in his Childhood; which argu'd no bad nature, that hearing of his Bro∣ther Edwards cruel Death, he made loud lamentati∣on; but his furious mother offended therwith, and having no rod at hand, beat him so with great Wax Candles, that he hated the sight of them ever after. Dunstan though unwilling set the Crown upon his head; but at the same time foretold op'nly, as is re∣ported, the great evils that were to come upon him and the Land, in avengment of his Brothers inno∣cent blood. And about the same time, one mid∣night, * 1.5 a Cloud sometimes bloody, sometimes fiery, was seen over all England; and within three years [An. Dom. 982] * 1.6 the Danish Tempest, which had long surceast, re∣volv'd again upon this Iland. To the more ample relating whereof, the Danish History, at least thir latest and diligentest Historian, as neither from the first landing of Danes, in the Reign of West-Saxon Brithric, so now again from first to last, contributes nothing; busied more then anough to make out the bare names and successions of thir uncertain Kings, and thir small actions at home: unless out of him I should transcribe what hee takes, and I better may, from our own Annals; the surer, and the sadder witnesses of thir doings here, not glorious, as they vainly boast, but most inhumanly Barbarous. For the Danes well understanding, that England had now * 1.7 a slothfull King to thir wish, first landing at Southamp∣ton from 7 great Ships, took the Town, spoil'd the Country, and carried away with them great pillage; nor was Devonshire and Cornwall uninfested on the shore; Pirats of Norway also harried the Coast of * 1.8 West-Chester: and to add a worse calamity, the City

of London was burnt, casually or not, is not writt'n. * 1.9 [An. Dom. 986] * 1.10 It chanc'd fowr years after, that Ethelred beseig'd Rochester, some way or other offended by the Bishop therof. Dunstan not approving the cause, sent to warn him that he provoke not St. Andrew the Patron of that City, nor wast his Lands; an old craft of the Clergy to secure thir Church Lands, by entailing them on some Saint; the King not hark'ning, Dun∣stan on this condition that the seige might be rais'd, sent him a hundred pound, the money was accepted and the seige dissolv'd. Dunstan reprehending his avarice, sent him again this word, because thou hast respected money more then Religion, the evils which I foretold shall the sooner come upon thee; but not in my days; for so God hath spok'n. The next year [An. Dom. 987] * 1.11 [An. Dom. 988] * 1.12 was calamitous, bringing strange fluxes upon men, and murren upon Cattel. Dunstan the year follow∣ing dy'd, a strenuous Bishop, zealous without dread of person, and for ought appeers, the best of many Ages, if he busied not himself too much in secular affairs. He was Chaplain at first to King Athelstan, and Edmund who succeeded, much imploi'd in Court affairs, till envi'd by some who laid many things to his charge, he was by Edmund forbidd'n the Court, but by the earnest mediation, saith Ingulf, of Turkitul the Chancellour, receav'd at length to favour, and made Abbot of Glaston, lastly by Edgar and the generall Vote, Archbishop of Canterbury. Not long after his Death, the Danes arriving in De∣vonshire were met by Goda Lieutenant of that Country, and Strenwold a valiant Leader, who put back the Danes, but with loss of thir own lives. The third year following, under the conduct of Justin [An. Dom. 991] * 1.13 and Guthmund the Son of Steytan, they landed and

spoil'd Ipswich, fought with Britnoth Duke of the East-Angles about Maldon, where they slew him; the slaughter else had bin equal on both sides. These and the like depredations on every side the English not able to resist, by counsel of Siric then Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and two Dukes, Ethelward and Alfric; it was thought best for the present to buy that with Silver which they could not gain with thir Iron; and Ten Thousand pound was paid to the Danes for peace. Which for a while contented; but taught them the ready way how easiest to come by more. The next year but one they took by storm and rifl'd Bebbanburg an antient City nigh Durham: [An. Dom. 993] * 1.14 sailing thence into the mouth of Humber, they wa∣sted both sides therof, Yorkeshire and Lindsey, burn∣ing and destroying all before them. Against these went out three Noblemen, Frena, Frithegist, and Godwin, but being all Danes by the Fathers side, willingly began flight, and forsook thir own Forces betray'd to the Enemy. No less treachery was at Sea; for Alfric the Son of Elfer Duke of Mercia, whom the King for some offence had banish'd but * 1.15 now recall'd, sent from London with a Fleet to sur∣prise the Danes, in some place of disadvantage, gave them over night intelligence therof, then fled to them himself; which his Fleet, saith Florent, perceave∣ing, persu'd, took the Ship, but miss'd of his person; the Londoners by chance grapling with the East-Angles made them fewer, saith my Authour, by many thousands. Others say, that by this notice of Alfric, the Danes not only escap'd, but with a greater Fleet [An. Dom. 994] * 1.16 set upon the English, took many of thir Ships, and in tryumph brought them up the Thames, intending to beseige London: for Anlaf King of Norway, and

Swane of Denmarke, at the head of these, came with 94 Gallies. The King for this treason of Alfric, put out his Sons Eyes; but the Londoners both by land and water, so valiantly resisted thir beseigers, that they were forc't in one day with great loss to give over. But what they could not on the City, they wreck'd themselves on the Countries round about, wasting with Sword and fire all Essex, Kent, and Sussex. Thence horsing thir Foot, diffus'd far wider thir outragious incursions, without mercy either to Sex or Age. The slothfull King instead * 1.17 of Warlike opposition in the Field, sends Embassa∣dors to treat about another payment; the sum pro∣misd was now 16 thousand pound; till which paid, the Danes winterd at Southampton; Ethelred invite∣ing Anlaf to come and visit him at Andover: where * 1.18 he was royally entertain'd, some say baptiz'd, or con∣firm'd, adopted Son by the King, and dismis't with great presents, promising by Oath to depart and molest the Kingdome no more; which he perform'd, * 1.19 but the calamity ended not so, for after some inter∣mission of thir rage for three years, the other Na∣vy [An. Dom. 997] * 1.20 of Danes sailing about to the West, enterd Se∣vern, and wasted one while South Wales, then Corn∣wall and Devonshire, till at length they winterd about Tavistoc. For it were an endless work to relate how they wallow'd up and down to every particular place, and to repeat as oft what devastations they wrought, what desolations left behinde them, easie to be imagin'd. In summ, the next year they afflict∣ed [An. Dom. 998] * 1.21 Dorsetshire, Hamshire, and the Ile of Wight; by the English many resolutions were tak'n, many Armies rais'd, but either betray'd by the falshood, or dis∣courag'd by the weakness of thir Leaders, they

were put to rout, or disbanded themselves. For Souldiers most commonly are as thir Commanders, without much odds of valour in one Nation or other, only as they are more or less wisely disciplin'd and conducted. The following year brought them back [An. Dom. 999] * 1.22 upon Kent, where they enterd Medway, and be∣seig'd Rochester; but the Kentish men assembling, gave them a sharp encounter, yet that suffic'd not to hinder them from doing as they had done in other places. Against these depopulations, the King le∣vied an Army; but the unskillfull Leaders not know∣ing what to do with it when they had it, did but drive out time, burd'ning and impoverishing the people, consuming the publick treasure, and more imboldning the Enemy, then if they had sat quiet at home. What cause mov'd the Danes next year to pass into Normandy, is not recorded; but that [An. Dom. 1000] * 1.23 they return'd thence more outragious then before. Mean while the King, to make some diversion, un∣dertak's an expedition both by Land and Sea into Cumberland, where the Danes were most planted; there and in the Ile of Man, or as Camden saith, Anglesey, imitating his Enemies in spoiling and un∣peopleing; the Danes from Normandy arriving in the River Ex, laid seige to Exeter; but the Citti∣zens, as those of London, valorously defending them∣selves, [An. Dom. 1001] * 1.24 they wreck'd thir anger, as before, on the Villages round about. The Country people of So∣merset and Devonshire assembling themselves at Penho, shew'd thir readiness, but wanted a head; and besides, being then but few in number, were ea∣sily put to flight; the Enemy plundring all at will, with loaded spoils pass'd into the Ile of Wight; from whence all Dorsetshire, and Hamshire, felt again

thir fury. The Saxon Annals write, that before thir coming to Exeter, the Hamshire men had a bickering with them, wherin Ethelward the Kings General was slain, adding other things hardly to be understood, [An. Dom. 1002] * 1.25 and in one antient Copy; so end. Ethelred, whom no adversity could awake from his soft and sluggish life, still coming by the worse at fighting, by the advice of his Peers not unlike himself, sends one of his gay Courtiers, though looking loftily, to stoop basely and propose a third tribute to the Danes: they willingly hark'n, but the summ is enhaunc't now to 24 thousand pound, and paid; the Danes therupon abstaining from hostility. But the King to strengthen his House by some potent affinity, marries Emma, whom the Saxons call Elgiva, Daughter of Richard Duke of Normandy. With him Ethelred formerly * 1.26 had War or no good correspondence, as appears by a Letter of Pope John the 15th. who made peace * 1.27 between them about eleaven years before; puft up now with his suppos'd access of strength by this affi∣nity, he caus'd the Danes all over England, though * 1.28 now living peaceably, in one day perfidiously to be massacherd, both Men, Women, and Childern; sending privat Letters to every Town and Citty, wherby they might be ready all at the same hower; which till the appointed time (being the 9th of July) * 1.29 was conceal'd with great silence, and perform'd with much unanimity; so generally hated were the Danes. Mat. West. writes, that this execution upon the Danes was ten years after; that Huna one of Ethel∣reds Chief Captains, complaining of the Danish in∣solencies in time of peace, thir pride, thir ravishing of Matrons and Virgins, incited the King to this massacher, which in the madness of rage made no

difference of innocent or nocent. Among these, Gunhildis the Sister of Swane was not spar'd, though much deserving not pitty only, but all protection: she with her Husband Earl Palingus, coming to live in England, and receaving Christianity, had her Husband and young Son slain before her face, her self then beheaded, foretelling and denouncing that her blood would cost England dear. Some say this * 1.30 was done by the Traitor Edric, to whose custody she was committed; but the massacher was some years before Edric's advancement; and if it were done by him afterward, it seems to contradict the privat correspondence which he was thought to hold with the Danes. For Swane breathing revenge, [An. Dom. 1003] * 1.31 hasted the next year into England, and by the trea∣son or negligence of Count Hugh, whom Emma had recommended to the Government of Devon∣shire, sack'd the City of Exeter, her Wall from East to West-gate brok'n down: after this wasting Wiltshire, the people of that County, and of Ham∣shire, came together in great numbers with resolu∣tion stoutly to oppose him, but Alfric thir General, whose Sons Eyes the King had lately put out, mad∣ly thinking to revenge himself on the King, by ruin∣ing his own Country, when he should have orderd his Battel, the Enemy being at hand, fain'd himself tak'n with a vomiting; wherby his Army in great discontent, destitute of a Commander, turn'd from the Enemy; who streight took Wilton and Salsbury, carrying the pillage therof to his Ships. [An. Dom. 1004] Thence the next year landing on the Coast of Norfolk,* 1.32 he wasted the Country, and set Norwich on fire; Ulf∣ketel Duke of the East-Angles, a man of great va∣lour, not having space to gather his Forces, after

consultation had, thought it best to make peace with the Dane, which he breaking within three weeks, issu'd silently out of his Ships, came to Thet∣ford, staid there a night, and in the Morning left it flameing. Ʋlsketel hearing this, commanded some to go and break, or burn his Ships; but they not dareing or neglecting, he in the mean while with what secresie and speed was possible, drawing toge∣ther his Forces, went out against the Enemy, and gave them a feirce onset retreating to thir Ships; but much inferiour in number, many of the Cheif East-Angles, there lost thir lives. Nor did the Danes come off without great slaughter of thir own; con∣fessing that they never met in England with so rough a charge. The next year, whom War could [An. Dom. 1005] * 1.33 not, a great Famin drove Swane out of the Land. But the Summer following, another great Fleet of Danes enterd the Port of Sandwich, thence powrd [An. Dom. 1006] * 1.34 out over all Kent and Sussex, made prey of what they found. The King levying an Army out of Mercia, and the West-Saxons, took on him for once the Manhood to go out and face them; But they who held it safer to live by rapine, then to ha∣zard a Battel, shifting lightly from place to place, frustrated the slow motions of a heavy Camp, fol∣lowing thir wonted course of robbery, then running to thir Ships. Thus all Autumn they wearied out the Kings Army, which gone home to winter, they carried all thir pillage to the Ile of Wight, and there staid till Christmas; at which time the King being in Shropshire, and but ill imploi'd (for by the pro∣curement of Edric, he caus'd, as is thought, Alfhelm * 1.35 a noble Duke, treacherously to be slain, and the Eyes of his two Sons to be put out) they came

forth again, over-running Hamshire, and Barkeshire, as far as Reading and Wallingford: thence to Ash∣dune, and other places thereabout, neither known nor of tolerable pronuntiation; and returning by another way, found many of the people in Armes by the River Kenet; but making thir way through, they got safe with vast booty to thir Ships. The [An. Dom. 1007] * 1.36 King and his Courtiers wearied out with thir last Summers jaunt after the nimble Danes to no pur∣pose, which by proof they found too toilsome for thir soft Bones, more us'd to Beds and Couches, had recourse to thir last and only remedy, thir Cofers; and send now the fourth time to buy a dishonorable peace, every time still dearer, not to be had now un∣der 36 thousand pound (for the Danes knew how to milk such easie Kine) in name of Tribute and ex∣pences: which out of the people over all England, already half beggerd, was extorted and paid. About the same time Ethelred advanc'd Edric, surnam'd Streon, from obscure condition to be Duke of Mer∣cia, and marry Edgitha the Kings Daughter. The cause of his advancement, Florent of Worster, and Mat. West. attribute to his great wealth, gott'n by fine polices and a plausible tongue: he prov'd a main accessory to the ruin of England, as his actions will soon declare. Ethelred the next year somewhat [An. Dom. 1008] * 1.37 rowsing himself, ordain'd that every 310 Hides (a Hide is so much land as one Plow can sufficiently till) should set out a Ship or Gally, and every nine Hides find a Corslet and Head-peice: new Ships in every Port were builded, vittl'd, fraught with stout Mari∣ners and Souldiers, and appointed to meet all at Sand∣wich. A man might now think that all would go well; when suddenly a new mischief sprung up,

dissention among the great ones; which brought all this diligence to as little success as at other times be∣fore. Bithric the Brother of Edric, falsly accus'd Wulnoth a great Officer set over the South-Saxons, who fearing the potency of his Enemies, with 20 Ships got to Sea, and practis'd piracy on the Coast. Against whom, reported to be in a place where he might be easily surpris'd, Bithrie sets forth with 80 Ships; all which driv'n back by a Tempest and wrackt upon the shoar, were burnt soon after by Wulnoth. Disheart'nd with this misfortune, the King returns to London; the rest of his Navy after him; and all this great preparation to nothing. Wherupon Turkill, a Danish Earl, came with a Navy [An. Dom. 1009] * 1.38 to the Ile of Tanet, and in August a far greater, led by Heming and Ilaf joyn'd with him. Thence coasting to Sandwich, and landed, they went on∣ward and began to assault Canterbury, but the Citi∣zens and East Kentish men, coming to composition with them for three thousand pound, they departed thence to the Ile of Wight, robbing and burning by the way. Against these the King levies an Army through all the land, and in several quarters places them nigh the Sea, but so unskillfully or unsuccess∣fully, that the Danes were not therby hinderd from exerciseing thir wonted Robberies. It happ'nd that the Danes one day were gone up into the Country, far from thir Ships, the King having notice therof, thought to intercept them in thir return; his men were resolute to overcome or die, time and place advantagious; but where courage and fortune was not wanting, there wanted Loyalty among them. Edric with suttle arguments that had a shew of deep policy, disputed and perswaded the simplicity of

his Fellow Counsellers, that it would be best consul∣ted at that time to let the Danes pass without ambush or interception. The Danes where they expected danger, finding none, pass'd on with great joy and booty to thir Ships. After this, sailing about Kent, they lay that Winter in the Thames, forcing Kent and Essex to contribution, oft-times attempting the City of London, but repuls't as oft to thir great loss. Spring begun, leaving thir Ships, they pass'd [An. Dom. 1010] * 1.39 through Chiltern Wood into Oxfordshire, burnt the City, and thence returning with divided forces wa∣sted on both sides the Thames; but hearing, that an Army from London was marcht out against them, they on the North-side, passing the River at Stanes, join'd with them on the South into one body, and enrich't with great spoils, came back through Sur∣rey to thir Ships; which all the Lent-time they re∣pair'd. After Easter, sailing to the East-Angles they arriv'd at Ipswich, and came to a place call'd Ring∣mere, where they heard that Ʋlfketell with his For∣ces lay, who with a sharp encounter soon entertain'd them; but his men at length giving back, through the suttlety of a Danish Servant among them who began the flight, lost the field; though the men of Cambridgeshire stood to it valiantly. In this Battel Ethelstan the Kings Son in Law, with many other No∣blemen, was slain; wherby the Danes without more resistance, three months together had the spoiling of those Countries and all the Fenns, burnt Thetsord and Grantbrig, or Cambridge; thence to a hilly place not far off, call'd by Huntingdon Balesham, by Cam∣den Gogmagog Hills, and the Villages therabout they turn'd thir fury, slaying all they met save one man, who getting up into a Steeple, is said to have de∣fended

himself against the whole Danish Army. They therefore so leaving him, thir Foot by Sea, thir Horse by land through Fssex, return'd back lad'n to thir Ships left in the Thames. But many daies pass'd not between, when salying again out of thir Ships as out of Savage Denns, they plunderd over again all Oxfordshire, and added to thir prey Buckingham, Bedford, and Hertfordshire; then like * 1.40 wild Beasts glutted, returning to thir Caves. A third excursion they made into Northamptonshire, burnt Northampton, ransacking the Country round; then as to fresh pasture betook them to the West-Saxons, and in like sort harrasing all Wiltshire, re∣turn'd, as I said before, like wild Beasts or rather Sea-Monsters to thir Water-stables, accomplishing by Christmas the Circuit of thir whole years good Deeds; an unjust and inhuman Nation, who re∣ceaving or not receaving tribute where none was owing them, made such destruction of mankind, and rapine of their lively-hood, as is a misery to read. Yet here they ceas'd not, for the next year [An. Dom. 1011] * 1.41 repeating the same cruelties on both sides the Thames, one way as far as Huntingdon, the other as far as Wiltshire and Southampton, sollicited again by the King for peace, and receaving thir demands both of tribute and contribution, they slighted thir faith; and in the beginning of September laid seige to Can∣terbury. On the twentieth day, by the treachery of Almere the Archdeacon, they took part of it and burnt it, committing all sorts of massacher as a sport; some they threw over the Wall, others into the fire, hung some by the privy members, infants pull'd from thir mothers breasts, were either tost on spears, or Carts drawn over them; Matrons and Virgins by

the hair dragd and ravish't. Alfage the grave Arch-bishop, above others hated of the Danes, as in all * 1.42 Counsells and actions to his might thir known op∣poser, tak'n, wounded, imprison'd in a noisom Ship; the multitude are tith'd, and every tenth only spar'd. [An. Dom. 1012] * 1.43 Early the next year before Easter, while Ethelred and his Peers were assembl'd at London, to raise now the fifth Tribute amounting to 48 thousand pound, the Danes at Canterbury propose to the Archbishop, who had bin now seav'n months thir Prisoner, life * 1.44 and liberty, if he pay them three thousand pound; which he refuseing as not able of himself, and not willing to extort it from his Tennants, is permitted till the next Sunday to consider; then hal'd before thir Counsel, of whom Turkill was Cheif, and still refuseing, they rise most of them being drunk, and beat him with the blunt side of thir Axes, then thrust forth deliver him to be pelted with stones; till one Thrum a converted Dane, pittying him half dead, to put him out of pain; with a pious impiety, at one stroak of his Ax on the head dispatch'd him. His body was carried to London, and there buried, thence afterward remov'd to Canterbury. By this time the tribute paid, and peace so oft'n violated sworn again by the Danes, they dispers'd thir Fleet; forty five of them, and Turkill thir Cheif staid at London with the King, swore him Allegeance to de∣fend his Land against all strangers, on condition only to be fed and cloth'd by him. But this voluntary friendship of Turkill was thought to be deceitfull, that staying under this pretence he gave intelligence to Swane, when most it would be seasonable to come. In July therfore of the next year, King Swane [An. Dom. 1013] * 1.45 arriving at Sandwich, made no stay there, but sailing

first to Humber, thence into Trent, landed and en∣camp'd at Gainsburrow: whither without delay re∣pair'd to him the Northumbrians, with Ʋthred thir Earl; those of Lindsey also, then those of Fisburg, and lastly all on the North of Watling-street (which is a high way from East to West Sea) gave Oath and Hostages to obey him. From whom he commanded Horses and provision for his Army, taking with him besides Bands and Companies of thir choicest men; and committing to his Son Canute the care of his Fleet and hostages; he marches towards the South Mer∣cians, commanding his Souldiers to exercise all Acts of hostility; with the terror wherof fully execu∣ted, he took in few daies the City of Oxford, then Winchester; thence tending to London, in his hasty passage over the Thames, without seeking Bridge or Ford, lost many of his men. Nor was his expedi∣tion against London prosperous; for assaying all means by force or wile to take the City, wherin the King then was, & Turkill with his Danes, he was stout∣ly beat'n off as at other times. Thence back to Wal∣lingford and Bath, directing his course, after usual ha∣vock made, he sate a while and refresh'd his Army. There Ethelm an Earl of Devonshire, and other great Officers in the West yeilded him subjection. These things flowing to his wish, he betook him to his Na∣vy, from that time still'd and accounted King of Eng∣land, if a Tyrant, saith Simeon, may be call'd a King. The Londoners also sent him hostages and made thir peace, for they fear'd his fury. Ethelred thus reduc't to narrow compass, sent Emma his Queen, with his two Sons had by her, and all his treasure to Richard the 2d. her Brother, Duke of Normandy; himself with his Danish Fleet abode

some while at Greenwich, then sailing to the Ile of Wight, pass'd after Christmas into Normandy; where he was honourably receav'd at Roan by the Duke, though known to have born himself churlishly and proudly towards Emma his Sister, besides his disso∣lute * 1.46 Company with other women. Mean while Swane ceas'd not to exact almost insupportable tri∣bute of the people, spoiling them when he listed, besides, the like did Turkill at Greenwich. The next [An. Dom. 1014] * 1.47 year beginning, Swane sickens and dyes; some say ter∣rifi'd and smitt'n by an appearing shape of St. Ed∣mund arm'd, whose Church at Bury he had threat'nd to demolish; but the authority hereof relies only upon the Legend of St. Edmund. After his Death the Danish Army and Fleet made his Son Canute thir King; but the Nobility and States of England sent Messengers to Ethelred, declareing that they pre∣ferr'd none before thir Native Sovran, if he would promise to govern them better then he had done, and with more Clemency. Wherat the King re∣joicing, sends over his Son Edward with Embassadors to Court, both high and low, and win thir love, promising largly to be thir mild and devoted Lord, to consent in all things to thir will, follow thir coun∣sel, and whatever had been done or spok'n by any man against him, freely to pardon; if they would loyally restore him to be thir King. To this the people cheerfully answer'd, and amity was both pro∣misd and confirm'd on both sides. An Embassey of Lords is sent to bring back the King honourably; he returns in Lent and is joyfully receav'd of the peo∣ple, marches with a strong Army against Canute; who having got Horses and joyn'd with the men of Lindsey, was preparing to make spoil in the Coun∣tries

adjoining; but by Ethelred unexpectedly com∣ing upon him, was soon driv'n to his Ships, and his Confederats of Lindsey left to the anger of thir Country-men, executed without mercy both by fire and Sword. Canute in all hast sailing back to Sandwich, took the hostages giv'n to his Father from all parts of England, and with slit Noses, Ears cropt, and hands chop't off, setting them ashore, departed into Denmarke. Yet the people were not disburd'nd, for the King rais'd out of them 30 thou∣sand pound to pay his Fleet of Danes at Greenwich. To these evills the Sea in October pass'd his bounds, overwhelming many Towns in England, and of thir inhabitants many thousands. The year following an [An. Dom. 1015] * 1.48 Assembly being at Oxford, Edric of Streon, having invited two Noblemen, Sigeferth, and Morcar, the Sons of Earngrun of Seav'nburg to his Lodging, se∣cretly murderd them: the King, for what cause is unknown, seis'd thir Estates, and caus'd Algith the Wife of Sigeferth to be kept at Maidulfsburg, now Malmsbury; whom Edmund the Prince there mar∣ried against his Fathers minde, then went and pos∣sesd thir lands, making the people there subject to him. Mat. West. saith, that these two were of the Danes who had seated themselves in Northumberland, slain by Edric under colour of Treason laid to thir charge. They who attended them without, tu∣multing * 1.49 at the Death of thir Maisters, were beat'n back; and driv'n into a Church, and defending them∣selves were burnt there in the Steeple. Mean while Canute returning from Denmarke with a great Navy, 200 Ships richly gilded and adorn'd, well fraught * 1.50 with Arms and all provision; and, which Encomium Emmae mentions not, two other Kings, Lachman

of Sweden, Olav of Norway, arriv'd at Sandwich; And, as the same Authour then living writes, sent out spies to discover what resistance on land was to be expected; who return'd with certain report, that a great Army of English was in readiness to oppose them. Turkill, who upon the arrival of these Da∣nish Powers, kept faith no longer with the Eng∣lish, but joining now with Canute, as it were to re∣ingratiate himself after his revolt, whether real or complotted, councell'd him (being yet young) not * 1.51 to land, but leave to him the management of this first Battel; the King assented, and he with the Forces which he had brought, and part of those which ar∣riv'd with Canute, landing to thir wish encounterd the English, though double in number, at a place call'd Scorastan, and was at first beaten back with much loss. But at length animating his men with rage only and despair, obtain'd a clear Victory, which won him great reward and possessions from Canute. But of this action no other writer makes mention: from Sandwich therefore sailing about to the River Frome, and there landing, over all Dor∣set, Sommerset, and Wiltshire, spread wastfull hosti∣lity. The King lay then sick at Cosham in this Coun∣ty; * 1.52 though it may seem strange how he could lie sick there in the midst of his Enemies. Howbeit Edmund in one part, and Edric of Streon in another, rais'd Forces by themselves; but so soon as both Armies were united, the Traytor Edric being found to practice against the life of Edmund, he remov'd with his Army from him; whereof the Enemy took great advantage. Edric easily enticeing the 40 Ships of Danes to side with him, revolted to Canute, the West-Saxons also gave pledges and furnished him

with Horses. By which means the year ensueing, [An. Dom. 1016] * 1.53 he with Edric the Traytor, passing the Thames at Cre••lad, about twelftide, enterd into Mercia, and especially Warwickshire, depopulating all places in thir way. Against these, Prince Edmund, for his hardiness call'd Ironside, gather'd an Army; but the Mercians refus'd to fight unless Ethelred with the Londoners came to aid them; and so every man re∣turn'd home. After the Festival, Edmund gather∣ing another Army besought his Father to come with the Londoners, and what force besides he was able; they came with great strength gott'n together, but being come, and in a hopefull way of good suc∣cess, it was told the King, that unless he took the better heed, some of his own Forces would fall off and betray him. The King daunted with this per∣haps cunning whisper of the Enemy, disbanding his Army, returns to London. Edmund betook him in∣to Northumberland, as some thought to raise fresh Forces; but he with Earl Ʋthred on the one side, and Canute with Edric on the other, did little else but wast the Provinces; Canute to Conquer them, Edmund to punish them, who stood neuter; for which cause Stafford, Shropshire, and Lestershire, felt heavily his hand; while Canute, who was ruining the more Southern Shires, at length march'd into Northumberland; which Edmund hearing dismiss'd his Forces and came to London. Ʋthred the Earl hasted back to Northumberland, and finding no other remedy, submitted himself with all the Northum∣brians, giving hostages to Canute. Nevertheless by his command or connivence, and the hand of one Turebrand a Danish Lord; Ʋthred was slain, and Tric another Dane made Earl in his stead. This

Ʋthred Son of Walteof, as Simeon writes, in his trea∣tise of the Seige of Durham, in his youth obtain'd a great Victory against Malcolm Son of Kened King of Scots, who with the whole power of his King∣dome was fall'n into Northumberland, and laid seige to Durham. Walteof the old Earl unable to resist, had secur'd himself in Bebbanburg, a strong Town, but Ʋthred gathering an Army rais'd the Seige, slew most of the Scots, thir King narrowly escaping, and with the heads of thir slain fixt upon Poles beset round the Walls of Durham. The year of this ex∣ploit Simeon cleers not, for in 969. and in the Reign of Ethelred as he affirms, it could not bee. Canute by another way returning Southward, joyfull of his success, before Easter came back with all the Army to his Fleet. About the end of April ensueing, Ethelred after a long, troublesome and ill govern'd Reign, ended his daies at London, and was buried in the Church of St. Paul.

Edmund Ironside.

AFter the decease of Ethelred, they of the No∣bility * 1.54 who were then at London together with the Citizens, chose Edmund his Son (not by Emma, but a former Wife the Daughter of Earl Thored) in his Fathers room; but the Archbishops, Abbots, and many of the Nobles assembling together elected Canute; and coming to Southamton where he then remain'd, renounc'd before him all the race of Ethel∣red, and swore him fidelity: he also swore to them, in matters both religious and secular, to be thir faith∣full Lord. But Edmund with all speed going to the * 1.55 West-Saxons, was joyfully receav'd of them as thir

King, and of many other Provinces by their exam∣ple. Mean while Canute about mid May came with his whole Fleet up the River to London; then cau∣sing a great Dike to be made on Surrey side, turn'd the stream and drew his Ships thether West of the Bridge; then begirting the City with a broad and deep trench, assail'd it on every side; but repulst as before by the valorous Defendants, and in de∣spair of success at that time, leaving part of his Ar∣my for the defence of his Ships, with the rest sped him to the West-Saxons, ere Edmund could have time to assemble all his powers: who yet with such as were at hand invoking divine aid, encounterd the Danes at Pen by Gillingham in Dorsetshire, and put him to flight. After mid-summer, encreast with new Forces, he met with him again at a place call'd Sherastan, now Sharstan; but Edric, Almar, and Al∣gar, with the Hamshire and Wiltshire men, then side∣ing with the Danes, he only maintain'd the fight, obstinatly fought on both sides, till night and wea∣riness parted them. Day light returning renu'd the conflict; wherein the Danes appearing inferiour, Edric to dishart'n the English cuts off the Head of one Osmer, in countnance and hair somewhat re∣sembling the King, and holding it up, cries aloud to the English, that Edmund being slain and this his head, it was time for them to flie; which falacy Edmund perceaving, and op'nly shewing himself to his Souldiers, by a spear thrown at Edric, that * 1.56 missing him yet slew one next him, and through him another behinde, they recoverd heart, and lay sore upon the Danes till night parted them as before: for ere the third morn, Canute sensible of his loss, march'd away by stealth to his Ships at London, re∣nuing

there his leagre. Some would have this Bat∣tell at Sherastan the same with that at Scorastan before mention'd, but the circumstance of time per∣mits not that, having bin before the landing of Ca∣nute, this a good while after, as by the Process of things appears: from Sherastan or Sharstan, Edmund return'd to the West-Saxons, whose valour Edric fearing, least it might prevail against the Danes, sought pardon of his revolt, and obtaining it swore loyalty to the King, who now the third time coming with an Army from the West-Saxons to London, rais'd the Seige, chaseing Canute and his Danes to thir Ships. Then after two daies passing the Thames at Branford, and so coming on thir backs, kept them so turn'd, and obtain'd the Victory: then returns again to his West Saxons, and Canute to his Seige, but still in vain; riseing therfore thence, he enterd with his Ships a River then call'd Arenne; and from the Banks therof wasted Mercia; thence thir Horse by land, thir Foot by Ship came to Medway. Ed∣mund in the mean while with multipli'd Forces out of many Shires, crossing again at Branford, came in∣to Kent, seeking Canute; encounterd him at Ocford, and so defeated, that of his Horse, they who escap'd fled to the Ile of Sheppey; and a full Victory he had gain'd, had not Edric still the Traytor by some wile or other detain'd his persuit: and Edmund who ne∣ver wanted courage, heer wanted prudence to be so misled, ever after forsak'n of his wonted Fortune. Canute crossing with his Army into Essex, thence wa∣sted Mercia worse then before, and with heavy prey return'd to his Ships: them Edmund with a collected Army persueing, overtook at a place call'd Assan∣dune, or Asseshill, now Ashdown in Essex; the Battel * 1.57

on either side was fought with great vehemence; but perfidious Edric perceaving the Victory to in∣cline towards Edmund, with that part of the Army which was under him, fled, as he had promis'd Ca∣nute, and left the King over-match't with numbers: by which desertion the English were overthrown, Duke Alfric, Duke Godwin, and Ʋlfketel the valiant Duke of East-Angles, with a great part of the No∣bility slain, so as the English of a long time had not receav'd a greater blow. Yet after a while Edmund not absurdly call'd Ironside, preparing to try again his Fortune in another feild, was hinderd by Edric and others of his faction, adviseing him to make peace and divide the Kingdome with Canute. To * 1.58 which Edmund over-rul'd, a treaty appointed, and pledges mutually giv'n, both Kings met together at a place call'd Deorhirst in Glostershire; Edmund on the West side of Severn, Canute on the East with thir Armies, then both in person wafted into an Iland, at that time call'd Olanege, now Alney in the midst of * 1.59 the River; swearing amity and brotherhood, they parted the Kingdome between them. Then inter∣changing Armes and the habit they wore, assessing also what pay should be allotted to the Navy; they departed each his way. Concerning this interveiw and the cause therof, others write otherwise; Malms∣bury, that Edmund greiving at the loss of so much blood spilt for the ambition only of two men strive∣ing who should reign, of his own accord sent to Canute, offering him single Combate, to prevent in thir own cause the effusion of more blood then thir own; that Canute though of courage anough, yet not unwisely doubting to adventure his body of small Timber, against a man of Iron sides, refus'd

the Combate, offring to divide the Kingdome; this offer pleasing both Armies, Edmund was not diffi∣cult to consent; and the decision was, that he as his hereditary Kingdome should rule the West-Saxons, and all the South, Canute the Mercians, and the North. Huntingdon follow'd by Mat. West. relates, that the Peers on every side wearied out with continuall war∣fare, and not refraining to affirm op'nly, that they two who expected to reign singly, had most reason to fight singly, the Kings were content; the Iland was thir lists, the Combate Knightly; till Knute finding himself too weak, began to parle, which ended as is said before. After which the Londoners bought thir peace of the Danes, and permitted them to winter in the City. But King Edmund about the Feast of St. Andrew, unexpectedly deceas'd at London, and was buried neer to Edgar his Grand∣father at Glaston. The cause of his so sudden death is uncertain; common fame, saith Malmsbury, laies the guilt therof upon Edric, who to please Canute, allur'd with promise of reward two of the Kings Privy Chamber, though at first abhorring the fact, to assassinate him at the stool, by thrusting a sharp Iron into his hinder parts. Huntingdon, and Mat. West. relate it done at Oxford by the Son of Edric, and something vary in the manner, not worth reci∣tal. Edmund dead, Canute meaning to reign sole King of England, calls to him all the Dukes, Barons, and Bishops of the Land, cunningly demanding of them who were witnesses what agreement was made between him and Edmund dividing the Kingdome, whether the Sons and Brothers of Edmund were to govern the West-Saxons after him, Canute living? they who understood his meaning, and fear'd to

undergo his anger, timorously answerd, that Ed∣mund they knew had left no part therof to his Sons or Brethren, living or dying; but that he intended Canute should be thir Guardian, till they came to age of reigning. Simeon affirms, that for fear or hope of reward they attested what was not true: notwithstanding which he put many of them to death not long after.

Canute, or Knute.

CAnute having thus sounded the Nobility, and [An. Dom. 1017] * 1.60 by them understood, receav'd thir Oath of fe∣alty, they the pledge of his bare hand, and Oath from the Danish Nobles; wherupon the House of Ed∣mund was renounc't, and Canute Crown'd. Then they enacted, that Edwi Brother of Edmund, a Prince of great hope, should be banish't the Realm. But Canute not thinking himself secure while Edwi liv'd, consulted with Edric how to make him away; who told him of one Ethelward a decay'd Nobleman, likeliest to do the work. Ethelward sent for, and tempted by the King in privat, with largest rewards, but abhorring in his mind the deed, promisd to do it when he saw his opportunity; and so still deferr'd it. But Edwi afterwards receav'd into favour as a snare, was by him or some other of his false freinds, Canute contriving it, the same year slain. Edric al∣so counsel'd him to dispatch Edward and Edmund, the Sons of Ironside; but the King doubting that the fact would seem too foul done in England, sent them to the King of Sweden, with like intent; but he disdaining the Office, sent them for better safety to Solomon King of Hungary; where Edmund at

length dy'd, but Edward married Agatha Daughter to Henry the German Emperour. A digression in the Laws of Edward Confessor under the Title of Lex Noricorum saith, that this Edward for fear of Canute, fled of his own accord to Malesclot King of the Rugians, who receav'd him honourably, and of that Country gave him a Wife. Canute settl'd in his Throne, divided the Government of his King∣dom into fowr parts; the West-Saxons to himself, the East-Angles to Earl Turkill, the Mercians to Edric, the Northumbrians to Eric; then made peace with all Princes round about him, and his former Wife being dead, in July married Emma the Widow of King Ethelred. The Christmas following was an ill Feast to Edric, of whose Treason, the King having now made use as much as serv'd his turn, and fear∣ing himself to be the next betray'd, caus'd him to be slain at London in the Palace, thrown over the City Wall, and there to lie unburied; the head of Edric fixt on a pole, he commanded to be set on the highest Tower of London, as in a double sence he had promis'd him, for the murder of King Edmund to exalt him above all the Peers of England. Hun∣tingdon, Malmsbury, and Mat. West. write, that suspecting the Kings intention to degrade him from his Mercian Dukedome, and upbraiding him with his merits, the King enrag'd, caus'd him to be strangl'd in the room, and out at a Window thrown into the Thames. Another writes, that Eric at the Kings command struck off his head. Other great men though without fault, as Duke Norman the Son * 1.61 of Leofwin, Ethelward Son of Duke Agelmar, he put to death at the same time, jealous of thir power or familiarity with Edric: and notwithstanding peace,

kept still his Army; to maintain which, the next [An. Dom. 1018] * 1.62 year he squees'd out of the English, though now his subjects, not his Enemies, 72, some say, 82 thousand pound, besides 15 thousand out of London. Mean while great War arose at Carr, between Ʋthred Son of Waldef, Earl of Northumberland, and Malcolm Son of Kened King of Scots, with whom held Eugenius King of Lothian. But heer Simeon the relater seems to have committed some mistake, having slain Ʋthred by Canute two years before, and set Eric in his place: Eric therfore it must needs be, not Ʋthred, who manag'd this War against the Scots. About which time in a Convention of Danes at Oxford, it was agreed on both parties to keep the Laws of Edgar; Mat. West. saith, of Edward the Elder. The [An. Dom. 1019] * 1.63 next year Canute sail'd into Denmarke, and there abode all Winter. Huntingdon and Mat. West. say, he went thether to repress the Swedes, and that the night before a Battel to be fought with them, God∣win stealing out of the Camp with his English, as∣saulted the Swedes, and had got the Victory ere Ca∣nute in the morning knew of any fight. For which bold enterprise, though against Discipline, he had the English in more esteem ever after. In the Spring [An. Dom. 1020] * 1.64 at his return into England, he held in the time of Easter a great assembly at Chirchester, and the same year was with Turkill the Dane at the dedication of a Church by them built at Assendune, in the place of that great Victory which won him the Crown. But suspecting his greatness, the year following ba∣nish'd [An. Dom. 1021] * 1.65 [An. Dom. 1028] * 1.66 him the Realm, and found occasion to do the like by Eric the Northumbrian Earl upon the same jea∣lousie. Nor yet content with his Conquest of England, though now above ten years enjoy'd, he pass'd with

50 Ships into Norway, dispossess'd Olave thir King, and subdu'd the land, first with great summes of mo∣ney sent the year before to gain him a party, then coming with an Army to compell the rest. Thence [An. Dom. 1029] * 1.67 returning King of England, Denmarke, and Norway, yet not secure in his mind, under colour of an Em∣bassey he sent into banishment Hacun a powerfull Dane, who had married the Daughter of his Sister Gunildis, having conceav'd some suspition of his practices against him: but such course was tak'n, that he never came back; either perishing at Sea, or slain by contrivance the next year in Orkney. Ca∣nute [An. Dom. 1030] * 1.68 therefore having thus establish't himself by bloodshed and oppression, to wash away, as he [An. Dom. 1031] * 1.69 thought, the guilt therof, sailing again into Den∣mark, went thence to Rome, and offerd there to St. Peter great guifts of Gold and Silver, and other pre∣tious things; besides the usuall tribute of Romscot, giving great Alms by the way, both thether and * 1.70 back again, freeing many places of Custom and Toll with great expence, where strangers were wont to pay, having vow'd great amendment of life at the Sepulchre of Peter and Paul, and to his whole people in a large letter writt'n from Rome yet extant. At his return therfore he built and de∣dicated [An. Dom. 1032] * 1.71 a Church to St. Edmund at Bury, whom his Ancestors had slain, threw out the secular Priests who had intruded there, and plac'd Monks in thir stead; then going into Scotland, subdu'd and re∣ceav'd homage of Malcolm, and two other Kings * 1.72 [An. Dom. 1035] * 1.73 there, Melbeath, and Jermare. Three years after having made Swane his suppos'd Son by Algiva of Northamton, Duke Alshelms Daughter (for others say the Son of a Preist whom Algiva barren had got

ready at the time of her feign'd labour) King of * 1.74 Norway, and Hardecnute his Son by Emma King of Denmark, and design'd Harold his Son by Algiva of Northamton King of England, dy'd at Shaftsbury, and was buried at Winchester in the old Monastery. * 1.75 This King, as appears, ended better then he began, for though he seems to have had no hand in the Death of Ironside, but detested the fact, and bring∣ing the murderers, who came to him in hope of great reward, forth among his Courtiers, as it were to receave thanks, after they had op'nly related the manner of thir killing him, deliver'd them to de∣served punishment, yet he spar'd Edric whom he knew to be the prime Authour of that detestable fact; till willing to be rid of him, grown importune upon the confidence of his merits, and upbraided by him that he had first relinquisht, then extin∣guisht Edmund for his sake; angry to be so upbraided, therfore said he with a chang'd countnance, Tray∣tor to God and to me, thou shalt die; thine own mouth accuses thee to have slain thy Master my con∣federate Brother, and the Lords Anointed. Where∣upon * 1.76 although present and privat Execution was in rage done upon Edric, yet he himself in cool blood scrupl'd not to make away the Brother and Children of Edmund, who had better right to be the Lords Anointed heer then himself. When he had obtain'd in England what he desir'd, no wonder if he sought the love of his conquerd Subjects for the love of his own quiet, the maintainers of his wealth and state, for his own profit. For the like reason he is thought to have married Emma, and that Richard Duke of Normandy her Brother might the less care what became of Elfred and Edward, her Sons by King

Ethelred. He commanded to be observ'd the anti∣ent Saxon Laws ••all'd afterwards the Laws of Ed∣ward the Confe••••••r, not that hee made them, but strictly observ'd them. His Letter from Rome pro∣fesses, if he had done aught amiss in his youth, through negligence or want of due temper, full re∣solution with the help of God to make amends, by governing justly and piously for the future; charges and adjures all his Officers and Vicounts, that neither for fear of him, or favour of any person, or to en∣rich the King, they suffer injustice to be done in the land; commands his treasurers to pay all his Debts ere his return home, which was by Denmarke, to compose matters there; and what his Letter pro∣fess'd, he perform'd all his life after. But it is a fond conceit in many great ones, and pernicious in the end, to cease from no violence till they have attain'd the utmost of thir ambitions and desires; then to think God appeas'd by thir seeking to bribe him with a share however large of thir ill-gott'n spoils, and then lastly to grow zealous of doing right, when they have no longer need to do wrong. Howbeit Canute was famous through Europe, and much ho∣nour'd of Conrade the Emperour, then at Rome, with rich guifts and many grants of what he there de∣manded for the freeing of passages from Toll and Custome. I must not omit one remarkable action done by him, as Huntingdon reports it, with great Scene of circumstance, and emphatical expression, to shew the small power of Kings in respect of God; which, unless to Court-Parasites, needed no such la∣borious demonstration. He caus'd his Royal Seat to be set on the shoar, while the Tide was coming in; and with all the state that Royalty could put

into his countnance, said thus to the Sea: Thou Sea belongst to me, and the Land wheron I sit is mine; nor hath any one unpunish'd resisted my commands: I charge thee come no furder upon my Land, nei∣ther presume to wet the Feet of thy Sovran Lord. But the Sea, as before, came rowling on, and with∣out reverence both wet and dash'd him. Wherat the King quickly riseing, wish'd all about him to behold and consider the weak and frivolous power of a King, and that none indeed deserv'd the name of a King, but he whose Eternal Laws both Heav'n, Earth, and Sea obey. A truth so evident of it self, as I said before, that unless to shame his Court Flat∣terers who would not else be convinc't, Canute need∣ed not to have gone wet-shod home: The best is, from that time forth he never would wear a Crown, esteeming Earthly Royalty contemptible and vain.

Harold.

HArold for his swiftness surnam'd Harefoot, the * 1.77 Son of Canute by Algiva of Northampton (though some speak doubtfully as if she bore him not, but had him of a Shoo-makers Wife, as Swane before of a Priest; others of a Maid-Servant, to conceal her barrenness) in a great Assembly at Ox∣ford, was by Duke Leofric and the Mercians, with the Londoners, according to his Fathers Testament, elected King; but without the Regal Habiliments, * 1.78 which Aelnot the Archbishop having in his Custody, refus'd to deliver up, but to the Sons of Emma, for which Harold ever after hated the Clergy; and (as the Clergy are wont thence to inferr) all Religion.

Godwin Earl of Kent, and the West-Saxons with him, stood for Hardecnute. Malmsbury saith, that the contest was between Dane and English; that the Danes and Londoners grown now in a manner Danish, were all for Hardecnute; but he being then in Denmarke, Harold prevail'd, yet so as that the Kingdom should be divided between them; the West and Southpart reserv'd by Emma for Hardec∣nute, till his return. But Harold once advanc't in∣to the Throne, banish'd Emma his Mother-in-law, seis'd on his Fathers Treasure at Winchester, and there remain'd. Emma not holding it safe to abide [An. Dom. 1036] * 1.79 in Normandy while Duke William the Bastard was yet under Age, retir'd to Baldwin Earl of Flanders. In the mean while Alfred and Edward Sons of Ethel∣red, accompanied with a small number of Norman Souldiers in a few Ships, coming to visit thir mother Emma not yet departed the land, and perhaps to see how the people were inclin'd to restore them thir right; Elfred was sent for by the King then at Lon∣don; but in his way met at Guilford by Earl God∣win, who with all seeming friendship entertain'd him, was in the night surpris'd and made Prisner, most of his Company put to various sorts of cruel Death, decimated twice over, then brought to Lon∣don, was by the King sent bound to Eely, had his Eyes put out by the way, and deliverd to the Monks there, dy'd soon after in thir Custody. Malmsbury gives little credit to this story of Elfred, as not Chronicl'd in his time, but rumour'd only. Which Emma however hearing, sent away her Son Edward, who by good hap accompanied not his Brother, with all speed into Normandy. But the Authour of Enco∣mium Emmae, who seems plainly (though nameless)

to have been some Monk, yet liv'd, and perhaps wrote within the same year when these things were done; by his relation differing from all others, much aggravates the cruelty of Harold, that he not content to have practis'd in secret (for op'nly he durst not) against the life of Emma, sought ma∣ny treacherous ways to get her Son within his pow∣er; and resolv'd at length to forge a Letter in the name of thir mother, inviting them into England, the Copy of which Letter he produces writt'n to this purpose.

EMma in name only Queen, to her Sons Edward and Alfrid imparts motherly salutation. While we severally bewail the Death of our Lord the King, most Dear Sons, and while daily yee are depriv'd more and more of the Kingdom your Inheritance; I ad∣mire what Counsel yee take, knowing that your inter∣mitted delay, is a daily strengthning to the Reign of your Ʋsurper, who incessantly goes about from Town to City, gaining the Chief Nobles to his party, either by gifts, prayers, or threats. But they had much rather one of you should reign over them, then to be held under the power of him who now over-rules them. I entreat therefore that one of you come to me speedily, and privatly; to receive from me wholsom Counsel, and to know how the business which I intend shall be accomplisht. By this Messenger present, send back what you determine. Farewell, as dear both as my own Heart.

These Letters were sent to the Princes then in Normandy, by express Messengers, with presents also as from thir mother; which they joyfully receiving,

return word by the same Messengers, that one of them will be with her shortly; naming both the time and place. Alfrid therefore the younger (for so it was thought best) at the appointed time, with a few Ships and small numbers about him appearing on the Coast, no sooner came ashore but fell into the snare of Earl Godwin, sent on purpose to betray him; as above was related. Emma greatly sor∣rowing for the loss of her Son, thus cruelly made away, fled immediatly with some of the Nobles her faithfullest adherents into Flanders, had her dwel∣ling assign'd at Bruges by the Earl; where having remain'd about two years, she was visited out of [An. Dom. 1039] * 1.80 Denmarke by Hardecnute her Son; and he not long had remain'd with her there, when Harold in Eng∣land, having done nothing the while worth memo∣ry, * 1.81 save the taxing of every Port at 8 marks of Sil∣ver [An. Dom. 1040] * 1.82 to 16 Ships, dy'd at London, some say at Oxford, and was buried at Winchester. After which, most of the Nobility, both Danes and English now agree∣ing, send Embassadors to Hardecnute still at Bruges with his mother, entreating him to come and re∣ceave as his right the Scepter, who before Mid∣somer came with 60 Ships, and many Souldiers out of Denmarke.

Hardecnute.

HArdecnute receav'd with acclamation, and seat∣ed in the Throne, first call'd to mind the in∣juries done to him or his Mother Emma in the time of Harold; sent Alfric Bishop of Yorke, Godwin and others, with Troud his Executioner to London, com∣manding them to dig up the body of King Harold,

and throw it into a Ditch; but by a second order, in∣to the Thames. Whence tak'n up by a Fisherman, and convei'd to a Church-yard in London, belonging to the Danes, it was enterr'd again with honour. This done he levied a sore Tax, that 8 marks to every Rower, and twelve to every Officer in his Fleet should be paid throughout England; by which time they who were so forward to call him over, had anough of him; for he, as they thought, had too much of theirs. After this he call'd to account Godwin Earl of Kent, and Leving Bishop of Worster, about the Death of Elfred his Brother, which Alfric the Archbishop laid to thir charge; the King de∣priv'd Leving of his Bishoprick, and gave it to his accuser: but the year following, pacifi'd with a round summe restor'd it to Leving. Godwin made his * 1.83 peace by a sumptuous present, a Gally with a guild∣ed stem bravely rigg'd, and 80 Souldiers in her, every one with Bracelets of gold on each Arm, weighing 16 ounces, Helmet, Corslet, and Hilts of his Sword guilded; a Danish Curtax listed with gold or silver, hung on his left shoulder, a Sheild with boss and nales guilded in his left hand, in his right a Launce: besides this, he took his Cath before the King, that neither of his own councel or will, but by the command of Harold he had done what he did, to the putting out of Elfreds Eyes. The like Oath took most of the Nobility for themselves, or in his behalf. The next year, Hardecnute sending [An. Dom. 1041] * 1.84 his House Earls, so they call'd his Officers, to gather the Tribute impos'd; two of them rigorous in thir Office, were slain at Worster by the people; wherat the King enrag'd, sent Leofric Duke of Mercia, and Seward of Northumberland, with great Forces

and Commission to slay the Cittizens, rifle and burn the City, wast the whole Province. Affrighted with such news, all the people fled; the Country-men whither they could, the Cittizens to a small Iland in Severn, call'd Beverege, which they forti∣fi'd and defended stoutly, till peace was granted them, and freely to return home. But thir City they found sack't and burnt; wherwith the King was appeas'd. This was commendable in him, how∣ever cruel to others, that toward his half brethren, though Rivals of his Crown, he shew'd himself al∣wayes tenderly affectiond; as now towards Ed∣ward, who without fear came to him out of Nor∣mandy, and with unfeigned kindness receav'd, re∣main'd safely and honorably in his Court. But Har∣decnute [An. Dom. 1042] * 1.85 the year following, at a Feast wherin Osgod a great Danish Lord gave his Daughter in marri∣age at Lambeth, to Prudon another potent Dane; in the midst of his mirth, sound and healthfull to sight, while he was drinking fell down speechless, and so dying, was buried at Winchester beside his Father. He was it seems a great lover of good chere; sitting at Table fowr times a day, with great variety of Dishes and superfluity to all Commers. Wheras, saith Huntingdon, in our time Princes in thir houses made but one meal a day. He gave his Sister Gu∣nildis, a Virgin of rare Beauty, in marriage to Henry the Alman Emperour; and to send her forth pom∣pously, all the Nobility contributed thir Jewels and richest Ornaments. But it may seem a wonder that our Historians, if they deserve that name, should in a matter so remarkable, and so neer thir own time, so much differ. Huntingdon relates against the credit of all other records, that Hardecnute

thus dead, the English rejoycing at this unexpected riddance of the Danish yoke, sent over to Elfred the Elder Son of Emma by King Ethelred, of whom we heard but now, that he dy'd Prisner at Eely, sent thether by Harold six year before; that he came now out of Normandy, with a great number of men to receave the Crown; that Earl Codwin aiming to have his Daughter Queen of England by marrying her to Edward a simple youth, for he thought Elfred of a higher Spirit then to accept her, persuaded the Nobles that Elfred had brought over too many Normans, had promis'd them lands heer, that it was not safe to suffer a Warlike and suttle Nation to take root in the Land, that these were to be so handl'd as none of them might dare for the future to flock hither, upon pretence of relation to the King; therupon by common consent of the Nobles, both Elfred and his Company were dealt with as was above related; that they then sent for Edward out of Nor∣mandy, with hostages to be left there of thir faith∣full intentions to make him King, and thir desires not to bring over with him many Normans; that Edward at thir call came then first out of Nor∣mandy; wheras all others agree that he came vo∣luntarily over to visit Hardecnute, as is before said, and was remaining in the Court at the time of his Death. For Hardecnute dead, saith Malmsbury, Edward doubting greatly his own safety, deter∣min'd to rely wholly on the advice and favour of Earl Godwin, desiring therfore by messengers to have privat speech with him, the Earl a while delibera∣ted: at last assenting, Prince Edward came, and would have fall'n at his feet; but that not permit∣ted, told him the danger wherin he thought him∣self

at present, and in great perplexity besought her help to convey him some whether out of the Land. Godwin soon apprehending the fair oc∣casion that prompted him how to advance him∣self and his Family, cherfully exhorted him to re∣member himself the Son of Ethelred, the Grandchild of Edgar, right Heir to the Crown, at full Age; not to think of flying but of reigning, which might easily be brought about if he would follow his Counsel; then setting forth the power and autho∣rity which he had in England, promis'd it should be all his to set him on the Throne, if he on his part would promise and swear to be for ever his friend, to preserve the honour of his House, and to marry his Daughter. Edward, as his necessity then was, consented easily, and swore to whatever God∣win requir'd. An Assembly of States therupon met at Gillingham, where Edward pleaded his right; and by the powerfull influence of Godwin was accepted. Others, as Bromton, with no probability write, that Godwin at this time was fled into Denmarke, for what he had done to Elfred, return'd and submitted himself to Edward then King, was by him charg'd op'nly with the Death of Elfred, and not without much ado, by the intercession of Leofric and other Peers, receav'd at length into favour.

Edward the Confessor.

GLad were the English deliverd so unexpected∣ly from thir Danish Maisters, and little thought how neer another Conquest was hanging over them. Edward, the Easter following, Crown'd at Winche∣ster, [An. Dom. 1043] * 1.86 the same year accompanied with Earl Godwin,

Leofric, and Siward, came again thether on a sud∣den, and by thir Counsel seis'd on the treasure of his Mother Emma. The cause alleg'd is, that she was hard to him in the time of his banishment; and in∣deed she is said not much to have lov'd Ethelred her former Husband, and thereafter the Childern by him; she was moreover noted to be very covetous, hard to the poor, and profuse to Monasteries. About this time also King Edward, according to promise, * 1.87 took to Wife Edith or Egith Earl Godwins Daugh∣ter, commended much for beauty, modesty, and, beyond what is requisite in a woman, learning. In∣guls a youth lodging in the Court with his Father, saw her oft, and coming from the School, was some∣times met by her and pos'd, not in Grammar only, but in Logic. Edward the next year but one, made [An. Dom. 1045] * 1.88 ready a strong Navy at Sandwich against Magnus King of Norway, who threat'nd an invasion; had not Swane King of Denmarke diverted him by a War at home to defend his own land, not out of good will to Edward, as may be suppos'd, who at the [An. Dom. 1046] * 1.89 same time express'd none to the Danes, banishing Gunildis the Neece of Canute with her two Sons, and Osgod by sirname Clapa, out of the Realm. Swane [An. Dom. 1047] * 1.90 over-powred by Magnus, sent the next year to en∣treat aid of King Edward; Godwin gave counsel to send him 50 Ships fraught with Souldiers; but Leo∣fric and the general voice gain-saying, none were sent. The next year Harold Harvager King of [An. Dom. 1048] * 1.91 Norway sending Embassadors, made peace with King Edward; but an Earthquake at Worster and Darby, Pestilence and Famin in many places, much lesse'nd the enjoyment therof. The next year Henry the [An. Dom. 1049] * 1.92 Emperour displeas'd with Baldwin Earl of Flanders,

had streit'nd him with a great Army by land; and sending to King Edward, desir'd him with his Ships to hinder what he might, his escape by sea. The King therfore with a great Navy coming to Sand∣wich, there staid till the Emperour came to an agree∣ment with Earl Baldwin. Mean while Swane Son of Earl Godwin, who not permitted to marry Ed∣giva the Abbess of Chester by him deflour'd, had left the land, came out of Denmarke with 8 Ships, feigning a desire to return into the Kings favour; and Beorn his Cousin German, who commanded part of the Kings Navy, promis'd to intercede that his Earldome might be restor'd him. Godwin therfore and Beorn with a few Ships, the rest of the Fleet gone home, coming to Pevensey (but Godwin soon departing thence in persuit of 29 Danish Ships who had got much booty on the Coast of Essex, and pe∣rish'd by tempest in thir return) Swane with his Ships comes to Beorn at Pevensey, guilefully requests him to sail with him to Sandwich, and reconcile him to the King, as he had promis'd. Beorn mistrusting no evill where he intended good, went with him in his Ship attended by three only of his Servants: but Swane set upon barbarous cruelty, not reconcilia∣tion with the King, took Beorn now in his power and bound him; then coming to Dertmouth, slew and buried him in a deep Ditch. After which, the men of Hastings took six of his Ships and brought them to the King at Sandwich; with the other two he escap'd into Flanders, there remaining till Aldred Bishop of Worster by earnest mediation wrought his peace with the King. About this time King Edward sent to Pope Leo, desiring absolution from a vow, * 1.93 which he had made in his younger years, to take a

journey to Rome, if God voutsaf'd him to reign in England; the Pope dispenc'd with his vow, but not without the expence of his journey giv'n to the poor, and a Monastery built or re-edifi'd to St. Pe∣ter: who in a Vision to a Monk, as is said, chose Westminster, which King Edward thereupon rebuild∣ing endow'd with large privileges and revennues. The same year, saith Florent of Worster, certain Irish Pirats with 36 Ships enterd the mouth of Severn, and with the aid of Griffin Prince of South-Wales, did some hurt in those parts: then passing the Ri∣ver Wey, burnt Dunedham, and slew all the Inhabi∣tants they found. Against whom Aldred Bishop of Worster, with a few out of Gloster and Herefordshire, went out in hast: but Griffin to whom the Welch and Irish had privily sent Messengers, came down upon the English with his whole power by night, and early in the morning suddenly assaulting them, slew many, and put the rest to flight. The next [An. Dom. 1051] * 1.94 year but one, King Edward remitted the Danish Tax, which had continu'd 38 years heavy upon the land since Ethelred first paid it to the Danes, and what remain'd therof in his treasury he sent back * 1.95 to the owners: but through imprudence laid the foundation of a far worse mischeif to the English; while studying gratitude to those Normans, who to him in exile had bin helpfull; he call'd them over to public Offices heer, whom better he might have repaid out of his privat purse; by this means exas∣perating either Nation one against the other, and making way by degrees to the Norman Conquest. Robert a Monk of that Country, who had bin ser∣viceable to him there in time of need, he made Bi∣shop, first of London, then of Canterbury; William

his Chaplain Bishop of Dorchester. Then began the * 1.96 English to lay aside thir own antient Customes, and in many things to imitate French manners, the great Peers to speak French in thir Houses, in French to write thir Bills and Letters, as a great peece of Gentility, asham'd of thir own: a presage of thir subjection shortly to that people, whose fashions and language they affected so slavishly: But that which gave begining to many troubles ensueing, happ'nd this year, and upon this occasion. Eustace Earl of Boloign, Father of the famous Godfrey who won * 1.97 Jerusalem from the Saracens, and Husband to Goda the Kings Sister, having bin to visit King Edward, and returning by Canterbury to take Ship at Dover, one of his Harbingers insolently seeking to lodge by force in a House there, provok'd so the Master therof, as by chance or heat of anger to kill him. The Count with his whole train going to the House where his Servant had bin kill'd, slew both the slayer and 18 more who defended him. But the Towns∣men running to Arms, requited him with the slaugh∣ter of 21 more of his Servants, wounded most of the rest; hee himself with one or two hardly escape∣ing; ran back with clamour to the King; whom se∣conded by other Norman Courtiers, he stirr'd up to great anger against the Citizens of Canterbury. Earl Godwin in hast is sent for, the cause related and much aggravated by the King against that City, the Earl commanded to raise Forces, and use the Citti∣zens therof as Enemies. Godwin, sorry to see strangers more favour'd of the King then his native people, answerd, that it were better to summon first the Cheif men of the Town into the Kings Court, to charge them with Sedition, where both parties

might be heard, that not found in fault they might be acquitted, if otherwise, by fine or loss of life might satisfie the King whose peace they had brok'n, and the Count whom they had injur'd; till this were done refuseing to prosecute with hostile pu∣nishment them of his own County unheard, whom his Office was rather to defend. The King dis∣pleas'd with his refusal, and not knowing how to compell him, appointed an Assembly of all the Peers to be held at Gloster, where the matter might be fully try'd; the Assembly was full and frequent according to summons; but Godwin mistrusting his own cause, or the violence of his adversaries; with his two Sons, Swane and Harold, and a great power gatherd out of his own and his Sons Earldomes, which contein'd most of the South-East and West parts of England, came no furder then Beverstan, giving out that thir Forces were to go against the Welch, who intended an irruption into Hereford-shire; and Swane under that pretence lay with part of his Army thereabout. The Welch understand∣ing this device, and with all diligence clearing them∣selves before the King, left Godwin detected of false accusation in great hatred to all the Assembly. Leofric therfore and Siward Dukes of great power, the former in Mercia, the other in all parts beyond Humber, both ever faithfull to the King, send pri∣vily with speed to raise the Forces of thir Provin∣ces. Which Godwin not knowing, sent boldly to King Edward, demanding Count Eustace and his fol∣lowers together with those Boloignians, who as Si∣meon writes, held a Castle in the jurisdiction of Can∣terbury. The King as then having but little force at hand, entertain'd him a while with treaties and

delays, till his summond Army drew nigh, then re∣jected his demands. Godwin thus match'd, com∣manded his Sons not to begin fight against the King; begun with, not to give ground. The Kings For∣ces were the flower of those Counties whence they came, and eager to fall on: But Leofric and the wi∣ser * 1.98 sort detesting civil War, brought the matter to this accord, that Hostages giv'n on either side, the whole cause should be again debated at London. Thether the King and Lords coming with thir Army, sent to Godwin and his Sons (who with thir pow∣ers were come as far as Southwarke) commanding thir appearance unarm'd with only 12 attendants, and that the rest of thir Souldiers they should deli∣ver over to the King. They to appear without pledges before an adverse faction deny'd; but to dismiss thir Souldiers refus'd not, nor in ought else to obey the King as far as might stand with ho∣nour and the just regard of thir safety. This answer not pleasing the King, an edict was presently issu'd forth, that Godwin and his Sons within five days de∣part the Land. He who perceav'd now his numbers to diminish, readily obey'd, and with his Wife and three Sons, Tosti, Swane, and Gyrtha, with as much treasure as thir Ship could carry, embarking at Thorney, sail'd into Flanders to Earl Baldwin, whose Daughter Judith Tosti had married: for Wulnod his fourth Son was then hostage to the King in Nor∣mandy; his other two, Harold and Leoswin, taking Ship at Bristow, in a Vessel that lay ready there be∣longing to Swane, pass'd into Ireland. King Ed∣ward persueing his displeasure, divorc'd his Wife Edith Earl Godwins Daughter, sending her despoil'd of all her Ornaments to Warewel with one waiting

Maid, to be kept in custody by his Sister the Abbess there. His reason of so doing was as harsh as his * 1.99 act, that she only, while her neerest relations were in banishment, might not, though innocent, enjoy ease at home. After this, William Duke of Nor∣mandy with a great number of followers coming in∣to England, was by King Edward honorably enter∣tain'd and led about the Cities, and Castles, as it were to shew him what ere long was to be his own (though at that time, saith Ingulf, no mention there∣of pass'd between them) then after some time of his abode heer, presented richly and dismiss'd, he return'd home. The next year Queen Emma dy'd, and was buried at Winchester. The Chronicle at∣tributed [An. Dom. 1052] * 1.100 to John Bromton a Yorkshire Abbot, but rather of some nameless Author living under Ed∣ward the 3d. or later, reports that the year before, by Robert the Archbishop she was accus'd both of consenting to the Death of her Son Alfred, and of prepareing poyson for Edward also; lastly of too much familiarity with Alwin Bishop of Winchester; that to approve her innocence, praying over-night to St. Swithun, she offerd to pass blindfold between certain Plow-shares red hot, according to the Or∣dalian Law, which without harm she perform'd; that the King therupon receav'd her to honour, and from her and the Bishop, penance for his credulity; that the Archbishop asham'd of his accusation fled out of England: which besides the silence of anti∣enter Authors (for the Bishop fled not till a year after) brings the whole story into suspition, in this more probable, if it can be proov'd, that in me∣mory of this deliverance from the nine burning Plow-shares, Queen Emma gave to the Abbey of St.

Swithune nine Mannors, and Bishop Alwin other nine. About this time Griffin Prince of South-Wales wasted Herefordshire; to oppose whom the people of that Country with many Normans, garrisond in the Castle of Hereford, went out in Armes, but were put to the worse, many slain, and much booty driv'n away by the Welch. Soon after which, Harold and Leofwin, Sons of Godwin, coming into Severn with many Ships, in the Confines of Somerset and Dor∣set-shire, spoil'd many Villages, and resisted by those of Somerset and Devonshire, slew in fight more then 30 of thir principal men, many of the common sort, and return'd with much booty to thir Fleet. King * 1.101 Edward on the other side made ready above 60 Ships at Sandwich well stor'd with men and provi∣sion, under the conduct of Odo and Radulf two of his Norman Kindred, enjoyning them to find out Godwin, whom he heard to be at Sea. To quick'n them, he himself lay on ship-broad, oft-times watch'd and sail'd up and down in search of those Pirats. But Godwin, whether in a mist, or by other accident, pas∣sing by them, arriv'd in another part of Kent, and dispersing secret messengers abroad, by fair words allur'd the cheif men of Kent, Sussex, Surrey, and Essex to his party; which news coming to the Kings fleet at Sandwich, they hasted to find him out; but missing of him again, came up without effect to London. Godwin advertisd of this, forthwith sail'd to the Ile of Wight; where at length his two sons Harold and Leofwin finding him, with thir united Navy lay on the coast, forbearing other hostility then to furnish themselves with fresh victual from Land as they need∣ed. Thence as one fleet they set forward to Sand∣wich, using all fair means by the way to encrease thir

numbers both of Mariners and Souldiers. The King then at London, startl'd at these tydings, gave speedy order to raise Forces in all parts which had not re∣volted from him; but now too late, for Godwin with∣in a few days after with his Ships or Gallies came up the River Thames to Southwark, and till the tide re∣turn'd had conference with the Londoners; whom by fair speeches, for he was held a good Speaker in those times, he brought to his bent. The tide return∣ing, and none upon the Bridge hindring, he row'd up in his Gallies along the South bank; where his Land∣army, now come to him, in array of battel stood on the shore, then turning toward the North side of the River, where the Kings Gallies lay in some readi∣ness, and Land-forces also not far off, he made shew as offring to fight; but they understood one ano∣ther, and the souldiers on either side soon declar'd thir resolution not to fight English against English. Thence coming to treaty, the King and the Earl re∣concil'd, both armies were dissolv'd, Godwin and his sons restor'd to their former dignities, except Swane, who touch't in conscience for the slaughter of Beorn his kinsman, was gone bare-foot to Jerusalem, and re∣turning home, dy'd by sickness or Saracens in Lycia; his wife Edith, Godwins daughter, King Edward took to him again, dignify'd as before. Then were the Normans, who had done many unjust things under the Kings authority, and giv'n him ill counsel against his people, banish't the Realm, some of them not blameable permitted to stay. Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, William of London, Ʋlf of Lincoln, all Normans, hardly escaping with thir followers, got to Sea. The Archbishop went with his complaint to Rome; but returning, dy'd in Normandy at the same

Monastery from whence he came. Osbern and Hugh surrender'd thir Castles, and by permission of Leofric pass'd through his Counties with thir Normans to Macbeth King of Scotland. The year following Rhese [An. Dom. 1053] * 1.102 brother to Griffin, Prince of South Wales, who by in∣rodes had done much damage to the English tak'n at Bulendun, was put to death by the Kings appoint∣ment, and his head brought to him at Gloster. The same year at Winchester on the second holy-day of Easter, Earl Godwin sitting with the King at table, sunk down suddenly in his seat as dead: his three sons Harold, Tosti, and Gyrtha, forthwith carried him into the Kings Chamber, hoping he might revive: but the malady had so seis'd him, that the fifth day af∣ter he expir'd. The Normans who hated Godwin give out, saith Malmsbury, that mention happ'ning to be made of Elfred, and the King thereat looking sowerly upon Godwin, he to vindicate himself, ut∣ter'd these words, Thou, O King, at every mention made of thy brother Elsred, look'st frowningly upon me: but let God not suffer me to swallow this mor∣sel, if I be guilty of ought done against his life or thy advantage; that after these words, choak't with the morsel tak'n, he sunk down and recover'd not. His first wife was the sister of Cannute, a woman of much infamy for the trade she drove of buying up English Youths and Maids to sell in Denmarke, whereof she made great gain; but ere long was struck with thun∣der, and dy'd. The year ensuing, Siward Earl of [An. Dom. 1054] * 1.103 Northumberland, with a great number of horse and foot, attended also by a strong fleet at the Kings ap∣pointment, made an expedition into Scotland, van∣quish't the Tyrant Macbeth, slaying many thousands of Scots with those Normans that went thether, and

plac'd Malcolm Son of the Cumbrian King in his stead; yet not without loss of his own Son, and many other both English and Danes. Told of his Sons Death, * 1.104 he ask'd whether he receav'd his Deaths wound be∣fore or behind? when it was answerd before, I am glad, saith hee; and should not else have thought him, though my Son, worthy of Burial. In the mean while King Edward being without Issue to suc∣ceed him, sent Aldred Bishop of Winchester with great presents to the Emperour, entreating him to prevail with the King of Hungary, that Edward the remaining Son of his Brother Edmund Ironside, might be sent into England. Siward but one year sur∣viving [An. Dom. 1055] * 1.105 his great Victory, dy'd at Yorke; reported by Huntingdon a man of Giant-like stature, & by his own demeanour at point of Death manifested, of a rough and meer souldierly mind. For much dis∣daining to die in bed by a disease, not in the field fighting with his enemies, he caus'd himself compleat∣ly arm'd, and weapon'd with battel-ax and shield to be set in a chair, whether to fight with death, if he could be so vain, or to meet him (when far other wea∣pons and preparations were needful) in a Martial bra∣very; but true fortitude glories not in the feats of War, as they are such, but as they serve to end War soonest by a victorious Peace. His Earldom the King bestow'd on Tosti the Son of Earl Godwin: and soon after in a Convention held at London, ba∣nish't without visible cause, Huntigdon saith for trea∣son, Algar the Son of Leofric; who passing into Ire∣land, soon return'd with eighteen ships to Griffin Prince of South Wales, requesting his aid against King Edward. He assembling his Powers, enter'd with him into Hereford-shire; whom Radulf a timorous

Captain, Son to the Kings Sister, not by Eustace, but a former husband, met two miles distant from Here∣ford; and having hors'd the English who knew better to fight on foot, without stroke he with his French and Normans beginning to flie, taught the English by his example. Griffin and Algar following the chase, slew many, wounded more, enter'd Hereford, slew seven Canons defending the Minster, burnt the Monasterie and Reliques, then the City; killing some, leading captive others of the Citizens, return'd with great spoils; whereof King Edward having notice, ga∣ther'd a great Army at Gloster under the conduct of Harold now Earl of Kent; who strenuously pursuing Griffin, enter'd Wales, and encamp'd beyond Strad∣dale. But the enemy flying before him farther into the Country, leaving there the greater part of his Army with such as had charge to fight, if occasion were offer'd, with the rest he return'd, and fortifi'd Hereford with a wall and gates. Mean while Griffin and Algar dreading the diligence of Harold, after ma∣ny messages to and fro, concluded a Peace with him. Algar discharging his fleet with pay at West Chester, came to the King, and was restor'd to his Earldom. But Griffin with breach of faith, the next year set up∣on [An. Dom. 1056] * 1.106 Leofgar the Bishop of Hereford and his Clerks then at a place call'd Glastbrig with Agelnoth Vicount of the shire, and slew them; but Leofric, Harold, and King Edward by force, as is likeliest, though it be not said how, reduc'd him to Peace. The next year [An. Dom. 1057] * 1.107 Edward Son of Edmund Ironside, for whom his Uncle King Edward had sent to the Emperour, came out of Hungary, design'd Successor to the Crown; but with∣in a few days after his coming dy'd at London, leaving behind him Edgar Atheling his Son, Margaret and

Christina his Daughters. About the same time also dy'd Earl Leofric in a good old age, a man of no less vertue then power in his time, religious, prudent, and faithful to his Country, happily wedded to Godiva a woman of great praise. His Son Algar found less favour with King Edward, again banish't the year af∣ter [An. Dom. 1058] * 1.108 his Fathers death; but he again by the aid of Griffin and a fleet from Norway, maugre the King, soon recover'd his Earldom. The next year Mal∣colm [An. Dom. 1059] * 1.109 King of Scots coming to visit King Edward, was brought on his way by Tosti the Northumbrian Earl, to whom he swore brotherhood: yet the next year [An. Dom. 1061] * 1.110 but one, while Tosti was gone to Rome with Aldred Archbishop of York for his Pall, this sworn brother taking advantage of his absence, roughly harrass'd Northumberland. The year passing to an end with∣out other matter of moment, save the frequent in∣rodes and robberies of Griffin, whom no bonds of faith could restrain, King Edward sent against him after Christmas Harold now Duke of West-Saxons [An. Dom. 1062] * 1.111 with no great body of Horse from Gloster, where he then kept his Court, whose coming heard of, Griffin not daring to abide, nor in any part of his Land hold∣ing himself secure, escap't hardly by Sea, ere Harold coming to Rudeland, burnt his Palace and Ships there, returning to Gloster the same day: But by the mid∣dle [An. Dom. 1063] * 1.112 of May setting out with a fleet from Bristow, he sail'd about the most part of Wales, and met by his brother Tosti with many Troops of Horse, as the King had appointed, began to waste the Country; but the Welch giving pledges, yeilded themselves, promis'd to become tributary, and banish Griffin thir Prince; who lurking somewhere, was the next year tak'n and [An. Dom. 1064] * 1.113 slain by Griffin Prince of North Wales; his head

with the head and tackle of his Ship sent to Harold, by him to the King, who of his gentleness made Blechgent and Rithwallon or Rivallon his two Brothers Princes in his stead; they to Harold in behalf of the King swore fealty and tribute. Yet the next year [An. Dom. 1065] * 1.114 Harold having built a fair house at a place call'd Por∣tascith in Monmouth-shire, and stor'd it with provisi∣on, that the King might lodge there in time of hunt∣ing, Caradoc the Son of Griffin slain the year before, came with a number of men, slew all he found there, and took away the provision. Soon after which the Northumbrians in a tumult at York, beset the Palace of Tosti their Earl, slew more then 200 of his Soul∣diers and Servants, pillag'd his Treasure, and put him to flie for his life. The cause of this insurrection they alledg'd to be, for that the Queen Edith had commanded in her Brother Tosti's behalf, Gospatric a noble man of that Country to be treacherously slain in the Kings Court; and that Tosti himself the year before with like treachery had caus'd to be slain in his Chamber Gamel and Ʋls two other of thir no∣ble men, besides his intolerable exactions and op∣pressions. Then in a manner the whole Country coming up to complain of their grievances, met with Harold at Northampton, whom the King at Tosti's re∣quest had sent to pacifie the Northumbrians; but they laying op'n the cruelty of his Government, and thir own birth-right of freedom not to endure the tyran∣ny of any Governour whatsoever, with absolute re∣fusal to admit him again, and Harold hearing reason, all the complices of Tosti were expell'd the Earldom. He himself banish't the Realm, went in Flanders; Morcar the Son of Algar made Earl in his stead. Hun∣tingdon tells another cause of Tosti's banishment, that

one day at Windsor, while Harold reach'd the Cup to King Edward, Tosti envying to see his younger Brother in greater favour then himself, could not forbear to run furiously upon him, and catching hold of his Hair, the scuflle was soon parted by other attendants rushing between, and Tosti forbidd'n the Court. He with continu'd fury rideing to Hereford, where Harold had many Servants, preparing an en∣tertainment for the King, came to the House and set upon them with his followers; then lopping off Hands, Armes, Legs of some, Heads of others, threw them into Butts of Wine, Meath, or Ale, which were laid in for the Kings drinking: and at his going away charg'd them to send him this word, that of other fresh meats he might bring with him to his Farm what he pleas'd, but of Sowce he should find plenty provided ready for him: that for this barbarous Act the King pro∣nounc't him banish'd; that the Northumbrians ta∣king advantage at the Kings displeasure and sen∣tence against him, rose also to be reveng'd of his cruelties done to themselves; but this no way agrees, for why then should Harold or the King so much la∣bour with the Northumbrians to re-admit him, if he were a banish'd man for his Crimes done before? About this time it happ'nd that Harold putting to * 1.115 Sea one day for his pleasure, in a Fisher Boat, from his Mannor at Boseham in Sussex, caught with a Tem∣pest too far off land, was carried into Normandy; and by the Earl of Pontiew, on whose Coast he was driv'n, at his own request brought to Duke William, who entertaining him with great courtesie, so far won him, as to promise the Duke by Oath of his own accord, not only the Castle of Dover then in his te∣nure,

but the Kingdome also after King Edwards Death to his utmost endeavour, therupon betroth∣ing the Dukes Daughter then too young for mar∣riage, and departing richly presented. Others say, that King Edward himself after the Death of Ed∣ward his Nephew, sent Harold thether, on purpose to acquaint Duke William with his intention to be∣queath him his Kingdom: but Malmsbury accounts the former story to be the truer. Ingulf writes, that King Edward now grown old, and perceaving Ed∣gar * 1.116 his Nephew both in body and mind unfit to go∣vern, especially against the pride and insolence of Godwins Sons, who would never obey him; Duke William on the other side of high merit, and his Kinsman by the Mother, had sent Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, to acquaint the Duke of his pur∣pose, not long before Harold came thether. The former part may be true, that King Edward upon such considerations had sent one or other; but Arch-bishop Robert was fled the land, and dead many years before. Eadmer and Simeon write, that Harold went of his own accord into Normandy, by the Kings per∣mission or connivence, to get free his Brother Wul∣nod and Nephew Hacun the Son of Swane, whom the King had tak'n hostages of Godwin and sent in∣to Normandy; that King Edward foretold Harold, his journey thether would be to the detriment of all England and his own reproach; that Duke Wil∣liam then acquainted Harold, how Edward ere his coming to the Crown had promisd, if ever he at∣tain'd it, to leave Duke William Successor after him. Last of these Mathew Paris writes, that Harold to get free of Duke William, affirm'd his coming the∣ther not to have been by accident or force of Tem∣pest,

but on set purpose, in that privat manner to en∣ter with him into secret confederacie; so variously are these things reported. After this King Edward [An. Dom. 1066] * 1.117 grew sickly, yet as he was able kept his Christmas at London, and was at the Dedication of St. Peters Church in Westminster, which he had rebuilt; but on the Eve of Epiphanie, or Twelftide, deceas'd much lamented, and in the Church was Entoomb'd. That he was harmless and simple, is conjecturd by his words in anger to a Peasant who had cross'd his Game (for with Hunting and Hawking he was much delighted) by God and Gods Mother, said hee, I shall do you as shrew'd a turn if I can; ob∣serving that Law-Maxim, the best of all his Suc∣cessors, that the King of England can do no wrong. The softness of his Nature gave growth to factions of those about him, Normans especially and Eng∣lish; these complaining that Robert the Archbishop was a sower of dissention between the King and his people, a traducer of the English; the other side, that Godwin and his Sons bore themselves arro∣gantly and proudly towards the King, usurping to themselves equall share in the Government; oft-times making sport with his simplicity, that through * 1.118 thir power in the land, they made no scruple to kill men of whose inheritance they took a likeing, and so to take possession. The truth is, that Godwin and his Sons did many things boistrously and vio∣lently, much against the Kings minde; which not able to resist, he had, as some say, his Wife Edith Godwins Daughter in such aversation, as in bed never to have touch'd her; whether for this cause or mistak'n Chastitie, not commendable; to enquire further is not material. His Laws held good and just, and

long after desir'd by the English of thir Norman Kings, are yet extant. He is said to be at Table not excessive, at Festivals nothing puft up with the costly Robes he wore, which his Queen with curi∣ous Art had woven for him in Gold. He was full of Alms-deeds, and exhorted the Monks to like Charitie. He is said to be the first of English Kings that cur'd the Disease call'd thence the Kings Evil; yet Malmsbury blames them who attribute that Cure to his Royaltie, not to his Sanctitie; said also to have cur'd certain blinde men with the water wherin he had wash'd his hands. A little before his Death, lying speechless two days, the third day after a deep sleep, he was heard to pray, that if it were a true Vision, not an Illusion which he had seen, God would give him strength to utter it, otherwise not. Then he related how he had seen two devout Monks, whom he knew in Normandy, to have liv'd and dy'd well, who appearing told him they were sent Messengers from God to foretell, that because the great ones of England, Dukes, Lords, Bishops, and Abbots, were not Ministers of God but of the Devil, God had deliverd the Land to thir Enemies; and when he desir'd that he might reveal this Vi∣sion, to the end they might repent, it was answerd; they neither will repent, neither will God pardon them; at this relation others trembling, Stigand the Simonious Archbishop, whom Edward much to blame had sufferd many years to sit Primate in the Church, is said to have laugh't, as at the feavourish Dream of a doteing old man; but the event prov'd it true.

Harold Son of Earl Godwin.

HArold, whether by King Edward a little before Hoved. Florent. his Death ordain'd Successor to the Crown, as Simeon of Durham, and others affirm; or by the prevalence of his faction, excluding Edgar the right Heir, Grandchild to Edmund Ironside, as Malmsbury and Huntingdon agree, no sooner was the Funeral of King Edward ended, but on the same day was elected and Crown'd King: and no sooner plac't in the Throne, but began to frame himself by all manner of compliances to gain affection, en∣deavour'd to make good Laws, repeal'd bad, be∣came a great Patron to Church and Church-men, courteous and affable to all reputed good, a hater of evill doers, charg'd all his Officers to punish Theeves, Robbers, and all disturbers of the peace, while he himself by Sea and Land labourd in the defence of his Country: so good an actor is ambition. In the mean while a blazing Star, 7 Mornings toge∣ther, about the end of April, was seen to stream terribly, not only over England, but other parts of the World; foretelling heer, as was thought, the great changes approaching: plainliest prognostica∣ted by Elmer a Monk of Malmsbury, who could not foresee, when time was, the breaking of his own Leggs for soaring too high, he in his youth strange∣ly aspiring, had made and fitted Wings to his Hands and Feet; with these on the top of a Tow∣er, spread out to gather air, he flew more then a Furlong; but the wind being too high, came flut∣tering down, to the maiming of all his Limbs; yet so conceited of his Art, that he attributed the cause of

his fall to the want of a Tail, as Birds have, which he forgot to make to his hinder parts. This story, though seeming otherwise too light in the midst of a sad narration, yet for the strangness therof, I thought worthy anough the placeing as I found it plac't in my Authour. But to digress no farder, Tosti the Kings Brother coming from Flanders, full of envy at his younger Brothers advancement to the Crown, resolv'd what he might to trouble his Reign; forcing therfore them of Wight Ile to con∣tribution, he sail'd thence to Sandwich, committing Piracies on the Coast between. Harold then resi∣ding at London, with a great number of Ships drawn together, and of Horse Troops by Land, prepares in person for Sandwich: wherof Tosti having no∣tice, directs his course with 60 Ships towards Lind∣sey, * 1.119 taking with him all the Sea-men he found, wil∣ling or unwilling: where he burnt many Villages, and slew many of the Inhabitants; but Edwin the Mercian Duke, and Morcar his Brother, the Nor∣thumbrian Earl, with thir Forces on either side, soon drove him out of the Country. Who thence betook him to Malcolm the Scottish King, and with him abode the whole Summer. About the same time Duke William sending Embassadors to admo∣nish Harold of his promise and Oath, to assist him in his Plea to the Kingdom, he made answer, that by the death of his Daughter betroth'd to him on that condition, he was absolv'd of his Oath, or not Dead, he could not take her now an out-landish wo∣man, * 1.120 without consent of the Realm; that it was presumptuously done and not to be persisted in, if without consent or knowledge of the States, he had sworn away the right of the Kingdome; that what

he swore was to gain his liberty, being in a man∣ner then his Prisner; that it was unreasonable in the Duke to require or expect of him the foregoing of a Kingdome, conferr'd upon him with universal fa∣vour and acclamation of the people: to this flat de∣niall he added contempt, sending the Messengers back, saith Mathew Paris, on maim'd Horses. The Duke thus contemptuously put off, addresses him∣self to the Pope, setting forth the Justice of his cause, which Harold, whether through haughtiness of mind, or distrust, or that the ways to Rome were stop'd, sought not to do. Duke William, besides the promise and Oath of Harold, alleg'd that King Edward by the advice of Seward, Godwin himself, and Stigand the Archbishop, had giv'n him the right of succession, and had sent him the Son and Nephew of Godwin, pledges of the guift; the Pope sent to Duke William, after this demonstration of his right, a consecrated Banner. Wherupon he having with great care and choice got an Army of tall and stout Souldiers, under Captains of great skill and mature Age, came in August to the Port of St. Valerie. Mean while Harold from London comes to Sandwich, there expecting his Navy; which al∣so coming, he sails to the Ile of Wight; and having heard of Duke William's preparations and readiness to invade him, kept good watch on the Coast, and Foot Forces every where in fit places to guard the shoar. But ere the middle of September, provision failing when it was most needed, both Fleet and Army return home. When on a sudden, Harold * 1.121 Harvager King of Norway, with a Navy of more then 500 great Ships, (others less'n them by two hun∣derd, others augment them to a thousand) appears

at the mouth of Tine; to whom Earl Tosti with his Ships came as was agreed between them; whence both uniting, set sail with all speed and enterd the River Humber. Thence turning into Ouse, as far as Rical, landed; and won Yorke by assault. At these tideings Harold with all his power hasts thether∣ward; but ere his coming, Edwin and Morcar at Fulford by Yorke, on the North side of Ouse, about the Feast of St. Mathew had giv'n them Battel; suc∣cessfully at first, but over-born at length with num∣bers; and forc't to turn thir backs, more of them perish'd in the River, then in the Fight. The Nor∣wegians taking with them 500 Hostages out of Yorke, and leaving there 150 of thir own, retir'd to thir Ships. But the fift day after, King Harold with a great and well appointed Army, coming to York, and at Stamford-Bridge, or Battell-Bridge on Dar∣went, * 1.122 assailing the Norwegians, after much blood∣shed on both sides, cut off the greatest part of them with Harfager thir King, and Tosti his own Brother. But Olave the Kings Son, and Paul Earl of Orkney, left with many Souldiers to guard the Ships, surrendring themselves with Hostages and Oath giv'n never to return as Enemies, he sufferd freely to depart with 20 Ships and the small rem∣nant of thir Army. One man of the Norwegians is not to be forgott'n, who with incredible valour * 1.123 keeping the Bridge a long hour against the whole English Army, with his single resistance delai'd thir Victorie; and scorning offerd life, till in the end no man dareing to graple with him, either dreaded as too strong, or contemn'd as one desperate, he was at length shot dead with an Arrow; and by his fall op'nd the passage of persuit to a compleat Victorie.

Wherwith Harold lifted up in minde, and forgetting now his former shews of popularitie, defrauded his Souldiers thir due and well deserved share of the spoils. While these things thus past in Northumber∣land, Duke William lay still at St. Valerie; his Ships were readie but the wind serv'd not for many days; which put the Souldierie into much discouragement and murmur, taking this for an unlucky sign of thir success; at last the wind came favourable, the Duke first under sail awaited the rest at Anchor, till all coming forth, the whole Fleet of 900 Ships with a prosperous gale arriv'd at Hastings. At his * 1.124 going out of the Boat by a slip falling on his hands, to correct the Omen, a Souldier standing by said aloud, that thir Duke had tak'n possession of Eng∣land. Landed, he restrein'd his Army from wast and spoil, saying, that they ought to spare what was thir own. But these are things related of Alexander and Caesar, and I doubt thence borrow'd by the Monks to inlay thir story. The Duke for 15 days after landing kept his men quiet within the Camp, having tak'n the Castle of Hastings, or built a For∣tress there. Harold secure the while and proud of his new Victorie, thought all his Enemies now un∣der foot: but sitting jollily at dinner, news is brought him, that Duke William of Normandy with a great multitude of Horse and Foot, Slingers and Archers, besides other choice Auxiliaries which he had hir'd in France, was arriv'd at Pevensey. Harold who had expected him all the Summer, but not so late in the year as now it was, for it was October; with his For∣ces much diminish't after two sore conflicts and the departing of many others from him discontented, in great hast marches to London. Thence not tarry∣ing

for supplies which were on thir way towards him, hurries into Sussex (for he was always in hast since the day of his Coronation) and ere the third part of his Army could be well put in order, findes the Duke about 9 mile from Hastings, and now drawing nigh, sent spies before him to survey the strength and number of his Enemies: them, disco∣verd such, the Duke causing to be led about, and after well fill'd with meat and drink sent back. They not over-wise, brought word that the Dukes Army were most of them Priests; for they saw thir faces all over shav'n; the English then useing to let grow on thir upper-lip large Mustachio's, as did antiently the Britans. The King laughing answerd, that they were not Priests, but valiant and hardy Souldiers. Therefore said Girtha his Brother, a youth of noble courage and understanding above his Age, Forbear thou thy self to fight, who art ob∣noxious to Duke William by Oath, let us unsworn undergo the hazard of Battel, who may justly fight in the defence of our Country; thou reserv'd to fitter time, maist either reunite us flying, or re∣venge us dead. The King not hark'ning to this, least it might seem to argue fear in him or a bad cause, with like resolution rejected the offers of Duke William sent to him by a Monk before the Battel, with this only answer hastily deliverd, let God judge between us. The offers were these, that Harold would either lay down the Scepter, or hold it of him, or try his title with him by single Com∣bate in the sight of both Armies, or referr it to the Pope. These rejected, both sides prepar'd to fight the next morning, the English from singing and drinking all night, the Normans from confession of

thir sins and communion of the host. The English were in a streit disadvantagious place, so that many discourag'd with thir ill ordering, scarse having room where to stand, slip'd away before the onset, the rest in close order with thir Battel-Axes and Shields, made an impenetrable Squadron: the King himself with his Brothers on foot stood by the Roy∣al Standard, wherin the figure of a man fighting was inwov'n with gold and pretious Stones. The Nor∣man Foot, most Bowmen, made the formost Front, on either side Wings of Horse somewhat behind. The Duke Arming, and his Corslet giv'n him on the wrong side, said pleasantly, the strength of my Duke∣dom will be turn'd now into a Kingdom. Then the whole Army singing the Song of Rowland, the re∣membrance of whose exploits might hart'n them, imploring lastly Divine help, the Battel began; and was fought sorely on either side; but the main body of English Foot by no means would be brok'n, till the Duke causing his men to feign flight, drew them out with desire of pursuit into op'n disorder, then turn'd suddenly upon them so routed by them∣selves, which wrought thir overthrow; yet so they dy'd not unmanfully, but turning oft upon thir Ene∣mies, by the advantage of an upper ground, beat them down by heaps, and fill'd up a great Ditch with thir Carcasses. Thus hung the Victory wavering on either side, from the third hour of day to Evening; when Harold having maintain'd the fight with un∣speakable courage and personal valour, shot into the head with an Arrow, fell at length, and left his Souldi∣ers without heart longer to withstand the unwearied Enemy. With Harold fell also his two Brothers,

Leofwin, and Girtha, with them greatest part of the English Nobility. His Body lying dead a Knight or Souldier wounding on the thigh, was by the Duke presently turn'd out of military service. Of Normans and French were slain no small number; the Duke himself also that day not a little hazard∣ed his person, having had three choice Horses kill'd under him. Victory obtain'd, and his dead care∣fully buried, the English also by permission, he sent the body of Harold to his mother without ransom, though she offerd very much to redeem it, which having receav'd, she buried at Waltham, in a Church built there by Harold. In the mean while, Edwin and Morcar, who had withdrawn themselves from Harold, hearing of his Death, came to London; sending Aldgith the Queen thir Sister with all speed to West-Chester. Aldred Archbishop of York, and many of the Nobles, with the Londoners would have set up Edgar the right Heir, and prepar'd themselves to fight for him; but Morcar and Edwin not likeing the choice, who each of them expected to have been chos'n before him, withdrew thir Forces and re∣turn'd home. Duke William contrary to his former * 1.125 resolution, if Florent of Worster, and they who fol∣low him say true, wasting, burning, and slaying all in his way, or rather, as saith Malmsbury, not in ho∣stile but in regal manner came up to London, met at Barcham by Edgar, with the Nobles, Bishops, Ci∣tizens, and at length Edwin and Morcar, who all submitted to him, gave hostages, and swore fide∣lity, he to them promis'd peace and defence; yet permitted his men the while to burn and make prey. Coming to London with all his Army, he was on

Christmass day sollemly Crown'd in the great Church at Westminster, by Aldred Archbishop of York, ha∣ving first giv'n his Oath at the Altar in presence of all the people, to defend the Church, well govern the people, maintain right Law; prohibit rapine and unjust judgment. Thus the English, while they agreed not about the choice of thir native King, were constrein'd to take the Yoke of an out-landish Conquerer. With what minds and by what course of life they had fitted themselves for this servitude, William of Malmsbury spares not to lay op'n. Not a few years before the Normans came, the Clergy, though in Edward the Confessors daies, had lost all good literature and Religion, scarse able to read and understand thir Latin Service: he was a miracle to others who knew his Grammar. The Monks went clad in fine stuffs, and made no difference what they eat; which though in it self no fault, yet to their Consciences was irreligious. The great men giv'n to gluttony and dissolute life, made a prey of the common people, abuseing thir Daughters whom they had in service, then turning them off to the Stews, the meaner sort tipling together night and day, spent all they had in Drunk'ness, attended with other Vices which effeminate mens minds. Whence it came to pass, that carried on with fury and rashness more then any true fortitude or skill of War, they gave to William thir Conquerour so easie a Conquest. Not but that some few of all sorts were much better among them; but such was the generality. And as the long suffering of God per∣mits bad men to enjoy prosperous daies with the good, so his severity oft times exempts not good men from thir share in evil times with the bad.

If these were the Causes of such misery and thraldom to those our Ancestors, with what bet∣ter close can be concluded, then here in fit sea∣son to remember this Age in the midst of her security, to fear from like Vices without amend∣ment the Revolutions of like Calamities.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Florent. Sim. Dun.
• * 1.2

  Malms.
• * 1.3

  Malms.
• * 1.4

  Florent. Sim. Dun.
• * 1.5

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.6

  Malms.
• * 1.7

  Eadmer. Florent.
• * 1.8

  Hoved.
• * 1.9

  Sim. Dun. Hoved.
• * 1.10

  Malms. Ingulf.
• * 1.11

  Malms.
• * 1.12

  Malms.
• * 1.13

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.14

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.15

  Florent. Huntingd.
• * 1.16

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.17

  Malms.
• * 1.18

  Malms.
• * 1.19

  Huntingd.
• * 1.20

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.21

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.22

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.23

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.24

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.25

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.26

  Malms.
• * 1.27

  Calvis.
• * 1.28

  Florent. Huntingd.
• * 1.29

  Calvisius.
• * 1.30

  Mat. West.
• * 1.31

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.32

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.33

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.34

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.35

  Florent.
• * 1.36

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.37

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.38

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.39

  Sim. Dun. Florent.
• * 1.40

  Humingd.
• * 1.41

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.42

  Eadmer. Malms. Eadmer.
• * 1.43

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.44

  Eadmer.
• * 1.45

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.46

  Malms.
• * 1.47

  Sim. Dun. Mat. West.
• * 1.48

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.49

  Malms.
• * 1.50

  Leges Ed. Conf. Tit. deduct. Nor∣man.
• * 1.51

  Encom. Em.
• * 1.52

  Camd.
• * 1.53

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.54

  Florent. Aelred in the life of Ed. Conf.
• * 1.55

  Florent. Sim. Dun.
• * 1.56

  Malms.
• * 1.57

  Camden.
• * 1.58

  Camd.
• * 1.59

  Camd.
• * 1.60

  Sim. Dun. Sax. an.
• * 1.61

  Encom. Em. Ingulf.
• * 1.62

  Sim. Dun. Huntingd. Mat. West.
• * 1.63

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.64

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.65

  Sim. Dun. Malms.
• * 1.66

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.67

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.68

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.69

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.70

  Huntingd.
• * 1.71

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.72

  Huntingd.
• * 1.73

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.74

  Florent.
• * 1.75

  Florent.
• * 1.76

  Malms.
• * 1.77

  Florent. Bromton. Huntingd. Mat. West. Mat. West.
• * 1.78

  Encom. Em.
• * 1.79

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.80

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.81

  Huntingd.
• * 1.82

  Sim. Dun. Malms.
• * 1.83

  Malms.
• * 1.84

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.85

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.86

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.87

  Malms.
• * 1.88

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.89

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.90

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.91

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.92

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.93

  Mat. West.
• * 1.94

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.95

  Ingulf.
• * 1.96

  Ingulf.
• * 1.97

  Malms.
• * 1.98

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.99

  Malms.
• * 1.100

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.101

  Malms.
• * 1.102

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.103

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.104

  Huntingd.
• * 1.105

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.106

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.107

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.108

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.109

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.110

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.111

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.112

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.113

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.114

  Sim. Dun. Camden.
• * 1.115

  Malms.
• * 1.116

  Leges Ed. Conf. Tit. Lex Noricor.
• * 1.117

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.118

  Huntingd.
• * 1.119

  Malms.
• * 1.120

  Eadmer.
• * 1.121

  Malms. Mathew Paris.
• * 1.122

  Camd.
• * 1.123

  Malms.
• * 1.124

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.125

  Sim. Dun.