The history of Britain, that part especially now call'd England from the first traditional beginning, continu'd to the Norman conquest / collected out of the antientest and best authours thereof by John Milton.

THE HISTORY OF BRITAIN. The Fifth Book. (Book 5)

THE sum of things in this Iland, or the best part therof, reduc't now un∣der the power of one man; and him one of the worthiest, which, as far as can be found in good Authors, was by none attain'd at any time heer before unless in Fa∣bles; men might with some reason have expected from such Union, peace and plenty, greatness, and the flourishing of all Estates and Degrees: but far the contrary fell out soon after, Invasion, Spoil, Desolation, slaughter of many, slavery of the rest, by the forcible landing of a fierce Nation; Danes

commonly call'd, and somtimes Dacians, by others, the same with Normans; as barbarous as the Saxons themselves were at first reputed, and much more; for the Saxons first invited came hither to dwell; these unsent for, unprovok'd, came only to destroy. * 1.1 But if the Saxons, as is above related, came most of them from Jutland and Anglen, a part of Denmarke, as Danish Writers affirm, and that Danes and Nor∣mans are the same; then in this invasion, Danes drove out Danes, thir own posterity. And Normans after∣wards, none but antienter Normans. Which inva∣sion * 1.2 perhaps, had the Heptarchie stood divided as it was, had either not bin attempted, or not uneasily resisted; while each Prince and people, excited by thir neerest concernments, had more industriously defended thir own bounds, then depending on the neglect of a deputed Governour, sent oft-times from the remote residence of a secure Monarch. Though as it fell out in those troubles, the lesser King∣doms revolting from the West-Saxon yoke, and not aiding each other, too much concern'd with thir own safety, it came to no better pass; while severally they sought to repell the danger nigh at hand, rather then jointly to prevent it farre off. But when God hath decreed servitude on a sinful Nation, fitted by thir own vices for no condition but servile, all Estates of Government are alike unable to avoid it. God had purpos'd to punish our instrumental punishers, though now Christians, by other Heathen, according to his Divine retaliation; invasion for invasion, spoil for spoil, destruction for destruction. The Saxons were now full as wicked as the Britans were at their arri∣val, brok'n with luxurie and sloth, either secular or superstitious; for laying aside the exercise of Arms,

and the study of all vertuous knowledge, some be∣took them to over-worldly or vitious practice, others to religious Idleness and Solitude, which brought forth nothing but vain and delusive visions; easily perceav'd such, by thir commanding of things, either not belonging to the Gospel, or utterly for∣bidden, Ceremonies, Reliques, Monasteries, Masses, Idols, add to these ostentation of Alms, got oft-times by rapine and oppression, or intermixt with violent and lustfull deeds, sometimes prodigally be∣stow'd as the expiation of cruelty and bloodshed. What longer suffering could there be, when Reli∣gion it self grew so void of sincerity, and the greatest shews of purity were impur'd?

Ecbert.

ECbert in full highth of glory, having now en∣joy'd his Conquest seaven peacefull years, his victorious Army long since disbanded, and the ex∣ercise of Armes perhaps laid aside, the more was found unprovided against a sudden storm of Danes from the Sea, who landing in the 32. of his Reign, [An. Dom. 832] * 1.3 wasted Shepey in Kent. Ecbert the next year, ga∣thering an Army, [An. Dom. 833] for he had heard of thir arrival in 35 Ships, gave them Battail by the River Carr in Dorsetshire;* 1.4 the event wherof was, that the Danes kept thir ground, and encampt where the field was fought; two Saxon Leaders, Dudda and Osmund, and two Bishops, as some say, were there slain. This was the only check of Fortune we read of, that Ecbert in all his time receav'd. For the Danes returning

two years after with a great Navy, [An. Dom. 835] and joining For∣ces * 1.5 with the Cornish, who had enterd League with them, were overthrown and put to flight. Of these invasions against Ecbert, the Danish History is not silent; whether out of thir own Records or ours, may be justly doubted; for of these times at home, I find them in much uncertainty, and beholding ra∣ther to Out-landish Chronicles then any Records of thir own. The Victor Ecbert, as one who had done enough, seasonably now, after prosperous success, [An. Dom. 836] the next year with glory ended his days,* 1.6 and was buried at Winchester.

Ethelwolf.

EThelwolf the Son of Ecbert succeeded, by Malms∣bury describ'd a man of mild nature, not in∣clin'd to War, or delighted with much Dominion; that therfore contented with the antient West-Saxon bounds, he gave to Ethelstan his Brother, or Son, as * 1.7 some write, the Kingdome of Kent and Essex. But the Saxon Annalist, whose Autority is Elder, saith plainly, that both these Countries and Sussex, were bequeath'd to Ethelstan by Ecbert his Father. The unwarlike disposition of Ethelwolf, gave encourage∣ment no doubt, and easier entrance to the Danes, who came again the next year with 33 Ships; [An. Dom. 837] but Wulfheard, one of the Kings Chief Captains,* 1.8 drove them back at Southamton with great slaughter; him∣self dying the same year, of Age, as I suppose, for he seems to have bin one of Ecberts old Commanders, who was sent with Ethelwolf to subdue Kent. Ethel∣helam

another of the Kings Captains with the Dorset∣shire men, had at first like success against the Danes at Portsmouth; but they reinforcing stood thir ground, and put the English to rout. Worse was the success of Earl Herebert at a place call'd Meres∣war, slain with the most part of his Army. [An. Dom. 838] The year following in Lindsey also, East-Angles,* 1.9 and Kent, much mischief was don by thir landing; [An. Dom. 839] where the next year, embold'nd by success,* 1.10 they came on as far as Canterbury, Rochester, and London it self, with no less cruel hostility: and giving no respit to the peace∣able mind of Ethelwolf, they yet return'd with the next year in 35 Ships, fought with him, [An. Dom. 840] as before with his Father, at the River Carr, and made good thir ground.* 1.11 In Northumberland, Eandred the Tri∣butary King deceasing, left the same tenure to his Son Ethelred driv'n out in his fowrth year, [An. Dom. 844] and suc∣ceeded by Readwulf, who soon after his Coronation hasting forth to Battel against the Danes at Alvetheli, fell with the most part of his Army; and Ethelred like in fortune to the former Ethelred, was re-exalted to his Seat. And to be yet further like him in Fate, was slain the fowrth year after. Osbert succeeded in his room. [An. Dom. 845] But more southerly, the Danes next year after met with some stop in the full course of thir outragious insolences.* 1.12 For Earnulf with the men of Somerset, Alstan the Bishop, and Osric with those of Dorsetshire, setting upon them at the Rivers mouth of Pedridan, slaughterd them in great numbers, and ob∣tain'd a just Victory. This repulse queld them, for ought we hear, the space of six years; [An. Dom. 851] Then also re∣newing * 1.13 thir, invasion with little better success. For Keorle an Earl, aided with the Forces of Devonshire, assaulted and over-threw them at Wigganbearch with

great destruction; as prosperously were they fought with the same year at Sandwich, by King Ethelstan, and Ealker his General, thir great Army defeated, and nine of thir Ships tak'n, the rest driv'n off, however to ride out the Winter on that shoar, Asser saith, they then first winter'd in Shepey Ile. Hard it is, through the bad expression of these Writers, to define this fight, whether by Sea or Land; Hoveden terms it a Sea fight. Nevertheless with 50 Ships (Asser and others add 300) they enterd the mouth of * 1.14 Thames, and made excursions as far as Canterbury and London, and as Ethelwerd writes, destroy'd both; of London, Asser signifies only that they pillag'd it. Ber∣tulf also the Mercian, successor of Withlaf, with all his Army they forc'd to fly, and him beyond the Sea. Then passing over Thames with thir powers into Sur∣rey, and the West-Saxons, and meeting there with King Ethelwolf and Ethelbald his Son, at a place call'd Ak-Lea, or Oak-Lea, they receav'd a total de∣feat with memorable slaughter. This was counted a lucky year to England, and brought to Ethelwolf great reputation. [An. Dom. 853] Burhed therfore, who after Ber∣tulf * 1.15 held of him the Mercian Kingdom, two years after this, imploring his aid against the North-Welch, as then troublesome to his Confines, obtain'd it of him in person, and therby reduc'd them to obedience. This done, Ethelwolf sent his Son Alfrid a Child of five years, well accompanied to Rome, whom Leo the Pope both consecrated to be King afterward, and a∣dopted to be his Son; at home Ealker with the Forces of Kent, and Huda with those of Surrey, fell on the Danes at thir landing in Tanet, and at first put them back; but the slain and drown'd were at length so many on either side, as left the loss equal on both:

which yet hinderd not the solemnity of a marriage at the feast of Easter, between Burhed the Mercian, * 1.16 and Ethelswida King Ethelwolf's Daughter. [An. Dom. 854] How∣beit the Danes next year winterd again in Shepey.* 1.17 Whom Ethelwolf not finding human health suffici∣ent to resist, growing daily upon him, in hope of di∣vine aid, registerd in a Book, and dedicated to God the tenth part of his own lands, and of his whole King∣dome, eas'd of all impositions, but converted to the maintenance of Masses and Psalms weekly to be sung for the prospering of Ethelwolf and his Captains, as appears at large by the Patent it self, in William of Malmsbury. Asser saith, de did it for the redemtion of his Soul and the Soul of his Ancestors. After which, as having done some great matter to shew himself at Rome, and be applauded of the Pope; he takes a long and cumbersome journey thether with young Alfrid again, and there staies a year, [An. Dom. 855] * 1.18 when his place requir'd him rather heer in the field against Pagan Enemies left wintring in his land. Yet so much manhood he had, as to return thence no Monk; and in his way home took to Wife Judith Daughter of Charles the bald, King of France. But * 1.19 ere his return, Ethelbald his eldest Son, Alstan his trusty Bishop, and Enulf Earl of Somerset conspir'd against him; thir complaints were, that he had tak'n with him Alfrid his youngest Son to be there inaugurated King, and brought home with him an out-landish Wife; for which they endeavourd to deprive him of his Kingdom. The disturbance was expected to bring forth nothing less then War: but the King ab∣horring civil discord, after many conferences tend∣ing to peace, condescended to divide the Kingdom with his Son; division was made, but the matter so

carried, that the Eastern and worst part was malign∣ly afforded to the Father: The Western and best giv'n to the Son, at which many of the Nobles had great indignation, offring to the King thir utmost assistance for the recovery of all; whom he peace∣fully dissuading, sat down contented with his por∣tion assign'd. In the East-Angles, Edmund lineal from the antient stock of those Kings, a youth of 14 years only, but of great hopes, was with consent of all but his own Crown'd at Burie. [An. Dom. 857] About this time, as Bu∣chanan relates, the Picts, who not long before had by the Scots bin driv'n out of thir Countrey, part of them coming to Osbert and Ella, then Kings of Nor∣thumberland, obtain'd aid against Donaldus the Scot∣ish King, to recover thir antient possession. Osbert who in person undertook the expedition, marching into Scotland, was at first put to a retreat; but return∣ing soon after on the Scots, over-secure of thir sup∣pos'd Victory, put them to flight with great slaugh∣ter, took Pris'ner thir King, and persu'd his Victory beyond Sterlinbridge. The Scots unable to resist longer, and by Embassadors entreating peace, had it granted them on these conditions: the Scots were to quit all they had possess'd within the Wall of Se∣verus: the limits of Scotland were beneath Sterlin∣bridge to be the River Forth, and on the other side, Dunbritton Frith; from that time so call'd of the Brittish then seated in Cumberland, who had joind with Osbert in this Action, and so far extended on that side the Brittish limits. If this be true, as the Scotch Writers themselv's witness (and who would think them Fabulous to the disparagement of thir own Country?) how much wanting have bin our Historians to thir Countries Honour, in leting pass

unmention'd an exploit so memorable, by them re∣memberd and attested, who are wont ofter to ex∣tenuate then to amplifie aught done in Scotland by the English? Donaldus on these conditions re∣leas't, soon after dyes; according to Buchanan, in 858. Ethelwolf Chief King in England, had the year before ended his life, and was buried as his Father at Winchester. He was from his youth much ad∣dicted * 1.20 to devotion; so that in his Fathers time he was ordain'd Bishop of Winchester; and unwillingly, for want of other Legitimate Issue, succeeded him in the Throne; mannaging therfore his greatest affairs by the activity of two Bishops, Alstan of Sherburne, and Swithine of Winchester. But Alstan * 1.21 is noted of Covetousness and Oppression, by William of Malmsbury; the more vehemently no doubt for doing some notable damage to that Monastery. The * 1.22 same Author writes, that Ethelwolf at Rome, paid a Tribute to the Pope, continu'd to his dayes. How∣ever he were facil to his Son, and seditious Nobles, in yeilding up part of his Kingdome, yet his Queen he treated not the less honourably, for whomsoever it displeas'd. The West-Saxon had decreed ever * 1.23 since the time of Eadburga, the infamous Wife of Birthric, that no Queen should sit in State with the King, or be dignifi'd with the Title of Queen. But Ethelwolf permitted not that Judith his Queen should loose any point of Regal State by that Law. At his Death, he divided the Kingdom between his two Sons, Ethelbald, and Ethelbert; to the younger Kent, Essex, Surrey, Sussex, to the Elder all the rest; to Peter and Paul certain revenues yearly, for what uses let others relate, who write also his Pedigree, from Son to Father, up to Adam.

Ethelbald, and Ethelbert.

EThelbald, unnatural and disloyal to his Father, * 1.24 fell justly into another, though contrary sin, of too much love to his Fathers Wife; and whom at first he oppos'd coming into the Land, her now un∣lawfully marrying, he takes into his Bed; but not long enjoying, dy'd at three years end, without do∣ing aught more worthy to be rememberd; having reign'd two years with his Father, impiously usurp∣ing, [An. Dom. 860] * 1.25 and three after him, as unworthily inheriting. And his hap was all that while to be unmolested by the Danes; not of Divine favour doubtless, but to his greater condemnation, living the more securely his incestuous life. Huntingdon on the other side much praises Ethelbald, and writes him buried at Sherburn, with great sorrow of the people, who miss'd him long after. Mat. West. saith, that he re∣pented of his incest with Judith, and dismiss'd her: but Asser an Eye witness of those times, mentions no such thing.

Ethelbert alone.

EThelbald by Death remov'd, the whole Kingdom came rightfully to Ethelbert his next Brother. Who though a Prince of great Vertue and no blame, had as short a Reign allotted him as his faulty Bro∣ther, nor that so peacefull; once or twice invaded by the Danes. But they having landed in the West

with a great Army, and sackt Winchester, were met by Osric Earl of Southampton, and Ethelwolf of Bark-shire, beat'n to thir Ships, and forc't to leave thir booty. Five years after, about the time of his [An. Dom. 855] * 1.26 Death, they set foot again in Tanet; the Kentish men wearied out with so frequent Alarms, came to agree∣ment with them for a certain sum of money; but ere the peace could be ratifi'd, and the money gatherd, the Danes impatient of delay by a sudden eruption in the night, soon wasted all the East of Kent. Mean while or something before, Ethelbert deceasing was buried as his Brother at Sherburne.

Ethelred.

EThelred the third, Son of Ethelwolf, at his first [An. Dom. 866] * 1.27 coming to the Crown was entertain'd with a fresh invasion of Danes, led by Hinguar and Hubba, two Brothers, who now had got footing among the East-Angles; there they winterd, and coming to terms of peace with the Inhabitants, furnish'd them∣selves of Horses, forming by that means many Troops with Riders of thir own: These Pagans, Asser saith, came from the River Danubius. Fitted [An. Dom. 867] * 1.28 thus for a long expedition, they ventur'd the next year to make thir way over land and over Humber, as far as Yorke, them they found to thir hands im∣broil'd in civil dissentions; thir King Osbert they had thrown out, and Ella Leader of another faction cho∣sen in his room; who both, though late, admonish'd by thir common danger, towards the years end with united powers made head against the Danes and prevail'd; but persueing them over-eagerly into

Yorke, then but slenderly wall'd, the Northumbrians * 1.29 were every where slaughter'd, both within and with∣out; thir Kings also both slain, thir City burnt, saith Malmsbury, the rest as they could, made thir peace, over-run and vanquisht as far as the River Tine, and Egbert of English race appointed King over them. Bromton no antient Author (for he wrote since Mat. West.) nor of much credit, writes a particular cause of the Danes coming to Yorke: that Bruern a Noble∣man, whose Wife King Osbert had ravisht, call'd in Hinguar and Hubba to revenge him. The example is re∣markable if the truth were as evident. Thence victo∣rious, the Danes next year enterd into Mercia to∣wards [An. Dom. 868] Nottingham, where they spent the Winter. Burhed then King of that Country, unable to resist, implores the aid of Ethelred and young Alfred his Brother, they assembling thir Forces and joining with the Mercians about Nottingham, offer Battel: the Danes not daring to come forth, kept themselves * 1.30 within that Town and Castle, so that no great fight was hazarded there; at length the Mercians weary of long suspence, enterd into conditions of peace with thir Enemies. After which the Danes return∣ing back to Yorke, made thir abode there the space of one year, committing, some say, many cruelties. [An. Dom. 869] * 1.31 [An. Dom. 870] * 1.32 Thence imbarking to Lindsey, and all the Summer destroying that Country, about September they came with like fury into Kesteven, another part of Lincolnshire, where Algar the Earl of Howland now Holland, with his Forces, and two hunderd stout Souldiers belonging to the Abbey of Croiland, three hunderd from about Boston, Morcard Lord of Brunne, with his numerous Family, well train'd and arm'd: Osgot Governour of Lincoln with 500. of that City,

all joyning together, gave Battel to the Danes, slew of them a great multitude, with three of thir Kings, and persu'd the rest to thir Tents; but the night fol∣lowing, Gothrun, Baseg, Osketil, Halfden, and Ha∣mond, five Kings, and as many Earls, Frena, Hinguar, Hubba, Sidroc the Elder and Younger, coming in from several parts with great forces and spoils, great part of the English began to slink home. Never∣theless Algar with such as forsook him not, all next day in order of Battel facing the Danes, and sustain∣ing unmov'd the brunt of thir assaults, could not withhold his men at last from persueing thir coun∣terfitted flight; wherby op'nd and disorder'd, they fell into the snare of thir Enemies, rushing back up∣on them. Algar and those Captains fore-nam'd with him, all resolute men, retreating to a hill side, and slaying of such as follow'd them, manifold thir own number, dy'd at length upon heaps of dead which they had made round about them. The Danes thence passing on into the Country of East-Angles, rifl'd and burnt the Monastery of Elie, overthrew Earl Wulke∣tul with his whole Army, and lodg'd out the Win∣ter at Thetford; where King Edmund assailing them, was with his whole Army put to flight, himself tak'n, bound to a stake, and shot to Death with Ar∣rows, his whole Country subdu'd. The next year [An. Dom. 871] * 1.33 with great supplies, saith Huntingdon, bending thir march toward the West-Saxons, the only people now left, in whom might seem yet to remain strength or courage likely to oppose them, they came to Reading, fortifi'd there between the two Rivers of Thames, and Kenet, and about three dayes after, sent out wings of Horse under two Earls to forage the Coun∣try; * 1.34 but Ethelwulf Earl of Barkshire, at Englefeild a

Village nigh, encounterd them, slew one of thir Earls, and obtain'd a great Victory. Four dayes after came the King himself and his Brother Alfred with the main Battail; and the Danes issuing forth, a bloody fight began, on either side great slaughter, in which Earl Ethelwulf lost his life; but the Danes loosing no ground, kept thir place of standing to the end. Neither did the English for this make less hast to another conflict at Escesdunc, or Ashdown, four dayes after, where both Armies with thir whole force on either side met. The Danes were imbat∣tail'd in two great Bodies, the one led by Bascai and Halfden, thir two Kings, the other by such Earls as were appointed; in like manner the English divided thir powers, Ethelred the King stood against their Kings; and though on the lower ground, and com∣ing later into the Battail from his Orisons, gave a fierce onset, wherin Bascai (the Danish History names him Erazus the Son of Regicerus) was slain. Alfred was plac'd against the Earls, and beginning the Bat∣tail ere his Brother came into the field, with such re∣solution charg'd them, that in the shock most of them were slain; they are nam'd Sidroc Elder and Younger, Osbern, Frean, Harald; at length in both Divisions, the Danes turn thir backs; many thou∣sands of them cut off, the rest persu'd till night. So much the more it may be wonderd to hear next in the Annals, that the Danes 14 days after such an over-throw, fighting again with Ethelred and his Brother Alfred at Basing, under conduct, saith the Danish Hi∣story, of Agnerus and Hubbo, Brothers of the slain Evacus, should obtain the Victory; especially since the new supply of Danes mention'd by Asser, arriv'd after this action. But after two Months, the King

and his Brother fought with them again at Mertun, in two Squadrons as before, in which fight hard it is to understand who had the better; so darkly do the Saxon Annals deliver thir meaning with more then wonted infancy. Yet these I take (for Asser is * 1.35 heer silent) to be the Chief Fountain of our story, the ground and basis upon which the Monks later in time gloss and comment at thir pleasure. Never∣theless it appears, that on the Saxon part, not Hea∣mund the Bishop only, but many valiant men lost thir lives. This fight was follow'd by a heavy Sum∣mer Plague; wherof, as is thought, King Ethelred * 1.36 dy'd in the fifth of his Reign, and was buried at Winburne, where his Epitaph inscribes that he had his Deaths wound by the Danes, according to the Da∣nish History 872. Of all these terrible landings and devastations by the Danes, from the days of Ethelwolf till thir two last Battels with Ethelred, or of thir Leaders, whether Kings, Dukes, or Earls, the Danish History of best credit saith no∣thing; So little Wit or Conscience it seems they had to leave any memory of thir brutish, rather then manly actions; unless we shall suppose them to have come, as above was cited out of Asser, from Danu∣bius, rather then from Denmarke, more probable some barbarous Nations of Prussia, or Livonia, not long before seated more Northward on the Bal∣tic Sea.

Alfred.

ALfred the fourth Son of Ethelwols, had scarse per∣form'd his Brothers obsequies, and the solemni∣ty of his own Crowning, when at the months end in hast with a small power he encounterd the whole Army of Danes at Wilton, and most part of the day foyl'd them; but unwarily following the Chase, gave others of them the advantage to rally; who return∣ing upon him now weary, remain'd Masters of the field. This year, as is affirm'd in the Annals, nine Battels had bin fought against the Danes on the South-side of Thames, besides innumerable excursi∣ons made by Alfred and other Leaders; one King, nine Earls were fall'n in fight, so that weary on both sides at the years end, League or Truce was conclu∣ded. Yet next year the Danes took thir march to [An. Dom. 872] * 1.37 London, now expos'd thir prey, there they winterd, and thether came the Mercians to renue peace with them. The year following they rov'd back to the parts beyond Humber, but winter'd at Torksey in Lin∣colnshire, where the Mercians now the third time made peace with them. Notwithstanding which, [An. Dom. 873] * 1.38 [An. Dom. 874] * 1.39 removing thir Camp to Rependune in Mercia, now Repton upon Trent in Darbishire, and there wintring, they constrein'd Burhed the King to fly into Forein parts, makeing seisure of his Kingdome, he running the direct way to Rome; with better reason then his Ancestors, dy'd there, and was buried in a Church by the English School. His Kingdom the Danes farm'd out to Kelwulf, one of his Houshold Ser∣vants or Officers, with condition to be resign'd them

when they commanded. From Rependune they [An. Dom. 875] * 1.40 dislodg'd, Hafden thir King leading part of his Army Northward, winterd by the River Tine, and sub∣jecting all those quarters, wasted also the Picts and British beyond: but Guthrun, Oskitell, and Anwynd, other three of thir Kings moving from Rependune, came with a great Army to Grantbrig, and remain'd there a whole year. Alfred that Summer purpo∣sing to try his Fortune with a Fleet at Sea (for he had found that the want of Shipping and neglect of Navigation, had expos'd the Land to these Piracies) met with 7 Danish Rovers, took one, the rest esca∣ping; an acceptable success from so small a begin∣ing: for the English at that time were but little ex∣perienc't in Sea affairs. The next years first motion [An. Dom. 876] * 1.41 of the Danes was towards Warham Castle: where Alfred meeting them, either by policy, or their doubt of his power; Ethelwerd saith, by money brought them to such terms of peace, as that they swore to him upon a hallow'd Bracelet, others say * 1.42 upon certain Reliques (a Solemn Oath it seems which they never voutsal'd before to any other Na∣tion) forthwith to depart the land: but falsifying that Oath, by night with all the Horse they had (Asser * 1.43 saith, slaying all the Horseman he had) stole to Exe∣ter, and there winterd. In Northumberland, Hafden thir King began to settle, to divide the land, to till, and to inhabit. Mean while they in the West who were march'd to Exeter, enterd the City, coursing now and then to Warham; but thir Fleet the next [An. Dom. 877] * 1.44 year sailing or rowing about the West, met with such a tempest neer to Swanswich, or Gnavewic, as wrack'd 120 of thir Ships, and left the rest easie to be maisterd by those Gallies which Alfred had set

there to guard the Seas, and streit'n Exeter of pro∣vision. He the while beleagering them in the City; * 1.45 now humbl'd with the loss of thir Navy (two Na∣vies, saith Asser, the one at Gnavewic, the other at Swanwine) distress'd them so, as that they gave him as many hostages as he requir'd, and as many Oaths, to keep thir covnanted peace, and kept it. For the Summer coming on, they departed into Mercia, wherof part they divided amongst themselves, part left to Kelwulf thir substituted King. The twelftide [An. Dom. 878] * 1.46 following, all Oaths forgott'n, they came to Chippen∣ham in Wiltshire, dispeopleing the Countries round, dispossessing some, driving others beyond the Sea; Alfred himself with a small Company was forc'd to keep within Woods and Fenny places, and for some time all alone, as Florent saith, sojourn'd with Dun∣wulf a Swine-heard, made afterwards for his devo∣tion, and aptness to learning, Bishop of Winchester. Hafden and the Brother of Hinguar, coming with 23 * 1.47 Ships from North-wales, where they had made great spoil, landed in Devonshire, nigh to a strong Castle nam'd Kinwith; where by the Garrison issuing forth unexpectedly, they were slain with 12 hunderd of thir men. Mean while the King about Easter, not * 1.48 despairing of his affairs, built a Fortress at a place call'd Athelney in Somersetshire, therin valiantly de∣fending himself and his followers, frequently sally∣ing forth. The 7th. week after, he rode out to a place call'd Ecbryt-stone in the East part of Selwood: thether resorted to him with much gratulation the Somerset and Wiltshire men, with many out of Ham∣shire, some of whom a little before had fled thir Country; with these marching to Ethandune now * 1.49 Edindon in Wiltshire, he gave Battel to the whole

Danish power, and put them to flight. Then beseig∣ing thir Castle, within fourteen days took it. Malms∣bury writes, that in this time of his recess, to go a spy into the Danish Camp, he took upon him with one Servant the habit of a Fidler; by this means gaining access to the Kings Table, and somtimes to his Bed-Chamber, got knowledge of thir secrets, thir careless encamping, and thereby this oppor∣tunity of assailing them on a sudden. The Danes by this misfortune brok'n, gave him more hostages, and renu'd thir Oaths to depart out of his Kingdom. Thir King Gytro, or Gothrun, offer'd willingly to re∣ceave Baptism, and accordingly came with 30 of his friends, to a place call'd Aldra, or Aulre, neer to * 1.50 Athelney, and were baptiz'd at Wedmore; where Al∣fred receav'd him out of the Font, and nam'd him Athelstan. After which, they abode with him 12 daies, and were dismiss'd with rich presents. Where∣upon [An. Dom. 879] * 1.51 the Danes remov'd next year to Cirencester, thence peaceably to the East-Angles; which Alfred, as some write, had bestow'd on Gothrun to hold of him; the bounds wherof may be read among the Laws of Alfred. Others of them went to Fulham on the Thames, and joining there with a great Fleet newly come into the River, thence pass't over into France and Flanders, both which they enterd so far conquering or wasting, as witness'd sufficiently, that the French and Flemish were no more able then the English, by Policy or prowess to keep off that Da∣nish inundation from thir land. Alfred thus rid of them, and intending for the future to prevent thir landing; Three years after (quiet the mean while) [An. Dom. 882] * 1.52 with more Ships and better provided, puts to Sea, and at first met with four of theirs, wherof two he

took, throwing the men over-board, then with two others, wherin were two of thir Princes, and took them also, but not without some loss of his own. After three years another Fleet of them appear'd on [An. Dom. 885] * 1.53 these Seas, so huge that one part thought themselves sufficient to enter upon East-France, the other came to Rochester, and beleaguerd it, they within stoutly defending themselves, till Alfred with great Forces, coming down upon the Danes, drove them to thir Ships, leaving for hast all thir Horses behind them. The same year Alfred sent a Fleet toward the East-Angles, then inhabited by the Danes, which at the * 1.54 mouth of Stour, meeting with 16 Danish Ships, after some flight took them all, and slew the Souldiers aboard; but in thir way home lying careless, were overtak'n by another part of that Fleet, and came off with loss, whereupon perhaps those Danes who were settl'd among the East-Angles, erected with new hopes, violated the peace which they had sworn to Alfred, who spent the next year in repairing London, [An. Dom. 886] * 1.55 (be••••••ging, saith Huntingdon) much ruind and un∣peopl'd by the Danes; the Londoners, all but those who had bin led away Captive, soon return'd to thir dwellings, and Ethred Duke of Mercia, was by * 1.56 [An. Dom. 893] * 1.57 the King appointed thir Governour. But after 13 years respite of peace, another Danish Fleet of 250 Sail, from the East part of France arriv'd at the mouth of a River in East Kent, call'd Limen, nigh to the great Wood Andred, famous for length and bredth; into that Wood they drew up thir Ships four mile from the Rivers mouth, and built a Fortress. After whom Haesten with another Danish Fleet of 80 Ships, entring the mouth of Thames, built a Fort at Middleton, the former Army remaining at a place

call'd Apeltre. Alfred perceaving this, took of those Danes who dwelt in Northumberland, a new Oath of Fidelity, and of those in Essex, hostages, lest they should joyn, as they were wont, with thir Country-men newly arriv'd. And by the next year, having [An. Dom. 894] * 1.58 got together his Forces, between either Army of the Danes encamp'd so, as to be ready for either of them, who first should happ'n to stir forth; Troops of Horse also he sent continually abroad, assisted by such as could be spar'd from strong places, wherever the Countries wanted them, to encounter forageing par∣ties of the Enemy. The King also divided sometimes his whole Army, marching out with one part by turns, the other keeping intrencht. In conclusion rowling up and down, both sides met at Farnham in Surrey; where the Danes by Alfreds Horse Troops were put to flight, and crossing the Thames to a certain Iland neer Coln in Essex, or as Camden thinks, by Colebrooke, were beseig'd there by Alfred till provision fail'd the the beseigers, another part staid behind with thir King wounded. Mean while Alfred preparing to re∣inforce the seige in Colney, the Danes of Northumber∣land breaking Faith, came by Sea to the East-Angles, and with a hunderd Ships Coasting Southward, landed in Devonshire, and beseig'd Exeter; thether Alfred hasted with his powers, except a Squadron of Welch that came to London: with whom the Citi∣zens marching forth to Beamflet, where Haesten the Dane had built a strong Fort, and left a Garrison, while he himself with the main of his Army was en∣terd far into the Country, luckily surprise the Fort, maister the Garrison, make prey of all they find there; thir Ships also they burnt or brought away with good booty, and many Prisners, among whom,

the Wife and two Sons of Heasten were sent to the King, who forthwith set them at liberty. Where∣upon Heasten gave Oath of Amitie and Hostages to the King; he in requital, whether freely, or by agree∣ment, a summe of money. Nevertheless without re∣gard of Faith giv'n, while Alfred was busied about Exeter, joining with the other Danish Army, he built another Castle in Essex at Shoberie, thence marching Westward by the Thames, aided with Northumbrian and East-Anglish Danes, they came at length to Se∣vern, pillaging all in thir way. But, Ethred, Ethelm, and Ethelnoth, the Kings Captains, with united For∣ces pitch'd nigh to them at Buttingtun, on the Severn * 1.59 Bank in Montgomery-shire, the River running be∣tween, and there many weeks attended; the King mean while blocking up the Danes who beseig'd Exe∣ter, having eat'n part of thir Horses, the rest urg'd with hunger broke forth to thir fellows, who lay encamp't on the East-side of the River, and were all there discomfitted, with some loss of valiant men on the Kings party; the rest fled back to Essex and thir Fortress there. Then Laf, one of their Leaders, gatherd before Winter a great Army of Northum∣brian and East-Anglish Danes, who leaving thir mo∣ney, Ships, and Wives with the East-Angles, and marching day and night, sat down before a City in the West call'd Wirheal neer to Chester, and took it ere they could be overtak'n. The English after two daies seige hopeless to dislodge them, wasted the Country round to cut off from them all provision, and departed. Soon after which, next year the [An. Dom. 895] * 1.60 Danes no longer able to hold Wirheal, destitute of Vittles, enterd North-Wales; thence lad'n with spoils, part return'd into Northumberland, others to the East-Angles

as far as Essex, where they seis'd on a small Iland call'd Meresig. And heer again the Annals record them to beseige Exeter, but without cohe∣rence of sence or story. Others relate to this pur∣pose, that returning by Sea from the Seige of Exeter, * 1.61 and in thir way landing on the Coast of Sussex, they of Cichester sallied out and slew of them many hun∣derds, taking also some of thir Ships. The same year they who possess'd Meresig, intending to winter thereabout, drew up thir Ships, some into the Thames, others into the River Lee, and on the Bank therof built a Castle twenty miles from London; to assault which the Londoners aided with other Forces march'd out the Summer following, but were soon put to [An. Dom. 896] * 1.62 flight, loosing fowr of the Kings Captains. Hun∣tingdon writes quite the contrary, that these fowr were Danish Captains, and the overthrow theirs: but little credit is to be plac'd in Huntingdon single. For the King therupon with his Forces, lay en∣camp't neerer the City, that the Danes might not in∣fest them in time of Harvest; In the mean time, sut∣tlely devising to turn Lee stream several waies; wherby the Danish Bottoms were left on dry ground: which they soon perceaving, march'd over Land to Quatbrig on the Severn, built a Fortress and win∣terd there; while thir Ships left in Lee, were either brok'n or brought away by the Londoners; but thir Wives and Children they had left in safety with the East-Angles. The next year was pestilent, and be∣sides [An. Dom. 897] * 1.63 the common sort took away many great Earls, Kelmond in Kent, Brithulf in Essex, Wulfred in Hamp∣shire, with many others; and to this evill, the Danes of Northumberland and East-Angles ceas'd not to endamage the West-Saxons, especially by stealth,

robbing on the South-shoar in certain long Gallies. But the King causing to be built others twice as long as usually were built, and some of 60 or 70 Oars higher, swifter and steddier then such as were in use before either with Danes or Prisons, his own in∣vention, some of these he sent out against six Danish Pirats, who had done much harm in the Ile of Wight and parts adjoining. The bickering was doubtfull and intricate, part on the water, part on the Sands; not without loss of some eminent men on the English side. The Pirats at length were either slain or tak'n, two of them stranded; the men brought to Winchester, where the King then was, were execu∣ted by his command; one of them escap'd to the East-Angles, her men much wounded: the same year not fewer then twenty of thir Ships perish'd on the South Coast with all thir men. And Rollo the Dane or Norman landing heer, as Mat. West. writes, though not in what part of the Iland, after an un∣successful fight against those Forces which first op∣pos'd him, sail'd into France and conquerd the Coun∣try, since that time called Normandy. This is the summe of what pass'd in three years against the Danes, returning out of France, set down so per∣plexly by the Saxon Annalist, ill-guifted with utter∣ance, as with much ado can be understood sometimes what is spok'n, whether meant of the Danes, or of the Saxons. After which troublesome time, Alfred enjoying three years of peace, by him spent, as his manner was, not idlely or voluptuously, but in all vertuous emploiments both of mind and body, be∣coming a Prince of his Renown, ended his daies in the year 900. the 51. of his Age, the 30th of his Reign, and was buried regally at Winchester; he [An. Dom. 900] * 1.64

was born at a place call'd Wanading in Barkshire, his Mother Osburga the Daughter of Oslac the Kings Cup-bearer, a Goth by Nation, and of noble descent. He was of person comlier then all his Brethren, of pleasing Tongue and gracefull behaviour, ready wit and memory; yet through the fondness of his Pa∣rents towards him, had not bin taught to read till the twelfth year of his Age; but the great desire of learning which was in him, soon appear'd, by his conning of Saxon Poems day and night, which with great attention he heard by others repeated. He was besides, excellent at Hunting, and the new Art then of Hawking, but more exemplary in devotion, ha∣ving collected into a Book certain Prayers and Psalms, which he carried ever with him in his Bo∣some to use on all occasions. He thirsted after all liberal knowledge, and oft complain'd that in his youth he had no Teachers, in his middle Age so lit∣tle vacancy from Wars and the cares of his King∣dome, yet leasure he found sometimes, not only to learn much himself, but to communicate therof what he could to his people, by translating Books out of Latin into English, Orosius, Boethius, Beda's History and others, permitted none unlern'd to bear Office, either in Court or Common-wealth; at twenty years of age not yet reigning, he took to Wife Egelswitha the Daughter of Ethelred a Mercian Earl. The ex∣tremities which befell him in the sixt of his Reign, Neothan Abbot told him, were justly come upon him for neglecting in his younger days the com∣plaints of such as injur'd and oppress'd repair'd to him, as then second person in the Kingdome for re∣dress; which neglect were it such indeed, were yet excusable in a youth, through jollity of mind un∣willing

perhaps to be detain'd long with sad and sor∣rowfull Narrations; but from the time of his under∣taking regal charge, no man more patient in hear∣ing causes, more inquisitive in examining, more exact in doing justice, and providing good Laws, which are yet extant; more severe in punishing un∣just judges or obstinate offenders. Theeves especi∣ally and Robbers, to the terrour of whom in cross waies were hung upon a high Post certain Chains of Gold, as it were dareing any one to take them thence; so that justice seem'd in his daies not to flourish only, but to tryumph: no man then hee more frugal of two pretious things in mans life, his time and his revenue; no man wiser in the disposal of both. His time, the day, and night, he distributed by the burning of certain Tapours into three equall portions: the one was for devotion, the other for publick or private affairs, the third for bodily re∣freshment: how each hour past, he was put in minde by one who had that Office. His whole an∣nual revenue, which his first care was should be justly his own, he divided into two equall parts; the first he imploi'd to secular uses, and subdivided those into three, the first to pay his Souldiers, Houshold-Ser∣vants and Guard, of which divided into three Bands, one attended monthly by turn; the second was to pay his Architects and workmen, whom he had got toge∣ther of several Nations; for he was also an Elegant Builder; above the Custome and conceit of English∣men in those days: the third he had in readiness to releive or honour Strangers according to thir worth, who came from all parts to see him and to live under him. The other equal part of his yearly wealth he dedicated to religious uses, those of fowr sorts; the

first to releive the poor, the second to the building and maintenance of two Monasteries, the third of a School, where he had perswaded the Sons of many Noblemen to study sacred knowledge and liberal Arts, some say at Oxford; the fourth was for the * 1.65 releif of Foreign Churches, as far as India to the shrine of St. Thomas, sending thether Sigelm Bishop of Sherburn, who both return'd safe, and brought with him many rich Gems and Spices; guifts also and a letter he receav'd from the Patriarch of Je∣rusalem, sent many to Rome, and for them receav'd reliques. Thus far, and much more might be said of his noble minde, which renderd him the miror of Princes; his body was diseas'd in his youth with a great soreness in the Seige, and that ceasing of it self, with another inward pain of unknown cause, which held him by frequent fits to his dying day; yet not disinabl'd to sustain those many glorious labours of his life both in peace and war.

Edward the Elder.

EDward the Son of Alfred succeeded, in learning * 1.66 not equal, in power and extent of Dominion, surpassing his Father. The beginning of his Reign * 1.67 had much disturbance by Ethelwald an ambitious young man, Son of the Kings Uncle, or Cosin Ger∣man, or Brother, for his Genealogy is variously de∣liverd. He vainly avouching to have equal right [An. Dom. 901] * 1.68 with Edward of succession to the Crown, posses'd himself of Winburne in Dorset, and another Town diversly nam'd, giving out that there he would live or dye; but encompass'd with the Kings Forces at

Badburie a place nigh, his heart failing him, he stole out by night, and fled to the Danish Army beyond Humber. The King sent after him, but not over∣taking, found his Wife in the Town, whom he had married out of a Nunnery, and commanded her to be sent back thether. About this time the Kentish [An. Dom. 902] men, against a multitude of Danish Pirats, fought prosperously at a place call'd Holme, as Hoveden re∣cords. Ethelwald aided by the Northumbrians with Shipping, three years after, sailing to the East-Angles, [An. Dom. 905] * 1.69 perswaded the Danes there to fall into the Kings Territory, who marching with him as far as Creck∣lad, and passing the Thames, there wasted as far be∣yond as they durst venture, and lad'n with spoils re∣turn'd home. The King with his powers makeing speed after them, between the Dike and Ouse, sup∣pos'd to be Suffolk and Cambridge-shire, as far as the Fenns Northward, laid wast all before him. Thence intending to return, he commanded that all his Ar∣my should follow him close without delay; but the Kentish men, though oft'n call'd upon, lagging be∣hind, the Danish Army prevented them, and join'd Battel with the King: where Duke Siguls and Earl Sigelm, with many other of the Nobles were slain; on the Danes part, Eoric thir King, and Ethelwald the Author of this War, with others of high note, and of them greater number, but with great ruin on both sides; yet the Danes kept in thir power the burying of thir slain. What ever follow'd upon this con∣flict, which we read not, the King two years after [An. Dom. 907] * 1.70 with the Danes, both of East-Angles, and Northum∣berland concluded peace, which continu'd three years, by whomsoever brok'n: for at the end there∣of [An. Dom. 910] * 1.71 King Edward raising great Forces out of West-Sex

and Mercia, sent them against the Danes be∣yond Humber; where staying five weeks, they made great spoil and slaughter. The King offer'd them terms of peace, but they rejecting all, enterd with the next year into Mercia, rendring no less hosti∣lity [An. Dom. 911] * 1.72 then they had suffer'd; but at Tetnal in Stafford∣shire, saith Florent, were by the English in a set Battel overthrown. King Edward then in Kent, had got together of Ships about a hunderd Sail, others gon Southward, came back and met him. The Danes now supposing that his main Forces were up∣on the Sea, took liberty to rove and plunder up and down, as hope of prey led them, beyond Severn. * 1.73 The King guessing what might imbold'n them, sent before him the lightest of his Army to entertain them; Then following with the rest, set upon them in thir return over Cantbrig in Glostershire, and slew many thousands, among whom Ecwils, Hafden, and Hinguar thir Kings, and many other harsh names in Huntingdon; the place also of this fight is variously writt'n by Ethelwerd and Florent, call'd Wodensfeild. The year following Ethred Duke of Mercia, to whom [An. Dom. 912] * 1.74 Alfred had giv'n London, with his daughter in mar∣riage; now dying, King Edward resum'd that City, and Oxford, with the Countries adjoining, into his own hands, and the year after, built, or much re∣pair'd [An. Dom. 913] * 1.75 by his Souldiers, the Town of Hertford on ei∣ther side Lee, and leaving a sufficient number at the work, march'd about middle Summer, with the other part of his Forces into Essex, and encamp'd at Maldon, while his Souldiers built Witham; where a good part of the Country, subject formerly to the Danes, yeilded themselves to his protection. Fowr years [An. Dom. 917] * 1.76 after (Florent allows but one year) the Danes from

Leister and Northampton, falling into Oxfordshire, committed much rapine, and in some Towns therof great slaughter; while another party wasting Hert∣fordshire, met with other Fortune; for the Country∣people inur'd now to such kind of incursions, joining stoutly together, fell upon the spoilers, recover'd thir own goods, with some booty from thir Enemies. About the same time Elfled the Kings Sister sent her Army of Mercians into Wales, who routed the Welch, took the Castle of Brienam-mere by Breck∣nock, * 1.77 and brought away the Kings Wife of that Country with other Prisners. Not long after she took Derby from the Danes, and the Castle by a sharp assault. But the year ensueing brought a new Fleet [An. Dom. 918] * 1.78 of Danes to Lidwic in Devonshire, under two Lea∣ders, Otter and Roald; who sailing thence West∣ward about the lands end, came up to the mouth of Severn; there landing wasted the Welch Coast, and Irchenfeild part of Herefordshire; where they took Kuneleac a British Bishop, for whose ransome King Edward gave forty pound, but the men of Here∣ford and Glostershire assembling, put them to flight; slaying Roald and the Brother of Otter, with many more, persu'd them to a Wood, and there beset, com∣pel'd them to give hostages of present departure. The King with his Army sat not far off, securing from the South of Severn to Avon; so that op'nly they durst not, by night they twice ventur'd to land; but found such welcome, that few of them came back; the rest anchord by a small Iland where many of them famish'd; then sailing to a place call'd Deomed, they cross'd into Ireland. The King with his Army went to Buckingham, staid there a moneth, and built two Castles or Forts on either Bank of Ouse

ere his departing, and Turkitel a Danish Leader, with those of Bedford and Northampton, yeilded him subjection. Wherupon the next year he came with [An. Dom. 919] * 1.79 his Army to the Town of Bedford, took possession therof, staid there a month, and gave order to build another part of the Town, on the South-side of Ouse. Thence the year following went again to [An. Dom. 920] * 1.80 Maldon, repair'd and fortifi'd the Town. Turkitel the Dane having small hope to thrive heer, where things with such prudence were mannag'd against his interess, got leave of the King, with as many voluntaries as would follow him, to pass into France. Early the next year King Edward re-edifi'd Tove∣chester, [An. Dom. 921] * 1.81 now Torchester; and another City in the Annals call'd Wigingmere. Mean while the Danes of Leister and Northampton-shire; not likeing perhaps to be neighbour'd with Strong Towns, laid Seige to Torchester; [but they within repelling the assault one whole day till supplies came] quitted the Seige by night; and persu'd close by the beseig'd, between Birnwud and Ailsbury were surpris'd, many of them made Prisners, and much of thir bag∣age lost. Other of the Danes at Huntingdon, aid∣ed from the East-Angles, finding that Castle not com∣modious, left it, and built another at Temsford, judging that place more opportune from whence to make thir excursions; and soon after went forth with design to assail Bedford: but the Garrison issu∣ing out, slew a great part of them, the rest fled. After this a greater Army of them gatherd out of Mercia and the East-Angles, came and beseig'd the City call'd Wigingmere a whole Day; but finding it defended stoutly by them within, thence also de∣parted, driving away much of thir Cattel: wher∣upon

the English from Towns and Citties round about joining Forces, laid Seige to the Town and Castle of Temsford, and by assault took both; slew thir King with Toglea a Duke, and Mannan his Son an Earl, with all the rest there found; who chose to die rather then yeild. Encourag'd by this, the men of Kent, Surrey, and part of Essex, enterprise the Seige of Colnhester, nor gave over till they won it, sacking the Town and putting to Sword all the Danes therein, except some who escap'd over the Wall. To the succour of these, a great number of Danes inhabiting Ports and other Towns in the East-Angles, united thir Force; but coming too late, as in revenge beleaguerd Maldon; but that Town also timely releiv'd, they departed, not only frustrate of thir design, but so hotly persu'd, that many thou∣sands of them lost thir lives in the flight. Forth∣with King Edward with his West-Saxons went to Passham upon Ouse, there to guard the passage, while others were building a stone Wall about Tor∣chester; to him there Earl Thurfert, and other Lord Danes, with thir Army thereabout as far as Weolud, came and submitted. Wherat the Kings Souldiers joyfully cry'd out to be dismiss't home: therfore with another part of them he enterd Huntingdon, and repair'd it, where breaches had bin made; all the people thereabout returning to obedience. The like was done at Colnchester by the next remove of his Army, after which both East and West-Angles, and the Danish Forces among them, yeilded to the King, swearing Allegiance to him both by Sea and Land: the Army also of Danes at Grantbrig, sur∣rendring themselves took the same Oath. The Sum∣mer following he came with his Army to Stamford, [An. Dom. 922] * 1.82

built a Castle there on the South-side of the River, where all the people of those quarters acknow∣ledg'd him supream. Dureing his abode there, Elfled his Sister a martial Woman, who after her Husbands Death would no more marry, but gave her self to public affairs, repairing and fortifying many Towns, warring sometimes, dy'd at Tamworth the Cheif Seat of Mercia, wherof by guift of Alfred her Father, she was Lady or Queen; wherby that whole Nation became obedient to King Edward, as did also North-Wales with Howel, Cledaucus, and Jeoth∣well thir Kings. Thence passing to Nottingham, he enterd and repair'd the Town, plac'd there part English, part Danes, and receav'd fealty from all in Mercia of either Nation. The next Autumn, com∣ing [An. Dom. 923] * 1.83 with his Army into Cheshire, he built and forti∣fi'd Thelwel; and while he staid there, call'd ano∣ther Army out of Mercia, which he sent to repair and fortifie Manchester. About Midsummer follow∣ing [An. Dom. 924] * 1.84 he march'd again to Nottingham, built a Town over against it on the South-side of that River; and with a Bridg joyn'd them both; thence journied to a place call'd Bedecanwillan in Pictland; there also built and fenc'd a City on the Borders, where the King of Scots did him honour as to his Sovran, to∣gether with the whole Scotish Nation; the like did Reginald and the Son of Eadulf, Danish Princes, with all the Northumbrians, both English, and Danes. The King also of a people thereabout call'd Streatgled∣walli (the North Welch, as Camden thinks, of Strat-Cluid in Denbigh-shire, perhaps rather the British of Cumberland) did him homage, and not undeserv'd. For Buchanan himself confesses, that this King Ed∣ward with a small number of men compar'd to his * 1.85

Enemies, overthrew in a great Battel, the whole uni∣ted power both of Scots and Da••es, slew most of the Scotish Nobility, and forc'd Malcolmb, whom Constantine the Scotch King had made General, and design'd Heir of his Crown, to save himself by flight sore wounded. Of the English, he makes Athelstan the Son of Edward Chief Leader; and so far seems to confound times and actions, as to make this Bat∣tel the same with that fought by Athelstan, about 24 years after at Bruneford, against Anlaf and Con∣stantine, wherof hereafter. But here Buchanan takes occasion to inveigh against the English Wri∣ters, upbraiding them with ignorance, who affirm Athelstan to have bin supream King of Britain, Con∣stantine * 1.86 the Scotish King with others to have held of him: and denies that in the Annals of Marianus Scotus, any mention is to be found therof; which I shall not stand much to contradict, for in Marianus, whether by Surname or by Nation Scotus, will be found as little mention of any other Scotish affairs, till the time of King Dunchad slain by Machetad, or Mackbeth, in the year 1040. which gives cause of suspition, that the affairs of Scotland before that time were so obscure as to be unknown to thir own Countryman, who liv'd and wrote his Chronicle not long after. But King Edward thus nobly doing, and thus honour'd, the year following dy'd at Farendon; [An. Dom. 925] * 1.87 a builder and restorer eev'n in War, not a destroyer of his Land. He had by several Wives many Chil∣dern; his eldest Daughter Edgith he gave in marri∣age to Charles King of France, Grand-Child of Charles the Bald above-mention'd; of the rest in place convenient. His Laws are yet to be seen. He was buried at Winchester, in the Monastery by

Alfred his Father. And a few days after him dy'd Ethelwerd his Eldest Son, the Heir of his Crown. He had the whole Iland in subjection, yet so as petty Kings reign'd under him. In Northumberland, after Ecbert whom the Danes had set up, and the Northum∣brians * 1.88 yet unruly under thir yoke, at the end of 6 years had expell'd, one Ricsig was set up King, and bore the name 3 years; then another Ecbert, and Guthred; the latter, if we beleeve Legends, of a Servant made King by command of St. Cudbert, in a Vision; and enjoyn'd by another Vision of the same Saint, to pay well for his Royalty many Lands and privileges to his Church and Monastery. But now to the story.

Athelstan.

AThelstan next in Age to Ethelward his Brother, who deceas'd untimely few days before, though born of a Concubine, yet for the great appearance of many vertues in him, and his Brethren being yet under Age, was exalted to the Throne, at Kingstone [An. Dom. 926] upon Thames, and by his Fathers last Will, saith Malmsbury, yet not without some opposition of one Alfred and his Accomplices; who not likeing he should reign, had conspir'd to seise on him after his Fathers Death, and to put out his Eyes. But the Conspiratours discoverd, and Alfred denying the Plot, was sent to Rome, to assert his innocence before * 1.89 the Pope; where taking his Oath on the Altar, he fell down immediatly, and carried out by his Ser∣vants, three daies after dy'd. Mean while beyond Humber, the Danes, though much aw'd were not idle. Inguald one of thir Kings took possession of * 1.90

Yorke, Sitric who some years before had slain Niel his Brother, by force took Davenport in Ch••shire; and however he defended these doings; grew so consi∣derable, that Athelstan with great solemnity gave * 1.91 him his Sister Edgith to Wife: but he enjoy'd her not long, dying ere the years end, nor his Sons An∣laf and Guthfert the Kingdome, driv'n out the next [An. Dom. 927] * 1.92 year by Athelstan; not unjustly saith Huntingdon, as being first raisers of the War. Simeon calls him Gudsrid a British King, whom Athelstan this year drove out of his Kingdome; and perhaps they were both one, the name and time not much differing, the place only mistak'n. Malmsbury differs in the name also, calling him Aldulf a certain Rebel. Them also I wish as much mistak'n, who write that Athelstan, jealous of his younger Brother Edwin's towardly vertues, least added to the right of Birth, they might some time or other call in question his illegiti∣mate precedence, caus'd him to be drown'd in the [An. Dom. 933] * 1.93 Sea; expos'd, some say, with one Servant in a rott'n Bark, without Sail or Oar; where the youth far off land, and in rough weather despairing, threw him∣self over-board; the Servant more patient, got to land and reported the success. But this Malmsbury confesses to be sung in old Songs, not read in war∣rantable Authors: and Huntingdon speaks as of a sad accident to Athelstan, that he lost his Brother Edwin by Sea; far the more credible, in that Athelstan, as is writ'n by all, tenderly lov'd and bred up the rest of his Brethren, of whom he had no less cause to be jealous. And the year following he prosperd bet∣ter [An. Dom. 934] * 1.94 then from so foul a fact, passing into Scotland with great Puissance, both by Sea and Land, and chace∣ing his Enemies before him, by Land as far as Dun∣seoder,

and Wertermore, by Sea as far as Cathness. The cause of this expedition, saith Malmsbury, was to demand Gudfert the Son of Sitric, thether fled, though not deny'd at length by Constantine, who with Eugenius King of Cumberland, at a place call'd Dacor or Dacre in that Shire, surrenderd himself and each his Kingdome to Athelstan, who brought back with him for hostage the Son of Constantine. But Gud∣fert * 1.95 escaping in the mean while out of Scotland, and Constantine exasperated by this invasion, perswaded Anlaf the other Son of Sitric then fled into Ireland, others write Anlaf King of Ireland and the Iles, his * 1.96 [An. Dom. 938] * 1.97 Son in law, with 615 Ships, and the King of Cum∣berland with other forces, to his aid. This within fowr years effected, they enterd England by Humber, and fought with Athelstan at a place call'd Wendune, others term it Brunanburg, others Bruneford, which Ingulf pla∣ces beyond Humber, Camden in Glendale of Northumber∣land on the Scotch Borders; the bloodiest fight, say Au∣thors, that ever this Iland saw, to describe which, the Saxon Annalist wont to be sober and succinct, whether the same or another writer, now labouring under the weight of his Argument, and over-charg'd, runs on a sudden into such extravagant fansies and metaphors, as bare him quite beside the scope of being under∣stood. Huntingdon, though himself peccant enough in his kind, transcribes him word for word as a pastime to his Readers. I shall only summe up what of him I can attain, in usuall language. The Battel was fought eagerly from morning till night; some fell of King Edwards old Army, try'd in many a Battel before; but on the other side great multitudes, the rest fled to thir Ships. Five Kings, and 7 of Anlafs Chief Captains were slain on the place, with Froda a

Norman Leader; Constantine escap'd home, but lost his Son in the fight, if I understand my Author; An∣laf by Sea to Dublin, with a small remainder of his great hoast. Malmsbury relates this War, adding many circumstances after this manner. That Anlaf joining with Constantine and the whole power of Scotland, besides those which he brought with him out of Ireland, came on far Southwards, till Athel∣stan who had retir'd on set purpose to be the surer of his Enimies, enclos'd from all succour and retreat, met him at Brunesord. Anlaf perceaving the valour and resolution of Athelstan, and mistrusting his own Forces though numerous, resolv'd first to spie in what posture his Enemies lay: and imitating perhaps what he heard attempted by King Alfred the Age before, in the habit of a Musitian, got access by his lute and voice to the Kings tent, there playing both the min∣strel and the spie: then towards Evening dismis't, he was observ'd by one who had bin his Souldier and well knew him, veiwing earnestly the Kings Tent, and what approaches lay about it, then in the twi∣light to depart. The Souldier forthwith acquaints the King, and by him blam'd for letting go his Ene∣my, answerd, that he had giv'n first his military Oath to Anlaf, whom if he had betrai'd, the King might suspect him of like treasonous minde towards himself; which to disprove, he advis'd him to remove his Tent a good distance off; and so don, it happ'nd that a Bishop with his retinue coming that night to the Ar∣my, pich'd his Tent in the same place, from whence the King had remov'd. Analf coming by night as he had design'd, to assault the Camp and especially the Kings Tent, finding there the Bishop in stead, flew him with all his followers. Athelstan took the

Allarm, and as it seems, was not found so unprovi∣ded, but that the day now appearing, he put his men in order, and maintain'd the fight till Evening; wherin Constantine himself was slain with five other Kings, and twelve Earls, the Annals were content with seav'n, in the rest not disagreeing. Ingulf Abbot of Croyland from the autority of Turketul a princi∣pal Leader in this Battel, relates it more at large to this effect: that Athelstan above a mile distant from the place where execution was done upon the Bishop and his supplies, allarm'd at the noise, came down by break of day, upon Anlaf and his Army, over∣watch't and wearied now with the slaughter they had made, and something out of order, yet in two main Battels. The King therfore in like manner di∣viding, led the one part consisting most of West Sax∣ons, against Anlaf with his Danes and Irish, commit∣ting the other to his Chancellor Turketul, with the Mercians and Londoners against Constantine and his Scots. The showr of Arrows and Darts over-pass't, both Battells attack'd each other with a close and ter∣rible ingagement, for a long space neither side gi∣ving ground. Till the Chancellor Turketul, a man of great stature and strength, taking with him a few Londoners of select valour, and Singin who led the Worstershire men, a Captain of undaunted courage, broke into the thickest, making his way first through the Picts and Orkeners, then through the Cumbrians and Scots, and came at length where constantine himself fought, unhors'd him, and us'd all means to take him alive; but the Scots valiantly defending thir King, and laying load upon Turketul, which the good∣ness of his Armour well endur'd, he had yet bin beat'n down, had not Singin his faithfull second at

the same time slain Constantine; which once known, Analf and the whole Army betook them to flight, wherof a huge multitude fell by the Sword. This Turketul not long after leaving worldly affairs, be∣came Abbot of Croyland, which at his own cost he had repair'd, from Danish ruins, and lest there this memorial of his former actions. Athelstan with his Brother Edmund victorious, thence turning into Wales, with much more ease vanquish'd Ludwal the King, and possest his land. But Malmsbury writes, that commiserating human chance, as he displac'd, so he restor'd both him and Constantine to thir Re∣gal State; for the surrender of King Constantine hath bin above spok'n of. However the Welch did him homage at the City of Hereford, and covnanted yearly payment of Gold 20 pound, of Silver 300, of Oxen 25 thousand, besides Hunting Dogs and Hawks. He also took Exeter from the Cornish Bri∣tans, who till that time had equal right there with the English, and bounded them with the River Ta∣mar, as the other Brittish with Wey. Thus dreaded of his Enemies, and renown'd far and neer, three years after he dy'd at Gloster, and was buried with [An. Dom. 941] * 1.98 many Trophies at Malmsbury, where he had caus'd to be laid his two Cosin Germans, Elwin and Ethel∣stan, both slain in the Battel against Anlaf. He was 30 years old at his coming to the Crown, mature in wisedom from his Childhood, comly of person and behaviour; so that Alfred his Grandfather in blessing him was wont to pray he might live to have the Kingdome, and put him yet a Child into Souldi∣ers habit. He had his breeding in the Court of Elfled his Aunt, of whose vertues more then female we have related, sufficient to evince that his mo∣ther,

though said to be no wedded Wife, was yet such of parentage and worth, as the Royal line dis∣dain'd not, though the Song went in Malmsburies daies (for it seems he refus'd not the autority of Ballats for want of better) that his mother was a Farmers Daughter, but of excellent feature; who dreamt one night she brought forth a Moon that should enlight'n the whole land: which the Kings Nurse hearing of, took her home and bred up Courtly; that the King coming one day to visit his Nurse, saw there this Damsel, lik'd her, and by earnest suit prevailing, had by her this famous Athel∣stan, a bounteous, just and affable King, as Malms∣bury sets him forth; nor less honour'd abroad by Foren Kings, who sought his Friendship by great guifts or affinity; that Harold King of Noricum sent him a Ship, whose Prow was of gold, sails purple, and other golden things, the more to be wonderd at, sent from Noricum, whether meant Norway or Bava∣ria, the one place so far from such superfluity of wealth, the other from all Sea: the Embassadors were Helgrim and Offrid, who found the King at Yorke. His Sisters he gave in marriage to greatest Princes, Elgif to Otho Son of Henry the Emperour, Egdith to a certain Duke about the Alpes, Edgiv to Ludwic King of Aquitain, sprung of Charles the Great, Ethilda to Hugo King of France, who sent Al∣dulf Son of Baldwin, Earl of Flanders, to obtain her. From all these great suitors, especially from the Emperour and King of France, came rich pre∣sents, Horses of excellent Breed, gorgeous Trap∣pings and Armour, Reliques, Jewels, Odors, Vessels of Onyx, and other pretious things, which I leave poetically describ'd in Malmsbury, tak'n, as he con∣fesses,

out of an old versifier, some of whose ver∣ses he recites. The only blemish left upon him, was the exposing of his Brother Edwin, who disavow'd by Oath the treason wherof he was accus'd, and implor'd an equall hearing. But these were Songs, as before hath bin said, which add also that Athel∣stan, his anger over, soon repented of the fact, and put to Death his Cup-bearer, who had induc't him to suspect and expose his Brother, put in mind by a word falling from the Cup-bearers own mouth, who slipping one day as he bore the Kings Cup, and recovring himself on the other leg, said aloud, fa∣tally as to him it prov'd, one Brother helps the other. Which words the King laying to heart, and pon∣dring how ill he had done to make away his Brother, aveng'd himself first on the adviser of that fact, took on him seav'n years penance, and as Mat. West. saith, built two Monasteries for the Soul of his Bro∣ther. His Laws are extant among the Laws of other Saxon Kings to this day.

Edmund.

EDmund not above 18 years old succeeded his Brother Athelstan, in courage not inferiour. [An. Dom. 942] * 1.99 For in the second of his Reign he free'd Mercia of the Danes that remain'd there, and took from them the Citties of Lincoln, Nottingham, Stamsord, Darby, and Leister, where they were plac'd by King Edward, but it seems gave not good proof of thir fidelity. Simeon writes that Anlaf setting forth from Yorke, and having wasted Southward as far as Northampton, was met by Edmund at Leister; but that ere the

Battails join'd, peace was made between them by Odo and Wulstan the two Archbishops, with conver∣sion of Anlaf; for the same year Edmund receav'd at the Font-stone this or another Anlaf, as saith Hun∣tingdon, not him spok'n of before, who dy'd this year (so uncertain they are in the story of these times also) and held Reginald another King of the Northumbers, while the Bishop confirm'd him: thir limits were divided North and South by Watling-street. But spirituall kindred little avail'd to keep peace between them, whoever gave the cause; for we read him two years after driving Anlaf (whom [An. Dom. 944] * 1.100 the Annals now first call the Son of Sitric) and Suthfrid Son of Reginald out of Northumberland, takeing the whole Country into subjection. Ed∣mund the next year harras'd Cumberland, then gave [An. Dom. 945] * 1.101 it to Malcolm King of Scots, thereby bound to assist him in his Wars, both by Sea and Land; Mat. West. adds that in this action Edmund had the aid of Leo∣lin Prince of Northwales, against Dummail the Cum∣brian King, him depriving of his Kingdome, and his two Sons of thir sight. But the year after he him∣self [An. Dom. 946] * 1.102 by strange accident came to an untimely Death, feasting with his Nobles on St. Austins Day at Pucle∣kerke in Glostershire, to celebrat the memory of his first converting the Saxons. He spi'd Leof a noted Theef, whom he had banish'd, sitting among his Guests; wherat transported with too much vehe∣mence of Spirit, though in a just cause, riseing from the Table he ran upon the Theef, and catching his hair, pull'd him to the ground. The Theef who doubted from such handling no less then his Death intended, thought to die not unreveng'd; and with a short Dagger strook the King, who still laid at

him, and little expected such assassination, mortally into the brest. The matter was done in a moment, ere men set at Table could turn them, or imagin at first what the stir meant, till perceaving the King deadly wounded, they flew upon the murderer and hew'd him to peeces; who like a wild Beast at abbay, seeing himself surrounded, desperatly laid about him, wounding some in his fall. The King was buried at Glaston, wherof Dunstan was then Ab∣bot, his Laws yet remain to be seen among the Laws of other Saxon Kings.

Edred.

EDred the third Brother of Athelstan, the Sons of Edmund being yet but Children, next reign'd, not degenerating from his worthy predecessors, and Crown'd at Kingston. Northumberland he throughly subdu'd, the Scots without refusal swore him Alle∣giance; yet the Northumbrians, ever of doubtfull Faith, soon after chose to themselves one Eric a Dane. Huntingdon still haunts us with this Anlaf (of whom we gladly would have bin ridd) and will have him before Eric recall'd once more and reign fowr years, then again put to his shifts. But [An. Dom. 950] * 1.103 Edred entring into Northumberland, and with spoils returning, Eric the King fell upon his rear. Edred turning about, both shook off the Enemy, and pre∣par'd to make a second inroad: which the Northum∣brians dreading rejected Eric, slew Amanous the Son * 1.104 of Anlaf, and with many presents appeasing Edred, submitted again to his Goverment; nor from that time had Kings, but were govern'd by Earls, of

whom Osulf was the first. About this time Wulstan [An. Dom. 953] * 1.105 Archbishop of York, accus'd to have slain certain men of Thetford in revenge of thir Abbot whom the Townsmen had slain, was committed by the King to close Custody; but soon after enlarg'd, was restor'd to his place. Malmsbury writes that his crime was to have conniv'd at the revolt of his Countrymen: but [An. Dom. 955] * 1.106 King Edred two years after sick'ning in the flowr of his youth, dy'd much lamented, and was buried at Winchester.

Edwi.

EDwi the Son of Edmund now come to Age, after * 1.107 his Uncle Edred's Death took on him the Go∣verment, and was Crown'd at Kingston. His lovely person sirnam'd him the Fair, his actions are diversly reported, by Huntingdon not thought illaudable. But Malnisbury and such as follow him write far otherwise, that he married or kept as Concubine, his neer Kinswoman, some say both her and her * 1.108 Daughter; so inordinatly giv'n to his pleasure, that on the very day of his Coronation, he abruptly withdrew himself from the Company of his Peers, whether in Banquet or Consultation, to sit wanton∣ing in the Chamber with this Algiva, so was her name, who had such power over him. Wherat his Barons offended, sent Bishop Dunstan, the boldest among them, to request his return: he going to the Cham∣ber, not only interrupted his dalliance and rebuk'd the Lady, but takeing him by the hand, between force and persuasion brought him back to his Nobles. The King highly displeas'd, and instigated perhaps [An. Dom. 956] by her who was so prevalent with him, not long after

sent Dunstan into banishment, caus'd his Monastery to be rifl'd, and became an Enemy to all Monks. Wherupon Odo Archbishop of Canterbury pronounc't a separation or divorce of the King from Algiva. But that which most incited William of Malmsbury against him, he gave that Monastery to be dwelt in by secular Preists, or, to use his own phrase, made it a stable of Clerks; at length these affronts done to the Church were so resented by the people, that the Mercians and Northumbrians revolted from him, and set up Edgar his Brother, leaving to Edwi the * 1.109 [An. Dom. 957] * 1.110 [An. Dom. 958] * 1.111 West-Saxons only, bounded by the River Thames; with greif wherof, as is thought, he soon after ended his daies, and was buried at Winchester. Mean while Elfsin Bishop of that place after the Death of Odo, ascending by Simony to the Chair of Canterbury, and going to Rome the same year for his Pall, was froz'n to Death in the Alps.

Edgar.

Edgar by his Brothers Death now King of all England at 16 years of Age, call'd home Dun∣stan [An. Dom. 959] * 1.112 out of Flanders, where he liv'd in exile. This King had no War all his Reign; yet allways well prepar'd for War, govern'd the Kingdom in great Peace, Honour, and Prosperity, gaining thence the Sirname of Peaceable, much extoll'd for Justice, Clemency, and all Kingly Vertues, the more, ye may be sure, by Monks, for his building so many Mo∣nasteries; * 1.113 as some write, every year one: for he much favour'd the Monks against secular Preists, who in the time of Edwi had got possession in most

of thir Covents. His care and wisdome was great in guarding the Coast round with stout ships, to the number of 3600, Mat. West. reck'ns them 4800, di∣vided into fowr Squadrons, to sail to and fro on the fowr quarters of the land, meeting each other; the first of 1200 sail from East to West, the second of as many from West to East, the third and fowrth be∣tween North and South, himself in the Summer time with his Fleet. Thus he kept out wisely the force of Strangers, and prevented Forein War; but by thir too frequent resort hither in time of peace, and his too much favouring them, he let in thir vices un∣aware. Thence the people, saith Malmsbury, learnt of the out-landish Saxons rudeness, of the Flemish daintiness and softness; of the Danes Drunk'ness; though I doubt these vices are as naturally home-bred heer as in any of those Countries. Yet in the Winter and Spring time he usually rode the Circuit as a Judge Itinerant through all his Provinces, to see justice well administerd, and the poor not op∣press'd. Theeves and Robbers he rooted almost out of the Land, and wild Beasts of prey altoge∣ther; enjoining Ludwal King of Wales to pay the yearly tribute of 300 Wolves, which he did for two years together, till the third year no more were to be found, nor ever after; but his Laws may be read yet extant. Whatever was the cause he was not Crown'd till the 30. of his Age, but then with great [An. Dom. 973] * 1.114 [An. Dom. 974] * 1.115 splendor and magnificence at the City of Bath, in the Feast of Pentecost. This year dy'd Swarling a Monk of Croyland, the 142. year of his Age, and another soon after him in the 115th. in the Fenn and watrish air, the more remarkable. King Edgar the next year went to Chester, and summoning to

his Court there all the Kings that held of him, took homage of them: thir names are Kened King of Scots, Malcolm of Cumberland, Maccuse of the Iles, five of Wales, Duswal, Huwal, Grifith, Jacob, Jude∣thil, these he had in such aw, that going one day in∣to a Gally, he caus'd them to take each man his Oar, and row him down the River Dee, while he himself sat at the Stern: which might be done in meriment and easily obei'd; if with a serious brow, disco∣verd rather vain glory and insulting haughtiness, then moderation of mind. And that he did it seri∣ously tryumphing, appears by his words then ut∣terd, that his successors might then glory to be Kings of England, when they had such honour done them. And perhaps the Divine power was displeas'd with him for taking too much honour to himself; since we read that the year following he was tak'n [An. Dom. 975] out of this life by sickness in the highth of his glory and the prime of his Age, buried at Glaston Abby. The same year, as Mat. West. relates, he gave to Ke∣ned the Scottish King, many rich presents, and the whole Country of Laudian, or Lothien, to hold of him on condition that he and his successors should re∣pair to the English Court at high Festivals when the King sat Crown'd, gave him also many lodging places by the way, which till the days of Henry the second were still held by the Kings of Scotland. He was of Stature not tall, of body slender, yet so well made, that in strength he chose to contend with such as were thought strongest, and dislik'd nothing more then that they should spare him for respect or fear to hurt him. Kened King of Scots then in the Court of Edgar, sitting one day at Table was heard to say jestingly among his Servants, he

wonderd how so many Provinces could be held in subjection by such a little dapper man: his words were brought to the Kings Ear; he sends for Kened as about some private business, and in talk drawing him forth to a secret place, takes from under his gar∣ment two Swords which he had brought with him, gave one of them to Kened; and now saith he, it shall be try'd which ought to be the subject; for it is shamefull for a King to boast at Table, and shrink in fight. Kened much abash'd fell presently at his Feet, and besought him to pardon what he had simply spok'n, no way intended to his dishonour or dispa∣ragement: wherewith the King was satisfi'd. Cam∣den in his description of Ireland, cites a Charter of King Edgar, wherin it appears, he had in subjection all the Kingdomes of the Iles as far as Norway, and had subdu'd the greatest part of Ireland with the City of Dublin: but of this other Writers make no mention. In his youth having heard of Elfrida, Daughter to Ordgar Duke of Devonshire, much commended for her Beauty, he sent Earl Athelwold, whose loyalty he trusted most, to see her; intending, if she were found such as answerd report, to demand her in mar∣riage. He at the first view tak'n with her presence, disloyally, as it oft happ'ns in such emploiments, began to sue for himself; and with consent of her Parents obtain'd her. Returning therfore with scarse an ordinary commendation of her Feature, he ea∣sily took off the Kings mind, soon diverted another way. But the matter coming to light how Athelwold had forestall'd the King, and Elfrida's Beauty more and more spok'n of, the King now heated not only with a relapse of Love, but with a deep sence of the abuse, yet dissembling his disturbance, pleasantly

told the Earl, what day he meant to come and visit him and his fair Wife. The Earl seemingly assur'd his welcome, but in the mean while acquainting his Wife, earnestly advis'd her to deform her self, what she might, either in dress or otherwise, lest the King, whose amorous inclination was not unknown, should chance to be attracted. She who by this time was not ignorant, how Athelwold had stepd between her and the King, against his coming arraies her self richly, useing whatever art she could devise might render her the more amiable; and it took effect. For the King inflam'd with her love the more for that he had bin so long defrauded and rob'd of her, resolv'd not only to recover his intercepted right, but to pu∣nish the interloper of his destind spouse, and appoint∣ing with him as was usual, a day of hunting, drawn aside in a Forest, now call'd Harewood, smote him through with a Dart. Some censure this act as cru∣el and tyrannical, but considerd well, it may be judg'd more favourably, and that no man of sensible Spirit but in his place, without extraordinary perfection, would have done the like: for next to life what worse treason could have bin committed against him? it chanc'd that the Earls base Son coming by upon the fact, the King sternly ask'd him how he lik'd this Game; he submisly answering, that what∣soever pleas'd the King, must not displease him; the King return'd to his wonted temper, took an affecti∣on to the youth, and ever after highly favour'd him, making amends in the Son for what he had done to the Father. Elsrida forthwith he took to Wife, who to expiate her former Husbands Death, though therin she had no hand, coverd the place of his blood∣shed with a Monastery of Nuns to sing over him. Ano∣ther

fault is laid to his charge, no way excusable, that he took a Virgin Wilfrida by force out of the Nunnery, where she was plac'd by her friends to avoid his persuit, and kept her as his Concubine; but liv'd not obstinatly in the offence; for sharply reprov'd by Dunstan he submitted to 7 years penance, and for that time to want his Coronation: But why he had it not before, is left unwritt'n. Another story there goes of Edgar, fitter for a Novel then a History; but as I find it in Malmsbury, so I relate it. While he was yet unmarried, in his youth he abstain'd not from Women, and coming on a day to Andover, caus'd a Dukes Daughter there dwelling, reported rare of Beauty, to be brought to him. The mother not dareing flatly to deny, yet abhorring that her Daughter should be so deflour'd, at fit time of night sent in her attire, one of her waiting Maids; a Maid it seems not unhansom nor unwitty; who suppli'd the place of her young Lady. Night pass'd, the Maid going to rise, but day-light scarse yet appear∣ing, was by the King askt why she made such hast, she answer'd, to do the work which her Lady had set her; at which the Kingwondring, and with much ado staying her to unfold the riddle, for he took her to be the Dukes Daughter, she falling at his Feet besought him, that since at the command of her La∣dy she came to his Bed, and was enjoy'd by him, he would be pleas'd in recompence to set her free from the hard service of her Mistress. The King a while standing in a study whether he had best be angry or not, at length turning all to a jest, took the Maid away with him, advanc'd her above her Lady, lov'd her and accompanied with her only, till he married Elfrida. These only are his faults upon record, ra∣ther

to be wonderd how they were so few, and so soon left, he coming at 16 to the Licence of a Scepter; and that his vertues were so many and so mature, he dying before the Age wherin wisdome can in others attain to any ripeness: however with him dy'd all the Saxon glory. From henceforth no∣thing is to be heard of but thir decline and ruin un∣der a double Conquest, and the causes foregoing; which, not to blur or taint the praises of thir former actions and liberty well defended, shall stand seve∣rally related, and will be more then long enough for another Book.

The End of the Fifth Book.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Calvisius.
• * 1.2

  Pontan. hist. Dan.
• * 1.3

  Sax. an.
• * 1.4

  Sax. an.
• * 1.5

  Sax. an.
• * 1.6

  Sax. an.
• * 1.7

  Mat. West.
• * 1.8

  Sax. an.
• * 1.9

  Sax. an.
• * 1.10

  Sax. an.
• * 1.11

  Sax. an. Sim. Dun. Mat. West.
• * 1.12

  Sax. an.
• * 1.13

  Sax. an. Asser.
• * 1.14

  Huntingd. Mat West.
• * 1.15

  Sax. an. Asser.
• * 1.16

  Malms.
• * 1.17

  Sax. an.
• * 1.18

  Asser.
• * 1.19

  Asser.
• * 1.20

  Mat. West.
• * 1.21

  Malms.
• * 1.22

  Sigon. de regn. Ital. L. 5.
• * 1.23

  Asser.
• * 1.24

  Asser. Malms. Sim. Dun.
• * 1.25

  Sax. an.
• * 1.26

  Sax. an.
• * 1.27

  Sax. an. Huntingd.
• * 1.28

  Sax. an.
• * 1.29

  Asser.
• * 1.30

  Asser.
• * 1.31

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.32

  Ingulf.
• * 1.33

  Sax. an.
• * 1.34

  Asser.
• * 1.35

  Pontan. hist. Dan. L. 4.
• * 1.36

  Camd.
• * 1.37

  Sax. an.
• * 1.38

  Sax. an. Camden.
• * 1.39

  Sax. an.
• * 1.40

  Sax. an.
• * 1.41

  Sax. an.
• * 1.42

  Florent.
• * 1.43

  Florent.
• * 1.44

  Sax. an.
• * 1.45

  Asser.
• * 1.46

  Sax. ann.
• * 1.47

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.48

  Asser.
• * 1.49

  Camd.
• * 1.50

  Camd.
• * 1.51

  Sax. an.
• * 1.52

  Sax. an.
• * 1.53

  Sax. an.
• * 1.54

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.55

  Sax. an.
• * 1.56

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.57

  Sax. an.
• * 1.58

  Sax. an.
• * 1.59

  Camden.
• * 1.60

  Sax. an.
• * 1.61

  Sim. Dun. Florent.
• * 1.62

  Sax. an.
• * 1.63

  Sax. an.
• * 1.64

  Asser.
• * 1.65

  Malms.
• * 1.66

  Malms.
• * 1.67

  Huntingd.
• * 1.68

  Sax. an.
• * 1.69

  Sax. ann.
• * 1.70

  Sax. an.
• * 1.71

  Sax. an.
• * 1.72

  Sax. an.
• * 1.73

  Ethelwerd.
• * 1.74

  Sax. an.
• * 1.75

  Sax. an.
• * 1.76

  Sax. ann.
• * 1.77

  Huntingd. Camd.
• * 1.78

  Sax. an.
• * 1.79

  Sax. an.
• * 1.80

  Sax. an.
• * 1.81

  Sax. an.
• * 1.82

  Sax. an.
• * 1.83

  Sax. an.
• * 1.84

  Sax. an.
• * 1.85

  Buch. L. 6.
• * 1.86

  Buch. L. 6.
• * 1.87

  Sax. an. Huntingd. Mat West.
• * 1.88

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.89

  Malms.
• * 1.90

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.91

  Malms. Mat. West.
• * 1.92

  Sax. an.
• * 1.93

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.94

  Sax. an. Sim. Dun.
• * 1.95

  Florent.
• * 1.96

  Florent. Sim. Dun.
• * 1.97

  Sax. an. Malms.
• * 1.98

  Sax. an. Malms. Ingulf.
• * 1.99

  Sax. an.
• * 1.100

  Sax. an.
• * 1.101

  Sax. an.
• * 1.102

  Sax. an. Camden.
• * 1.103

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.104

  Hoved.
• * 1.105

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.106

  Sim. Dun.
• * 1.107

  Ethelword.
• * 1.108

  Mat. West.
• * 1.109

  Hoved.
• * 1.110

  Sax. an.
• * 1.111

  Mat. West.
• * 1.112

  Malms.
• * 1.113

  Mat. West.
• * 1.114

  Sax. an. Ingulf.
• * 1.115

  Sax. an.