The history of Britain, that part especially now call'd England from the first traditional beginning, continu'd to the Norman conquest / collected out of the antientest and best authours thereof by John Milton.

THE HISTORY OF BRITAIN. The Third Book. (Book 3)

THis third Book having to tell of acci∣dents as various and exemplary, as the intermission or change of Government hath any where brought forth, may deserve attention more than common, and repay it with like benefit to them who can judi∣ciously read: considering especially that the late ci∣vil broils had cast us into a condition not much un∣like to what the Britans then were in, when the im∣perial jurisdiction departing hence left them to the sway of thir own Councils; which times by com∣paring seriously with these later, and that confused Anarchy with this intereign, we may be able from

two such remarkable turns of State, producing like events among us, to raise a knowledg of our selves both great and weighty, by judging hence what kind of men the Britans generally are in matters of so high enterprise, how by nature, industry, or custom fitted to attempt or undergoe matters of so main consequence: for if it be a high point of wis∣dom in every private man, much more is it in a Na∣tion to know it self; rather than puft up with vulgar flatteries, and encomiums, for want of self know∣ledge, to enterprise rashly and come off miserably in great undertakings. The Britans thus as we heard being left without protection from the Empire, and the Land in a manner emptied of all her youth, consumed in Warrs abroad, or not caring to return home, themselves through long subjection, servile in mind,* 1.1 sloathful of body, and with the use of Arms unacquainted, sustain'd but ill for many years the violence of those barbarous Invaders, who now daily grew upon them. For although at first greedy of change,* 1.2 and to be thought the leading Nation to freedom from the Empire, they seem'd a while to bestirr them with a shew of diligence in thir new af∣fairs, som secretly aspiring to rule, others adoring the name of liberty, yet so soon as they felt by proof the weight of what it was to govern well themselves, and what was wanting within them, not stomach or the love of licence, but the wisdom, the virtue, the labour, to use and maintain true libertie, they soon remitted thir heat, and shrunk more wretchedly un∣der the burden of thir own libertie, than before un∣der a foren yoke. Insomuch that the residue of those Romans which had planted themselves heer, despair∣ing of thir ill deportment at home, and weak resi∣stance in the field by those few who had the courage,

or the strength to bear Arms, nine years after the sack∣ing of Rome remov'd out of Britain into France, [An. Dom. 418] hid∣ing for haste great part of thir treasure,* 1.3 which was never after found. And now again the Britans, no longer able to support themselves against the pre∣vailing Enemy, sollicit Honorius to thir aid, with mournful Letters,* 1.4 Embassages and vows of perpe∣tual subjection to Rome if the Northern Foe were but repuls't. [An. Dom. 422] He at thir request spares them one Legi∣on, * 1.5 which with great slaughter of the Scots and Picts drove them beyond the Borders, rescu'd the Britans, and advis'd them to build a Wall cross the Iland, between Sea and Sea, from the place where Edinburg now stands to the Frith of Dunbritton,* 1.6 by the City Alcluith. But the material being only Turf, and by the rude multitude unartificially built up without better direction, avail'd them little. For no sooner was the Legion departed,* 1.7 but the greedy spoilers returning, land in great numbers from thir Boats and Pinaces, wasting, slaying, and treading down all before them. Then are messen∣gers again posted to Rome in lamentable sort, beseech∣ing that they would not suffer a whole Province to be destroy'd, and the Roman name, so honourable yet among them, to become the subject of barbarian scorn and insolence. [An. Dom. 423] The Emperor, at thir sad com∣plaint, with what speed was possible sends to thir succour. Who coming suddenly on those ravenous multitudes that minded only spoil, surprise them with a terrible slaughter. They who escap'd, fled back to those Seas, from whence yearly they were wont to arrive, and return lad'n with booties. But the Ro∣mans who came not now to rule, but charitably to aid, declaring that it stood not longer with the ease of thir Affairs to make such labourious voyages in

pursuit of so base and vagabond robbers, of whom neither glory was to be got, nor gain, exhorted them to manage thir own warfare; and to defend like men thir Country, thir Wives, thir Children, and what was to be dearer than life, thir liberty, against an Enemy not stronger than themselves, if thir own sloth and cowardise had not made them so; if they would but only find hands to grasp defensive Arms, rather than basely stretch them out to receave bonds.* 1.8 They gave them also thir help to build a new Wall, not of earth as the former, but of stone (both at the public cost,* 1.9 and by particular contributions) tra∣versing the Ile in direct line from East to West be∣tween certain Cities plac'd there as Frontiers to bear off the Enemy, where Severus had wall'd once be∣fore. They rais'd it 12 Foot high, 8 broad. Along the South shoar, because from thence also like hosti∣lity was fear'd, they place Towers by the Sea side at certain distances, for safety of the Coast. Withall they instruct them in the art of Warr, leaving Pat∣terns of thir Arms and Weapons behind them; and with animating words, and many lessons of valour to a faint-hearted audience, bid them finally fare∣well, without purpose to return. And these two friendly Expeditions, the last of any hither by the Romans, were perform'd, as may be gather'd out of Beda, and Diaconus, the two last years of Honorius. Thir Leader, as som modernly write, was Gallio of Ravenna;* 1.10 Buchanan, who departs not much from the Fables of his Predecessor Boethius,* 1.11 names him Maximianus, and brings against him to this Battel Fergus first King of Scots after thir second suppos'd coming into Scotland, Dursius King of Picts, both there slain, and Dioneth an imaginary King of Bri∣tain, or Duke of Cornwall, who improbablie sided.

with them against his own Countrie, hardlie escaping. With no less exactness of particular circumstances,* 1.12 he takes upon him to relate all those tumultuarie in∣rodes of the Scots and Picts into Britain, as if they had but yesterday happen'd, thir order of Battel, manner of fight, number of slain, Articles of Peace, things whereof Gildas and Beda are utterly silent, Au∣thors to whom the Scotch Writers have none to cite comparable in Antiquity; no more therefore to be believ'd for bare assertions, however quaintlie drest, than our Geofry of Monmouth when he varies most from authentick storie. But either the inbred va∣nity of some, in that respect unworthily call'd Histo∣rians, or the fond zeal of praising thir Nations a∣bove truth hath so far transported them, that where they find nothing faithfully to relate, they fall con∣fidently to invent what they think may either best set off thir Historie, or magnifie thir Countrie.

The Scots and Picts in manners differing somwhat from each other, but still unanimous to rob and spoile, hearing that the Romans intended not to re∣turn, from thir Gorroghs, or Leathern Frigats pour out themselves in swarms upon the Land,* 1.13 more con∣fident than ever: and from the North end of the Ile to the very wall side, then first took possession as inhabitants; while the Britans with idle Weapons in thir hands stand trembling on the Battlements, till the half-naked Barbarians with thir long and formi∣dable Iron hooks pull them down headlong. The rest not only quitting the Wall but Towns and Ci∣ties, leave them to the bloodie pursuer, who follows killing, wasting, and destroying all in his way. From these confusions arose a Famin, and from thence dis∣cord and civil commotion among the Britans: each man living by what he rob'd or took violently from

his Neighbour. When all stores were consum'd and spent where men inhabited, they betook them to the Woods, and liv'd by hunting, which was thir only sustainment.* 1.14 To the heaps of these evils from with∣out, were added new divisions within the Church. For Agricola the Son of Severianus a Pelagian Bishop had spread his Doctrine wide among the Britans not uninfected before. The sounder part neither wil∣ling to embrace his opinion to the overthrow of di∣vine grace, nor able to refute him, crave assistance from the Churches of France: who send them Ger∣manus Bishop of Auxerre, [An. Dom. 429] and Lupus of Troyes. They by continual preaching in Churches,* 1.15 in Streets, in Fields, and not without miracles, as is writt'n, confirm'd som, regain'd others,* 1.16 and at Ve∣rulam in a public disputation put to silence thir chief adversaries. This reformation in the Church was beleev'd to be the cause of thir success a while after in the field. [An. Dom. 430] For the Saxons and Picts with joint force, which was no new thing before the Saxons at least had any dwelling in this Iland, during the a∣bode of Germanus heer, had made a strong impressi∣on from the North.* 1.17 The Britans marching out a∣gainst them, and mistrusting thir own power, send to Germanus and his Collegue, reposing more in the spiritual strength of those two men, than in thir own thousands arm'd. They came, and thir presence in the Camp was not less than if a whole Army had com to second them. It was then the time of Lent, and the people instructed by the daily Sermons of these two Pastors, came flocking to receave Bap∣tism. There was a place in the Camp set apart as a Church, and trick'd up with boughs upon Easter-day. The Enemy understanding this, and that the Britans were tak'n up with Religions more than with feats of

Arms, advances, after the Paschal Feast, as to a certain Victorie. German who also had intelligence of thir approach, undertakes to be Captain that day; and riding out with selected Troops to disco∣ver what advantages the place might offer, lights on a Valley compass't about with Hills, by which the Enemy was to pass. And placing there his ambush, warns them that what word they heard him pro∣nounce aloud, the same they should repeat with u∣niversal shout. The Enemy passes on securely, and German thrice aloud cries Halleluia; which answer∣ed by the Souldiers with a sudd'n burst of clamour, is from the Hills and Valleys redoubled. The Sax∣ons and Picts on a sudden supposing it the noise of a huge Hoast, throw themselves into flight, casting down thir Arms, and great numbers of them are drown'd in the River which they had newly pass'd. This Victory, thus won without hands, left to the Britans plenty of spoile, and to the person and the preaching of German greater authority and reve∣rence than before. And the exploit might pass for current, if Constantius, the Writer of his life in the next age, had resolv'd us how the British Army came to want baptizing; for of any Paganism at that time, or long before, in the Land we read not, or that Pe∣lagianism was re-baptiz'd. The place of this Victo∣ry, as is reported,* 1.18 was in Flintshire by a Town call'd Guid-cruc, and the River Allen, where a field retains the name of Maes German to this day. [An. Dom. 431] But so soon as German was return'd home, the Scots and Picts, * 1.19 though now so many of them Christians, that Palla∣dius a Deacon was ordain'd and sent by Celestine the Pope to be a Bishop over them, were not so well re∣claim'd, * 1.20 or not so many of them as to cease from do∣ing mischief to thir Neighbours, where they found

no impeachment to fall in yearly as they were wont. They therefore of the Britans who perhaps were not yet wholly ruin'd, in the strongest and South-west parts of the Ile, send Letters to Aetius, then third time Consul of Rome, with this superscription;* 1.21 To Aetius thrice Consul, the groanes of the Britans. And after a few words thus: [An. Dom. 446] The barbarians drive us to the Sea, the Sea drives us back to the barbarians; thus bandi∣ed up and down between two deaths we perish, either by the Sword or by the Sea. But the Empire at that time overspread with Hunns and Vandals, was not in con∣dition to lend them aid. Thus rejected and wearied out with continual flying from place to place, but more afflicted with Famine, which then grew outra∣geous among them, many for hunger yielded to the Enemy, others either more resolute, or less expos'd to wants, keeping within Woods, and Mountainous places, not only defended themselves, but sallying out at length gave a stop to the insulting Foe with many seasonable defeats; led by some eminent per∣son, as may be thought, who exhorted them not to trust in thir own strength, but in Divine assistance. And perhaps no other heer is meant than the foresaid deliverance by German, if computation would per∣mit, which Gildas either not much regarded, or might mistake; but that he tarried so long heer, the Writers of his life assent not.* 1.22 Finding therefore such opposition, the Scots or Irish Robbers, for so they are indifferently term'd, without delay get them home. The Picts, as before was mentioned, then first began to settle in the utmost parts of the Iland, using now and then to make inrodes upon the Britans. But they in the mean while thus ridd of thir Enemies, begin afresh to till the ground; which after cessa∣tion yields her fruit in such abundance, as had not

formerly bin known for many Ages. But wantonness and luxury, the wonted companions of plenty, grow up as fast, and with them, if Gildas deserve belief, all other vices incident to human corruption. That which he notes especially to be the chief perverting of all good in the Land, and so continued in his days, was the hatred of truth, and all such as durst appear to vindicate and maintain it. Against them, as against the only disturbers, all the malice of the Land was bent. Lies and falsities, and such as could best invent them, were only in request. Evil was embrac'd for good, wickedness honour'd and e∣steem'd as virtue. And this quality thir valour had, against a foren Enemy to be ever backward and heartless; to civil broils eager and prompt. In matters of Government, and the search of truth, weak and shallow, in falshood and wicked deeds pregnant and industrious. Pleasing to God, or not pleasing, with them weighed alike; and the worse most an end was the weightier. All things were done contrary to public welfare and safety; nor on∣ly by secular men, for the Clergy also, whose Ex∣ample should have guided others, were as vitious and corrupt. Many of them besotted with conti∣nual drunkenness; or swoln with pride and willful∣ness, full of contention, full of envy, indiscreet, in∣competent Judges to determine what in the practice of life is good or evil, what lawful or unlawful. Thus furnish'd with judgment, and for manners thus qualifi'd both Priest and Lay, they agree to chuse them several Kings of thir own; as neer as might be, likest themselves; and the words of my Author im∣port as much. Kings were anointed, saith he, not of Gods anointing, but such as were cruellest, and soon after as inconsiderately, without examining

the truth, put to death by thir anointers, to set up others more fierce and proud. As for the election of thir Kings (and that they had not all one Monarch, appears both in Ages past and by the sequel) it began, as nigh as may be guess'd, either this Year or the fol∣lowing, [An. Dom. 447] when they saw the Romans had quite desert∣ed thir claim.* 1.23 About which time also Pelagianism again prevailing by means of some few, the British Clergie too weak, it seems, at dispute, entreat the second time German to thir assistance. Who com∣ing with Severus a Disciple of Lupus that was his for∣mer associate, stands not now to argue, for the peo∣ple generally continu'd right; but enquiring those Authors of new disturbance, adjudges them to ba∣nishment. They therefore by consent of all were deliver'd to German; [An. Dom. 448] who carrying them over with him,* 1.24 dispos'd of them in such place where neither they could infect others, and were themselves under cure of better instruction. But Germanus the same year dy'd in Italy; and the Britans not long after found themselves again in much perplexity, with no slight rumour that thir old troublers the Scots and Picts had prepar'd a strong invasion, purposing to kill all and dwell themselves in the Land from end to end. But ere thir coming in, as if the instruments of Divine justice had bin at strife, which of them first should destroy a wicked Nation, the Pestilence forestalling the Sword left scarce alive whom to bu∣ry the dead; and for that time, as one extremity keeps off another, preserv'd the Land from a worse incumbrance of those barbarous dispossessors, whom the Contagion gave not leave now to enter farr.* 1.25 And yet the Britans nothing better'd by these heavy judg∣ments, the one threatn'd, the other felt, instead of ac∣knowledging the hand of Heaven, run to the Palace

of thir King Vortigern with complaints and cries of what they suddenly fear'd, from the Pictish invasion. Vortigern, who at that time was chief rather than sole King, unless the rest had perhaps left thir Domini∣ons to the common Enemy, is said by him of Mon∣mouth to have procur'd the death first of Constantine, then of Constance his Son, who of a Monk was made King, and by that means to have usurp'd the Crown. But they who can remember how Constantine with his Son Constance the Monk, the one made Emperor, the other Caesar, perish'd in France, may discern the simple fraud of this Fable. But Vortigern how∣ever coming to reign, is decipher'd by truer stories a proud unfortunate Tyrant, and yet of the people much belov'd, because his vices sorted so well with theirs. For neither was he skill'd in Warr, nor wise in Counsel, but covetous, lustful, luxurious, and prone to all vice; wasting the public Treasure in gluttony and riot, careless of the common dan∣ger, and through a haughty ignorance, unapprehen∣sive of his own. Nevertheless importun'd and a∣wak'd at length by unusual clamours of the people, he summons a general Council, to provide some bet∣ter means than heertofore had been us'd against these continual annoyances from the North. Wherein by advice of all it was determin'd, that the Saxons be invited into Britain against the Scots and Picts; whose breaking in they either shortly expected, or already found they had not strength anough to op∣pose. The Saxons were a barbarous and heathen Nation, famous for nothing else but robberies and cruelties done to all thir Neighbours both by Sea and Land; in particular to this Iland, witness that military force which the Roman Emperors maintain'd heer purposely against them, under a special Com∣mander,

whose title, as is found, on good record,* 1.26 was Count of the Saxon shoar in Britain; and the many mischiefs done by thir landing heer, both alone and with the Picts, as above hath bin related, witness as much. They were a people thought by good Wri∣ters,* 1.27 to be descended of the Sacae, a kind of Scythian in the North of Asia, thence call'd Sacasons, or Sons of Sacae, who with a Flood of other Northern Na∣tions came into Europe, toward the declining of the Roman Empire; and using Pyracy from Denmark all along these Seas,* 1.28 possess'd at length by intrusion all that Coast of Germany and the Nether-lands, which took thence the name of old Saxony, lying between the Rhene and Flve, and from thence North as far as Eidora, the River bounding Holsatia, though not so firmly, or so largely, but that thir multitude wan∣der'd yet uncertain of habitation. Such guests as these the Britans resolve now to send for, and en∣treat into thir houses and possessions, at whose very name heertofore they trembl'd afar off. So much do men through impatience count ever that the heaviest which they bear at present, and to remove the evil which they suffer, care not to pull on a greater: as if variety and change in evil also were acceptable. Or whether it be that men in the despair of better, ima∣gine fondly a kind of refuge from one misery to another.

The Britans therefore, with Vortigern, who was then accounted King over them all,* 1.29 resolve in full Council to send Embassadors of thir choicest men with great gifts, and saith a Saxon Writer in these words, desiring thir aid. Worthy Saxons, hearing the fame of your prowess, the distressed Britans wearied out, and overprest by a continual invading Enemy, have sent us to beseech your aid. They have a Land fertile

and spatious, which to your commands they bid us sur∣render. Heertofore we have liv'd with freedom, under the obedience and protection of the Roman Empire. Next to them we know none worthier than your selves; and therefore become suppliants to your valour. Leave us not below our present Enemies, and to ought by you impos'd, willingly we shall submit. Yet Ethelwerd writes not that they promis'd subjection, but only a∣mity and league.* 1.30 They therefore who had chief rule among them, hearing themselves entreated by the Britans, to that which gladly they would have wish't to obtain of them by entreating, to the Bri∣tish Embassy return this answer.* 1.31 Be assur'd hence∣forth of the Saxons, as of faithful friends to the Bri∣tans, no less ready to stand by them in thir need, than in thir best of fortune. The Embassadors re∣turn joyful, and with news as welcome to thir Coun∣trie, whose sinister fate had now blinded them for destruction.* 1.32 The Saxons, consulting first thir Gods (for they had answer, that the Land whereto they went, they should hold 300 years, half that time con∣quering, and half quietly possessing) furnish out three long Gallies, or Kyules,* 1.33 with a chos'n compa∣ny of warlike youth, under the conduct of two Bro∣thers, Hengist and Horsa, descended in the fourth de∣gree from Woden; of whom, deify'd for the fame of his acts, most Kings of those Nations derive thir pe∣digree. These, and either mixt with these, or soon after by themselves, two other Tribes, or neigh∣bouring people, Jutes and Angles, the one from Jut∣land, the other from Anglen by the City of Sleswich, both Provinces of Denmark, [An. Dom. 450] arrive in the first year of Martian the Greek Emperor,* 1.34 from the birth of Christ 450, receav'd with much good will of the people first, then of the King, who after some assu∣rances

giv'n and tak'n, bestows on them the Ile of Tanet, where they first landed, hoping they might be made heerby more eager against the Picts, when they fought as for thir own Countrie, and more loyal to the Britans, from whom they had receav'd a place to dwell in, which before they wanted. The Bri∣tish Nennius writes that these Brethren were driv'n into exile out of Germany, and to Vortigern who reigned in much fear, one while of the Picts, then of the Romans, and Ambrosius, came opportunely into the Hav'n.* 1.35 For it was the custom in old Saxony, when thir numerous off-spring overflow'd the narrowness of thir bounds, to send them out by lot into new dwellings, wherever they found room, either vacant or to be forc't. But whether sought, or unsought, they dwelt not heer long without employment.* 1.36 For the Scots and Picts, were now come down, som say, as far as Stamsord in Lincoln-shire, whom, perhaps not imagining to meet new opposition,* 1.37 the Saxons, though not till after a sharp encounter, put to flight; and that more than once:* 1.38 slaying in fight, as some Scotch Writers affirm, thir King Eugenius the Son of Fergus.* 1.39 Hengist percaeving the Iland to be rich and fruitful, but her Princes and other inhabitants giv'n to vicious ease, sends word home, inviting others to a share of his good success. Who returning with 17 Ships, were grown up now to a sufficient Army, and entertain'd without suspicion on these terms, that they should bear the brunt of War against the Picts, receaving stipend and some place to inhabit. With these was brought over the Daughter of Hengist, a Virgin wondrous fair, as is reported, Rowen the Bri∣tish call her: she by commandment of her Father, who had invited the King to a Banquet, coming in presence with a Bowle of Wine to welcome him, and

to attend on his Cup till the Feast ended, won so much upon his fancy, though already wiv'd, as to de∣mand her in mariage upon any conditions. Hengist at first, though it fell out perhaps according to his drift, held off, excusiing his meanness; then ob∣scurely intimating a desire and almost a necessity, by reason of his augmented numbers, to have his narrow bounds of Tanet enlarg'd to the Circuit of Kent, had it streit by donation: though Guorangonus till then was King of that place: and so, as it were over∣come by the great munificence of Vortiger, gave his Daughter. And still encroaching on the Kings fa∣vour, got furder leave to call over Octa and Ebissa, his own and his Brothers Son; pretending that they, if the North were giv'n them, would sit there as a continual defence against the Scots, while himself guarded the East. They therfore sayling with forty Ships eev'n to the Orcades, and every way curbing the Scots and Picts, possess'd that part of the Ile which is now Northumberland.* 1.40 Notwithstanding this they complain that thir monthly pay was grown much into arrear; which when the Britans found means to satisfie, though alleging withall that they to whom promise was made of wages, were nothing so many in number, quieted with this a while, but still seek∣ing occasion to fall off, they find fault next, that thir pay is too small for the danger they undergo, threat∣ning op'n Warr unless it be augmented. Guortimer the Kings Son perceaving his Father and the King∣dom thus betray'd, from that time bends his utmost endeavour to drive them out. They on the other side making League with the Picts and Scots, and issu∣ing out of Kent, wasted without resistance almost the whole Land eev'n to the Western Sea, with such a horrid devastation, that Towns and Colonies over∣turn'd,

Preists and people slain; Temples, and Pala∣ces, what with fire and Sword lay alltogether heap'd in one mixt ruin. Of all which multitude, so great was the sinfullness that brought this upon them, Gildas adds that few or none were likely to be other then lew'd and wicked persons. The residue of these, part overtak'n in the Mountains were slain; others subdu'd with hunger preferr'd slavery be∣fore instant death; som getting to Rocks, Hills, and Woods inaccessible, preferr'd the fear and danger of any Death before the shame of a secure slavery; ma∣ny fled over Sea into other Countries; some into * 1.41 Holland, where yet remain the ruins of Brittenburgh, an old Castle on the Sea, to be seen at low water not far from Leiden; either built, as Writers of thir own affirm, or seis'd on by those Britans in thir escape from Hengist: Others into Armorica, peopl'd, as som * 1.42 think, with Britans long before; either by guift of Constantine the Great, or else of Maximus to those British Forces which had serv'd them in Forein Wars; to whom those also that miscarried not with the lat∣ter Constantine at Arles; and lastly, these exiles driv'n out by Saxons, fled for refuge. But the an∣tient Chronicles of those Provinces attest thir com∣ing thether to be then first when they fled the Sax∣ons, and indeed the name of Britain in France is not read till after that time. Yet how a sort of fugi∣tives who had quitted without stroke thir own Coun∣try, should so soon win another, appears not; unless joyn'd to som party of thir own settl'd there before. Vortiger nothing better'd by these calamities, grew at * 1.43 last so obdurat as to commit incest with his daughter, tempted or tempting him out of an ambition to the Crown. For which beeing censur'd and condemn'd in a great Synod of Clercs, and Laics, and partly for

fear of the Saxons, according to the Counsel of his Peers he retir'd into Wales, and built him there a strong Castle in Radnorshire by the advice of Ambro∣sius * 1.44 a young prophet, whom others call Merlin. Ne∣vertheless Faustus, who was the Son thus incestuously begott'n under the instructions of German, or some of his Disciples, for German was dead before, prov'd a religious man, and liv'd in devotion by the River Remnis in Clamorganshire. But the Saxons, though * 1.45 finding it so easy to subdue the Ile, with most of thir Forces, uncertain for what cause, return'd home: when as the easiness of thir Conquest might seem ra∣ther likely to have call'd in more. Which makes more probable that which the British write of Guor∣temir. For he coming to Reigne, instead of his Fa∣ther * 1.46 depos'd for incest, is said to have thrice driv'n and beseig'd the Saxons in the Ile of Taneth; and when they issu'd out with powerful supplies sent from Saxony, to have fought with them fowr other Battells, wherof three are nam'd; the first on the River Dar∣went, the second at Episford, wherin Horsa the Bro∣ther of Hengist fell, and on the British part Catigern the other Son of Vortiger. The third in a Feild by Stonar then call'd Lapis tituli in Tanct, where he beat them into thir Ships that bore them home, glad to have so scap'd and not venturing to land again for 5 years after. In the space wherof Guortemir dying, commanded they should bury him in the Port of Stonar; perswaded that his bones lying there would be terror enough to keep the Saxons from ever land∣ing in that place: they, saith Ninnius, neglecting his command, buried him in Lincoln. But concerning these times, antientest annals of the Saxons relate in this manner. [An. Dom. 455] In the year 455. Hengist and Horsa fought against Vortigern,* 1.47 in a place called Eglesthrip,

now Ailsford in Kent; where Horsa lost his life, of * 1.48 whom Horsted, the place of his burial, took name.

After this first Battel and the Death of his Bro∣ther, * 1.49 Hengist with his Son Esca took on him Kingly Title, and peopl'd Kent with Jutes; who also then or not long after possess'd the Ile of Wight, and part of Hamshire lying opposite. [An. Dom. 457] Two years after in a fight at Creganford, or Craford, Hengist and his Son slew of the Britans four Cheif Commanders, and as many thousand men: the rest in great disorder fly∣ing to London, with the total loss of Kent. [An. Dom. 465] And 8 years passing between, he made new Warr on the Britans; of whom in a Battel at Wippeds-fleot, 12 Princes were slain, and Wipped the Saxon Earl, who left his name to that place, though not sufficient to di∣rect us where it now stands. [An. Dom. 473] His last encounter was at a place not mention'd, where he gave them such an overthrow, that flying in great fear they left the spoil of all to thir Enemies. And these perhaps are the 4 Battells, according to Nennius, fought by Guorte∣mir, though by these Writers far differently related; and happ'ning besides many other bickerings, in the space of 20 years, as Malmsbury reck'ns. Never∣theless it plainly appears that the Saxons, by whom∣soever, were put to hard shifts, being all this while fought withall in Kent, thir own allotted dwelling, and somtimes on the very edge of the Sea, which the word Wippeds-fleot seems to intimat. But Guortemir now dead, and none of courage left to defend the Land,* 1.50 Vortigern either by the power of his faction, or by consent of all, reassumes the Government: and Hengist thus rid of his grand opposer, hearing gladly the restorement of his old favourer, returns again with great Forces; but to Vortigern whom he well knew how to handle without warring, as to his Son

in Law, now that the only Author of dissention be∣tween them was remov'd by Death, offers nothing but all terms of new league and amity. The King both for his Wives sake and his own sottishness, con∣sulting also with his Peers not unlike himself, readily yeilds; and the place of parly is agree'd on; to which either side was to repair without Weapons. Hengist, whose meaning was not peace, but treachery, appointed his men to be secretly arm'd, and acquaint∣ed them to what intent. The watch-word was * 1.51 Nemet eour Saxes, that is, Draw your Daggers; which they observing, when the Britans were throughly heated with Wine (for the Treaty it seems was not without Cups) and provok'd, as was plotted, by som affront, dispatch'd with those Poniards every one his next man, to the number of 300. the cheif of those that could do ought against him either in Coun∣sel or in Field. Vortigern they only bound and kept in Custody, untill he granted them for his ransome three Provinces, which were called afterward Essex, Sussex, and Middlesex. Who thus dismist, retiring again to his solitary abode in the Country of Guor∣thigirniaun, so call'd by his name, from thence to the Castle of his own building in North-Wales, by the River Tiebi; and living there obscurely among his Wives, was at length burnt in his Towre by fire from Heav'n at the Praier, as some say, of German, but that * 1.52 coheres not; as others, by Ambrosius Aurelian; of whom as we have heard at first, he stood in great fear, and partly for that cause invited in the Saxons. Who whether by constraint or of thir own accord after much mischeif don, most of them returning back into thir own Country, left a fair opportunity to the Britans of avenging themselves the easier on those that staid behinde. Repenting therefore, and

with earnest supplication imploring divine help to prevent thir final rooting out, they gather from all parts, and under the leading of Ambrosius Aurelianus, a vertuous and modest man, the last heer of Roman stock, advancing now onward against the late Vi∣ctors, defeat them in a memorable Battell. Com∣mon opinion, but grounded cheifly on the British Fables, makes this Ambrosius to be a younger Son of that Constantine, whose eldest, as we heard, was Con∣stance the Monk: who both lost thir lives abroad usurping the Empire. But the express words both of Gildas and Bede, assures us that the Parents of this Ambrosius having heer born regal dignity, were slain in these Pictish Wars and commotions in the Iland. And if the fear of Ambrose induc'd Vorti∣gern to call in the Saxons, it seems Vortigern usurp'd his right. I perceave not that Nennius makes any difference between him and Merlin: for that Child without Father that propheci'd to Vortigern, he names not Merlin but Ambrose, makes him the Son of a Roman Consul; but conceal'd by his mother, as fearing that the King therfore sought his life; yet the youth no sooner had confess'd his parentage, but Vor∣tigern either in reward of his predictions, or as his right, bestow'd upon him all the West of Britain; himself retiring to a solitary life. Whose ever Son he was, he was the first, according to surest Authors, * 1.53 that led against the Saxons, and overthrew them; but whether before this time or after, none have writt'n. This is certain, that in a time when most of the Saxon Forces were departed home, the Bri∣tans gather'd strength; and either against those who were left remaining, or against thir whole powers, the second time returning obtain'd this Victory. Thus Ambrose as cheif Monarch of the Ile succeeded

Vortigern; to whose third Son Pascentius he permitted the rule of two Regions in Wales, Buelth, and Guor∣thigirniaun. In his daies, saith Nennius, the Saxons * 1.54 prevail'd not much: against whom Arthur, as beeing then Cheif General for the British Kings, made great War; but more renown'd in Songs and Romances, then in true stories. And the sequel it self declares as much. [An. Dom. 477] For in the year 477. Ella the Saxon, * 1.55 with his three Sons, Cymen, Pleting, and Cissa, at a place in Suffex call'd Cymenshore, arrive in three Ships, kill many of the Britans, chasing them that remain'd into the Wood Andreds League. [An. Dom. 485] Ano∣ther Battell was fought at Mercreds-Burnamsted,* 1.56 wherin Ella had by far the Victory; but Huntingdon makes it so doubtful, that the Saxons were con∣strain'd to send home for supplies. [An. Dom. 489] Four year after dy'd Hengist the first Saxon King of Kent; noted to have attain'd that dignity by craft, as much as va∣lour, * 1.57 and giving scope to his own cruel nature, rather then proceeding by mildness or civility. His Son * 1.58 Oeric surnam'd Oisc, of whom the Kentish Kings were call'd Oiscings, succeeded him, and sate content with his Fathers winnings; more desirous to settle and de∣fend, then to enlarge his bounds: he reign'd 24 years. By this time Ella and his Son Cissa, beseiging Andred∣chester, [An. Dom. 492] * 1.59 suppos'd now to be Newenden in Kent, take it by force, and all within it put to the Sword.

Thus Ella 3 years after the death of Hengist, be∣gan * 1.60 his Kingdome of the South-Saxons; peopling it with new inhabitants, from the Country which was then old Saxony, at this day Holstein in Denmark, and had besides at his command all those Provinces which the Saxons had won on this side Humber. Ani∣mated with these good successes, as if Britain were become now the field of Fortune, Kerdic another

Saxon Prince, the tenth by Linage from Woden an * 1.61 old and practis'd Souldier, who in many prosperous conflicts against the Enemy in those parts, [An. Dom. 495] had nurs'd up a Spirit too big to live at home with equals, com∣ing to a certain place which from thence took the name of Kerdic-shoar, with 5 Ships, and Kenric his Son, the very same day overthrew the Britans that oppos'd him; and so effectually, that smaller skir∣mishes after that day were sufficient to drive them still furder off, leaving him a large territory. [An. Dom. 501] After him Porta another Saxon with his two Sons Bida and * 1.62 Megla, in two Ships arrive at Portsmouth thence call'd; and at thir landing slew a young British Nobleman, with many others who unadvisedly set upon them. [An. Dom. 508] The Britans to recover what they had lost, draw to∣gether * 1.63 all thir Forces led by Natanleod, or Nazaleod, a certain King in Britain, and the greatest saith one; but him with 5000 of his men Kerdic puts to rout and slaies. From whence the place in Hantshire, as far as Kerdicsford, now Chardford, was call'd of old Nazaleod. Who this King should be, hath bred much question; som think it to be the British name of Am∣brose; * 1.64 others to be the right name of his Brother, who for the terror of his eagerness in fight, became more known by the Sirname of Ʋther, which in the Welch Tongue signifies Dreadful. And if ever such a King in Britain there were as Ʋther Pendragon, for so also the Monmouth Book surnames him, this in all likelyhood must be he. Kerdic by so great a blow giv'n to the Britans had made large room about him; not only for the men he brought with him, but for such also of his friends, as he desir'd to make great; for which cause, and withall the more to strengthen himself, [An. Dom. 514] his two Nefews Stuf, and Withgar,* 1.65 in 3 Vessels bring him new levies to Kerdic shoar. Who

that they might not come sluggishly to possess what others had won for them, either by thir own seeking, or by appointment, are set in place where they could not but at thir first coming give a proof of themselves upon the Enemy: and so well they did it, that the Britans after a hard encounter left them Maisters of the field. And about the same time, Ella the first * 1.66 South-Saxon King dy'd; whom Cissa his youngest succeeded; the other two failing before him.

Nor can it be much more or less then about this * 1.67 time, for it was before the West-Saxon Kingdome, that Ʋffa the 8th. from Woden made himself King of the East-Angles; who by thir name testifie the Country above mention'd; from whence they came * 1.68 in such multitudes, that thir native soil is said to have remain'd in the daies of Beda uninhabited. Hun∣tingdon deferrs the time of thir coming in, to the ninth year of Kerdic's Reigne: for saith he, at first many of them strove for principality, seising every one his Province, and for som while so continu'd ma∣king petty Warrs among themselves; till in the end Ʋffa, of whom those Kings were call'd Ʋffings, over∣top'd them all in the year 571, then Titilus his Son, the Father of Redwald, who became potent.

And not much after the East-Angles, began also the * 1.69 East-Saxons to erect a Kingdom under Sleda the tenth from Woden. But Huntingdon, as before, will have it later by 11 years, and Erchenwin to be the first King.

[An. Dom. 519] Kerdic the same in power, though not so fond of * 1.70 title, forbore the name 24 Years after his arrival; but then founded so firmly the Kingdome of West-Saxons, that it subjected all the rest at length, and be∣came the sole Monarchie of England. The same year he had a Victory against the Britans at Kerdics-Ford * 1.71

Ford, by the River Aven: [An. Dom. 527] and after 8 years, ano∣ther great fight at Kerdics Leage, but which won the day is not by any set down. Hitherto hath bin col∣lected what there is of certainty with circumstance of time and place to be found register'd, and no more then barely register'd in annals of best note; without describing after Huntingdon the manner of those Battels and Encounters, which they who com∣pare, and can judge of Books, may be confident he never found in any current Author whom he had to follow. But this disease hath bin incident to many more Historians: and the age wherof we now write, hath had the ill hap, more then any since the first fa∣bulous times, to be surcharg'd with all the idle fan∣cies of posterity. Yet that we may not rely altoge∣ther on Saxon relaters, Gildas, in Antiquity far be∣fore these, and every way more credible, speaks of these Wars in such a manner, though nothing con∣ceited of the British valour, as declares the Saxons in his time and before to have bin foyl'd not seldom∣er then the Britans. For besides that first Victory of Ambrose, and the interchangeable success long after, he tells that the last overthrow which they receav'd at Badon Hill, was not the least; which they in thir oldest annals mention not at all. And because the time of this Battell, by any who could do more then guess, is not set down, or any foundation giv'n from whence to draw a solid compute, it cannot be much wide to insert it in this place. For such Authors as we have to follow, give the conduct and praise of this exploit to Arthur; and that this was the last of 12 great Battells which he fought victoriously against the Saxons. The several places writt'n by Nennius * 1.72 in thir Welch names, were many hunder'd years ago unknown, and so heer omitted. But who Arthur was,

and whether every any such reign'd in Britain, hath bin doubted heertofore, and may again with good reason. For the Monk of Malmsbury, and others whose credit hath sway'd most with the learneder sort, we may well perceave to have known no more of this Arthur 500 years past, nor of his doeings, then we now living; And what they had to say, transcrib'd out of Nennius, a very trivial writer yet extant, which hath already bin related. Or out of a British Book, the same which he of Monmouth set forth, utterly unknown to the World, till more then 600 years after the dayes of Arthur, of whom (as Sigebert in his Chronicle confesses) all other Histo∣ries were silent, both Foren and Domestic, except only that fabulous Book. Others of later time have sought to assert him by old legends and Cathedrall regests. But he who can accept of Legends for good story, may quickly swell a volume with trash, and had need be furnish'd with two only necessaries, lea∣sure, and beleif, whether it be the writer, or he that shall read. As to Artur, no less is in doubt who was his Father; for if it be true as Nennius or his notist avers, that Artur was call'd Mab-Ʋther, that is to say, a cruel Son, for the fierseness that men saw in him of a Child, and the intent of his name Arturus imports as much, it might well be that som in after ages who sought to turn him into a Fable, wrested the word Ʋther into a proper name, and so fain'd him the Son of Ʋther; since we read not in any certain story, that ever such person liv'd, till Geffry of Monmouth set him off with the sirname of Pendragon. And as we doubted of his parentage, so may we also of his puissance; for whether that Victory at Badon Hill were his or no, is uncertain; Gildas not naming him, as he did Ambrose in the former. Next, if it be true

as Caradoc relates,* 1.73 that Melvas King of that Coun∣try which is now Summerset, kept from him Gueni∣ver his Wife a whole year in the Town of Glaston, and restor'd her at the entreaty of Gildas, rather then for any enforcement, that Artur with all his Chivalry could make against a small Town defen∣ded only by a moory situation; had either his know∣ledge in War, or the force he had to make, bin ans∣werable to the fame they bear, that petty King had neither dar'd such an affront, nor he bin so long, and at last without effect, in revenging it. Consi∣dering lastly how the Saxons gain'd upon him every where all the time of his suppos'd reign, which be∣gan, as som write, in the tenth year of Kerdic, who * 1.74 wrung from him by long Warr the Countries of Summerset, and Hamshire; there will remain neither place nor circumstance in story, [An. Dom. 529] which may admini∣ster any likelyhood of those great Acts that are as∣crib'd * 1.75 him. This only is alleg'd by Nennius in Ar∣turs behalf, that the Saxons, though vanquish't never so oft, grew still more numerous upon him by conti∣nual supplies out of Germany. And the truth is, that valour may be over-toil'd, and overcom at last with endless overcoming. But as for this Battell of Mount Badon where the Saxons were hemm'd in, or beseig'd, whether by Artur won, or whensoever, it seems indeed to have giv'n a most undoubted and important blow to the Saxons, and to have stop'd thir proceedings for a good while after. Gildas himself witnessing that the Britans having thus compel'd them to sit down with peace, fell thereupon to civil discord among themselves. Which words may seem to let in som light toward the searching out when this Battell was fought. And we shall find no time since the first Saxon War, from whence a longer peace en∣su'd,

then from the fight at Kerdics Leage in the year 527. which all the Chronicles mention, without Victory to Kerdic; and give us argument from the custome they have of magnifying thir own deeds upon all occasions, to presume heer his ill speeding. And if we look still onward, eev'n to the 44th year after, wherin Gildas wrote, if his obscureutterance be understood, we shall meet with very little War between the Britans and Saxons. This only re∣mains * 1.76 difficult, that the Victory first won by Ambrose, was not so long before this at Badon Seige, but that the same men living might be eye-witnesses of both; and by this rate hardly can the latter be thought won by Artur, unless we reck'n him a grown youth at least in the daies of Ambrose, and much more then a youth, if Malmsbury be heard, who affirms all the exploits of Ambrose, to have bin don cheifly by Artur as his General, which will add much unbeleif to the com∣mon assertion of his reigning after Ambrose and Ʋther, especially the fight at Badon, being the last of his twelve Battels. But to prove by that which fol∣lows, that the fight at Kerdics Leage, though it differ in name from that of Badon, may be thought the same by all effects; Kerdic 3 years after, [An. Dom. 530] not pro∣ceeding * 1.77 onward, as his manner was, on the continent, turns back his Forces on the Ile of Wight; which with the slaying of a few only in Withgarburgh, he soon maisters; and not long surviving, left it to his Nefews by the Mothers side, Stuff and Withgar; [An. Dom. 534] the rest of what he had subdu'd, Kenric his Son held; [An. Dom. 544] and reign'd 26 years, in whose tenth year Withgar was buried in the Town of that Iland which bore his name. Notwithstanding all these unlikelyhoods of Artur's Reign and great acheivments, in a narrati∣on crept in I know not how among the Laws of

Edward the Confessor, Artur the famous King of Bri∣tans, is said not only to have expell'd hence the Sa∣racens, who were not then known in Europe, but to have conquer'd Freesland, and all the North East Iles as far as Russia, to have made Lapland the Eastern bound of his Empire, and Norway the Chamber of Britain. When should this be done? from the Sax∣ons, till after twelve Battells, he had no rest at home; after those, the Britans contented with the quiet they had from thir Saxon Enemies, were so far from seek∣ing Conquests abroad, that, by report of Gildas above cited, they fell to civil Wars at home. Sure∣ly Artur much better had made War in old Saxony, to repress thir flowing hither, then to have won Kingdoms as far as Russia, scarce able heer to defend his own. Buchanan our Neighbour Historian re∣prehends him of Monmouth and others for fabling in the deeds of Arms, yet what he writes thereof him∣self, as of better credit, shews not whence he had but from those Fables; which he seems content to be∣lieve in part, on condition that the Scots and Picts may be thought to have assisted Arthur in all his Wars, and atchievments; whereof appears as little grownd by any credible story, as of that which he most counts Fabulous. But not furder to contest about such uncertainties.

[An. Dom. 547] In the year 547. Ida the Saxon, sprung also from Woden in the tenth degree,* 1.78 began the Kingdome of Bernicia in Northumberland; built the Town Beb∣banburg, which was after wall'd; and had 12 Sons, half by Wives, and half by Concubines. Hengist by leave of Vortigern, we may remember, had sent Octa and Ebissa to seek them seats in the North, and there by warring on the Picts, to secure the Southern parts. Which they so prudently effected, that what

by force and fair proceeding, they well quioted those Countries; and though so far distant from Kent, nor without power in thir hands, yet kept themselves nigh 180 years within moderation; and as infe∣riour Governors, they and their off-spring gave obe∣dience to the Kings of Kent, as to the elder Family. Till at length following the example of that Age; when no less then Kingdoms were the prize of every fortunat Commander, they thought it but reason, as well as others of thir Nation, to assume Royalty. Of whom Ida was the first, a man in the prime of his * 1.79 years, and of Parentage as we heard; but how he came to wear the Crown, aspiring or by free choise, is not said. Certain enough it is, that his vertues, made him not less noble then his birth, in War un∣daunted, and unfoil'd; in peace tempring the aw of Magistracy, with a naturall mildness he raign'd about 12 years. [An. Dom. 552] In the mean while Kenric in a fight at Searesbirig,* 1.80 now Salsbury, kil'd and put to flight many of the Britans; [An. Dom. 556] and the fourth year after at Beranvirig, now Banbury,* 1.81 as some think, with Keaulin his son put them again to flight. Keaulin shortly after succeeded his father in the West-Saxons. And Alla descended also of Woden, [An. Dom. 560] but by another * 1.82 line, set up a second Kingdom in Deira the South part of Northumberland, and held it 30 years; while Adda the son of Ida, and five more after him reign'd without other memory in Bernicia: and in Kent, Ethelbert the next year began. [An. Dom. 561] For Esca the son of Hengist had left Otha, and he Emeric to rule after him; both which without adding to their bounds, kept what they had in peace 53 years. But Ethelbert in length of reign equal'd both his progenitors, and as Beda counts, 3 years exceeded.* 1.83 Young at his first entrance, and unexperienc'd, he was the first raiser of

civill War among the Saxons; claiming from the priority of time wherin Hengist took possession here, a kind of right over the later Kingdomes; and thereupon was troublesome to thir Confines: but by them twise defeated, he who but now thought to seem dreadfull, became almost contemptible.* 1.84 For Keaulin and Cutha his Son, [An. Dom. 568] persuing him into his own Territory, slew there in Battel, at Wibbandun 2 of his Earls, Oslac, and Cnebban. By this means the Bri∣tans, but cheifly by this Victory at Badon, for the space of 44 years ending in 571, receav'd no great annoyance from the Saxons: but the peace they en∣joy'd, by ill using it, prov'd more destructive to them then War. For being rais'd on a sudden by two such eminent successes, from the lowest condition of thraldome, they whose Eyes had beheld both those deliverances, that by Ambrose, and this at Badon, were taught by the experience of either Fortune, both Kings, Magistrates, Priests, and privat men, to live orderly.* 1.85 But when the next Age, unacquainted with past Evils, and only sensible of thir present ease and quiet, succeeded, strait follow'd the appa∣rent subversion of all truth, and justice, in the minds of most men: scarse the lest footstep, or impression of goodness left remaining through all ranks and de∣grees in the Land; except in some so very few, as to be hardly visible in a general corruption: which grew in short space not only manifest, but odious to all the Neighbour Nations. And first thir Kings, among whom also, the Sons or Grand-Children of Ambrose, were fouly degenerated to all Tyranny and vitious life. Wherof to hear som particulars out of Gildas will not be impertinent. They avenge, saith he, and they protect; not the innocent, but the guilty: they swear oft, but perjure; they wage War,

but civil and unjust War. They punish rigorously them that rob by the high way; but those grand Robbers that sit with them at Table, they honour and reward. They give alms largly, but in the face of thir Alms-deeds, pile up wickedness to a far higher heap. They sit in the seat of Judgment, but goe seldome by the rule of right; neglecting and proud∣ly overlooking the modest and harmless; but coun∣tenancing the audacious, though guilty of abomina∣blest crimes; they stuff thir Prisons, but with men committed rather by circumvention, then any just cause. Nothing better were the Clergy, but at the same pass or rather worse, then when the Saxons came first in; Unlerned, Unapprehensive, yet im∣pudent; suttle Prowlers, Pastors in Name, but in∣deed Wolves; intent upon all occasions, not to feed the Flock, but to pamper and well line themselves: not call'd, but seising on the Ministry as a Trade, not as a Spiritual Charge: teaching the people, not by sound Doctrin, but by evil Example: usurping the Chair of Peter, but through the blindness of thir own worldly lusts, they stumble upon the Seat of Judas: deadly haters of truth, broachers of lies: looking on the poor Christian with Eyes of Pride and Contempt; but fawning on the wickedest rich men without shame: great promoters of other mens Alms with thir set exhortations; but themselves con∣tributing ever least; slightly touching the many vi∣ces of the Age, but preaching without end thir own greivances, as don to Christ; seeking after prefer∣ments and degrees in the Church more then after Heav'n; and so gain'd, make it thir whole study how to keep them by any Tyranny. Yet lest they should be thought things of no use in thir eminent places, they have thir niceties and trivial points to

keep in aw the superstitious multitude; but in true saving knowledge leave them still as gross and stupid as themselves; bunglers at the Scripture, nay forbidding and silencing them that know; but in worldly matters, practis'd and cunning Shifters; in that only art and symony, great Clercs and Maisters, bearing thir heads high, but thir thoughts abject and low. He taxes them also as gluttonous, incontinent, and daily Drunkards. And what shouldst thou ex∣pect from these, poor Laity, so he goes on, these beasts, all belly? shall these amend thee, who are themselves laborious in evil doings? shalt thou see with their Eyes, who see right forward nothing but gain? Leave them rather, as bids our Saviour, lest ye fall both blind-fold into the same perdition. Are all thus? Perhaps not all, or not so grosly. But what avail'd it Eli to be himself blameless, while he con∣niv'd at others that were abominable? who of them hath bin envi'd for his better life? who of them hath hated to consort with these, or withstood thir entring the Ministry, or endeavour'd zealously thir casting out? Yet som of these perhaps by others are legen∣ded for great Saints. This was the state of Gover∣ment, this of Religion among the Britans, in that long calm of peace, which the fight at Badon Hill had brought forth. Wherby it came to pass, that so fair a Victory came to nothing. Towns and Citties were not reinhabited, but lay ruin'd and wast; nor was it long ere domestic War breaking out, wasted them more. For Britain, as at other times, had then also several Kings.* 1.86 Five of whom Gildas living then in Armorica, at a safe distance, boldly reproves by name; First Constantine (fabl'd the Son of Cador, Duke of Cornwall, Arturs half Brother by the Mo∣thers side) who then reign'd in Cornwall and Devon, a

Tyrannical and bloody King, polluted also with ma∣ny Adulteries: he got into his power, two young Princes of the Blood Royal, uncertain whether be∣fore him in right, or otherwise suspected: and after solemn Oath giv'n of thir safety the year that Gildas wrote, slew them with thir two Governours in the Church, and in thir Mothers Arms, through the Ab∣bots Coap, which he had thrown over them, think∣ing by the revernce of his vesture to have withheld the murderer. These are commonly suppos'd to be the Sons of Mordred, Arturs Nefew, said to have re∣volted from his Uncle, giv'n him in a Battel his Deaths wound, and by him after to have bin slain. Which things were they true, would much diminish the blame of cruelty in Constantine, revenging Artur on the Sons of so false a Mordred. In another part, but not express'd where, Aurelius Conanus was King: him he charges also with Adulteries, and Parricide; cruelties worse then the former; to be a hater of his Countries Peace, thirsting after civil War and Prey. His condition it seems was not very prosperous; for Gildas wishes him, being now left alone, like a Tree withering in the midst of a barren field, to remem∣ber the vanity, and arrogance of his Father, and elder Brethren, who came all to untimely Death in thir youth. The third reigning in Demetia, or South Wales, was Vortipor, the Son of a good Father; he was when Gildas wrote, grown old, not in years only, but in Adulteries, and in governing full of falshood, and cruel Actions. In his latter dales, putting away his Wife, who dy'd in divorce, he became, if we mistake not Gildas, incestuous with his Daughter. The fourth was Cuneglas, imbru'd in civil War; he also had divorc'd his Wife, and tak'n her Sister, who had vow'd Widdowhood: he was a great Enemy to

the Clergy, high-minded, and trusting to his wealth. The last, but greatest of all in power, was Maglocune, and greatest also in wickedness; he had driv'n out or slain many other Kings, or Tyrants; and was cal∣led the Island Dragon, perhaps having his seat in Anglesey; a profuse giver, a great Warrior, and of a goodly stature. While he was yet young, he over-threw his Uncle, though in the head of a compleat Army, and took from him the Kingdom: then touch't with remorse of his doings, not without de∣liberation took upon him the profession of a Monk; but soon forsook his vow, and his wife also, which for that vow he had left, making love to the wife of his Brothers Son then living. Who not refusing the offer, if she were not rather the first that entic'd, found means both to dispatch her own Husband, and the former wife of Maglocune, to make her marriage with him the more unquestionable. Neither did he this for want of better instructions, having had the learnedest and wisest man reputed of all Britain, the instituter of his youth. Thus much, the utmost that can be learnt by truer story, of what past among the Britans from the time of their useless Victory at Ba∣don, to the time that Gildas wrote, that is to say, as may be guess't, from 527 to 571, is here set down altogether; not to be reduc't under any certainty of years. But now the Saxons, who for the most part all this while had bin still, unless among them∣selves, began afresh to assault them, and ere long to drive them out of all which they yet maintain'd on this side Wales. [An. Dom. 571] For Cuthulf the Brother of Reaulin, by a Victory obtain'd at Bedanford, now Bedford,* 1.87 took from them 4 good Towns, Liganburgh, Eglesburh, Besington, now Benson in Oxfordshire, and Ignesham; but outliv'd not many months his good success. And

after 6 years more, Keaulin, and Cuthwin his Son, [An. Dom. 577] gave them a great overthrow at Deorrham in Gloster∣shire, slew three of thir Kings, Comail, Condidan, and Farinmaile, and took three of thir Cheif Citties; Glocester, Cirencester, and Badencester. [An. Dom. 584] The Britans notwithstanding, after some space of time, judging to have out-grown thir losses, gather to a head, and en∣counter Keaulin with Cutha his Son, at Fethanleage; whom valiantly fighting, they slew among the thick∣est, and as is said, forc'd the Saxons to retire.* 1.88 But Keaulin reinforcing the fight, put them to a main rout, and following his advantage, took many Towns, and return'd lad'n with rich booty.

The last of those Saxons who rais'd thir own acheivments to a Monarchy,* 1.89 was Crida, much about this time, first founder of the Mercian Kingdom, drawing also his Pedigree from Woden. Of whom * 1.90 all to write the several Genealogies, though it might be done without long search, were, in my opinion, to encumber the story with a sort of barbarous names, to little purpose. This may suffice, that of Wodens 3 Sons, from the Eldest issu'd Hengist, and his suc∣cession; from the second, the Kings of Mercia; from * 1.91 the third, all that reign'd in West-Saxon, and most of the Northumbers, of whom Alla was one, the first King of Deira; which, after his death, the race of Ida seis'd, and made it one Kingdom, with Berni∣cia, * 1.92 usurping on the Childhood of Edwin, Alla's Son. Whom Ethelric the Son of Ida expel'd. [An. Dom. 559] Notwith∣standing others write of him; that from a poor life, and beyond hope in his old Age, coming to the Crown, he could hardly by the access of a Kingdom, have overcome his former obscurity, had not the fame of his Son preserv'd him. [An. Dom. 588] Once more the Bri∣tans,

ere they quitted all on this side the Mountains, forgot not to shew some manhood; for meeting * 1.93 Keaulin at Wodens Beorth, [An. Dom. 592] that is to say, Wodens * 1.94 Mount in Wiltshire, whether it were by thir own Forces, or assisted by the Angles, whose hatred Keaulin had incurr'd, they ruin'd his whole Army, * 1.95 and chas'd him out of his Kingdom, from whence flying, he dy'd the next year in poverty; Who a little before, was the most potent and indeed sole King of all the Saxons on this side Humber. But who was cheif among the Britans in this exploit, had bin worth remembring, whether it were Ma∣glocune, of whose prowess hath bin spok'n, or Tendric King of Glamorgan, whom the regest of Landaff re∣counts to have bin alwaies victorious in fight; to have reign'd about this time, and at length to have exchang'd his Crown for a Hermitage; till in the aid of his Son Mouric, whom the Saxons had re∣duc'd to extremes, taking armes again, he defeated them at Tinterne by the River Wye; but himself receav'd a mortal wound. The same year with Keaulin, whom Keola the Son of Cuthulf, Keaulins Brother succeeded, [An. Dom. 593] Crida also the Mercian King de∣ceas'd, in whose room Wibba succeeded; and in Northumberland, Ethelfrid, in the room of Ethelric; reigning 24 years. Thus omitting Fables, we have the veiw of what with reason can be rely'd on for truth, don in Britain, since the Romans forsook it. Wherin we have heard the many miseries and deso∣lations, brought by divine hand on a perverse Na∣tion; driv'n, when nothing else would reform them, out of a fair Country, into a Mountanous and Barren Corner, by Strangers and Pagans. So much more tolerable in the Eye of Heav'n is In∣fidelity

profess't, then Christian Faith and Reli∣gion dishonoured by unchristian works. Yet they also at length renounc'd thir Heathenism; which how it came to pass, will be the matter next related.

The End of the Third Book.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Gild. Bede. Malins.
• * 1.2

  Zozim. L. 6.
• * 1.3

  Ethelwerd. annal. Sax.
• * 1.4

  Gildas.
• * 1.5

  Diaconus. L. 14.
• * 1.6

  Bede. L. 1. c. 2.
• * 1.7

  Gildas.
• * 1.8

  Bede ibid.
• * 1.9

  Gildas.
• * 1.10

  Blond.
• * 1.11

  Sabellic.
• * 1.12

  Buch. L. 5.
• * 1.13

  Gildas. Bede.
• * 1.14

  Bede. Constantius.
• * 1.15

  Prosp. Aquit.
• * 1.16

  Math. West. ad ann. 446.
• * 1.17

  Constant. vit. German.
• * 1.18

  Ʋsser. Pri∣mord p. 333.
• * 1.19

  Prosp. Aquit.
• * 1.20

  Ethelwerd. Florent. Gild. Bede.
• * 1.21

  Malmsbury L. 1. c. 1. p. 8.
• * 1.22

  Gildas.
• * 1.23

  Constant. Bede.
• * 1.24

  Sigon. Gildas.
• * 1.25

  Malms. L. 1.
• * 1.26

  Notitiae im∣perii.
• * 1.27

  Florent. Wigorn. ad an. 370.
• * 1.28

  Ethelwerd.
• * 1.29

  Ethelwerd. Malmsb. Witichind. gest. Sax. L. 1. p. 3.
• * 1.30

  Malms.
• * 1.31

  Witichind.
• * 1.32

  Gildas.
• * 1.33

  Bede.
• * 1.34

  Nennius. Malms.
• * 1.35

  Malmsb.
• * 1.36

  Henry Hun∣tingd.
• * 1.37

  Ethelwerd.
• * 1.38

  Bed. Nin.
• * 1.39

  Nenn.
• * 1.40

  Gildas. Bed. Ninn.
• * 1.41

  Primord. pag. 418.
• * 1.42

  Malms. L. 1. c. 1.
• * 1.43

  Ninn. Malmsb.
• * 1.44

  Ninn.
• * 1.45

  Gildas.
• * 1.46

  Ninn.
• * 1.47

  Bede. Ethelwerd.
• * 1.48

  Florent. Annal. Sax.
• * 1.49

  The King∣dome of Kent.
• * 1.50

  Nennius.
• * 1.51

  Malms.
• * 1.52

  Nin. ex le∣gend St. Ger. Galfrid. Monmouth.
• * 1.53

  Gildas. Bed.
• * 1.54

  Ninn.
• * 1.55

  Sax. an. Ethelw. Florent.
• * 1.56

  Florent. Huntingd.
• * 1.57

  Malms.
• * 1.58

  Bed. L. 2. c. 5.
• * 1.59

  Camden.
• * 1.60

  The King∣dome of South-Sax∣ons. Bed. L. 1. c. 15. & L. 2. c. 5.
• * 1.61

  Sax. an. omn.
• * 1.62

  Sax. an. omn. Huntingd.
• * 1.63

  Annal. omn. Huntingd. Camden.
• * 1.64

  Camd. Ʋss. primord.
• * 1.65

  An. omn.
• * 1.66

  Huntingdon.
• * 1.67

  The King∣dom of East-Angles.
• * 1.68

  Malms. L. 1. c. 5. Bed. L. 1. c. 15. Huntingd. L. 2. p. 313. 315. Bede L. 2. c. 15. Malms. L. 1. c. 6.
• * 1.69

  The King∣dom of East-Saxons.
• * 1.70

  The King∣dom of West-Sax∣ons.
• * 1.71

  Sax. an. omn.
• * 1.72

  Ninn.
• * 1.73

  Caradoc. Llancarvon. vit. Gild.
• * 1.74

  Malms. An∣tiquit. Gla∣ston.
• * 1.75

  Primord. p. 468. Polychronic. L. 5. c. 6.
• * 1.76

  Gildas.
• * 1.77

  Sax. an. omn.
• * 1.78

  The King∣dome of Northum∣berland. Annal omn. Bed. Epit. Malmsb.
• * 1.79

  Malmsb.
• * 1.80

  Annal omn.
• * 1.81

  Camden.
• * 1.82

  Annal. Florent.
• * 1.83

  Malms.
• * 1.84

  An. omn.
• * 1.85

  Gildas.
• * 1.86

  Primord. p. 444.
• * 1.87

  Camden. Annal omn.
• * 1.88

  Huntingd.
• * 1.89

  The King∣dome of Mercia.
• * 1.90

  Huntingd. Mat. Westm.
• * 1.91

  Malmsb. L. 1. c. 3.
• * 1.92

  Florent. ad ann.
• * 1.93

  Annal. omn.
• * 1.94

  Florent.
• * 1.95

  Bed. l. 2. c. 3. Malms. Florent. Sax. an.